^MS 
 
 ,-.*/', !4 111. f 
 
 
 
 
 CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
Date Due 
 
 
 Cornell University Library 
 BX5199.F94 G96 1905 
 
 Hurrell Froude: memoranda and comments, 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 029 449 943 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029449943 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 
 
HURRELL FROUiJK AS A CHILD 
 From an iinjliiishcd portrait l<y Williaiii Brockedoii, A.R.A. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 MEMORANDA AND COMMENTS 
 
 BY 
 
 LOUISE IMOGEN GUINEY 
 
 
 WITH SEVEN ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 E. P. BUTTON & CO. 
 
 1905 
 
 E-H. 
 
 /v~- 
 
/\l6i^ij 
 
CARI 
 
 COMMILITIS 
 
 ACTA 
 
 HONORI 
 
 ET NOMINI 
 
 J-H-N- 
 
 IN PACE 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PART I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface ......... xi 
 
 Some Memoranda of his Life and of his Ideals . . i 
 
 PART II 
 
 SOJME REPRINTED COMMENTS ON HIM AND ON HIS RELATION TO 
 
 THE Oxford Movement. . . . . .231 
 
 Index ......... 4x1 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 HURRELL FrOUDE AS A CHILD 
 
 From a Photograph by F. Hollyer 
 
 PAGE 
 
 . Frontispiece 
 
 Fac-simile Signature from a Letter of Hurrell Froude 
 TO HIS Friend George Dudley Ryder, Esq. (after- 
 wards Rev.), 1832 . 
 
 Dartington Parsonage 
 
 CoMMON-RooM Group 
 
 Fac-simile Letter 
 
 Oriel College 
 
 From u Photograph by H, 
 
 W. Taant and Co. 
 
 Dartington Old Church, and Hurrell Froude's Burial- 
 place ........ 
 
 XXll 
 
 S 
 
 75 
 160 
 
 175 
 
PREFACE 
 
 THE epistolary matter in the first section of this volume 
 is drawn from material already in print : chiefly from 
 Part I. of The Remains of the Reverend Richard Hurrell 
 Froude, M.A., Fellow of Oriel, published by the Rivingtons in 
 1838, and, incidentally, from John Henry Newman: Letters 
 and Correspondence to 1845, published by the Longmans in 
 1890: from one notable work, that is to say, which is wholly 
 forgotten, and from another yet recent, of great and unique 
 interest, which has not yet won its full public appreciation. 
 For the unrestricted use of the desired extracts from these 
 books, the Editor's grateful thanks are due equally to the 
 representatives of the elder branch of the Froude family, and 
 to Cardinal Newman's literary executor. 
 
 The liberal selection from Hurrell Froude's Letters which 
 appeared in the Remains is invalidated, to modern curiosity, 
 by manifold suppressions and omissions necessary for private 
 reasons then in force. Some clue, however, is to be found, 
 if it be looked for, towards the identification of those to whom 
 his correspondence was addressed. The Editors of the Remains 
 silently adopted, for the Letters, the same system of differentia- 
 tion as they had already employed, two years before, in regard 
 to the authorship of the collected poems in Lyra Apostolica : 
 that is to say, in both books 7 stands for Keble, S for Newman, 
 € for Robert Wilberforce, and t, for Isaac Williams. As 
 Hurrell Froude's own contributions to the Lyra had appeared 
 over the signature /S, it was easy to surmise that Beta in the 
 Remains might refer to his brothers or sisters, and Alpha, by 
 a sort of primacy, to his father : as is certainly the case. But 
 it was more difficult, for instance, to identify 77 as Mr. Frederic 
 Rogers, or Q as the Rev. John Frederick Christie : for to these 
 
xii PREFACE 
 
 there was no key but that of internal evidence of an elusive 
 sort. The Greek alphabet, in the Remains, served only as a 
 heading to marshal the recipients of the Letters written by 
 Froude; proper names figuring in the course of the Letters 
 were almost in every instance replaced by a blank. The veri- 
 fication of these names will perhaps be accepted, though not 
 all are based on a manuscript reading ; ^ and of course no 
 blank has been filled experimentally without due indication 
 of that process. Nor has effort been made, at any point, to 
 fill out sentences, or gaps of any kind, save those caused by 
 the suppression of proper names. This line of procedure, and, 
 indeed, the entire scheme of the rifacciamento, stands subject 
 first and last to the circumstance that the Editor has had no 
 access to the great mass of dated and classified manuscript 
 correspondence now at Edgbaston. As it was impossible to 
 collate the Froude-Newman Letters with the originals, there 
 appeared something supererogatory in reprinting any of the 
 others in their complete form, or including unpublished addenda 
 most kindly placed at the Editor's disposal, when an excep- 
 tion had to be ruled in regard to the most interesting and 
 most important material of all. Unfortunately, moreover, 
 Froude's letters to his father, the Archdeacon, to Robert 
 Wilberforce and to Isaac Williams, have perished ; and those 
 to Mr. Keble, if existent, had not been recovered by his grand- 
 nephew, the Rev. George C. Keble, at the time when this 
 volume went to press. A few letters have been pieced together 
 by comparison of passages, as they stand in the Remains, and 
 in the Newman Correspondence, issued a half-century later. 
 Examination of the fac-simile page of the amusing letter from 
 Barbados, written on December 26, 1834, and of its counter- 
 part in the text here given, copied from that of the Remains, 
 will show that some de-editing might be called for, under the 
 right conditions, in the matter of Hurrell Froude's edited 
 correspondence. It will be seen, on the whole, that neither 
 close study nor long acquaintance with the subject could keep 
 
 ' The present Editor once hit upon a copy of the Remains in a bookstall, which 
 had many of these names filled out in pencil ; several of them, not all, proved to be 
 accurate, and have been incorporated without acknowledgment to a nameless and 
 deceased annotator. 
 
PREFACE xiii 
 
 the reprinting, as it pressed forward, from degenerating into 
 more or less of a game of guesswork. Yet exclusions and 
 limitations may cast a befitting half-light upon used literature 
 of long ago, which was in itself elliptical, and tends to create 
 new ellipses, inasmuch as its purpose now is to throw stress less 
 on historic or theological issues than on human character. 
 Many given data, or few, yield pretty much the same residuum 
 when the personality which reigns over them is as rich and 
 strong as Hurrell Froude's. Says one of the most penetrating 
 of modern writers : 
 
 ' The art of biography has accustomed those who read 
 to expect ... as the word implies, the portrayal of a life, of a 
 process : the record of the growth and unfolding of a soul and 
 character. This it is which interests the subjective temper of 
 our days. . . . Our mind has learnt that its choicest food need 
 not be sought from afar, but lies scattered with the wild flowers 
 by the wayside, and that nothing is so extraordinary as the 
 ordinary. Thus we have come to care less for a full inventory 
 of the events which make up a man's life, or for the striking 
 nature of those events in themselves, than for such a judicious 
 selection and setting of them as shall best bring out and 
 explain that individuality which is our main interest. We 
 care less for what a man does and more for what he is ; and 
 it is mainly as a key to what he is that we study the circum- 
 stances which act upon him, and the conduct by which he 
 reacts upon them.' ^ A selection and setting to explain indi- 
 viduality : such is the aim, such (it is , to be feared) is only 
 very partially the achievement, of this book. 
 
 Concerning its second section a few remarks may be called 
 for. That section actually had, from the first, in the Editor's 
 intention, the right of way. It is quite independent, not called 
 into auxiliary play as a mere illustrative collection of pieces 
 justificatives. Many of these essays and reviews have authority; 
 a few have great literary beauty; the Editor's work, which 
 could not vie with them, has borrowed almost nothing from 
 them, and thus preserved two integrities. Although limits of 
 space forbade the reproduction of any one chapter of appre- 
 
 '■ ' What is Mysticism ? ' in The Faith of the Millions. First Series. By George 
 Tyrrell, S.J. Longmans, 1901, pp. 254-255. 
 
xiv PREFACE 
 
 ciable length quite in its entirety, yet there existed no reason, 
 but only the whim of artistic choice, for the inclusion or ex- 
 clusion of one part of any paper at the cost of another part. 
 The process of nnaking excerpts, at best, has something of 
 disagreeableness and of danger. Where that process cannot 
 be avoided, it is well, at least, if its lever be not a preconceived 
 theory. An Editor not of Froude's own religious communion 
 should scruple all the more to interfere in any wise with the 
 witnesses. Such lines or pages as are here scored out are not 
 inaccessible in their original forms. It will be seen that 
 they are not deleted to favour any special plea, but are either 
 somewhat irrelevant to the subject in hand, or a repetition of 
 facts and impressions more succinctly stated in other accom- 
 panying papers. Where aught of moment is involved, the 
 fullest and clearest expression of it is in every case allowed 
 to carry the field : e.g., Dean Church's apologetics concerning 
 Froude's so-called ' Romanising ' will be found more satisfactory 
 to the uneasy than the paler defence in the first Preface to the 
 Remains. A broad selective principle has ruled the Editor 
 also in minor matters : e.g., a poem of Froude's own, imbedded 
 in the text of an early review by Lord Blachford, or a poem of 
 his great friend's imbedded in an analysis by Mr. R. H. Hutton, 
 are, though coveted, left where they are, and are not transferred 
 to the main narrative sketch. A slight overlapping, as it were, 
 is inevitable : what is super-serviceable sometimes serves more 
 than one pen. Nothing written in English about Hurrell 
 Froude which has colour and individuality, has been altogether 
 passed by, though the present scheme is not in the least biblio- 
 graphical. On the whole, there is set forth a richly varied 
 testimony : comment buttressed on comment, sometimes, and 
 contradiction against contradiction. Everything about the 
 man calls for criticism, and gets it : his private examen of 
 conscience, his verses, his letters, his traditional sayings, his 
 ecclesiastical theory and religious practice ; everything, in fact, 
 except his dreaded arguments. These are conspicuously let 
 alone by those who disapprove of them. They lurk, however, 
 beyond the borders of parley, and they constitute the aggres- 
 siveness of one, who but for insistence on them, and whatever 
 they imply, was essentially courteous and gentle. By his com- 
 
PREFACE XV 
 
 mentators he is incessantly quoted : the ' party of the second 
 part,' whoever may be writing, successfully holds the stage. 
 It is always instructive to watch reflections of so simple and 
 boyish, yet powerful a personality, on the complex surface of 
 literary interpretation. We count Hurrell Froude's a long- 
 forgotten name; yet, during the sixty-eight years since he 
 died, more serious students than would seem at first thought 
 likely, have felt for this fighting recluse true attraction, or the 
 equally legitimate attraction of repulsion ; and their number 
 bids fair to increase. 
 
 'Even as a broken mirror, which the glass 
 In every fragment multiplies, and makes 
 A thousand images of one that was, 
 The same ; and still the more, the more it breaks.' 
 
 The apprehension of all he was, if not the whole truth about 
 him, should be, in this synod of philosophical friends and 
 deeply interested foes, no difficult thing to win and hold. 
 
 It may not be usual to treat a man of genius like an un- 
 glossed manuscript, and to set him forth impartially with all his 
 variants. As dear Izaak says in his innocent-seeming irony, 
 this is, perhaps, to impale him ' as if you loved him.' But 
 a free hearing is good law and good art; diverging guesses, 
 contrasted points of view, exercised by the competent, have 
 their uses, especially in England ; and some natures and 
 motives bear analysis gallantly well. The reason, at bottom, 
 for so catholic a treatment of Hurrell Froude, is that Hurrell 
 Froude, with his singular detachment and sound humour, 
 would not have disclaimed it : that is, if he had come to 
 know that posterity would fain hear of him again. And 
 there is but one conclusion to be drawn from the spirited 
 discussions about him. As M. Henri Malo was pleased to 
 write, not so long ago, of his historic hero : ' En somme, 
 quelle que soit I'opinion que I'on ait sur son compte, dest une 
 figure ! ' ^ 
 
 The sole purpose of this unconventional yet homogeneous 
 volume is to show Froude, the mind and the man, in his infer- 
 
 ' Un Grand Feudataire, Renaud de Dammartin de la Coalition de Bouvines. Pat 
 H. Malo. Paris : Champion, 1898. 
 
 b 
 
xvi PREFACE 
 
 ential completeness, and without primary reference to that 
 application of his best-cherished principles which meant so 
 much then, and which means so much now. Without primary 
 reference, we say: yet to part him by one hair's breadth 
 from the Oxford Movement, who would, and who could ? A 
 book which aims at being not a disquisition, not even a 
 biography, but simply a convenient rearrangement of obvious 
 data for the study of a temperament, may plead its own 
 voluntary poverty as a general extenuation. In the matter 
 not of exegesis but of mere quantity, no reader will complain 
 of too little ! 
 
 The chronology of many of the footnotes has been 
 compiled from the Alumni Oxonienses, the Registrum 
 Orielense, and the ^Dictionary of National Biography. In a 
 book of this nature, appealing chiefly to those who know 
 by heart the golden commonplaces of the educated world, 
 it has not been thought pertinent to ' overset ' or verify the 
 classical quotations. 
 
 Something may be added concerning the illustrations, 
 William Brockedon, before he was famous, once started to 
 paint a life-size head in oil of Hurrell, then aged about eleven. 
 It was left unfinished, and is now in the possession of the 
 young sitter's namesake and nephew, R. H. Froude, Esq., of 
 Bernstein, Newton Abbot, by whose kindness a half-tone 
 ' restoration ' of it serves as frontispiece to this book. Out- 
 side a casual pencil sketch, it is the only portrait at present 
 known of Hurrell Froude; nor has it ever before been re- 
 produced, save once as a small scratchy characterless detail of 
 a Keble College panorama. The painting was unfortun- 
 ately abandoned while in its half-chaotic condition : eyebrows 
 and ears are but barely indicated ; the entire background, the 
 collar, a portion of the hair growing so wilfully on the large 
 shapely head, remarkable then and always for its even con- 
 vexity, are a mere disordered wash ; and it was difficult to 
 follow, and to fix by process after process, a vision of the 
 beautiful boy, with his melancholy and his racial fire. No 
 idealisation, as need hardly be said, has been attempted. 
 Patience and sincerity, brought to a rather discouraging task, 
 have succeeded, in some measure, in recapturing an imperfect 
 
PREFACE xvii 
 
 image, and in having it recognised (so far as a man can be 
 recognised in a child), with gratified pleasure, by the one or 
 two known to the Editor who are the enviable rememberers 
 of Hurrell Froude. The reduction of the original head to an 
 almost miniature size justified itself at once in the disappear- 
 ance of many blemishes. The print from which the block 
 was made is an outcome of the photographic skill and artistic 
 feeling, now historic in England and beyond it, of Mr. Frederick 
 Hollyer. The ' casual pencil sketch ' just mentioned figures also 
 in this bool?, and has in even higher degree the preciousness 
 of a unique thing : for the reproduction is made directly from 
 an unaltered original in a portfolio of 1832. Students of that 
 period in England will recall Miss Maria Giberne, the ' Queen 
 of Tractaria,' the animated, romantic, and loyal friend of the 
 Newmans, who followed her art with long devotion, and be- 
 came, later, Sister Maria Pia in the Visitation Convent at 
 Autun, where she died at a great age. Of her, in her early 
 prime, one who knew her well wrote : 
 
 ' [Maria Giberne] was always a most excellent talker and 
 narrator, but her great power lay in the portraits she did in 
 chalks. At a very short sitting, and even from memory, she 
 would draw a portrait which was at least perfectly and un- 
 deniably true. I have heard her drawings criticised, and her 
 drapery called conventional, but her faces, to my apprehen- 
 sion, were proof against all criticism. Perhaps they are better 
 in outline than when filled up and tinted. . . . Her interest 
 in the whole [Tractarian] circle was insatiable, and there was 
 hardly anything she would not do and dare for a sight of one 
 she had not yet seen.' ^ 
 
 Given, therefore, Miss Giberne's ardour in the matter, and 
 her frequently-recurring opportunities as a visitor, it would 
 seem almost certain that she would not have let slip any chance 
 of portraying so noticeable a luminary as Hurrell Froude, 
 often absent, like herself, from Oxford, during 1831-1833, and 
 away from it almost altogether afterwards. Her discovered 
 sketch-books, preserved in the hands of relatives and friends, 
 yield, so far, but a single page in which Froude appears. 
 
 ' Reminiscences chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford Movement, by the Rev. 
 T. Mozley, M.A. — London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1882, ii., 42-43. 
 
xviii PREFACE 
 
 She groups and labels him with other ' corfspirators ' at a historic 
 moment/ in the one Oxford Common Room which ' stank 
 of logic' Something in the too quiescent gesture of the 
 graceful person ' on the box,' as well as in the nature of the 
 circumstance, make one suspect that the whole was drawn not 
 on the spot, nor from memory, but from hearsay at the time. 
 Were such the case, the implication would be that Miss 
 Giberne had a good prior knowledge of Froude's face and 
 figure, and even that she was, not committing these to paper 
 for the first time. This little drawing is the property of her 
 nephew, George Pearson, Esq., of Manchester ; it is owing to 
 his courtesy and kindness that it is here made public. 
 
 The picture of Dartington Parsonage, the antique house 
 in the vale three miles from Totnes, Devonshire, where Hurrell 
 Froude was born, and where he died, is from a larger water- 
 colour drawing by Arthur Holdsworth Froude, in the possession 
 of his sister, the Baroness Anatole von Hugel. The Parsonage, 
 in its mediaeval simplicity, was first sketched by Archdeacon 
 Froude," then the newly-appointed Rector, in 1799; this sketch 
 yet exists on a fly-leaf of the Parish records. He at once 
 rebuilt the whole west wing, planted shrubs and vines, and 
 drained away the pond ; but there were no other alterations 
 until after his death and the removal of the family in 
 1859-60, when his grandson Arthur drew the house from 
 memory. Even now, the porch, and everything to the right of it, 
 upstairs and down, is practically the very same as in Hurrell's 
 time ; elsewhere the gables have disappeared, and the tourelle 
 has changed its place. The Parish Church (of fourteenth 
 century work, like the Hall) is from an old negative by 
 Messrs. Brinley and Son, of Totnes. This view from the 
 south-west shows the low railing over the Froude vault, which 
 lay in the angle of the porch, next the wall. The Church 
 being taken down in 1878, the strong plain Tower was left 
 alone and intact, standing sentinel over the dead; and the 
 large slab shown in the foreground of the modern photograph, 
 covering the burial-place of Hurrell Froude and of his kindred, is 
 
 ' See p. 75. The incident was recognised by the Rev. T. Mozley when he again 
 saw the sketch, in 1891, as having taken place in the Common Room, not in 
 ' Newman's rooms.' 
 
PREFACE xix 
 
 as it looks to-day. The print of Oriel College great quadrangle 
 is from a photograph copyrighted many years ago by Messrs. 
 Henry W. Taunt and Co., of Oxford, and here used by their 
 permission. The inner top tier of three windows next the 
 angle of the Chapel marks the rooms occupied by Froude. 
 They are on the second floor of Staircase No. 3, the door 
 being at the right hand as one mounts the stairs. The beautiful 
 Porch and the whole front have since been renovated, and the 
 tall bold Regnante Carolo again runs around the ruined open 
 stone-work parapet, shown in our illustration, which an Oriel 
 man of the Thirties saw every day as he went in and out 
 of Hall. 
 
 It remains only to thank the family of William Froude, Esq., 
 and the Rev. Charles Martin, the present Rector of Dartington ; 
 the Rev. G. Kenworthy, Vicar of Bassenthwaite, whose genero- 
 sity and knowledge have supplied the Editor with many 
 biographical data of the Spedding family ; the Rev. T. Herbert 
 Bindley for authentic information about Codrington College ; 
 the Rev. J. Christie for much painstaking friendliness, and the 
 use of a page of one of the Theta letters for a fac-simile ; the 
 Rev. G. A. Williams, and several other kind correspondents 
 of Tractarian lineage, who have patiently answered inquiries. 
 Lastly, a more intimate acknowledgment is especially due 
 to the Rev. W. H. Carey, of SS. Michael and All Angels, 
 Woolwich ; for chiefly through the sense of his steady 
 encouragement, based on an enthusiasm for Hurrell Froude, 
 the Editor's task, more than once interrupted and laid by, 
 was pushed on to its completion. 
 
 Oxford, October, 1904 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 I 
 
 SOME MEMORANDA OF HIS LIFE 
 AND OF HIS IDEALS 
 
FAC-SIMILE SIGNATURE FROM A LETTER OF HURRELL 
 FROUDE TO HIS FRIEND GEORGE DUDLEY RYDER 
 ESQ., (AFTERWARDS REV.), 1832. 
 
 i^By ike kind permission of the Rev. H. /. D, Ryder ^ D.D.y of the 
 Oratory.^ 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 I 
 
 SOME MEMORANDA OF HIS LIFE AND HIS IDEALS 
 
 THE persons who most compel our interest in this world 
 are not often the great, exemplars of what we call 
 intellectual eminence : they are rather the men and the women 
 of genius. On that ground they win the eye. Vital and 
 unexhausted spirits, under no subjection to results, can afford, 
 if they choose, to die anonymous ; and never having established 
 a pact with their times, nor with Time at all, they are con- 
 temporary backward and forward as far as thought can reach. 
 Of this strangely numerous company in England, though 
 he be but 
 
 — ' a fugitive and gracious light 
 Shy to illumine,' 
 
 stands Newman's early friend, Richard Hurrell Froude, the 
 lost Pleiad of the Oxford Movement. Akin to some others, 
 names earlier and later, ' which carry a perfume in the mention,' 
 he left little to prove and approve himself. Such as he, in 
 the pageant of eternity, are not the tallest harvesters with 
 the most recognisable sheaves. Like Crichton and Falkland 
 and Pergolesi, like Arthur Hallam and Henri Perreyve, he is 
 known to history as it were by a smiling semi-private hint, 
 or a sort of May-orchard coronal which the wind has no 
 power to scatter, rather than by virtue of any personal innings 
 in the complex game of life. He was a mere man of genius. 
 His inheritance was richly varied : of mental currents possible 
 in one cross-bred island, there could hardly be a more spirited 
 blend. ' The thinkers of the West,' as an analytic pen has 
 lately written,^ ' reveal a certain practical sagacity, a deter- 
 
 '■ A Study of British Genius, by Havelock Ellis. London : Hurst & Blackett, 
 1904, p. S3. The passages cited first appeared in The Monthly Review, during 1901. 
 I 
 
2 HURRELL FROUDE [isoo 
 
 mination to see things clearly, a hatred of cant and shams, 
 a certain " positive " tendency which is one of the notes of 
 purely English thought.' Exact in the wider application, the 
 sentence has an almost startling appropriateness when it is 
 narrowed down to fit the one ' thinker of the West ' (not 
 in Mr. Ellis's lists) with whom these pages deal. Never to 
 maunder, never to mince matters, never to pet an illusion, 
 never to lay down arms while there are ' cant and shams ' 
 to fight, — all that is very Devonian; and Hurrell Froude, 
 true at every point, was true Devon in this. His ancestral 
 Speddings, on the other hand, had imagination and a love of 
 letters, and were ironic and opinionative after another fashion. 
 They had also, for generation after generation, as an un- 
 expected corollary, a strong turn for science, and even for 
 mechanical science, as the less bookish Froudes, to offset their 
 hard common sense, were restless and romantic lovers of the 
 open air and of the sea. The shy, critical, solitary, but 
 ardent and adventurous character which belonged not only 
 to our particular Fellow of Oriel, but in some measure to all 
 his nearest kindred, seems to have been inherited equally from 
 the contrasted streams which ran in their blood. All Hurrell's 
 religiousness, all his poetry and fire and penetrative thought, 
 came straight from his beautiful and highly intelligent mother, 
 whom he lost just as he really came to know her, and whom 
 he worshipped during the rest of his life. His stature, colour, 
 and expression, as also his delicacy of constitution, he received 
 through her. 
 
 The Speddings were Anglo-Irish, migrating during the 
 sixteenth century to Scotland, then, early in James II.'s time, 
 to Cumberland. John Spedding and his wife Margaret were 
 seated at Armathwaite Hall, in Bassenthwaite parish, Keswick, 
 when their second daughter Margaret, afterwards Mrs. Froude, 
 was born in 1774. Her elder sister Mary, her brothers John, 
 James, Anthony, and William (in order of their age), com- 
 prised with her, her father's family ; and she was but seven 
 when he died. Armathwaite Hall was left in the hands of 
 trustees, who so wasted it that when John Spedding, the son, 
 came of age he found his patrimony gone, and resolved to 
 leave the country to join the army, then in the thick of the 
 
1802] HURRELL FROUDE 3 
 
 Peninsular War. Meanwhile, four miles away, at the head of 
 Bassenthwaite Lake lay Mirehouse, the owner of which was 
 Thomas Story, Esquire, a bachelor, attached to his Spedding 
 neighbours. In the most opportune and romantic way, he 
 made young John Spedding his heir, just in time to prevent his 
 self-imposed exile, and in 1802 died, and was succeeded by 
 him in the estate. It was thus that the Speddings, who had 
 occupied Armathwaite Hall for over a century, came ultimately 
 to live at the other end of the Lake. John Spedding married 
 Miss Sarah Gibson of Newcastle. They lived to old age, and 
 had a numerous issue. James Spedding, the distinguished 
 scholar, the intimate friend of Tennyson, and leader of the 
 famous Cambridge set ' The Apostles,' known afterwards in 
 the world of letters as the vindicator of Bacon, was their third 
 son. He spent most of his life (i 808-1 881) at Mirehouse, 
 and is buried not far away, in the old churchyard of 
 Bassenthwaite. He and his knew all the Froudes well ; visits 
 were constantly interchanged ; and it was he who introduced 
 James Anthony Froude, his cousin, and brother-in-law at one 
 remove, as it were, to Carlyle. For James Spedding's eldest 
 brother, Thomas Story Spedding, married his cousin Phillis 
 Froude, the second daughter of the household at Dartington. 
 
 To revert to the elder generation — Margaret Spedding, her 
 own mother's namesake, born, as we have seen, in 1774, was 
 dearly loved at home for seven and twenty years ; at that some- 
 what mature age (as it was considered in 1802), she married 
 the Rev. Robert Hurrell Froude, Rector of Dartington in Devon- 
 shire. His own people were not less interesting, and even 
 more ancient, than hers. Hurrells, an armigerous family, and 
 Froudes, rising yeomen from Kent, had struck deep and wide 
 roots in Devon soil at least as early as the reign of Elizabeth. 
 The second of these was probably a place-name, though there 
 are those who derive it from the Icelandic frod, wise, not 
 from the likelier Celtic ffrwd, a rushing stream.'- We find 
 the race numerous and active, and settled chiefly about 
 
 ' This, and much of the condensed genealogical information following, is from a 
 paper on the Froudes or Frowdes of Devon in the Reports and Transactions of the 
 Devonshire Association, 1892, written by the Rev. R. E. Hooppell, M.A., LL.D., 
 D.C.L. 
 
4 HURRELL FROUDE [isoa 
 
 Kingston, and about Modbury, where in the year <5f CuUoden, 
 Richard Hurrell, gentleman, was married to Mistress Phillis ^ 
 ColHngs. Their daughter, Phillis Hurrell, became the wife of 
 Robert ffroud of Walkhampton, third son of John, to whom 
 descended the Modbury manors of Edmerston and Gutsford; 
 these two lived at Aveton Giffard, and are buried there in the 
 Parish Church, where their monuments still exist. ' Robert 
 ffroud Armiger' died young, four years after his marriage, 
 which had for issue one son, and three daughters. Phillis the 
 widow, a person of strong character, lived on for sixty-six 
 years longer, and saw the grave opened, or opening, for nearly 
 all her brilliant and fated grandchildren. Her babes, left 
 fatherless in 1770, were Mary, Margaret, and Elizabeth; her 
 son Robert Hurrell was a posthumous child. The latter was 
 to rise to more than local eminence, known throughout an 
 exceptionally long life as Rector of Dartington, and from 
 1820 on, as Archdeacon of Totnes in the diocese of Exeter.^ 
 He matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford, in January 1788, 
 aged seventeen, and in due course, in 179S, proceeded Master 
 of Arts. He came from Denbury, of which he was already 
 Incumbent, to his new parish of Dartington, in 1799. 
 Many children were born in Dartington Parsonage to him 
 and to Margaret Spedding his wife, of whom Richard Hurrell 
 Froude, named for his paternal grandfather Richard Hurrell of 
 Modbury, was the eldest. His birth was on March 25, 1803. 
 Certain critics who disliked the aroma, real or imaginary, of 
 the Oxford Movement, seemed to harbour, in after years, a 
 special grudge against Hurrell for his Marian circumstances. 
 It was, as it were, piling offence on offence that he entered 
 the world on the Feast of the Annunciation, and consciously, 
 votively belonged to the College of S. Mary at Oxford. He 
 was privately baptized at home, and with his next brother, 
 carried up the hill to be received in the ancient Church at 
 the Hall gates (again S. Mary's), on the 17th of April, 1805. 
 Hurrell seems to have been from the first a stormy sort of child, 
 
 ^ Always so spelled, in this family. 
 
 2 Archdeacon Froude, sixty years Rector of his parish, died Feb. 23, 1859. See 
 Gentleman's Magazine for that year, i., 437, and Boase's Modem English Biography, 
 i., 1 1 10. 
 
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1814] HURRELL FROUDE 5 
 
 handsome, and odd, and adored by his relatives. Like the 
 young Persians in their national prime, he learned ' to ride, and 
 to speak truth.' He was sent early to the Free School at 
 Ottery S. Mary, where he lived in his master's house. This was 
 the Rev. George May Coleridge, nephew of that poet who has 
 made classic the lovely neighbourhood to all readers of English. 
 He survived until 1847, dear to all the Froudes. (Perhaps 
 it is not generally known that Mr. James Anthony Froude, 
 then in deacon's orders, was responsible for Mr. Coleridge's 
 funeral sermon at S. Mary Church, Torquay.) Hurrell was 
 as happy at his first School as a dreamy rebel boy always 
 subject to moods and to home-sickness could well be. Every- 
 thing was done, at any rate, to keep him happy. His own 
 memories of the green village, with its great minster and its 
 bright stream, seem to have been pleasant ones. A lady who 
 was but a young child during his last months at Dartington 
 recalls his frank smile at drawing in a lottery a picture of 
 Ottery Church, which she had coveted, lotteries not being 
 abhorred then, as now, by Christian folk. Had the winner 
 known of the little girl's envy, he would certainly have parted 
 with his treasure on the spot ; for he was a born de-collector. 
 Hurrell began, almost as soon as he could hold a pen, to draw 
 well, and to write agreeable letters. At thirteen he was sent to 
 Eton. A year or two before, that is, in or about 1 8 1 4, he sat 
 for his portrait to that lovable interesting man and capable 
 artist, William Brockedon, Archdeacon Froude's particular 
 prot^g^ and most grateful friend.^ It may have been begun 
 as one of many thank-offerings ; for some reason, it was left 
 unfinished. Brockedon was a patient person, by all accounts. 
 Perhaps wild little Master Froude, for all his innocent looks, 
 may have been, in the immortal words of Pet Marjorie, ' whot 
 human nature cant indure.' The Archdeacon, too, was critical, 
 and thought his friend happiest in sketch-work, and that to 
 finish, with him, was, sometimes, to over-refine. Who could 
 have foreseen that the abandoned canvas was long to take on 
 
 JW. Brockedon, F.R.S., F.R.G.S. (b. 1787, d. 1854), was », watchmaker and 
 inventor at Totnes. In 1809 he was enabled by Archdeacon Froude and Mr. 
 Holdsworth, M.P. for Dartmouth, to go up to London to study at the Royal Academy 
 till 1815, when he went abroad and started upon his career. 
 
6 HURRELL FROUDE tisie 
 
 unique accidental value to persons then unborn who should be 
 interested in his sitter ? For though that childish sitter was to 
 live over a score of years longer, and endear himself to men of 
 a certain school of thought for ever, there was no discoverable 
 hand but William Brockedon's to tell them how he looked. 
 There was not known until the other day a single other portrait, 
 not so much as a silhouette, of a draughtsman associated with 
 so many, both at home and at College, who could draw. 
 
 The boy, with his half-indolent, half-clairvoyant way of 
 studying, and his high spirits in and out-of-doors, got on fairly 
 well at Eton,i though his years there seem to have made no 
 great impress on his mind and character. He developed, 
 perhaps, too slowly, and too much by instinct and intuition, to 
 be much harmed or helped by a Public School. Winthrop 
 Mackworth Praed was one of his memorable contemporaries 
 there ; Edward Bouverie Pusey, though in an upper Form, 
 was another.* Like Pusey, Hurrell had a talisman and a 
 safeguard in the love of a pious mother. The extreme natural 
 sympathy between them was heightened by the boy's fickle 
 health, and his unconscious appeal for continued care. One 
 experience of early invalidism and its results, lasting for some 
 time, drew from Margaret Froude an oblique comment or protest 
 which is enough to make one love and admire her womanliness. 
 She drew up a letter to an imaginary correspondent, which was 
 really intended for her tall son himself It sounds wholly like 
 a page from the Spectator, in Steele's tenderest whimsical vein ; 
 and it would be an ungenerous lad (her Hurrell certainly knew 
 not how to ie ungenerous) who would not be touched by the 
 genuine foreboding sorrow breathing through it. Whether it 
 was ever actually left in his way is doubtful ; a passage in his 
 Journal may imply that he knew nothing of it until after her 
 death. Its date lies early in 1820. 
 
 ' Sir, — I have a son who is giving me a good deal of 
 uneasiness at this time, from causes which I persuade myself 
 
 ^ • Poor Att ' [little Anthony Froude], Hurrell wrote in 1828, ' is such a very good- 
 tempered little fellow that in spite of his sawneyness \i.e., sensitiveness, or softness] 
 he is sure to be liked.' 'I,' he goes on to say, ' was an ill-natured sawney, and do 
 not at all wish my time at School to come again.' 
 
 2 Eton School Lists, edited by H. E. Chetwynd. Stapleton, 1864. 
 
1820] HURRELL FROUDE 7 
 
 are not altogether common ; and having used my best 
 judgment about him for seventeen years, I at last begin to 
 think it incompetent to the case, and apply to you for advice. 
 From his very birth his temper has been peculiar: pleasing, 
 intelligent, and attaching, when his mind was undisturbed, and 
 he was in the company of people who treated him reasonably 
 and kindly ; but exceedingly impatient under vexatious 
 circumstances ; very much disposed to find his own amusement 
 in teasing and vexing others ; and almost entirely incorrigible 
 when it was necessary to reprove him. I never could find a 
 successful mode of treating him. Harshness made him 
 obstinate and gloomy ; calm and long displeasure made him 
 stupid and sullen ; and kind patience had not sufficient power 
 over his feelings to force him to govern himself. His dis- 
 position to worry made his appearance the perpetual signal 
 for noise and disturbance among his brothers and sisters ;■ and 
 this it was impossible to stop, though a taste for quiet, and 
 constant weak health, made it to me almost insupportable. 
 After a statement of such great faults, it may seem an incon- 
 sistency to say that he nevertheless still bore about him strong 
 marks of a promising character. In all points of substantial 
 principle his feelings were just and high. He had (for his age) 
 an unusually deep feeling of admiration for everything which 
 was good and noble ; his relish was lively, and his taste good, 
 for all the pleasures of the imagination ; and he was also quite 
 conscious of his own faults, and, untempted, had a just dislike 
 to them. On these grounds I built my hope that his reason 
 would gradually correct his temper, and do that for him 
 which his friends could not accomplish. Such a hope was 
 necessary to my peace of mind ; for I will not say that he 
 was dearer to me than my other children, but he was my first 
 child, and certainly he could not be dearer. This expectation 
 has been realised, gradually, though very slowly. The 
 education his father chose for him agreed with him ; his mind 
 expanded and sweetened ; and even some more material 
 faults (which had grown out of circumstances uniting with his 
 temper) entirely disappeared. His promising virtues became 
 my most delightful hopes, and his company my greatest 
 pleasure. At this time he had a dangerous illness, which he 
 
8 HURRELL FROUDE [isao 
 
 bore most admirably. The consequences of it obliged him 
 to leave his School, submit for many months to the most 
 troublesome restraints, and to be debarred from all the 
 amusements and pleasures of his age, though he felt, at the 
 same time, quite competent to them. All this he bore not 
 only with patience and compliance, but with a cheerful 
 sweetness which endeared him to all . around him. He 
 returned home for the confirmation of his health, and he 
 appeared to me all I could desire. His manners were tender 
 and kind, his conversation highly pleasing, and his occupations 
 manly and rational. The promising parts of his character, 
 like Aaron's rod, appeared to have swallowed up all the rest, 
 and to have left us nothing but his health to wish for. — 
 After such an account, imagine the pain I must feel on being 
 forced to acknowledge that the ease and indulgence of home 
 is bringing on a relapse into his former habits. I view it with 
 sincere alarm as well as grief, as he must remain here many 
 many months, and a strong return to ill-conduct, at his age, I 
 do not think would ever be recovered. I will mention some 
 facts, to show that my fears are not too forward. He has a 
 near relation, who has attended him through his illness with 
 extraordinary tenderness, and who never made a difference 
 between night and day, if she could give him the smallest 
 comfort, to whom he is very troublesome, and not always 
 respectful. He told her, in an argument, the other day, that 
 " she lied, and knew she did," without (I am ashamed to say) 
 the smallest apology. I am in a wretched state of health, and 
 quiet is important to my recovery, and quite essential to my 
 comfort ; yet he disturbs it, for what he calls "funny tormenting," 
 without the slightest feeling, twenty times a day. At one 
 time he kept one of his brothers screaming, from a sort of 
 teasing play, for near an hour under my window. At another, 
 he acted a wolf to his baby brother, whom he had promised 
 never to frighten again. All this worry has been kept up 
 upon a day when I have been particularly unwell. He also 
 knows at the same time very well, that if his head does but 
 ache, it is not only my occupation, but that of the whole 
 family, to put an end to everything which can annoy him. 
 
 ' You will readily see, dear Sir, that our situation is very 
 
1821] HURRELL FROUDE 9 
 
 difficult and very distressing. He is too old for any correction 
 but that of his own reason ; and how to influence that, I know 
 not ! Your advice will greatly oblige 
 
 ' A very anxious parent, 
 
 'M. F. 
 ' P.S. — I have complained to him seriously of this day, 
 and I thought he must have been hurt ; but I am sorry to say 
 that he has whistled almost ever since.' 
 
 The kind relative, who was so ungraciously repaid for her 
 goodness, was his aunt Miss Mary Spedding, the eldest of all 
 her family, devoted to her only sister Margaret, and to that 
 sister's memory; the baby brother, who must have conceived 
 of the wolf as a perseveringly disagreeable animal, was James 
 Anthony Froude, then nearly two years old. A year later, on 
 February 1 6, 1 8 2 1 , Margaret Froude breathed her lovely soul 
 away, and was laid to rest next the south porch of Dartington 
 Church, where her children's feet passed in and out on Sunday 
 mornings over the flagstones, between the first spring flowers. 
 ' The Froudes were eight in family,' wrote Isaac Williamsj on 
 a happy visit long after. On the morrow of their bereave- 
 ment, this was the junior roll-call in Robert Froude's desolate 
 Parsonage : 
 
 Richard Hurrell, aged not quite eighteen. 
 
 Robert Hurrell, aged sixteen years, ten months. 
 
 John Spedding, just fourteen. 
 
 Margaret, aged twelve years, nine months. 
 
 Phillis Jane, nearly eleven and a half 
 
 William, aged ten years, three months. 
 
 Mary Isabella, not quite seven and a half. 
 
 James Anthony, under three. 
 Hurrell Froude was admitted Commoner by the University 
 of Oxford and matriculated at Oriel College, within a few 
 weeks of his mother's death, on April 13, 1821. His delicate 
 health had kept him back : his father and his brothers all 
 matriculated at seventeen. Robert Froude, ' Bob,' was then 
 entering upon his Sixth Form at Eton. Little Margaret began 
 at once, under guidance, her tender and long continued task 
 of comforting her father and mothering the motherless. She 
 
10 HURRELL FROUDE [1821 
 
 found no time to seek her own happiness, till her marriage in 
 1 844/ when only her father and herself, William and Anthony, 
 survived. John Spedding Froude died in 184 1, thirty-four 
 years old, and, like his two elder brothers, unmarried. Of Phillis, 
 William, Mary, and (James) Anthony, Hurrell's own annals 
 will have more to say. Beside one of the leafy winding 
 roads of Dartington rose afterwards a little grey almshouse, 
 and over the doorway a stone tablet with this inscription: 
 
 'Impensis Mariae Spedding 
 
 pia recordatione sororis suae 
 
 Margaretab Froude 
 
 haec domus 
 
 in perpetuam eleemosynam 
 
 extructa est. 
 
 Agellum circumjacbntem in 
 
 eosdem usus erogavit 
 
 Henricus Champernowne. 
 
 a.d. mdcccxxxv.' 
 
 It must have beeil building during the last year of Hurrell's 
 life, and no doubt with his ' very managing sort of mind ' he 
 worked into it some of his rather primitive Gothic theories. 
 There still is the home which Mary Spedding's love built, 
 where age and poverty have privacy and peace, and roses at 
 every window, and thankful sweet remembrance of human 
 kindness, as in the ancient time. 
 
 Away from home, and without his mother, Hurrell fell 
 silent enough ; and his sadness would have hurt and corroded 
 him, had it not been for the exquisite friendship which sprang 
 up between him and his tutor at Oriel. That tutor was 
 John Keble. It is pleasant to think of these two, with their 
 spiritual foreheads and strong chins, in that fashionable Georgian 
 College full of decanters and gold tufts, and ' rows in quad.' 
 No one in all England whom Hurrell Froude in his youth 
 was likely to know could have so fostered in him, even by 
 his unconscious presence, whatsoever things are lovely and of 
 good report. According to Mr. J. A. Froude's Short Studies 
 account, there was no very high level of supernatural religion 
 at Dartington Parsonage. ' My father,' he says, ' was a High 
 
 ' She married William Mallock, Esq. The distinguished writer, Mr. William 
 Hurrell Mallock, is their son. 
 
1821] HURRELL FROUDE 11 
 
 Churchman of the old school. The Church itself he regarded 
 as part of the Constitution, and the Prayer-Book as an Act of 
 Parliament which only folly or disloyalty could quarrel with.' 
 This theory perfectly harmonised with the wonted order and 
 general practice fixed for a century before. The Royal 
 Arms, flanked by the lamentable monuments of all the local 
 gentry, dominated the chancel ; the Squire's pew had its fat 
 cushions, and a stove in the middle, and was walled away 
 from any view of the ignored Communion-table chastely covered 
 with green baize ; plebeian hats were piled in the Font, and 
 there was a ' national custom of bending forward in Church,' 
 as an almost too fond concession to Christian etiquette. 
 Truthful observers have given us the whole catalogue in print ; 
 and it has been corroborated on every side within living 
 memory. The finer spirits who did not turn infidel must have 
 felt all this ugliness to be dreary and hideous enough, though 
 perhaps necessary to feed the sacred spite against the Middle 
 Ages, so Popishly ' dark ' with candles and incense-coals, 
 pageants and bright Alleluias, brought into the service of 
 God. But to no one in the Church of England before the 
 Oxford Movement, did it seem an abnormal state of things. 
 Nor was it so, dogma being dead. When poor Hurrell's 
 decided opinions had formed, he must have felt himself in 
 some domestic difficulty. Ritual was nothing to him except 
 as the language of belief: scant where that is feeble, full where 
 that is steadfast and profound ; how it can be anything else 
 to man is not quite apparent to an inquiring mind. As he 
 never lived to work out his beliefs very far, he had no drastic 
 changes to suggest in the local ordinances, but he must have 
 dedicated some uphill work to the excellent parent whom 
 he truly reverenced, and ended by making over into a valuable 
 defender of sacramentalism. The numerous clerical progeny 
 of Squire Western, worthies like the famous fox-hunting 
 ' Passon Freiide ' ^ of his own blood, in another part of Devon, 
 remained faithful to the Constitution and Parliament, to pay 
 up for the Archdeacon's partial defection. 
 
 Hurrell's attitude towards the mother for whom his heart 
 ached, and towards those who won his fealty at home, dis- 
 ^ The 'Passon Chowne' of Mr. Blackmore's Maid of Sker, 
 
12 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 covered itself day by day in letters to Mr. Keble, a record of 
 occasional thoughts, and the private journals which he kept 
 for his own conscience to whet itself upon. Sacred as these 
 pages are, they have been printed before in the opening volume 
 of his Remains ; and they prove how very far he was from 
 being a mere intellectual theoriser, oblivious of daily duty and 
 common ties. His strife for perfection, a difficult and joyless 
 one at best, began with these. Some excerpts, scattered or 
 consecutive, will serve to show his sincerity and thoroughness : 
 how his thoughts ran ; how he fed upon his mother's memory ; 
 with what lowliness he prayed for the divine help, and with 
 what merciless constancy he learned to discipline himself, 
 arraign his own motives, and master the bitter and sovereign 
 science of self-knowledge. 
 
 — ' Yesterday I was very indolent, but . . . my energies 
 were rather restored by reading some of my mother's journal 
 at Vineyard. I did not recollect that I had been so unfeeling 
 to her during her last year. I thank God some of her writings 
 have been kept : that may be my salvation ; but I have spent 
 the evening just as idly as if I had not seen it. I don't know 
 how it is, but it seems to me that the consciousness of having 
 capacities for happiness, with no objects to gratify them, seems 
 to grow upon me, and puts me in a dreary way. Lord, have 
 mercy upon me.' 
 
 — ' Spent the morning tolerably well ; read my mother's 
 journal and prayers, two hours : I admire her more and more. 
 I pray God the prayers she made for me may be effectual, and 
 that her labours may not be in vain, but that God in His mercy 
 may have chosen this way of accomplishing them ; and that my 
 reading them so long after they were made, and without any 
 intention of hers, may be the means by which the Holy Spirit 
 will awaken my spirit to those good feelings which she asked 
 for in my behalf. I hope, by degrees, I may get to consider 
 her relics in the light of a friend, derive from them advice and 
 consolation, and rest my troubled spirit under their shadow. 
 She seems to have had the same annoyances as myself, without 
 the same advantages, and to have written her thoughts down, 
 instead of conversation. As yet they have only excited my 
 feelings, and not produced any practical result.' 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 13 
 
 — ' Read my mother's journal till half-past twelve : here 
 and there I think I remember allusions. Everything I see in 
 it sends me back to her in my childhood : it gets such hold 
 of me that I can hardly think of anything else. It is a bad 
 way to give a general account of oneself at the end of a day : 
 people at that time are not competent judges of their actions ; 
 besides, everyone ought to be dissatisfied with himself always : 
 it is better to give a detailed account like my mother's by means 
 of which I may hereafter have some idea of what was my 
 standard of virtue, rather than my opinion of myself,' 
 
 — ' O Lord, consider it not as a mockery in me, that day 
 after day I present myself before Thee, professing penitence for 
 sins which I still continue to commit, and asking Thy grace 
 to assist me in subduing them, while my negligence renders it 
 ineffectual. O Lord, if I must judge of the future from the 
 past, and if the prayers which I am now about to offer up to 
 Thee will prove equally ineffectual with those which have 
 preceded them, then indeed it is a fearful thing to come before 
 Thee with professions whose fruitlessness seems a proof of 
 their insincerity ! But Thine eye trieth my inward parts, and 
 knoweth my thoughts, independently of the actions which 
 proceed from them. " O that my ways were made so direct 
 that I might keep Thy statutes ! I will walk in Thy com- 
 mandments when Thou hast set my heart at liberty." ' 
 
 — ' Read my mother's journal. I hope it is beginning to 
 do me some serious good, without exciting such wild feelings 
 as it did at first' 
 
 — ' I must fight against myself with all my might, 
 and watch my mind at every turning. It will be a good 
 thing for me to keep an exact account of my receipts and 
 spendings : it will be a check on silly prodigality. I mean to 
 save what I can by denying myself indulgences, in order to 
 have wherewith I may honour God and relieve the poor.' 
 
 (To Keble, but never sent.) 
 — ' Perhaps you may think it very odd, but this summer ^ 
 has been the first time I have had resolution to ask for the 
 papers which they found of my mother's after her death. The 
 
 ' 1826. 
 
14 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 most interesting to me are some prayers, and two fragments 
 of [a] journal, one for the year 1 809, I think, and the other in 
 1 8 1 5 . The prayers seem to have been a good deal later.' 
 
 (Not sent either.) 
 
 — ' All this summer I have been trying a sort of experiment 
 with myself, which, as I have had no one to talk to about it, has 
 brought on great fits of enthusiasm and despondency, and being 
 conscious at the time of most contemptible inconsistencies, both 
 in my high and dejected feelings, I set to work to keep a 
 journal of them, to answer the purpose of a sort of conversation 
 between my present and my future self: an idea which I got 
 from reading an old journal of my mother's, which they found 
 after her death, and which I never could make up my mind to 
 look at till this summer.' 
 
 — ' I have confessed to myself a fresh thing to be on my 
 guard against. Every now and then I keep feeling anxious that 
 by bringing myself into strict command, I may acquire a 
 commanding air and manner, and am in a hurry to get rid of 
 the punishment of my former weakness. I sometimes try to 
 assume a dignified face as I meet men, and am never content 
 to be treated as a shilly-shally fellow. I must not care the 
 least, or ever indulge a thought, about the impression I make 
 on others ; ^ but make myself be what I would, and let the 
 seeming take its course ; or, rather, be glad of slights, as from 
 the Lord. This will be a hard struggle. O Lord, give me 
 strength to go through with it ! ' 
 
 — ' I felt as if I have got rid of a great weight from my 
 mind, in having given up the notion of regulating my particular 
 actions, by the sensible tendency I could perceive in them to 
 bring me towards my to koKov. I had always a mistrust in 
 this motive; and it seems quite a happiness to yield the 
 direction of myself to a Higher Power Who has said : " Seek 
 ye first the kingdom of God and His righteousness, and all 
 these things shall be added unto you."' 
 
 1 ' To do our best is one part, but to wash our hands smilingly of the consequence 
 is the next part of any sensible virtue.' The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson. New 
 York : Scribner, 1899, i., 342. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 15 
 
 — ' It seems to me a great help towards making myself 
 indifferent to present things, to conjure up past events, and 
 distant places and people before me : things that happened at 
 Eton, or Ottery, or in the very early times of childhood. I felt 
 again to-day as if . . . the secret world of new pleasures and 
 wishes to which I am trying to gain admittance, is a mere 
 fancy. I must be careful to check high^ feelings, [as] they are 
 certain to become offences in a day or two, and must regulate 
 my practice by faith, and a steady imitation of great examples : 
 in hopes that, by degrees, what I now have only faint and 
 occasional glimpses of may be the settled objects on which 
 my imagination reposes, and that I may be literally hid in the 
 presence of the Lord.' 
 
 — ' I might not indeed be too penitent, but penitent in a 
 wrong way. Abstinences and self-mortifications may themselves 
 be a sort of intemperance : a food to my craving after some 
 sign that I am altering. They ought not to be persevered in, 
 farther than as they are instrumental to a change of character 
 in things of real importance : . . . how hard it is to keep a 
 pure motive for anything ! . . . I will refrain, rather, by forcing 
 myself to talk, and attend to the wants of others [at table] 
 than by constantly thinking of myself.' 
 
 — ' Made good resolutions about behaviour when I go 
 home. Never to argue with my father, or remonstrate with 
 him, or offer my advice, unless in cases where I feel I should do 
 so to the [Provost ?]. For even if it subjects me to unnecessary 
 inconvenience, it would do so equally in both cases ; and, if I 
 would submit to it in one case through pusillanimity, I ought 
 in the other for a punishment. It would be a good way to 
 make opposite vices punish each other so, and be likely to 
 cure both in time. In the same way to behave to Bob and my 
 sisters as I would to [College equals ?] : to comply with their 
 wishes, and not interfere with their opinions, except where I 
 would with the latter. I must try at home to be as humble, 
 and submissive, and complying, as I can ; and here as resolute 
 and vigorous, till I get to be the same in all places and all 
 company. I do not preclude myself from making amendments 
 in this resolution, till I have left Oxford.' 
 
 '«'.«. extravagant or emotional, 
 
16 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 — ' It has turned out a beautiful day, and fasting will cost 
 
 but little pain. I have just been shocked at hearing that 's 
 
 acquaintance, Mr. , had shot himself yesterday. How 
 
 strongly it reminds me that I understand little of the things 
 invisible which I talk and think about, when the most terrible 
 occurrences having taken place quite close to me affect me so 
 little ! I could work up my feelings easy enough, but it is 
 enthusiasm ^ to anticipate in this way the steady effects of moral 
 discipline; even supposing both effects are, whilst they last, 
 the same. I could not help crying violently just now, on 
 reading over my mother's paper. The ideas somehow mixed 
 up together, and forced on my thoughts what a condition I 
 may be in as to things unseen, and yet be unconscious of it. 
 O God, keep up in my mind a feeling of true humility, suitable 
 to my blindness and the things that I am among.' 
 
 — ' I have just been reading over my account of the 
 time I spent at home last summer. . . . The great root 
 of all my complicated misdeeds seems to have been (i) A 
 want of proper notions respecting my relations to my father. 
 (2) A notion that I was a competent judge how to make other 
 people happy, by giving a tone to their pursuits. (3) A craving 
 after the pleasures which I admire. (4) Arrogant pretensions to 
 superiority. (5) A wish to make my conduct seem consistent 
 to myself and others. The first is the main point, and when I 
 have carried that, the rest will all go easily. The only way 
 we can ever be comfortable is by our all uniting to make his will 
 our law, and what little I can do towards this will be better 
 accomplished by example than by presumptuous advice. . . . 
 Nor do I see how I can so well repress my arrogance as by 
 always keeping in mind that I am in the presence of one who 
 is to me the type of the Most High.' 
 
 (To Keble.) 
 
 — ' Among the other lights which have been gradually dawn- 
 ing on me, one from following the guidance of which I hope I 
 may derive great comfort, has made me conscious of the debt of 
 reverence that I owe my father : not only in that, bearing his 
 sacred name, he is proposed to me as a type of the Almighty 
 ^ In the now obsolete sense of fanaticism. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 17 
 
 upon earth, but that he has, in his high character, so demeaned 
 himself as to become a fortress and rock of defence to all those 
 who are blessed with his protection. Under his shadow I 
 will, by God's blessing, rest in peace, and will endeavour for the 
 future to esteem his approbation as the highest earthly honour 
 and his love as the highest reward. I feel in this resolution 
 real peace ; and while I am conscious of endeavouring to act up 
 to it, will try, as you advise me, to quiet my gloomy appre- 
 hensions.' 
 
 — ' O my God ! I dare no longer offer to Thee my 
 diseased petitions in the words by which wise and holy men 
 have shaped their intercourse between earth and Heaven. 
 Suffer me, with whose vileness they can have had no fellowship, 
 to frame for myself my isolated supplication. O my Father, 
 by Thy power I began to be, and by Thy protection Thou 
 hast continued to me my misused existence : yet I have for- 
 saken Thee, my only Strength, and forgotten Thee, my only 
 Wisdom. I have neglected to obey Thy voice, and gone a- 
 whoring after my own inventions. As soon as I was born, I 
 went astray and spake lies. I loved the delights which Thou 
 hast given me more than Thee who gavest them ; and I 
 dreaded the might which Thou hast delegated to man more 
 than Thee the Almighty, . . . Yet, praised be Thy holy Name, 
 Thou hast not even thus utterly left me destitute ; but with 
 hideous dreams Thou hast affrighted me ; and with perpetual 
 mortifications Thou hast disquieted me ; and with the recollec- 
 tions of bright things fascinated me ; and with a holy friend 
 Thou hast visited me. Thou hast sought Thy servant while 
 astray in the wilderness ; Thou hast shown me the horrible 
 pit, the mire and clay in which I am wallowing: O mayest 
 Thou, of Thy great goodness, set my feet upon a rock, and 
 order my goings. Purge me with hyssop, and I shall be 
 clean ; wash me, and I shall be whiter than snow. Turn 
 Thy face from my sins, and put out all my misdeeds. Make 
 me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit within me. 
 O give me the comfort of Thy help again, and stablish me 
 with Thy free Spirit. . . , Bless, O Lord, with Thy constant 
 favour and protection that high spirit whom, as Thy type upon 
 this earth, Thou hast interposed between me and the evils I 
 
18 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 have merited. Fill him, O Lord, with the fulness of Thy 
 grace, that, running with patience the race which has been 
 set before him, he may finish his course at Thy good time 
 with joyfulness, and find a rest from his labours in the portion 
 of the righteous.' 
 
 — ' I will be cautious about talking of myself and my feel- 
 ings : what I like ; whom I admire ; what are my notions of a 
 high character ; how few people I find to sympathise with me 
 on any subject ; and many other egotistical, mawkish, useless 
 matters, about which I have suffered myself to prate. Also, 
 I will avoid obtruding my advice, and taking high grounds 
 to which I have no pretensions.' 
 
 — ' Just now, at breakfast,^ I felt the inconvenience of 
 not omitting an oath in a story I told of Sheridan. I felt 
 directly that I lost ground, and should be unable to make a 
 stand, if conversation were to take a turn I disliked. I must 
 be watchful and strict with myself in this respect : for, if I 
 comply with my father's wishes, and enter freely into society, 
 I shall have much harder work to fight off my old shufBing 
 vanity, and shall be drawn, from not feeling my own ground, 
 into foolishness and flash, and everything that is disgusting.' 
 
 — ' I used to speculate on the delight of keeping fasts 
 upon the river in fine weather, among beautiful scenery, 
 rather than in my dull rooms at Oxford ; but last Friday was 
 a real fine day, yet I did not at all turn it to this account. 
 Though I ate little, it was something very different from my 
 Oxford fasts, and still more so from what I then used to 
 picture to myself, when I should get home. I waste time in 
 preparing boats, and thoughts in speculating on schemes for 
 expeditions, and for improving our appointments. Also, I 
 observe other bad effects resulting from my misconduct, which 
 I cannot but regard as signs that good spirits are deserting 
 me. The other evening I had an argument with my father, 
 almost in a sort of tone which I used to feel ashamed of last 
 summer, and which, in the Christmas vacation, I think I was 
 not even tempted to ; and when I caught myself getting 
 untuned, it cost me a [severe^] effort to check myself; nor was 
 it till the next morning that all the effects of it subsided, and I 
 ' Oxford, 2 ' Mere ' in Remains. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 19 
 
 felt quite good-natured and humble again. In this fight I was 
 greatly helped by the experience of former conflicts, and 
 recollecting the ways I had caught myself in self-deceit, so that 
 it gives me some hope as well as humiliation. I pray God that 
 He will not suffer all my feeble efforts to be wasted, and prove 
 quite ineffectual, and that He will enable me to lie down to- 
 night with a better conscience.' 
 
 — ' Just now, in riding home from Denbury,i I got arguing 
 with my father about the little chance anyone has of doing good, 
 in ^a way rather inconsistent with our relative condition ; yet, 
 when I thought I was going rather too far, could hardly con- 
 vince myself that, at any particular moment, it was incumbent 
 on me to stop. It is this self-deceiving disposition that I am 
 afraid of.' 
 
 — ' I will brace myself and keep my attention on the alert 
 on this S[alcombe ?] expedition, by a vow about my food : I 
 will make my meals as simple as I can, without being observed 
 upon ; will take no command upon myself, but obey my 
 father's instructions to the utmost of my power; will try to 
 make no objections or propositions unless called upon ; and 
 that no one may be able to put me out of the way [of self- 
 denial] everyone shall have theirs, however disagreeable they 
 may seem to me.' 
 
 — ' We returned to-day, and on reading over these resolu- 
 tions, which I called a vow, I find I have acted very poorly up 
 to them. I believe they have operated as a sort of check upon 
 me in some respects, that I have been less of an epicure and 
 less of an interferer than I should have been else. But yet, 
 quite at starting, I suggested, when my father proposed going 
 ashore, that it would take a longer time than he calculated 
 on : but this was merely a suggestion. And on one of the 
 evenings when we were by ourselves, I argued about people 
 going to Church in a way very inconsistent with our relative 
 situations ; neither was I quite cordial in my acquiescence 
 with propositions of my father's about minor excursions at 
 S[alcombe ?] and feel as if I had pressed unpleasantly on him 
 some of my opinions about tides, and names of places.' 
 
 ' Archdeacon Froude had come into possession of his Denbury estate, through the 
 three coheiresses of the last feoffee, in 1807, when his eldest son was four years old. 
 
20 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 — 'Yesterday, I was talking to [Phill?] about [Peg?i]; 
 and among other things, when I said how considerate 
 she was about everybody's wants, and how she was always 
 on the lookout for an opportunity to relieve them, I said 
 (and have reason enough to say it) that things of that 
 sort did not come into my head. But I am afraid I must 
 confess that I was a little annoyed at [Phill ? allowing] that 
 she did not think they did ! I cannot accuse myself of having 
 been so insincere as to have laid a trap for a compliment ; but 
 I was not quite prepared to find that my negligence was such 
 as to obtrude itself on the observation of those who would 
 always make the best of one. O God ! give me grace to 
 look on this as a warning voice from Thee, and let the remem- 
 brance of it brace my energies for the future. . . . Also, I yester- 
 day gave way to a covetous inconsistent wish for a beautiful 
 colt that we happened to see, and which my father had half 
 a mind I should get for my own. I feel all these selfish 
 wishes crowding on me, and have no clear decided rule by 
 which to check them. I think I will always ask myself, when 
 I wish for an elegant superfluity, what business I have to be 
 so much better off than my sisters, and will not allow myself 
 anything I can avoid till I have got them all the things they 
 are reasonably in want of.' 
 
 — ' Teach me to be ever mindful of the wants and wishes 
 of others, and that I may never omit an opportunity of add- 
 ing to their happiness ; let each particular of their condition 
 be present with me, what they are doing or suffering. I 
 am most fearfully deficient in this mark of a child of God. 
 Protect me from all covetous desires of the pleasant things 
 which money can procure: the D[enbury?] cottage, the new 
 dining-room window, nice furniture, equipage, musical instru- 
 ments, or any other thing, in order to obtain which I must 
 lessen my means of benefiting others. 
 
 — ' I have done many things to-day that I ought to 
 be ashamed of. For instance: I said to the [Provost?] I 
 had not examined carefully an analysis that I had hardly read 
 a word of. I have assumed, too, a harsh manner in examin- 
 ing. I feel too anxious to show my own knowledge of the 
 
 ' His two elder sisters are always so called in his letters. 
 
1823] HURRELL FROUDE 21 
 
 subjects on which I am examining. Was very inattentive at 
 morning Chapel, and not sorry to find that there was none in 
 the evening. I believe the day before yesterday I made a 
 bungle in examining W[illy] in Euclid, which made him 
 appear to be doing wrong while he was quite right, but did 
 not discover it in time to rectify it by confession (which I 
 hope I should have done).' 
 
 The youth who wrote much else thus singularly and 
 severely of himself, had an almost fierce sincerity. At an 
 early hour, he made up his mind to be in his strength, 
 what many men are said to be in their weakness, ' nobody's 
 enemy but his own,' and he carried out both clauses implied 
 in the contract. Neither at Eton nor at Oxford, with 
 opportunities by the score, did he ever make a single 
 ' influential ' personal friend ; to no position or emolument did 
 he ever aspire, though he was to give unremitting and precious 
 labour to what he believed to be the best cause in the world. 
 ' Froude and I were nobodies,' said Newman, two lifetimes 
 later, with a touch of whimsical pride. Like a child of 
 Socrates, our philosopher would fain see how many things 
 there are which he could do without ; like a child of Seneca, 
 he would fain enjoy this life, with the zest possible to those 
 alone who are always ready to leave it. Enough of this 
 Journal, most practical in all its self-searching. It appears 
 to concern itself with trivialities only to those who do 
 not realise how relentless is the ascetic spirit, and how 
 small a quarry it will still hunt when all the tigers are met 
 and exterminated. As was said of a greater than Hurrell 
 Froude : ' Ce diable dhomme a toujours /^/ en se perfection- 
 nant. II serait devenu honnete homme, si on I'eut laisse vivre.' 
 
 When Mr. Keble went down to his curacy at Southrop, 
 at the beginning of the Long Vacation of 1823,-^ Hurrell went 
 with him to read for his B.A. degree, which he took in 
 December of that year. The summer was to him, as to one 
 
 ' Keble quitted Oxford when his mother died, and took sole charge of East 
 Leach, Burthorpe and Southrop parishes, near his father's home in Fairford. He 
 had one thousand people to look after, in all ; the three livings aggregated but ;^ioo 
 a year. 
 
22 HURRELL FROUDE [1823 
 
 of his companions there, Isaac Williams, the turning-point in 
 his career. In those tranquil fields and winding roads and 
 the solemn little village Church, where he found 'a man 
 wholly made up of love, and religion a reality,' Hurrell began 
 to see the Last Things : he never could forget the place, the 
 person, and the occasion which meant so much to him in the 
 Providence of God. His third companion, Robert Wilberforce, 
 ' did not feel towards Keble,' wrote Isaac Williams, ' as we 
 did at that time, having been brought up in an opposite 
 school.' In all the fresh and brave happinesses of nature and 
 of grace which were round Keble like an aureole wherever he 
 went, Hurrell brightened and strengthened visibly. 
 
 'You are my Spring: and when you smile, I grow.' 
 
 He learned from him to follow conscience and to fear applause. 
 As soon as he parted from Mr. Keble, their long correspondence 
 began, and the home-loving pupil was proud indeed when the 
 ' first man in Oxford,' as Newman enthusiastically called him, 
 came on a visit to Dartington. We know from recent testimony 
 of a delightful pen ^ how dear the neighbourhood became to 
 Mr. Keble, and how often he would wander away from the 
 animated household of his friends to the fourteenth-century 
 priest's-house hard by at Little Hempston, an almost unique 
 survival, with its small quadrangle, its hall and solar, of 
 Chaucer's time. The lovely old Vicarage, in its still secluded 
 situation, had taken captive Hurrell's twenty-year old fancy, 
 as a letter of 1823 to Mr. Keble shows. 
 
 ' I will pledge my own peculiar veracity to the following 
 statement : The situation is, I am confident (and on this 
 matter experience has peculiarly qualified me to judge), [by] 
 far the most beautiful place in the world, the focus of 
 irradiated perfection, the favoured haunt of romance and 
 sentiment, the very place which, if you recollect the circum- 
 stance, you taxed me with a disposition to romanticity for 
 encomiasing, when I informed you that I had destined it 
 for my /cprjo-cfivr/eTov, where, unmolested, flumina amem silvasque 
 inglorius. The Parsonage is situated in a steep and narrowish 
 glen, which intersects a long line of coppice that overhangs 
 ' The Rev. S. Baring-Gould, The Book of the West. Devon, i., 319. 
 
1823] HURRELL FROUDE 23 
 
 the Dart for the length of nearly a mile, and rises almost 
 perpendicularly out of the river to the height of about two 
 hundred feet. The stream there is still, clear, and very deep ; 
 on the opposite side is Dartington ; and a line of narrow, long, 
 flat meadows, interspersed with large oak and ash trees, forms 
 the bank of the river. The steep woods on the Little 
 Hempston side are in the form of a concave crescent (thereby 
 agreeing with Buckland).i From the Parsonage to the river 
 is a steep descent through a small orchard ; at the bottom of 
 which, on turning the corner which the glen aforesaid makes 
 on its north side with the course of the stream, you come at 
 once on a sort of excavation, of about half an acre, which, 
 terminated by an overhanging rock, forms a break in the line 
 of coppice aforesaid. In this said rock young M. found the 
 hawks' nests. I think they build there every year. On the 
 opposite side, i.e. the Dartington side, is what was formerly 
 a little island, but now no longer claims that proud title, in 
 the oaks of which I am in hopes we shall soon have an heronry, 
 as they haunt there all the summer. After this I should not 
 so utterly despair of success, if I felt less interested in the 
 event ;^ but as it is, I can hardly hope for so great a 
 gratification.' 
 
 Several months later, he is still in the descriptive vein. 
 
 ' When I came home I found things looking most dismal. 
 My father had cut all the laurels to the roots, in hopes of 
 making them come up thicker. A field almost outside the 
 windows, which had been put in tillage, was ploughed so 
 extremely ill that we were afraid it would be forced to be tilled 
 with turnips {Dt talem campis avertite pestem !) instead of 
 clover. . . . The copse also, which overhung the river by the 
 Little Hempston rocks, was in great part gone, " and the place 
 thereof knew it no more." I hope the rest may be spared.' 
 
 The laurels he had planted gave the energetic Archdeacon 
 some trouble. In his old age he had them all swept away, and 
 made a needed if unromantic improvement in the outlook of 
 the beautiful old house. Hurrell's implicit differences with his 
 
 ' Buckland-in-the-Moor, near Ashburton, celebrated for its rocky heights and 
 magnificent views. 
 
 2 Mr. Keble's first visit. 
 
24 HURRELL FROUDE [1825 
 
 ' knowing, quick, and handy ' father, so many of whose best 
 qualities he shared, hinged laughably often on such things as 
 the culture of trees and the make and management of boats. 
 In all, he did his best to become what the epitaphs of the time 
 call ' an humble obsequious son.' 
 
 Hurrell took only a second class in Classics and Mathe- 
 matics (disappointing and astonishing everyone who knew him) 
 during 1824. But he had exactly the sort of mind which, 
 sooner or later, would come to grief with any curriculum. 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, March 29, 1825. 
 
 ' . . . Be so good as to write a sermon on " flumina amem 
 sylvasque inglorius," for the benefit of my father, who objects 
 to our having a four-oar given us, as infallibly tending to 
 debilitate and torpify the mental faculties ! I am afraid it is 
 not in my stars to be ever contented ; for I confess I do 
 not feel that serene felicity which I pictured to myself last 
 October as my destiny ; though my delight is not impaired 
 as to the misery I have escaped. I am sure the ghosts of 
 those who have taken a degree at Oxford will require a 
 double portion of Lethe before they begin " in corpora velle 
 reverti." 
 
 ^ March 31. P.S. — I wrote enclosed the day before 
 yesterday, but, as you will perceive, incapacitated it for going 
 by the post without a cover ; so I waited for a frank. And, as 
 I am become so prudent as not to like wasting paper, you are 
 indebted to this circumstance for an elongation of my epistle. 
 I don't recollect whether I told you that I have been reading 
 Clarendon, for which, though I skipped over some parts, I feel 
 much veneration. I am glad I know something of the Puritans, 
 as it gives me a better right to hate Milton,^ and accounts for 
 many of the things which most disgusted me in his not-in-my- 
 sense-of-the-word poetry. Also, I adore King Charles and 
 Bishop Laud ! . . . You prosed me once for not sending 
 
 ' Milton, as early as 1817, was one of Keble's own big bold prejudices. It is but 
 fair to Froude to quote, in order that his remark may not be misconstrued, his con- 
 viction that ' it is not perhaps too much to say that [Milton's] was the most powerful 
 mind which ever applied itself to poetry.' Like Professor Raleigh in our own day, 
 Froude denied that colossal genius to be, properly speaking, a religious poet at all. 
 See Remains, part i., ii., 318-321, and Note. 
 
1825] HURRELL FROUDE 25 
 
 regards, remembrances, compliments, etc., so let everyone 
 choose which they like best, as I commit to you an assort- 
 ment of each kind for distribution. 
 
 ' "Tuque vale, sedesque juvet meminisse meorum, 
 Heu, nunquara rediture." ' 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, May 13, 1825. 
 
 ' Alvorare : I have been long intending to thank you for 
 your benevolent instructions, which (I don't know whether I 
 ought to be ashamed or not in confessing it) answered a 
 purpose different from what they were intended for ; viz., they 
 convinced me and (what was more to the point) my father, 
 that I knew so little about the matter, and had so little time 
 left, that It was no use to proceed. It certainly was no small 
 satisfaction to me to have so good an excuse for giving up 
 what I had exhausted the entertainment of, and had nothing 
 but the laborious to come. Also, the weather has been so 
 very beautiful this spring, and the delicious blue sky, with 
 hardly a cloud on it for six weeks, so very tempting, that it 
 was hardly possible to help being idle. But somehow my 
 conscience rather misgives me, and what with admonitions now 
 and then from my father, and my lately having taken up with 
 reading sermons, I am become " as melancholy as Moorditch 
 or the drone of a Lincolnshire bagpipe " ; so that upon the 
 whole I think I must come to you to be prosed and put into a 
 better way. . . . By the by, I am now officiating as ethical 
 instructor to B[ob?], in which capacity I have been much 
 humiliated at finding how little I know about the matter ; but 
 it makes me get them ^ up, which perhaps I should never have 
 done else. I do not think them at all less prosy and long- 
 winded than I used, and I would bet Bishop Butler against all 
 the 'stotles in the world. Among other things I am also 
 becoming something of a florist, and something of an architect, 
 in which latter I make some proficiency. I am a powerful 
 coadjutor (though I say it that should not say it), in the 
 completion of D[enbury], which bears a different aspect from 
 when you saw it last. It will be a pretty monastic-looking 
 erection, and if we could but make it old, and buy a ghost or 
 ' The moral philosophers of the ancient world. 
 
26 HURRELL FROUDE [1825 
 
 two, would be somewhat sentimental. For, thanks to my 
 grandmother's ^ perverseness, she would not have a new house 
 except in the shape of an old one repaired, which superinduced 
 the necessity of so many crooked little passages and such an 
 irregular exterior, that my father had an excuse for doing what 
 would else have seemed fanciful. Talking about architecture, 
 a new town ^ is going to be built down by Torbay, which is to 
 cut out Brighton and every place. The ground where it is to 
 stand is perfectly unencumbered with houses, and covered with 
 trees, so that there is every advantage at starting ; and all will 
 be done on a general plan, so that the buildings shall as little 
 as possible interfere with each other. If you know anyone 
 that wishes for a delightful sea-residence, send him there. You 
 must know you narrowly escaped having a poetical effusion 
 from me the other day. I was out in so magnificent an 
 evening ; but being, as you know, a man of few words, I found 
 that by the time I had made my verses scan and construe, 
 they would be so remote from an effusion, at least in the 
 quality of being effunded, that it was better to be contented 
 with a prosaic statement : viz., that coming home from Little 
 Hempston the other evening after sunset, and having with 
 some difficulty discovered and scrambled into my boat, which 
 was moored under an old stump at the bottom of the woods, 
 as I proceeded on my course down the river, the sky gradually 
 assumed a portentous appearance, and distant flashes of 
 lightning, growing gradually more distinct, began at regular 
 intervals. Things however are not so constituted as to allow 
 the sublime to amalgamate with the comfortable : according to 
 the decrees of Fate, the storm which had lingered in the upper 
 regions till I had got so far on my way home as to be out of 
 reach of shelter from Dartington House, now came down with 
 such violence as to save me the trouble of running at any rate, 
 by convincing me that whether I was out five minutes or fifteen 
 I should be in an equally bad case. The thunder got very 
 loud, and the lightning was so green and brilliant, that I could 
 see the stiles and gates, and even their latches, like the spectres 
 of the things from which " nox abstulit atra colorem." Some- 
 times the flashes lasted for nearly a second, and dazzled me so 
 ' Phillis, widow of Robert ffroud. 2 Xorquay. 
 
1824] HURRELL FROUDE 27 
 
 that after they were passed I could make no use of the twilight 
 at all. Having got thus far, I feel in the awkward situation of 
 having told a story without a point, and feel inclined to resort 
 to the usual remedy, and apply to my invention to help me 
 out of the scrape with a marvellous conclusion. Perhaps 
 however you may be contented with a moral : so here goes. 
 As good never comes unalloyed with evil, so that very evil 
 often serves to give it a relish which it might otherwise be 
 destitute of. I could not have reckoned this as an adventure, 
 if I had not been forced to change my clothes when I came 
 home.' 
 
 To the same ' holy friend ' for whom Hurrell privately says 
 on his knees his heartfelt thanksgiving, he writes often, from the 
 first, in a mood of bantering and almost irreverent freedom. 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, 1824. 
 
 ' . . . Now I proceed to vindicate my character from the un- 
 warrantable aspersions you have been pleased to throw upon 
 it. Be it known then that since the first of May I have read 
 the four first books of Herodotus, three of Ethics, two of 
 Thucydides, (Edipus Tyrannus, Eumenides, 'iKeTiSe';, and a 
 book of Homer ; and all this not carelessly, but with Scapula 
 and Matthiae. And though there are several posing places in 
 the .(Eschylus and Herodotus with which I shall in course of 
 time bother you, still upon the whole I flatter myself that in a 
 short space I shall be at least equal to Peter Elmsley,i and I 
 would advise you to prepare the examining masters for the 
 reception of such a luminary. . . . My father, I must assure you, 
 has received no favourable impression of your moral organisa- 
 tion from the injudicious exposure which you made in your 
 last letter. But I will urge the matter no further ; . . . the 
 shortness of the time during which your ivepyeiai have been 
 discontinued may not yet have allowed the annihilation of the 
 ef«9. I shall rest in hope that this timely admonition may 
 awaken you to a sense of your duty, and reinstate your per- 
 ceptions of the aXfjOh in their full vigour. " Thine by yea and 
 nay, which is as much as to say, as thou usest him." ' 
 
 ^ Peter Elmsley, S.T.P., 1773-1825, then Principal of S. Alban Hall, and Camden 
 Professor of History in the University of Oxford. 
 
28 HURRELL FROUDE [i825 
 
 Mr. Keble was settled in 1825 as Curate in sole charge 
 of Hursley, Hampshire. 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, Aug. 16, 1825. 
 
 ' . . . Suaviter ut nunc est inquam : but it was not so with 
 poor [Williams] in the packet, being that he was sick all the way 
 from Portland Head to Plymouth Sound; and was so completely 
 miserable that he would not be spoken to, and kept on groan- 
 ing out that he would give all he ever expected in the world 
 to be on shore. By this unfortunate circumstance he was 
 prevented from seeing the sun rise over the watery element in 
 the very act of " pillowing his chin upon an orient wave," and 
 from bearing testimony (which I can do) that there is nothing 
 the least sublime in the mere fact of being out of sight of land, 
 and having nothing but the sky and the sea, and the sea and 
 the sky. But what was most melancholy of all, he was unable 
 to get a glimpse of all the glorious coast of the south 
 promontory of Devonshire. . . . Next day we came upon 
 Southampton, while it was under one of the most imposing 
 magnificent effects possible : a rainbow, lost in a dark cloud 
 which was raining as hard as it could pelt, was resting one of 
 its ends on the woods : and the sun on the waters, and the 
 spires, made the misty smoke that was rising up from the town, 
 quite imposing and sentimental. However, my complacency 
 was much alloyed by the tantalising sight of the beautiful 
 yachts, with their glittering sails, skimming along in the breeze, 
 which had just started up after the violent rain which had 
 fallen, and the melancholy Heu, non mea rushed on me with 
 irresistible force.' 
 
 How well he loved a boat ! He complains, in one entry 
 of his Journal, that the thought of boats distracts him in- 
 sufferably during his prayers. 
 
 Hurrell was asked to say his say about The Christian Year, 
 then in manuscript. He seems to have been inclined to 
 begrudge the fact that Keble had set himself to write not as a 
 poet for poets, but as a challenging voice to ' earth-drudging 
 hearts.' That he appreciated the lasting charm of the book is 
 
1825] HURRELL FROUDE 29 
 
 quite apparent from the singularly apposite quotation applied 
 to it in the second letter on the subject. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Sept. lo, 1825. 
 
 ' About the poems — it is really too ludicrous for a fellow 
 like me to sit down deliberately to criticise the taste and 
 philosophy of a production of yours : so that I have no 
 inclination to expose or commit myself, by detailing to you 
 my remarks on particular passages. There are, as you may 
 suppose, many places which, in fun, I would show fight about ; 
 and there is something which I should call Sternhold-and- 
 Hopkinsy in the diction, of which I began to note down the 
 first instances I met ; but, finding it go through, I concluded 
 it was done on a theory. But though I am not quite such a 
 fool as to think my opinion worth offering in point of criticism, 
 it may not, perhaps, be quite useless to confess it as a matter 
 of fact, with which you may begin an induction as to the 
 probable good you may do by publication. I confess, then, 
 and not without some shame, that you seem to me to have 
 addressed yourself too exclusively to plain matter-of-fact good 
 sort of people . . . and not to have taken much pains to 
 interest and guide the feelings of people who feel acutely, nor 
 to have given much attention to that dreary visionary existence 
 which they make themselves very uncomfortable by indulging 
 in, and which I should have hoped it was the peculiar province 
 of religious poetry to sober down into practical piety. I know 
 all this may be great nonsense, may be even humbug ; for long 
 experience has convinced me how much I can cheat myself as 
 to my real feelings. But that you may see that it has not 
 been concocted since, but was the impression made on me 
 while reading, I will extract a note which I made ... I 
 suppose I meant that things like Gray's Elegy, which turn 
 melancholy to its proper account, by pointing out the vanity 
 of the world without telling us so, seem to me more to answer 
 the purpose. And now I will cease making an ass of myself! 
 ... I am half-conscious that the same sort of objections might 
 be made against the Psalms ; and though I cannot but think 
 that they will make your poems less generally liked and 
 read, I am far from confident that it may not be better, 
 
30 HURRELL FROUDE [1825 
 
 upon the whole, for those who attend to them as a religious 
 duty. 
 
 ' I can hardly shut up without telling you of such an 
 interesting set of fellows that we heard of in our peregrinations. 
 They were sixteen French fishermen and three boys, who had 
 all come over, in one boat, to get bait on the English coast, 
 and were kept there ten days by the wind : all that time they 
 sat upon the deck knitting stockings and nightcaps ; and, when 
 Sunday came, they were just so far out at sea that the people 
 on the coast could hear them singing the Roman Catholic 
 service so beautifully, and in the evening they came on shore, 
 and danced, out of mere jollity, for an hour. They were such 
 grateful fellows, that a gentleman on the coast who had done 
 them some kindness, could hardly get rid of them without his 
 giving them some commission to do for him in France, i.e. to 
 let them smuggle something over for him ; and, when they 
 could not remove his scruples as a Justice of [the] Peace, they 
 caught him an immense fish, and were quite disappointed that 
 he would not accept it as a present.' 
 
 The great mass of Keble's letters to his pupil and friend 
 have disappeared : but we have the answer promptly sent to this, 
 and written with his own winning humility. ' For your telling 
 me exactly what you think about [the verses] I shall hold you 
 in greater honour as long as I live.' He goes on, sweetly and 
 sagaciously, to explain that The Christian Year but aimed at 
 helping ' the plain and good.' ^ It will be remembered that 
 the archpriest of letters, Mr. William Wordsworth, once 
 offered to go over The Christian Year, with a view to correct- 
 ing the English. To that height Hurrell could not rise. 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, Dec. 6, 1825. 
 
 ' " Sir, my dear friend," you cannot tell how much I am 
 obliged to you for your benevolence to my last letter, but that 
 does not make me the less a fool for having expressed myself 
 so ; and what provokes me most of all is that I did not give 
 myself fair play by not writing till my opinions had settled ; 
 
 ' A Memoir of the Rev. John Keble, M.A., late Vicar of Hursley, by the Right 
 Hon. Sir J. T. Coleridge, D.C.L. Oxford : Parker, 1869, p. 121. 
 
1825] HURRELL FROUDE 31 
 
 for as far as my memory goes, I think they are now under- 
 going a revolution, and that if I were to see the pottery ^ in 
 question again, I should think quite differently of it. There 
 is something about them which leaves (to use the words of our 
 friend Tom Moore) 
 
 ' "A sad remembrance fondly kept 
 
 When all lighter thoughts are faded." 
 
 And though I cannot account for the fact, I have been 
 much more sensible of this since a re-perusal of Genesis. — I 
 wrote the foregoing not long after the receipt of your letter, 
 but have been such a dawdle that I have not been able to 
 collect materials for finishing it : and the circumstance which 
 now at last helps me out is a melancholy one, no other than 
 the decease of our friend and companion Johnny Raw : ^ who 
 was taken off, some days since, in the staggers. There was 
 something peculiarly doleful in the poor fellow's exit ; and 
 there was a sort of dreariness diffused over all its circumstances, 
 which set it off with almost a theatrical effect. As B[ob] says, 
 it would have not been so much if he had wasted away by a 
 long illness, or if he had heard of his death at a distance ; 
 but to have been using and admiring him till within a few 
 days of his decease, to have watched all the stages of his rapid 
 illness, seen him bled, given him his physic (which seemed to 
 distress him very much, though all along the pain he suffered 
 was evidently very great), and, after all, to have got up at two 
 o'clock in the night, when the crisis was to take place, and 
 come into the stable only a minute after his death, where we 
 could just see him, by lantern-light, stretched out on the straw : 
 — were incidents not calculated to excite pleasure. Add to 
 this, it was one of those shivering cold stormy nights which 
 make me feel as if I and the people with me were the only 
 human beings in the world : a fact, by-the-by, which I am 
 not yet sufficient psychologist to account for. And the next 
 day, when we went out to bury him, the weather was just the 
 
 ■■ i.e., poetry. 
 
 ^ ' His rapier he'd draw, 
 
 And pink a bourgeois, 
 (A word which the English translate "Johnny Raw").' 
 — ' The Black Mousquetaire,' Ingoldsby Legends. 
 
32 HURRELL FROUDE [i825 
 
 same, and there was nothing to excite one cheerful association. 
 Also, it was somewhat staggering to the speculatively inclined, 
 not to be able to discover one single reason why he should not 
 be able to gallop about as well as ever. He was evidently in 
 good condition, his flesh hard, and his limbs sound : and why 
 I should be able to walk any better than he, was more than I 
 could elicit. We buried him under an elm tree in the lawn, 
 and nailed his shoes to it for a monument. ^ 
 
 ' . . . My father has found the EIkwv [/3ao-t\tKi7] among 
 some old books, and I have been reading it. It puts me in 
 mind of a verse in this morning's Psalms : " Thou shall 
 hide me privily by Thine own presence from the provoking of 
 all men. Thou shalt keep me secretly in Thy tabernacle from 
 the strife of tongues " ; which seems to point out the clearest 
 and most beautiful instance of the moral government of God 
 being begun on earth. I should like to know the Hebrew of 
 the verse before : " O how plentiful is Thy goodness, which 
 Thou hast prepared for them that trust in Thee even before the 
 sons of men." For if " before " means " in the presence of," then 
 David is drawing the conclusion I wantj but I am afraid it 
 must mean " greater than falls to the lot of the rest of man- 
 kind." . . . Please to look, when you are in a humour for it, 
 in Medea, 70$, where .^Egeus says, et? tovto yap Bij ^povSo<s 
 elfil ttS? iydo. The commentators cited by Elmsley have 
 fumbled much about it, and some of them I do not under- 
 stand ; but may it not mean : " For as to my name continuing 
 in my posterity, in that respect I am clean gone." If eh tovto 
 will bear this signification, it is certainly prettier than as it is 
 commonly explained. I like Hecuba far better than Medea. . . . 
 Another interval has elapsed, and the leaves, which had held 
 out surprisingly hitherto, have almost totally disappeared, and 
 now we may reckon winter to be fairly set in. I wish I could 
 write verses to perform the obsequies of this delicious summer, 
 the like of which will probably never visit the abodes of 
 mortals again. . . .' 
 
 The little implied joke, celibate and Greek, on his own 
 name, is not the least adornment of this charming letter, 
 ' There is no old elm tree now on Dartington Parsonage lawn [1902]. 
 
1826] HURRELL FROUDE 33 
 
 At the outset of 1826, Hurrell found at least one modern 
 book to his liking. This was the Fragments^ in Verse and 
 
 Prose, by a Young Lady, Miss Elizabeth S , with Some 
 
 Account of her Life and Character, by H[enrietta] M[aria] 
 Bowdler, a new edition of which, in two volumes octavo, had 
 just appeared. Elizabeth Smith of Burnhall near Durham, 
 the Oriental scholar, was born in 1776 and died in 1806. 
 Our present standard reference, the Dictionary of National 
 Biography, which highly commends her self-won learning and 
 its methods, adds that ' her verses have no merit, and her 
 reflections are of the obvious kind, gracefully expressed.' But 
 the reflections do not seem obvious to some readers, save 
 inasmuch as at first all simple and profound little discoveries 
 of the sort seem so : which is ever their highest praise. The 
 book is but poorly representative, and badly put together : it 
 certainly would give no clear idea, to our own more exacting 
 public, of a personality full of goodness and charm, nor of a 
 remarkable mind with a dozen hobbies, and not one affectation. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Jan. 12, 1826. 
 
 ' Aaifiovie : As I am conscious of being one of those imbecile- 
 minded people who one day admire a thing as if they could 
 never think of anything else, and soon after cease to think of it 
 at all, I must write to you while a little book that I took up 
 the other day accidentally continues uppermost in my thoughts. 
 It calls itself Fragments in Verse and Prose, by a Young Lady ; 
 and struck with the sentimentality of the title, I took it up to 
 laugh at it; nor did I find anything in the preface to do away 
 with my preconceived opinion. But on opening the book at 
 random, among some fragments extracted from her private 
 meditations, I began to like her most extremely. The mention 
 of Piercefield,^ and the initials Miss S., made me remember your 
 having told me of a Miss Smith that lived there, while we were 
 scrambling up the Windcliff". I am sure if you had admired 
 her half as much as I do, you would not have let me go till we 
 had hunted out every corner that she mentions. There is some- 
 thing to my mind very peculiar in all the turn of her thoughts, 
 
 ' Piercefield Park, Chepstow, Monmouthshire, where Elizabeth Smith had lived 
 from 1785 to 1793. 
 
 3 
 
34 HURRELL FROUDE [i826 
 
 and those half-metaphysical, half-poetical speculations which 
 almost put me in mind of my mother. Yesterday I mentioned 
 the book to a person who I was surprised to find knew a great 
 deal about her, and from whom I was still more astonished to 
 hear that I myself knew very well indeed her intimate friend 
 Miss H[unt], to whom most of her letters are addressed. . . .' 
 
 And again, a little later, winding up an intimate letter 
 in Latin to Keble, there is more of this pleasant heroine- 
 worship, coupled with some feeling analysis and amusing 
 self-portrayal. Hurrell's repugnance to things German were 
 a foregone conclusion, had he never expressed it. 
 
 ' . . . I could not find the places you referred me to in 
 Miss Smith, but am happy to find that we sympathise in the 
 extent of our admiration, if not in the sources ; though indeed, 
 I am willing to believe, both. But as for old Klopstock, I 
 cannot read about him and his wives ; ^ and am rather horrified 
 at Miss S[mith's] having taken so much trouble about him, or 
 any other sentimental old German. What makes me admire 
 Miss S[mith] so excessively, is more than I can give any 
 intelligible account of: she either does not admire, or is not 
 acquainted with my favourite books; and those that she 
 fancies she admires (for I am sure she does it only in 
 ignorance) are my inveterate enemies. Neither could I fix 
 upon any passages in her own writings which would seem 
 to justify me if I quoted them. But somehow I seem perfectly 
 certain I know her intimately, and that I can trace the feelings 
 in which all she says and does originates ; and all this is so 
 consistent, as far as it goes, with what I have imaged to myself 
 as the archetype of human perfection, that I have invested her, 
 in my imagination, with all its attributes. . . . 
 
 ' Lloyd's 2 immense catalogue of books, that he recommends 
 as necessary, has frightened me beyond measure : but I am 
 
 ' Her translation of the Memoirs of Frederick and Margaret Klopstock form, in most 
 editions, the second volume of Miss Elizabeth Smith's Fragments. ' Old Klopstock ' : 
 Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock, 1724-1803, married Margarethe Moller (Meta) who died 
 in 1758 ; and in 1791, in his sixty-eighth year, her cousin Johannah von Wenthem. 
 
 " Dr. Charles Lloyd, 1784-1829 ; then Canon of Christ Church, and Regius 
 Professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford, appointed a year later Bishop of 
 Oxford. 
 
1826] HURRELL FROUDE 35 
 
 getting to be of your opinion, that to be fully occupied is almost 
 necessary, in order to get through life with tolerable ease and 
 comfort. . . .' 
 
 Says the Editor of the Newman Correspondence, in entering 
 upon the annals of the year 1826: 'The Oriel election and 
 Fellowship was this year a momentous one to Mr. Newman, 
 as bringing him into intimacy with the friend whose influence 
 he ever felt powerful beyond all others to which he had been 
 subject.' Newman writes of the election to his mother on 
 March 31, 1826, in terms of convinced enthusiasm which are 
 not unlike Crabb Robinson's after encountering for the first 
 time the youthful William Hazlitt. ' By-the-bye, I have not 
 told you the name of the other successful candidate : ^ Froude 
 of Oriel. We were in grave deliberation till near two this 
 morning, and then went to bed. Froude is one of the acutest 
 and clearest and deepest men in the memory of man. I hope 
 our election will be in honorem Dei et sponsce sum ecclesice 
 salutem, as Edward II. has it in our Statutes.' The Oriel 
 electors had their own standards, and gloried in them. Fellow- 
 ships depended hardly at all on the technical and the pre- 
 scribed ; indications of the scope and accuracy of acquired 
 knowledge passed for next to nothing; but what did count, 
 in Oriel's golden days, was a man's whole momentum and 
 equilibrium, his relationship to the intellectual life, his mastery 
 over his own faculties : ' not what he had read, but what he 
 was like.' Originality, distinction, was the cachet, and Oriel 
 College was the first in Oxford to throw open her unhampered 
 Fellowships to the entire University. Like Whately, Thomas 
 Mozley, and Newman himself, Froude who stood only moder- 
 ately high in the books of the University examiners, had been 
 preferred before candidates who were double-firsts. He took, as 
 was but natural, an even more rapturous pleasure in the event 
 than Newman had done. He wrote to Keble, when he was 
 steadying himself under the impact of a lasting good fortune : 
 
 ' The first was Robert Isaac Wilberforce, 1 802-1 857, second son ofWilliam Wilber- 
 force, and the flower of a remarkable family of brothers. He became Vicar of East 
 Farleigh, preceding there his brother Heniy, and Archdeacon of the East Riding. 
 He died at Albano in 1857, while preparing for the priesthood at Rome, 
 
36 HURRELL FROUDE [i826 
 
 ' My dreamy sensations have at length subsided, and I 
 cannot think how I could have made myself such a fool as to 
 be so upset ! But it was altogether such a surprise to me, 
 and I knew it would delight my father so much, that I could 
 not stand it all. I do not mean that when the news was 
 announced to me I did riot contemplate the possibility of it ; 
 for you must know that I am the most superstitious of the 
 species, and that on the first day of the examination I had a 
 sort of indescribable sensation from which I augured the 
 event. But such a confused prophesying as this is so very 
 different from a sober expectation that it served rather to 
 increase than to diminish my surprise at its being realised.' 
 
 And again, turning from what he thought an almost 
 unnatural success, he seeks refuge in his own special pun. 
 ' Crede mihi', he confides to Keble on the eve of Candlemas, 
 ^ idem sum ille ^povBo<s qui utroque pede claudicans e scholis 
 evasi : me in nulla re scholastica ex illo tempore usque ad hunc 
 diem sentio profecisse] In ' Empty-head ' limping with both feet 
 out of the Schools, we are to recognise an allusion to Hurrell's 
 unforgotten double-second class. He was too humble to see 
 that for a Romany rye of his sort, a double-second class was 
 really a quite extravagant toll to pay to University conventions. 
 
 Oriel soon became a hotbed of revolution, as the conse- 
 quence of her anti-academical processes of selection. Within 
 two years, troubles began, and Froude, with Newman, R. I. 
 Wilberforce, and Dornford, the other public Tutors, took up 
 and for a long time maintained, against the settled paganism 
 of the College, their own ' fierce ' views of their duty towards 
 undergraduates. Of this duty Froude and Newman had a 
 particularly clear conviction. Keble had struck, and struck 
 strongly, the pastoral note as early as 1818, and developed 
 it in a letter to Sir J. T. Coleridge.^ On the other hand, the 
 Provost and the administrators held that intercourse between 
 Tutor and pupil should be a routine of lectures only, and not 
 that and a cure of souls beside. The antagonism lasted for 
 nearly four years, during which Froude's deep friendship with 
 Newman grew up, and was perfected. The end came with 
 
 ' Oriel College (College History Series), by David W^atson Rannie, M. A. London : 
 Robinson, 1900, p. 185. 
 
1826] HURRELL FROUDE 37 
 
 Hawkins' express refusal to sanction the further supply of 
 pupils to the would-be spiritual directors who so quietly 
 defied him. They had ' led the last struggle for the ancient 
 quasi-parental and religious character of the College Tutor.' i 
 As the pupils they had went up for degrees and left the 
 University, they fell quite idle, in that respect, by 1 8 3 1 , and 
 with all their smouldering zeal and moral fire within them, the 
 way was open for another onset of the Laudians which was 
 destined to affect the consciences not alone of young Oriel, but 
 of the nation and the age. 
 
 , Froude's allotted rooms were directly over Newman's, in 
 the Chapel angle of the Great Quad of Oriel College. The 
 new Fellow did not, as such, come into residence until after the 
 Easter vacation ; during the following month, April, we find 
 him still luxuriating in Devonshire and plunging deep into 
 abstract metaphysics. ' I have been taken with a fit of writing,' 
 he confesses to Keble. ' I am happier than I ever was at 
 Oxford, far: but that is not saying much.' Apparently, he 
 had posted manuscripts for criticism, and received it as grate- 
 fully and as combatively as usual. ' I am infinitely indebted 
 to you,' he writes, ' for your expeditious attention to my 
 concern, and will try my best to set to rights the places you 
 row [about]. However, I still maintain that my end is both 
 relevant and true and my puzzle-headed antithesis a good 
 one ; but I bow my head in implicit confidence, as far as 
 practice goes. Distinctions and refinements are growing on 
 me> and I am all in a maze ; and it is delightful to have the 
 shadow of a great rock in a weary land to which I may turn 
 for temporary shelter. If I had a year more, I could not 
 make it at all to my satisfaction ; so I must make the best 
 of it.' 
 
 His note-books for this year and the next are full of the 
 contemned ' distinctions and refinements.' In trying to beat 
 out his conceptions of moral growth (a thing he refused to 
 recognise in himself), he jots down some striking and arrest- 
 ing thoughts. Two or three which lie metaphysically not 
 far apart, must suffice for transcription. They show the 
 
 ' Reminiscences chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford Movement, by the Rev. T. 
 Mozley, M.A. London: Longmans, 1882, ii., 388. 
 
38 HURRELL FROUDE [1826 
 
 coherence, the synthetic power with which Froude's philosophy 
 knit all worlds into one. 
 
 — ' For whatever cause the great Author of Nature contrived 
 that resemblance (as it appears to us) which subsists between 
 the part of His dominions of which He has given us a con- 
 sciousness, and that other part with which we are acquainted 
 only through our understanding, it seems calculated to assist our 
 conceptions of the one to observe what passes in the other. . . . 
 The business of our life seems to be to acquire the habit of 
 acting as we should do if we were conscious of all that we 
 know. ... It is delightful to see things turn out well whose case 
 seems in some sort to represent to us our indistinct conceptions 
 of our own. Animals fainting under the effect of exercise, and 
 then again recovering their strength which that very exercise 
 has contributed to increase ; the slow and uncertain degrees in 
 which this increase is effected, and yet the certainty in which 
 it is effected : the growth of trees sometimes tossed by winds 
 and checked by frosts,, yet, by the evil effects of these winds, 
 directed in what quarter to strike their roots so as to secure 
 themselves for the future, and by these frosts hardened and 
 fitted for a new progress the next summer : — in things of this 
 sort I am so constituted as to see brethren in affliction 
 evidently making progress towards release.' 
 
 • — ' Some people imagine that there is something blasphem- 
 ous in the supposition that a finite creature can be conscious in 
 two places at once. This is so far from being true that even 
 our own experience contradicts it. Perhaps there is some 
 absurdity in the very idea which attributes a place to con- 
 sciousness, or the things capable of it. With regard to our- 
 selves, there is nothing to show us where we are conscious 
 (though most people suppose the conscious thing is somewhere 
 within the body), or that we may not be with equal propriety 
 said to be conscious, or, in other words, to be, wherever any- 
 thing is of which we are conscious. It seems to me that the 
 question where we are, is one not of fact, but of degree ; and 
 that the only facts which make us suppose we are where our 
 body is, give us likewise the same reason for supposing that 
 in the same sense we sometimes are far away from the body.' 
 — ' Yesterday, before breakfast, while the vacancy produced 
 
1826] HURRELL FROUDE 39 
 
 by fasting was still on me, and I was reading the Psalms, and 
 craving for a comprehension of the things which I could only 
 look on as words, and was worked up to such a pitch that I 
 felt trying to see my soul, and make out how it was fitted to 
 receive an impression from them, — Merton bell ^ began to go ; 
 and it struck me (I cannot tell why) that if such a trifle as that 
 could give me such a vivid idea, my soul must be a most 
 intricate thing ; and that when senses were given to the blind 
 part of it, what things would those appear, the apprehension of 
 which I was struggling after ! This is as near what passed in 
 my mind as I can find expressions to shape my memory byr 
 This blindness of heart is what, by habit and patience, it is our 
 work practically to remove. We are to shape our souls for its 
 removal, by making it in harmony with the things invisible.' 
 
 These passages mark a great point of divergence between 
 the writer and the ' religious genius ' with whom his memory is 
 identified to all generations. It is something of an anomaly, 
 even, to find the young Froude, and not the young Newman 
 (rather the less practical of the practical pair), developing so 
 strong a habit of purely speculative thought ; but it was that 
 which gave him his silent leadership. He combined with his 
 turn for abstractions (yet with scorn shared with Newman for 
 ' formulas which antedate the facts ') an unexpected power of 
 philosophical application of scientific ideas. All ^ these half- 
 mystical gymnastics of the reflective faculty are going to tell 
 in 1833 and after, when the hour of action strikes, and when, 
 by his already gathered impetus, Hurrell Froude is going to 
 dart ahead in a still level flight, like a gull's. He will seem 
 external, as if talking more than he thinks, talking somewhat 
 to the bewilderment of those others who can hardly think for 
 his talking. He will be gay ; he will be glib ; he will pass 
 care-free amid the sweat of horses and men, simply because of 
 these long hard mental vigils, pen in hand, up Oriel Staircase 
 No. 3, while he is hearing Merton bell, and trying to see his 
 soul. 
 
 To Keble, who was still at home during the spring of 
 1826, Hurrell confides impressions of the Newman who had 
 
 ^ Merton College lies south-east over against Oriel : the beautiful tower stands 
 up just behind the roof of Hurrell's rooms. 
 
40 HURUELL FROUDE [i826 
 
 already conceived so lofty an opinion of him, and had prob- 
 ably not taken pains to conceal it : the Newman who dearly 
 loved, to the last, to be ' disvenerated.' Many important 
 Fellows of Oriel, such as Arnold, Hampden, Jelf, Jenkyns, 
 Pusey, were absent from Oxford : hence they lack mention in 
 our critic's roster. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, May 25, 1826. 
 
 ' I should like to detail to you our [College] proceedings, but 
 no striking features occur to my mind at present ; so I will 
 favour you with my general impressions, [ Whately ?] ^ is the 
 only one with whom I have got to be at all intimate ; he is 
 not the least of a Don, and I like him very much indeed. 
 [Davison ?] is a person for whom I have a very great venera- 
 tion : but he is such an immense person that I hardly dare 
 bring myself in contact with him.^ [Newman] is, to my mind, 
 by far the greatest genius of the party, and I cannot help 
 thinking that, sometime or other, I may get to be well 
 acquainted with him : but he is very shy, ^ and dining with a 
 person now and then does not break the ice so quickly as might 
 be wished. I venerate [Davison ?] but dislike him : I like 
 [Newman] but disvenerate him. Old [Wilberforce ?] * is very 
 funny, good-natured, and, I think, very much improved. And 
 now for my ill-fated inconsistent self; I have been trying to be 
 
 ^ Hurrell seems to have known and liked his senior, Edward Hawkins (1798-1884, 
 Fellow of Oriel, 1813, Provost, succeeding Copleston, 1828), at tliis time. But 'not 
 the least of a Don' is emphatically not descriptive of him, but of Richard Whately, 
 1787-1863, afterwards Archbishop of Dublin. ' No Don was ever less donnish . . . 
 he revelled in setting conventions at naught,' etc. Dr. Rigg, in the Dictionary of 
 National Biography, Ix., 423-429, inter alia. 
 
 " John Davison, 1777-1834, Fellow and Tutor of Oriel, afterwards Vicar of Old 
 Sodbury, Gloucester, and Prebendary of Worcester Cathedral. He had a very high 
 repute at Oxford, and, like Whately, was mentioned ' with bated breath.' 
 
 ' ' Newman's relations with Whately largely cured him of the extreme shyness 
 that was natural to him. ' W. S. Lilly, in the Dictionary of National Biography, 
 xi., 342. 
 
 * Probably Hurrell's old friend, Robert Isaac Wilberforce, then, like himself, a 
 newly-made Fellow of Oriel. ('Old' was Hurrell's most endearing adjective: he 
 applies it unexpectedly in one letter : • old Becket.') Robert Wilberforce's tempera- 
 ment was far more studious and calm than that of his genial younger brothers, but 
 apparently he could be ' funny ' and ' good-natured ' too. ' R. Wilberforce was as 
 merry as he generally is,' writes his hostess, Mrs. Rickards, from Ulcombe, to Miss 
 Jemima Newman, in the autumn of 1827. 
 
1826] HURRELL FROUDE 41 
 
 diligent, and have been horribly idle ; trying to be contented, 
 and yet constantly fidgety ; trying to be matter-of-fact, and have 
 nearly cracked myself with conceited metaphysics. This last is 
 principally attributable to Lucretius, whom I have been reading 
 with considerable attention, and intense admiration ; I shall very 
 soon have finished him, as I have got on some way in the Sixth 
 Book. In the end of the Book, about the mortality of the 
 soul, there are some magnificent extraordinary reflections on 
 our longings for something indescribable, and beyond our 
 reach ; on our having affections which have no adequate object, 
 and which we long to forget and smother, because we cannot 
 gratify them : [reflections] which make a striking preface to 
 Bishop Butler's sermons on the Love of God.' 
 
 June 15, 1826, was the five hundredth anniversary of the 
 foundation of Oriel College. Perhaps the observance of it 
 served to stimulate Hurrell's filial piety and his spontaneous 
 regard for the past. Few Fellows of Colleges, then or since, 
 ' supinely enjoying the gifts of the Founder,' as Gibbon says, 
 would have offered, after such an occasion, this private prayer, 
 found among Hurrell's papers : 
 
 — ' Almighty God, Father of all Mercies, I beg to offer Thee 
 my deep and unfeigned thanks for all the blessings which Thou 
 hast bestowed upon me; but in addition to those of Thy 
 favours which I enjoy in common with all mankind, I more 
 particularly bless Thy Holy Name for those of which I partake 
 as member of this College ; for the means Thou hast given me 
 of daily sustenance, and of a continual admission to Thy house 
 and service, through the pious charity of holy men of old. I 
 bless Thee, O Lord, in that Thou didst put into their heart the 
 desire of erecting to themselves a memorial, and of leaving to 
 posterity a great example in the foundation and endowment of 
 a seminary of religious learning ; and I pray Thee that, as it 
 has fallen to my lot to succeed to this their institution, I may 
 fulfil my part in it as I believe they would approve if they 
 could be present with me ; that I may not waste in foolish or 
 gross indulgences the means afforded me of obtaining higher 
 ends ; or allow myself to consider as my own that time which 
 I receive their wages for dedicating to Thy service, by the 
 
42 HURRELL FROUDE [i826 
 
 advancement of useful learning, and adorning the doctrine of 
 God our Saviour. But more especially do I beg of Thee to 
 accept my thankfulness for those merciful dispensations of Thy 
 Providence which affect my lot in particular. That it has 
 pleased Thee to bring me into the world under the shadow of 
 my holy mother, in the recollection of whose bright society 
 Thou hast given me, as it were, a consciousness of that blessed- 
 ness which Thou hast taught us to look for in the presence of 
 Saints and Angels. Also, that my lot has been so cast that I 
 should fall into the way of one ^ whose good instructions have, 
 I hope, in some degree, convinced me of the error of my ways, 
 and may, by Thy grace, serve to reclaim me from them ; with 
 whose high friendship I have most unworthily been honoured, 
 and in whose presence I taste the cup of happiness.' 
 
 The correspondence with Keble continued implicitly con- 
 fidential at all times. But Hurrell writes freely at the close 
 of his first Long Vacation as Fellow, and after his return to 
 Oriel, of his scruples and self-dissatisfactions and aspirations : 
 ' thoughts that do wander through eternity.' 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, Oct. 14, 1826. 
 
 ' It will seem rather pompous to announce my determination 
 not to rise till I have got a letter written to you ; but unless I 
 start with some such resolution, I shall not be able to get one 
 written at all. I have made three attempts to write . . . but 
 all of them ran off into something wild, which upon reflection I 
 thought would be better kept to myself. The fact is, that I 
 have been in a very strange way all the summer, and having 
 had no one to talk to about the things which have bothered 
 me, I have been every now and then getting into fits of 
 enthusiasm or despondency. But the result has been in some 
 respects a good one, and I have got to take a very great 
 pleasure in what you recommended to me when we were 
 together at F[airford], the evening before I left you our first 
 summer, i.e. good books ; and I feel I ^ understand places in 
 the Psalms in a way I never used to. I go back to Oxford 
 with a determination to set to at Hebrew and the early Fathers, 
 
 > Keble. =' To ' in Remains. 
 
1826] HURRELL FROUDE 43 
 
 and to keep myself in as strict order as I can : a thing which 
 I have been making ineffectual attempts at for some time, but 
 which never once entered my head for a long time of my 
 life. . . . 
 
 ' I wish you would say anything to me that you think would 
 do me good, however severe it may be. You must have 
 observed . many things very contemptible in me, but I know 
 worse of myself, and shall be prepared for anything. I cannot 
 help being afraid that I am still deceiving myself about my 
 motives and feelings, and shall be glad of anything on which 
 to steady myself. Since I have been here I have been getting 
 more comfortable than I had been for a good bit, from the 
 society of I[saac] ^ and P[revost] ^ whom I get to like more 
 and more every day. . . . We were to have wandered over 
 North Wales together, but have been obliged to relinquish that 
 scheme for this time, and perhaps it is a good thing, as far as 
 I am concerned, to have a less exciting life for the present. I 
 have had one bit of romance, viz., a walk early in the morning 
 up the Vale of Rydal to Devil's Bridge. The W[illiamses] 
 wanted us to ride, but I thought I should remember it better 
 by walking. ... I shall always like scrambling expeditions as 
 long as I can recollect ours up the Wye. Those few days seem 
 like a bright spot in my existence ; or perhaps it would be a 
 more apt similitude to compare it to what you quoted as we 
 were going in the boat to Tintern : " The shadow of a great 
 rock in a weary land." 
 
 ' I daresay you will think this letter rather strange, but it 
 cannot do me any good to bottle everything up ; besides, I 
 think there is no pleasure in letters which do nothing but detail 
 matters of fact. I should have liked much better to have seen 
 you ; but as I suppose there is no chance of that for some time, 
 I must make the best of it. When I said that I had taken to 
 liking good books, I did not mean that I had read many. I 
 have read over and over again Bishop Taylor's Holy Living 
 
 ^ Isaac Williams, 1802-1865 : Scholar of Trinity, afterwards perpetual Curate of 
 Treyddn, Flintshire, and author of The Cathedral. 
 
 ''Sir George Prevost, Bart., 1804-1893, M.A., Oriel, 1827, married Jane, sister 
 of Isaac Williams, 1828. Curate to Thomas Keble at Bisley, 1828-1834 : afterwards 
 perpetual Curate of Stinchcomb and Archdeacon of Gloucester. 
 
44 HURRELL FROUDE [i826 
 
 and Dying, but till I came here I had not gone farther ; since, 
 I have read five sermons of Bishop Wilson, one on the History 
 of Christianity, and the others on Profiting by Sermons ; also 
 most of Law's Serious Call, about which I remember what you 
 said to me three years ago.' ^ 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, Nov. $, 1826. 
 
 ' It may seem an odd sort of thing to say, but I got from 
 your letter something more like happiness than I have known 
 since my mother died. Since that time it seems as if I had 
 been aQ^o'i ev tS Koafia ; but I hope I may yet get right at 
 last. It is a great comfort to find so many expressions in the 
 Psalms like " O tarry thou the Lord's leisure," as they serve 
 to keep up the hope that, weary and unsatisfactory as are my 
 attempts to be religious, they may in time " comfort my heart." 
 And now I can talk to you about myself, I feel a sort of 
 security against bewildering my mind with vague thoughts, 
 which I did not know where to check, because I could not get 
 anyone to sympathise with them at all. 
 
 ' I have borrowed Mr. Bonnell's Life^ and have got about 
 two-thirds through it. I did not at first like the plan you 
 recommended to me about reveries, as I had been directing all 
 my actions with a view to fitting myself for realising my 
 reveries. But it is a wretched unsatisfactory pursuit, for 
 besides that it does not seem to have any real religion in it, 
 I have often felt as if I had lost myself, and that I was acting 
 blindly, without a drift. It is much better to give up all 
 notion of guiding myself, and " seek first the kingdom of God 
 and His righteousness, and all these things shall be added." 
 I beg your pardon for putting before you the roundabout 
 fantastic methods to which I have been resorting to arrive at 
 
 ' See p. 236 for Mr. Keble's rebuke to Hurrell for a verbal flippancy. ' When at 
 Oxford, I took up Law's Serious Call to a Holy Life, expecting to find it a dull book, 
 as such books generally are, and perhaps laugh at it. But I found Law quite an 
 over-match for me ; and this was the first occasion of my thinking in earnest of 
 religion, after I became capable of rational inquiry.' Boswell's Johnson, edited by 
 George Birkbeck Hill, i., 68. 
 
 ^ The Exemplary Life and Character of James Bonnell, Esq. [1653-1699], late 
 Accomptant General of Ireland, by William Hamilton, A. M. , Archdeacon of Armagh. 
 The book was first published in 1703. 
 
1826] HURRELL FROUDE 45 
 
 a plain simple truth that ought to have come at once ; but 
 perhaps they may serve to show the state of my mind better 
 than any direct description I could give. It is very frightful 
 to see people like Mr. Bonnell so alarmed about themselves, 
 and expressing so strongly the wretchedness of their moral 
 condition. It seems as if, to a fellow like me, it must always 
 be presumptuous not to despair. The evening before last I 
 was much struck with a thought in the beginning of Hooker's 
 Preface to the Ecclesiastical Polity, about not permitting 
 thoughts to pass away as in a dream. It seems as if people 
 might make so much more out of their lives by keeping records 
 of them. . . . 
 
 ' I will write you down some horridly-expressed verses 
 which call themselves to the tune of " Allan Water " and 
 "Rousseau's Dream "; the first sketched in autumn, 1825, but 
 undergoing changes for a long time, poor as is the result; 
 the second written at W[illiams's]. I have not shown them to 
 anyone, and they may give you a sort of guess at the things 
 my mind has, been running upon.' 
 
 ' On the Banks of Allan Water ' was his favourite air. 
 
 ['The Fashion of this World Passeth Away.'] 
 
 ' Ere the buds their stores deliver, 
 
 Have ye vpatched the springtime gay ? 
 Have ye seen the sere leaves shiver 
 In an autumn day? 
 
 Have ye loved some flower appearing, 
 
 Tulip, or pale lily tall, 
 Day by day its head uprearing, 
 But to mourn its fall? 
 
 Have ye on the bosom rested 
 
 Of some friend that seemed a god? 
 Have ye seen her relics vested 
 In their long abode? 
 
 With the years that ye have numbered. 
 
 With the flowers that gaily blow, 
 With the friends whose sleep is slumbered, 
 Ye shall perish too.' 
 
46 HURRELL FROUDE [i826 
 
 [Heaven -in-Earth.] 
 
 'Oh, can it be that this bright world 
 
 Was made for such dull joys' as ours? 
 Dwells there not aught in secret furled 
 'Mid Nature's holy bowers?'' 
 
 Is it for naught that things gone by 
 
 Still hover o'er our wondering mind, 
 And dreamy feelings, dimly high, 
 
 A dwelling-place within us find? 
 
 No ; there are things of higher mould, 
 
 Whose charmed ways we heedless tread ; 
 And men even here a converse hold 
 
 With those whom they shall meet when dead. 
 
 Lord of the World, Almighty King, 
 
 Thy shadow resteth over all : 
 Or where the Saints Thy terrors sing. 
 
 Or where the waves obey Thy call.' 
 
 To this productive year belong also some haunting 
 unfinished lines which might bear for a title The Summons. 
 Of course none of these three poems of Hurrell's appeared, later, 
 in Lyra Apostolica; nor elsewhere than in the Remains. 
 
 ' To-night my dreary course is run. 
 And at the setting of the sun. 
 Far beneath the western wavfe 
 I seek my quiet grave. 
 
 Amid the silent halls of Fate, 
 Where lie in long and shadowy state 
 The embryos of the things that be 
 Waiting the hour of destiny. 
 
 I hear thy magic voice ; 
 I hear it, and rejoice . . . 
 To-morrow : ere the hunter's horn 
 Has waked the echoes of the morn ..." 
 
 Froude at this time was associating a good deal with Blanco 
 White, the Anglicised Spaniard and ex-priest who came to 
 Oriel, aged fifty-one, when Tyler left it, and deeply interested 
 Oriel men with his knowledge of the scholastic philosophy. 
 
 ' The common flash going on. R. H. F.'s note. 
 " A foot wanting. R. H. F., ui supra. 
 
1827] HURRELL FROUDE 47 
 
 For some three years he was in great repute among them : 
 his mental gifts were invalidated to them, later, by his aimless- 
 ness and instability. To his practical acquaintance with the 
 Roman Breviary, often demonstrated in his own rooms, after 
 dinner, to Froude, Newman, Pusey, and Wilberforce, Hurrell 
 owed much, especially in conjunction with the able lectures on 
 liturgical subjects being delivered by Dr. Lloyd. 
 
 Hurrell's most intimate letter of all those addressed to 
 Keble, beating and surging with the pathos which is insepar- 
 able from a young man's interior life, ends sadly and bravely 
 on Jan. 8, 1827 : 
 
 ' I am glad of your advice about penance, for my spirit was 
 so broken down that I had no vigour to go on even with the 
 trifling self-denials I had imposed on myself; besides, I feel 
 that though it has in it the colour of humility, it is in reality 
 the food of pride. Self-imposed, it seems to me quite different 
 from when imposed by the Church ; and even fasting itself, to 
 weak minds, is not free from evil, when, however secretly it is 
 done, one cannot avoid the consciousness of being singular. . . . 
 I have not much more to say, and when anything comes over 
 me, will put it down on a large sheet, and send it off when it 
 is full. I am so very unequal to my feelings, that sometimes 
 I suspect all to be hypocrisy ; but the tide has by this time so 
 often returned after its ebbing, that finding myself again on 
 the dry land does not make me so much doubt the reality of 
 all His waves and storms which have gone over me.' 
 
 To his dear Robert Isaac Wilberforce, an approaching guest, 
 Hurrell indites on the same day a more mundane theme : 
 
 ' I must prepare you to find me a great humbug about 
 cock-shooting ; for, though I will not recede from my assertions 
 concerning the pre-eminent qualifications of our woods in that 
 line, yet, as our sporting establishment does not go beyond the 
 bare appointments for what Bob calls hedge-popping, the 
 vicinity of the cocks will serve no other purpose than to make 
 you feel more acutely the disadvantages of a connection with 
 such unknowing people.' 
 
 His Tutorship was not an unmixed enjoyment to him, 
 after taking his M.A. Of it he writes thus seriously, humbly, 
 and characteristically : 
 
48 HURRELL FROUDE [I827 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, Oct. 23, 1827. 
 
 ' Perhaps it may amuse you to hear something of my 
 proceedings in my new line of life. I have six Lectures in 
 all : three each day. ... I have now got through two days 
 and seen the general aspect of affairs, and as yet no liberties 
 have been taken with me, to my knowledge : however, this is 
 the thing against which I endeavour to arm myself, and from 
 which I expect a fruitful harvest of moral discipline. I look 
 upon it as one of the best opportunities which can be given me 
 to put my elements into order and harmony. It is a quick 
 and efficacious refreshment to me to think of the south-westerly 
 waves roaring round the Prawle after our stern, or the little 
 crisp breakers that we cut through, when you cruised with us 
 off Dartmouth Harbour. Somehow or other, without having 
 exposed myself that I know of, in any flagrant way, there 
 remains upon my mind a more vivid impression of my in- 
 competence than I expected to await my entrance into the 
 office. I feel called on to act a part for which neither my 
 habits nor my studies have fitted me. I am, and always 
 have been, childishly alive to the pain of being despised, and I 
 cannot but feel that I have not the sort of knowledge to give 
 me any command over the men's attention, or even power of 
 benefiting the attentive ; and, if it was not that I know how 
 good it is for myself, I believe I should give it up at once ! 
 . . . Two more tedious days are over ; I am not a bit 
 more in love with my occupation, so that this letter, instead 
 of suggesting to you some ludicrous ideas and reminiscences, 
 will terminate in a 'concatenation of dolefulness, and ask for 
 a consolatory answer. 
 
 ' Lloyd gave us his introductory Lecture to-day, i.e., settled 
 the books we were to do, and the times of coming, and was 
 very good-natured, as usual, in his reception of all of us. I am 
 afraid my time and spirits will be so much drawn upon in 
 another quarter, that I shall not have much left of either for 
 him. Otherwise an historical account of the Liturgy, tracing 
 all the prayers, through the Roman Missals and Breviaries, up 
 to their original source, for one Lecture, and the Epistle to the 
 Romans and First of Corinthians for the other, would be a very 
 
1828] HURRELL FROUDE 49 
 
 eligible subject to spend a good deal of time on. ... I go 
 to the Tyrolese singers, who perform some national music in 
 the Town-Hall at eight o'clock. I hope they will help to lull 
 me into a momentary forgetfulness ; and that I may dream 
 myself among lakes and mountains, far, far away from the 
 vulgar crowd.' 
 
 Hurrell's forecast that his time and spirits would be drawn 
 upon to the detriment of his studies, was due to the anxiety 
 he began to feel about his brother Robert. The latter had 
 followed Hurrell to Oriel in 1822, and graduated B.A. on the 
 8th of June, 1826. Ardent and active in everything, he had 
 taken a chill during that Long Vacation, after a particularly long 
 pull at sea, and the chill was to terminate only in consumption. 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, New Year's Day, 1828. 
 
 ' . . . I wish I could write verses ! and then I should make 
 an attempt to perpetuate in my mind the notions that came 
 into it the other day at seeing the dead body of a poor woman 
 who for the last two years has been in a state of intense bodily 
 suffering, from which she was released a few days since. I do 
 not recollect having seen her before her illness ; but while she 
 was alive I had never seen her free from the expression of dull 
 pain ; and her face was distorted by a sore wound, which never 
 healed, on the side of her mouth. But the morning after her 
 death there was such a quiet careworn beauty on her 
 countenance, that it seemed to me as if good spirits had been 
 ornamenting her body at last, to show that a friend of theirs 
 had inhabited it. I am willing to hope that the recollection of 
 it may be a help to me in fits of scepticism, when everything 
 seems so tame and commonplace.' 
 
 These serious thoughts haunted Hurrell at home where 
 his brother's health was failing day by day. ' Bob ' had the 
 chief share of the physical beauty and vitality, of the family. 
 One who knew him well has preserved an anecdote of his 
 lovable mischief. 
 
 ' The richness and melody of Copleston's ^ voice surpassed 
 
 ' Edward Copleston, 1776-1849 : from 1814 to 1828 Provost of Oriel, afterwards 
 Bishop of Llandaff. The Hurrells had Copleston blood. 
 
 4 
 
50 HURRELL FROUDE [i828 
 
 any instrument. ... It was no small part of the daily 
 amusement of the undergraduates to repeat what Copleston had 
 said, and just as he said it, and to vary it from their own boyish 
 imaginations. . . . The second of the four Froudes, who died 
 young, made this a special study. Coming out of Tyler's room 
 after a Lecture, he tapped gently at the door, and said in the 
 exact Copleston tone : " Mr. Tyler, will you please step out a 
 moment ? " Tyler rushed out, exclaiming : " My dear Mr. 
 Provost ! " but only saw the tail of the class descending the 
 staircase. " You silly boys, you've been playing me a trick ! " 
 was all that he could say.' ^ 
 
 The wheel of fortune brought the Provostship of Oriel not 
 to ' an angel,' John Keble, but to Edward Hawkins, on the 
 promotion of Copleston to the See of Llandaff, early in this 
 year. A letter of Froude's to him has been preserved. There 
 is an entry in the former's Diary, under date of Nov. 2 2, 1826, 
 
 thus printed : ' Promised I would not vote against him 
 
 if ever he stood for the . Foolish : but I must abide by 
 
 it.' Hawkins and James Endell Tyler were the two among 
 the Fellows who had for years set their hearts upon the 
 Provostship. Tyler lost his chance when he left Oriel during 
 the autumn for the living of S. Giles-in-the-Fields, London, 
 where Endell Street, W.C, yet preserves his name. Either to 
 him, or to Hawkins, Hurrell had hastily pledged his word. 
 But when he wrote the following letter he was quite aware 
 of Mr. Keble's definite withdrawal from the candidacy which 
 was not yet announced. As a matter of fact, Mr. Keble had 
 never consented to come forward, and his disciple's course 
 became, thereby, easy as well as plain. 
 
 To the Rev. Edv^tard HAWKINS,^ Jan. 23, 1828. 
 
 ' My dear Hawkins, — Though I don't set so high a 
 value on the emanations of my pen as to volunteer a super- 
 fluous communication, yet, from what Churton said to me in 
 his note, I fancy I ought to supply an eKXeiiifm in my last 
 
 ' Jieminiscences chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford Movement, by the Rev. 
 T. Mozley, M.A. London: Longmans, 1882, i., 384. 
 
 "^ From the chapter entitled Edward Hawkins, the Great Provost, in Lives of 
 Twelve Good Men, by John William Burgon, pp. 208-209. 
 
1828] HURRELL FROUDE 51 
 
 letter by making a more formal declaration of my uncon- 
 ditional and uncompromising determination to rank myself 
 among your retainers. I am really very sorry that my stupid 
 delay in answering your letter should have caused you any 
 bother (to use a studiously elegant expression, than which I 
 cannot hit on a better) : and this is the more provoking, as 
 I actually had written you an answer the first day ; but as I 
 said something at the end of it about my brother, which 
 afterwards I thought too gloomy, and which, I believe, was 
 suggested by seeing him look particularly unwell from some 
 accident, I thought it rather too hard to call on you for 
 sympathy in my capricious fancies. I suppose I may take 
 the liberty to enclose this in a cover to the Bishop, otherwise 
 I should hesitate to draw on your purse as well as your time 
 for such a scribble as this. However, I have left you enough 
 clear paper at the end to work out a question in algebra, or 
 make the skeleton of a sermon ! And as this is probably 
 worth more than any words I have to put into it, I shall 
 conclude by begging you to consider me ever affectionately, 
 
 ' R. H. Froude.' 
 
 For poor ' Bob ' Froude, full of frolic and power, the 
 Lusisti satis had been spoken. He died on April 28, 1828, 
 between the dates of the two following letters, which Hurrell 
 wrote with a heavy heart. 
 
 To the Rev. Robert Isaac Wilberforce, April 2, 1828. 
 ' . . . I have not much spirits to write to you, but will not 
 allow my promise to go for nothing. When I first came home 
 I found my brother very much emaciated and enfeebled, but 
 not quite so far gone as I had been prepared for. But since I 
 have been here his disorder has been making very rapid 
 progress indeed. . , . From what I had heard at Oxford, I 
 almost doubted I might not find all over before my arrival : 
 and the relief which I felt when, on getting off the coach at 
 Totnes, I heard from my father that, not a quarter of an hour 
 before, he ^ had driven in to meet me, was so great as almost to 
 unsettle my resolution. So that now the near prospect of a 
 
 "Bob." 
 
52 HURRELL FROUDE [i828 
 
 conclusion is rather hard to face. Even so late as yesterday 
 evening I began a letter to you, in which I expressed a hope 
 that when Monday came my brother and I might not part for 
 ever, but that he would be alive on my return for the Long 
 Vacation. But the medical person who has attended him told 
 me, just now, that unless he was relieved from his present 
 oppression, forty-eight hours would end him. In this state I 
 really do not think that the [Oriel] election has claims on me 
 so great as those which retain me here ; and, unless his illness 
 take some unexpected turn, I shall write to [the Provost] in a 
 day or two, to apologise for absenting myself. I cannot, 
 indeed, flatter myself that any turn will long retard the 
 encroachment of the disorder ; but, unless appearances 
 decidedly indicated that, by staying out the Vacation, I should 
 see all, I think it would be foolish to shrink from my business ; 
 for, when the time of parting came, it would be worse a fort- 
 night hence than now. ... I have known enough of myself 
 to foresee the return of all my fretfulness and absurdity, 
 when I leave this enchanted atmosphere. I hope you will 
 excuse my not writing a longer letter; for most things now 
 seem insipid to me, except such as I have no right to inflict 
 upon you. So good-bye, my dear [Robert], for the present, 
 and do not expect to see me till the beginning of Term. I 
 should very much wish to take my part in the election, and 
 do not even now wholly abandon the idea. For I know that 
 active occupation is the best resource, and I shall not shrink 
 from it merely to indulge my feelings.' 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, May, 1828. 
 
 "... The feelings under which I wrote to you last, were, 
 as you say, like the effect of a stunning blow, and I was quite 
 surprised, myself, how quickly they evaporated. I cannot 
 indeed call them either groundless or irrational, and I am, in 
 some respects, not contented at being so soon released from 
 them. Yet many things have occurred to me, which, even to 
 my reason, have made things seem better than they did at 
 first. The more I think of B[ob], the more I am struck with 
 his singleness of heart, and the low estimation in which he held 
 himself. I have found, too, some things which he had written, 
 
1828] HURRELL FROUDE 53 
 
 which I regret much that he had not shown me, which give 
 me almost assurance that he was farther advanced in serious 
 feeling, and had taken greater pains to fight against himself 
 than anyone supposed. Among others, there is one which 
 seems to me quite beautiful. On the Legitimate Use of 
 Pleasure ; which he has headed with : " My opinion, June, 
 1827. I wonder what it will be next year." It is well 
 arranged as a composition, quite elegant in the language, and 
 shows that he must have thought over the Ethics in a common- 
 sense way, and compared it with Bishop Butler. I had often 
 heard him say what a fool he used to be in thinking that the 
 Ethics was only something to be got up, and something quite 
 irrelevant to actual conduct. . . . But I feel now as if I had 
 been conversing with a person, who, if he had not much under- 
 valued himself, would never have deferred to me. . . .' 
 
 To the Rev. John Henry Newman, Aug. 12, 1828. 
 
 ' I have just torn up a letter which I began for you the 
 other day, and fear that you will have cause to wonder how I 
 could reserve this for a better destiny. For the fact is, that I 
 seem to myself to become duller as I grow older, and to have 
 acquired a fustiness independent of place and occupation, an 
 inherent fustiness which idleness cannot blow away nor variety 
 obliterate. ... I fear from what I hear of C[hurton] ^ that the 
 chance of his recovery is at present very slender. His brother 
 wrote to me the other day to ask what place in Devonshire 
 we reckoned the best suited ^ to complaints of that description, 
 as his enfeebled state put his going abroad out of the question. 
 But I know from experience how little Devonshire air can do 
 ... I myself am still, as I indeed have been for a long time, 
 perfectly well. But I find the freshness which at first resulted 
 from a relaxation from College discipline now gradually 
 
 ' William Ralph Churton, Fellow of Oriel, the brilliant and much-loved younger 
 brother of the better-known Edward Churton, Archdeacon of Cleveland. He died 
 at his home in Middleton Cheney, Northamptonshire, during the following month. 
 His Remains were privately printed in 1830, and are dedicated to the then Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, and to nine clergymen, the Oxonians Keble, Ogilvie, Cotton, 
 Perceval, and Froude among them. Their friendship, says the Preface, ' honoured 
 him in his death ' ; perhaps they bore together the expenses of publication. There 
 is nothing particularly memorable in the book. 
 
 ^ Misprinted ' situated ' in R. H, F.'s Remains. 
 
54 HURRELL FROUDE [i828 
 
 wearing out ; and as the images of impudent undergraduates 
 fade away from the field of my fancy, and the consciousness of 
 what I am released from becomes less vivid, a new host of 
 evil genii take possession of the deserted spot. Till within 
 this last week or so, I felt quite differently from what I ever 
 used to, and reckoned myself to have become quite a cheerful 
 fellow ; but now I begin to see with my old eyes, and to feed 
 upon the dreams of faeryland. 
 
 ' " And as I mark the line of light that plays 
 O'er the smooth wave towards the burning west, 
 I long to tread that golden path of rays, 
 And think 'twould lead to some bright Isle of Rest." 
 
 ... I have a brother now at home who is coming to Oriel 
 next term, and will make a very good hand at mathematics 
 unless he is very idle.' 
 
 The brother at home referred to was William Froude, 
 afterwards LL.D. (Glasgow) and F.R.S., then newly come 
 from Westminster School. He was entered at Oriel on Oct. 
 23, 1828, with Hurrell for Tutor. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Aug. 26, 1828. 
 
 ' . . . I have long been meditating a letter to you, and have 
 put it off from day to day, in hopes that when the fine weather 
 should come at last, it might rekindle in me some spark of 
 poetical feeling. But I was thinking over with myself last 
 night how I could scrape up a verse or two in honour of this 
 long-wished-for revolution, and was, after some fruitless pains, 
 obliged to abandon the undertaking. It is a melancholy fact, 
 yet full often does it force itself upon me, and in .too un- 
 questionable a shape, that I get stupider as I get older ; and 
 that I either never was what I used to think myself, or that 
 Nature has recalled her misused favours ! In vain is it that 
 night after night I have tried to peep through the clouds at 
 Lyra and Cassiopeia, as they chase one another round the 
 pole, and that I have got up at three to see Mercury rise, when 
 he was at his longest distance from the sun ; and that I have 
 sailed to Guernsey on a fine day and come back on a finer, 
 when the waves washed in on the deck as each passed in 
 succession ; and that (when for a short time off the island in a 
 
1828] HURRELL FROUDE 55 
 
 calm) I found the latitude within a minute by taking the sun's 
 meridian altitude, and that I have seen him rise out of the 
 water, cut in two by the horizon as sharp as a knife. " This 
 brave o'erhanging firmament, this majestical roof fretted with 
 golden fire, — what seemeth it to me but a pestilent congrega- 
 tion of vapours ? " I can partly account for it from the fact 
 that we are so uncommonly comfortable and cosy here, and 
 quite agree with you, that " home by mazy streams " is not the 
 most bracing school in which the recipient of habits can be 
 disciplined. 
 
 ' Then, henceforth, hail ! ye impudent undergraduates : 
 yevearde, fir) cfieiSea-de.' 
 
 ' I heard from N[ewman] the other day, with the testi- 
 monials,' he adds, a little later. ' ... He is a fellow that I 
 like the more, the more I think of him ; only I would give a 
 few odd pence if he were not a heretic ! ' This in reference to 
 Newman's early Evangelicalism, not yet sloughed away. As 
 between Froude and Newman, so between Newman and Pusey, 
 affection appears to have preceded perfect intellectual confi- 
 dence. There is a parallel thought, in more sedate dress, in 
 Newman's private journal of May 17, 1823: 'That Pusey is 
 Thine, O Lord, how can I doubt ? . . . yet I fear he is preju- 
 diced against Thy children. . . . Lead us both on in the way 
 of Thy commandments ! ' ^ Hurrell quickly came to a correct 
 reading of Newman, and he presently made sure that his beloved 
 Keble should share it too. He said once, when conversation 
 ran on the traits of undoubted excellence in criminal characters : 
 ' Were I asked what good deed I had ever done, I should say 
 that I had brought Keble and Newman to understand each 
 other.' That mutual love, indeed, despite a long parting, 
 never wavered. There is an odd little footnote to be gathered 
 from Mr. Anthony Froude's ' Oxford Counter-Reformation.' ^ 
 He is speaking of events subsequent to 1845. 
 
 ' My eldest brother had left to us younger ones, as a 
 characteristic instruction, that if we ever saw Newman and 
 
 '^ John Henry Newman, Letters and Correspondence to 184$. Edited by Anne 
 Mozley. Longmans, i8go, i., 103. 
 
 * Short Studies on Great Subjects, 4th Series. London ; Longmans, 1883, p. 235. 
 
56 HURR.ELL FROUDE [1829 
 
 Keble disagree, we might think for ourselves. The event 
 which my brother had thought as impossible as that a double 
 star should fly asunder in space, had actually occurred. We 
 had been floated out into mid-ocean upon the Anglo-Catholic 
 raft, buoyed up by airy bubbles of ecclesiastical sentiment. 
 The bubbles had burst, the raft was splintered, and we — I 
 mean my other brother and myself — were left, like Ulysses, 
 struggling in the waves.' 
 
 Says Mr. Thomas Mozley,^ referring to this time, and to 
 tastes shared in common among Oriel men : ' I think we all of 
 us found it easier to admire and even to criticise, than to 
 design. Keble, Froude, and Ogilvie undertook a memorial of 
 William Churton, to be placed in S. Mary's. It was to be 
 simple, modest, and unobtrusive, like the subject. Whether 
 the result carried out this idea, I leave others to say.' If we 
 are to judge from a letter of Hurrell's addressed to Keble, the 
 first design emanated from Newman, though drawn by himself. 
 ' I don't make much progress in my design for C[hurton's] 
 monument,' he writes on May 23, 1829. ' 0[gilvie] decides on 
 its being Gothic ; and if this is the case, it will never do to let 
 it take its chance in the hands of a statuary.^ Yet the 
 responsibility of doing it one's self makes me so fastidious that 
 I cannot settle on anything.' He had thought of falling back 
 upon ' the sort of niches which are used to hold statues of 
 saints, or [stoups for] holy water : somehow it does not seem 
 quite congruous to make one of these merely to frame an 
 inscription." However, he draws a narrow pointed arch over 
 a tall pedestal supporting a plain cross, on the suggestion of 
 Newman, adding that he likes it especially, though it may be 
 a bit eccentric* ' It is to stand in the wall over one of the 
 doorways, between the blank window on the south side, and 
 the window in which the gallery terminates. This is meant 
 to be represented standing under an arch cut out in the wall.' 
 There were not many Englishmen attempting Early English 
 decoration in 1829. The memorial to William Ralph Churton, 
 
 ' Reminiscences chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford Movement, by the Rev. 
 T. Mozley, M.A., sometime Fellow of Oriel. London: Longmans, 1882, i., 18. 
 * Sculptor. How recently has ' statuary ' become an obsolete word ! 
 'A print of it appears in the Remains, i., 235. 
 
1829] HURRELL FROUDE 57 
 
 Fellow of Oriel, aged twenty-seven, phthisi eheu prcereptus, is 
 to be found in S. Mary's Church, though not in the position 
 allotted it in this letter ; and the big ugly white sarcophagus 
 with fussy details in high relief on a grey ground is certainly 
 no design of Hurrell Froude's. 
 
 Froude's intimate correspondence with Newman began in 
 1828, their friendship having been forming since 1826. To 
 all to whom the latter spoke or wrote with affection, as Miss 
 Mozley reminds us, he was ever open and confiding. ' But 
 there is distinction in his confidences. Thus to his mother he 
 writes what it would not occur to him to say to anyone else : 
 experiences, sensations, and odd encounters ; dreams, fancies, 
 and passing speculations : while to Hurrell Froude, on another 
 field altogether, there is the same absolute trust, and unlocking 
 of the heart.' ^ 
 
 Sometimes, in the early letters, the correspondent at 
 Dartington feels impelled to continue his autobiography, in 
 default of anything better to deal with. ' When I come to 
 consider my resources,' he says in his smiling mock-grandiose 
 way, ' I feel that they will not prove commensurate with my 
 malignity, and that I shall not be able even to bore you with 
 success.' 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Henry Newman, Aug. 12, 1829. 
 
 ' Since I left Oxford, little has happened to me, and still 
 less have I done. I have indeed written two sermons, and 
 they lasted near twenty minutes, so that I may hope to get 
 on. But the time that they took me is quite absurd, and that 
 which they gave me an excuse for wasting, under the plea of 
 thought, grotesque indeed. Also, the paper that I wasted on 
 things that turned out to have no reference to the subject 
 would form a distinct object of contemplation ; and after all, 
 when I came to preach them, they seemed so rambling and 
 incomplete that I could not fancy, while I was reading them, 
 how anyone could possibly follow me. Besides this, I have 
 done nothing except getting my equatorial put up and 
 adjusted in our garden, and trying provoking experiments on 
 the insensibility of my hearing organs, I find the summit of 
 '^ John Henry Newman, Letters and Correspondence to 1S4S, i., 8. 
 
58 HURRELL FROUDE [1829 
 
 perception to which I can attain is to observe that a note 
 harmonises better with its octave, twelfth, and fifth, than with 
 their next-door neighbours. I also can acknowledge a discord 
 in a deuce ^ and a seventh ; but as for knowing one from the 
 other, unless they come very close on each other, it passes my 
 comprehension how man can do it. ... I am quite ashamed 
 of the length of time this has been on the stocks, and of the 
 shabby performance which it turns out. Alas, it is a sad 
 reflection that I am condemned to retrograde in all respects : 
 to find no resting-place for my self-complacency either in my 
 intellectual, moral, or corporeal prowess, and notwithstanding 
 to be as conceited as ever ! ' 
 
 This was a note of needless dissatisfaction only too sincere, 
 repeated in Keble's ear. ' As for me, I despair of ever becom- 
 ing a scholar or mathematician either, beyond just enough 
 to amuse myself when I am a solitary country Curate. . . .' 
 
 1829 is a silent year with Hurrell, on the whole. He had 
 lost his beloved brother, and he was preparing for his own 
 Ordination. In the late summer he paid his first visit to his 
 cousins at Keswick. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Sept. 17, 1829. 
 
 ' The evening I received your criticisms I wrote you three 
 sides of a letter, and did not send it, only because I thought 
 time would produce things better worth writing: and now I 
 am so changed in position and circumstances I think I may as 
 well begin again. So all I will retain of my former letter is 
 a criticism on The Christian Year, suggested by a very 
 tempestuous night, in which all our party were crossing the 
 Channel in a pilot-boat. You must not say " the wild wind 
 rustles in the piping shrouds " : ^ shrouds never " pipe " when 
 trees or rustling can be presented to the fancy, but only on 
 occasions when it is more sublime than comfortable to be a 
 
 ' The interval of a second in music : an amusing employment of the word, in this 
 sense then, as now, obsolete and rare. 
 
 '^ The Christian Year: Forms of Prayer to be Used at Sea, line 5, not quite 
 correctly quoted : 
 
 ' The wild winds rustle in the piping shrouds 
 As in the quivering trees.' 
 
1829] HURRELL PROUDE 59 
 
 listener. This, in my letter, I endeavoured to enforce by a 
 description of the scene I witnessed, and the night I spent on 
 deck : but I doubt not you will willingly take all this for 
 granted. ... I left Devonshire more than a fortnight since for 
 Cumberland. [Dornford ?] ^ made me stay some time in Dublin, 
 which was my first stage, and is, in point of time, much the 
 nearest way : and also sent me into the north of Ireland after 
 Captain Mudge, who is surveying the coast. In my hunt for 
 him, I saw the Giants' Causeway, every stone of which is beset 
 by some fellow who claims a fee for describing it. It is certainly 
 well worth seeing ; but you can conceive nothing so perfectly 
 unlike any of the pretended representations of it. I made two 
 bad drawings there, which will serve to keep it in my own 
 mind, but will do little to illuminate mankind at large. I am 
 forgetting all this while to tell you that, while at Dublin, I 
 found I was within twenty-five miles of 
 
 '"The Lake whose gloomy shore 
 Skylark never warbles o'er " : 
 
 and immediately hired a horse, to start the next morning at 
 five to see it. I was most unlucky in my day, as it had been 
 fine for the preceding week, and only set in for rain when 
 I got among the Wicklow mountains. I had a very wild 
 romantic uncomfortable ride through a wholly uninhabited 
 country, till I got within the baleful influence of lionisers,^ 
 and was pestered out of my wits by humbugging guides who 
 dinned into my ears miserable expansions of Tom Moore's 
 note about St. Kevin, till I was quite out of patience. The 
 day was so misty that it was only once or twice that I could 
 make out the scene distinctly, and so constantly raining, that 
 all my paper was soaked in trying to draw what I could make 
 out. By dint of perseverance, I crawled into poor St. Kevin's ^ 
 cell, which is hardly large enough to coil one's self up in, 
 
 ' Joseph Dornford, 1794-1868, Fellow of Oriel ; after a military career, Rector of 
 Plymtree, Devon, and Canon of Exeter Cathedral. He had travelled in Ireland 
 this summer. 
 
 ^ The word now has come to imply a sort of hero-worship based on a questionable 
 social motive ; but in Froude's day it meant only those who showed, described, or 
 patronised celebrated places, these being the ' lions.' 
 
 ° A half-legendary contemporary of S. Columbkille. Sir Walter Scott had 
 crawled into the Hole or Bed at Glendalough in 1825. 
 
60 HURRELL FROUDE [1829 
 
 and when I was there hardly a square foot of it was dry : so 
 the day answered the purpose, at any rate, of showing me 
 that there is a dark side to a hermit's existence. He had 
 chosen himself a most picturesque rocky point, which projects 
 a little into the Lake, with one or two hollies and mountain 
 ashes growing up in its crevices ; and cut out a cell for him- 
 self in its perpendicular face. It would take too much space 
 to describe the grand gloom of the Lake, the seven ruined 
 Churches on its borders (one of which is still a burial-ground 
 for the Roman Catholics), and that extraordinary Tower, a relic 
 of paganism, which stands in one of the churchyards. 
 
 ' I am now on the bank of the Lake by which my mother 
 was brought up, and of which I used to hear over and over 
 again. It has been much altered by Macadamisers, and the 
 house she lived in has been sold. Houses seem to have 
 sprung up about Keswick Lake as if it was a Torquay or 
 Sidmouth ; and new dandy names have been given to all the 
 creeks and islands, and nothing but gaiety seems to be going 
 on or thought of. But I suppose old Skiddaw looks pretty 
 much the same as he used to do, and will see things go to pot 
 with their predecessors. ... I hope in a day or two to 
 find out the Parish Register, and see her birth and marriage : 
 which is something like poring over the name of a place one 
 likes in a map. . . ,' 
 
 The home of Margaret Spedding's childhood, Armathwaite 
 Hall, is within six miles of Cockermouth, the birthplace of 
 Wordsworth. It stands at the foot of Bassenthwaite Lake, 
 and looks out towards some of the loveliest and best-known 
 mountains of the district, including Skiddaw, Helvellyn, and 
 the Borrowdale Hills. It had been sold to Sir Frederick Vane, 
 Bart, of Hutton Hall, Penrith, in 1796. Hurrell was a guest 
 at Mirehouse, where his cousin John Spedding was always from 
 time to time entertaining some of the noted literary men of 
 the period. 
 
 To Newman, on Sept. 27, 1829, he writes more of St. 
 Kevin's dismal and delightful habitation, and ends with the 
 praises of his mother's county, ' I got to Cumberland about 
 ten days since, and I can safely assert that it exceeds anything 
 
1830] HURRELL FROUDE 61 
 
 that imagination can conjure up. I don't mean that the exten- 
 sive views of lake and mountain are so especially splendid, for, 
 when the scene is on so large a scale, the trees and rocks become 
 deplorably insignificant, woods seem little better than furze 
 brakes ; but, in rambling along the brooks and waterfalls, one 
 comes to such excessively romantic corners, that they have 
 quite put me out of love with Devonshire. The only thing 
 which I desiderate is a Church steeple here and there in the 
 valleys ; for the worst of it is, that very few of the Parish 
 Churches here are in exterior little better than a decent 
 barn. What a horrid-looking scribble this is ! and I know it 
 is full of false spellings of all sorts, which will in many places 
 make it unintelligible.' 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Feb. S, 1830. 
 
 ' My Lectures this Term are less fatiguing than they have 
 ever been yet, and there are fewer men that one cannot take 
 an interest in. I have a set of very nice men in Pindar, which 
 I am glad to be forced to get up : it certainly is one of the 
 most splendid organs of Tory feeling that I have come in 
 contact with ! Don't you think he had the republican 
 artificial style in his head when he talked about 
 
 KopaKei w? aKpavTa japverov Aio<; irpo<; 6pvij(a Oelov ? ' 
 
 All was grist which came to this preoccupied critic's mill. 
 He had an unaffected fondness for the classics. His theory 
 about the poet whom he loved and understood best, and whom 
 he is always quoting, is that he was a shy pastoral lyrist driven 
 by officious friends into the epic field. Says Newman in a 
 passing note of interest : ' It was [Froude's] notion that 
 Horace and others used to (what is now called) patronise 
 Virgil, as a man who really had a great deal in him ; but who, 
 the pity was, would not conform himself to the habits of 
 society, and so lost opportunities of influence. So they set 
 him upon the ^neid, to make something of him.' ^ 
 
 On Easter Monday, 1830, the Rev. R. H. Froude preached 
 in the pulpit of S. Mary-the- Virgin, before the University, his 
 sermon on Knowledge. His quiet sober sermons, of which 
 ' Remains of the Rm. Richard Hurrell Froude, part i., ii., 318, Note. 
 
62 HURRELL FROUDE [i830 
 
 no fewer than twenty appear complete in the Remains, are to 
 a reader searching, pitiless, unforgetable. The undergraduate, 
 however, must have ' disvenerated ' them. 
 
 This to Newman, on Aug. i, 1830, in a letter filled with 
 political comment admiring the spirit of King Charles X. and 
 Polignac in their disasters, and growling over Whig successes in 
 England, is too amusing to be omitted. '. . . I set out in the rain 
 to Exeter. I was not very well ; and had made up my mind, 
 as a matter of conscience, to have a tooth out when I got there ; 
 because, though it had not yet ached, I thought it probable it 
 might before I had another opportunity. I got to Exeter, went 
 to the dentist, had the forceps applied : the top of the tooth 
 broke ; they were applied again : a splinter came out of the 
 side ; and so on, till it was down fair with the jaw, and part of 
 the nerve had come away in the fragments. Nothing remained 
 to be done except to punch, etc.; and here I thought : " Satis 
 jam pridem sanguine fuso " : I had satisfied my debt to my 
 future self ; and the present self might be excused from further 
 suffering, till the toothache actually came.' 
 
 Froude's lecturing at Oxford was now quite done; 
 Newman's and Robert Wilberforce's likewise; they re- 
 signed their Tutorships as gracefully as they might, being 
 joyful over the turn things had taken. The long op- 
 position maintained against their desire to arrange the 
 terminal table in accordance with their own best judgment, 
 ended in total defeat for ' the erect fighting figures ' of the 
 three friends. The Provost himself, Hampden, Denison, and 
 the junior Copleston rushed into the breach with Lectures 
 many and purposeful ; but Oriel felt the change, whether for 
 good or ill, to be a real crisis. According to one distinguished 
 commentator, her regeneration dates from that day ; according 
 to another, she never recovered the loss, and could but suffer 
 her scholarly pre-eminence to pass, gradually but surely, to 
 Balliol, which has ever since held it. Two at least of 
 the dispossessed Tutors had conceived already a wider field 
 of action for their energies. They had leisure now to think 
 and to write ; and leisure bred consequences. ' Humanly 
 speaking,' Newman assures us, in his fragment of autobio- 
 
1831] HURRELL FROUDE 63 
 
 graphy, written throughout in the third person, 'the Movement 
 never would have been, had they not been deprived of the 
 Tutorship, or had Keble, not Hawkins, been Provost.' 
 
 Newman made a proposal that Robert Wilberforce or Froude 
 should join him in the care of S. Mary's parish, or rather, in build- 
 ing up at Littlemore what the Vicar ultimately intended even 
 then should become a separate parish : but neither saw his 
 way to accept the work. From letters of this time we gather 
 knowledge of their ever-increasing attention to the Fathers ; to 
 the ethical aspects of many great political questions ; and to the 
 country walks and rides, apart or together, which did so much 
 to strengthen that pure passion for Nature, ' subdued and 
 cherished long,' which in Newman, as in Froude, lent sweetness 
 and balance to character. Froude's heartfelt love of Devon is 
 conspicuous, whether he be in it or away from it. During 
 the Long Vacation of 1831, he succeeded in carrying Newman 
 off from his books and the stuffy summer air of low-lying 
 Oxford, to the delights of Dartington. As a glowing corro- 
 boration of what Hurrell himself was always writing, it is 
 worth while to quote his friend's description of the district, 
 sent to his interested mother at Iffley. 
 
 ' Dartington, July 7, 1831. 
 
 ' I despatched a hasty letter yesterday from Torquay which 
 must have disappointed you from its emptiness ; but I wished 
 you to know my progress. As we lost sight of the Needles, 
 twilight came on, and we saw nothing of the coast. The night 
 was beautiful, and on my expressing an aversion to the cabin, 
 Froude and I agreed to sleep on deck. . . . When I awoke, a 
 little before four, we were passing the Devonshire coast, about 
 fifteen miles off it. By six we were entering Torbay. . . . 
 Limestone and sandstone rocks of Torbay are very brilliant 
 in their colours and sharp in their forms ; strange to say, I 
 believe I never saw real rocks before, in my life ! This 
 consciousness keeps me very silent, for I feel I am admiring 
 what everyone knows, and it is foolish to observe upon. You 
 see a house said to have belonged to Sir Walter Ralegh ; ^ 
 
 ^ Atf Greenaway on the Dart, between Dartmouth and Totnes, opposite Dittis- 
 ham. 
 
64 HURRELL FROUDE [i83i 
 
 what possessed him to prefer the court at Greenwich to a spot 
 like this ? . . . I know I am writing in a very dull way, but can 
 only say that the extreme deliciousness of the air, and the 
 fragrance of everything makes me languid, indisposed to speak 
 or write, and pensive. My journey did not fatigue me, to 
 speak of, and I have no headache, deafness, or whizzing in my 
 ears ; but, really, I think I should dissolve into essence of roses, 
 or be attenuated into an echo, if I lived here ! . . . What strikes 
 me most is the strange richness of everything. The rocks 
 blush into every variety of colour, the trees and fields are 
 emeralds, and the cottages are rubies. A beetle I picked up 
 at Torquay was as green-and-gold as the stone it lay upon, 
 and a squirrel which ran up a tree here just now was not the 
 pale reddish-brown to which I am accustomed, but a bright 
 brown-red. Nay, my very hands and fingers look rosy, like 
 Homer's Aurora, and I have been gazing on them with astonish- 
 ment. All this wonder I know is simple ; and therefore, of 
 course, do not you repeat it. The exuberance of the grass 
 and the foliage is oppressive, as if one had not room to breathe, 
 though this is a fancy. The depth of the valleys and the 
 steepness of the slopes increase the illusion, and the Duke of 
 Wellington would be in a fidget to get some commanding 
 point to see the country from. The scents are extremely 
 fine, so very delicate yet so powerful ; and the colours of 
 the flowers as if they were all shot with white. The sweet 
 peas especially have the complexion of a beautiful face: 
 they trail up the wall, mixed with myrtles, as creepers. 
 As to the sunset, the Dartmoor heights look purple, and 
 the sky close upon them a clear orange. When I turn 
 back and think of Southampton Water and the Isle of Wight, 
 they seem, by contrast, to be drawn in Indian ink, or 
 pencil. Now I cannot make out that this is fancy, for why 
 should I fancy? I am not especially in a poetic mood. I 
 have heard of the brilliancy of Cintra and still more of the 
 East, and I suppose that this region would pale beside them ; 
 yet I am content to marvel at what I see, and think of 
 Virgil's description of the purple meads of Elysium. Let 
 me enjoy what I feel, even though I may unconsciously 
 exaggerate.' 
 
1831] HURRELI. FROUDE 65 
 
 Newman's senses were extraordinarily delicate : he writes 
 as if at thirty he was half unaware of some of his most 
 special faculties. 
 
 A week later, a postscript follows, addressed to Harriett 
 Newman, telling of ' a sermon to write for to-morrow, which 
 I do believe to be as bad a one as I have ever written, for I 
 was not in the humour ; but I do not tell people so. It may 
 do good, in spite of me ! ' and this confidence : ' The other day 
 the following lines came into my head. They are not worth 
 much ; but I transcribe them : 
 
 ' There strayed awhile, amid the woods of Dart, 
 One who could love them, but who durst not love : 
 A vow had bound him ne'er to give his heart 
 To streamlet bright, or soft secluded grove. 
 'Twas a hard humbling task, onward to move 
 His easy-captured eye from each fair spot. 
 With unattached and lonely step to rove 
 O'er happy meads which soon its print forgot. 
 Yet kept he safe his pledge, prizing his pilgrim lot. ' ' 
 
 There was a lifelong strife in Newman's mind between 
 created and Uncreated Beauty, or rather, a lifelong choice. 
 He seems to have felt that he could not be as much of a 
 poet as his own heart prompted, and be also as much of a 
 hard-working saint as Divine Grace called him to be. For 
 him, as in the beginning, a loved landscape was ' pagan ' : a 
 temptation towards false gods. How little his attitude was 
 understood, during his life, is well illustrated by the published 
 complaint of Mr. Aubrey de Vere that his friend Dr. Newman 
 of the Catholic University would never make time to go driving 
 with him through the exquisite scenery about Dublin, though 
 invited again and again. In all this, as in much else, he was 
 entirely Augustinian. Ejiciebas eas et intrabas pro eis. It 
 does not seem clear that Hurrell Froude, who outran Newman 
 in many austerities, shared fully in the exercise of this signal 
 one. His loneliness of spirit, far more developed than his 
 friend's, was also far less conscious, and his boyish relish of 
 the beauties of moor and sea based itself, rather, on a 
 
 1 The lines were written in some lady's autograph album during this visit. 
 5 
 
66 HURRELL FROUDE [issi 
 
 philosophy which was Keble's, and Henry Vaughan's long 
 before him : 
 
 'Thou who hast given me eyes to see 
 And love this sight so fair, 
 Give me a heart to find out Thee, 
 And read Thee everywhere ! ' ' 
 
 Certainly, Newman was never so tormented by his affection 
 for music, or for anything else in the same class, as he was 
 by the glamour of out-of-doors at Taormina, and the homelier 
 charms of ' Devon in her most gentle dimplement.' Spiritual 
 matters apart, one does not perceive what else could have 
 inwrought him more effectually with the very fibres of Hurrell's 
 being, than his felt infatuation for the Dartington he visited 
 but twice in his busy life. They shared the same passion, again, 
 for Rome. The spirit of place can always create a final test 
 between any two cultivated minds. To differ in kind or even 
 in degree of response to it, is indeed to differ. 
 
 The principle which lay at the bottom of Newman's re- 
 nunciation was one, however, which was equally familiar to 
 his friend. It may not always have involved, for him, the 
 need of so determined a depreciation of the loveliness of rural 
 England, as too keen a reminder of 
 
 ' Isaac's pure blessings, and a verdant home,' 
 
 things forsworn by both young men in that ' highly religious 
 and romantic idea of celibacy' which they had adopted for 
 good and all, between them, without Keble's help. As New- 
 man says of S. Basil and S. Gregory, retiring together from 
 the world : ' somehow, the idea of marrying-and-taking-Orders, 
 or taking-Orders-and-marrying ; building or improving their 
 parsonages, and showing forth the charities, the humanities, 
 and the gentilities of a family man, did not suggest itself to 
 their minds.' Nothing is plainer than that the arch-celibate 
 was Froude, and not Newman : perhaps it would be quite 
 exact to say that the idea, in Froude, as in Pascal, was 
 wholly endemic, and in Newman only so in part. We are 
 told in the Apologia how the idea was strengthened and 
 supernaturalised by contact with Froude. Hurrell sometimes 
 deplored with unmixed simplicity the social disqualifications 
 ' The Christian Year : Septuagesima Sunday, closing stanza. 
 
1831] HURRELL FROUDE 67 
 
 of a total abstainer. ' I wrote S[am] a letter the other day,' 
 he tells Robert Wilberforce, when the future Bishop had 
 plighted his troth. ' I suspect it was of the dullest ! for I 
 have no knack at writing to people in his interesting situation.' 
 In all this lack of sympathy with ordinary conduct and 
 motive, there was no touch whatever of conscious oddity, but 
 only of childishness. Newman, by far the tenderer heart of 
 the two, never shared it. 
 
 Newman has left us an account of the origin of the ser- 
 mon he mentions, which was preached in the old Church on 
 July 1 6, 1 8 3 1 : that on the Pool of Bethesda, ' Scripture a 
 Record of Human Sorrow,' in the iirst volume of Parochial 
 Sermons. 'Twice in my life,' he writes about 1862, 'have I, 
 when worn with work, gone to a friend's house to recruit. . . . 
 When I was down at Dartington for the first time, in July, 
 1 83 1, I saw a number of young girls collected together, 
 blooming, and in high spirits ; " and all went merry as a 
 marriage-bell." And I sadly thought what changes were in 
 store, what hard trial and discipline was inevitable. I cannot 
 trace their history ; but Phillis and Mary Froude married, and 
 died quickly. Hurrell died. One, if not two, of the young 
 Champernownes died.^ My sermon was dictated by the sight 
 and the foreboding. At that very visit [from Oxford] Hurrell 
 caught, and had his influenza upon him, which led him by slow 
 steps to the grave. He caught it sleeping, as I did, on deck, 
 going down the Channel from Southampton to Torbay. 
 Influenza was about, the forerunner of the cholera. It went 
 through the Parsonage at Dartington. Every morning the 
 sharp merry party, who somewhat quizzed me, had hopes it 
 would seize upon me. But I escaped ; and sang my warning 
 from the pulpit. ... I am a bird of ill omen.' ^ 
 
 Correepondence of course broke out anew, the moment the 
 two were parted. Hurrell's Greek reading progressed on his 
 own summary lines. ' Timcms gets worse and worse. I can see 
 no point in which it is interesting, except as a fact to prove 
 what stuff people have sucked down. ... I have cut 
 
 ^ Arthvir, eldest son of Arthur Champernowne, Esq., of Dartington Hall, died 
 during this year, 1831, aged 17, His next brother Henry died in 1851, aged 36. 
 ' Newman, Letters and Correspondence^ ii., 73. 
 
68 HURRELL FROUDE [issi 
 
 TimcEus,' he announces a bit later, ' and have nearly finished 
 Gorgias, which is as elegant and clever and easy as possible.' 
 His weather comments (such being unavoidable in England) 
 are concise and instructive. By way of letting Newman know 
 that there had been a fortnight of fine weather since the latter's 
 own rainy experiences at Dartington, he throws out an abrupt 
 postscript of July 29 : ' What a lie old Swith.^ has told 1 ' 
 
 The Rev. Thomas Mozley seems to have received condi- 
 tional offers or promises from Hurrell of sharing with him a 
 country cure. The former proposed first the vacant Moreton 
 Pinkney, thirty miles north of Oxford, then the parish of S. 
 Ebbe's, within its ancient limits. But both projects failed of 
 realisation. Hurrell's strength had to be hoarded, and Arch- 
 deacon Froude was averse to any measure which would create 
 new duties, and cause a stricter separation between them. Keble, 
 on behalf of his friend, would have favoured Northamptonshire 
 rather than the city. He saw Newman on August i o of this 
 Long Vacation of 1 8 3 1 . ' He wishes you to have a country 
 parish,' Newman writes ; ' he did not give his reasons.' 
 Newman himself coveted Hurrell's parochial co-operation. 
 These plans for an active employment of superfluous energies, 
 formed, one after another, by appreciators of them, were 
 destined to be vain. Meanwhile, relish for historical study 
 was indicating to him how he could be of use, in a day 
 full of most unscholarly conceptions of the past, long 
 before the documentary firmament had been unrolled by 
 Government for the man in the street. Dandum est Deo eum 
 aliquid facere posse. He knew the path he meant to take, and 
 communicates his dream to Newman, prefacing it with a bit 
 of encouraging domestic news : ' W[illy] continues very steady, 
 getting up at half-past five, and working without wasting time 
 till two or three.' His next surviving brother William was 
 then twenty years old, and reading for Honours. 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. Newman, Aug. 16, 1831. 
 
 ' Since you wish to have a definite categorical answer to 
 M[ozley's] question, I will say, No ; and having said this, will 
 
 ' Of course in allusion to the proverb that rain on July 15 (S. Swithun's Day) 
 means a more or less prolonged downpour. 
 
1831] HURRELL FROUDE 69 
 
 proceed to my reasons and qualifications. First, whatever you 
 may think, I have a serious wish, and (if I could presume to 
 say so) intention of working at the ecclesiastical history of the 
 Middle Ages. Now, my father assures me that such a parish 
 as [S. Ebbe's] would be a complete occupation of itself, so that 
 I am unwilling at once, and without giving myself the trial, to 
 give up the chance of doing what I cannot but think as clerical, 
 as improving, and much better suited to my capacity, such 
 as it is, than the care of a parish. A small parish, and a less 
 bothering one, might be a recreation, almost ; but such an absorb- 
 ing one as this I should be sorry to take, till I found that I 
 could not work at anything else. Secondly, my qualification 
 of the ' No ' is this : if you either feel very certain I shall do 
 nothing else, or have a strong opinion as to the improvement 
 I should get from the occupation you propose, believe me will- 
 ing to be convinced that my present view is incorrect. 
 
 ' I have read a good deal of Plato, have stuck in Parmenides 
 as in Timceus, but think all which keeps clear of metaphysics is 
 as beautiful and improving as anything I ever read. As to 
 Socrates, I can scarcely believe that he was not inspired, and 
 feel quite confident that Plato is responsible for every tint of 
 [puzzleheadedness] which shows itself in his arguments. One 
 is apt, of course, to be carried away with a thing at the moment ; 
 but my present impression is, that Gorgias, Apologia Socratis, 
 Crito, and Phcsdo, rank next to the Bible in point of the great- 
 ness of mind they show, and in grace of style and dramatic 
 beauty surpass anything I have ever read. I think I am 
 improved in composition, and attribute it to imitation of Plato. 
 I am going to serve D[enbury?] for the next month, and 
 shall have to write a number of sermons. 
 
 ' How atrociously the poor King of Holland ^ has been 
 used ; but nothing yet is so painful as the defection of the 
 heads of the Church. I hear that the Bishop of Ferns ^ is 
 dying : spes ultima! 
 
 During the early autumn, Froude returns to the curacy 
 
 ^ William I., King of the Netherlands, formerly William Frederick, Prince of Orange. 
 ''■ Thomas Elrington, M.A., D.D., formerly President of Trinity College, Dublin, 
 an active and devoted prelate. He lived until July 12, 1835. 
 
70 HURRELL FROUDE [mi 
 
 question, and reiterates the conviction which his own idiosyn- 
 crasy was strengthening in him every day, and which surely 
 was as warranted as it was sincere. 
 
 ' I have read the Lives of WycliiTe and Peacocke ^ in Strype ; 
 but must read much more about them and their times, before I 
 shall understand them. At present I admire Peacocke and 
 dislike WycHffe. A great deterioration seems to have taken 
 place in the spirit of the Church after Edward IIl.'s death. I hope 
 I shall have perseverance to work up the history of the period. 
 If I do this, I shall not think myself bound to take a curacy.' 
 
 It is a thousand pities that we can never have on our 
 shelves the Froude of historical verity, to counterbalance 
 the Froude of historical romance. Hurrell, so far as he got, 
 was certainly all for ' the ideas underlying history, and their 
 organic connection,' and was but poorly adapted for ' the in- 
 sertion of his own ideas into history . . . the professing to 
 find in history what he had in reality put there.' ^ Is it not 
 clear that such a fault may spring not from perverseness, but 
 from the too pictorial eye? This the elder brother lacked, 
 as likewise the other disadvantage of a magical prose style. 
 That perturbing possession, the luckiest asset of the essayist, 
 seems to delight in playing tricks on historians, for in the 
 past, at least, the dullest have been the safest. 
 
 As one who understood the dangers of style, Hurrell 
 chides Newman for the hair-splitting preliminary method to 
 which he was treating Tke Arians. ' If you go on fiddling with 
 your Introduction, you will most certainly get into a scrape 
 at last ! ' And then : ' I have for the last five days been read- 
 ing Marsh's Michaelis, which I took up by accident, and have 
 been much interested by it, I see that old Wilberforce * owes 
 to it much of the profundity which I have before now been 
 floored and overawed by. It has put many things into my 
 head that I never thought of before.' 
 
 ' The name of the Bishop who was the great antagonist of the"Lollards, Fellow 
 of Oriel in his day, is properly spelled Pecock. 
 
 '^ ' The Time-Spirit of the Nineteenth Century,' in Problems and Persons, by Wilfrid 
 Ward. Longmans, 1903. 
 
 ' Robert Isaac Wilberforce. His mind was truly profound, and it was ' authentic,' 
 to borrow the word beautifully applied to him in a memorial verse of his friend Mr. 
 Aubrey de Vere. 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 71 
 
 The first unmistakable symptoms of Hurrell's chronic illness 
 had developed by the January of 1832. 'I don't think he 
 takes care of himself,' Keble says anxiously, in a letter to 
 Newman, shortly after his election to the Professorship of 
 Poetry. And Hurrell himself had confessed to Newman, as it 
 were, ' how ill all's here about my heart : but 'tis no matter.' 
 Hence the reply from Oxford, on the i 3 th. 
 
 ' Your letter was most welcome, sad as it was ; I call it 
 certainly, from beginning to end, a sad letter, and yet somehow 
 sad letters, in their place, and in God's order, are as acceptable 
 as merry ones. What I write for now is to know why you will 
 not trust your brother to come up by himself? Let him go into 
 your rooms ; and do stop in Devonshire a good while, in which 
 time you not only may get well, but may convince all about 
 you that you are well — an object not to be neglected. . . . 
 Your advice about my work is not only sage, but good, yet 
 not quite applicable, though I shall bear it in mind. Recollect, 
 my good Sir, that every thought I think is thought, and every 
 word I write is writing, and that thought tells and that words 
 take room, and that though I make the Introduction the whole 
 book, yet a book it is ; and though this will not steer clear of 
 the egg blunder, to have an Introduction leading to nothing, 
 yet it is not losing time. Already I have made forty-one 
 pages out of eighteen.' The correspondence between the two, 
 then as ever, gives diverting glimpses of the mordant and 
 ineffably frank critic away from Oxford, and the divine and 
 man-of-letters in residence who continually sought, ' in the 
 beaten way of friendship,' the advice he did not invariably 
 need. Thus he sends a rough draft to Dartington of ' a 
 sermon against Sir James Mackintosh, Knight,' ^ expecting 
 strictures, ' should you discern anything heretical,' and calling 
 special attention to the argument : ' therefore be sharp.' The 
 young censor was pleased to approve ' on the whole,' though 
 with minor reservations. ' As to your Annotationes in 
 Neandri ^ Homiliam', Newman writes cheerfully, ' to be sure 
 I have treated them with what is now called true respect ; for 
 
 ^ On Justice as a Principle of Divine Governance. University Sermons, VI. 
 ^ Neander : this playful Hellenisiiig of Newman's name vpas general, at one time, 
 among Oxonians of his own circle. 
 
72 HURRELL FROUDE [i832 
 
 I have spoken highly of them, and done everything but use 
 them ! I did not have them till Saturday morning ; so having 
 your authority for what I wanted [i.e., the soundness of the 
 main position and the tottoC), I became indolent.' 
 
 Meanwhile, towards the end of January, Hurrell sends an 
 asked-for bulletin of his physical progress, and follows it up 
 with several others, in all of which he makes it unconsciously 
 plain that he has more pressing interests than his own sinking 
 barometry. His mind was going forward by leaps and bounds 
 towards convictions then unguessed-at, now quite general, 
 about 'the Tudor Settlement' 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. Newman, Jan. 29, 1832. 
 
 ' I promised I would give an account of myself, if I did 
 not appear in person by the beginning of Term. I am getting 
 rid, though by slow degrees, of all vestiges of cough, and, what 
 is more to the purpose, my father is quite easy about me, which 
 he was far from being when I first came home. ... I have been 
 very idle lately, but have taken up Strype now and then, and 
 have not increased my admiration of the Reformers. One 
 must not speak lightly of a martyr, so I do not allow my 
 opinions to pass the verge of scepticism. But I really do feel 
 sceptical whether Latimer was not something in the Bulteel ^ 
 line ; whether the Catholicism of their formulae was not a con- 
 cession to the feelings o| the nation, with whom Puritanism had 
 not yet become popular, and who could scarcely bear the 
 alterations which were made; and whether the progress of 
 things in Edward the Sixth's minority may not be considered 
 as the jobbing of a faction. I will do myself the justice to say 
 that those doubts give me pain, and that I hope more reading 
 will in some degree dispel them. As far as I have gone, too, 
 
 ' Henry Bellenden Bulteel (1800-1866), a Devonshire man, Fellow and Tutor of 
 Exeter College, Hurrell's former contemporary at Eton. He got into difficulties with 
 the Church of England and the University in 1831 ; after his calling the Heads of 
 Houses ' dumb dogs,' from the pulpit of S. Mary's, Bishop Bt^ot revoked his licence ; 
 he then married a pastry-cook's sister in the High Street, spent ;C400O building the 
 Baptist Chapel in the Commercial Road, and set up as an independent dissenting 
 minister. He was the anonymous author of The Oxford Argo, A good deal laughed at 
 in his day, Bulteel had, according to evidence, the sympathy of Hur^eU Froude in 
 his ill fortunes. ' Froude went about for days with a ruefal countenance, and could 
 only say: " Poor Bulteel !" ' ^«;««?j««f«, Mozley, i., 228. 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 73 
 
 I think better than I was prepared to do of Bonner and 
 Gardiner. Certainly the 97^0? of the Reformation is to me a 
 terra incognita, and I do not think that it has been explored 
 by anyone that I have heard talk about it.' 
 
 With what astonishing prescience this novice surveys his 
 terra incognita ! 
 
 Again, writing to Newman on Feb. 17, the obsession for 
 historical truth, as the handmaid to religious reform, breaks 
 through some melancholy detail. He has been asked for a 
 full bulletin ; he confesses that the doctor states, and that he 
 himself cannot deny, that there has been an attack on the 
 lungs, attended, however, with but little pain or fever. He 
 finds it ' disheartening,' for he had been taking long rides, and 
 was in great spirits. Then he runs on to a topic which occurs 
 to him not for the first nor for the last time. Might it not be a 
 good thing to turn journalist, to have a Quarterly, and to speak 
 in it the thing which is ? ' Imagine me in a yellow jacket,' he 
 says elsewhere to Newman ; imagine him seated, and goose- 
 quilled, and editorial. It was never to be. Was it not quite 
 as well ? Would not Mr. Froude (if the pun will pass muster) 
 have proved gunpowder in a Magazine ? He talks as he 
 always talks of his own inspirations, derisively. But plainly, 
 his heart is in it. He would start, this time, ' on a very unpre- 
 tending scale,' and design his foxy Quarterly ' to be at first only 
 historical and matter-of-fact, so that writing for it would be the 
 reverse of a waste of time even if it failed entirely, which I 
 really hardly think possible, considering the ridiculous un- 
 founded notions most people have got, and the vast quantity 
 of unexplored ground. A thing of that sort might sneak into 
 circulation as a book of antiquarian research, and yet, if well- 
 managed, might undermine many prejudices. I am willing to 
 think that I could contribute two articles per annum to such a 
 work, without losing a moment of time, indeed getting through 
 more than I should else. Memoirs of Hampden would be a 
 subject [Keble] would take to with zest, as he hates that worthy 
 with as much zeal and more knowledge than your humble 
 servant. However, this is a scheme formed at a distance, 
 which, as Johnson remarks, makes rivers look narrow and 
 
74 HURRELL FROUDE [issa 
 
 precipices smooth. Can you tell me where to go for the 
 history of Lutheranism ? I must know something of it, before 
 I get a clue to Cranmer and the rest.' 
 
 Lastly, to the same correspondent, on Feb. 26. 
 ' . . . I trouble you with a few lines of grateful acknow- 
 ledgment for the concern you are so kind as to take in my 
 welfare, though I cannot at the same time refrain from 
 observing that your advice does more credit to your heart than 
 your head. ... I was at Dr. [Yonge's ^J, where I stayed three 
 days, and was thoroughly examined. He assures me that what- 
 ever may have been the matter with me, I am now thoroughly 
 well, and that I may return to Oxford at once without impru- 
 dence. At the same time, he says I must be extremely 
 cautious, as the thing which formed in my windpipe proves me 
 to be very liable to attack, and he looks on it as an extra- 
 ordinary piece of luck that I got rid of it as I did. I am 
 to wear more clothing than I have hitherto done, and to 
 renounce wine for ever ; the prohibition extends to beer : quo 
 confugiam ? ' 
 
 Before Hurrell left home, his father had notified Newman 
 of their conditional intention to visit the Continent. ' If the 
 doctor advises it,' the Archdeacon writes on Feb. 22, ' I have 
 offered to be Hurrell's companion to the Mediterranean, or 
 any other part of the world that may be supposed most favour- 
 able in such a case as his. I own [that] my faith in the advan- 
 tages to be gained by going abroad is not very great, unless 
 they can be procured under the most favourable circumstances. 
 At any rate, I think your suggestion for his giving up the office 
 of Treasurer ^ shall be followed.' He had held this office of 
 Junior Treasurer since 1 8 2 8, to the great general satisfaction, 
 sharing with Newman the mental quickness, the ' constitutional 
 accuracy ' and the conscientiousness which go towards the cast- 
 ing-up of a perfect accountant. Hurrell, however, came up in 
 the spring, whence he blithely reports his improved health. 
 
 ^ James Yonge, M.D., F.C.P., 1794-1870, a graduate of Exeter College, Oxford, 
 and resident at Plymouth, where his practice was famous in its day, all over England. 
 2 Of Oriel College. 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUBE 75 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, May s, 1832. 
 
 ' . . . Thinking that you may wish to know something of 
 my concerns, and wishing to know something of yours, ... I 
 send you the following. As to myself, about which valuable 
 thing I am most concerned, you must know that I have at last 
 found a Kprja-^vyerov in barley -sugar ; only to think that my stars 
 should let me off so easily ! Sucking has had a most wonderful 
 effect on me, and has removed nearly all that F[airford] ^ had 
 left of tendency to irritation ; I might say all, if I could suck 
 continually, but just now these east winds take advantage of 
 casual intervals, and remind me that I am not perfectly at 
 liberty. However, I have left off my handkerchief, and never 
 feel-the want of it ; also, I am up at half-past six every 
 morning ; and taking an enlarged view of myself, I think my 
 condition to be approved of.' 
 
 Up to July 3 1 , Froude remained in Oxford, being and 
 doing with all his usual zest, writing his papers on architecture, 
 proving a very well-head of vitality to his friends, and ' living 
 his life.' Could it have been indeed as early as this that he 
 cut across the preliminaries described by Lord Blachford,^ 
 and paralysed an intended appeal to Bishops and Deans by 
 announcing that he, for one, meant to ' get on the box ' in 
 person ? This is thought to be the moment of Miss Giberne's 
 inspiration. It would seem as if the date should be a year 
 later. In July of 1832 the Tutorial question was over; and 
 there was no other agendum in debate between Froude and 
 Newman. However that may be, there in the handsome lady's 
 sketch-book is Hurrell, smoothly, almost infantinely, mis- 
 chievous, with one obedient Mozley to listen and abet ; there 
 is Newman, at an angle of the ottoman, distinctly not 
 surveying with fond adoring gaze and yearning heart his 
 friend (as he says he does, in a poem, part of which, at least, 
 was written that very week), but back to back with him, sulk- 
 ing furiously, and putting on a silent stare which sufficiently 
 expresses human disapproval : that little sudden void stare, 
 
 1 Hurrell had visited Keble there early in April, and caught a fresh cold. 
 
 2 See p. 257. 
 
76 HURRELL FROUDE [1832 
 
 entirely characteristic, as of one who is forced to survey, for 
 the time being, an endless vista of Siberian snows. 
 
 It was a boding time ; the cholera was raging all about ; 
 Newman himself was tired and dejected from overwork, and 
 none too hopeful concerning Hurrell's health or the impending 
 prospect of separation. Long after, annotating his own corre- 
 spondence at Edgbaston, he tells us something special about 
 the lines just referred to, in what may be called, from a merely 
 literary point of view, one of the most successful, though one 
 of the least known, of his shorter lyrics. Hurrell's share in it 
 is no more, so to speak, than a tiny marginal portrait of him, 
 tender, in passing, as the work of some old Flemish illuminator. 
 Newman ascribes the origin of the last lines to this July. 
 ' With reference to the memory of that parting, when I shook 
 hands with him, and looked into his face with great affection, 
 I afterwards wrote the stanza : 
 
 ' And when thine eye surveys 
 With fond adoring gaze 
 And yearning heart, thy friend, 
 Love to its grave doth tend.' ^ 
 
 But it is remarkable that the completed poem is dated 
 Valetta, January 30, 1833: as if to mark the vanishing of 
 the only shadow which ever crossed the united path of 
 Newman and Froude; and that shadow was due, as we shall 
 see, to a fancy of Newman's, conceived in illness. Abstract and 
 gnomic as his verses are, two human faces, nameless but 
 recognisable, look through them with ' sad eyes spiritual and 
 clear.' One is Mary Newman's, in her sisterly youth ; ^ the 
 other is Hurrell Froude's. Dearly as Newman loved his many 
 friends, then and after (and as Dean Church reminds us, 
 mutual affection as profound as that of the early Christians, 
 was the very hall-mark of the Tractarians), there is but one friend 
 discernible in the long vista of his poetry, most of which was 
 written in his living presence. Hurrell may never have 
 suspected as much. The temper of both, shrinking from the 
 
 ' Prosperity, in Lyra Apostolica. Edited by H. C. Beeching, M.A. London : 
 Methuen[i900], p. 146. 
 
 ^ Mary Sophia Newman, the youngest of the family, died, aged ly, on January 
 S> 1828. 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 77 
 
 least emotional emphasis, would have precluded any open 
 give-and-take. The privilege of being English has its own 
 system of taxation. The Cardinal, in his old age (possibly 
 when Little Lord Fauntleroy was overrunning the stage), had to 
 assure some inquirer, by post, that he hardly had been in the 
 habit of addressing Hurrell as ' Dearest,' in the prose exigences 
 of every day. 
 
 The truant Fellow, restored to his father's Parsonage, was 
 able to send a definite announcement of his future movements, 
 within a fortnight of his leaving Oxford. 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. Newman, Sept. 9, 1832. 
 
 ' I am afraid poor [Willy] will make no hand of his Second 
 Class. He has no interest, and can pick up none, for what he 
 is about ; and all his interleaves and margins are scribbled over 
 with lug sails. You will be glad to hear that I have made up 
 my mind to spend the winter in the Mediterranean, and my 
 father is going with me, the end of November, and we shall 
 see Sicily and the south of Italy. We are both very anxious 
 that you should come with us. I think it would set you up. . . . 
 I have read M. Thierry's stuff.^ His ignorance is surprising. 
 He supposes Oxford to have been a Bishopric in Henry the 
 Second's time, and he sticks in Saxons ad libitum, quoting 
 authorities with which I am familiar, and where nothing of the 
 sort occurs. My translations have been at a standstill. . . . 
 Also, I am getting to be a sawney,^ and not to relish the 
 dreary prospects which you and I have proposed to ourselves. 
 But this is only a feeling : depend on it, I will not shrink, if I 
 buy my constancy at the expense of a permanent separation 
 from home. I think this journey will set me up, and then I 
 shall try my new style of preaching. We must indulge our- 
 selves and other people with a little excitement on such 
 matters, or else the indifferentists will run away with everything ! ' 
 
 William Froude, at Michaelmas, took his First Class in 
 
 ' Histoire de la Conqidte de I'Angkterre par les Normands. Par Augustin 
 Thierry. Paris : Santelet, 1826. Tomes 1-4, 2""= edition, 80. 
 
 ^ A sentimental complaining fellow : the ' dreary prospects ' being the prospects 
 of a single life devoted to moral reforms. 
 
78 HURRELL FROUDE [i832 
 
 Mathematics, and a Third in Classics, quite as Hurrell expected. 
 As to the microbe of travel thus featly introduced into the 
 post, it did its work upon the recipient, though not without 
 much hesitation and debate. One of Newman's arguments 
 against a plan with which, it is plain, he fell violently in love 
 at once, was the state of his own health, involving, possibly, 
 some additional responsibility for Archdeacon Froude. ' You 
 need fear nothing,' Hurrell gallantly assures him, ' on the 
 score of two invalids : I am certainly better now than I have 
 been for more than a year. I bathed yesterday with great 
 advantage, took a very long walk, drank five glasses of wine, 
 and am better for it all. My contemplated expedition is 
 wholly preventative, so don't be uneasy on that score. ... As 
 to my sawney feelings, I own that home does make me a 
 sawney, and that the First Eclogue runs in my head absurdly. 
 But there is more in the prospect of becoming an ecclesi- 
 astical agitator than in At nos hinc alii, etc' 
 
 On Monday, December 3, Newman set out on the South- 
 ampton coach, reaching Exeter next day, and Falmouth, whence 
 the Maltese packet of 800 tons, called the Hermes, was to 
 sail, early on the Wednesday morning following. He wrote 
 there his poem, 
 
 ' Are these the tracks of some unearthly friend ? ' 
 
 the first of eighty-five dating from the Mediterranean voyage, 
 the eighty-fifth being the ' Lead, Kindly Light ' which has 
 endeared to English-speaking pilgrims the Straits of Bonifacio. 
 When the Froudes arrived at Falmouth, Newman had a 
 nocturnal adventure to relate to them. He had been very 
 roundly sworn at by a person, apparently a gentleman, who 
 sat near him on the box. ' I had opened by telling him he 
 was talking great nonsense to a silly goose of a maid-servant 
 stuck atop of the coach ; so I had no reason to complain ! ' 
 The hasty fellow-traveller afterwards apologised. In the moon- 
 light he had attributed a highly laic motive to Newman's 
 interference, so the latter explains to his mother. On the 
 8th of December the Hermes sailed. The three friends were 
 to be together for five months, and their route is minutely 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 79 
 
 and enchantingly mapped out in the first volume of the 
 Newman Correspondence. The journey held unique experi- 
 ences, filled with interest, for the two younger men, and they, 
 on their part, seemed to have interested deeply many whom 
 they met. Hurrell kept a log as they moved, for his brothers 
 and sisters, for Mr. Keble, for Mr. Williams, and a few others ; 
 and out of it a fairly connected narrative can be extracted, 
 of a colour and form quite other than Newman's, the better 
 correspondent, but graphic enough. Before starting on his 
 voyage, Hurrell had seen in print, in the first and second 
 volumes of The British Magazine, both his pioneer papers on 
 Gothic Architecture, and the earlier chapters of his history of 
 S. Thomas ci Becket ; these were followed, in volume iv., by 
 The Project of Henry II. for Uniting Church and State, A.D, 
 IIS4. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Dec. 12, 1833. 
 
 ' We started from Falmouth about eleven, on the 8th. 
 " Jamque tibi e mediis pelagi mirabilis undis',' about sixty-eight 
 miles to the south of Oporto, and thirty from the shore : the 
 sea a perfect sheet of glass, showing the reflection of the stars, 
 particularly Sirius, which is most splendid. The Pole-star 
 sinking perceptibly : I am sure the Great Bear's tail must have 
 had a dip as he went his rounds. It has been very calm all 
 day, and we have gone seven- and-a-half miles an hour: when 
 the sun came to the meridian our latitude was 41° 36'. In 
 the daytime the sea was a pale blue colour ; I will not attempt 
 to describe the sunset. Yesterday was very interesting : when 
 we came on deck in the morning we could just make out Cape 
 Ortegal to the south-east of us, at a distance of about forty 
 miles. It was very pale, and scarcely to be distinguished from 
 the sky, but rose very high above the horizon, and, as we 
 neared it, seemed to be quite precipitous; we did not get 
 within thirty miles, so that it has left on my mind only the 
 ghost of an impression: but it is a grand ghost. We saw 
 where Corunna lay, and must have been within twenty miles 
 of some part of the coast between that and Cape Finisterre, 
 which we doubled in the dark. All of it was of a very 
 singular character, but insignificant compared with Cape 
 
80 HURRELL FROUDE [i832 
 
 Ortegal. All that day the wind was fresh from the east, and 
 the sea very wild and grand, of a deep black-blue, covered 
 with breakers : we went rather more than eight miles an hour, 
 though the ship tossed amazingly. This was the first day 
 that we had had a clear sky, and marvellous it was : a strong 
 east wind in the middle of December, and the climate like 
 May ! our latitude at noon 44° 3', There is something in the 
 colour of the sea out of soundings, which is very striking to 
 one who has only seen the shallow water that surrounds 
 England. There is not a tint of green in it ; to-day it has 
 been a pale blue, like a beautiful lake ; yesterday it was a 
 black-purple. We find that this steamer is to touch at Cadiz 
 and Algiers, and to spend two days at Gibraltar, in the way to 
 Malta, and that afterwards it is to spend four days between 
 Zante, Cephalonia, Ithaca, and Leucadia, touching at Patras 
 {plim Patrae), then to spend six at Corfu, and afterwards return 
 to Malta the same way ; so we shall certainly extend our trip. 
 The commander and the midshipmen are a very gentlemanlike 
 set, and we the only passengers : so it is most luxurious. . . . 
 And now I am stupid ; if there is nothing more to tell to- 
 morrow, I shall fill up the blank between Falmouth and Cape 
 Ortegal, which may be regarded as our Dark Age. 
 
 ' Thursday evening. — The day has again been beautiful, and 
 quite summery, with scarcely a cloud. When the sun rose we 
 were off the Berlingas (some small sharp rocks, which you will 
 see in a map), and from thence we kept near shore all the way 
 to the rock of Lisbon. The greater part of the way we could 
 not have been much more than a mile off. The sea has been 
 its old green to-day ; the coast all along very peculiar, not very 
 high, but wild, and strongly marked ; the rock precipitous, and 
 deeply indented, and every promontory relieved by a thin mist 
 of spray from the breakers of the Atlantic. We watched them 
 curl in upon the shore, each rising in a green transparent line 
 as it came to its turn to break, and then turning partially into 
 a delicate mist where it met the more prominent rocks, till at 
 last the whole line seemed to burst, and another rose behind its 
 aerified relics, and put me in mind of 'AcftpoSirt}. , . . When we 
 passed Mafra we saw the cupolas of the palace of Cintra, and, 
 through an opening of the hills, made out the greater part of 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 81 
 
 it through glasses. The situation is strange for so magnificent 
 a building. And now we had a clear view of the ridge on 
 which the Duke took up his position on the northern side of 
 the lines of Torres Vedras. I will not attempt to describe it, 
 except that it is grand to a degree, rising in spire-like shaggy 
 tops, and cut by deep ravines, the sides of which were fringed 
 with what we were told were cork trees. As we got near we 
 saw many villas about half-way up, and on the two highest 
 points were two convents. The Roman Catholics are queer 
 fellows : they are determined to be admired and not envied ; 
 we, unhappily \a')(6vTe<; avTiarpocjiov tv^tjv, are envied and not 
 admired. We doubled Capo Roca at three, and then went 
 down to dinner. The mouth of the Tagus was too distant to 
 make anything out, except the masts of the English ships, who 
 are there to bully Don Miguel.^ On Friday we got up at seven 
 to see Cape St. Vincent, and passed close under it. The light 
 on it was very fine, and the form of the rocks bold; but 
 yesterday had spoiled us. The day is fine, cloudless, and 
 windless — almost too hot. . . . Just now we saw a fishing-boat, 
 and made towards it. The people were in a great fright, and 
 pulled with all their might, while they thought there was a 
 chance to get away ; at last they gave up in despair. When 
 we came up we found they had no fish : there were four of 
 them, very dark complexions, and, as well as I could judge, 
 Moorish features : the boat, sails, and all, perfectly un-English 
 (a word which has ceased to be vituperative in my vocabulary). 
 The coast which we are now passing is too distant to be very 
 interesting, but a grey ridge of mountains rises behind, out of 
 a dead flat, reminding one that we are off a strange land. 
 The lateen sails, too, of which many are about, and two turtles 
 which we almost ran over just now, and a shark's fin just 
 showing above water, all tell the same story. . . . On Sunday 
 morning it was foggy and disagreeable, and we were in the 
 dreaded Bay of Biscay : however, I was still well enough to do 
 Service on board. . . . All the ship's crew attended except 
 the steersman and the stokers, i.e., the fellows that feed the 
 fire of the engine. The commander had them all upon deck 
 
 • The usurper of the Portuguese crown, third son of King John VI. The English 
 destroyed his fleet off Cape St. Vincent, July 5, 1833. 
 
 6 
 
82 HURRELL FROUDE [1832 
 
 in the morning and gave them a practical discourse on good 
 behaviour, which amused [Newman] and me by being so much 
 to the point: he is a nice fellow, I think. After Service I was 
 fairly done up, and lost my character. . . . Next day we were 
 in the middle of the Bay : still cloudy and damp, and a long 
 gentle swell : but we had served our time, and were all alive and 
 merry. ... In the evening we found that the commander was 
 a musician and a painter ; he had a very elegant miniature of 
 his wife that he had finished up for his amusement at sea ; and 
 he sang us several songs, accompanying himself on the Spanish 
 guitar, in very good taste, as [Newman] said : we the a/iw]Toi 
 liked it much; and we have not had any qualms since: and 
 now I have got on to where the rest begins. We live 
 splendidly on board, have a cabin each, capital dinners, and 
 good company : the three midshipmen, gentlemanlike obliging 
 fellows as can be: yesterday they went out of the vessel's 
 course, to show us the coast to advantage. 
 
 ' Saturday. — On getting up, found ourselves in Cadiz 
 harbour ; the convent bells put us in mind that we are in a 
 religious country : it sounded just like Oxford before Morning 
 Chapel. We found ourselves in quarantine and unable to land. 
 The Consul's boat came off for the letters, rowed by eight 
 Spaniards, such odd-looking fellows ! they row without 
 ruUocks, having a strap and a rpoirioTijp. , . , We saw the 
 unfinished Cathedral very distinctly through a glass : it had 
 not at all an ecclesiastical look, but was large and picturesque. 
 It will never be finished now, I suppose, as the day of apostasy 
 seems at hand in Spain. 
 
 ' Sunday morning: — Here we are at Gibraltar.' 
 
 Newman's letters, enthusiastic over sky and sea, are full of 
 the horrors of the ship (which he says was not properly cleaned 
 before being sent down from Woolwich), and of the little stuffy 
 rooms which are enough to kill a valetudinarian ; but valetudi- 
 narian Hurrell seems to have enjoyed it all. 
 
 To the Rev. Isaac Williams, Dec. 27, 1832. 
 ' . . . We were at Gibraltar only forty-eight hours, and of 
 that we were in quarantine forty. The remaining eight hours, 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 83 
 
 however, we turned to account, under the auspices of the 
 Colonel of engineers, who was kind enough to lend us horses, 
 and go over everything with us : unfortunately we were there 
 so short a time, that we could only see what was curious, and 
 had no leisure for the picturesque ; to enjoy which, it would 
 have been necessary to ride away five or six miles, on what 
 they call the neutral ground : the low sandy isthmus which 
 joins the rock to the continent ; but from the fortifications we 
 saw enough to convince us what a magnificent object it must 
 be. In our scramble we had the luck to see three or four 
 monkeys, scrambling, with the greatest ease, up and down 
 what seemed a smooth precipice. I know how odious descrip- 
 tions are, yet I must just tell you that, among other things, 
 we were taken through a gallery cut out in the most pre- 
 cipitous face of the rock, about 650 feet above the base, and 
 800 feet below the top, so that when you peep out through 
 the port-holes, which are cut every here and there for cannon, 
 you seem suspended in mid-air, and feel giddy, in whatever 
 direction you look. Thanks to Colonel R[ogers] we saw so 
 much that we had no right to grumble at the quarantine : 
 but it really is something so exquisitely grotesque, that one 
 cannot help being provoked. We were moored close along- 
 side of a coal-wharf, and all the day that we were imprisoned, 
 a parcel of fellows of the town were at work, wheeling coals 
 into our vessel, and upsetting them on the deck, so that they 
 were in all but contact with our crew for a whole day ; also, 
 all packages were received, after undergoing the ceremony of 
 a partial ducking in the water ; and letters had a chisel dug 
 into them, which was supposed to let out the cholera. And 
 while all this absurd farce was going on, we were imprisoned 
 in one of the most interesting places in the world, not knowing 
 when we should be released, or whether at all ; however, even 
 in this time, we had some amusement from the variety of 
 curious figures that came down to the Quay to look at us. 
 One fellow, a Moorish Jew, was dressed so picturesquely, and 
 looked so exotic altogether, that I tried to draw him ; but 
 he saw what I was at, and first hallooed out : " You no paint 
 me," and, when I went on, he bolted as fast as he could. The 
 Moors are magnificent-looking fellows, with very high stern 
 
84 HURRELL FROUDE [1832 
 
 features, dark eyes, and very marked nostrils that give to the 
 full face rather a look of ferocity ; even the lowest of them 
 look like aristocrats. The Spanish women, too, were worth 
 looking at : three of them came down to visit a merchant who 
 came with us from Cadiz ; the high head-dresses were the only 
 peculiarity in their dress, but one of them was very fine-looking, 
 and very unlike an Englishwoman. I should have thought 
 her ladylike, only she spat with the most perfect indifference, 
 
 just as would in C[ommon] R[oom]. We left Gibraltar at 
 
 ten on Monday night, and had very calm beautiful weather 
 for two days. . . . We got to Algiers [Thursday morning] about 
 three, and it was then rough, cloudy, and blowing fresh. This 
 is the most wretched, wicked-looking place I ever set eyes 
 upon. I can associate its idea with nothing but a wasp's nest. 
 It is huddled together, leaving no apparent room for its streets ; 
 its windows are loop-holes, as if to fire through. All beyond 
 its walls looks perfectly desolate, except a number of white 
 specks, which are houses where the rich inhabitants retire in 
 time of plague. The town itself is a mass of white, as 
 perfectly white as a chalk quarry ; and the monotony of the 
 glare ^ is only relieved by the rust of weather-stains, which are 
 not white-washed by the French so regularly as by the Moors. 
 ' The Quay, as every one knows, is a strong battery, 
 expressly for the shelter of pirates; and, when one thought 
 of the horrors that had been practised in that detestable place, 
 and felt the personal discomfort of an approaching storm, and 
 saw, for a foreground, the infamous tricoloured flag on the 
 ships, the general impression was as much the reverse of 
 favourable as can easily be fancied. A boat came alongside 
 with the Vice-consul, for letters. His Excellency was an 
 English Jew, and there was an half-starved Frenchman for 
 his ■7rdpeBpo<;. He was rowed by four fellows, of what race 
 I know not. . . . Their features were perfect apathy, and looked 
 like stuffed red leather more than flesh and blood. If we had 
 touched any one of the crew we should have been in for a 
 hundred days' quarantine in every port of Europe, and yet the 
 wretches had the impudence to insist on our slitting all the 
 letters, to let out the cholera. We stayed an hour, and then 
 ' ' Stare' in the Remains, 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 85 
 
 started ; and sure enough, the storm came. The wind was 
 north-west, and blew right across from the Gulf of Lyons, 
 which I shall always think more formidable than the Bay of 
 Biscay. The wind lasted till we got under the lee of Sardinia ; 
 and what with the stink of the bilge-water, which was stirred 
 up by the tossing, and the constant noise, and the difficulty 
 of standing and sitting and eating and drinking, we were 
 constantly wretched enough. My father spent the whole 
 time in his berth ; [Newman] and I the greater part of ours. 
 But ills have their end. The sea and the stink subsided, and 
 we made the rest of our voyage to Malta stilly and quickly, 
 arriving there on Monday morning after breakfast. [Newman] 
 does not think his health perceptibly improved yet,^ but he 
 has entirely got over sea-sickness, and has written an immense 
 deal for the Lyra Apostolical He has written so many letters 
 to his mother and sisters, that I need say no more about him. 
 He will write to you soon. I know you will think this a very 
 dull letter, as it is about places and not people ; but we have 
 been so little on shore, that I have not been able to indulge 
 your taste. Kindest remembrances to O.^ I will write to 
 him soon. — Yours affectionately, R. H. F.' 
 
 From Malta also, on Christmas night, a letter was 
 despatched to Dartington, addressed, apparently, to John 
 Spedding Froude, which carries on the record of the travellers. 
 All the Froudes, like all the Hares, could draw. 
 
 ' . , . There is so much that is picturesque and singular 
 about this place, that I do not despair of occupation for all the 
 
 ' Six weeks later, an English lady, Miss Frere, writes home from Malta of our 
 three tourists, 'Archdeacon Froude, his son, and another clergyman' . . . 'all 
 very agreeable.' She laments the ill-health of Mr. Newman, but adds that 'the 
 son, on whose account they are travelling, is quite well.' Works of the Rt. Hon. 
 John Hookham Frere, vol. i.. Memoir, by the Rt. Hon. Sir Bartle Frere. London : 
 Pickering, 1874, p. 242. 
 
 ^ Newman says, ' It was at Rome that we began the Lyra Apostolica ' {Apologia, 
 1890, p. 34) ; this letter antedates the arrival at Rome by some days. Newman 
 dates the Lyra from Froude's choosing its motto from the Odyssey on the eve of 
 magazine publication. 
 
 'The Rev. C. A. Ogilvie? or Frederick Oakeley? or the young Devonian Nut- 
 combe Oxenham, who, like Isaac Williams, his tutor and lifelong friend, was a 
 Scholar of Trinity? The associates of Mr. Williams were almost exclusively of Oriel. 
 
86 HURRELL FROUDE [1832 
 
 fifteen days in drawing, if the weather is only tolerable. The 
 boats, and the dresses, and the colours and forms of the buildings 
 are all as good practice as anything I can fancy, and I shall not 
 be sorry to have time on my hands for studying them at leisure. 
 We shall be allowed to go about the harbour [in quarantine] 
 as much as we like, and there are several places where we 
 may land. This will have to start a day or two after our 
 return, so you will not hear much more of Malta till the next 
 packet. As yet I have made egregious failures in attempts 
 to colour ; indeed, I have had no opportunity of doing any- 
 thing from nature, and recollection supplies one too indistinctly. 
 My father has made many very interesting coast drawings as 
 we have come along, but he has done nothing in a finished way. 
 "■ Corfu, Jan. i. — We got here the day before yesterday, 
 after a most interesting voyage. The sea has been as still 
 as a lake, and we have had a light breeze in our favour; 
 but it must be owned that we have sailed away from the 
 fine weather. Ever since we got here it has rained torrents, 
 and is now blowing a violent gale, so that we thank our 
 stars we are in harbour. On Friday morning we (as you 
 would say) made Zante on our larboard bow, at a distance 
 of about fifty miles. The high land of Cephalonia appeared 
 at the same time, so they kept her away three-quarters of a 
 point, and made for the passage between the islands. The 
 south point of Cephalonia is a very high mountain ; it was 
 covered with snow, which here and there appeared through 
 the clouds. Zante is cliffy, and not so very unlike some of 
 the Isle of Wight.^ We got to the town just after dark, 
 and went ashore to make out what we could. We went to 
 a billiard-room, a coffee-house, the head inn, and two or 
 three shops. Everything was filthy to a degree, but there 
 seemed to be some really handsome houses, such as Sir 
 John Vanbrugh might have built. The shops are all open 
 to the street, and one would think that the shopkeepers 
 had never taken more than coppers in their lives; yet in a 
 tobacco shop, on asking the price of a cherry-stick pipe, 
 which I should have guessed at twelve shillings in England, 
 they told me it was one hundred dollars, and a midshipman 
 ' Froude had visited Samuel Wilberforce there, at Brighstone, 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 87 
 
 who was with us, and had lived a gi-eat deal in those parts, 
 said that it was not at all dear at the money. The mouth- 
 piece was amber inlaid with turquoise, and in that miserable- 
 looking shop there must have been thirty or forty more 
 pipes as costly : I wonder where they get customers ? We 
 drank a bottle of Zante wine at the head inn, and very 
 nice it was; on asking the price, the landlord most un- 
 affectedly said there was nothing to pay, and when we gave 
 him a shilling he seemed to think it was most munificent. 
 
 ' . . . The town is now in possession of a Suliote chief, who 
 has taken the castle into his own hands, and has quartered 
 himself and his followers in all the best houses of the town, 
 which is now newly building, and promises to be regular, 
 and even elegant. The streets are quite straight, and cut 
 one another at right angles, and the houses all have piazzas 
 before them ; but everything is now at a standstill, and 
 the streets themselves, unpaved, are more like the courses 
 of rivulets than anything else. It was a night of rejoicing, 
 this being the Day of St. Dionysius, and all the common 
 people were assembled in the bazaar, a sort of shambles, 
 and the gentlemen in a coffee-room, smoking and playing 
 cards, in their best dresses : most of them were fine-looking 
 fellows, very quiet and polite. We had coffee there, and 
 very capital it was, but thick and almost like chocolate. I 
 should like to know how they make it. The Greeks there 
 were all dressed in their white linen petticoats, embroidered 
 coats, and shaggy capotes, except one old fellow, who had 
 on an English box-coat, and one other fellow, whom, from 
 his vulgar impudent countenance, I conclude to have been 
 an English blackguard. They all say the Morea is in a 
 most wretched state, full of banditti and pirates, so that 
 you cannot go anywhere without an escort. Next day we 
 found ourselves just off Ithaca, at breakfast-time, and got 
 breakfast over before we entered the strait between Ithaca 
 and Cephalonia. This was the first day that I attempted 
 what is called sketching, and I made a tolerable hand of it ; 
 at least, I found out how to make memoranda that did to 
 work upon afterwards. I can make no hand of colour, and 
 think I shall hardly attempt it, till I have time to make 
 
88 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 some finished studies from nature. You and W[illy] care so 
 little about classics, that I need not trouble you about 
 Ulysses' castle, Sappho's leap, etc. We got here on Sunday 
 night, and the rain came soon after us, and has persecuted 
 us incessantly ever since. We got ashore yesterday and 
 walked about the town, which is very picturesque, and 
 exactly like the panorama. . . . 
 
 'We were at a ball at Corfu on the anniversary of the 
 installation of the Ionian Government, at which all the 
 native population were expected ; but the day was so 
 stormy that it made a poor show. I meant to have got 
 you a real Albanian capote, but they were not to be had 
 at Corfu, and the cherry - stick tobacco - pipes were too 
 dear.' 
 
 To the Rev. Isaac Williams, Jan. lo, 1833. 
 
 ' We spent Christmas Day at Malta in an incessant row, 
 taking in coals, while the bells of all the many Churches of 
 Valetta told what was going on in that land of superstition ; — 
 watched one poor fellow in quarantine all day, saying prayers 
 to himself, and looking towards the Church nearest on the 
 shore, opposite to the Lazaretto.^ The time is now drawing 
 nigh when we shall spend fifteen long days in that abode of 
 the unblessed. It is now the loth of January, and we are 
 just in sight of Malta, on our return from the Ionian 
 Islands. We have not seen them under the most favourable 
 circumstances, as the weather has been wintry, i.e., either 
 very stormy or very cold. I have been often longing for 
 the bright hot Spanish sun which conducted us from the 
 Bay of Biscay to Gibraltar. . . . Among other things, we 
 spent half an hour in the coffee-house [at Zante] where the 
 Greek merchants were assembled for the holiday evening: 
 a little wretched dirty place, but the company were very 
 
 1 ' We are keeping the most wretched Christmas Day ... by bad fortune we 
 are again taking in coals. . . . This morning we saw a poor fellow in the Lazaret, 
 close to us, cut off from the ordinances of his Church, saying his prayers with his 
 face to the house of God in his sight over the water ; and it is a confusion of face 
 to me. . . . The bells are beautiful here . . . deep and sonorous, and they have 
 been going all morning : to me very painfully.' Newman to his sister Harriett, 
 Letters and Correspondence, i. , 274. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 89 
 
 polite to us, and we were surprised at the cleanness of their 
 dresses, and a certain refinement in their appearance and 
 manner. We were under the guidance of Major L[ongley] 
 brother of L[ongley] of H[arrow] ^ who is Governor of Cythera, 
 and knows something of the habits and language of the 
 people. The company all rose to him, and sat down when 
 he said Kadecre ; but they pronounce so queerly, that one 
 can hardly ever make out a word, although their newspapers 
 are quite intelligible, and differ but little from old Greek. 
 I would give much to live among them for a bit, and get 
 into their notions. As it is, we have seen nothing but the 
 surface, and heard the notions of the resident English, which 
 cannot be relied on. ... In Corfu, the breed is very 
 mongrel, mixed up with Venetian and Italian blood ; so 
 that, altogether, the sight was uninteresting, except that 
 when one saw a splendid set of apartments, with magnificent 
 English furniture, and brilliantly illuminated, with a band of 
 music, etc., it contrasted itself oddly with the thought of old 
 Thucydides and the Corcyrean sedition. The remains of 
 the old town are very scanty, and one cannot make out 
 anything satisfactory about to 'Hpaiov, etc. There is a 
 rock that they call Ulysses' ship ; but I suspect the name 
 of a Venetian origin. In one place there is the remains of 
 an Ionic temple, on a very small scale, lately discovered ; 
 but we had no time to go into antiquarian questions. 
 We rode over most of the island, and saw several of the 
 villages, all of which bear marks of having been tenanted by 
 a rich population ; but everything is of a Venetian character. 
 I cannot make out whether the people are religious or not; 
 yet they seem, on the whole, to be an innocent civil set. 
 Every small knot of families have their priest and their 
 chapel, but no parishes that we could hear of. Their Churches 
 are very small, but great numbers of them : two or three to 
 a small village. [Newman] and my father went into one in 
 an out-of-the-way village, in which there [were] fine silver 
 lamps, a copy of Leonardo da Vinci's Last Supper, well 
 
 ^ Major John Longley, afterwards Lieutenant-Governor of Dominica. Charles 
 Thomas Longley, Head Master of Harrow School from 1829 to 1836, became 
 Archbishop of Canterbury. Cythera is Cerigo. 
 
90 HURRELL FROUDE ^ [issa 
 
 executed, and several pictures of Saints, in the hard German 
 style of the fifteenth century. I went twice into the Church 
 which is the depository of the body of St. Spiridion ; ^ and 
 people were praying there both times, one person apparently 
 from the higher classes. In the chapel where the body lies, 
 lamps are always kept dimly burning, and the people go in 
 and kiss the shrine. The feet are stained with tears, and 
 there are many splendid offerings there of precious stones. 
 They keep all the Saints' days by going to Church, and 
 playing cards afterwards ; and on the fast days they fast 
 fairly. ... On our way back from Corfu, the curtain was 
 drawn back which had before hung over the scenery, and the 
 long ridges of the Acarnanian mountains appeared in full 
 splendour ; among these many points in the range of Pindus 
 were visible in the distance; and from Zante we certainly 
 saw the summit of Parnassus, though partially intercepted 
 with clouds. To look at. Mount St. Meri, in the north of 
 Morea, is the most magnificent, but I do not know its 
 classical name.^ And now I suppose I must bid farewell to 
 these extraordinary places for the rest of my life; having 
 only just seen enough of them to know how well worth 
 seeing they are.' 
 
 The fifteen days of detention were not quite so annoying 
 or so monotonous as the travellers had feared. ' This Lazaret,' 
 says Newman in the course of a long letter to his sister Jemima, 
 'was built by the Knights [of St. John at Malta] for the Turks. 
 . . . We burn olive wood. I assure you we make ourselves 
 very comfortable. We feed well from an hotel across the water. 
 The Froudes draw and paint. I have hired a violin, and bad 
 as it is, it sounds grand in such spacious halls. I write verses, 
 and get up some Italian, and walk up and down the rooms 
 about an hour and a half daily; and we have a boat, and 
 are allowed to go about the harbour.' An incident on the 
 quarantine island is responsible, in Newman's biography, for the 
 
 ' Spiridion or Spiridon, patron of the island, Bishop of Tremithus near Salamis, 
 present at the first General Council of Nice, and at the Council of Sardica. The 
 Greeks keep his feast on the I2th, the Western Church on the 14th of December, 
 
 2 [Mount ScoUis in Elis.] 
 
1832] HURRELL FROUDE 91 
 
 one and only tiff between himself and Froude.^ In reality, it 
 was no tiff at all, as Froude was wholly innocent of offence. 
 (Newman, it may be remarked in passing, had just written his 
 David and Jonathan^ It seems that during the January nights 
 in the Lazaretto, all three of the English travellers used to hear 
 unaccountable footsteps, in the rooms and galleries, their own 
 doors having been locked from the outside. On one occasion 
 Newman thought he heard the noises in Archdeacon Froude's 
 room. ' The fourth time it occurred, I hallooed out : " Who's 
 there ? " and sat up in my bed ready to spring out. A deep 
 silence followed, and I sat waiting a considerable time : and 
 thus I caught my cold.' A week later, there is no clean 
 bill of health to send Mrs. Newman, ' The weather has been 
 unusually severe here. My cold caught in the Lazaret ripened 
 the day I came out of it into the most wretched cough I ever 
 recollect having, as hard as the stone walls, and far more tight 
 than the windows.' In short, Newman was housebound, a 
 close prisoner, and miserable enough, despite his successful 
 completing of his ' Patriarchal Sonnets.' Archdeacon Froude 
 forbade his going out to Church. The next day, Monday, he 
 confides to the all-sympathetic bosom of his family : ' I am 
 properly taken at my word. I have been sighing for rest 
 and quidt. This is the sixth day since I left the Lazaret, and I 
 have hardly seen or spoken to anyone. The Froudes dine 
 out every day ; and are out all the morning, of course. Last 
 night I put a blister on my chest ; and never having had one 
 on before, you may fancy my awkwardness in taking it off and 
 dressing the place of it this morning. I ought to have had 
 four hands. Our servant was with the Froudes. . . . Well, I 
 am set upon a solitary life, and therefore ought to have 
 experience what it is ; nor do I repent. ... I have sent to 
 the library, and got Marriage"^ to read. Don't smile — this 
 juxtaposition is quite accidental ! You are continually in my 
 thoughts. I know what kindness I should have at home.' 
 He ends dismally, not without citing the Apostolic precedent 
 
 ' Correspondence, i., 293-300, passim : and p. 332. 
 The well-known novel by Susan Edmonstone Ferrier, published at first anony- 
 mously in 1818. A beautiful edition, marking some revival of popularity, was issued 
 in 1902. 
 
92 HURRELL FROUDE [isss 
 
 of going not alone but two and two : ' I wonder how long I 
 shall last without any friend about me ! ' One can imagine 
 the anxiety and indignation of the devoted hearts at Ifflfey. 
 Early in April their unfriended John Henry received his sister 
 Jemima's answer, distinctly uncomplimentary to Hurrell Froude; 
 whereupon Newman rushed into explanation : he could not 
 have Froude blamed ; he had begged to be left alone (' you 
 know I can be very earnest in entreating to be left alone ') : he 
 had refused his repeated solicitations even to let him sit by him 
 and read to him ; he had, in short, driven him away. Hurrell, 
 indeed, was not cut out by Nature for a nurse. Be that as it 
 may, would it be far wrong to surmise that it was influenza which 
 had been playing its now-well-understood tricks on Newman? 
 But he made up like a lover for his passing semi-accusation. 
 Froude, as it happened, was singularly well at this time, 
 though the reprieve from discomfort was to be but brief 
 
 The three companions went from Malta to Messina, where, 
 in wretched weather, they had divers small misadventures, 
 shared with Rohan-Chabots. Hurrell kept, that week, a sort of 
 journal of events ; and the pages describing the capture of 
 lodgings at Palermo seem worth transcription, since they show 
 the revered Vicar of S. Mary-the-Virgin defeated by female 
 diplomacy, and in the unexpected r61e of a sprinter.^ 
 
 ' We got to Palmero about eleven or twelve next morning 
 [Feb. II, 1833]: the sea calm, the sun hot, and everything 
 beautiful to a degree. Here we knew that there was to be a 
 scramble for rooms ; so when we anchored, [Newman] and I 
 made a rush for the ladder, and were first in the boat ; but 
 unfortunately, when we were in it we found that we had 
 mistaken the landing-place. Our boat was nearest the Quay ; 
 and we had to clear out round all the others to make for the 
 custom-house and town, which were a mile off; also, our boat 
 had only one man. So we saw two other boats give us the 
 go-by, in one of which was the wife of the Governor of 
 Moldavia and Wallachia:^ they landed about four minutes 
 
 ' He could jump well, too : 'a larking thing for a Don ! ' as he tells his mother. 
 Letters and Correspondence, i., 159. 
 
 ^ Provinces now merged in the kingdom of Roumania. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 93 
 
 before us, and we thought to make • up our way by running. 
 I was soon left behind by [Newman] and the boatman. When 
 they passed the Countess, I saw her tap a fellow on the 
 shoulder, who ran off for a coach, in which she set off as hard 
 as she could for the Albergo di Londra. We found afterward 
 that she had secured Page's whole house by letter ; and not 
 contented with this, she had two servants ahead, who, when 
 [Newman] came up with them, raced him ; and being fresh, 
 they contrived to keep ahead by a foot or two, so as just to 
 bespeak Jaquerie's whole house before he could speak to the 
 landlord. On this, we despaired, and put up with the first 
 place we could find to hide our noses in : luckily, it had no 
 fleas ! and that was more than we had bargained for." 
 Newman, in his own letters, does not single out for praise the 
 one negative charm of their temporary dwelling. " It is 
 astonishing," he says from the depth of English decency, " how 
 our standard falls in these parts ! " ' 
 
 The Archdeacon, with his attendant spirits, was off at four 
 in the morning for Egesta. They had a carriage to themselves, 
 drawn by three mules with bells, and a boy and a guide, 
 besides the driver ; much aesthetic rapture and next to nothing 
 to eat, seems to have been their portion. But the culminating 
 point, the complete satisfaction of the heart's desire, was Rome. 
 ' All the cities I ever saw are but as dust, even dear Oxford 
 inclusive, compared with its majesty and glory,' writes 
 Newman to the Rose Hill auditory. This enthusiasm of his 
 was not without its scruples and torments. He adds an 
 occasional colophon of genuine self-comfort, being sure that 
 ' our creed,' the while, is ' purer than the Roman ' : a matter 
 which, apparently, Hurrell forgot to dwell upon. He never had 
 to rid himself of the least taint of the Pharisee, although he 
 had been scandalised enough at Naples. That alien city of 
 all badness had given his notions of its nominal religion 
 a rude shock. Frederick William Faber, passing through 
 Cologne in 1839, got, unwillingly, the very same sort of 
 painful disedification which Froude got at Naples.^ The 
 
 ' Life and Letters of Frederick Willimn Faber, D.D., Priest of the Oratory of St. 
 Philip Neri, by John Edward Bowden of the same Congregation. Richards, 1869, 
 p. 78. 
 
94 HURRELL FROUDE [isss 
 
 sadness of the decay of an ideal, even though a misplaced and 
 mistimed one, hangs over some of the letters sped towards holy 
 Oxford. 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, March i6, 1833. 
 
 ' Rome. — . . . I should like to be back at the election much ; 
 sedfata vetant. Being abroad is a most unsatisfactory thing, 
 and the idleness of it deteriorating. I shall connect very few 
 pleasing associations with this winter, and I don't think I shall 
 come home much wiser than I went. The only fidOria-i'; on 
 which I can put my hand, as having resulted from my travels 
 is, that the whole Christian system all over Europe " tendtt 
 visibiliter ad non esse'.' ^ The same process which is going on 
 in England and France is taking its course everywhere else ; 
 and the clergy in these Catholic countries seem as completely 
 to have lost their influence, and to submit as tamely to the 
 State, as ever we can do in England. . . . Egesta . . by 
 good luck we have been able to see, though we were obliged to 
 abandon the rest of our Sicilian expedition. It is the most 
 strangely romantic place I ever saw or conceived.^ It is no 
 use attempting to describe it, except that the ruins of the city 
 stand on the top of a very high hill, precipitous on three sides, 
 and very steep on the other, literally towering up to heaven, 
 with scarcely a mule-track leading to it, and all round the 
 appearance of an interminable solitude. After going some miles 
 through a wild uninhabited country, you approach it by winding 
 up a zigzag path cut in the face of what looks a perpendicular 
 and inaccessible rock, and, till you have got some way up, it 
 wears so little the appearance of a track, that without guides 
 no one would venture on. At the top the old walls of the 
 town can be distinctly traced, where one would think that 
 mortal foot had never or rarely been, and numbers of tooled 
 stones [are] scattered in all directions, evidently the remains of 
 
 1 A quaint phrase from the Oriel Statutes. They read : ' Quoniam omnia exis- 
 tentia tendunt ad noti esse.' 
 
 " ' I am drawn to [Sicily] as by a loadstone. The chief sight has been Egesta : its 
 ruins with its Temple. O wonderful sight 1 full of the most strange pleasure. . . . 
 It has been a day in my life to have seen Egesta. . . . really, my mind goes back 
 to the recollection of last Monday and Tuesday, as one smells again and again at a 
 sweet flower.' Newman to his sister Harriett, Letters and Correspondence, i., 302. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 95 
 
 well-finished buildings. Here and there is a broken arch 
 which makes one fancy the remains to be Roman, and in the 
 most conspicuous place a fine theatre, nearly perfect. When 
 you come to the ascent on the opposite side, you all at once 
 see the Temple, in what seems a plain at the bottom, with its 
 pediments and all its columns perfect, and only differing from 
 what it was at first in the deep rich colouring of the weather- 
 stains. When we saw it there was a large encampment of 
 shepherds in the front of it, with their wolf-dogs and wild 
 Salvator-like dresses ; and, by-the-by, as we found afterwards, 
 with no great objection to lead Salvator-like lives ; for when 
 by some accident we were separated from one another, they 
 got round [Newman] shouting " Date moneta ! " and, he thinks, 
 would certainly have taken it by force, except for a man with 
 a gun who is placed there by Government, as custode of the 
 Temple, and who came up when the others were getting most 
 troublesome. On getting close to the Temple, we found that 
 it stands on the brink of a precipitous ravine 200 or 300 feet 
 deep, which gives a grandeur to the whole scene even beyond 
 what it gets from the mountains and the solitude. Compared 
 with Egesta, Paestum is a poor concern, and so is Naples when 
 compared with Palermo. 
 
 ' But Rome is the place, after all, where there is most to 
 astonish one, and [it is] of all ages, even the present. I don't 
 know that I take much interest in the relics of the Empire, 
 magnificent as they are, although there is something 
 sentimental in seeing (as one literally may), the cows and 
 oxen Romanoque foro et lautis mugire Carinis. But the thing 
 which most takes possession of one's mind is the entire 
 absorption of the old Roman splendour in an unthought-of 
 system : to see their columns, and marbles, and bronzes, which 
 had been brought together at such an immense cost, all 
 diverted from their first objects, and taken up by Christianity : 
 St. Peter and St, Paul standing at the top of Trajan's and 
 Antonine's columns, and St. Peter buried in the Circus of 
 Nero, with all the splendour of Rome concentrated ' in his 
 mausoleum. The immense quantity of rare marbles, which 
 are the chief ornament of the Churches here, could scarcely have 
 been collected except by the centre of an universal Empire, 
 
96 HURRELL FROUDE ti833 
 
 which had not only unlimited wealth at its command, but access 
 to almost every country ; and now one sees all this dedicated 
 to the Martyrs. Before I came here I had no idea of the 
 effect of coloured stone in architecture ; but the use Michael 
 Angelo has made of it in St. Peter's shows one at once how 
 entirely that style is designed with reference to it, and how 
 absurd it was in Sir C. Wren to copy the form when he could 
 copy nothing more. The coloured part so completely 
 disconnects itself from the rest, and forms such an elegant and 
 decided relief to it, that the two seem like independent designs 
 that do not interfere. The plain stone-work has all the 
 simplicity of a Grecian temple, and the marbles set it off just 
 as a fine scene or a glowing sky would. I observe that the 
 awkwardness of mixing up arched and unarched architecture is 
 thus entirely avoided, as all the arched work is coloured, and 
 the lines of the uncoloured part are all either horizontal or 
 perpendicular. So Michael Angelo adds his testimony to my 
 theory about Gothic architecture. 
 
 ' As to Raphael's pictures, I have not had time to study 
 them with attention. The most celebrated of them, especially 
 your friend Heliodorus, are so damaged or dirty that one can- 
 not see them distinctly except close ; they say we should use 
 an opera-glass. All that the painters say of Raphael tends to 
 exalt him as a poet and a man of genius, but rather at the 
 expense of his technical skill ; he and Michael Angelo seem, by 
 what they say, to be counterparts. But I wish I could hope 
 to form an opinion of my own about it. 
 
 ' There is an English artist here, a Mr. S[evern],^ to whom 
 [Newman] had an introduction, and who certainly is a very 
 clever man, who gave us a most curious and interesting account 
 of a German school of painters that is now growing up in 
 Rome. He says that several of them are here, living on 
 pensions from German Princes, particularly the King of Bavaria, 
 and are studying Raphael in a very singular way : curious 
 fellows, with a great deal of original enthusiasm (utterly unlike 
 the ^avavaoi of England), who have got it into their heads that 
 the way to study Raphael is not to copy him, but to study the 
 works he studied, and to put their mind into the attitude in 
 'Joseph Severn, Keats' friend, 1793-1879. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 97 
 
 which he formed his conceptions. So they poke away at the 
 old hard pictures of early Masters, with stiff drapery and gilt 
 backgrounds, and are so intent on dissociating Christian and 
 classical art, that they think grace and beauty bought too dear, 
 if they tend to disturb the mind by pagan associations. One 
 of these fellows,^ he said, had become intimate with him in a 
 curious way. Mr. S[evern] has made colouring his principal 
 study ; he seems to be a bit of an enthusiast himself, and has 
 been aiming at combining the colouring of the Venetian school 
 with the designs of the Roman. Well, this German, who is a 
 shy, reserved man, having been one day in Mr. S[evern's] 
 studio, returned the next day with ten or twelve of his German 
 friends, and again, the day after, with as many more ; and so 
 on, for some time. At last Mr. S[evern], who took it as a great 
 compliment, asked him what it was that had attracted his 
 notice. He said he had always gone on a notion that colour 
 had nothing to do with the poetry of painting, but was merely 
 sensual, and that a Madonna he had seen of Mr. S[evern's] 
 made him alter his mind ; so he had been bringing friends to 
 see if they felt the same about it. Since this time they have 
 been very intimate ; but the man is so reserved, in general, that 
 except for this accident he might have kept his notions to him- 
 self. Mr. S[evern] says his designs are quite in the spirit of 
 Raphael, and that his whole mind is so taken up with Catholic 
 ^doi, that he has given up his Protestantism, and is a rigid 
 conformer to all the ordinances of the Church. I have prosed 
 about this because I was struck with it. I hope it is no mare's 
 nest. ... I don't know whether I mentioned to you that 
 [Newman] and [Williams] are going to indite verses for TAe 
 British Magazine, under the title Lyra Apostolicat [Rose]^ 
 would not take a sonnet that I made, because it was too fierce ; 
 but says it may come by-and-by, I will write it out for your 
 edification and criticism, 
 
 ' Friedrich Overbeck, 1789-1869. He became a Catholic in 1814. 
 ° Rev. Hugh James Rose, founder and editor : 1795-1838, M.A. of Cambridge 
 University, Rector of Hadleigh, Suffolk ; Principal of King's College, London. 
 
98 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 'HEPI TH2 MI2HTOY STASEOS.^ 
 
 ' " The Powers that be are ordained of God." 
 
 ' Yes, mark the words : deem not that Saints alone 
 Are Heaven's true servants, and His laws fiilfil 
 Who rules o'er just and wicked. He from ill 
 Culls good ; He moulds the Egyptian's heart of stone 
 To do Him honour, aiid e'en Nero's throne 
 Claims as His ordinance ; before Him still 
 Pride bows unconscious, and the rebel will 
 Most does His bidding, following most its own. 
 Then grieve not at their high and palmy state. 
 Those proud bad men, whose unrelenting sway 
 Hath shattered holiest things, and led astray 
 Christ's little ones : they are but tools of fate, 
 Duped rebels, doomed to serve a Power they hate, 
 To earn a, traitor's guerdon, yet obey. 
 
 ' I mean to do one on Lord Grey's interpretation of the 
 Coronation Oath.^ Will you do some? A mixture, some 
 fierce and some meek : the plan is to have none above twenty 
 lines. . . . My cough is just the same as when I left England. 
 The climate is worse than an English autumn, and sight-seeing 
 does no good. I was almost well at Malta, and if I had stayed 
 there should have been quite so now. I expect to see the 
 original Epistolae S. Thomse in the Vatican Library.' 
 
 Overbeck seems to have attracted Froude purely, or chiefly, 
 on moral grounds, but he found at Rome an abiding object 
 of enthusiasm in the lovely genius of Francesco Francia. One 
 
 ' ' On The Hateful Party : probably the Liberal Party of 1833.' Lyra Apostolica, 
 Beeching's edition, p. 140. But possibly the reference is to the English Reformers, 
 and the poet's idea that they should be considered serviceable, in a way, to the very 
 spirit of Catholicism which they did their best to destroy. However, the context of 
 Froude's letter to Keble, going on to mention, as it does, a current political interest 
 as inspiration (not forthcoming) for the next copy of verses, tends to bear out 
 Mr. Beeching's theory. Lyra Apostolica began as a separate poetic section of The 
 British Magazine in June, 1833. The poem above is an unconscious expansion of 
 S. Augustine's Ne puttiis gratis esse malos in hoc mundo, et nihil boni de illis agere 
 Deum. 
 
 ^ Exactly what this interpretation was is not apparent from Lord Grey's bio- 
 graphers, nor from his Letters. On this ground, he was suspect, after his significant 
 remark in the House of Lords, on May 7, 1832 : ' I do not like, in this free country, 
 to use the word Monarchy.' 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 99 
 
 of his letters to his second brother, from Leghorn, illustrates 
 both his own passion for thoroughness, and the range and 
 zest of his lifelong interest in arts and crafts. He was ' an 
 ingeniose person,' and constantly invites the application of that 
 favourite and comprehensive seventeenth-century word. 
 
 To William Froude, April 12, 1833. 
 
 ' . . . If you choose, you may easily find out in London what 
 is the particular process by which the red colour of glass is pro- 
 duced from gold, and also in what way they would go to work 
 to give glass a vitrified coat of gold, retaining its own colour; 
 and whether any accident in attempting the latter might effect 
 the former. For it has always struck me as a puzzle how so 
 recondite an idea as that of producing a ruby tint from a 
 yellow metal should come into the heads of the early glass- 
 painters ; and it has occurred to me that some such accident 
 as I have guessed at above might be the key to the puzzle, for 
 the practice of giving glass a vitrified coat of gold for the pur- 
 pose of mosaic work was very common, long before the use of 
 coloured glass in windows had been thought of, and specimens 
 of it are to be seen in Rome of almost every age between 
 [A.D.J 400 and [A.D.] 1000. Please not to forget this ques- 
 tion, or be contented with vague answers. It will be likely 
 to take some time and trouble to get at the truth, but it is 
 curious, and there is no hurry, and you will at any rate have 
 more opportunities than I shall. The best red colour that has 
 been produced in modern times has been managed by a French 
 chemist, and there is a wholesale house of his goods somewhere 
 in Holborn. The Pope's mosaic manufactory in Rome is 
 curious : there are eighteen thousand shades of colour in it, 
 which can be looked out as in a directory. Some of the 
 imitations of pictures which they have made are so perfect that 
 you must look close before you can see joinings and transitions 
 of colour; and they have the advantage over every kind of 
 painting, being mellow from the first and brilliant to the last. 
 In St. Peter's there are many very fine ones, copies of all the 
 most famous pictures, and they are said to have cost 4500/. a 
 piece. St. Peter's itself is the great attraction of Rome, worth 
 all the classics put together. I think the dome is built with 
 
100 HURRELL FROUDE [isss 
 
 all the layers of stone horizontal, so that the principle of the 
 arch applies not to the vertical section, but only to the hori- 
 zontal. I am not sure of this, but I think so.' 
 
 It does not appear, though Newman and Froude saw the 
 Pope's mosaic manufactory, that they saw the Pope himself, 
 Gregory XVI. They seem to have gained their chief vistas of 
 Roman society through their acquaintance with the Prussian 
 Chargd d'Affaires, Baron Bunsen,^ and his English wife, at 
 whose house of all hospitality Sir Walter Scott, then near 
 his end, had been the beloved guest less than a year before. 
 Hurrell must have had his own impressions of the excellent 
 Bunsen, with his pleasant Teutonic habit of holding up his 
 finger and hushing the company, before he began to speak. 
 There is no mention of our modest and all-observing pilgrims 
 in the published correspondence^ either of Bunsen or of Joseph 
 Severn, for 1 832-1 833. 
 
 On April 13, 1833, Hurrell sends to the Rev. John 
 Frederick Christie one of the most discussed letters in the 
 first volume of the Remains, 
 
 ' It would not become me to apologise for not having 
 written before, since I much doubt my capacity ^ to produce 
 anything worth the postage. Nevertheless, I have for some 
 time been intending to write to you, and can't account for 
 having let so much time slip through my fingers. My father 
 and I are now on our way home, having left [Newman] to re- 
 trace his steps to Sicily. ... I hope to be at Genoa to-morrow 
 morning. . . . Between [Lyons] and Paris, I hope to visit and 
 make drawings of some of the Abbeys, etc., which are connected 
 with the history of St. Thomas of Cant. " Sixth and lastly," if 
 the Fates allow, we shall cross from Havre to Southampton by 
 the first steamer in May . . . soon after which you may expect 
 to see me in Chapel. I congratulate you on having got over 
 your first audit so prosperously ; ^ ... it is better occupation than 
 
 ' Christian Carl Josias, Baron Bunsen, 1791-1860, Minister Plenipotentiary, and 
 German Ambassador to England from 1841-1854. 
 
 " Misread, and misprinted ' ability ' in the Remains. 
 
 ' The first audit at Oriel, Mr. Christie being then, as Froude's successor, Junior 
 Treasurer of the College. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 101 
 
 travelling, take my word for it. It is really melancholy to 
 think how little one has got for one's time and money. The 
 only thing I can put my hand on as an acquisition is having 
 formed an acquaintance with a man of some influence at 
 Rome, Monsignor [Wiseman] i the head of the [English] 
 College, who has enlightened [Newman] and me on the subject 
 of our relations to the Church of Rome. We got introduced 
 td~ him to find out whether they would take us ^ in on any 
 terms to which we could twist our consciences, and we found 
 to our dismay that not one step could be gained without 
 swallowing the Council of Trent as a whole ! We made our 
 approaches to the subject as delicately as we could. Our first 
 notion was that the terms of communion were, within certain 
 limits, under the control of the Pope ... or, that in case he could 
 not dispense solely, yet at any rate the acts of one Council 
 might be rescinded by another ; indeed, that in Charles the 
 First's time it had been intended to negociate a reconciliation 
 on the terms on which things stood before the Council of 
 Trent. But we found, to our horror, that the doctrine of the 
 Infallibility of the Church made the acts of each successive 
 Council obligatory for ever, that what had been once decided 
 could never be meddled with again, in fact, that they were 
 committed finally and irrevocably, and could not advance one 
 step to meet us, even though the Church of England should 
 again become what it was in Laud's time. . . . 
 
 ' ... So much for the Council of Trent, for which Christen- 
 dom has to thank Luther and the Reformers. [Newman] declares 
 that ever since I heard this I have become a staunch Protestant, 
 which is a most base calumny on his part, though I own it 
 has altogether changed my notions of the Roman Catholics, 
 and made me wish for a total overthrow of their system. I 
 think that the only totto? now is "the ancient Church of 
 England," and, as an explanation of what one means, " Charles 
 the First " and " the Nonjurors." When I come home I mean to 
 
 ' Afterwards Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster. 
 
 ' [All this must not be taken literally, being a jesting way of stating to a friend 
 what really was the fact, viz., that he and another availed themselves of the oppor- 
 tunity of meetii^ a learned Romanist to ascertain the ultimate points at issue between 
 the Churches.] Note, Remains, 1838, i., 306. 
 
102 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 read and write all sorts of things ; for now that one is a Radical, 
 there is no use in being nice ! ^ I wish you had sent a longer 
 postscript to [Newman] about the position of things ; all I have 
 heard, directly or indirectly, has made me long to be home 
 again. You don't say whether you have done anything for 
 the L[j/m] A[posto/tca]? ^ . . . Tell [Isaac Williams] that I 
 think he has used me basely to send me a mere scribble of 
 a few lines, prosing about some theory of poetry, when there 
 were such a lot of atrocities going on on all sides, of which 
 one can get no tolerable account through the papers. 
 
 ' Genoa, April i S . — Here we are, as at Leghorn, detained 
 a day beyond our time, though there is a perfect calm, because 
 these absurd fellows are afraid of a swell which was got up by 
 last night's wind. The more I have to do with these wretched 
 Neapolitans, the more my first impressions about them are 
 confirmed. I wonder how anyone can tolerate either them or 
 their town, which is as nasty and uninteresting a place as I 
 ever set foot in. As to this Genoa, I should not grumble at 
 being detained here, if I were in plight for sight-seeing, for it 
 is truly magnificent, both in itself and in its situation ; but, 
 unfortunately, I was taken with a very severe feverish cold the 
 morning we landed, i.e., the day before yesterday ; and that 
 day and yesterday was confined to my bed, where I should 
 probably be now but that I had to get up early, in hopes the 
 vessel would keep its appointment. . . . Never advise a friend 
 of yours to come abroad for his health ! It would be very 
 well if one could have Fortunatus' cap, and wish one's self at 
 Rome ; but travelling does more harm than change of climate 
 does good. 
 
 ' While we were at Rome [Newman] and I tried hard to get 
 up the march-of-mind phraseology about pictures and statues, 
 and we hoped we were making some little progress under the 
 
 ' Newman writes to a friend then out of England, R. F. Wilson, Esq., on Sept. 
 8 following :' ... If we look into history, whether in the age of the Apostles, 
 St. Ambrose's, or St. Becket's \sic\, still the people were the fulcrum of the Church's 
 power. So they may be again. Therefore, expect on your return ... to see us 
 all cautious, long-headed, unfeeling, unflinching Radicals.' Newman, Letters and 
 Correspondence, i., 399. 
 
 ^ The contributors to the Lyra numbered but six, in the end. Mr. Christie is not 
 among them. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 103 
 
 auspices of a clever English artist, to whom we had an intro- 
 duction : but, unfortunately for our peace of mind, just before 
 our departure we became acquainted with [a Fellow of Trinity 
 College, Cambridge], who, though he had not been in Italy 
 much longer than ourselves, had attained an eminence so far 
 beyond what we could even in thought aspire to, that we 
 gave the thing up in despair, and retire upon the totto?, that 
 " we don't enter into [those] technicalities." Certainly those 
 C[ambridge] men are wonderful fellows ; I know no one but 
 [Head]^ that could compete with them at all. They know 
 everything, examine everything, and dogmatise about every- 
 thing ; they have paid particular attention to the geological 
 structure of this place, and the botany of that, and the agricul- 
 ture of another, and they are antiquaries, and artists, and 
 scholars, and, above all, puff off one another with the assiduity 
 of our friends the [W.]s. W[he well's] ^ book, and S[edg wick's] * 
 Lectures, and T[hirlwall's] * research, and H[are's]^ taste, pop 
 upon one at every turn. . . . We mean to make as much as 
 we can out of our acquaintance with Monsignor [Wiseman], 
 who (by the by), is really too nice a person to talk nonsense 
 about. He desired me to apply to him, if on any future 
 occasion I had to consult the Vatican Library : and a trans- 
 action of that sort would sound well. . . .' 
 
 The ' transaction would sound well ' : this, as if the writer's 
 study were only to heighten others' opinion of him ! Newman 
 was surely right in calling attention, years after, to this habit 
 
 ' Sir Edmund Walker Head, Bart., 1805-1868, an accomplished Oriel man, 
 Fellow of Merton, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., and K.C.B., Governor-General of Canada, 
 author of a Handbook of the Spanish and French Schools of Painting, and of various 
 philological and literary essays. Hurrell might have named also a young Mr. 
 Gladstone, late of Christ Church, already eminent in the Oxford academic world and 
 beyond it, who spent a good part of this year, 1832-1833, in Italy. 
 
 ''William Whewell, 1794-1866: Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. The 
 particular 'book' may be, judging from the context and the date, the Astronomy and 
 General Physics, considered with Reference to Natural Theology. 
 
 ' Adam Sedgwick, 1785-1873 : Woodwardian Professor of Geology in the Univer- 
 sity of Cambridge. 
 
 * Connop Thirlwall, 1797-1875 : historian and Bishop of S. David's. 
 
 ° Julius Charles Hare, 1795-1855, of Trinity College, Cambridge, afterwards In- 
 cumbent of Hurstmonceaux, and Archdeacon of Lewes. Like Thirlwall, he was a 
 familiar friend of Baron Bunsen. For a passing instance of-the ' puffing ' contemned 
 by Froude, see Memorials of a Quiet Life, 1876, iii,, 224. 
 
104 HURRELL FROUDE ti833 
 
 of Froude's of depreciating, nay, belying, his own motives. It 
 was not an affectation, but it was a little piece of sheer cruelty. 
 
 The friends had parted at Rome, the Froudes very loath 
 to leave Newman behind ; and he, on his part, roaming about 
 the Janiculum after they had gone, in a silent passion of grief, 
 reproaching himself for his wilful fancy to return, under a 
 sort of romantic obsession, to Sicily alone. There he was all 
 but destined to meet an untimely death. Hurrell finished his 
 long letter to Mr. Christie as he moved homeward. 
 
 ^Marseilles, April 22. — This France is certainly a most 
 delicious place : we landed in Hy^res Bay, owing to a storm 
 from the north-west, and found everything so warm and green 
 that I could quite enter into John of Salisbury's^ feelings. 
 The people, too, [are] so extremely civil that I cannot help 
 hoping there may yet be the seven thousand in Israel, and that 
 sometime or other we may be able to talk of la belle France 
 with some kind of pleasure. I feel like a great fool here, from 
 not being able to talk French. In Italy half the population 
 kept me in countenance, but here it is a constant humiliation. 
 And what is worst, I can't hope to make progress ; for having 
 learned the little I know by writing and not [by] speaking, I 
 annex wrong-shaped words to all the sounds. It is like talking 
 Latin ^ to a foreigner.' 
 
 Again, on May 23, to William Froude, is expressed 
 further commendation of the French people, founded on the 
 keenest instinctive understanding of them : an understanding 
 even more unusual then than now. Newman, until later, was 
 certainly far from sharing it, or wishing to learn to share it. 
 The ordinary attitude of the contemporary Oxford mind was 
 frankly, though playfully expressed, by the young W. R. Churton, 
 some years before. He gallantly addresses France : ' What 
 have I seen in thee that should make me long to see thee 
 again ? Have I seen a gentleman from Calais to Beauvoisin ? 
 
 ' John of Salisbury, afterwards Bishop of Chartres, the companion and biographer 
 of S. Thomas k Becket, and ' for thirty years the central figure of English learning.' 
 (Stubbs, Lectures, p. 139.) He was born circa a.d. 1118, and died in the year 1180. 
 
 * Anglicised Latin, that is : Latin taught with the Continental pronunciation, or 
 any approach to it, being unheard-of in the England of that time. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 105 
 
 Have I seen one gleam of poetry in the country or its in- 
 habitants ?'i Hurrell Froude was 'un-English' enough to 
 be arrested, but not repelled, while on the Continent, by the 
 spectacle of extra-English human nature. We have heard 
 him longing, at Zante, to 'live among them a bit, and get 
 into their notions.' This beautiful and uncommon openness 
 of mind stamps him an ideal traveller, despite his lack of 
 opportunity ; at no single point of a hurried route, beset with 
 difficulties, could he look far below the surface of things. But 
 it is strikingly inaccurate to say of him, as Mr. Mozley does, 
 that he lacked not only opportunity, but curiosity, ' to see 
 the interior of either the political or the religious systems they 
 came upon.' ^ 
 
 'What I have seen since my last letter ends, has been 
 more interesting than anything else except Rome. We stopped 
 about at many places in the central part of France, to see out- 
 of-the-way things connected with Becket's history, and found 
 some of them so very curious and striking in themselves, that 
 they would have amply repaid us by their own merits. But 
 what I was most interested with was, that the French seem to 
 me to have been so grossly belied as a nation. I never saw a 
 people that tempted me to like them so much, on a superficial 
 observation. I declare, if I was called upon to make a defini- 
 tion of their national character, I should say they were a 
 primitive innocent people. The fact seems to be that France 
 is governed by a small despotic oligarchy, the aristocracy of 
 wealth, who by their agitating spirit have contrived to get the 
 franchise so restricted as to secure to themselves a majority in 
 the Chamber, and the command of the military, by which they 
 keep France under such a strong hand. . , . There is now in 
 France a High Church party who are Republicans,* and wish 
 for universal suffrage, on the ground that in proportion as the 
 franchise falls lower the influence of the Church makes itself 
 more felt ; at present its limits about coincide with those of 
 
 ^ Remains of William Ralph Churton (Private Impression), 1830, p. 162. 
 
 ^ Reminiscences, etc., i., 294. 
 
 'Jioude means the Abbe de Lamennais, Lacordaire, Montalembert, and their 
 friends, to whom he was strongly attracted. Lacordaire, newly withdrawn from 
 L'Avenir, was at this time at N6tre Dame, not yet a Dominican. What a friend 
 he would have been for R. H. F. ! 
 
106 HURRELL FROUDE [I833 
 
 the infidel faction. Don't be surprised if one of these days 
 you find us turning Radicals on similar grounds.' 
 
 The next communication posted to Mr. Keble, on June 
 26, contained a nameless poem. The title and the motto 
 here given belong to the version in Lyra Apostolica. 
 
 ' Trembling Hope. 
 
 " And the Spirit and the Bride say, Come. And let him that heareth say, Come. 
 And let him that is athirst come. And whosoever will, let him take the water 
 of life freely." 
 
 ' O Lord, I hear : but can it be 
 The gracious word was meant for me? 
 O Lord, I thirst: but who shall tell 
 The secret of that Living Well 
 By whose waters I may rest, 
 And slake this lip unblest? 
 
 Lord, I will, but cannot do ! 
 My heart is hard, my faith untrue. 
 The Spirit and the Bride say. Come ; 
 The eternal ever-blessed Home 
 Oped its portals at my birth ; 
 
 But I am chained to earth. 
 
 The Golden Keys,^ each eve and morn, 
 
 1 see them with a heart forlorn : 
 Lest they should iron prove to me. 
 O set my heart at liberty ! 
 
 May I seize what Thou dost give. 
 Seize tremblingly ; and live.' 
 
 ' Very flat, I know,' the author says, in his usual undecora- 
 tive manner ; but he adds : ' I vi^rote it the night before you 
 went; I wanted to show it you, that you might do one on 
 " He that testifieth these things saith : Surely I come quickly " ; 
 and then, after the verse, to finish with : " Even so, come, Lord 
 Jesus." I think that so it might make a composition on which 
 some people's thoughts would run.^ You may think all this 
 
 ' The Absolutions, in the Book of Common Prayer. 
 
 * [Here, and in many other places, it is the author's way to bring forward as 
 motives of action for himself and others what were but secondary, and rather the reflec- 
 tion of his mind upon its acts, and that as if with a view to avoid the profession of 
 high and great things. Such, too, is the Scripture way : as where we are told to do 
 good to our enemies, as if 'to heap coals of fire on their heads,' and to take the 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 107 
 
 bother ; but I cannot help fancying that this sort of arrange- 
 ment is worth some little trouble.' Hurrell's poem stands 
 collocated with Keble's ' Encouragement ' in the Lyra, with its 
 opening ' Fear not ' : and its heartening beauty is almost a direct 
 address to the burdened spirit who called it forth : 
 
 ' Surely the time is short : 
 Endless the task and art 
 To brighten for the ethereal Court 
 A soiled earth-drudging heart ! 
 But He, the dread Proclaimer of that hour, 
 Is pledged to thee in love, as to thy foes in power. 
 
 Even the text from S. John, which Hurrell had suggested as 
 colophon, stands under his separate ^ after Keble's poem, in 
 every edition, as if by some solemn little rubrical observance. 
 Both Keble and Newman were most careful, in all these delicate 
 ways, to preserve their friend's least touch upon the early 
 printed work of the Movement. It was his death which led 
 to the revelation of the authorship of all the poems in Lyra 
 Apostolica. They would else have remained strictly anony- 
 mous. ' One of the writers in whom the work originated,' 
 says Newman in his very brief preface, dated at Oxford on All 
 Saints' Day of 1836, 'having been taken from his friends . . . 
 it seemed desirable ... to record what belonged to him, while 
 it was possible to do so ; and this has led to a general dis- 
 crimination of the poems, by signatures at the end of each.' 
 
 Two days after 'Trembling Hope,' on June 28, Hurrell 
 sends to his old Tutor the most beautiful, and also the most 
 characteristic of his verses. 
 
 ' Daniel. 
 
 — S. Matt. xix. 12.' 
 
 ' Son of sorrow, doomed by fate 
 To a lot most desolate, 
 To joyless youth and childless age ; 
 Last of thy father's lineage ; 
 
 lowest place, in order to 'have worship in the presence' of spectators.] Note, 
 Remains, 1838, i., 314. 
 
 'The motto appears first in The British Magazine, Dec, 1833, followed by: 
 ' Compare Z^amV/ i. , 7-' 
 
108 HURRELL FROUDE [less 
 
 Blighted being ! wlience hast thou 
 That lofty mien and cloudless brow ? 
 
 Ask'st thou whence that cloudless brow? 
 
 Bitter is the cup, I trow : 
 
 A cup of weary well-spent years, 
 
 A cup of sorrows, fasts, and tears ; 
 
 That cup whose virtue can impart 
 
 Such calmness to the troubled heart. 
 
 Last of his father's lineage, he 
 Many a night on bended knee. 
 In hunger many a lifelong day. 
 Hath striven to cast his slough away. 
 Yea, and that long prayer is granted: 
 Yea, his soul is disenchanted. 
 
 O blest above the sons of men ! 
 
 For thou, with more than Prophet's ken. 
 
 Deep in the secrets of the tomb 
 
 Hast read thine own, thine endless doom ; 
 
 Thou by the hand of the Most High 
 
 Art sealed for immortality. 
 
 So may I read thy story right. 
 And in my flesh so tame my spright. 
 That when the Mighty Ones go forth. 
 And from the east and from the north 
 Unwilling ghosts shall gathered be, 
 I, in my lot,' may stand with thee ! ' 
 
 And immediately after, linked with a quotation from the 
 beloved Eclogues : ' I send you some sawney verses. . . . Can 
 these be doctored into anything available, or are they dotings ? ' 
 
 'Old Self and New Self.' 
 
 NEW SELF. 
 
 ' Why sittest thou on that sea-girt rock. 
 With downward look and sadly-dreaming eye? 
 
 Playest thou beneath with Proteus' flock. 
 Or with the far-bound sea-bird wouldst thou fly ? 
 
 ' Dan. xii., 13. 
 
 ^ The reading here, slightly altered and bettered from the copy printed in the 
 Remains, is from Lyra Apostolica, 1836. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 109 
 
 OLD SELF. 
 
 I sit upon this sea-girt rock 
 With downward loolc and dreaming eye ; 
 
 But neither do I sport with Proteus' flock, 
 Nor with the far-bound sea-bird would I fly. 
 
 I list the splash, so clear and chill. 
 Of yon old fisher's solitary oar ; 
 
 I watch the waves, that rippling still, 
 Chase one another o'er the marble shore. 
 
 NEW SELF. 
 
 Yet from the splash of yonder oar 
 No dreary sound of sadness comes to me ; 
 
 And the fresh waves that beat the shore. 
 How merrily they splash, how merrily ! 
 
 I mourn for the delicious days 
 When those calm sounds fell on my childish ear, 
 
 A stranger yet to the wild ways 
 Of triumph and remorse, of hope and fear. 
 
 NEW SELF. 
 
 Mourn'st thou, poor soul? and wouldst thou yet 
 Call back the things which shall not, can not be? 
 
 Heaven must be won, not dreamed ; thy task is set : 
 Peace was not made for earth, nor rest for thee.' 
 
 Four other sacred poems which Hurrell wrote in 1833 
 may as well be given here. He and Newman burst into song 
 together, though he with far more remote and infrequent music. 
 Probably no lyrist ever had such a poor opinion of himself. 
 But in the qualities of clearness, simplicity, orderly thought and 
 noble severity, there is something very remarkable in Hurrell's 
 few brief scattered verses. They have a strong singleness and 
 sad transparency, the tone of them a little chilly, yet almost 
 Virgilian, and arrestingly beautiful ; they, like himself, are 
 impersonal, and full of character ; abstinent, concentrated, true. 
 The unexpected grace is their cunning harmony, and the trick of 
 that is neither derived nor deliberately invented. His every line 
 instinctively sings and flies. He has nothing to match a certain 
 refrain of Newman's, in what he calls his ' ecclesiastical carol,' — 
 'For scantness is still Heaven's might.' 
 
no HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 It is a good instance of an always interesting literary 
 anomaly that such a line, in its raucous sibilation, should have 
 been produced by an accomplished musician, whereas unfailing 
 melody belongs to Froude, who, loving naturally what he once 
 called 'the bright and silent pleasures of poetry,' had small 
 sense of music as an independent art. Yet Newman certainly 
 was capable of a sustained grandeur, as in his verses on 
 Greek models, which Froude did not attempt, and could not 
 attain. 
 
 ' Tyre. 
 
 'High on the stately wall 
 
 The spear of Arvad hung ; 
 Through corridor and hall 
 
 Gemaddin's^ war-note rung. 
 Where are they now ? The note is o'er : 
 Yes ! for a thousand years, and more, 
 Five fathom deep beneath the sea, 
 Those halls have lain all silently, 
 Nought listing save the mermaid's song, 
 While rude sea-monsters roam the corridors along. 
 
 Far from the wondering" East 
 
 Tubal and Javan came ; 
 And Araby the blest. 
 
 And Kedar, mighty name. 
 Now on that shore, a lonely guest, 
 Some dripping fisherman may rest. 
 Watching on rock or naked stone 
 His dark net spread before the sun, 
 Unconscious of the dooming lay 
 That broods o'er that dull spot, and there shall brood for aye.' 
 
 ' Sight against Faith. 
 
 ' " And Lot went out, and spake unto his sons-in-law that married his daughters, and 
 said : ' Up, get you out of this place ; for the Lord will destroy this city.' But 
 he seemed as one that mocked, unto his sons-in-law." 
 
 ' Sunk not the sun behind yon dusky hill 
 Glorious as he was wont? The starry sky 
 Spread o'er the earth in tranquil majesty, — 
 Discern'st thou, in its clear deep, aught of ill ? 
 
 ' Ezek. xxvii., ii. 
 
 ' The text in 1833 has ' wandering.' The Rev. H. C. Beeching adopts it, 
 with this Note : ' Perhaps the line should run : " Far-wandering from the East." ' 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE ill 
 
 Or in this lower world, so fair and still, 
 
 Its palaces and temples towering high. 
 
 Or where old Jordan, gliding calmly by, 
 Pours o'er the misty plain his mantle chill? 
 
 Dote not of fear, old man, where all is joy ! 
 And Heaven and earth thy augury disown ; 
 And Time's eternal course rolls smoothly on. 
 Fraught with fresh blessings, as day follows day. 
 The All-Bounteous hath not given to take away ; 
 
 The All-Wise hath not created to destroy ! ' 
 
 'Farewell to Feudalism.i 
 
 ( (( 
 
 The grass withereth, the flower fadeth : but the word of our God shall 
 stand for ever." 
 
 "Tis sad to watch Time's desolating hand 
 
 Doom noblest things to premature decay : 
 
 The feudal court, the patriarchal sway 
 Of Kings, the cheerful homage of a land 
 Unskilled in treason, every social band 
 
 That taught to rule with sweetness, and obey 
 
 With dignity, — swept, one by one, away ! 
 While proud empirics rule, in fell command. 
 
 Yet, Christian ! faint not at the sickening sight. 
 Nor vainly strive with that Supreme Decree. 
 Thou hast a treasure and an armoury 
 
 Locked to the spoiler yet ; thy shafts are bright. 
 
 Faint not : Heaven's Keys are more than sceptred might. 
 Their Guardians more than King or Sire, to thee.' 
 
 'Weakness of Nature. 
 ' " Be strong, and He shall comfort thine heart.'' 
 
 ' Lord, I have fasted, I have prayed. 
 
 And sackcloth has my girdle been ; 
 To ^urge my soul I have essayed 
 
 With hunger blank and vigil keen. 
 O God of mercy ! why am I 
 Still haunted by the self I fly? 
 
 ' In The British Magazine for May 1835 (vii., 518) this poem first appears, 
 and there bears no motto, and has 'The Exchange' for title. The title in the 
 
 Remains is ' Farewell to Toryism.' 
 
112 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 Sackcloth is a girdle good : 
 
 O bind it round thee still ! 
 Fasting, it is Angels' food, 
 
 And JESUS loved the night-air chill. 
 Yet think not prayer and fast were given 
 To make one step 'twixt earth and Heaven.' 
 
 The following fragmentary lines are appended to the poem 
 as given in the Remains, though they do not, of course, appear 
 in Lyra Apostolica: 
 
 'As well might sun and rain contending 
 Their sweet influence array 
 On new-fallen seed descending. 
 To raise a forest in a day. 
 Think'st thou prayer and fast alone 
 Can animate a heart of stone? 
 
 It must be rooted in charity. 
 
 Thinkest thou art fit for fasting at all yet? 
 
 The food of Saints is not for thee ! ' 
 
 From poetical ' dotings,' Hurrell, having reached England, 
 throws himself gladly into the interests of the young scientist 
 his brother, who was already at work on the unique experiments 
 concerning the resistance and propulsion of ships, which now 
 stand connected, all over the world, with his successful name. 
 He was going forward to be, as Hurrell anxiously wished, no 
 ' mere engineer,' no ' Liberal,' i.e., agnostic or materialist, ' at 
 heart.' 
 
 To William Froude, July ii, 1833. 
 
 ' . . . I cannot understand how the dock-gates can make 
 any further resistance to the water after the curvature has been 
 squatted out of them, nor how, if the curvature is right, the 
 pressure should have any tendency to alter it. Tell me if you 
 succeed in getting a verdict against them ; also, how your 
 resistance experiments succeed. I will never believe that a 
 sail will do as much work if you split it in two ; but, if Roc area, 
 you might have each cloth independent, and all would do as 
 ' S. Paul, Eph. ii., 8. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 113 
 
 well. I never gave you an answer about the Book of Job, for 
 I cannot get a distinct idea of its argument. It is said to be 
 a discussion on the moral government of God ; but my view 
 of it is not more distinct than what ladies get of Butler's 
 Analogy! 
 
 Honest Hurrell and his baffled Willy were looking for the 
 sort of intellectual company which misery is said to love, and 
 found it in ' ladies.' These, as yet, were certainly busier with 
 worsted samplers than with the problems of the educated. 
 
 On July 14, the day of the storming of the feudal Bastille, 
 came the formal start of another revolution which had a quieter, 
 but no less ominous foot. Mr. Keble mounted the pulpit stair 
 of S. Mary-the-Virgin's at Oxford, and preached his memorable 
 Assize Sermon, which went to press under its title of National 
 Apostasy. It served as a bugle to let men know that the work 
 of recapturing Faith for England had begun, and that ' things 
 have come to the pretty pass ' (in Lord Melbourne's celebrated 
 expression), ' that religion is to invade the sphere of private 
 life ! ' There had been long preliminary agitation, and much 
 personal consciousness, especially on Newman's part and on 
 Froude's, of ' a work to do in England.' 
 
 Secular authority was on the eve of abolishing in Ireland 
 ten Bishoprics, which, in that country at least, it is not pre- 
 tended that it had not created. But there could be no 
 guarantee whatever that secular authority, so gorged, would be 
 sated ; and operations in England being only too likely, it was 
 time for the objectors to rise. Besides, the general change 
 effected during 1832—3, in the relations of Church and State, 
 was the most disheartening or enraging thing in the world to 
 the sentinels at Oxford, according to individual mood. Up to 
 then, ' spiritual cases were referred by the Sovereign to the Court 
 of Delegates, which contained a majority of spiritual persons. 
 But in those years, the final appeal was transferred, by Act of 
 Parliament, from the Court of Delegates to, first, the Privy 
 Council, and then a Committee formed from it.'^ In that bond- 
 age, a worthy legacy from the ' unidea'd ' reign of William IV., 
 
 1 The Anglican Revival, by J. H, Overton, D.D. London: Blackie, 1897, 
 p, 206. 
 
 8 
 
114 HUKRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 the Church of England stood, and stands. Things had been 
 bad enough before. Already Hurrell had cried out in private : 
 ' The Church can never right itself without a blow-up.' This 
 was more sanguine than Dr. Arnold's simultaneous jeremiad, 
 and quite as loyal. ' The Church as it now stands,' he said, 
 ' no human power can save.' But now Froude's song is : 'If 
 the State would but kick us off! ' caught from Lamennais and 
 the great democrat-Ultramontane agitation in France. The 
 wish is translated into the weighty and telling pages of the long 
 essay which stands first in his Remains, and which he wrote in 
 1833. More suo, he uses in it all the original documents 
 which he can lay his hands on, and furthers his argument by 
 italicisation and capitalisation of leading words and phrases. 
 Ambrose Phillipps de Lisle once remarked that the step of 
 throwing off the supremacy of the State had been dreamed 
 of, in England, only by the Nonjurors, and 'the first authors 
 of the Tracts for the Times! Has it not been dreamed of ever 
 since? The deification of a Privy Council was the occasion, 
 not the cause, of the High Anglican onset, itself but one 
 movement of several against the intrenchments of British 
 materialism, but distinct from them all, inasmuch as Scott and 
 Coleridge, riding just before, with the armed protest of Carlyle, 
 of Ruskin, and of Emerson to follow, bore no known emblems 
 of a Christian Crusade. The hour of latent dissatisfaction had 
 crept up to flood-water mark. As we are well aware, no great 
 movement springs full-armed from the brain of any local 
 Jupiter; and this one was a birth, and only a birth, of 1833. 
 For years previously, semi-active agitation, fed by the feeling 
 all over the country, was quite patent and open. There was 
 much popular stir and screaming, all making, no doubt, for 
 righteousness and right ideas. The thinkers, the Universities, 
 were far clearer as to what they did not mean, or wish, than 
 as to what they did. ' Newman and I are both so consequen- 
 tial,' Froude writes in a leave-taking letter of 1832, 'that we 
 fear all sorts of things going wrong while we are away.' It 
 is perfectly true that these men did not create, but evoke, the 
 religious spirit of their time. The Chinese narcissus bourgeons 
 at a miraculous rate from a bulb a year old. The Platonic 
 theory of individual knowledge should be extended to meet 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 115 
 
 the case of nations : they, too, remember, and have rhythms 
 which antedate the conscious life, and recur throughout it. 
 We are always forgetting the commonplace that a spirit rather 
 than intelligent persons with a polity, a law rather than its 
 visible agencies, is the true operative force. Well-meaning 
 students of the Movement have looked upon one name or 
 another as the generating cause, whereas the real leader is ever 
 nameless, like Odysseus in the cave of his baffled giant. There 
 was ' an unseen agitator,' as Newman knew. His earliest friend 
 of undergraduate days, whom he called, afterwards, Princeps 
 Apostolicorum, was, for one, independently aware of it, as 
 soon as events began. 
 
 ' . . . What a wonderful drama is going on,' Mr. Bowden ^ 
 writes, ' if we could but trace it as a whole, and know the 
 multiplied bearings of each varied scene upon our nation and 
 our Church ! However, we can see our own parts, and that 
 must for the present suffice us.' Newman confessed the same 
 wide vision, writing later in that year to Froude : ' I do 
 verily believe a spirit is abroad at present, and we are but 
 blind tools, not knowing whither we are going. I mean, 
 a flame seems arising in so many places as to show no 
 mortal incendiary is at work, though this man or that may 
 have more influence in shaping the course, or modifying the 
 nature of the flame.' 
 
 'This man or that' was not lacking, and there was 
 work for him : work for ' the bright, vivacious, and singularly 
 lovable figures with whom the eyes of Oriel men were then 
 familiarised.' 2 Mr. Charles Kingsley thought them, as it 
 ' would appear, not ' virile ' : a necessary opinion for any ' virile ' 
 Kingsley to hold. So much depends upon definition ! It 
 was a passing conversational remark made by Hurrell Froude 
 concerning the great Churchmen of the Middle Ages, that their 
 portraits had 'a curious expression as of neither man nor 
 woman, a. kind of feminine sternness.' A very similar remark 
 was made at almost the same moment by the prince of 
 English metaphysical critics. Of the coincidence Froude was 
 
 1 James William Bowden, 1798-1844, the most zealous lay participant in the early 
 Movement. 
 
 ' Reminiscences, Mozley, i., 580. 
 
116 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 not aware ; but his Editors, in a footnote, fail not to refer to it. 
 ' [Wordsworth's] face is almost the only exception I know,' 
 said Coleridge, ' to the observation that something feminine, 
 (not effeminate, mind !) is discoverable in the countenances of 
 all men of genius.' ^ This angelic or epicene aspect is, indica- 
 tively, the most terrible force in the world. It is certain that 
 the Tractarians lacked the girth, the gait, the entire and 
 triumphant visibility of John Bull going out with his gun. 
 They lived with abstract ideas, and came to look like them. 
 
 ' Mr. Froude, if anyone,' wrote Newman anonymously in 
 The British Critic of April, 1839, 'gained his views from 
 his own mind.' But indeed, as is implied, none of us ever gain 
 our views from our own minds : views coming with an unde- 
 rived spontaneous air are born of a man's superior attentive- 
 ness to the working Mind of things. Hurrell, pacing Trinity 
 Gardens, his hand on Williams' shoulder, with the off-hand 
 edict : ' Isaac, we must make a Row in the world ! ' recalls 
 to us another agitator of whimsical disinterestedness, Camille 
 Desmoulins. Or he is speaking a too free translation of the 
 message of high and urgent poetry which La Pucelle once 
 poured into the ears of Durand Laxart at Domremy. (It is 
 always of French genius that his genius reminds us.) In all 
 the polemics of the day his voice is the .^olian one, fitful and 
 laconic, unexpected and alarming, yet oddly sweet. He is 
 very busy chastising and correcting himself; but that other 
 strife going on is far more interesting: he is a soldier of 
 fortune, he must fight, he must interfere. When the outriders 
 of the whole sea of returning Catholicism charge at first singly 
 and silently, then with uproar, along the levels of the sleeping 
 Protestant kingdom, the Hurrell Froude who loved duty and 
 hard work, and abhorred display and conspicuosity, rises, 
 
 ' specimens of the Table-Talk of the late Samuel Taylor Coleridge. Murray, 
 1835, ii., 26. The curious inference may be made, in regard to Froude's Editors, 
 that they did not light upon Coleridge's passage at first-hand, but that somebody 
 brought it to their attention : they, on their part, had accomplished, by chance, the 
 extraordinary feat of ignoring Coleridge. ' In extreme old age Newman wrote to 
 a friend : "I never read a word of Kant. I never read a. word of Coleridge. . . . 
 I could say the same of Hurrell Froude, and also of Pusey and Keble." ' Newman, 
 by William Barry. Literary Lives Series. Hodder & Stoughton, 1904, p. 30. The 
 inclusion of the name of Dr. Pusey, Germanic by temperament and by his line of 
 study, is remarkable. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 117 
 
 despite himself, a little dominant, a little spectacular. He is 
 inevitably marked, to ear and eye, as the legendary ninth 
 wave, the foamiest green breaker of the line, ever re-forming 
 and breaking, so long as he is visible, brighter, taller, and 
 farther in-shore than the rest. With the year 1833 he comes 
 into public play, and vanishes almost as soon. 
 
 To J. F. Christie, Esq., July 23, 1833. 
 
 ' ... By the bye, I write [" Newman "] as if you knew he 
 was returned. He came back last Tuesday week.^ . . . He 
 has been delayed by what one can now look back on without 
 uneasiness, as he has not suffered eventually ; but the fact is, 
 he has had a very narrow escape of his life, owing to a 
 severe epidemic fever which he caught in Sicily, and in a place 
 where he could get access to no kind of medical aid. At the 
 place where he was seized he was laid up for three days, 
 unable to move, and at the end of that time strangely took it 
 into his head that he was well. In consequence, he set out on 
 his journey, and after having gone about seven miles, was 
 carried almost lifeless into a cabin, just at a moment when, by 
 a strange accident, a medical man was passing. This person 
 relieved him sufficiently to enable his attendants to remove 
 him to a town some way farther on, in which a doctor resided : 
 Enna, or Castro Giovanni. Here he was eleven days before 
 the crisis of his fever arrived, and it was long thought he had 
 no chance of recovering. . . . He was afterwards delayed at 
 Palermo by the stupid vessel, which did not sail for three weeks 
 after it had promised, and thus lost all the advantages of a 
 good wind. However, he is back safe at last, and really looks 
 well, though his hair is all coming off", and his strength is not 
 yet thoroughly restored. Do something for the [Magazine] and 
 the Lyra. Wherefore stand ye all the day idle? I am going 
 to [Hadleigh] in an hour or two to concert measures.' 
 
 Hadleigh Rectory, in Suffolk, was the scene of the little 
 four-days' congress called together on July 25, by the 
 independent Cambridge forerunner of the Movement, the Rev. 
 
 ' This was July 9, 1833. The Froudes had never had word by post since he had 
 parted from them, and they knew something had gone wrong. 
 
118 HURRELL FROUDE [isss 
 
 Hugh James Rose ; ' the most eminent person of his generation 
 as a divine,' Dean Church calls him. It is interesting to 
 recall that the young Richard Chevenix Trench was Curate 
 of Hadleigh at this time. Neither Keble nor Newman was 
 able to attend. It was the first rally of those willing to fight 
 ' for the doctrine of Apostolical Succession, and for the integrity 
 of the Prayer-Book ' ; and means were about to be taken to 
 found a powerful Association of Friends of the Church. Froude, 
 impatient of talk and of preliminaries, distrustful of the need 
 of organisations, cherishing a preference such as Newman was 
 to express long after, writing to Pusey, for ' generating an 
 ^Ooi rather than a system,' went down from Oxford somewhat 
 grumblingly. The subjects brought forward at Hadleigh 
 were chiefly disciplinary. The complicated relationship of 
 Church and State, the call for Lay Synods, and the ever- 
 burning topic of the manner of the Appointment of Bishops 
 in the Church of England, seem to have engrossed the four 
 men present, Froude then as always, in his extreme abstract 
 way, pushing on to conclusions the others were not ripe for. 
 He found Rose, disinterested as he knew him to be, ' con- 
 servative ' ; he lamented that Rose and Palmer of Worcester 
 clung to what he calls the ' gentleman heresy,' to ' the old 
 prejudices about the expediency of having the clergy gentle- 
 men, i.e., fit to mix in good society ; and about " prizes " to 
 tempt men into the Church, and the whole train of stuff. . . . 
 What I have learned,' he adds, generalising, ' is not to be 
 sanguine, not to expect to bring other people into my views 
 in a shorter time than I have been in coming to them myself 
 And again to Newman, with candour : ' You seem to think I am 
 iloored, and in fact, I partly am so ; at least the predominant 
 impression left on my mind is that I am a poor hand at 
 entering into other people's thoughts.' There follows a descrip- 
 tion of a fellow-guest, which must have made both Newman 
 and Keble smile, as being possibly applicable to another and 
 more fiery spirit who, as Mr. Rose their host said afterwards, 
 with his delicate Gallic justness of criticism, was ' not afraid of 
 inferences.' It can hardly be proved that Hurrell appreciated 
 Mr. Rose, who was a sort of precursor in Pusey's spiritual 
 dynasty, as Hurrell himself was in Newman's. But he over- 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 119 
 
 rated Mr. Perceval. Newman was given to understand, at the 
 close of the session, on the thirtieth day of July, some of Mr 
 Perceval's excellences and moral dangers. 
 
 ' Perceval,' 1 Hurrell writes, ' is a very delightful fellow in 97^09, 
 a regular thorough-going Apostolical ; but I think Keble should 
 warn him about putting himself in the way of excitement. 
 Some of the things he says and does make me feel rather odd. 
 I am sure he should be set to work on something dull that 
 would keep his thoughts from present interests. I never saw 
 a fellow who seemed more entirely absorbed, heart and soul, 
 in the cause of the Church, and without the remotest approach 
 to self-sufficiency.' 
 
 ' Both Rose and Palmer,' wrote Newman on the other 
 hand, after he had heard from those allies, ' think Froude 
 and Perceval very deficient in learning, and therefore rash.' 
 Considerable time had been spent in revising the Church- 
 man's Manual, by Mr. Perceval. Books, committees, by- 
 laws, and such tangible machinery, seemed important to Mr. 
 Rose, who was intelligently planning a great local campaign, 
 to improve the position of his disadvantaged party. Froude, 
 ahead of Newman or Keble, seems from the first to have 
 outrun anything of this sort. To these three, the very 
 existence of religion, whether expressed in the public worship 
 and formularies, or in the conduct and belief of Englishmen, 
 was at stake. He alone lacked a just conception of minor 
 needs, what was the nature of these, or how far they should be 
 satisfied : he felt only the need of supernaturalism in a society 
 again grown godless since Wesley's time. He did not, 
 therefore, march forward in order, but by a long leap threw 
 himself half-blindly upon ' incomprehensibles, and thoughts of 
 things which thoughts do but tenderly touch.' Certainly, 
 cohesion, as not being the note of the Church of England, 
 was not the note of the conference at Hadleigh. Froude 
 especially, with his terrible consistency, his capacity for getting 
 all there was to get out of the mere innuendoes and half- 
 lights of circumstance, his passion (to employ a serviceable 
 
 > Arthur Philip Perceval, 1799-1853, of Oriel, brother of Lord Arden, and Vicar 
 of East Horsley ; afterwards Royal chaplain, and expounder of High Church prin- 
 ciples, on one celebrated occasion, before Queen Victoria. 
 
120 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 expression of Locke's) ' to bottom everything,' must have 
 obstructed unconsciously the deliberations of a great Hturgio- 
 logist and a true ecclesiastical statesman, both born to move 
 with caution, and to end in the deltas of compromise or sheer 
 weariness. Froude felt then, as afterwards, what he calls his 
 ' stigma of ultraism ' ; what really worried him more than that, 
 was the slow foot of reform, toiling behind his own. He wished 
 nothing less, as we have seen, than a ' blow-up,' and recon- 
 struction. His poetic foresight made him implacable; con- 
 sequences, not processes, were in his foreground. He had the 
 individual vision. Galahad-like, he saw, while wise men were 
 spurring up and down upon the quest. Mr. Palmer's adjec- 
 tives were well chosen : Hurrell was not ' learned,' ^ and he 
 was ' rash.' But it is also true that learning will call any- 
 thing rashness which travels towards a given goal by a shorter 
 route than its own. An extremely fine definition of Froude's 
 might be wrested from its context, and applied to his dis- 
 comfiture at Hadleigh, and his position in general. ' The 
 understanding,' he says, ' pursues something which it does 
 not know by means which it does ; while genius endeavours to 
 effect what it has a previous idea of, by means of which it 
 has to ascertain the use.' ^ The ' bold rider across country ' 
 would perhaps look unnatural as a mounted collaborator in a 
 procession. It is to be feared that the Rev. Richard Hurrell 
 Froude was a difficult factor, a Montagnard, in the debates of 
 nascent Anglo-Catholicism. 
 
 In the strife of ideas, during the summer, there were not 
 lacking pastoral interludes. 
 
 To the Rev. JOHN Keble, August, 1833. 
 
 ' . . . You can't think what delicious weather we have had 
 here [at Dartington]. It is like May back again. ... I saw 
 the other night what I can hardly convince myself not to have 
 
 ' Nobody but Dean Hook calls him ' learned, ' and the concession may have been 
 thrown in to balance the depreciatory context. ' With a kind heart and glowing 
 sensibilities, Mr. Froude united a mind of wonderful power, saturated with learning, 
 and from its very luxuriance productive of weeds, together with many flowers.' A 
 Call to Union on the Principles of the English Reformation, 2nd ed., 1838, p. 167. 
 
 ^ Remains of R. H. F., part i., ii., 307, On the Causes of the Superior Excel- 
 lence of the Poetry of Rude Ages. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 121 
 
 been a supernatural fire. I and one of the [Champernownes ?] 
 and two other boys, and a labourer, were coming up the river 
 in a boat when it was dark, and we all saw as distinctly as 
 possible under a tree, close by the water, what we took for 
 a wood fire : hot embers, which did not blaze, but gave off 
 sparks ; the boys thought a wasp's nest must have been burned 
 out there, and landed to stir up the embers and examine ; 
 in landing we lost sight of the fire for a minute behind the 
 bush, and in going to the place found nothing ; no smell of 
 burning, no ashes, no marks of fire on the leaves or grass : 
 in fact, there certainly could not have been any fire there ! 
 The labourer was really frightened, and I cannot account for 
 my not having been so ; but somehow the thing has made an 
 impression on my imagination. I never dream of it, nor think 
 of it in the dark, or anything : yet I am absolutely certain 
 of the facts, and wholly unable to account for them. Some- 
 times I look on it as a half-miracle, of which the counterpart 
 is in store for us. The return of rough times may revive 
 energies that have been dormant " in the land of peace 
 wherein we trusted." Is this nonsense ? . . . I am very well, 
 all but my cough, which is exactly what it was, and is likely 
 to continue. . . .' 
 
 This touch of mysticism, gracing a phosphoric phenomenon, 
 reminds one keenly of what Newman thought and expressed 
 about the whole Movement, if not of the men who seem to 
 us now ' of unearthly radiance.' ' No mortal incendiary,' he 
 said, in one of his splendid phrases already cited, ' is at work.' 
 
 To Newman, during ttiis August, Hurrell pours out his 
 mind, with his usual forecasting irrelevance. 
 
 'Aug: 22. — I have written a sermon on the duty of con- 
 templating a time when the law of the land shall cease to 
 be the law of the Church ; and I hope to get it preached by 
 a friend of mine at the Bishop's Visitation. My father thinks 
 it most temperate and satisfactory.^ If I had strong lungs I 
 should go about the country, holding forth. 
 
 ' This is not among his published Sermons, but may have gone to make 
 up the mosaic of State Interference papers in the Remains, part ii., i., 184- 
 269. 
 
122 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 'Aug. 31. — . . . It has lately come into my head that 
 the present state of things in England makes an opening for 
 reviving the monastic system. I think of putting the view 
 forward under the title of " Project for Reviving Religion in 
 Great Towns." Certainly colleges of unmarried priests (who 
 might, of course, retire to a living, when they could and liked) 
 would be the cheapest possible way of providing effectively 
 for the spiritual wants of a large population. ... I must go 
 about the country to look for the stray sheep of the true fold : 
 there are many about, I am sure ; only that odious Protestant- 
 ism sticks in people's gizzard. I see Hammond takes that 
 view of the Infallibility of the Church which P[almer] says 
 was the old one. We must revive it. Surely the promise, 
 " I am with you always," means something ? ' 
 
 It is extraordinary how Hurrell's talk runs not so much 
 on existing outer problems as on notions which ' have lately 
 come into my head.' The others were content to face 
 emergencies the moment they arose. He knew not how to 
 wait till things turned up : he went forward to turn them up. 
 His vocation was less to lead than to prompt the men born 
 to be leaders. The hard necessity of his lot, the denial to so 
 vigorous a spirit of the physical fuel to keep it alight, imposed 
 this upon him : to be what Emerson calls ' the seeing eye, not 
 the helping hand.' Yet his enforced contemplative life kept 
 those active brother lives together ; he riveted their armour, 
 mounted their banners, and re-tipped their spears. It was his 
 destiny to give very much more than they could use, so 
 highly congested and quintessential were his ideas, and the 
 verbal hints born of them : 
 
 ' Such sounds as make deep silence in the heart, 
 For Thought to do her part.' 
 
 He is the vision of a pilgrim entering from the Middle Ages, 
 barely laying down his staff and wallet before turning road- 
 wards again, yet managing to blurt out, irrespective of the 
 tavern conversation, fragments of his own correlated thought, 
 immemorial things which he, at least, seems never to have 
 forgotten. He is no opportunist, and chooses neither the 
 audience nor the hour. ' What to assume and what to prove,' 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 123 
 
 as he says, do not sort themselves in his mind. He is only 
 oracular. He instructs Newman, in relation to no particular 
 topic whatever, but on a mere salutary general principle : 
 ' Do keep writing to Keble, and stirring his rage. He is 
 my fire, but I may be his poker.' His influence over Keble's 
 fearless intelligence, felt from the first, was ultimately very great. 
 His influence over Newman will hardly bear analysis, for 
 Newman and he were one : the gnomon and the disk of a dial, 
 or the arrow and the bow of some busy archer. We have 
 all seen just such influence as Froude, invalided, had upon 
 the Movement, privately exercised by Ministers of State, or by 
 wives with a ripe understanding of their husbands' practical 
 concerns. It is the uncatalogued and intangible power, almost 
 a plaything to its possessor, least known among the powers 
 which move human society ; and, therefore, perhaps it is the 
 grimmest reality of all. 
 
 On September 9, Newman burst forth with the famous 
 first sentence of his famous first Tract : ' I am but one of 
 yourselves, a Presbyter.' Hurrell wrote no comment on the 
 move ; he was intimately aware of it from the beginning, and 
 the earliest and hungriest reader. By the 1 6th, he is deep in 
 study ; there is a new historical theory to start, opening with 
 an ironic reference to Mr. Kebhs!s ' friends ' : 
 
 ' . . . I have been reading a good deal lately about your 
 friends the Puritans in Queen Elizabeth's time ; and really I 
 like poor Penry very much. I think of writing An Apology 
 for the Early Puritans, whose case I think to be this. The 
 Church of England had relinquished its claim to the jus 
 divinum, and considered Ordination to emanate Ultimately 
 from the Queen. These poor fellows, i.e., Penry and Co. 
 (not Beza and Co., nor Knox and Co.), detested so abominable 
 a notion : but what could they do ? They had been bred up 
 in a horror of trusting history in matters of religion, so they 
 could look for a divine institution and a priesthood nowhere 
 except in the Bible. Here, then, they looked, assuming as an 
 axiom that they must find ; and finding nothing more reason- 
 able than the platform, they caught at this. In the mean- 
 time our people, and the smug ^ fellows on the Continent, were 
 
 ' ' Snug ' in Remains. 
 
124 HURRELL FROUDE [isss 
 
 going on with their civilities to one another, and servilities to 
 their respective Governments, and left these poor men to fight 
 for 2L.JUS divinum, though not the true one. It seems to me 
 that Saravia and Bancroft are the revivers of orthodoxy in 
 England, and that the Puritans shielded them from martyrdom. 
 Had it not been for their pertinacity in claiming SlJus divinum, 
 that tyrant ^ would certainly have smothered the true one. 
 Such are my crude speculations, on a rough survey : if you 
 think me hopelessly wrong, floor me at once, and save me 
 from wasting my time. How do you like my " Appointment 
 of the Bishops ? " ^ I have sent one on " State Interference 
 in Matters Spiritual," very dry and matter-of-fact, and mean 
 to have a touch at the King's supremacy, which I think 
 Hooker would not justify under present circumstances. I 
 think, if we manage well, we may make the idea of a Lay 
 Synod popular. Its members should be elected by universal 
 suffrage among the communicants, more primitivo. I find 
 this view most effective in conversation. I am very well, and 
 don't think of going abroad this winter, though you seem to 
 say I must. Time and money are two good things, and I 
 don't like wasting more of them. I have done enough in that 
 line already. ... I am quite surprised to see how much less 
 of a conservative [Rose ?] is than he was six months since. I 
 do believe the progress of events is converting every one, and 
 that we shall not have much longer to encounter the stigma 
 of ultraism.' 
 
 Froude supplied, at most, but four of what George Eliot 
 called The Tracts Against the Times, if we are to count as his 
 only what he wrote out with his own hand. Of these, the 
 earliest, briefest, and most comprehensive is No. 8, The Gospel 
 a Law of Liberty, the authorship of which was, and is, fre- 
 quently assigned to Newman.^ It somewhat complicates matters 
 that in Newman's printed correspondence are various remarks 
 addressed to him as responsible for No. 8, which bear no 
 
 • The Queen. 
 
 ' The British Magazine for July, 1 833, vol. iii., The Appointment of Bishops by 
 the State. Correspondence under the same title opens in the September number, 
 v., 290 et seq., signed ' F.' 
 
 ^ Newman figures as responsible for it in the valuable Appendix to the third volume 
 of the Life of Dr. Pusey. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 125 
 
 disclaimer in any note or parenthesis supplied by himself. It 
 is also noticeable that he writes to Hurrell on November 1 3, 
 1833: ' Evangelicals, as I anticipated, are struck with The 
 Law of Liberty, and The Sin of the Church. The subject 
 of Discipline, too, I cannot doubt, will take them. Surely my 
 game lies among them.' ^ He might have said ' our game,' 
 but he does not. Nor does The Gospel a Law of Liberty 
 appear in Froude's Remains. Dean Burgon, however, prints in 
 the Appendix to his Twelve Good Men an extract from a 
 letter of the Rev. Charles Marriott to the Rev. A. Burn of 
 Chichester, Jan. 29, 1840. 'You ought to know,' says that 
 gentle and unimpeachable authority, 'that Froude was the 
 author of the Tract, The Gospel a Law of Liberty, which is 
 the subject of No. 8.' Froude and Newman may well have 
 devised this No. 8 in concert. So far as the wording goes, 
 Newman's light galloping touch is certainly upon it. In 
 idea it is intensely Froude-like in its concentrated sugges- 
 tiveness : in it we see the very pupa, as it were, of the 
 wide-winged theory of Dogmatic Development, broached at 
 Littlemore so long after. No. 8, with its staccato marcato 
 form, is perhaps the most typical of the early Tracts, and most 
 expressive of the spirit in which they were conceived. These 
 shared in common (in the opinion of Dr. Pusey's conjoint 
 biographers, men who usually see things as they are) a ' start- 
 ling and peremptory language.' ' First rouse,' ran Hurrell's 
 business-like programme, ' then modify.' Newman certainly, 
 in his office of rouser, availed to set gentle and simple by the 
 ears. Briefly, pungently, he did his inimitable work. Dr. 
 Pusey, with his serious grasp, his moral weight, his immense 
 learning, by contributing to the series his great signed Tract 
 on Baptism, changed the fashion as we know. To ' modify ' 
 began with him, and progressed with him. He had the 
 genius of explicit statement. It might even be said that 
 his whole influence and care, especially from 1845 on, were 
 on the side of expounding and applying, as Newman's and 
 Froude's had been preponderately on that of naked present- 
 ment, full of novelty, excitement, and ' danger.' The little 
 guided Israel which had followed the pillar of fire by night, 
 1 Correspondence, i., 421. 
 
126 HURRELL FROUDE [isss 
 
 found it well, in due course, to follow the pillar of cloud by 
 day. 
 
 Froude's other contributions to the Tracts were No. 9, On 
 Shortening the Church Services ; No. 5 9, Church and State 
 (incorporated in the Remains as the concluding section of 
 State Interference in Matters Spiritual) ; and No. 63, on The 
 Antiquity of Existing Liturgies. The last-named was intended 
 to display the novel features of the Communion Service in the 
 Book of Common Prayer, as contrasted with those Uses having 
 inter-resemblance and an unbroken Apostolic derivation. It 
 is shown that every Ordo except the English contains a 
 memento of the dead ; a sacrificial oblation ; and a prayer ' that 
 God may make the bread and wine the Body and Blood of 
 Christ.' The method adopted by Froude in printing the 
 Forms of Consecration is that of the parallel column : an early 
 instance of the employment of that practical and sometimes 
 deadly modern device. He calls the Tract, elsewhere, ' my 
 analysis of Palmer,' and it was certainly fitted to concentrate 
 fresh attention on Mr. Palmer's Origines Liturgica, as well as 
 on the norm of the matter it deals with. 
 
 Hurrell's hands were full of writing in 1833; and being so 
 busied with larger matters, he ceased to compose and preach 
 sermons. Two very fine sombre ones, on S. John Baptist, 
 and Riches a Temptation, date from June of this year ; but 
 they were his last. His true work lay in a less trodden field. 
 The strong essays signed ' F.' in The British Magazine are in 
 a happier vein than any of the sermons, and far more spontane- 
 ously worded. Like Dr. Johnson, Hurrell had a writing 
 language, and a talking language which made faces at it. 
 The only papers of his which approach in animation the un- 
 conventional utterances of his living voice and of all his 
 letters, are just those upon historic-ecclesiastical, not secular 
 subjects. There he sends up rockets too, though with a 
 certain resigned decorum, and would have filled the sky had 
 he not been curbed, as time went on, both by Rose and by 
 Newman. 
 
 He came up to Oriel on October 5. Newman, now in 
 the thick of affairs, and overjoyed to have him close at hand, 
 writes privately to Keble, whom it ' grieved to the heart ' : ' I 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 127 
 
 fear that Calvert,^ whom you may recollect here, and a physician 
 now, has pronounced about Froude (not to him) a judgment 
 so unfavourable that I cannot bear to dwell upon it, or to tell 
 it Pray exert your influence to get him sent to the West 
 Indies. I know he has a great prejudice against it ; but, 
 still, what other place is hopeful ? They say Madeira is not. 
 He might take a cargo of books with him. N.B. — Could you 
 not manage to send Isaac Williams too?' On Oct. 26, 
 Hurrell left Oxford for home, Keble going with him as far as 
 Bath. He sailed away on his second long voyage a month 
 later. During the interval, he takes up his tireless pen. 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. Newman, Oct. 29, 1833. 
 
 ' Thank I[saac Williams] for a Thomas ^ Kempis he sent 
 me, and tell him to know more about the other Sanctus Thomas 
 before he draws invidious comparisons. I have got here with- 
 out increasing my cough at all. . . . We will have a vocabu- 
 larium apostolicum, and I will start it with four words: 
 " pampered aristocrat," " resident gentlemen," " smug parsons," 
 " pauperes Christi." ^ I shall use the first on all occasions : it 
 seems to me just to hit the thing. . . . Love to C[hristie] the 
 prefect, and all the sub-Apostolicals. I am like the man ' 
 
 ' John Mitchinson Calvert of Crosthwaite, Cumberland, and of Oriel, M.A., M.D., 
 who knew Froude well, and was his own age. 
 
 ' S. Thomas i Backet's word for the poor. 
 
 ° The ' man ' is Jean Bon de St. Andre, Deputy to the Convention for the Depart- 
 ment of Lot during the Reign of Terror ; he was preferred by Napoleon, and died 
 in 1813. He was present when Earl Howe defeated the French fleet on June i, 
 1794, and distinguished himself after the fashion commemorated in the Elegy which 
 appeared in the Anti-Jacobin Review and Magazine on May 14, 1 798, and was the 
 joint production of Canning, Gifford, and Frere : 
 
 ' Poor John was a gallant captain 
 In battles much delighting ; 
 He fled full soon, 
 On the first of June, 
 But he bade the rest keep fighting.' 
 
 The stave appears again, of course, in Poetry of the Anti-Jacobin, Edited with 
 Explanatory notes by Charles Edmonds, 3rd edition, London, Sampson Low, 
 etc., 1890, p. 187. The New Anti-Jacobin, a brilliant monthly advocating high Tory 
 principles, sprang into life for April and May, 1833, and died. Froude must have 
 been deeply interested in it. Nothing we know of him is more engaging than this very 
 gallant applying to himself of such a quotation at such a time, and for such a reason. 
 
128 HURRELL FROUDE [X833 
 
 who " fled full soon on the first of June, but bade the rest 
 keep fighting." . . . Mind and write me all the news as it 
 comes to hand ; else I shall go to sleep at Barbados entirely. 
 . . . Tony Buller ^ was here yesterday. He is a capital fellow, 
 and is anxious to assist us with trouble and money in any 
 way he can. I told him it was better not to say anything 
 about money yet, till we had given people a longer trial of 
 us. It is no use to form expectations of people, but I am 
 willing to hope that he is a most zealous fellow, and will not 
 start aside like some other broken bows.' 
 
 By early November the address of the clergy to the Arch- 
 bishop (Howley) of Canterbury, which covered much ground, 
 took many revisions, and ultimately was so well received, was 
 afoot. Hurrell was ready, with his own uncompromising 
 diction, to help it into being, leaving it to others to 'supply 
 the etiquette about " the undersigned clergy, etc." ' Rhetorical 
 drapery was hardly in his line. He sends to Newman some 
 pithy sentences about ' the misapplication to which some of 
 the Services [of the Church of England] are exposed by the 
 practical disuse of the Rubrics prefixed to them, and the 
 inefficiency of attempting to act on these Rubrics without first 
 completing the ecclesiastical system they presuppose.' Also, 
 he would have the reformers declare their conviction that 
 ' measures such as these, affecting the spiritual welfare of the 
 Church, ought to originate only with its spiritual rulers, and 
 that in such matters they deprecate every kind of extra- 
 ecclesiastical interference.' ' Satis hcec lusisse' he breaks off. 
 ' I am very well indeed ; — not had so little cough as to-day 
 and yesterday, since the Lazaretto at Malta.' 
 
 So on Nov. 4 ; and on the 1 4th, some affectionate abuse : 
 
 ' ' A'^eiwv 6^ dpiare. Have you not been a spoon to allow 
 
 the Petition to have nothing about " the system presupposed 
 
 in the Rubrics," and to leave out your key-words " completing " 
 
 and " extra-ecclesiastical " ? The last word I would introduce 
 
 thus : " They take this opportunity of expressing their conviction 
 
 that the powers with which God has entrusted the spiritual 
 
 ' Rev. Anthony Buller, 1809-1881, afterwards Rector of Mary Tavy ; ordained at 
 Exeter on Oct, 27 of this year. 
 
1833] HURRELL FROUDE 129 
 
 rulers of the Church are sufficient for its spiritual government, 
 and that all extra-ecclesiastical interference in its spiritual 
 concerns is both unnecessary and presumptuous." My father 
 is annoyed at its being such milk-and-water. Do make a row 
 about it. I see already that I shall find in your book '• 
 sentences which I am sure stood, when they were first written, 
 after some other sentence than that which affects to introduce 
 them now, and seem conscious of being in the neighbourhood of 
 a stranger : " buts " where there should have been " ands," etc., of 
 which I shall make a catalogue, and pay you off for all the 
 workings you have given me before now. However, it looks very 
 pretty ; and when I puff it, and people turn over the pages, they 
 have a very imposing effect. People say, " Ah ! I dare say, a 
 very interesting work." . . . Love and luck to all the Aposto- 
 licals. Why do you say " yours usque ad cineres "? If I am 
 wrecked on Ash- Wednesday you will be the cause of it. . . .' 
 
 ' My father ' was usually the bridle, not the spur, to his 
 young high-pacing ' Apostolical.' ' I have often told Hurrell 
 he was going too fast,' the Archdeacon writes a little later 
 to Newman. ' He alarms people by his speculations, and is 
 incautious in talking to persons who cannot enter into the 
 purity of his motives. I dare say he laid himself completely 
 open on his visit to Archdeacon Lyall.' ^ 
 
 Hurrell could not but enjoy his too quickly-ended months 
 at the Parsonage. However, he was never, even in full health, 
 very social, because having tested society, he feared the effect 
 of it upon himself Much of it, he thought, would wake 
 in him pettiness of various sorts, and lead him to be ' flash 
 and insincere,' and tempt him also to value those who thought 
 him clever and charming, and to form 'wild schemes about 
 becoming popular.' But he ' made himself agreeable,' as it 
 is called, to please his father. He even rode to hounds, though 
 on principle he objected to hunting; and he put up generally, 
 
 ' TAe Arians of the Fourth Century. 
 
 ^ Mr. Rose's friend, William Rowe Lyall, 1788-1857, then Archdeacon of 
 Colchester, afterwards Dean of Canterbury. Owing to Mr. Rose's failing health, the 
 two exchanged livings this year, and Archdeacon Lyall remained at Hadleigh till 1841, 
 Mr. Rose having died in Italy. 
 
130 HURRELL FROUDE [i833 
 
 without visible grimaces, with the customs, viands, amusements 
 and conversation of his class. He hated eccentricity, most 
 of all in himself, and very likely from his native fastidiousness, 
 as well as from the supernatural motive. Conscious idiosyn- 
 crasy is so cheap ! a deliberate escape from the vulgar being 
 essential vulgarity. ' Any eccentric pleasure we have a fancy 
 for, particularly if we think it a proof of genius,' had small 
 chances with Froude. His very difficult ideal, borrowed un- 
 consciously from S. Benedict and S. Bernard, was moderation, 
 the mean of things, the spiritual adornment of the ordinary. 
 He would attain to the ' humdrum.' ' Whatever is disagree- 
 able,' he formulates to himself at twenty-three, ' whatever, at 
 the same time, makes us like other people, is an opportunity 
 for self-denial,' and through self-denial he meant, if possible, to 
 remodel Hurrell Froude. That was his fine art and his religion. 
 To ' make a few saints,' as he told his friend Rickards, was the 
 way for each man to build up Christianity again for all. 
 
 ' I have heard from dear Froude, who is certainly down- 
 cast,' Newman confides to Keble towards the middle of this 
 month of November, in an undated letter. ' He left home to- 
 day, and was to be with Canon Rogers till Saturday, when 
 the packet sails. He is full of disappointment at the address ; 
 but then, say I, it effects two things : first, it addresses the 
 Archbishop as the head of the anti-innovators, and it addresses 
 him, and not the King or Parliament : which has a doctrinal 
 meaning, and is a good precedent. However, Froude calls me 
 names, and bids me stir you up into a fury, if I can.' 
 
 Newman's thoughts continued to play pensively about his 
 friend ' ordered South.' He reverts to him, without naming 
 him, on the 2 2nd, when he writes to Mr. Rickards, in reply 
 to a letter of censure : ' Nor can I wish anyone a happier lot 
 than to be himself unfortunate, yet to urge on a triumphant 
 cause : like Laud and Ken in their day, who left a name 
 which after ages censure or pity, but whose works do follow 
 them. Let it be the lot of those I love to live in the heart 
 of one or two in each succeeding generation, or to be altogether 
 forgotten, while they have helped forward the Truth.' 
 
 Hurrell put to sea, again from Falmouth, this time without 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 131 
 
 Newman or his father. ' Blowing a full gale . . . and I to start 
 to-morrow morning ! ' And, by way of hygienic consolation : 
 ' A sailing vessel is as nearly the cleanest thing in the world 
 as a steamer is the dirtiest.' 
 
 Mr. Keble, who may have chiefly influenced his decision 
 to go to Barbados, would be intimately interested, for a dozen 
 reasons, to hear of Hurrell's welfare in a field where he himself 
 might once have found his lifework. As long before as 1824, 
 he had been offered the Archdeaconry of Barbados (worth 
 ;^2000 a year), and declined his only ecclesiastical dignity, as 
 he declined or accepted pretty much everything, for a pious 
 domestic reason: his father was too infirm. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Jan. 9, 1834. Barbados. 
 
 ' With hands bitten sore by mosquitoes, I set to, upon a 
 sheet of paper which will witness many fresh bites before I 
 get through it. The wretches are flitting about me on all 
 sides, and every moment I am forced to put down my pen and 
 hit at them. People soon cease to care for them : that is my 
 only consolation. The weather here is most delicious, the 
 thermometer averaging eighty-three degrees, and showers 
 flying in all directions. When it rains here, they say : 
 " What a fine day ! " . . . The room I am in has seven 
 windows and four doors, with a thorough draught every way ; 
 everything is contrived for getting up thorough draughts : 
 long passages open at both ends, for the everlasting east wind 
 to blow through, and windows on every side of a room where 
 it is possible, or immense doors opposite them, where it is not, 
 I suppose before the hurricane^ this must have been a house 
 fit for a resident gentleman of high pretensions ; now it con- 
 sists only of twg rooms, and a number of sheds erected round 
 them against the walls that remain standing. . . . The sum 
 which was set aside by Government to repair the injury done 
 here is not allowed to go to the repair of Churches, even 
 though 24,0,00/. of it is still in hand, which they do not know 
 how to dispose of, and seven Churches are in complete ruins. . . . 
 
 ' I have heard some facts which seem to show a good spirit 
 
 among the clergy. . . . Mr. , about whom you may re- 
 
 iQf 1831, 
 
132 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 member the great row that took place some years since for 
 admitting a black to the Communion in' company with whites, 
 has now so completely broken down that feeling, that last 
 Sunday, when I received the Sacrament at his Church, at 
 which near two hundred people were present, all colours were 
 mixed indiscriminately. In the Roman Catholic islands this 
 was always insisted on, and carried with a high hand. . , . 
 This island is very green, and its plants very exotic-looking, 
 but there is a total want of beauty. For all I have yet seen, 
 the coasts of the Mediterranean are the places " mortalibus agris 
 munere concessce Divom." Also, the negro features are so 
 horridly ugly, at least the generality of them : now and then 
 indeed one sees finely-chiselled Egyptian features, and among 
 the others one can distinctly trace the difference of caste in all 
 shades from man to monkey. . , . You will be shocked at 
 my avowal, that I am every day becoming a less and less loyal 
 son of the Reformation. It appears to me plain that in all 
 matters that seem to us indifferent or even doubtful, we should 
 conform our practices to those of the Church which has 
 preserved its traditionary practices unbroken. We cannot 
 know about any seemingly indifferent practice of the Church 
 of Rome that it is not a development of the Apostolic ^^o? ; and 
 it is to no purpose to say that we can find no proof of it in the 
 writings of the six first centuries ; they must find a dis^rooi if 
 they would do anything. ... I have been reading the con- 
 troversy between Law and Hoadly for the first time. Law's 
 brilliance quite astonished me: I think it the most striking 
 specimen of writing I ever saw. Yet I own now and then he 
 seems rather wild. Surely one could get such splendid com- 
 positions into circulation by puffing them? It was a noble 
 end of Convocation to be put down for censuring Hoadly, and 
 the censure looks well as the last record in Wilkins's Concilia. 
 The sun that set so bright must have a rising ! . . . I have 
 translated all the Becket correspondence, and should go [on] 
 at once to Anselm, if I was not on the point of starting with the 
 Bishop ^ on his Visitation. All I hear makes me wish to go 
 
 ^ William Hart Coleridge, 1789-1849, brother to George, Master ofOtteryFree 
 School ; first Bishop of Barbados and the Leeward Islands, 1824, and reorganiser of 
 Codrington College. He resigned in 1841, when the diocese was divided. 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 133 
 
 to America, though I do not conceive the views of the clergy 
 in general there to be very high. Preaching goes for every- 
 thing, and a person that cannot fill his Church gets dismissed. 
 I think that in the present state of religion preaching should 
 be quite disconnected from the Services, and looked on as an 
 address to the unconverted.^ . . . We ought to employ 
 itinerant talkers in England ; I am sure I could stir up people 
 very much in Devonshire and Cornwall in that way.' 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. Newman, Jan. 25, 1834. 
 
 ' . . . I have a very poor account to give you of my studies. 
 I have been here near a month, and have not set to work 
 regularly on anything. Although I have not done anything 
 like regular work, I have picked up a good deal. I have been 
 looking about, here and there. . . . Does not the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury claim patriarchal authority {qualem qualem) over 
 as large a portion of the globe as ever the Bishop of Rome 
 did ? and are not the Colonial Bishops just as much exonerated 
 from their oath of canonical obedience, by proving that there 
 is no universal Bishop recognised in Scripture, as ever Cranmer 
 was ? . . . I have been much surprised to find that the first 
 Latitudinarians were Tories : e.g., Hales, Chillingworth, and 
 that set. How Whiggery has by degrees taken up all the filth 
 that has been secreted in the fermentation of human thought ! 
 Puritanism, Latitudinarianism, Popery, Infidelity ; they have it 
 all now, and good luck to them.^ I see the reason Convoca- 
 tion was put down in 1 7 1 7 was the remonstrance of the Lower 
 House against the Upper, to make them censure Hoadly's 
 Preservative. The Upper House had a very little while before 
 taken part with the Socinianising Bishops against the Lower. 
 Also, what a curious thing it is to see the popularity of High 
 Churchism among the lower orders at the time of Sacheverell's 
 trial ! These matters have opened to my weak mind a field 
 of thought and inquiry which I have no great chance of follow- 
 
 ' ' Unconnected ' in the text of the Remains, but corrected in the little list of 
 errata. 
 
 ^ This, of course, is one of the passages upon which the Editors of the Remains 
 rely to prove negatively their contention that Froude's Anglicanism was immutably 
 fixed. The 'Popery' in this passage is not in its 'grammatical sense,' but plainly 
 refers to furtherance of O'Connell's measures. 
 
134 HURRELL FROUDE [1834 
 
 ing up. If I had 5000/., I would pay all the clever fellows I 
 could find to analyse the pamphlets, etc., of that time, and make 
 a good History of Protestantism. A continuation of Collier ^ 
 would just take in all I desiderate, and if done well, most 
 curious and amusing it would be. . . . The most sensible 
 people here seem to think it certain, that, after the emancipation 
 of the slaves, no estate will be profitable enough to pay for a 
 manager, so that all English proprietors who from age or habit, 
 etc., are not able to come out and reside on their own property, 
 must sell at a reduced price ; also that since this climate, state 
 of society, etc., suits the coloured people better than the whites, 
 it will answer to them to buy at a higher rate than others, so 
 that the islands will by degrees become what they call " brown " 
 islands, and relapse into a semi-savage state by the gradual 
 withdrawal of those who now keep up the tone of acquirement, 
 etc. ; that this will happen without any bloodshed, but will 
 destroy the commercial value of the islands, for that not more 
 than one-fifth of the sugar will be grown, and the rest of the 
 land employed in growing sustenance for the idle population.' 
 
 To the Ven. Archdeacon Froude, Feb. 6, 1834. 
 
 ' . . . The weather has been very boisterous since I have been 
 here : people say that they should have called the night of 
 Friday 17th [January] a hurricane, if it had been in August or 
 September. ... I don't know whether I may lay any blame on 
 the weather, but certainly my cough has made no progress for 
 the better since I landed. I don't mean that I am worse, for 
 I certainly have gained flesh, but my cough is exactly where 
 it was when I first got into the warm latitudes : an improve- 
 ment on what it was in England, but no more. The tempera- 
 ture of the air is quite delightful, but there is nothing to interest 
 one out-of-doors: horridly ugly faces, most uninteresting 
 scenery, an extremely shabby town, the population of which 
 may, in point of morals, be called almost the sink of humanity ; 
 and then the vulgar names of all the places (I forget them 
 as fast as I hear them), and money-making associations, which 
 intrude into everything one sees and hears, offer a sad con- 
 
 ^ Jeremy Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain, first published in two 
 volumes folio in 1708, 17 14. 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 135 
 
 trast to last winter's work. But I don't mention this out of 
 grumbling, only as a reason why I am not more out-of-doors : 
 the fact is, I spend my time in-doors very agreeably indeed. 
 The Bishop stands very high in my estimation as a man of 
 imperturbable equanimity among great trials to his temper, and 
 the footing on which all his clergy are with him is a model. 
 , . . The Bishop's library is capital— ^much better than I ex- 
 pected ; and as the daily expectation of setting off on the 
 Visitation has kept me from going to work on anything 
 regular, I have been dipping about, to my great amusement. 
 . , . They say that if the growth of sugar were discontinued 
 the island would produce sustenance enough for a very much 
 larger population, almost without any cultivation. The 
 vegetation is really wonderful. The guinea corn grows near 
 fifteen feet high : and in the sugar crop there seems to be a 
 mass of solid vegetable matter thrown up, as much as there is 
 in a copse of ten years' growth. It is an impenetrable thicket 
 of rank iris : the cane part is just like the knotty root of an 
 iris straightened out, and rising six or seven feet out of the 
 ground ; its colour is the richest yellow-green that can be 
 conceived. 
 
 ^ Feb. 6. — At anchor off Nevis, — between it and St. 
 Christopher's, which the Protestants have vulgarised into 
 St. Kitt's. The Bishop is ashore confirming, and I have 
 stayed to fetch up leeway. Since Monday, Jan. 26, when 
 we started on our voyage, I have been in quite a new state 
 of things. , . , I have a very uncomfortable hot, dark berth, 
 which I could go into amusing details about, if it was 
 worth the trouble ; but " beggars must not be choosers," as 
 they say, so I may think myself well off to have any berth 
 at all. The first place we got to was Antigua. About 
 seven in the morning I came on deck, and found we were 
 close to it : quite unlike Barbados ; it put me in mind of 
 Ithaca, or bits of the Sicilian coast: very beautiful, but on 
 a small scale. While we stood off and on before what 
 seemed an iron-bound coast, a pilot-boat emerged from one- 
 could-not-say -where ; and when the pilot was on board, we 
 tacked, and sailed straight against a rock. As we got quite 
 close, it began to appear that the shore was not a continuous 
 
136 HURRELL FROUDE [1834 
 
 line, but that one rock overlapped another, and between these 
 there turned out to be an entrance about a gun-shot wide, 
 which took us into a beautiful little lake, where there was 
 just room to anchor. You will find it in the map, under 
 the name English Harbour. And now I will not go on 
 bothering with descriptions. We landed at the dockyard, 
 where a file of soldiers were drawn up in compliment to the 
 Bishop, and as he stepped out of the boat the batteries 
 saluted. That part of Antigua is exquisitely beautiful; 
 very deep bays 'and rocks, and pasture and wood and 
 mountains, put the sugar and the niggers quite out of one's 
 head. The people seem a superior set to what you have 
 elsewhere. I liked some of the clergy much, and the 
 resident proprietors are said to be, with some exceptions, 
 intelligent gentlemen. , . . We were at Antigua six days ; 
 since that we have been at Montserrat and Nevis, both 
 mountainous on a large scale, and generally lost in cloud. 
 Nevis is not unlike Pantelaria. Yesterday we dined at the 
 President's,^ and had turtle for the first time. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Feb. 8, 1834. 
 
 ' Here I am with the Bishop on his Visitation, so that 
 I have the advantage of a good long sea-voyage and some 
 variety of scenery, both [of] which are good for me, though I 
 cannot say they have as yet produced any perceptible effect. 
 I seem to be just as well and no better than I was last 
 summer ; in fact, this is nothing else than a protracted 
 summer, and it is unreasonable to expect more from climate 
 here than from the same climate in England. You will see 
 in my letter to [Newman] how I have employed my time in 
 Barbados, and the length that I am being pulled on in anti- 
 Protestantism. Would not Hammond, and Fell, and the 
 rest of those holy humble men of God have altered the 
 Articles ? ^ 
 
 ' Lieutenant-Colonel J. Lyons Nixon, L.G. 
 
 " [If they had had the w&ok body of the English Church in agreement with 
 them. The sort and amount of alteration which the writer probably contemplated 
 may be seen in Tracts for the Times, Via Media.] Note, Remains, i., 348. So sure 
 was Newman of R. H. F.'s posthumous approbation. 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 137 
 
 ' . . . [Rose ?] seems to think anything better than an open 
 rupture with the State, as sure to entail loss of caste on the 
 clergy. Few men can receive the saying that the clergy have 
 no need to be gentlemen. . . . 
 
 ' . . . We have just left St. Christopher's ; it is the 
 most beautiful of any of the islands I have yet seen. Mount 
 Miserere is quite fine ; a precipitous granite crag, quite bare, 
 and of a very great height, rising out of the rich woods with 
 which the mountain is clothed up to the top, and stooping 
 over a very deep hollow, which has once been the crater of 
 a volcano. I should have liked much to get up there, but 
 had not time, and besides, they say it is very difficult. The 
 people here seem to have very little curiosity : in fact, few 
 tastes except acquisitiveness. ... I see the papers have 
 begun to talk ; addresses to the Archbishop are said to be 
 pouring in. I wish I could get my lungs right again to 
 make preachments, and give the Yanks a talking over. We 
 shall be back at Barbados the second week in March, and 
 about then the weather in New York brightens up. I think 
 I have made up my mind not to be in England till 
 the latter end of May, whatever news we have, so I shall 
 certainly have time on my hands, and if I can't preach I 
 can prose; so I may as well go at any rate. Do ply the 
 people with Tracts on the " safest course " principle : the 
 more I think of it, the more important it seems as the 
 intellectual basis of Church authority. . . . We have now 
 got a north-west wind, which a few years since would have 
 been almost a miracle in these latitudes. It is generally 
 said that the trade-winds are becoming yearly more irregular, 
 and have been for this last fifty years. It will make a 
 curious change if they cease altogether; certainly nothing 
 can be more irregular than we have had them, both in 
 quantity and direction ; it goes from a storm to a calm in 
 no time, and the other night went all round the compass. 
 This puts me in mind of an adventure we had the other 
 evening at Nevis. There is no harbour there, but only a 
 beach to land on, and sometimes a heavy surf. We landed 
 in the morning, in still weather. In the course of the day 
 it came to blow on shore, and we had to embark in the dark. 
 
138 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 in a very heavy sea breaking on the sands most furiously. 
 The Bishop slept on shore, but the Commodore, the Captain, 
 the Chaplain, and myself were carried on men's shoulders 
 to the boat, which was lying as near the shore as it could, 
 in the midst of the breakers. I was put in second, and 
 was only wetted by the water in the bottom of the boat, 
 but the two last were fairly soused. ... I am sure this 
 stuff is not worth sending across the Atlantic' 
 
 To William Froude, Feb. 12, 1834. 
 
 ' . . . I will try to scrape together stuff for a letter to 
 you. We are becalmed with Saba off our starboard quarter, 
 in the Forte frigate, forty-six guns, Commodore P. . . . 
 Somehow, this frigate is beyond my comprehension. I am 
 not up to taking an interest in its movements; it is 11 50 
 tons and the sails are so large, and the masts so high, and 
 such an immense lot of ropes, that I see no hope of learning 
 anything about it. When they get up the anchor they have 
 100 men at the capstan, and if they want to tack quickly 
 they put 300 men to work at once. They do their work 
 to the sound of two fiddles and a fife, instead of the gibber 
 that one is accustomed to in the Ranger and elsewhere; so, 
 as the [Provost ?] would say, " I don'fc.comprehend the style of 
 things." The day before yesterday we had two adventures, 
 (i) A man was to be flogged, and as I knew that he would 
 be let off out of compliment to the Bishop, I went on deck 
 to see the preliminary ceremony. The whole ship's crew 
 were mustered, while the fellow stood under guard ; then a 
 grating was lashed to the gangway, and his wrists and 
 ankles made fast to it, his jacket having been stripped off 
 in readiness ; the officers stood in full dress on one side of 
 him, and the boatswain's mates on the other ; and the 
 Commodore read over the articles of war. I watched the 
 fellow's countenance closely. At first he seemed very un- 
 concerned, but the ceremony seemed by degrees to work on 
 his imagination, and just before his pardon was announced 
 he seemed in considerable dismay. The thing has stuck in 
 my mind deeper than I expected, and I feel rather sick at 
 thinking of it. The officers say that letting him off did 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 139 
 
 a great deal of harm. Last night ever such a lot were 
 drunk, and I suppose they will catch it in a day or two ! 
 Twenty-four hours must elapse between the offence and the 
 punishment. (2) The other adventure was falling in with 
 a man-of-war by night, so that we could not distinguish each 
 other's colours. On nearing them we heard them pipe to 
 quarters, and on coming up we found them, contrary to 
 etiquette, with their main-deck lighted up, their guns and 
 figging manned, and with every demonstration of readiness 
 for action ; so we had to make similar preparations with all 
 speed : powder was got up, and both sides loaded and 
 shotted, exactly as if we intended to fight. On passing 
 them the Commodore asked what they were, and they would 
 not tell, and nothing more came of it : a beautiful mare's 
 nest. The officers say it was a Dutch frigate, and that 
 since our ill behaviour to them they have made a point of 
 showing our ships disrespect ; however, if a gun had gone 
 off by accident, which might easily have been, as they all 
 have flint and steel locks, it would have ended in a fight, 
 most likely. . . . From St. Thomas's we go to Santa Cruz, 
 and from thence to La Guayra, so I shall have a fine cruise 
 altogether; yet somehow I take no interest in the places I 
 see : there is something so unromantic among the English, 
 and so unpleasing about the niggers, that they spoil the 
 scenery altogether. The thing that strikes me as most 
 remarkable in the cut of these niggers is excessive im- 
 modesty; a forward, stupid familiarity, intended for civility, 
 which prejudices me against them worse even than Buxton's ^ 
 cant did. ... I want much to hear about your steam- 
 engine. ... I begin to think that the Nonjurors were the 
 last of English divines, and that those since are twaddlers. 
 The more I read, the more I am reconciled to the present 
 state of things in England, and prospects of the Church. It 
 seems to be only the fermentation of filth which has long 
 been in existence, and could not be got rid of otherwise. . . . 
 And now my ideas run slow, and take more trouble writ- 
 
 ^ Thomas Fowell Buxton, 1786-184S, M.P., knighted in 1840, prison reformer 
 (brother-in-law of Mrs. Fry), and William Wilberforce's successor as head of the 
 Anti-slavery party in England. 
 
140 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 ing than they are worth reading; so, with best love to 
 J[ack].' 1 
 
 To the Ven. Archdeacon Froude, April 2, 1834. 
 
 ' . . . We left the island [Santa Cruz] at four o'clock on 
 Thursday, the Bishop having been conveyed to Fredericstadt 
 in the Governor's carriage and four, escorted by an aide-de- 
 camp, and embarking under a salute. We were under weigh 
 in about an hour, with a breeze east-north-east. On Saturday 
 evening we saw, like a pale blue mist rising above the clouds, the 
 outline of the South American mountains. The next morning, 
 when I came on deck, we were within nine miles of the coast, 
 and the gigantic features of the scenery produced the same 
 effect that we observed between Salerno and Amalfi, viz., of 
 making distant objects seem so near each other. The 
 mountains rose boldly out of the sea, as far as the eye could 
 reach before us and behind us, as we sailed along the 
 coast. Their height varies from 5000 to 9000 feet. One of 
 them (the highest) is a perpendicular precipice for 8000 feet : 
 Humboldt describes it as the most remarkable precipice in the 
 world. However, the effect, as a whole, cannot be compared 
 to that of the Italian or Sicilian coast. The mountains are 
 richly covered with wood from the very bottom to the top, 
 except the peaks of the very highest, which are naked granite, 
 but so high that the rocky features, when diminished by the 
 great distance and rendered indistinct by the haze of the hot 
 air, lose all their raciness ; so that there is no variety of colour, 
 but a mass of uniform green, or rather gray, more or less pale 
 according to the distance. We coasted along about twelve 
 miles almost under the shadow of the rocks, yet near nine 
 miles from them. Early in the morning they were visible from 
 top to bottom, but indistinct from the dazzle of the sun, which 
 was behind them. About ten o'clock a line of little misty dots 
 formed at a uniform height above the sea, perhaps 3000 feet. 
 This became denser and denser, till it became one impenetrable 
 cloud, above which we could see nothing. About twelve we 
 anchored at La Guayra, which Humboldt says is the hottest 
 place in the world. The thermometer in the cabin window 
 ' John Spedding Froude, 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 141 
 
 was ninety degrees. The Bishop and Commodore disembarked 
 that evening and rode over the mountains to Caraccas ; I and 
 some of the oiificers were to follow before daylight. Accord- 
 ingtyi having ordered mules over-night, we got up at half-past 
 three, breakfasted on board, and set out for the shore, two 
 boat-loads. There was a very heavy rolling swell, and the 
 landing-place is a wooden stage upon piles, which does not 
 keep off the sea at all. We lay by anxiously waiting for a 
 lull, and all of us in the first boat succeeded in landing dry on 
 the stage, and running off before a wave had time to reach us ; 
 but when the second boat was lying on its oars, in hopes of a 
 lull like ours, a wave far above the size of the rest broke just 
 ahead of them ; and really, I never saw such a nervous sight ! 
 The boat, in which were ten rowers and several officers, 
 seemed to stand quite upright on its stern, so as to leave us 
 doubtful which way it would fall. The whole was hid for a 
 moment in a mass of spray, except that we could see the blades 
 of the oars sticking out, all in confusion, as the water took 
 them. When the wave passed and the boat righted, they say 
 it was full up to the thwarts. On seeing this Captain H. 
 ordered them to pull off, and sent a shore boat for them, i.e., 
 two niggers in a canoe, which took them out one or two at a 
 time. The last load consisted of the Commodore's steward, an 
 old Italian for whom I have an affection, and a midshipman. 
 As they were alongside the stage a wave broke outside them ; 
 the mid was lucky enough to catch hold in time, but the poor 
 Italian, canoe, niggers, and all, totally disappeared, and were 
 seen again about thirty yards off progressing with the crest 
 of the wave towards the beach, on which all were deposited 
 safe, after a dive of near 600 yards. N.B. — The niggers and 
 Spaniards, when landing themselves, never think of going to 
 the stage, but sitting very steadily in their canoes, wait where 
 the waves begin to break, and only taking care to keep the 
 boat straight, and paddling a little to assist it in getting way 
 at first, they are shot in without any effort, on the crest of 
 the wave, with wonderful velocity, keeping on the downhill 
 side of it all the time, and at last are deposited high and dry. 
 When I saw this first, I could hardly believe my eyes. 
 
 ' I shall stay here a fortnight longer at least, and then set 
 
142 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 off for New York. I am very grateful for your long letters, 
 which come by every packet.' 
 
 There follows a letter on April 8, 1834, conjointly 
 addressed : 
 
 ' Joannibus Keble et Newman : fratres ignavissimi, ut 
 quid fecisti nobis sic ? as St. Thomas says to the Bishop of 
 Poictiers. . . . The Bishop [of Barbados] is a thorough Z ; ^ and 
 I can make no impression on him, though I think I have 
 frightened him. If he had not been as kind to me as one 
 man can be to another, I should be terribly provoked with 
 him sometimes. . . . You may like to know of my health : 
 I really think I am getting well. I left England in the 
 impression that I was iJ,ivvv6aZi,o<;, as you may see in a 
 scratched-out passage in one of my letters ; since I have 
 conceived hopes, I have become much more careful. I should 
 not wonder, if I stayed here, till ^ I get quite rid of my cough. 
 The Bishop's library is a great piece of luck. I don't think 
 I am wasting my time here, independent of my health. I 
 don't ask how anyone is, for I shall certainly be gone 
 before I can have an answer; and when I shall go to 
 Yankland I do not know. . . . Valete, et confortamini in 
 Domino^ 
 
 The Rev. J. Keble to the Rev. J. H. Newman, April, 1834. 
 
 ' ... As to Froude, I know, of course, no more than the 
 letters have told us both, and the first was so flattering that 
 I was disappointed at the other ; yet, on consideration, I see 
 no additional reason for alarm. It seems much as it used to 
 be, and we cannot be wrong in hoping the best. Anyone who 
 remembers him three or four years ago must acknowledge that 
 to have him now is much more than we could have been sure 
 about. I wish him strong enough, please God, to take duty 
 and wait on some flock. I think he would get more calm 
 and less young in his notions, or rather in his way of putting 
 them, which makes people who do not know him think him 
 
 ' A 'Z' stood, in Tractarian, for an 'Establishment man.' 
 
 ^ Thus in the Remains, but 'if,' by a misprint, in The Newman Correspondence, 
 ii.. 33. 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 143 
 
 not a practical man. What a wise old ^ letter ! Well, good- 
 bye.' 
 
 On May 2, Hurrell makes to Mr. Keble the frank confes- 
 sion that he is not well enough to return to England, or to 
 travel at all. He never saw the United States. He adds, 
 referring to clauses in the Oriel Statutes, which he seems to 
 have known by heart, ' Try to satisfy the College that though 
 my cegritudo is diutina, it may not be incurabilis! And he 
 goes on to say that a mathematical instructor is wanted 
 at Codrington College,^ ' so I mean to offer myself, on con- 
 dition of having a room given me, .and being allowed to 
 battel.* Mind, this is mere castle-building as yet, but it is 
 ten to one it will be realised. In fact, unless I get suddenly 
 and decidedly well before the end of this month, I see no chance 
 against it; so will your worships have the goodness to get 
 together a few sets of the [Oxford] Tracts ; also three or four 
 copies of a work * which I see much praised in The British 
 Magazine, as coming from the pen of " a scholar, a man of 
 refined taste, and above all, a Christian " ; also a copy of an 
 anonymous work called The Christian Year, which I forgot to 
 bring with me; also the parts Autumnalis and Hyemalis of 
 my Breviary; also any newspapers or reviews, or anything 
 else which will throw light on your worships' proceedings ; and 
 send the package to [my father] : let it be a good big one ; 
 and mind to send lots of Tracts, for I shall try hard to poison 
 the minds of the natives out here. . , . There is a most com- 
 
 ' Keble was eleven years older than Froude, nine years older than Newman. 
 
 ^Founded by a bequest to the S.P.G. of Christopher Codrington, 1668-1710, 
 the munificent Fellow of All Souls, Oxford ; licensed by Queen Anne ; opened as a 
 Grammar School in 1742 ; but not a Collegiate institution for West Indian clergy, 
 as originally intended, until 1830. 
 
 ' To ' battel ' is a verb purely Oxonian by origin. Battels are a man's College 
 accounts for supplies from kitchen and buttery, or else all College accounts, inclusive 
 of board, lodging, tuition, rates, and sundries. 
 
 ^ TheArians of the Fourth Century ; their Doctrine, Temper, and Conduct, chiefly 
 as Exhibited in the Councils of the Church between A.D. 323 and A.D. 384, by John 
 Henry Newman, M.A., Fellow of Oriel College. London : Rivingtons, 1833. The 
 book is dedicated to Keble. The review is in The British Magazine for January, 
 1834, v., 67. Mr. T. Mozley thinks that The Arians is the landmark of Newman's 
 progress' from Low Church to High Church, 
 
144 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 mendable production in the supplemental December number, 
 signed C.^ Whose is it? he should be cultivated. I should 
 like to see a good one on clergy praying with their faces to 
 the Altar and backs to the congregation. In a Protestant 
 Church the parson seems either to be preaching the prayers 
 or worshipping the congregation. . . . The climate out here 
 is certainly delicious, though it alters one's metaphors a little: 
 e.g., the shady side of the hedge would be the cheerful one. 
 The only nuisance is that everything is so inelegant : money 
 and luxury are the people's sole objects, and their luxuries are 
 only of the kind that can be enjoyed on the instant : no one 
 counts on living here, so there are no porticos, no fountains, 
 no avenues, nothing that makes the south of Europe such a 
 fairyland. Windmills and boiling-houses, treeless fields and 
 gardenless houses, are the only things one sees ; except at my 
 dreamed-of residence, Codrington College, where there is a 
 grand avenue of gigantic palms,^ a delicious spring of the 
 freshest (nothing is cold here) clearest water, and a very 
 tolerably nice flower-garden with mowed turf, and roses that 
 smell, and almost complete seclusion. If I go there I shall 
 turn sentimental, and sit irapa 6lva 6aXdaa-ri<s aTpvyeToto 
 haKpxy)(eav. I wish I could be in England now, and see a 
 little of " Nature's tenderest, freshest green," etc. Out here 
 it is the leafless time. . . .' 
 
 One circumstance which would turn Hurrell's thoughts the 
 more readily to a tutorship was that he could no longer be 
 domestic Chaplain. The Bishop of Barbados had gone on a 
 long visit to England. 
 
 Beginning in June of this year, and lasting into October, 
 appeared in The British Magazine^ copious excerpts from the 
 ancient Parish Books of Dartington. There is a very high 
 value put now upon all such publications, and a very general 
 
 'There are two brief papers and a poem signed 'C in The Sritisk Magazine 
 Supplement, Dec. 31, 1833, in vol. iv. The matter referred to is probably that 
 dealing ' Apostolically ' with Confirmation and First Communion. The Editor has 
 not been able to identify 'C 
 
 * This still exists, the tallest, (a huge tree in Froude's time, ) being over one 
 hundred feet high. 
 ^ • ' Vol. V,, pp. 667 et seq. ; vi., 380 et sej. 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 145 
 
 interest in them ; but one wonders how many readers of the 
 time, brought up on controversy, begrudged the space given 
 to the statistics of bygone village people. Archdeacon Froude 
 sent up copies of his registers to London, in response to the 
 behest of that busy antiquary in the making, his eldest son : 
 that seems an obviously safe deduction, 
 
 Newman has something to say to the absentee on June i S . 
 
 ' Was it not a strange mishap, that much as you abused 
 me for making you a cat's paw, yet when the time of danger 
 came, you should get out of the way, and leave innocent me to 
 trouble ? So it was : only think how mildly I have always 
 spoken of Arnold, and how bitterly you ! Never did I use a 
 harsh word against him, I think, except that once, and then at 
 Rome, and with but one or two friends.^ Yet even from Rome 
 those few words are dragged forth, and I have to answer for 
 them. ... In the next place, my Tracts are abused as Popish ; 
 as for other things, so especially for expressions about the 
 Eucharist, Here, as you well know, it was you who were apt 
 to be unguarded, not I. I could tell you much, only it is 
 renewing sorrows, and nothing else, of the plague the Tracts 
 have been to us, and how we have removed them to Riving- 
 ton's. That the said Tracts have been of essential benefit it is 
 impossible to doubt. Pamphlets, sermons, etc. on the Apostolic 
 Succession are appearing in every part of the kingdom. . . . 
 H[enry] Wilberforce engaged to marry Miss S[argent] last 
 December, was afraid to tell me, and left Oxford without ; 
 spread abroad I had cut R[yder] ^ for marrying. Yet he has 
 not ratted,^ and will not : so be it. Marriage, when a crime, is 
 a crime which it is criminal to repent of.' 
 
 Poor Henry Wilberforce, caught red-handed, did not repent. 
 
 ' 'Some one, I think, asked in conversation at Rome [1833], whether a certain 
 interpretation of Scripture was Christian. It was answered that Dr. Arnold took it ; 
 I interposed : " But is he a Christian ? " The subject went out of my head at once.' 
 Apologia pro Vita Sua, 1890, p. 33. 
 
 ^ The Rev. George Dudley Ryder, second son of the Hon. and Rt. Rev. Lord 
 Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry. He married in June, 1834, Sophia Lucy, youngest 
 daughter of the Rev. J. Sargent, Rector of Lavington, Sussex, sister of Mrs. Henry 
 and of Mrs. Samuel Wilberforce, and of Mrs. H. E. Manning. 
 
 ' To ' rat,' a favourite verb with the two hide-bound purists who used it daily, 
 means obviously to forsake or abandon anything, as rats skurry away from a sinking 
 ship. 
 
 10 
 
146 HURRELL FROUDE [1834 
 
 He had poured forth various misgivings in the ear of the ever 
 sympathetic Rogers. ' Indeed, though I did not tell Neander 
 (as who would ?) yet I did tell his sister, and gave her leave to 
 tell him. ... I suppose, however, he will cut me. I cannot 
 help it. At any rate, you must not. . . . Nor again, am I with- 
 out a feeling of the danger, as you know, of married priests in 
 these days of trouble and rebuke ; but I have taken my line.' 
 
 ' It is needless to say,' adds Miss Mozley in her narrative 
 notes, ' that " Neander " did not " cut " the writer of this letter, 
 whose firstborn was subsequently his godson.' 
 
 But to return to Newman's letter to Froude, which goes on : 
 
 ' I have long come to the conclusion that our time is not 
 come, i.e., that other persons can do the day's work as well as, 
 or better than we can, our business being only to give them a 
 shove now and then. You send home flaming papers, but, after 
 all, I fall back to what I said last year on your articles about 
 the Praemunire, Not that it is not right, very right, to 
 accustom men's imaginations to the prospect of changes; but 
 they cannot realise the arguments : they are quite beyond 
 them. . . . This is our gain, and I intend to make use of it, 
 . . . Meanwhile let us read, and prepare ourselves for better 
 things, ... As to Rose, he is a fine fellow, certainly he is, and 
 complains that he has no one, all through London, in whom he 
 can confide, O that you were well enough to assist him in 
 London ! You are not fit to move of yourself, but you would 
 act through Rose as spirit acts on external matter through a 
 body. He has everything which you are without, and is so 
 inflammable that not even muscles are more sensitive of volition 
 than he would be of you,' 
 
 The ' flaming papers,' as Newman calls them, were the 
 disconnected, wide-branching chapters dealing with various 
 aspects of Rationalism in relation to doctrine, composed entirely 
 at Barbados during 1834, and pieced together and published 
 in 1839 from four incomplete manuscripts. Fragmentary as 
 they are, they would, under careful editing, and coupled with 
 the State Interference and Church Discipline, display Froude's 
 tangential and remorseless intelligence at its very best. 
 
 The proposed conjunction of Froude with Rose was less 
 than a dream : a flat impossibility. It is wonderful that 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 147 
 
 Newman, who loved Rose truly in a measure, should never 
 have quite sounded the reasons why he and P'roude were not 
 in closer accord and amity. When they were both in their 
 untimely graves, Newman associated their memories as fellow- 
 ^^workers of the Will of God, in his comforting letter to Mr. 
 Rose's widow. But the two, clearly, were temperamental 
 antipodes, partners in nothing but their stainless zeal, and their 
 uncomplaining battle with long disease. 
 
 Once settled as instructor of mathematics to his young 
 theologians, Hurrell pays epistolary dues to his father, and 
 offers some ghostly counsel of a then drastic kind. 
 
 To the Ven. Archdeacon Froude, August 22, 1834. 
 
 ' . . , I am now at Codrington College, where Mr. P[inder] ^ 
 the Principal, and his wife, have made me very comfortable 
 indeed. I am quite ashamed to think how much trouble they 
 have taken, I have two rooms about thirteen by fourteen each, 
 twelve high ; the sitting room looks out on the Atlantic, which 
 is about half a mile off at the bottom of a very steep hill to 
 which the Babbacombe ^ one is nothing. The view is very pretty : 
 the foreground is the Principal's garden, which is the most 
 English thing in the West Indies, they say : then comes some 
 very rough uncultivated ground, some part of which is quite 
 parkish ; and at the bottom a beautiful little bay which just 
 now, while the wind is south, is as still as a millpond. 
 
 ' I give two Lectures a day, which is an amusement, and 
 helps me to avoid thinking, which is ruination, I am sure. 
 Some of the youngsters are very stupid, some passable, and 
 one rather clever; so that the work is not monotonous. I 
 have commons from the College kitchen very comfortably, and 
 since I have had the ordering of my own dinner, I have 
 entirely left off animal food. My dinner is a sort of slimy 
 vegetable, the name of which I forget, but which tastes some- 
 thing like an oyster; and custard pudding, and a tumbler of 
 water. At breakfast I eat two eggs, and put lots of butter 
 
 ^ The Rev. John Hothersal Finder, M.A., Cambridge, first Principal, from 1830 
 to 1835, subsequently first Principal of Wells Theological College. 
 " North-east of Torquay. 
 
148 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 to my bread ; it is only lately that I have got over my dislike 
 to Barbados butter. The first hour after daylight, I work 
 myself with dumb-bells, which is very dull, but they say a good 
 thing ; and washing afterwards is a great treat. Also I some- 
 times undress in the middle of the day, and have a bout at the 
 same dull occupation to get an appetite for dinner ; and about 
 half-past five in the evening I get an hour's walk : so I am 
 doing all I can for myself if nature will but help me, and if my 
 patience will hold out. The disheartening thing is, that if I 
 ate a beefsteak and drank a bottle of porter and six glasses of 
 wine a day, I don't believe my pulse would rise or my cough 
 increase an atom. However, I hope to give this abstemious 
 plan a fair trial ; for unless it weakens me, which I have not 
 yet found, it can do no harm. 
 
 ' I wish you did not set your face so pertinaciously against 
 any alteration in the mode of appointing Bishops ; that is the 
 real seat of the disorder of the Church : the more I think of it, 
 the more sure I am that unless something is done about it, 
 there must be a separation in the Church before long, and that 
 I shall be one of the separatists. It will not do to say that 
 you see great evils in any proposed new plan : that is a very 
 good argument when the present state of things is good ; but 
 when a man is dying, it is poor wisdom in him to object that 
 the plans the surgeons propose for his relief are painful and 
 dangerous. There is another reform, which I have been 
 thinking of lately more than I did before, though I have long 
 thought something should be done about it ; and it is one 
 which every clergyman can make for himself without difficulty. 
 I believe it to be the most indispensable of all the duties of 
 external religion, that every one should receive the Communion 
 as often as he has opportunity ; and that if he has such 
 opportunity every day of the week, it is his duty to take 
 advantage of it every day of the week. And further, as an 
 immediate corollary from this, I think it the duty of every 
 clergyman to give the serious members of his congregation this 
 opportunity as often as he can without neglecting other parts 
 of his duty. Now at [Dartington] if you had the Communion 
 every Sunday you might make sure of a sufficient number of 
 communicants : and I don't know of any other duty that you 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 149 
 
 would have to neglect in consequence. Or, at any rate, you 
 might have it every month without the slightest difficulty, and 
 need assign no reason for the change ; indeed, people would 
 not find out at first that there was any change. I wish you 
 would turn this over in your mind. I dare say you will think 
 my view overstrained, and very likely it may be a little. Yet 
 the more I think of it, the less doubtful it seems to me. I 
 know that neither N[ewman] ^ nor K[eble], when I left England, 
 saw the thing in the light in which it now strikes me ; they 
 thought that it was desirable to have the Communion as often 
 as possible, but still that the customs of particular places ought 
 not to be changed without particular reason. But it really 
 does seem to me that the Church of England has gone so very 
 wrong in this matter, that it is not right to keep things smooth 
 any longer. The administration of the Communion is one of the 
 very few religious duties now performed by the clergy for which 
 Ordination has ever been considered necessary. Preaching, 
 and reading the Scriptures, is what a layman can do as well as 
 a clergyman. And it is no wonder the people should forget 
 the difference between ordained and unordained persons, when 
 those who are ordained do nothing for them but what they 
 could have done just as well without Ordination ! If you are 
 determined to have a pulpit in your Church, which I would 
 much rather be without, do put it at the west end of the 
 Church, or leave it where it is : every one can hear you 
 perfectly; and what can they want more? But whatever 
 you do, pray don't let it stand in the light of the Altar, 
 which, if there is any truth in my notions of Ordination, 
 is more sacred than the Holy of Holies was in the Jewish 
 Temple. 
 
 ' I have just heard that the postman is going, and so must 
 write for my life. The College is about fourteen miles from 
 Bridge Town, and about in the same latitude on the east side 
 of the island. It is a long handsome stone building, which 
 has been very ill-repaired since the hurricane. It consists of a 
 
 ' Newman, prompted by Isaac Williams, and following Thomas Keble at Bisley, 
 had, unknown to Froude, begun a month before to read the two Church services daily 
 in the chancel of S. Mary's at Oxford : but a daily Eucharist was then unheard of in 
 the Church of England, 
 
150 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 Hall and Chapel, each about fifty feet long, with a handsome 
 porch between them, and two wings in which the rooms are. 
 I will give you a sketch in my next. The Principal's house, 
 which is a separate building at the west end, is a very good 
 specimen of a Queen Anne house, only without chimneys. 
 The carving of the staircase and doors is very costly, in cedar. 
 It is so well built that the hurricane hardly hurt it at all. I 
 generally drink tea there ; but breakfast and dine in my rooms. 
 I get out of bed as soon as it is light, if they bring me my 
 coffee so soon ; else I wait for it. You can't think how odd 
 one feels at getting up without a cup of it. I did not feel 
 this at first, and perhaps it is only habit now. I breakfast at 
 half-past eight, dine at three : give Lectures from twelve to 
 two ; and the rest of the day give my body as much exercise, 
 and my mind as little, as I can. There are about fourteen 
 students here: very little for so expensive an establishment. 
 If I was the Bishop, I should not make it a place for the 
 exclusive education of gentlemen, but should let the respect- 
 able coloured people, who had time and inclination to study 
 divinity, come here and prepare for Orders, without insisting 
 on Latin and Greek. These colonies are not ripe for sup- 
 porting a learned clergy ; the wealthy are too irreligious to 
 pay towards the maintenance of anything like a sufficient 
 number to look after the population. The Bishop should take 
 people of the caste in life that the Wesleyan ministers come 
 from, and taking care to keep a tight hand over them, should 
 ordain all who have sufficient zeal and knowledge to undertake 
 the burden. I will not even insist on their giving up their 
 trades ; for if a parish priest can keep a school, I am sure he 
 may make shoes without giving up more of his time: and if 
 St. Paul could maintain himself by tent-making while he 
 discharged the duties of an Apostle, I don't see why other 
 people should not be able to maintain themselves as well, while 
 they do the duties of a parish priest. The notion that a priest 
 must be a gentleman is a stupid exclusive Protestant fancy, 
 and ought to be exploded. If they would educate a lower 
 caste here, they would fill the College directly.' 
 
 It was not long after the date of this letter that a restora- 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 151 
 
 tion, not ' an addition,' as Mr, Thomas Mozley says/ was made, 
 from Hurrell's designs and under his superintendence, of 
 Codrington College. The hurricane which had wrought the 
 original havoc spent itself in August, 1831. The great 
 porch between Chapel and Hall, an open passage locally 
 known as the Belfry, was rebuilt, retaining the triple arch 
 below, but not the cupola or small dome which formerly lifted 
 itself over the palm-trees and the bridged waters. The whole 
 remains as our amateur architect left it. Busy as he was, he 
 thirsted for fuller news from home. 
 
 To Frederic Rogers, Esq. ,2 Sept. 25, 1834. 
 
 ' . . . By the time you get this, it will be near a year since 
 I have heard a word about you. ... Of N[ewman] I heard 
 as late as December 15, 1833: I have just referred to the 
 rascal's letter. But as to K[eble] and C[hristie] and you and 
 the M[ozleys], I am in utter ignorance on which side the Styx 
 you are all residing. ... I have entirely left off animal food, 
 which has cooled me without weakening me ; and I have left 
 off writing radicalism, which did myself harm, and no one else 
 any good : for I see neither N[ewman] nor [Rose] will take any 
 of it. Also, above all, I have left off thinking, which, on 
 matured reflection, I am convinced is the great evil of human 
 life. ... If the sun was not so intensely hot as to make sitting 
 in the open air intolerable (N.B., there is no shade here), I 
 should take to drawing ; but, somehow, there is not much to 
 tempt one in that department. The lights and shades are here 
 a third proportional to the lights and shades of an English 
 summer day, and those on a moonlight night. Everything is 
 one mass of brightness, except for the first and last half-hours 
 of the day. The skies, too, are entirely deficient in that glow 
 which one's English imagination associates with heat; pale 
 transparency, which one can hardly look at for its brilliance, 
 stares at one on every side, and every part of the sky reflects 
 
 ' Reminiscences, i., 217. 
 
 2 Frederic Rogers, afterwards Lord Blachford, 1811-1889. He had been 
 Froude's pupil, and also Newman's, through a dazzlingly brilliant University career, 
 He occupied Froude's rooms at Oriel on staircase No. 3 for at least one term during 
 his absence. 
 
152 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 so much light on every part of the landscape, that you may 
 apply to day what Virgil says of night : 
 
 ' " cesium condidit \iine\ 
 
 Jupiter, et rebus [lux] abstulit \_alma] colorem." 
 
 ' The two things which I should like to make drawings of 
 are the bread-fruit tree, and the particular kind of palm which, 
 in the poetical language of the country, they call the cabbage- 
 tree ; both of which are certainly very beautiful, the former 
 most especially so ; and both so unlike anything English, that 
 I don't yet understand how to touch the foliage. ... I have 
 two very pleasant rooms in the pleasantest spot in the whole 
 island, and battel just as at Oxford, which serves to keep up a 
 pleasant illusion. The College is about four hundred feet 
 above the sea, which is about two-thirds of a mile off, and the 
 aspect of my sitting-room is straight towards England ; so that 
 when I am sentimental and dumpish, 
 
 trovTov iir arpvyerov BepKeaKOfiai a-'xyv/ievo^ Krip. 
 
 ' This windward coast is for ever exposed to the full roll of 
 the Atlantic, and its monotonous perturbation wearies one's 
 imagination, as well as the mud and sand, neither of which 
 does it suffer to repose for a moment. I often wish for what 
 I used to think no very interesting object, the motionless calms 
 of Torbay or Dartmouth.' 
 
 ' Rogers heard from Froude yesterday,' runs a postscript of 
 Newman to Keble on Nov. i o. ' He says nothing about his 
 health, but is evidently homesick and lonely.' And two days 
 after, Newman tenderly explains to Hurrell himself: ' I am 
 not surprised you should be so unjust to me, for I should 
 be so to you under the same circumstances. You see we 
 expected you here with the Bishop of Barbados till the 
 middle of May, and therefore did not send letters. When we 
 found him here without you, we instantly began to write ; by 
 accidents which we could not help {e.g., the box was a fortnight 
 on the road to Dartington), it was August before it was off. 
 However, you had news of Oxford up to the minute of its 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 153 
 
 going. . . . Keble's father has taken to his bed, and is so ill 
 that Keble does not leave him.' 
 
 Meanwhile, Hurrell had pursued his grievance, attacking Mr. 
 Keble with wistful humour, during October. ' I. wish I knew 
 Horace's receipt for giving the sound of a swan to mute fishes,^ 
 and I most certainly should administer you a dose, I know 
 you must have a great deal on your hands, so I should be 
 contented with extracting only two pages in as big a hand as 
 an idle undergraduate's theme : but I really do wish to hear 
 something of you. . . . Concerning your worship's self, I have 
 been able to collect that you were in existence on or about the 
 1 2th of June last. . . . [Davison's ?] death was a great surprise 
 to me, and I may almost say a shock, as I had always looked 
 to him to do something great for us. . . . Do you know, I 
 partly fear that you . . . are going to back out of the con- 
 spiracy and leave me and [Newman] to our fate? I mean 
 to ally myself to him in a close league, and put as much 
 mischief into his head as I can. He has sent me a great 
 many of his pamphlets, etc., which I admire greatly for their 
 fido^ and execution ; and I have written back to him, pointing 
 out wherein I think him too conservative.' 
 
 The deceased colleague may well have been John Davison, 
 who had died on the sixth day of May, 1834; but Hurrell would 
 not have seen the announcement before July. Davison is 
 commonly reckoned as one of the old school, the Oriel Noetics, 
 or Liberals ; but there is a contrary impression of him to be 
 drawn from some charming pages in Mozley's Reminiscences? 
 Newman twice names him with Rose as a steadfast encourager 
 of the earliest Tracts? There is no doubt that he sympathised 
 with the Tractarians more than his indecisive habit would 
 suffer him to testify by deed, and he was much beloved by 
 them. Hurrell's expectation of ' something great ' from him 
 would almost inevitably centre about the Scripture Commentary 
 which he was known to be writing and rewriting, but his 
 fastidious self-criticism got the better of that and him, after a 
 most Oxonian fashion, as he directed his widow to burn all 
 
 ' In reference to Lib. iv., Carm. iii., 19-20 : Ad Melpomenen. 
 
 2 Vol. i. , 369-372. 
 
 ' J. H. N., Letters and Correspondence, i., 397-399. 
 
154 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 his manuscripts. Besides, he was fifty-seven, and naturally pre- 
 ferred an evening siesta on Troy Wall to any chances of war. 
 Newman, looking back, wrote feelingly of him in April, 1 842 : 
 ' It is surely mysterious, considering what the world is, how it 
 needs improvement, and, moreover, that this life is the appro- 
 priate time for action, or, what is emphatically called in Scripture, 
 work, that they who seem gifted for the definite purpose of in- 
 fluencing and edifying their brethren, should be allowed to do 
 so much less than might be expected. . . . Left to ourselves, 
 we are apt to grudge that the powers of such a mind as [Mr. 
 Davison's] have not had full range in his age and country, and that 
 a promise of such high benefits should, owing to circumstances 
 beyond man's control, have been but partially accomplished. ' ^ 
 
 Hurrell's playful use of the word ' conspiracy ' to indicate 
 the Movement, will be noted. It was habitual with him from 
 the first. It irritated many excellent persons at the time ; it 
 irritated Dean Burgon fifty years later. In the chapter 
 devoted to Mr. Rose, in Twelve Good Men, Dean Burgon 
 administers to Hurrell an oblique rebuke. ' Froude, a man 
 of splendid abilities and real genius, but sadly wanting in 
 judgment and of fatal indiscretion, rendered the good cause 
 the greatest disservice in his power by speaking of the 
 Hadleigh Conference in a letter to a friend as " the conspiracy " : 
 which letter was soon afterward published.' Yet the word was 
 really employed, and it may have been even invented, a fort- 
 night before the meeting at Hadleigh, by none other than Mr. 
 William Palmer ! ' Now I hope you will be able to join in 
 this little plan and conspiracy,' he wrote to Mr. Perceval on 
 July 10, 1833. A more recent, and an equally historic use- 
 of the word (not ironic in the least, this time), is Archbishop 
 Tait's, in condemning the publications of the Society of the 
 Holy Cross : ^ ' to counteract what I feel obliged to call a 
 CONSPIRACY within our own body against the doctrine, the 
 discipline and the practice of our Reformed Church.' 
 
 ' Essays Critical and Historical, by John Henry Cardinal Newman. London : 
 Longmans, 1891, ii., 375. 
 
 ^ Chronicle of Convocation, Sessions, July 3-6, iSS^. The capitals occur there, 
 as here. 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 155 
 
 In this later Newman correspondence, as Miss Mozley the 
 Editor of it remarks, ' R. H. Froude appears more as critic 
 than originator or author. His more intimate friends required 
 his criticism, and rested on his judgment. In his own person, 
 this faculty acted mainly as a check. He often speaks of trial 
 and failure in his own attempts to bring out what was working 
 in his mind ; as, for instance : " I have tried to write a 
 criticism on the Apollo [Belvedere], but cannot bring out 
 my meaning, which is abstruse and metaphysico-poetical. I 
 always get bombastic, and am forced to scratch out." His 
 critical faculty was too masterful to be practised upon himself, 
 but when exercised for the benefit of friends to whom he looked 
 up, he could give free license to a pungent pen, and yet leave 
 the modern reader to understand how anxious those friends 
 might well be to secure his comments, as long as they were 
 attainable. Keble, in his own simple way, sends his papers 
 to his old pupil to be overlooked by him ; and Mr. Newman 
 was more at ease with Froude's imprimatur. Thus, he sends 
 him draughts of papers; for example, "No. 2, Keble's, No. i, 
 mine " ; with the order : " criticise the whole very accurately in 
 matter and style, and send it back by return of post." Of 
 course the state of Froude's health made criticism more 
 possible than authorship, but, also, different intellectual powers 
 and functions are called into play.' ^ 
 
 It is certainly noticeable enough, in all the intercourse of 
 these years, between Keble, Newman and Froude, how the 
 ordinary business of the University is completely ignored. It 
 is like necromancy to remember that men were really still 
 hastily reading the Ethics by the fire, and emptying bottles, 
 and, with their pipes, racing off to Shotover, through the white 
 salve-like mud, for a constitutional. ' The Tracts' says Mr. 
 Mark Pattison sadly, ' desolated Oxford life, and suspended, 
 for an indefinite period, all science and humane letters, and the 
 first strivings for intellectual freedom which had moved in the 
 bosom of Oriel.' Such aesthetic havoc was never caused in a city, 
 unless under Savonarola, when all the wonted social graces went 
 to the dust-bin, and works of art made acceptable fagots, and 
 Christ was hailed, without legal precedent, King of Florence. 
 ^ J. H. N., Letters and Correspondence, i., 423. 
 
156 HURRELL FROUDE [i834 
 
 On November i8, 1834, Newman resumes, in reference to 
 complaints from Hurrell, ' suffering under intolerable delays 
 incident to distant correspondence in those days ' : 
 
 ' I am so angry with you, I cannot say 1 Have we not 
 sent you a full box? That up to Sept. 29 you had not 
 received it, is as hard for us to bear as for you. Why will 
 you not have a little faith ? . . . I suppose all this is for your 
 good. You want a taming in various ways. It is to wean 
 you from your over-interest in politics ... so you see you are 
 being taught to unlearn the world, the ecclesiastical as well as 
 the worldly world. A strange thought came across me about 
 you some six weeks ago, when I saw a letter from Tucker^ of 
 C. C. C, giving an account of his prospects in India. He 
 is not at all an imaginative or enthusiastic man ; but really, 
 a religious spirit has sprung up among military men at our 
 stations, and having no angel to direct them to Joppa, they 
 have turned Evangelicals. The various sects there have a 
 leaning towards the Church, and the men of colour are forming 
 centres of operation. My thought was, if your health would 
 not let you come home, you ought to be a Bishop in India. . . .' 
 
 What Newman did not confess to his friend was that he had 
 dreamed of their fates as one : he, too, would be a Bishop in 
 India. To his sister Jemima he had written from Tunbridge 
 Wells on October 2 : ' I have been much struck with a most 
 sensible account of the state of India just received here 
 from Mr. Tucker, in almost every word of which (it is 
 full of practical and doctrinal matters), I agree. Though he is 
 a Calvinist, I do believe our differences would, in India, 
 almost be a matter of a few words. He gives a most exciting 
 account of his field of labour, without intending it. At this 
 moment, could I choose, and have all circumstances and 
 providences at my disposal, I would go as an independent 
 Bishop to his part of India, and found a Church there. This, 
 you will say, is an ambitious flight. I am sure some one 
 ought to be sent as Bishop ; but the State, the State ! we are 
 crippled. I can fancy the day coming when India might be 
 a refuge, if our game was up here,' Froude agreed. He 
 
 ' John Tucker, 1793-1873, Fellow of Corpus Christi College, and at this time 
 Dean ; Vicar of West Hendied, Berkshire. 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 157 
 
 says elsewhere : ' The present Church system is an incubus 
 upon the country. It spreads its arms in all directions, claim- 
 ing the whole surface of the earth for its own, and refusing 
 a place to any subsidiary system to spring upon. Would that 
 the waters would throw up some Acheloides, where some new 
 Bishop might erect a See beyond the blighting influence of our 
 upas trees.i Yet I suppose that before he could step in, an 
 Act of Parliament would put its paw upon the Kprjo-cpvyerov, 
 and include it within the limits of some adjacent diocese. 
 I admire [Mozley's ?] hit about our being united to the State 
 as Israel was to Egypt.' 
 
 To return to the letter sent to Barbados on November 1 8. 
 Around this half-quaint suggestion of young mitred revolu- 
 tionaries in unhampered Sees, Newman's love and genius break 
 forth together. 
 
 ' It quite amused ^ me for awhile, and made me think how 
 many posts there are in His Kingdom, how many offices, 
 who says to one " Do this, and he doeth it," etc. It is quite 
 impossible that some way or other you are not destined to be 
 the instrument of God's purposes. Though I saw the earth 
 cleave and you fall in, or Heaven open, and a chariot appear, 
 I should say just the same. God has ten thousand posts of 
 service. You might be of use in the central elemental fire ; 
 you might be of use in the depths of the sea.' 
 
 To the editor of the Letters and Correspondence to 1845 
 we owe, again, this enriching footnote : 
 
 ' In Vol. ii. of the Parochial Sermons (Ascension Day, p. 2 1 4) 
 there is a passage which throws light on this ardent confident 
 strain, prompted as it is evidently by the failure of hope in 
 his friend's recovery for service in this present scene. " More- 
 
 ^ The Note in the Remains, i., 405, calls attention to the circumstance that R.H.F. 
 was speaking of the Church system only ; i.e., the Establishment. 
 
 ^ Both Newman and Froude often employ this word in a sense now quite obsolete. 
 ' The notion of diversion, entertainment, is comparatively of recent introduction into 
 the word. To amuse was to cause to muse, to occupy or engage, and in this sense 
 indeed to divert, the thoughts and attention.' Trench, Select Glossary, 1890, p. 7. 
 
 A perfect example of the bygone function of the word occurs in Daniel's 
 Musophilus, where he condoles with 'Sacred Religion, mother of form and fear,' in 
 the days when she must 
 
 ' Sit poorly, without light, disrobed ; no care 
 Of outward grace to amuse the poor devout.' 
 
158 HURRELL FROUDE [1834 
 
 over, this departure of Christ and coming of the Holy Ghost 
 leads our minds with great comfort to the thought of many lower 
 dispensations of Providence towards us. . . , This is a thought 
 which is particularly soothing as regards the loss of friends, or 
 of especially gifted men who seem, in their day, the earthly 
 support of the Church. . . . Doubtless, ' it is expedient ' they 
 should be taken away ; otherwise some great mercy will not 
 come to us. They are taken away, perchance, to other 
 duties in God's service equally ministrative to the salvation 
 of the elect as earthly service. Christ went to intercede with 
 the Father : we do not know, we may not boldly speculate, yet 
 it may be that Saints departed intercede, unknown to us, for 
 the victory of the Truth upon earth . . . they are taken away 
 for some purpose surely ; their gifts are not lost to us ; their 
 soaring minds, the fire of their contemplations, the sanctity of 
 their desires, the vigour of their faith, the sweetness and 
 gentleness of their affections, were not given without an 
 object." ' 
 
 Lastly, the long letter closes with a little budget of news 
 welcome to the exile, and with its crowded mention of names 
 unforgotten, familiar fifty years after as they were then. 
 
 ' The Tracts now form a thick volume. We have put 
 a title-page and preface to them, and called them Tracts 
 for i8jj—/f.. I think you will like them, as a whole. You 
 go too fast yourself Williams has been so unwell, we were 
 going to send him out to you ; but he has lately mended. 
 I have just engaged with Rivington to publish another volume 
 of Sermons. The first volume was nearly sold off in the 
 course of nine months : one thousand copies. I have not 
 dared all along to indulge the hope that I should be 
 favoured with having you here again ; but now really the 
 prospect seems clearing. I do not like to say so, lest I 
 break a spell ! Rogers' eyes are little or not at all better. 
 Gladstone is turning out a fine fellow. Harrison has made 
 him confess that the doctrine of the Apostolical Succession 
 is irresistible.' 
 
 A long letter to Newman, on Nov. 23, opens: 'Do you 
 know, I am hungry and thirsty to hear about you, and 
 whether your health stands, in the midst of your occupa- 
 
1834] HURRELL FROUDE 159 
 
 tions? My father tells me your Sermons are talked of in 
 all directions. ... I have entirely left off meat ; my dinner 
 is toast, and a basin of very weak chicken broth. Breakfast 
 is my chief meal, and consists of a vast joram ^ of milk 
 and arrow-root. It is an odd thing, [as] milk never used 
 to agree with me, but I find that by putting a good lot 
 of cinnamon into it, I can digest any quantity. I find I 
 must not take exercise so as to put me out of breath, as 
 that increases my cough, yet the more I take the stronger 
 I get ; so that I am in a dilemma, which I shall cut by 
 borrowing one of the Bishop's horses instead of walking. I 
 am perforce as idle as possible, my chief occupation being 
 to keep thoughts out of my head. In this respect I find 
 my friend Sanctus Thomas^ of infinite use. Dawdling over 
 translations, and picking facts out of allusions just keep one 
 going for the time, without supplying any materials to brood 
 over. If you see Keble, congratulate him on the Yank 
 edition of The Christian Yearf which has gone on Oakeley's * 
 plan of putting the fine passages in italics. It is amusing 
 to see the selection which he ^ has made. ... As to sentiment, 
 I am heartily tired of this place and climate. I am sure 
 it has been too hot for me, particularly during August, 
 September, and October, the hurricane months. I fancy, 
 too, if there was something more to interest one, I should 
 iiave been benefited by it. Niggerland is a poor substitute 
 for the limen Apostolorum ! However, I do verily believe 
 that if I had stayed in England I should have had a 
 
 ' Joram or jorum is a drinking-bowl. 
 
 ' I.e., the work, then in progress, on The Life and Times of Thomas h Becket. 
 
 ^ The Christian Year: Thoughts in Verse for the Sundays and Holy-days 
 Throughout the Year. First American Edition. Philadelphia: Carey, Lea and 
 Blanchard, mdcccxxxiv. 
 
 ^ Frederick Oakeley, i8o3-i88o : Tutor and Lecturer of Balioll College, Select 
 Preacher to the University in 1831, Minister of Margaret Chapel (on the site of All 
 Saints, Margaret Street, London W.) 1839-1845, and for the last thirty years of his 
 life priest and Canon of the Archdiocese of Westminster. 
 
 ^ The American editor, ' G. D. W.' [George Washington Doane]. 
 
 Among the footnotes is the following : ' The Editor is accountable, throughout 
 the volume, for the use of the Italic letter. He has adopted that method of 
 designating such lines as possess, in his judgment, peculiar beauty.' The preface is 
 dated July i, 1834. More than twenty-five editions had been published in England 
 at this time. 
 
160 HURRELL FROUDE [1834 
 
 confirmed disease on my lungs by this time. ... I have 
 not written a verse since I have been out here, and could 
 not, for the life of me. ... If I had the necessary books 
 here, I should like much to get together materials for the 
 Lives of Bishops Andrewes, Cosin, and Overall. They 
 might be made into a nice first volume for a series of Lives 
 of Apostolical Divines of the Church of England : a genus 
 which seems to me to have come into existence about the 
 beginning of James I., and to have become extinct with the 
 Nonjurors. ... I wish I could say, as John of Salisbury of 
 Saint Thomas : " Domino Cantuarensi, quoad literaturam et 
 mores, plurimum profuit exilium illud!' But somehow I think 
 I have become even more uncharitable and churlish than I 
 was ! ' 
 
 Hurrell addressed both Christie and Newman on Saint 
 Stephen's Day. The letter to the former caused immense 
 laughter at Oriel. ' Even Froude is beginning to joke about 
 matrimony ! ' writes James Mozley to his sister. Never was 
 a joke in less danger of becoming practical. 
 
 ' When I come home, I mean to rat-and-be-married : ' i.e., 
 if I can hook in anyone to be such a fool. The great 
 difference between a wife and a friend is that a wife cannot 
 cut one, and a friend can. It is a bad thing irepiaaa ^poveiv, 
 so I shall certainly rat.^ I see that . . . [Henry Wilberforce] ^ 
 has . . . Old [Ryder's] apostacy I knew of before. [Isaac]' 
 cannot hold out long, if he is not fallen already. So why 
 should you and I be wiser than our . neighbours ? * Some 
 months ago, before I had repented of my radicalism, I was 
 devising a scheme for you, which was knocked on the head by 
 
 1 With Froude always, though not with Newman, domesticity spelled desertion of 
 the Cause : to be married was, practically, to 'rat.' 
 
 " The British Magazine for September, 1834, had announced the marriage of H, 
 W. Wilberforce, Esq., M.A., Oriel College, to Mary, second daughter of the late 
 Rev. J. Sargent, Rector of Lavington. 
 
 ' Hurrell may well have known the state of poor Williams' heart in regard to Miss 
 Caroline Champemowne of Dartington Hall : the marriage, however, did not come 
 off until 1842. Mr. Keble is not mentioned in his worshipping disciple's incrimi- 
 nating list, but he had married Miss Charlotte Clark at Bisley on the tenth of the 
 preceding October. He was then in his forty-fourth year. The engagement was of 
 several years' standing. 
 
 * Mr. Christie married in 1847. 
 
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1834] HURRELL FROUDE 161 
 
 my finding from The British Magazine that you were ordained 
 by the Bishop of Oxford.^ For my part, I would rather have 
 had my orders from a Scotch Bishop, and I thought of 
 suggesting the same to you. The stream is purer, and, 
 besides, it would have left one free from some embarrassing 
 engagements.^ By the by, all I know about any of you is 
 through The British Magazine. ... I am very thirsty for more 
 authentic information. Not that I would have you write to 
 me after the receipt of this letter, though ; for by that time I 
 shall most likely be on my way back. I shall start as early 
 as I can in April, and I really begin now to think that I shall 
 come back cured. At least people tell me that since the 
 weather has become cooler I have altered for the better in 
 appearance rapidly, and certainly I have in strength. . . . For 
 the last three weeks, I have had a horse, which I have been 
 cool enough to smug from the Bishop's stables in his absence ; ^ 
 and this, I think, has been of use to me.' 
 
 The letter to Newman, as usual, goes deeper, and touches 
 sadly on more intimate matters. 
 
 ' . . . There was a passage in a letter I have just received 
 from my father that made me feel so infinitely dismal, that I 
 must write to you about it. He says you have written to him 
 to learn something about me, and to ask what to do with my 
 money. It really made me feel as if I was dead, and you 
 were sweeping up my remains ; and, by the by, if I was dead, 
 why should I be cut off from the privilege of helping on the 
 Good Cause ? I don't know what money I left : little enough 
 
 ^ John Frederick Christie, M.A., Fellow of Oriel, received Deacon's Orders in 
 the Cathedral at Oxford, on May 25, 1834, and Priest's Orders in the same place, on 
 December 20, 1835. 
 
 ' [Such as the necessity of holding by the union of Church and State ; of content- 
 ing himself with the English liturgical services, etc. Note, Remains, i., 386.] The 
 Editors mistook Hurrell's word 'one' in the text, printing it as ' me.' 
 
 ^ To smug is to confiscate without ceremony. 
 
 The Exeter Flying Post, during the last week of the preceding May, had 
 announced the arrival of ' the Bishop of Barbados and his family, on a visit to Mrs. 
 Coleridge's father, the venerable Dean of Winchester.' The ' thorough Z ' was in 
 delicate health, and it forced him, ultimately, to resign his charge. His only son, a 
 young child in Froude's time at Barbados, Mr. Rennell Coleridge, has just died at 
 Salston, Ottery St. Mary (May, 1904). 
 II 
 
162 HURRELL FROUDE [1835 
 
 I suspect ; but, whatever it was, I am superstitious enough to 
 think that any good it could do " in honorem Dei et sacrosanctce 
 Matris Ecclesice" would have done something too " in salutem 
 anifttcB mece!' 
 
 ' . . . My father's letter was a dismal one altogether. He 
 tells me Isaac ^ is far from well, and Sir George and Lady 
 Prevost obliged to leave England. Also that my poor sister 
 [Phillis] has just sailed for Madeira to escape the winter, for 
 fear of an affection just like mine. . . . Also that Mr. Keble ^ 
 is supposed to be on his death-bed. About you personally 
 I hear nothing. As for myself, it really seems as if I was 
 going to have a respite. I have still some symptoms which 
 make me fear it may turn out moonshine, e.£:, great irritability 
 of pulse, and shortness of wind in walking up hill. But every- 
 one says, and I cannot help observing, that my looks are 
 greatly altered for the better. . . . Sometimes I seem to 
 myself very ridiculous to give way to such doleful thoughts, 
 considering how very little there is apparently the matter with 
 me ; and if it was not for the effect consumption had taken 
 on my . . . family, I should be ashamed of myself But the perti- 
 nacity of my trifling ailment has sometimes seemed to me like a 
 warning that fate had put its hand on me for the next [world]. 
 
 ' When I get your letter, I expect a rowing for my Roman 
 Catholic sentiments. Really, I hate the Reformation and the 
 Reformers more and more,^ and have almost made up my 
 mind that the Rationalist spirit they set afloat is the 
 ylrevSoirpocf37]Tr]i; of the Revelations. I have a theory about the 
 Beast and Woman too, which conflicts with yours ; but which 
 I will not inflict on you now. I have written nothing for a 
 long time, and only read in a desultory, lounging way ; but 
 really, it is not out of idleness, for I find that the less I do the 
 
 ' Isaac Williams was long believed to be hopelessly ill, but recovered. 
 
 ' The Rev. John Keble, St., Vicar of Coin St. Aldwyn, father and sole 
 educator of John and of Thomas Keble, up to the time of their entering the 
 University. He had inherited what he so splendidly transmitted : the Carolian and 
 Nonjuring tradition. 
 
 2 He was by no means alone in indulging this pious sentiment. On all sides, in 
 1835, 'from Newrman to Macaulay, from Cobbett to Arnold, the Reformers were 
 receiving scathing criticism.' The Life-Work of Cardinal Wiseman, in Problems 
 and Persons, by Wilfrid Ward. Longmans, 1903. 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 163 
 
 better I am, and so on principle resist doing a good deal that 
 I am tempted to. One of the Bishop's horses has contributed 
 much to my recovery, as well as amusement. To my great 
 satisfaction, I have found that just beyond the range of my 
 longer walks there is a range of real fine scenery that I had 
 not a dream of. 
 
 Ovped re aKioevra OdXacrtTd re ^■^(Tjearcra. 
 
 ' I start sometimes between three and four, and come back 
 between six and seven, in which interval the thermometer 
 averages between 78° and 76°, and there is generally a roaring 
 wind from the sea. ... I wish I knew how you were, and 
 what you are about.' 
 
 To the Rev. John Henry Newman, Jan., 1835. 
 
 ' I am ashamed of myself for having grumbled at you ; 
 your letter^ almost made me cry! My dumps are my only 
 excuse, and you may guess I have had a good dose of them. 
 Now I am in much better spirits about myself, and flooded 
 with letters to boot, so I ought to be in a good humour ; yet 
 I don't know whether the prospect of being home again soon, 
 and the knowledge of what is going on there, has not made 
 me less contented. ... I am sorry to hear such poor accounts 
 of you and Isaac. Keble says you are overworked. So does 
 Christie ; yet I would not have you leave any of it except the 
 Deanship. On one or two points I am inclined to grumble 
 at you. You seem to be finessing too deep. Why publish 
 poor Bishop Cosin's Tract on Transubstantiation ? ^ Surely 
 no member of the Church of England is in any danger of 
 overrating the miracle of the Eucharist ? . . . I am more and 
 more indignant at the Protestant doctrine on the subject of 
 the Eucharist, and think that the principle on which it is 
 founded is as proud, irreverent, and foolish as that of any 
 heresy, even Socinianism. I must write you out a sentence 
 
 ^ Of Nov. 18, 1834. This is a homespun boyish acknowledgement of Newman's 
 beautiful flight of words, straight to the heart of his friend. 
 
 " Newman's note some thirty years later, Letters and Correspondence, ii., 7 . 
 'N.B. — Froude would not believe that I was in earnest, as I was, in shrinking from 
 the views which he boldly followed out. I was against Transubstantiation,' 
 
164 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 of Pascal on this. (My edition is differently arranged from 
 most, so I cannot refer you to it.^) Speaking of Isa. xlv, 15, 
 he says : " II a demeur^ cacM sous la voile de la nature qui 
 nous le couvre, jusqu'd l' Incarnation ; et quand il a fallu qu'il 
 ait paru, il s'est encore plus cachi, en se couvrant de I' humanity. 
 . . . Enfin, quand il a voulu accomplir la promesse qu'il fit ^ 
 ses apdtres de demeurer avec les homines j'usqu'd son dernier 
 avhnement, il a choisi demeurer dans le plus Strange et le plus 
 obscur secret de tous : savoir, sous les esphes de F Eucharistiel' 
 And then he goes on to say that deists penetrate the veil of 
 Nature, heretics that of the Incarnation ; " mais pour nous, nous 
 devons nous estimer heureux de ce que Dieu nous Maire jusqu! d, 
 le reconnaitre sous les especes du pain et du vin." I believe 
 you will agree with me that this is orthodox. . . . Also, why 
 do you praise Ridley ? ^ Do you know sufficient good about 
 him to counterbalance the fact that he was the associate of 
 Cranmer, Peter Martyr, and Bucer ? {NJB. — How beautifully 
 the Edinburgh Review^ has shown up Luther, Melancthon, 
 and Co. ! What good genius has possessed them to do our 
 dirty work?) I have also to grumble at you for letting 
 Pusey call the Reformers " the Founders of our Church," in that 
 excellent and much-to-be-studied paper on Fasting.* Pour 
 moi, I never mean, if I can help it, to use any phrases even, 
 which can connect me with such a set. I shall never call 
 the Holy Eucharist " the Lord's Supper," nor God's priests 
 " Ministers of the Word," nor the Altar " the Lord's Table," etc., 
 etc. ; innocent as such phrases are in themselves, they have 
 
 ' In the standard modern edition, Pemies Fragments et Lettres de Blaise Pascal 
 . . . par M. Prosper Faug^re, Paris, Leroux, 1897, the passage occurs in L«ttre V. 
 (a Mademoiselle de Roannez), fin d'Octobre, 1656, pp. 52-53- 
 
 ' Probably in a letter. Mr. Christie was at this time devoting himself to Ridley, 
 whom he looked upon, Mr. Mozley tells us, as a Saint and an Authority ; his papers 
 appeared later in The British Critic. 
 
 ' Sir William Hamilton's celebrated (anonymous) article on ' Admission of Dis- 
 senters to the Universities,' Edinburgh Review, vol. Ix., pp. 202 et seq., for October, 
 1834, includes some telling paragraphs on the Practical Theology (in reference to 
 the countenancing of polygamy) and the Biblical Criticism (boldly destructive) of 
 Luther, Bucer, and Melancthon. 
 
 * First published as Tract 18 : Thoughts on the Benefits of the System of Fasting 
 enjoined by our Church. It is dated Oxford, The Feast of S. Thomas [1834], and 
 signed E. B. P., being the first of the Tracts to bear a signature, by way of dis- 
 associating its author from the real Tractarians, 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 165 
 
 been dirtied : a fact of which you seem oblivious on many 
 occasions. Nor shall I even abuse the Roman Catholics as a 
 Church for anything except excommunicating us. So much 
 for fault-finding. ... I am amused to see among your 
 Sermons the Naples one and the Dartington one. I can see 
 the train of thought which suggested the latter.^ Since then 
 I have never been well, and then came my poor sister's busi- 
 ness, who, by the bye, is now at Madeira. ... I have two 
 schemes about the Tracts. ... ist, I should like a series 
 of the Apostolical Divines of the Church of England. . . . 
 2nd, I think one might take the Jansenist saints, Francis de 
 Sales,^ the nuns of Port Royal, Pascal, etc., who seem to me 
 to be of a more sentimental imaginative cast than any of our 
 own, and to give more room for writing ad captandum. . . . 
 Must it not be owned that the Church of England Saints, 
 however good in essentials, are, with a few rare exceptions, 
 deficient in the austere beauty of the Catholic ^Ooi ? K[eble] 
 will be severe on me for this, but I cannot deny that Laud's 
 architecture seems to me typical.' 
 
 This is the letter so charmingly annotated for us by Lord 
 Blachford's anecdote. ' There's a Basil for you ! ' said Newman, 
 with humorous deprecation, when he read the grudging advice 
 to lay by, in his great weariness, ever so little of his accus- 
 tomed work. The comparison rose readily to his lips, for he 
 had been busy writing the chapters of his Church of the 
 Fathers, month by month, and he was fresh from the beautiful 
 portraiture of SS. Basil and Gregory Nazianzum.^ He had 
 called Hurrell his Basil under no mere momentary sense of 
 a certain ineradicable blithe hardness in his friend. Newman, 
 as sensitive and seeing as S. Gregory himself, must have been 
 conscious at the time how mysteriously fragments of modern 
 
 ^ The ' Dartington one ' is, as we have seen, ' Scripture a Record of Human 
 Sorrow ' ; the ' Naples one ' is possibly ' Religious Emotion,' Nos. xiv. and xxv. in 
 Parochial Sermons, by John Henry Newman, M.A., Vicar of S. Mary the Virgin's, 
 Oxford, and Fellow of Oriel College. London : Rivington, 1834. 
 
 ^ Did Froude mean to write ' Galilean ' ? Saint Francis de Sales as a Jansenist 
 fills a new rSle. 
 
 ^ 'The Rise and Fall of Gregory,' chapter ix., in The Church of the Fathers. 
 Reprinted from The British Magazine, by Rivington, 1840, p. 146. 
 
166 HURRELL FROUDE [1835 
 
 biography were getting lodged into his Early Christian 
 exegetics : for in truth he and Hurrell were as like Gregory 
 and Basil as their impersonators in a miracle play. The 
 analogy is not irrelevant, and it is the more attractive the 
 more it is followed out, especially as there is in it nothing 
 akin to the painful difference which long severed the loving- 
 hearted great Saints from each other. ' Basil ' at Dartington 
 pitied no one much, himself least of all ; the personal con- 
 sideration affected him at all times as little as it had affected 
 his mighty archetype, a man of yea and nay, of cloudless 
 vision and unstinted enterprise. 
 
 Newman had written : 'One of the more striking points 
 of Basil's character was his utter disregard of mere human 
 feeling where the interests of religion were concerned. . . . 
 This self-sacrifice, which he observed in his own case for the 
 good of the Church, he scrupled not to extend to the instance 
 of those to whom he was related, and for whom he had to act. 
 His brother and his intimate friend, the two Gregories of 
 Nyssa and Nazianzum, felt the keenness and severity of his 
 zeal as well as the comfort of his affection.' And again : 
 ' Gregory disliked the routine intercourse of society, he dis- 
 liked ecclesiastical business, he disliked publicity, he disliked 
 strife . . . ; he loved the independence of solitude, the tran- 
 quillity of private life, leisure for meditation, reflection, self- 
 government; study and literature. He admired, yet he 
 playfully satirised Basil's lofty thoughts and heroic efforts. 
 Yet upon Basil's death, Basil's spirit, as it were, came into 
 him. . . . Was it Gregory or was it Basil that blew the trumpet 
 in Constantinople, and waged a successful war in the very 
 seat of the enemy, in despite of all his fluctuations of mind, 
 misgivings, fastidiousness, disgust with self, and love of quiet ? 
 Such was the power of the great Basil, triumphing in his 
 death, though failing throughout his life. Within four or five 
 years of his departure to his reward, all the objects were either 
 realised, or in the way to be realised, which he had vainly 
 attempted and sadly waited for. His eyes had failed in 
 longing : they waited for the Morning, and death closed them 
 ere it came.' All this amounts to a strange and touching 
 forecast. 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 167 
 
 Newman writes again most tenderly on Jan. i8, from 
 London. 
 
 ' . . . I could say much, were it of use, of my own solitari- 
 ness, now you are away. Not that I would undervalue that 
 great blessing, which is what I do not deserve, of so many 
 friends about me : dear Rogers, Williams, o -rrdw Keble, and 
 the friend in whose house I am staying (whom I wish with 
 all my heart you knew as Apostolicorum princeps, Bowden) ; 
 yet, after all, as is obvious, no one can enter into one's mind 
 except a person who has lived with one. I seem to write 
 things to no purpose, as wanting your imprimatur. Perhaps 
 it is well to cultivate the habit of writing as if for unseen 
 companions ; but I have felt it much, so that I am getting 
 quite dry and hard. My dear Froude, come back to us as 
 soon as you safely can ; and then next winter, please God, you 
 shall go to Rome, and tempt Isaac, who is very willing, to go 
 with you. But wherever you are (so be it I) you cannot be 
 divided from us.' 
 
 Hurrell held an irregular correspondence with some old 
 friends to whom he was warmly attached, and remembered 
 them in his winter leisure. 
 
 To the Rev. ROBERT Isaac Wilberforce, 
 Feb. 2 5, 1835. 
 
 ' I would give twopence if circumstances -should ever so 
 turn up that you could make an occasional residence in 
 Oxford compatible with your clerical duties,^ and that we 
 could concoct a second edition of old times again. It makes 
 me laugh when I think of your old clipped horse, and how I 
 was choused ^ by John G. ; and sundry other matters which 
 come into one's head when more serious matters ought to 
 be there. I wonder if you are the same fellow now that 
 you used to be? I am afraid my old self is determined to 
 stick by me till the last But to talk sense : I really do 
 indulge the hope that sometime we may be thrown together 
 
 1 Robert Isaac Wilberforce, as Vicar of East Farleigh, near Maidstone, Kent, was 
 out of Oxford life practically from 183 1 to 1849. 
 
 2 Choused means swindled, duped. 
 
168 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 again. Undoubtedly you owe a debt to your destinies, which 
 as a mere parish priest you can never repay. Your old pro- 
 ject about the Mendicant Orders was the sort of thing : though 
 perhaps something connected with later times would tell more 
 just at present. As to myself, demv iv yovvaat Keirai whether 
 I am ever to be of any use, though I now begin to entertain 
 serious hopes that I shall recover. Perhaps you know that I 
 have been out here, in exile inter nigridas, for this year and a 
 quarter. The first winter I got very little good ; and in the 
 summer the heat kept me in a feverish state, which low diet 
 could not counteract ; so I began to think it was up with me ; 
 orav iiSmp irviyrj, etc., and I own I felt very doleful : but since 
 the cool weather set in I have made a decided start, which has 
 put me in a better humour ; and the cooler it is the better I 
 am ; so that I dare say if I had gone to Madeira, or to Rome 
 a second time, I might have been well. I shall not be sorry 
 for an excuse for spending another winter in the south of 
 Europe. <** 
 
 ' While out here I have stuck to my old prejudices as tight 
 as I could ; yet I fairly own that I think the niggers less 
 incapable of being raised in the scale of being than I used. I 
 don't mean that, generally speaking, they are at all fit for the 
 situation in which the law has placed them ; but that here and 
 there you see specimens which prove them, unequivocally 
 enough, to be of the race of Adam, is not to be denied. Many 
 of them are clever, and some affectionate and even honest, and 
 if a more judicious system had been pursued, I should not 
 have despaired of seeing them become generally so. As it is, 
 the prospect is even in this island a very gloomy one, and 
 in the others, the state of things seems next to hopeless. In 
 Antigua, where they are quite let loose, they have been playing 
 a very clever trick in many places : which is very characteristic 
 of the negro intellect, sharp enough as to the moment, and 
 absolutely without thought as to the next. In making sugar 
 it is very important that the canes should be squeezed as soon 
 as possible after they are cut : a few hours hurts them, and 
 twenty-four spoils them ; so our friends Quakoo and Co. cut 
 away very diligently, and then strike for wages. Here in 
 Barbados they cannot play the same ■ trick, as the magistrates 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 169 
 
 would flog them ; and indeed flogging is scarcely less common, 
 and more severe now, than under the old system. In this 
 island, the most melancholy result of the change yet dis- 
 cernible is the condition of the emancipated children under 
 six. The mothers, who have gone on hitherto in their lax 
 amours with a certainty that any consequences that might 
 result would be rather in their favour than otherwise, have 
 been bringing a host of wretched urchins into the world and 
 consigning them over to the estate nurses, sans soin ; and now 
 the produce of the last six years is returned upon their hands, 
 unless they will consent to apprentice them ; this they will not 
 do, out of spite to their masters, but take the trouble on 
 themselves they will not : so the squalid little wretches starve 
 and die off shockingly ; and those that live are locked up in 
 their mother's house while she is at work, doing nothing but 
 quarrel, growing up in absolute uselessness, and with no chance 
 of improving. ... As to the religious prospects of these 
 colonies, I think them very bad indeed. If the Church was 
 thrown on the voluntary system, and left to make its way as 
 the Wesleyans do among the poorer classes, it would make 
 sure as it went, though perhaps the progress might at first seem 
 slow ; but now all is mere show and rottenness. . . . Another 
 difficulty arises from the views of the Clergy : those who have 
 any deference for Church authority are too generally mere Z's. 
 . . . Religious instruction out here means marrying the niggers, 
 baptizing them, and teaching them to read. 
 
 '"The age' is out of joint. O cursed spite, \ 
 
 That ever I was bom to set it right ! " 
 
 ' Vivas, valeas, et Apostolicus fias. I shall be back in May.' 
 
 Sir James Stephen was very wroth with Froude for his 
 attitude towards the slaves of the West Indian Colonies, 
 deducing that attitude from some allusions of Froude's own 
 to ' anti-slavery cant.' The Editors of the Remains attest that 
 Hurrell did not suffer (as later Mr. J. A. Froude was said to 
 do, from other alleged causes) from negrophobia. But cer- 
 tainly his speech about ' the niggers ' does not always sound 
 
170 HURRELL FROUDE [isss 
 
 reassuring. Perhaps in this, as in other matters, he leans upon 
 the reader's general knowledge of him, and requires that to 
 supply the marginal comment. 
 
 It is a common jibe against reformers, though not always 
 a true one, that their range of ideas is disproportioned or 
 partial. Members of the Anti-Vivisection Society are sup- 
 posed to be indifferent to wife-beating. Perhaps, if known, 
 Hurrell's tendre for his only Roman Catholic, Monsignor Wise- 
 man, and for ' Roman Catholic sentiments,' as he calls them, 
 would seem enough to account for his limitations of sympathy 
 on an island where he spent an unwilling year-and-a-half. It 
 is interesting that to a Wilberforce, of all persons, he confides 
 his final impressions, still pessimistic enough, of ' our brothers 
 carved in ebony.' The Bill for -the total abolition of slavery in 
 the British dominions had received the Royal assent on August 
 28, 1833, and had come at last into full operation as Froude 
 wrote. He was not wont, in other matters, to judge of the 
 justice of a measure by its practical workings, or by the local 
 material it had to work upon. 
 
 Hurrell approaches Keble in his most lucid and mis- 
 chievous argumentative mood on the same day. 
 
 ' I have a miscellaneous jumble of things that I want to 
 talk to you about, if I can but arrange them in any sort of 
 order. , . . And first, I shall attack you for the expression 
 " The Church teaches " so-and-so, which I observe is in the 
 Tract 1 equivalent to " The Prayer-Book etc. teach[es] us " 
 so-and-so. Now suppose a conscientious layman to inquire on 
 what grounds the Prayer-Book etc., are called the teaching of 
 the Church : how shall we answer him ? Shall we tell him 
 that they are embodied in an Act of Parliament ? So is the 
 Spoliation Bill. Shall we tell him that they were formerly 
 enacted by Convocation in the reign of Charles II. ? But what 
 especial claim had this Convocation to monopolise the name 
 and authority of the Church ? Shall we tell him that all the 
 clergy assented to them ever since their enactment ? But to 
 what interpretation of them have all, or even the major part of 
 the clergy assented ? For if it is the assent of the clergy that 
 makes the Prayer-Book etc. the teaching of the Church, the 
 
 ' Unidentified. 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 171 
 
 Church teaches only that interpretation of them to which all, 
 or at least the majority of the clergy have assented ; and in 
 order to ascertain this, it will be necessary to inquire, not for 
 what may seem to the inquirer to be their real meaning, but 
 for the meaning which the majority of the clergy have, in 
 fact, attached to them ! It will be necessary to poll the 
 Hoadleians, Puritans, and Laudians, and to be determined by 
 [the] most votes. Again, supposing him to have ascertained 
 these, another question occurs. Why is the opinion of the 
 English clergy, since the enactment of the Prayer-Book, 
 entitled to be called the teaching of the Church, more than 
 that of the clergy of the sixteen previous centuries ; or, again, 
 than the clergy of France, Italy, Spain, Russia, etc., etc. ? I 
 can see no other claim which the Prayer-Book has on a 
 layman's deference, as the teaching of the Church, which the 
 Breviary and Missal have not in a far greater degree. . . . 
 I know you will snub me for this. . . . Surely no teaching 
 nowadays is authoritative in the sense in which the Apostles' 
 was, except the Bible? nor any in the sense in which 
 Timothy's was, except that of Primitive Tradition ? To find 
 a sense in which the teaching of the modern clergy is authori- 
 tative, I confess baffles me.^ . . . 
 
 ' Next, as to The Christian Year. In the Fifth of November 
 — [as to] 
 
 ' " There present in the heart 
 Not in the hands,"— 
 
 how can we possibly know that it is true to say " not in the 
 hands " ? ^ Also, on the Communion . . . you seem cramped 
 
 ' He has forgotten, for the moment, his own illuminating word spoken two years 
 before : ' Surely the promise " I am with you always " means something?' . . . 
 
 ' The famous emendation of the thirteenth stanza in the Gunpowder Treason 
 hymn, which now reads in all editions of The Christian Year, — 
 
 'There present in the heart 
 As in the hands,' 
 
 was made after Keble's death, by his executors, and in accordance with his own 
 request. The request was based upon that of 'my dear friend Hurrell Froude,' 
 over thirty years before. Keble had long held out against the alteration, and for 
 what he thought good cause, even against Pusey, maintaining that ' Not in the hands ' 
 should be understood as ' Not [only] in the hands.' He had precedents and analogies 
 to lean upon. But when Bishop Jevine on February 9, 1866, quoted the original 
 
172 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 by Protestantism. I desiderate something in the same key 
 with 
 
 ' "Shall work a wonder there 
 Earth's charmers never knew," 
 and 
 
 '"When the life-giving stream," etc' 
 
 So much for quarrelling. I have attacked N[ewman] for some 
 of the Tract Protestantism. . . , However, the wiseacres are 
 all agog about our being Papists. P. called us the Papal 
 Protestant Church, in which he proved a double ignorance : 
 as we are Catholics without the Popery, and Church-of- 
 England men without the Protestantism. ... It seems to me 
 that even if the laity were as munificent as our Catholic 
 ancestors, they could do nothing for the Church, as things are, 
 except in their lifetime. Any Churches they might build, any 
 endowment they might make, would be as likely as not to 
 become in another generation propagandas of liberalism. 
 Certainly we cannot trust the Bishops for patrons. ... I 
 don't feel with you on the question of tithes. They cannot be 
 a legal debt and a religious offering at the same time. When 
 the payment began to be enforced by civil authority the 
 desecration took place. . . . The Wesleyan system is volun- 
 tary . . . they are the strongest, and most independent of 
 their congregations, of any existing society in the United 
 States, and, I believe, in England. . . .' 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. NEWMAN, March 4, 1835. 
 
 ' . . . My dearest [Newman], I suppose by this time you 
 will have learned to think as little of my inconsistent reports 
 as I do when making them ! I see [that] on one and the 
 same day I must have sent my father a cheerful account, 
 and you a dismal one. I am forced to say something, but 
 have no data to judge by, and so talk at random. Certain 
 indeed I am that my pulse is still progressively calming, 
 
 lines in Convocation as against the Real Objective Presence, the poet, then near his 
 end, eagerly effected the change. The ordinary reader may wonder whether a more 
 astounding variant be known to doctrinal statement. 
 
 ' Both quotations are from one of the loveliest and tenderest numbers of Tht 
 Christian Year : that entitled ' Holy Baptism,' stanzas v. and iii. 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 173 
 
 and that now it is scarcely more irritable than it ought to 
 be; but in nothing else can I be sure that I change at 
 all. . . . Favus distillans labia tua, as someone said to John 
 of Salisbury,! What can have put it into your head that your 
 style is dull ? The letter you sent me in the box was among 
 the most amusing I ever received. I have now made up my 
 mind to come back [in] the packet after the next, so as to be 
 in England the middle of May, and am not wholly without 
 hope that the voyage may do something for me. The 
 notion of going to Rome with Isaac is very gratifying. I 
 must learn French for it, though; for I have no notion of 
 trusting " Providence," as I did last time. The sun has 
 already got almost to his full strength, though the earth is of 
 course [only] beginning to collect its stock of caloric, and the 
 experience of last year assures me that the less I have of it 
 the better. ... I am most sincerely sorry to hear of Mr. 
 K[eble's] death.^ I suppose if there ever was anyone to whom 
 death was like going to bed, it would be Mr. K[eble]. I have 
 written lots of stuff since I have been out here, some of which 
 I must inflict on you on my return ; but none of it will do 
 to publish. When I look over anything long after I write 
 it, I see such jumps and discontinuities as make me despair 
 of ever being intelligible. How I wish to see you all again ! ' 
 
 Shortly after this letter was sent to post, Hurrell left 
 Barbados for good. No personal records of him exist there, 
 and all memories of him have faded away. His face was set 
 at last towards another island where his few remaining days 
 could be crammed full of intelligent toil, and played at 
 their full value. From Bristol, on May 17, he was able to 
 announce : ' Fratres desideratissimi ! here I am, benedictum sit 
 nomen Dei, and as well as could be expected. I will not 
 boast, and indeed, have nothing * to boast of, as my pulse is 
 still far from satisfactory. . . , 
 
 ' 'Someone' was of course quoting from the Vulgate, the Song of Solomon, 
 iv., II. 
 
 2 The Rev. John Keble, Sr., died on Jan. 24, 1835, aged 89. 
 
 ' Thus in the Newman Correspondence, ii., 94. In the Remains the reading is 
 'little to boast of.' 
 
174 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 ' When we asked our pilot " Who was Speaker ? " he did 
 not know ; but after much cross-examining he recollected that 
 he had heard it cried about the street that the old one was 
 turned out ; who " the other gentleman " was, he could not tell. 
 Our next informant was the Custom House officer, who 
 boarded over night, when we anchored, to see that nothing 
 was taken out of the ship. All he knew was that " there had 
 been a jabbering " about a change of Ministers.^ The "day is 
 as dull and gloomy as possible ; but after the torrid zone, any 
 English May day is " a sight for sair e'en." ... I hope to get 
 a sight of you soon. And now goodbye both ! also I[saac] 
 and R[ogers], and all that are within reach.' 
 
 This is Newman's narrative note, drawn, thirty years after, 
 from his own retentive memory : 
 
 ' R. H. F. made his appearance in Oxford on Tuesday, 
 May 1 8. On the morrow occurred the Convocation in the 
 Theatre, when the proposed innovation of a Declaration of 
 Conformity to the Church of England, instead of Subscription 
 to the Articles, was rejected by 459 to 57. It was the last 
 vote he gave. . . . He left Oxford, never to return, on June 4. 
 During this time Bowden was in Oxford ; and for the first and 
 last time saw R. H. F.' 
 
 Miss Anne Mozley, too, remembered in old age her only 
 sight of Hurrell Froude. 
 
 ' It happened to [me], passing the coach office, in company 
 with Mrs. Newman, to see Froude as he alighted from the 
 coach which brought him to Oxford, and was being greeted by 
 his friends. He was terribly thin, his countenance dark and 
 wasted, but with a brilliancy of expression and grace of outline 
 which justified all that his friends had said of him. He was 
 in the Theatre next day, entering into all the enthusiasm of 
 the scene, and shouting Non placet with all his friends about 
 him. While he lived at all, he must live his life.' 
 
 Frederic Rogers was of the company at Convocation who 
 
 1 Froude would not have heard of the famous contest for the Speakership on 
 Feb. 19, 1835, as he left the West Indies in March, or early April. James Aber- 
 cromby, Esq., of Edinburgh, obtained on that day a majority of ten over Sir Charles 
 Manners Sutton, who thereupon retired in chagrin from public life, and was created 
 Viscount Canterbury. 
 
Pi 
 o 
 fa 
 
 o 
 
 a" 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 175 
 
 protested against a local Repeal of the Test and Corpora- 
 tion Act. He had no very hopeful feelings about the much-wel- 
 comed immigrant, and wrote to his sister from Oriel 'on May 2 : 
 
 ' Wilson, Ryder, Wilberforce, Harding, spent several days 
 here, with a quantity of other contemporaries, and Hurrell 
 Froude arrived just in time from Barbados to cut into the 
 middle of it. It quite surprises me how little people change ! 
 All these gentry, married and single, were so exactly what 
 they always had been, that I could hardly believe I was not 
 a freshman again. The only painful thing was that I fear 
 Barbados has not done much for Froude. I was quite shocked 
 to see him, but I suppose I had been too sanguine ; his 
 wretched thinness struck me more than it had ever done. 
 They say, however, that no one ever gains flesh in the West 
 Indies, but that it tells when they come back : I most earnestly 
 trust it may be so. He talks of spending the winter at Rome 
 again, going straight there, and coming straight back. He 
 certainly cannot spend it in England. I cannot describe the 
 kind of sickness I felt in looking at him when just the first 
 meeting was over. I suppose it is a hopeful sign that his 
 spirits are just as high as they always were ; at least, were so 
 when he first came here: for I am afraid we must look for a 
 change in that, as Newman tells me he has heard to-day that 
 his sister who was so ill is given over. I have not seen him 
 since his hearing the news. However, I am getting mopish.' ^ 
 
 William Froude was still in Oxford also, having moved 
 into Hurrell's vacant rooms. Says the Rev. Thomas Mozley, 
 in his most entertaining book : ^ 
 
 ' William Froude gave his heart in with his brother's work 
 at Oriel, though his turn even then was for science. ... He 
 was the chemist, as well as the mechanist of the College. His 
 rooms on the floor over Newman's were easily distinguishable 
 ... by the stains of sulphuric acid (I think) extending from 
 the window-sills to the ground. The Provost must sometimes 
 have had to explain this appearance to his inquiring guests, as 
 they could not but observe it from his drawing-room window.' 
 
 1 Letters of Frederic Lord Blachford, edited by George Eden Marindin. London : 
 Murray, 1896, p. 24. 
 
 ' Reminiscences, ii., 14- 
 
176 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 With Hurrell and William, during these May days, was 
 Anthony Froude, a boy of seventeen, coming up to Oriel with 
 his private Tutor (with whom he was reading in the neighbour- 
 hood) in order to see his eldest brother. 
 
 ' When I went into residence at Oxford my brother was no 
 longer alive. He had been abroad almost entirely for three or 
 four years before his death ; and although the atmosphere at 
 home was full of the new opinions, and I heard startling things 
 from time to time on Transubstantiation and suchlike, he had 
 little to do with my direct education. I had read at my own 
 discretion in my father's library.' ^ 
 
 Anthony matriculated during the early December of this 
 very year, two months before Hurrell died. Perhaps not many 
 College rooms have known three such notable successive 
 occupiers of one family, each of strong idiosyncrasy, and alike 
 in nothing whatever but in personal charm. 
 
 The happy three weeks ended, Hurrell set out for Devon, 
 with Mr. Keble for companion part of the way. People who 
 had known him ' looked horribly black at me, at first,' until 
 they became ' accustomed to my grim visage,' he tells 
 Newman, five days later. Doubtless it was a harrowing thing 
 in the pastoral neighbourhood, this continual spectacle of 
 young faces at the Parsonage visibly withdrawing from the 
 summer air. And another indomitable dying Froude was 
 there, poor Phillis Spedding, the tradition of whose pathetic 
 beauty yet lingers about the Cumberland hillsides whither 
 she came as a bride. 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. Newman, Dartington, June ii, 1835. 
 
 ' Dulcissime, I got home Friday evening before dark very 
 comfortably. My poor sister is perfectly cheerful, and free 
 from pain, but daily declines in strength. Indeed, she is now 
 very visibly weakened since I first saw her. It is impossible 
 she should live many days. She is quite aware of her state, 
 and seems to be as composed, and almost [as] happy, as if she 
 was going to sleep. . . . There is something very indescribable 
 in the effect which old sights and smells produce in me here 
 
 ' ' The Oxford Counter-Reformation,' in S}u)rt Studies on Great Subjects, 4th 
 Series: 1883. 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 177 
 
 just now, after having missed them so long. Also, old 
 Dartington House, with its feudal appendages, calls up so 
 many Tory associations as almost to soften one's heart with 
 lamenting the course of events which is to re-erect the Church 
 by demolishing so much that is beautiful ! " rich men living 
 peaceably in their habitations." On my way from Oxford, 
 Keble talked a good deal about Church matters, and particu- 
 larly about the ancient Liturgies, and my analysis of Palmer,^ 
 which had put the facts to him in rather a new point of 
 view.' 
 
 And he reverts, in his animated vein, to the propaganda 
 never out of his thoughts, saying encouragingly to Newman : 
 
 ' I have heard from my sisters and the Champernownes of 
 the efficacy of your opuscula in leading captive silly women. 
 One very curious instance I heard the other day of an 
 exceedingly clever girl who for the last two or three years has 
 been occasionally laid up with a very painful illness, and 
 suffered severely. Nobody that she lives with can have acted 
 as channels for infecting her,^ as they are all either common- 
 place sensible people, or Evangelical, or lax. But she has got 
 it into her head that there is a new party springing up in the 
 Church, which she calls " the new men," and has been pumping 
 my sisters about you, and whether your notions are spreading, 
 etc. . . . They say she has been working the Dartmouth 
 Evangelicals with your Sermons, and made one of the parsons 
 knock under ! I have also heard of a learned lady (a very good 
 and sensible person, by-the-bye), poking away most industriously 
 at your Avians, and saying that her views had been much 
 cleared by it.' 
 
 Phillis Spedding did not long survive her return to 
 England. She died at Dartington three days after the date of 
 Hurrell's letter, on June 14, 1835, in her twenty-sixth year. 
 Her one little child, Edward Spedding, then aged eighteen 
 months, grew up only to attain his majority, and to be buried 
 in January, 1855, at Bassenthwaite, not with his mother. 
 
 'Tract 63, afterwards published, with additions, in the Remains, part i., ii., 
 
 383-423. 
 
 " (With dogma : not with disease I) -- 
 
 12 
 
178 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 Thomas Story Spedding, living on at the manor which he had 
 so romantically inherited, married again. 
 
 Meanwhile, in Littlemore, Mrs. Newman was about to lay 
 the corner-stone of her son's Early English chapel, with the 
 plans of which the architectural zeal of Mr. Thomas Mozley, the 
 Vicar's future brother-in-law, had much to do. The rumour 
 that Hurrell Froude had designed it got some currency ; and 
 there is a mirth-provoking growl on the subject in the pages 
 of that watchful worthy, the Rev. Peter Maurice of Yarnton, 
 Chaplain of New College,^ Upon the return of Newman and 
 Froude from Rome in 1833, he says, ' we soon found that the 
 malaria of the Pontine marshes, the nondescript fogs of the 
 fatherland of all heresy, began to develop their miasmata in a 
 new diagnosis. . . . That edifice [Littlemore Church] was con- 
 structed from outlines and plans sketched out for the architect 
 by an amateur friend of [Newman's] own : the Rev. R. H. 
 Froude. It was in a particular style of Church architecture 
 which they were plotting to introduce. It was, in fact, the 
 very first Church in modern times ^ that was ever consecrated 
 with a stone altar, a stone cross, and credentia.' 
 
 Hurrell, however, at this very time, 1835, was busying 
 himself with artistic needs nearer home. After his death. 
 Archdeacon Froude wrote to Newman in one of his letters, which 
 affectionately begged for a visit : ' I hear you have a splendid 
 Altar-table at Littlemore. That which dear Hurrell designed, 
 and had executed for my chancel, is now in its proper place.' 
 This was in December, 1836. Hurrell's Altar, practically 
 modelled on the High Altar of Cologne Cathedral, has always 
 been preserved as his gift at Dartington, and constantly used ; 
 it has undergone no alteration except that it had to be raised 
 for convenience, after Archdeacon Froude's death, as he was 
 short, and both his successors have been very tall men. It was 
 
 ^ The Ritualists, or Non-Natural Catholics. London : Shaw & Co., 2nd edition, 
 1867, p. 73. 
 
 ^ In the Church of England, he means. Catholic altars were, and are, always of 
 stone, the custom of stone altars having been ruled as obligatory at the Council of 
 Epaon, A.D. 517. Dr. Pusey's dismay will be remembered at the adverse decision 
 given on 31st January, 1845, against stone altar-slabs, as 'revived' in S. Sepulchre's 
 Church at Cambridge. (Liddon's Pusey, ii., 483.) 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 179 
 
 brought from the old Church to the new. Hurrell also changed 
 the place of the chancel-screen in the Church now destroyed, 
 moving it eastward, from the entrance to the choir, to enclose 
 the rail at the Altar-foot, so that none but communicants 
 passed beyond it : an irregular proceeding for an ecclesiologist. 
 But it seems clear that he meant by the action to emphasise 
 the sacredness of the Altar itself 
 
 He was ever on the move, physically and mentally, in 
 and about his father's parish. Neighbours and social equals 
 found it a bracing pleasure to see and hear him again, after 
 absence ; he had the greatest possible influence with them ; 
 those of his own age, fifty years later, and scattered all over 
 England, were still quoting him. He dearly loved children, 
 whom he met upon equal terms. Wherever there were 
 children, Hurrell was always testing their metal, while romping 
 with them. Would they run away from a comrade in danger ? 
 Would they throw blame on others ? Would they break pro- 
 mises ? He knew of what stuff every lamb of them was made, 
 and it has been quite impossible for any of these, either, to forget 
 him. This sweet solicitude, comeliest in one auquel une grdce 
 particuliere a riv^li le prix etla beaute de la virginiti sacerdotale} 
 played in and out among his graver cares. That, and the old 
 preoccupation with architecture, stood for his best diversions, 
 during his final year. It would appear that he also visited 
 London. The admirable critic of the Movement just quoted 
 lays some stress, in passing, on Hurrell's interview with Dr. 
 Wiseman ; he even surmises that it was caused by spiritual 
 anxieties of one sort or another.^ But he forgets that 
 Hurrell's intention then was to return to Rome, and to historical 
 work in the Vatican Library, and that, long before. Dr. 
 Wiseman had promised his aid and interest in obtaining for 
 him facilities for research. 
 
 The Gothic plotter (no more Gothic, Mr. T. Mozley thinks, 
 
 ' La Renaissance CathoUqtie en Angleterre, par Paul Thureau-Dangin de I'Academie 
 fran9aise. ire Partie. Paris : Plon, 1899, p. 160. 
 
 ' ' Que se fassa-i-il entre eux ? Wiseman ne ? a jamais rlvtU. ' Idem, p. 104. 
 M. Thureau-Dangin's treatment of Froude throughout is exquisite and just, though 
 he contrives to miss a point or two. 
 
180 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 than he should be), was employing his July of 1835 in outdoor 
 devices. He tried to allure Newman as far as Torbay. ' I am 
 sure the lark will do you good, and the money {£2, iSs.) will 
 not be grossly misspent.' To which his friend replies on 
 July 20 : "... I should like of all things to come and see you, 
 but can say nothing to the proposal at present, being very busy 
 here, and being, in point of finances, in a very unsatisfactory 
 state. I am at present at Dionysius and the Abb^, whom Oh ! 
 that I could despatch this vacation ! ' 
 
 This is the Abb^ Jager, the Rev. Benjamin Harrison's 
 Parisian friend, a lively, learned, and apparently provoking 
 controversialist, author of Le Protestantisme aux Prises avec la 
 Doctrine Catholique. Newman received his reply promptly from 
 Paignton, though he put off the visit. ' Prater desiderate^ 
 says Hurrell, ' speak not of finances, since all the people here 
 are ready to subscribe for you ; as for the Abb^, you can 
 work him here as well as anywhere. It is exquisitely pleasant 
 here : a hot sun with a fresh air is a luxury to which I have 
 long been a stranger. If you were to stay here a fortnight, 
 you might get on with your controversy, and be inspired for 
 the novel 1 I give out in all directions that you mean to write 
 it, and divulge the plot.' 
 
 Miss Mozley thus comments on this inciting of a new 
 literary activity in Newman. ' There is nothing in the papers 
 before [me] to show that any ground whatever, in fact, 
 existed for the novel Froude here talks of. In the Postscript to 
 Callista, the author speaks of being stopped at the fifth chapter 
 " from sheer inability to devise personages or incidents." Was 
 the attempt to express the feelings and mutual relations 
 of Christians and heathens in early Christian times already an 
 idea in the author's mind ? ' The intrinsic evidence is certainly 
 strong against the likelihood of Newman's earlier story, 
 Loss and Gain, or anything remotely resembling it in subject 
 or framework, being contemplated in 1835. Attentive readers 
 of that very Oxonian book will recall, incidentally, that 
 Devonshire becomes the home of the Redings, and may even, 
 without being too fantastic, detect some faint irregular 
 adumbration of Hurrell Froude, Froude deduced as Newman 
 would fain have him, in the phantom figure, so illusive and 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 181 
 
 attractive, of Willis.^ Perhaps ' the novel,' the plot of which 
 Froude was so pleased to divulge, waS but an original inspira- 
 tion of his own. He had long before formed a critical, if 
 rather despiteful interest in fiction, as the unwelcome supplanter 
 of poetry in a decadent age ; and perhaps he had invited 
 Newman to write a story as Newman had invited him to 
 dream of the Indian Bishopric : all ad majorem Dei gloriam. 
 At any rate, five weeks before, Froude had mentioned what is 
 apparently the same ' novel ' as his own affair, in a letter to 
 Newman printed in the Remains but not in the Newman 
 Correspondence. ' My ideas about the novel,' he says, ' are 
 but cloudy, as I have no books of reference to get details out 
 of. Would that the stars may let me return to Oxford before 
 long, to work at things,^ and rub up my intellects ! ' It would 
 be pleasant, were there any sure grounds for it, to associate 
 the profound spiritual passion, as Mr. R. H. Hutton calls it, 
 of Callista, with the emulating and holy friendship of John 
 Henry Newman and Hurrell Froude. 
 
 Newman had been bringing forward in print something 
 very dear to both : the monastic ideal. With his usual 
 scrupulousness, he had begun to fear that he was laying too 
 great a burden upon his well-wishers in leaving them to accept 
 and defend a thesis so inexpedient, because so hostile to the 
 spirit of the time ; and Hurrell strikes out against the expressed 
 misgiving before ending the letter of July 31 just quoted. 
 His father, as ever, was his standard of wise moderation. 
 
 ' ... As to your Monasticism articles in The British 
 Magazine^ my father read the offensive part in the June 
 
 ' Newman warns us in the Preface to Loss and Gain against actual identifications 
 of his scenes and characters; and the warning is just, because there is no warrant for 
 the identifications. But reading between the lines is particularly profitable with every 
 page of Newman's, dictated by an almost unexampled deliberation and sensitiveness. 
 Reding (for one instance out of many), quitting his beautifixl and beloved Oxford, goes 
 early in the morning to kiss the willows along the Water-walks good-bye. It is 
 almost impossible that the man who thinks such a thing should not also be the man 
 who has done it. 
 
 ^ 'Things,' one is left to infer, which depended more or lesson the proximity 
 of the Bodleian, and implied something in the way of historical fiction. 
 
 5 In vol. vii., 1835. The article for June, pp. 662-668, is Letter No. xii. in The 
 Church of the Fathers, and consists of a little essay on S. Augustine, with excerpts 
 from his treatises and private correspondence on the subject of the religious life. 
 
182 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 one, and could see nothing in it that any reasonable person 
 could object to ; and some persons I know have been struck 
 by them. I cannot see the harm of losing influence with 
 people when you can only retain it by sinking the points on 
 which you differ with them. Surely that would be Propter 
 vitain Vivendi, etc.? What is the good of influence except 
 to influence people?' To Mr. Keble, at the same time, 
 Froude expresses a generous envy of Newman's 'taking' 
 utterance (what Newman himself calls his ' mere rhetorical or 
 histrionic power '), and admits again the difficulty of winning 
 any such command over souls in England, with his own very 
 elliptical genius. ' I find myself so ignorant of the way to 
 get at people, that I never know what to assume and what to 
 prove ! ' Froude's straightforward case was Jeremy Taylor's 
 of old, of whom Chillingworth regretfully said : ' Hee wants 
 much of the ethickall part of a Discourser, and slights too much, 
 many times, the Arguments of those hee discourses with.' 
 
 Newman tells his dear sister Jemima, on August 9 : ' I 
 think I shall go down to Froude for ten days. I am very 
 unwilling to do it ; but it is so uncertain whether he will be 
 able to come to Oxford at all, that I think I ought to secure 
 seeing him before he goes abroad.' And again, to the absent 
 comrade, a fortnight after : ' I am sick of expecting a letter ; 
 for the last week I have every day made sure of one, and been 
 disappointed. I cannot help fearing you are not well. ... I 
 must (so be it !) come down to you before Vacation ends, to get 
 some light struck out by collision.' For Newman had been 
 trying to work out alone ' whether Tradition is ever considered 
 by the Fathers, in matters of faith, more than interpretative of 
 Scripture.' To Mr. Rogers, at the same time, he speaks of the 
 contemplated move. ' I have little to show, this Vacation, in 
 point of work done. The time seems to have slipped away in 
 a dream. Perhaps it would be as well to go down to Froude, 
 were it only to adjust my notions to his. Dear fellow ! long 
 as I have anticipated what I suppose must come, I feel quite 
 raw and unprepared. I suppose one ought to get as much as 
 one can from him, dum licet.' 
 
 Newman himself was again over-busied and ailing. No 
 reader can fail to notice the deepening tenderness of the 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 183 
 
 correspondence between the two during these last months, where 
 yet sportiveness and candour, and a certain mutual deference, 
 keep their old due order. Words go quickly and lightly, 
 without emphasis or strain, as if driven willingly on the rising 
 wind which is the eternal silence. 
 
 ' My dearest Newman,' opens the awaited missive of Sept. 
 3, ' I am afraid you will have been grumbling in your heart 
 at me, , . . But really, I am not to blame, as I have not put 
 pen to paper for a fortnight, except yesterday, when I began a 
 letter to you upside down. I cannot explain what has been the 
 matter with me ; but I am sure that the apothecary into whose 
 hands I fell made a fool of himself. ... As to our contro- 
 versies, you are now taking fresh ground, without owning, as 
 you ought, that on our first basis I dished you ! Of course, 
 if the Fathers maintain that " nothing not deducible from 
 Scripture ought to be insisted on as terms of communion," I 
 have nothing more to say. But again, if you allow Tradition 
 an interpretative authority, I cannot see what is gained. For 
 surely the doctrines of the Priesthood and the Eucharist 
 may be proved from Scripture interpreted by Tradition ; and 
 if so, what is to hinder our insisting on them as terms of 
 communion ? I don't mean, of course, that this will bear out 
 the Romanists (which is perhaps your only point?), but it 
 certainly would bear out our party in excommunicating 
 Protestants. . . . You lug in the Apostles' Creed, and talk 
 about expansions. What is the end of expansions ? Will not 
 the Romanists say that their whole system is an expansion of 
 the Holy Catholic Church and the Communion of Saints ? ' 
 
 Finally, on the i oth, arrives Newman's definite word : 
 ' I propose coming to you next week,' coupled with anxious 
 inquiries about his health. Hurrell replies at once : 
 
 ' We shall be ready for you whenever you come. Dr. 
 [Yonge] and a young doctor called Hinkson, who has paid 
 much attention to the stethoscope, examined my chest all 
 over; and they both told my father they never examined a 
 chest in which there was more complete freedom from bad 
 symptoms. Yet they say the disorder in my throat is 
 dangerous unless stopped. Dr. Yonge is decided that I am 
 not to go abroad this winter.' 
 
184 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 Newman reached Dartington on the 15 th, and was most 
 happy there, among scenes and faces ' loved long since,' for 
 nearly a month. Every one who has ever come across it 
 remembers the phrase in which he briefly sums up the end 
 of the visit : ' I left, and took my last farewell of R. H. F. on 
 Sunday, October 11, in the evening, sleeping at Exeter. 
 When I took leave of him his face lighted up, and almost 
 shone in the darkness, as if to say that in this world we were 
 parting for ever.' The angel, the ' beautiful young man 
 girded,' who knew well ' the way to the country of the Medes,' 
 had turned homewards, his mission over, and was to walk with 
 Tobit no more. 
 
 Travel was an unconscionably slow business then, especially 
 in the south-west. On the following Thursday Newman wrote 
 from Southampton to Mr. Rogers at Oriel : 
 
 ' I have just got here from Lyndhurst, and find the Oxford 
 coach full. Nothing therefore is left for me but to go up to 
 London, and try to get to Oxford in that way. Be so good as 
 to make my excuses to College for my non-appearance : it is the 
 first time, I believe, I ever was away any day of an Audit, 
 (except when abroad) since I have been Fellow. I trust I 
 shall be with you to-morrow. 
 
 ' Dear Froude is pretty well, but is languishing for want of 
 his Oxford contubernians. I trust I have been of use, in this 
 way, in stimulating his spirits. So strongly do I feel this, 
 from what I see and hear of him, that I mean almost to make 
 myself responsible for some intimate going down to him at 
 Christmas. He is allowed to read now, which is a great 
 comfort. I am to send him a lot of books. It is wonderful, 
 almost mysterious, that he should remain so long just afloat, 
 and as far as it is mysterious, it is hopeful. Really, it would 
 seem as if he were kept alive by the uplifted hands of Moses : 
 which is an encouragement to persevere [in prayer].' 
 
 The delayed traveller wrote to Hurrell the day after his 
 arrival at Oxford : 
 
 'St. Luke's Day, 1835. 
 
 ' I have been obliged to come round by London, and having 
 business there, I did not regret it. Rivington will publish a 
 
18351 HURRELL FROUDE 185 
 
 third volume [of Sermons] ; and please will you manage to get 
 for me your father's leave to dedicate it, in a few words, to 
 him ? Keble was married on the i oth, and told no one. 
 The College has but heard from him that he resigns his 
 Fellowship on that day, without a year of grace.^ I engage to 
 undertake and pledge myself to provide a visitor for you next 
 Christmas : Rogers, or [Tom] Mozley, or Williams. But if no 
 one comes, I shall come myself, which would be too great a 
 pleasure : for I cannot put into words, or rather I do not 
 realise to myself, how much the genius loci of Dartington 
 Parsonage draws. I could be very foolish did I allow myself! 
 All my own reminiscences of the place are sad, and I am 
 almost debarred from them ; and I seem to have no right, 
 alienigena, to intrude elsewhere.' 
 
 Newman adds his parenthesis long, long after. ' This 
 feeling is expressed in the verses I wrote on my first visit to 
 Dartington, in 1831: 
 
 ' There strayed awhile, amid the woods of Dart. 
 
 I have never seen Dartington since I saw Hurrell there.' ^ 
 He shared to the full, as we have seen, Hurrell's own passion 
 for the place, a place even yet, despite the profane railway along 
 the very bank of the Dart, of romance and peace; but he 
 held his dedicated heart aloof from it in 1 8 3 5 as in 1 8 3 1 , as 
 a passage in a letter to his elder sister shows : ' This country 
 [Devon], is certainly overpoweringly beautiful and enchanting, 
 except to those who are resolved not to be enchanted.' 
 
 To the Rev. J. H. Newman, Die Omnium Sanctorum, 1835. 
 
 ' Carissime : After all this delay I write without being able 
 to report progress ; — but don't be hard on me. For a long 
 time the weather has been so very bad as to confine me en- 
 tirely to the house, which has dullified me, partly by its 
 inherent dulness, and partly by making me rather worse, to 
 such a degree that, till the last two days, which have rather 
 revived me, I have been up to little more than thinking in my 
 
 ' The Statutes excluding married Fellows being still in force. 
 ''Years after this was written, late in the seventies, he must have passed near it, 
 going to visit his brother-in-law, the Rev. Thomas Mozley, at Plymtree. 
 
186 HURRELL FROUDE [i835 
 
 arm-chair, or listening to a novel. Yesterday I got a drive, 
 and to-day a ride, which I hope have done me good ; and if 
 I can go on so for a week, I shall be as well as when you 
 went, I have no doubt ; and in a diligent humour I am willing 
 to hope. . . . Don't be conceited if I tell you how much you 
 are missed here in many quarters. Now you are gone, I 
 clearly see that a step has been gained. Even I come in for 
 my share of the benefit, in finding myself partially extricated 
 from an unenviable position hitherto occupied by me : that of 
 a prophet in his own country. . . . 
 
 ' Before I finish this, I must enter another protest against 
 your cursing and swearing ^ [at the end of the first Via 
 Media] as you do. What good can it do ? — and I call it 
 uncharitable to an excess. How mistaken we may ourselves 
 be on many points that are only gradually opening on us ! 
 Surely you should reserve " blasphemous," " impious," etc., for 
 denial of the articles of the Faith.' 
 
 This latter passage is well known from its incorporation in 
 the Apologia. Again, Hurrell resumes on the 1 5th : 
 
 ' You will be in a rage with me when I tell you I have not 
 answered [Boone].^ If I was sure of being able to think and 
 write whenever I chose, I should not have hesitated for a 
 moment to promise the [article] in a week or two. But this 
 is far from my case; and I was in a particularly do-nothing 
 way, the day I got your letter. I don't know whether you 
 know the sensation of a pulse above 100° ? If you do, I think 
 you will admit it not to be favourable to mental exertion. So 
 you see I can't count on myself, or make promises, and wish 
 much I was not committed at all. As to the review of Blanco 
 White, it is an amusement to me, for which I am grateful to 
 you ; but being tied up about time, correcting the proofs, 
 etc., are my bothers. I may, indeed, be up to business-like 
 work soon, and I hope I shall ; but I am no prophet. So I 
 have almost a mind to tell Boone that I will let it stand over 
 till the next.' 
 
 Newman's instant reply was reassuring : 
 
 ^ I.e., haranguing against ' Romanism.' 
 
 ''James Shergold Boone, 1799-1859, an Oxonian, tlien editor of The British 
 Critic. 
 
1835] HURRELL FROUDE 187 
 
 ' . . . I shall write to Boone to-night to tell him that you 
 think you could not get the article done in time for January. 
 I will take it through the press, if you will trust me. Do 
 not fuss yourself, or think yourself pledged. . . . 
 
 ' Keble was thrown from his horse, and broke a small bone 
 in his shoulder, but is better. He will not be editor of the 
 Tracts, . . . 
 
 ' M. Bunsen has pronounced upon our views, gathered from 
 the Arians (!), with singular vehemence. He says that if we 
 succeed, we shall be introducing Popery without authority. 
 Protestantism without liberty, Catholicism without universality, 
 and Evangelism without spirituality. In the greater part of 
 which censure you doubtless agree ! ' 
 
 The all-but-dying invalid finished the long, able, dispassion- 
 ate review, entitled ' Mr. Blanco White : Heresy and Orthodoxy,' 
 for the printers. It appeared in time, in The British Critic for 
 January, 1836. It ends: 'We must now, however, leave our 
 argument imperfect, hoping very shortly to recur to it.' This 
 is the colophon from Hurrell Froude. It is diligent and 
 collected, and keeps the colours boldly flying after a fashion 
 wholly characteristic. The manuscripts went in sections to 
 Newman. 
 
 ' In the last five days I have written forty of the enclosed 
 sixty-three pages. If the humour lasts, I may do the rest in a 
 jiffy. I have spent a week with Dr. Yonge . . . [He] was not 
 satisfied with the elfect of steel, and changed it for I know not 
 what, three days ago; since when I am decidedly stronger. 
 But the Bishop of Llandaff"^ has warned us against confounding 
 succession with causation. If Rogers will bring my Breviary, 
 I shall be obliged. I shall be delighted if Mozley comes with 
 him. They will meet Wilson, though but for a day.' 
 
 The Breviary is the celebrated identical book, first studied 
 under Blanco White's direction, the history of which is briefly 
 given in the Apologia, and which is, to Dr. Abbott, so important 
 an agent in determining Newman's after-career. It may be 
 assumed that Mr. Rogers forgot to take it, that Christmastide, 
 to Dartington, as it was on the shelves of Hurrell's rooms at 
 Oriel when he died, and when Archdeacon Froude asked New- 
 
 ' Copleston. 
 
188 HURRELL FROUDE [1835 
 
 man to choose a keepsake there. It is still at the Oratory in 
 Edgbaston. 
 
 A long letter to Newman from the Rev. R. F. Wilson, on 
 Dec. 19, contained, incidentally, no very cheery news of their 
 friend, succumbing to consumption of the throat. 
 
 ' It was a great pleasure to me to meet poor Froude, though 
 he looks sadly, and without any abatement of those symptoms 
 which must make his friends most anxious about him, appears 
 weaker [by] a great deal than when he was in Oxford. To me, 
 he was a more interesting person than ever, because I find that 
 his peculiar way of thinking, and manner of expressing himself, 
 which I thought might only belong to him in health and strength, 
 continue just the same. I saw also Rogers there, for a day.' 
 
 Froude himself ' continues just the same,' on paper. He 
 was busily hoisting sail in the offing, and quite calm about 
 it. ' I don't know that it does one any harm,' he had written 
 eighteen months before, ' to have the impression brought 
 seriously before one that one is not to see out the changes 
 which seem to be at hand.' 
 
 He keeps on rallying Newman in his old animated strain, 
 on Dec. 21, winning the quick official contradiction: 'As to 
 our being out of joint here ! No, no ; we are doing well.' 
 
 ' By Rogers' account, things don't go exactly as they ought 
 at Oxford. Golius ^ has rebelled, he says ; and Ben Harrison ^ 
 has jibbed ; and the Theological meetings go flat ; and old 
 Mozley ^ won't work. Harpsfield is the writer on the Breviary 
 services whose name I could not remember. Rogers says that 
 Sancta Clara is rich. Wilson,* for your comfort, is much less 
 tender in the finger's end than he was last spring, though I 
 hear Keble does complain of his being rather soft. I very 
 much wish to hear of your putting into execution your plan of 
 a campaign in London, and enlarging the basis of operations. 
 
 'The Rev. Charles Portates Golightly, 1807-1885, M.A., Oriel: ICing of the 
 ' Peculiars.' 
 
 'The Rev. Benjamin Harrison, 1808-1887, M.A., Christchurch, afterwards 
 Archdeacon of Maidstone and Canon of Canterbury. 
 
 ' Probably Thomas Mozley, newly appointed Junior Treasurer of Oriel. 
 
 *The Rev. Robert Francis Wilson, M.A., Oriel, was appointed Mr. Keble's 
 Curate in 1835, and became his lifelong friend. 
 
1836] HURRELL FROUDE 189 
 
 ' - . . When you write, tell me if you think there was any 
 of the "nasty irony "^ you used to complain of? I tried to 
 avoid it. ... I am entirely confined to the house, which we 
 succeed in keeping very warm, though out-of-doors it is a sharp 
 windy frost.' 
 
 Frederic Rogers wrote to Newman from Dartington, 
 where, according to Newman's arrangement, he was spending 
 Christmas with Hurrell : 
 
 ' I am excessively amused at the alternations of treatment 
 Miss Froude is subject to from Hurrell and Mr. B[ogue].2 In 
 fact, I can hardly help being in a constant half-laughter when 
 anything is going on between Froude and his sister.' 
 
 ' Mary Froude,' adds Newman's annotating hand in or 
 about i860, 'was one of the sweetest girls I ever saw. She 
 was at this time engaged to Mr. B[ogue]. He used to come 
 with a great consciousness of his situation, much gravity, and 
 great reverence for her. Hurrell, on the other hand, treated 
 his sister, in a good-humoured way, as a little child, calling her 
 " Poll," and sending her about on messages, etc., to Mr. B[ogue's] 
 seeming scandal and distress. Mary Froude all the while 
 was the very picture of naturalness and simplicity, receiving 
 with equal readiness and equability the homage of the one, 
 and the playful rudeness of the other.' Mr. Bogue won his 
 bride only to lose her. Her strength had been greatly 
 impaired by her devoted attendance on her favourite brother ; 
 nor did she long outlive him. She was the youngest of 
 Archdeacon Froude's three daughters. The inscription over the 
 vault in the old beautiful churchyard next Dartington Hall, on 
 the slope of the hill, thus includes her name : 
 
 ' Also Mary Isabella Froude, wife of the Rev. Richard 
 Bogue, [who] died August 7, 1836, in her 22nd year.' 
 
 Shortly after the loss of his young wife, Mr. Bogue bought 
 the patronage of Denbury from the Duke of Bedford, and 
 enlarged the old Rectory House. He was Curate there for 
 a good while to Archdeacon Froude. 
 
 ' In the review of Blanco White's Observations on Heresy and Orthodoxy. 
 " The Rev. John Richard Bogue, a Cambridge graduate, then, or later, Curate of 
 Cornworthy, towards Dartmouth. 
 
190 HURRELL FROtJDE [i836 
 
 'The most important year in the history of the Oxford 
 Movement was the year 1836,'^ the Hampden year. The 
 great fight at Arques was coming on, with ' brave Crillon ' far 
 away. Newman duly wished a Happy New Year to Hurrell 
 at Dartington. Sadly welcome are such conventions, when 
 nothing less may be said, and nothing more can be said. He 
 sends divers comments, with a postscript : ' T. Mozley cannot 
 come to you. His brother is going to marry my younger 
 sister.' ^ There was the usual prompt answer, touching on the 
 testimonial to Wellington, then Chancellor of the University, as 
 ' abominable ' and doctrinaire ; and on the 1 6th Mr. Rogers 
 wrote from Bridehead, as he knew well that Newman would 
 be anxious for personal news, as soon as might be : 
 
 ' I have left Froude, who professes to remain much as he 
 has been, rather weaker than when you were with him, from 
 never being in the open air, but not worse than he has been 
 from the beginning of his confinement. I am afraid, too, he is 
 not quite in such good spirits as he used to be. You ought to 
 send Harrison down to him, to take lessons on the subject of 
 the Reformers ; for certainly he has a way of speaking which 
 carries conviction in a very extraordinary way, over and above 
 the arguments he uses. Did Froude tell you that some good 
 lady who has read you wonders how it is that you and Arnold 
 should have any difference between you, your sentiments and 
 general tone so perfectly agreeing ? (!) ' 
 
 As the young host at Dartington had always loved the 
 younger guest, it is natural to find the praises of the latter in 
 Froude's notes to Newman. Thus on Jan. 12: ' Rogers 
 leaves us on Thursday, having been the greatest of 
 acquisitions, in the eyes of everyone.' ' The greatest of 
 acquisitions' of course meant an acquisition to the Cause: 
 Mr. Rogers' own worth being properly valued, and that 
 valuation added as so much credit to local impressions of the 
 
 1 Life of Edward Bouverie Pmey, by Henry Parry Liddon, D.D., etc. London : 
 Longmans, 1893, i-. 359- 
 
 "John Mozley and Jemima Newman were married on April 28, 1836, Thomas 
 Mozley's first wife was Harriet Newman, married to him in September of the same 
 year. Not only the Mozleys of the Tractarian group, but two of the Wilberforces 
 (Samuel and Henry), and the two Kebles, married sisters. 
 
1836] HURUELL FROUDE 191 
 
 Movement. Hurrell had no merely social triumphs in mind. 
 He had paid Newman, as guest and passive proselytiser, the 
 same compliment. 
 
 Again : ' R[ogers] left us on [Thursday]. We had many 
 arguments and proses,^ in the former of which he was generally 
 victorious, but in the latter I think I may boast of having 
 succeeded. I do believe he hates the meagreness of Protestant- 
 ism as much as either of us.' 
 
 One who had never spared himself scrutiny and blame 
 could, without affectation, arraign his dying languor as ' selfish- 
 ness ' and ' idleness.' Poor Hurrell's capacity for work and 
 perseverance had always been on the heroic scale. ' These are 
 not times,' he had written in 1 8 3 1 , ' in which people who think 
 their own principles right have any business to be shilly- 
 shally . . . [but] times when it seems almost a sin to be jolly.' 
 Newman knew how to cheer on that astounding energy, 
 though with an aching heart. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, Jan. 7, 1836. 
 ' I am quite ashamed to think how long it is since I 
 got your last letter ; but illness makes one selfish, at least 
 mine does, and dislike of writing, or in fact of doing any- 
 thing, except trying to keep myself as comfortable as possible, 
 has become a ruling passion. Since autumn set in I have done 
 actually nothing except that review of B. White, which 
 N[ewman] committed me about in such a way that I could not 
 back out, and so was forced to go forward whether I would or 
 not. However, I hope to turn over a new leaf as the weather 
 mends, and indeed I begin to feel its reviving influence already. 
 It is now more than two months since I have been out of 
 doors, except in a close carriage, and for the last three weeks 
 I have not been out at all, but have lived in an artificial 
 summer at about the temperature of sixty-five degrees. . . . 
 I am also prohibited altogether from eating meat, poultry, etc., 
 or any animal food except fish, which, considering that milk 
 does not agree with me, makes my case rather a hard one. 
 
 ' A ■ prose,' in this pleasant sense, seems always, with Oxford men of that date, to 
 mean a disquisition in the nature of a monologue. 
 
192 HURRELL FROUDE [isse 
 
 On the whole, however, I am very comfortable, if it was not 
 for an occasional twinge of conscience at my total idleness, for 
 which I fear I really have no excuse, as I did not find myself 
 a bit worse when obliged for a week to work as hard as I could 
 for The British Critic. N[ewman] is now trying to hook me 
 in for something else in the same line, and though I doubt not 
 I shall be provoked with myself for having agreed to it, when 
 the time for delivering the MS. draws near, yet I really think 
 that the stimulus is a good thing for me. I am really very 
 much obliged to you for your compliments about Becket,^ for 
 they really are the only ones I get in any quarter.' 
 
 There was no longer the least hope for a patient who had 
 inherited consumption ; who had never taken care of himself ; 
 whom no change of climate had ever benefited ; whose long 
 austerities had done, no doubt, their share of the work. As it 
 was, he had entered his thirty-third year, outliving several of 
 his family. But the treatment to which he was subjected 
 seems radically wrong to those who glory in hygienic science 
 revolutionised since his day. The hot climate, the low diet, the 
 extra clothing while in England, the atrocious dumb-bell 
 exercise, instead of a gentle and uniform strengthening of 
 every muscle in the body, and last of all, the deprivation of 
 fresh air, his one possible alleviation, were so many superfluous 
 death-wounds in the fight. Mr. Keble, like Mr. Rogers and 
 Newman, deplored the shut windows at Dartington, re- 
 membering their friend's lifelong predilection for the open. 
 ' I am sorry to find they think it necessary to confine him so,' 
 he sighs to Newman. And then he adds, with a whipped-up 
 miscellaneous optimism : ' His being able to write is an ex- 
 cellent sign. What have you set him on now ? . . . Thank you 
 for sending me Wilson's letter : it shows him in a most amiable 
 light. You have all of you made much more than I meant 
 out of that little word of mine of his being " softish." I only 
 meant that he was not as disposed to hang all Whigs, Puritans, 
 
 ' Hurrell Froude's first instalments of the articles embracing translations of S. 
 Thomas d Becket's original letters (from the Vatican Archives and other original 
 sources) appeared in The British Magazine for November, 1832, ii., 233-242, and 
 had run on pretty regularly ever since. 
 
1836] HURRELL FROUDE 193 
 
 etc., as some might be ; but this we charitably attribute to the 
 bad company he has kept in London.' 
 
 From Oriel Hurrell had, every few days, a full journal of the 
 party's doings, interspersed with all manner of private and 
 autobiographical references. Newman, dining with a celebrated 
 Evangelical (Mr., afterwards Sir James Stephen), sketches in 
 the latter's instructive conversation. ' It is so hard to [repeat] 
 without seeming to bepraise myself; but since I am conscious 
 I have got all my best things from Keble and you, I feel, ever, 
 something of an awkward guilt when I am lauded for my dis- 
 coveries. He did not like my A nans, which, if I understood 
 him, jumped about from one subject to another, and was 
 hastily written, though thought out carefully. . . . He seemed 
 to treat with utter scorn the notion that we were favouring 
 Popery : this age of Mammon and this shrewd-minded nation 
 were in no danger of it. . . . Further, the most subtle enemy 
 which Christianity has ever had was Benthamism. Now he 
 thought our views had in them that which could grapple with 
 it. . . . He wanted from me a new philosophy. . . . Indeed, go 
 where I will, " the fields are ready for harvest," and none to 
 reap them. If I might choose my place in the Church, I 
 would, as far as I can see, be Master of the Temple. I am 
 sure, from what little I have seen of the young lawyers, I could 
 do something with them. You and Keble are the philosophers, 
 and I the rhetorician "... the fascinating miscellany of a letter 
 goes on. And another quickly follows, when the writer (who 
 had been named to Lord Melbourne as well as Keble) fears 
 that Keble will refuse the Divinity Professorship at Oxford if it 
 be proffered him, and flies to Froude as to one who can help 
 to prevent that calamity. ' I dread lest he should decline it. 
 I write to you, that if you agree with me, you may write to 
 him at once. For myself, I should go by your judgement, if 
 such a thing occurred to me. . . . Carissime, I think I may say 
 with a clear conscience I have no desire for it, and, had I my 
 choice, would decide that the offer should not be made to me, 
 I am too indolent, and like my own way too well, to wish it. 
 I should be entangled in routine business, which I abhor. I 
 should be obliged to economise,^ and play the humbug, in a way 
 • In the theological sense. 
 
 13 
 
194 HURRELL FROUDE [1836 
 
 I should detest, and I have no love for the nuisance of house 
 and furniture, adding up bills, settling accounts, hiring servants, 
 and getting up the price of butcher's meat. 1 have the 
 unpopularity, the fame, of being a party man, [with] the care 
 of Tracts and the engagements of agitation. I am more 
 useful as I am ; but Keble is a light too spiritual and subtle to 
 be seen unless put upon a candlestick.' There is a most 
 affectionate ending to his letter sent to the post on Candlemas 
 Day. ' Qapaei, <^i\ov rjTop, You could not but get weaker 
 this weather, so confined.' 
 
 Meanwhile Hurrell had written ' the last letter he wrote 
 to me, perhaps the last letter he wrote at all.' It is dated 
 Jan. 27, 1836; the flow of it, the wonted pace, is gallant as 
 usual, though it held both serious criticism and sad news. 
 ' You may perhaps have seen in the papers,' he says to 
 Newman, ' that my grandmother died, the 1 4th of this month. 
 She retained her faculties to the last, and seems to have 
 undergone the minimum of suffering which death requires. 
 She was within a month or two of eighty-nine.' This was his 
 father's mother, Phillis Hurrell. 
 
 ' It is very encouraging about the Oxford Tracts, but I 
 wish I could prevail on you, when the second edition comes 
 out, to cancel or materially alter several. The other day 
 accidentally put in my way the Tract on " The Apostolical 
 Succession in the English Church " ; and it really does seem 
 so very unfair, that I wonder you could, even in the extremity 
 of olKovofiia and ^evaKicrfiot; have consented to be a party to 
 it.^ The Patriarchate of Constantinople, as everyone knows, 
 was not one " from the first," but neighbouring Churches 
 voluntarily submitted to it, in the first instance, and then by 
 virtue of their oaths remained its ecclesiastical subjects ; and 
 the same argument by which you justify England and Ireland 
 would justify all those Churches in setting up any day for 
 themselves. The obvious meaning of the canon [of Ephesus] 
 is that Patriarchs might not begin to exercise authority in 
 Churches hitherto independent, without their consent. 
 
 ' William Palmer (Vigornensis, as he was locally called to distinguish him from his 
 namesake at Magdalen College), and Newman, in lesser measure, were responsible 
 for this Tract, numbered 15. 
 
1836] HURRELL FROUDE 195 
 
 ' Christie tells me you have had a letter from poor 
 Blanco White, pleased rather than otherwise with [my] 
 review,^ and mistaking it for yours, and sending you a copy of 
 the book. Poor fellow : I should much like to know in what 
 tone he wrote ; it must have been a painful thing answering 
 him. ... I don't gain flesh, in spite of all the milk. Indeed, 
 I suspect that in the last six weeks I have lost a good deal, 
 but the symptoms remain the same.' It is in this letter that 
 Froude arranges for the continued dedication of the accumu- 
 lated dues from his own Fellowship to the propagation of the 
 Cause dear to his heart. ' So spend away, my boy,' he calls 
 cheerfully to Newman, ' and make a great fuss, as if your money 
 flowed in from a variety of sources ! ' It was his valediction. 
 
 Archdeacon Froude, early in February, leaves a blank on 
 the last page of his communication to Newman, 'for your 
 regular correspondent to fill.' Then comes the ominous post- 
 script : ' Hurrell wishes me to say that he has nothing 
 particular to say just now, but that you shall hear from him in 
 three or four days. He has received your two letters. And 
 now (as he will not ask to see what I may write), I will tell 
 you in a few words that my fears for him have increased 
 considerably within the last week. There can be now no 
 doubt that he has been losing ground, that he is much thinner 
 than when Mr. Rogers left us, and as evidently weaker. . . . He 
 is generally cheerful, sleeps well, and takes a sufficient quantity 
 of food.' 
 
 Newman's thirty - fifth birthday came on February 2 1 , 
 and upon that day, absorbed as he now became in fight- 
 ing Hampdenism, he penned a loving letter of ' long, long 
 thoughts' to his favourite sister Jemima, betrothed to John 
 Mozley. ' Thank my Mother and Harriet for their congratula- 
 tions upon this day. They will be deserved, if God gives me 
 grace to fulfil the purposes for which He has led me on hither- 
 to in a wonderful way. I think I am conscious to myself that, 
 whatever are my faults, I wish to live and die to His glory ; to 
 surrender wholly to Him as His instrument, to whatever work, 
 and at whatever personal sacrifice, (though I cannot duly 
 
 1 During this month Blanco White had avowed himself a Unitarian, and quitted 
 Archbishop Whately's house in Dublin, 
 
196 HURRELL FROUDE [i836 
 
 realise my own words when I say so). He is teaching me, it 
 would seem, to depend on Him only ; for, as perhaps Rogers 
 told you, I am soon to lose dear Froude : which, looking 
 forward to the next twenty-five years of my life, and its 
 probable occupations, is the greatest loss I could have. I 
 shall be truly widowed; yet I hope to bear it lightly.' 
 
 At intervals of five days. Archdeacon Froude gave New- 
 man his melancholy bulletin. Nowhere is he more admirable 
 than in facing the impending loss of the son who had come to 
 be his pride and glory, and his bosom friend. Says the Rev. 
 Thomas Mozley : ' There was a sort of stoicism about Arch- 
 deacon Froude's character which sometimes surprised those 
 who had only seen him for a day or two, conversing, or 
 sketching, or sight-seeing. He once rather shocked his clergy 
 by delivering a Charge while a very dear daughter was lying 
 dead in his house : but there was a romantic conception of 
 duty in the act which affords some key to Richard Hurrell's 
 character.' 
 
 Feb. 1 8, 1836. 
 
 ' My dear Hurrell desires me to account to you for his long 
 silence, but ... I am sure you must have attributed it to 
 the real cause, and be prepared for a confirmation of the fears 
 I then expressed. . . . All hope of his recovery is gone ; but 
 we have the comfort of seeing him quite free from pain, and 
 in sure trust that the change will be a happy one whenever it 
 shall please God to take him. His thoughts continually turn 
 to Oxford, to yourself, and Mr. Keble ; but my heart is too 
 full to add more than his instructions to thank you for all you 
 have written to him, and to say how much he was interested 
 in Mr. Rogers' most amusing account of the late proceedings 
 in the University.' 
 
 Feb. 23, 1836. 
 
 ' Your friend is still alive. The morning after I wrote my 
 last, he awoke with a fluttering about the heart and a pulsation 
 at the wrist I could not count. Our apothecary thought he 
 could not live out the day ; but our doctor holds out no hope 
 of any change having taken place that should raise our expecta- 
 
1836] HURRELL FROUDE 197 
 
 tions beyond that of a short respite. As he continues free 
 from pain, or any very uncomfortable sensation except that of 
 extreme weakness ... I am thankful that he is permitted to 
 remain with us, even for a few days. On no account, my 
 dear Mr. Newman, would I have you come down : no good 
 could come of it. You shall hear again from me in a few 
 days ; sooner, if anything occurs that should call for an earlier 
 communication. Hurrell desires me to thank you, and also to 
 say that he is " sorry that he has given you any trouble about 
 those stupid accounts," to use his own words, and that he 
 " cannot scrape up ideas and strength enough " to write to 
 you himself. Should he, (contrary to all reasonable grounds 
 lor hope), get a little about again, do tell Mr. WilHams 
 [that] his paying us a short visit will give us great pleasure 
 indeed.' 
 
 Feb. 28, 1836. 
 
 ' My dear son died this day. Since my last he has been 
 gradually but quietly sinking. After a rather more than 
 usually restless night, he spoke of himself as being quite 
 comfortable this morning, and appeared to hear the Service 
 of the day, and a sermon, read to him with so much attention 
 that I did not think the sad event so near as it has been. 
 About two o'clock, as I was recommending him to take some 
 egg and wine, I observed a difficulty in his breathing. He 
 attempted to speak ; and then after a few slight struggles, his 
 sufferings were at an end.' 
 
 He was laid to rest on March 3, beside his mother, brother, 
 and sister, close to the Church porch. The burial service was 
 read by the Rev. Anthony Buller, a Devonian and an Oriel 
 man, an old friend who dearly loved him. Apparently neither 
 Newman nor Keble travelled down for the day to Dartington 
 Parsonage, though the former, at least, had arranged to do so 
 from London. But the Archdeacon's tidings were sent to 
 Oxford, and it was only on the morning of March i that 
 Newman learned of his loss. It quite overcame him. ' He 
 opened the letter in my room,' writes Thomas Mozley to his 
 sister, ' and could only put it into my hand, with no remark. 
 
198 HURRELL FROUDE ti836 
 
 He afterwards, Henry Wilberforce told me, lamented with 
 tears (not a common thing for him), that he could not [have 
 seen] Froude just to tell him how much he felt that he had 
 owed to him in the clearing and strengthening of his views.' 
 Keble, too, at the Hursley Altar, the Sunday after Hurrell's 
 home-going, which must have been his own iirst Sunday there as 
 Vicar, broke down completely, and for some minutes could not 
 go on. At Oriel (to overhear again the Rev. T. Mozley address- 
 ing his brother John) : ' Froude's death seems not a gloom, but 
 a calm sadness over the College. Newman showed me his 
 father's letter written the same day, perfectly quiet and manly, 
 making various arrangements, and telling Newman and his 
 [other] friends to make selections from Froude's scanty collec- 
 tion of books, to keep for his sake. I suppose Froude never 
 got a book or anything else, in his life, merely for the sake of 
 having it. His absolute indifference to possession was some- 
 thing marvellous. Did I ever tell you that for two years, at 
 least, he has given his Fellowship to Newman, to go towards 
 the Tracts ? Yet he was by no means careless about money 
 matters ; for he with great pains put the accounts of Junior 
 Treasurer (which I find troublesome enough even now), on an 
 entirely new and simpler plan, to the great convenience of his 
 successor. ... I dare say there is no one who has said more 
 severe and cutting things to me, yet the constant impression 
 Froude has always left on my mind is that of kindness and 
 sweetness^ This testimony, indeed, was general. 
 
 On March 2, Newman wrote to his old friend J. W. 
 Bowden, from Oxford : 
 
 ' Yesterday morning brought me the news of Froude's 
 death ; and if I could collect my thoughts at this moment, I 
 would say something to you about him ; but I scarcely can. 
 He has been so very dear to me, that it is an effort to me to 
 reflect on my own thoughts about him. I can never have a 
 greater loss, looking on for the whole of my life, for he was to 
 me, and he was likely to be ever, in the same degree of con- 
 tinual familiarity which I enjoyed with yourself in our under- 
 graduate days. ... It would have been a great satisfaction 
 to me had you known him. You once saw him, indeed ; but 
 it was when his health was gone, and when you could have no 
 
1836] HURRELL FROUDE 199 
 
 idea of him. It is very mysterious that anyone so remark- 
 ably and variously gifted, and with talents so fitted for these 
 times, should be removed. I never, on the whole, fell in with 
 so gifted a person. In variety and perfection of gifts I think 
 he far exceeded even Keble. For myself, I cannot describe 
 what I owe to him as regards the intellectual principles of 
 religion and morals. It is useless to go on to speak of him : 
 it has pleased God to take him, in mercy to him, but by a 
 very heavy visitation to all who were intimate with him. Yet 
 everything was so bright and beautiful ^ about him, that to 
 think of him must always be a comfort. The sad feeling I 
 have is that one cannot retain in one's memory all one wishes 
 to keep there ; and that as year passes after year, the image 
 of him will be fainter and fainter.' 
 
 The long-memoried man who uttered that was only too 
 conscious that he had no portrait of his departed friend. 
 
 On the 6th, turning aside from other things, Newman says, 
 in his thrilling undertone, to Keble : 
 
 ' . . . We have indeed had an irreparable loss ; but I have 
 for years expected it. I would fain be his heir. When I was 
 with him in October, I so wished to drink out his thoughts, 
 but found they would not flow except in orderly course, as all 
 God's gifts. It was an idea of Bowden's, the other day, that 
 as time goes on, and more and more Saints are gathered in, 
 fewer are needed on earth : the City of God has surer and 
 deeper foundations, day by day.' 
 
 Some thought of kindred wing crossed at the same time 
 the mind of Charlotte Keble at Hursley. ' I shall be very 
 glad,' she says, feelingly, to her sister-in-law Elizabeth on March 
 9, 'for poor Mr. Newman to have the comfort of John's being 
 in Oxford. He seems very much to need it ; and nobody, I 
 suppose, can so entirely sympathise with him, both in his 
 distress for the loss, and also in the views and opinions which 
 knit them all three together. I can't help thinking (at least, 
 one doesn't know), but that Mr. Froude may in some way or 
 
 ' By accident, the same adjectives had instinctively occurred in a postscript of 
 Harriett Newman's, written a month or two before. ' Who can refrain from tears at 
 the thought of that bright and beautiful Froude ? ' she writes. ' He is not expected 
 to last long.' 
 
200 HURRELL FROUDE [isse 
 
 other be of more service now than if he had been kept here 
 longer.' ^ 
 
 Perhaps no apology need be made for dwelling on the 
 impression left by Hurrell Froude on the minds of his comrades, 
 above all, on the mind of his best-loved comrade, after he had 
 passed away. This afterglow, this ' trailing cloud of glory,' 
 is biographic comment indeed. He had lived so detached a 
 life that it is pleasant to associate him, at the last, with the 
 schwdrmerei of much tender common human sorrow, with sor- 
 row sure of his own immortal continued interest in all that 
 he had worked for in England : for it helps to show him less 
 as an elf and a ' kinless loon,' than as the Saint-errant which, 
 through his thirty-two years, he was. 
 
 The heavy blow of his mother's unexpected death fell on 
 Newman in May. The association of this loss with the sharp 
 foregoing one, and the remembrance of Froude, whom he had 
 known and lived with so happily since they first became col- 
 leagues at Oriel, are palpable enough in the brave sigh of that 
 greatly religious soul, breathed in a letter to Harriett Newman, 
 dated June 21, 1836: 
 
 ' You have nothing to be uneasy at, so far as I am con- 
 cerned. Thank God, my spirits have not sunk, nor will they, 
 I trust. I have been full of work, and that keeps me gener- 
 ally free from dejection. If it ever comes, it is never of long 
 continuance, and is even not unwelcome. I am speaking of 
 dejection from solitude. I never feel so near Heaven as then. 
 Years ago, from 1822 to 1826, I used to be very much by 
 myself, and in anxieties of various kinds which were very 
 harassing. I then, on the whole, had no friend near me, no 
 one to whom I opened my mind fully, or who could sympathise 
 with me. I am but returning, at worst, to that state . . . and 
 after all, this life is very short, and it is a better thing to be 
 pursuing what seems God's Will than to be looking after one's 
 own comfort. I am learning more than hitherto to live in the 
 presence of the dead : this is a gain which strange faces cannot 
 take away.' 
 
 Less than a year later, a similar strain comes like a music 
 of triumph over sorrow in such a letter to Frederic Rogers, 
 
 ' Coleridge's Memoir of John Keble, p. 235. 
 
1836] HURRELL FROUDE 201 
 
 on the death of his sister, as none but Newman could 
 write : 
 
 ' This is only a fresh instance of what I suppose one must 
 make up one's mind to think, and what is consoling to think, 
 that those who are early taken away are the fittest to be taken, 
 and that it is a privilege so to be taken, and that they are in 
 their proper place when taken. Surely God would not separate 
 from us such, except it were best both for them and for us ; 
 and that those who are taken away are such as are most accept- 
 able to Him seems proved by what we see : for scarcely do 
 you hear of some especial instance of religious excellence, but 
 you have also cause of apprehension how long such a one is to 
 continue here. . . . We pray daily : "Thy Kingdom come": if we 
 understand our words, we mean it as a privilege to leave 
 the world, and we must not wonder that God grants the privi- 
 lege to some of those who pray for it, . . . pray for our 
 eventual re-gathering, but our dispersion in the interval. The 
 more we live in the world that is not seen, the more shall we 
 feel that the removal of friends into that unseen world is a 
 bringing them near to us, not a separation. Our Saviour's 
 going brought Him nearer, though invisibly, in the Spirit.' It 
 is all reticent and impersonal, but it rises, before his great 
 battle begins, from Newman's stricken lonely heart. ' Thou 
 doomed to die,' as he had said, long before, in his poem, ' David 
 and Jonathan ' : 
 
 'Thou doomed to die: he on us to impress 
 The portent of a blood-stained holiness.' 
 
 Last of all, come from his half-unwilling hand the lines well- 
 known to students of sacred verse. 
 
 ' Dearest ! he longs to speak, as I to know : 
 And yet we both refrain.' 
 
 What beauty is in that word ' refrain,' a filament of English 
 feeling kept between the quick and the dead 1 It occurs in a 
 little afterthought of a stanza, which was the only poetic 
 offering of Newman's pen to Hurrell Froude gone.^ Never was 
 there so imponderable an obituary ; nor ever any more 
 exquisitely in keeping. 
 
 ' ' Separation,' Lyra Apostolica, Beeching's edition, p. 17. See p. 331 of this book. 
 
202 HURRELL FROUDE [1836 
 
 For ' the rest ' was indeed ' silence.' A proposal for a 
 monument in S. Mary's at Oxford, affectionately brought 
 forward by Robert Wilberforce, as due to 'our incomparable 
 friend,' 'that invaluable friend,' somehow fell through. A 
 special paper for The British Magazine fell through too, neither 
 Newman nor Keble being able, in his first grief, to write it 
 to his own satisfaction. The only actual notice of Froude's 
 decease occurred in a bare alphabetical list printed in the 
 April number, 1836. 'Tributes of Respect' were usual in 
 the Magazine, but he had none. The Annual Biographer and 
 Obituary, published by the Longmans in 1837, does not include 
 him. Nor had he any epitaph, not even when Archdeacon 
 Froude died twenty-three years later, until Dartington Church 
 was taken down, being thought too remote from the village 
 population, in 1878, and the stones used in a re-erection close 
 to the highway below ; then the vault was railed in, where it 
 was left in the lonely grassy space, with only the ancient Hall, 
 the grey ivied tower, and the sun-dial for solemn neighbours, and 
 the name and dates of each of the Froude family were cut on 
 the plain slab. They are unaccompanied even by a text, or a 
 Christian symbol. And thus, in the abstention which was his 
 lifelong garment, Hurrell sleeps. On the hundredth anniversary 
 of his birth, March 25, 1903, a great garland of leaves and 
 simple Devon blossoms lay there, with a dedicatory good word 
 from his favourite Book of Daniel : ' O man greatly beloved ! 
 peace be unto thee: fear not; be strong, yea, be strong. . . . But 
 go thou thy way till the end be ; for thou shalt rest, and stand 
 in thy lot at the end of the days.' It cannot be for ever that 
 ' Froude of the Movement ' shall lack a less perishable memorial. 
 
 In 1836, the 'vanishing of such a spirit without sign' was 
 not to be endured. It was the most natural thing in the 
 world that all he had written should be gathered together, that 
 such a lover of books (as Leigh Hunt says somewhere, in one 
 of his happy literary retrospects), should himself become a book. 
 Hurrell became a singular book, as it happened, made up, 
 paradoxically, of matter never prepared by himself for publica- 
 tion ; and he and it were put forth as a party manifesto. It 
 may not be uninteresting to review the origin and character of 
 

 
 
 
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HURRELL FROUDE 203 
 
 The Remains of the late Reverend Richard Hurrell Froude, 
 M.A., Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, printed by the 
 Rivingtons in .1838 and 1839, and consisting of four volumes 
 octavo. The Editors, whose names do not appear upon the 
 title-page, were the Rev. John Keble and the Rev. John Henry 
 Newman. The latter is generally supposed to have done 
 most of the work; there are published letters of Keble's to 
 Sir John Coleridge, and of Newman's to Mr. Frederic Rogers, 
 which go to show that the idea of bringing out the Remains, 
 and the initiatory labour, including the first Preface, were 
 Newman's. But according to Coleridge's Memoir, Mr. Keble, 
 as collaborator, wrote by far the greater part of both Prefaces. 
 For the very beautiful second one he was certainly responsible.^ 
 
 Of Part I. of these Remains, Vol. i. is devoted to a Private 
 Journal ; Memoranda personal and philosophical ; Letters to 
 Friends ; one Latin and five English poems ; seven pages of 
 remembered miscellaneous sayings ; and a diary as Appendix. 
 The companion volume is devoted to Sermons complete and 
 fragmentary; three Essays on subjects connected with arts 
 and sciences, and three on subjects purely ecclesiastical. 
 Part II., Vol. i., has five papers and some fragments, none of 
 which are on secular themes ; and the final volume is given up 
 to the History of the Contest between Thomas a Becket, 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, and Henry II., drawn from original 
 documents and State Papers, left unfinished by Hurrell Froude, 
 and carried on and edited by the Rev. James Bowling Mozley. 
 
 The collecting of ' dearest Froude's papers ' had begun 
 before April, 1836 ; they were looked over at Hursley in July; 
 by September, Newman, otherwise busy as he was, writes that 
 he is getting on with the transcriptions, and that James Mozley 
 has been hard at work during the whole Vacation on S. 
 Thomas of Canterbury. Archdeacon Froude sends up his 
 auxiliary supplies in October, from Dartington Parsonage. 
 
 ' . . . I sent off a parcel to you, three days ago, by Henry 
 Champernowne : it contains the text of dear Hurrell's manu- 
 
 1 Cholderton (Thomas Mozley's Rectory), Oct. 3, 1839.— 'Keble's Preface to the 
 Remains [Part II.], which awaited me here, is very good, as far as I can judge ; but 
 somehow I want the faculty of judging anything of Keble's.'— /oA« Henry Newman, 
 Letters and Correspondence to 1845. Longmans, 1890, ii,, 213, 257. 
 
204 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 scripts. All your letters to him that I can find are also 
 enclosed. With the latter I must confess I have not parted 
 without regret. They are memorials of your affectionate friend- 
 ship with one whose image is ever before me, and to which I could 
 never turn without a delightful interest that I cannot describe. 
 His correspondence for many years with myself^ turns principally 
 on little passing incidents, or relates to matters of private 
 concern ; but it is of great value to me as a sort of journal 
 from early boyhood nearly to the time of our separation.' 
 
 Lyra Apostolica was issued in November, and several of the 
 critics had taken pains to single out ' j8's ' poems for special 
 commendation, even if at the expense of Keble and Newman : 
 certainly Samuel Wilberforce did so, in his asked-for review, 
 the tone of which was so disconcerting and unexpected to 
 the asker;^ and The Christian Observer had saluted Hurrell 
 as ' the most spiritual and least bigoted of the whole set.' 
 All this was encouraging to the projectors of the Remains, 
 who knew better than outsiders of how keen and high an 
 intellect, how holy an inspiration, their cause had been 
 deprived. Newman's notes, as the editing progressed, are 
 very sanguine. 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, June 30, 1837. 
 
 ' . . . I have transcribed [R. H. F.'s] Private Thoughts, and 
 am deeply impressed with their attractive character. They are 
 full of instruction and interest, as I think all will feel. I have 
 transcribed them for your imprimatur. If you say Yes, send 
 them to me ; I propose to go to press almost immediately. 
 These Thoughts present a remarkable instance of the 
 temptation to rationalism, self-speculation, etc., subdued. We 
 see his mind only breaking out into more original and beauti- 
 ful discoveries, from that very repression which, at first sight, 
 seemed likely to be the utter prohibition to exercise his special 
 powers. He used playfully to say that his " highest ambition 
 was to be a humdrum," and by relinquishing the prospect of 
 originality he has but become the more original.' 
 
 ' Lost. 
 
 ^ Newman. The anonymous review appeared in The Christian Observer for 
 July, 1837, pp. 460-479. The volume bears no number. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 205 
 
 On July S, Newman gives to Rogers categorical reasons 
 for his plan of publication. 
 
 'I. To show his . . . unaffectedness, playfulness, brilliancy, 
 which nothing else would show. His Letters approach to con- 
 versation, to show his delicate mode of implying, not expressing, 
 sacred thoughts ; his utter hatred of pretence and humbug. I 
 have much to say on the danger which I think at present 
 besets the Apostolical Movement of getting peculiar in externals, 
 i.e., formal, manneristic. Now Froude disdained all show of 
 religion. In losing him we have lost an important correction. 
 . . . His Letters are a second-best preventative. 
 
 ' 2. To make the work interesting, nothing takes so much 
 as these private things 
 
 ' 3. To show the history of the formation of his opinions. 
 Vaughan ^ was observing the other day that we never have the 
 history of men in the most interesting period of their life, from 
 eighteen to twenty-eight or thirty, while they are forming : 
 now this gives Froude's. 
 
 ' 4. To show how deliberately and dispassionately he formed 
 his opinions. They were not taken up as mere fancies : this 
 invests them with much consideration. Here his change from 
 Tory to Apostolical is curious. 
 
 ' 5. To show the interesting growth of his mind, how indo- 
 lence was overcome, etc. ; to show his love of mathematics, his 
 remarkable struggle against the lassitude of disease, his 
 working to the last. 
 
 ' 6. For the intrinsic merit of his remarks. 
 
 ' If you think the notion entertainable, I wish you could put 
 the MS. into the hands of some person who is a good judge, 
 yet more impartial than ourselves, in order to ascertain his im- 
 pression of it. . . . If you and the other agree in countenanc- 
 ing the notion, then send down the MS. to Keble, with 
 an enumeration of [my] reasons for publishing.' 
 
 To the Rev. John Keble, July 16, 1837. 
 ' . . . Williams has suggested the publication of extracts 
 from Hurrell's letters. I feared at first they would be too per- 
 
 1 Probably Henry Halford Vaughan of Christ Church, 1811-1885 ; the distinguished 
 =urist; elected Fellow of Oriel in 1835 ; afterwards Regius Professor of Modern History, 
 
206 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 sonal as regards others ; but then I began to think that if they 
 could be given, they would be next best to talking with him, 
 and would show him in a light otherwise unattainable. Then 
 there are so many clever things in those he sent me : the 
 first hints of principles which I and others have pursued, 
 and of which he ought to have the credit. Moreover, we 
 have often said the Movement, if anything comes of it, 
 must be enthusiastic. Now here is a man fitted above all 
 others to kindle enthusiasm. I have written to William 
 Froude about it, who caught at the idea, which he said had 
 already struck him. Considering the state of the University, 
 everything which can tell against Hampdenism^ will be a 
 gain.' 
 
 Newman continued sanguine. 
 
 To J. W. Bo WD EN, Esq., Hursley, Oct. 6, 1837. 
 ' = . . I am here for a week to consult with Keble about 
 Froude's papers, which are now in the press, and require a 
 good deal of attention. You will, I think, be deeply interested 
 in them. His father has put some into my hands of a most 
 private nature. They are quite new even to Keble, who 
 knew more about him than anyone. . . . All persons of 
 unhackneyed feelings and youthful minds must be taken 
 with them ; others will think them romantic, scrupulous, over- 
 refined, etc' 
 
 The ' papers of a most private nature ' dated chiefly from 
 Hurrell's twenty-third to his twenty-seventh year. ' They have 
 taught me,' Mr. Keble writes to that friend, his own earliest 
 biographer, whom they were to disturb and shock when once 
 in print, ' they have taught me things concerning him which I 
 never suspected myself, as to the degree of self-denial which he 
 was practising when I was most intimate with him. This 
 
 ' Renn Dickson Hampden, D.D., 1 793-1 868, received in October, 1836, his 
 famous (Dean Burgon's adjective was 'scandalous') appointment by Lord Melbourne 
 to the Regius Professorship of Divinity in the University of Oxford, against the vehe- 
 ment and prolonged opposition of both Low Church and High Church, to whom 
 ' Hampdenism ' meant nothing less than the negation of Christian doctrine and the 
 Catholic spirit. Hampden, if not ' Hampdenism,' was to be greatly crippled by the 
 Oxford Convocation of the following May. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 207 
 
 encourages me to think that there may be many such whom 
 one dreams not of.' 
 
 How Froude came to leave these secret manuscripts behind 
 him is not perfectly clear. Mr. Keble had advised burning them, 
 long before. During the months and even years when there 
 was natural opportunity for disposing of all his affairs, Froude 
 had abstained from destroying his papers. The only explana- 
 tion is that he was too completely indifferent, in all such matters, 
 to make a move of any sort. He belonged to a journal-keeping 
 age and a journal-keeping family : to write, and to dismiss the 
 writing from memory, were to him easy matters. Neither his 
 kind of memory, nor his degree of self-attentiveness, would have 
 helped him to produce an Apologia. His diaries, properly 
 speaking, have absolutely no egotism : he is merely dramatically 
 concentrated on R. H. F. as a moral ' dummy ' convenient for 
 observation and correction, and it was quite in keeping with 
 his habit that he should have taken no thought whatever of a 
 testamentary nature, towards the end. He could, of course, 
 have had no suspicion of the ultimate use to which his confes- 
 sions were soon to be put. Besides, he would harbour no fear 
 of depreciation, but would rather have desired that, even in 
 the grave. 
 
 On the fly-leaf of the finished book they placed a sweet 
 motto from the Adeste, sancta conjuges, the midnight hymn 
 appointed for the Office of the Commemoration of Holy 
 Women. It came from the Parisian Breviary, in which Froude 
 had delighted. Newman was editing the Hymns included in 
 it at this very time. 
 
 ' Se sub serenis vuliibus 
 Austera virtus occulit, 
 Timens videri, ne suum, 
 Duvi prodit, amittat decus.' 
 
 Isaac Williams' sensitive translation is a fit mate for the 
 
 Latin : 
 
 'Neath [a] look serene concealed, 
 Stern Virtue hid her shield, 
 Fearing to lose that Love, within, 
 Which half is lost by being seen.' 
 
 Such a motto, it might be urged, was both too personal 
 
208 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 and too deprecatory. The perfect posy for the venture would 
 have been, instead, a word of Felippo di Boni : 
 
 ' Son soldato 
 Ancor io : 
 Stringo una sfada 
 Che forte in pugno 
 Ed immortal mi sta, 
 Dio mi I ha data; 
 Equando morto io coda, 
 Fatta spirito mio, 
 Combatterh ! ' 
 
 The Editors felt, no doubt, that anything like this, for all 
 of its fitness, would have imported a note of unnecessary defi- 
 ance. To print the Remains at all was certainly war-cry 
 enough. 
 
 The first Part, comprising two volumes, appeared at mid- 
 winter, 1838. It was much talked of, as was inevitable, among 
 the interested friends and foes of the High Church party, and 
 it bred the most contrary impressions. Beyond the familiar 
 circle, Froude's comrades and their followers, what success 
 the book won was a frank succes de scandale. Its one tangible 
 result was to urge on Low Church zealots to build the Martyrs' 
 Memorial at Oxford. It was dedicated in 1841; and sub- 
 consciously, it was from plinth to finial what Mr. Keble called 
 it, ■ a public dissent from Froude.' ^ Love for Ridley, Latimer, 
 and the great Cranmer who, as F. Rogers once predicated, 
 ' burned well,' were less potent in raising that graceful land- 
 mark than heated disapprobation of Froude, Newman, and 
 Keble himself. Sic vos non vobis. Hurrell liked ironical 
 situations. Here was one to his hand. 
 
 The sale of the Remains was never great ; in fact, it was so 
 
 ' The Rev. R. C. Fillingham's wit, wasted on a winter Sunday morning in the 
 Pembroke Street Chapel, Oxford, may be worth hoarding up. ' The Martyrs died to 
 protest gainst the ridiculous doctrine of the Real Presence, and the man who preached 
 that doctrine from the pulpit was a traitor, and deserved to be drummed out of the 
 Church. (Applause). . . . The new religion of the Church of England was founded 
 in 1833 ... in order to save the endowments, and was really a pecuniary dodge. 
 The Martyrs' Memorial protested against it, and said this new thing was not the 
 religion of the true Church of England. The Memorial protested against dishonesty ; 
 it stood as a protest against shams, etc., etc' — The Oxford Times, Jan. 16, 1904. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 209 
 
 restricted that the publishers, about seven months after the 
 launching of the first Part, made considerable demur before 
 bringing the second Part out at all. No extra edition was called 
 for; the work has stood, ever since, among the out-of-print 
 rarities of London catalogues. Of the mass of writing which it 
 comprised, sacred or secular, there has been but a single paper 
 reprinted : the remarkable paper on State Interference in 
 Matters Spiritual, issued by Selwood in 1869, with a strongly- 
 corroborative Introduction from the pen of that good militant 
 shepherd, the Rev. William J. E. Bennett, Vicar of Frome. 
 
 On March 29, 1838, Newman wrote from Oxford to Keble, 
 on the subject then uppermost in their minds. 
 
 ' You must not be vexed to have a somewhat excited letter 
 from Edward Churton ^ on the subject of dear Hurrell's 
 Remains. I doubt not, too, you really will not be so. All 
 persons whose hearts have been with Cranmer and Jewel are 
 naturally pained ; and one must honour them for it. It is the 
 general opinion here that the Journal ought to have been pub- 
 lished, and is full of instruction. Yesterday morning I had the 
 following pleasant announcement from William Froude : " My 
 father is much pleased with Hurrell's book. He had been 
 rather alarmed by some comments made upon it in a letter 
 from Sir John Coleridge ; but the book itself has quite reassured 
 him. The Preface says exactly what one wished to have said." ' 
 
 If Archdeacon Froude felt satisfied, that would atone for 
 much. Mr. Rose's opinion was next in importance to the 
 Archdeacon's, to the Oriel men responsible for this particular 
 exercise of it. Fortunately, he was sufficiently favourable, 
 writing to Pusey from King's College on March 14, 1 8 3 8, to 
 ask for ' an account,' or ' a sketch ' of ' poor Froude's most 
 interesting Remains. I do not know to whom to give them 
 for review. For very few can understand or appreciate his 
 very peculiar excellences. A book so miscellaneous, touching 
 on so very many points is a very hard matter for a regular 
 reviewer.' ^ Apart from these graded expressions of private 
 
 ^ The Rev. Edward Churton, 1800-1874, Rector of Crayke, the Spanish scholar, 
 biographer of Joshua Watson. 
 
 ^ Lives of Twelve Good Men, by John William Burgon, B.D, late Dean of 
 Chichester. London : Murray, 1891, p. 129. 
 
 14 
 
210 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 sympathy, there was censure and even ridicule to bear ; and 
 self-earned troubles are proverbially not the sweetest. Violent 
 denunciations arose on all sides, and especially within the 
 bosom of an ungrateful Church. The Lady Margaret 
 Professor of Divinity fulminated from the very University 
 pulpit ; the Bishop of Ferns and Leighlin, the most persevering 
 ' charger ' of all, thundered against ' that very rash and 
 intemperate young man.' Even the House of Commons was, 
 on one occasion at least, disturbed by godly zeal exerted 
 against the book. To James Mozley, during July, Newman 
 wrote : ' You see Lord Morpeth ^ has been upon me in the 
 House, as editor of the Remains. Gladstone has defended me ; 
 Sir R[obert] Inglis the University.' ^ And Rogers sends his 
 vivacious message to Newman : ' What do you think of 
 Gladstone's exculpation of you ? And what of the face 
 Froude would have made at being quoted in the House of 
 Commons as "an accomplished gentleman" by Lord Morpeth ?' * 
 
 The Remains, quickly as it fell out of print, was a storm- 
 centre. Mr. Gladstone, concerned with defending the good 
 faith of the editor-in-chief, yet handled the oppugned work 
 with repeated regrets.* He has left it upon record, referring 
 to an earlier year, and echoing the adjectives of Bishop 
 O'Brien just quoted : ' My first impressions and emotions in 
 connection with [the Oxford Movement] were those of indigna- 
 tion at what I thought the rash intemperate censures pronounced 
 by Mr. Hurrell Froude upon the Reformers.' ^ Newman's 
 Correspondence ^ gives quite a roll-call of the Bishops, editors, 
 magazines, and private persons ' opening on us.' He adds : 
 ' I can fancy the old Duke sending down to ask the Heads of 
 Houses whether we cannot be silenced.' 
 
 Some who took the Remains to heart were more than 
 half sorry that it was published. The real reasons for that 
 measure had been in the Prefaces a little obscured, because 
 
 ' Afterwards seventh Earl of Carlisle. 
 ^ Correspondence, ii. ,255. 
 
 ' Letters of Frederic Lord Blackford, edited by George Eden Marindin. Murray, 
 1896, p. 50. 
 
 * Life of William Ewart Gladstone, by John Morley. Macmillan, 1903, i., 306. 
 
 " Idem, p. 161. 
 
 ' Remains, vol. ii., 229, 250, and elsewhere. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 211 
 
 largely taken for granted as obvious. So much is clear : the 
 need had been felt of issuing a book to serve as a dead friend's 
 only monument. But the moment one came to handle his 
 compositions, all warlike, all new, one foresaw the ethical risk 
 of putting them forward, without first educating a public to 
 read them. Mr. Wilson, representing his own earliest feeling, 
 and that of Mr. Keble his Vicar, sympathised, in the very 
 beginning, with Newman over ' the great difficulty and per- 
 plexity you must be in at present, as to what course to take. . . . 
 We cannot afford by any shock even to throw back into 
 their former upright posture of indifference or suspicion some 
 who are now leaning our way.' To publish poor Hurrell at 
 all turned out a large diplomatic matter. Confident that he 
 needed only to be known to be loved and trusted, Newman 
 resolved to make him intimately and unmistakably known, 
 and his opinions, in consequence, heeded as they deserved. 
 The Remains is almost the first among modern English books 
 to expose what is sacredly private : we are all used now, 
 whether with diminishing or undiminishing protest, to exhibi- 
 tions of the spiritual anatomy of humankind. The Editors' 
 challenge to an Erastian world seemed based on the belief that 
 their cause had bred its perfect flower in Froude, and that 
 only to show him as he was, with his mighty single-hearted 
 zest, his aspirations towards holiness, and his playful gentle- 
 ness, would be to show also the attaching loveliness of their 
 cause. They proceeded upon one or two syllogisms which 
 had no flaw, but also no application. For, plainly, Froude was 
 impossible to be understanded of the people, and the more he 
 himself was expounded the worse it was for the system which 
 he personified. An eminent critic led the way in dwelling, 
 not on the question so unmistakably thrust forward, of 
 Preemunire, but on Hurrell's confessed and repented glance 
 to see ' whether goose came on the table at dinner ! ' That 
 goose is well known to a number of contemporary persons 
 who have never owned a copy of the Remains, nor heard 
 what ascetic theology has to say of such a thing as concupis- 
 cence of the eyes. Hurrell, in a secret hour, had named the 
 goose only to his guardian angel, between whom and himself 
 the sense of humour could hardly come into play. Keble's 
 
212 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 humour, and Newman's likewise, were almost incomparably 
 keen : one knows not how these passages survived the proof- 
 reading. It was inevitable, however, that public attention 
 should fasten upon them with disrelish and horror. They 
 were unusual, they were not ' self-respecting ' ; they belonged to 
 types outgrown and superseded ; in short, they were fatally 
 'un-English,' to that most respectable year 1838. It was 
 bidden to admire a humility and disinterestedness in which it 
 could not believe. A completely non-sentimental religion was 
 a trying spectacle, even to the most religious among Early 
 Victorian readers. A young man ever accusing himself, a 
 young man waiving his own profit, and doing these monstrous 
 things by force of will and habit, all his life, was simply an 
 offence to common morals. Natural virtues are well enough : 
 truth, industry, ambition, family affection, are at least legal : 
 they are not a slap in the face to what is called a Christian 
 community. But a temper fed from hidden springs, and full 
 of austerity and detachment, must ever look to the mass of 
 men like an alien thing, the outcome of hypocrisy or sheer 
 foolishness. Nothing but an outward and visible career passed 
 in nursing the sick in hospitals can, to this day, redeem it. 
 
 ' The public,' says a sociologist,^ with charming scorn, 
 ' are acquainted with the nature of their own passions, and the 
 point of their own calamities ; can laugh at the weakness they 
 feel, and weep at the miseries they have experienced : but all 
 the sagacity they possess, be it how great soever, will not 
 enable them to judge of likeness to that which they have never 
 seen, nor to acknowledge principles on which they have never 
 reflected. Of a comedy or a drama, an epigram or a ballad, 
 they are judges from whom there is no appeal ; but not of 
 the representation of facts which they have never examined, 
 of beauty which they have never loved.' The good public 
 and anything which savours of the merely supernatural, the 
 good public and the Kingdom of Heaven, in short, are incon- 
 gruous. But it is only fair to them to quote, again, the word 
 of a far more practical observer, which had, from the first, a 
 bearing on those whom the writer calls ' the firebrands of the 
 Movement ' : ' I do not say the English are a people of good 
 
 • Mr, Ruskin. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 213 
 
 sense, but I say they abhor extremes, and always fly off from 
 those who carry things too far.' ^ They do indeed. But every 
 conclusion becomes an extreme, and a thing carried too far, 
 where they are concerned. 
 
 Froude had always trimmed his sails not so much to the 
 wind, as according to a theory of navigation. It follows that 
 ' the picture of a mind,' his mind, such as his friends wished to 
 exhibit it, was not a ' necessity to the times ' : in fact, it was 
 an intrusion upon them. It was in deadly hostility not only 
 to their low ideals, but to their ordinary characteristics and 
 best accepted spirit. Froude, or his unconscious influence, 
 was only too well organised to ' toss and gore several persons,' 
 and the self-satisfied Establishment which had honourably 
 reared them. An illustration of existing contraries may not 
 be far to seek. - Two good men of mark, born and dying in 
 the roomy Church of England, once expressed, each in his turn, 
 his feeling about his epitaph. Mr. Robert Southey was pleased 
 to say (with what his age considered perfect decorum, with 
 what our age must admit to be perfect truth) : ' I have this 
 conviction : that die when I may, my memory is one of those 
 which will " smell sweet, and blossom in the dust." ' He also 
 repeated the sentiment in verse. But the testamentary ideas 
 of Richard William Church ran in another mould : 
 
 ' Rex tremend(S majestatis. 
 Qui salvandos salvas gratis, 
 Salva me, Fans Pietatis I ' 
 
 It is safe to predicate that thinking persons who sympathise 
 with the one, revolt from the other. Now the cleavage be- 
 tween the dispositions which brought about these irreconcilable 
 expressions, is the cleavage in the national ideals. What is 
 so sure of blossoming in the dust, although professedly it lay 
 all stress upon the Vicarious Atonement, is Protestantism. 
 The belief in the necessity of the co-operative human will in 
 the scheme of Redemption, although it attain only to an 
 awestruck hope of the Almighty Mercy, is, well — not precisely 
 Protestantism ! Between the two moods there is no mutual 
 approach, still less, amalgamation : for between them is set 
 ' Rose to Pusey, in Burgon's Lives of Twelve Good Mat, p. 125. 
 
214 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 up the Sign to be contradicted. It is to be feared that 
 Hurrell Froude, had he known of an admired poet's intention 
 for ever to ' smell sweet,' could hardly have been restrained 
 from quoting his kinsman Hamlet's ' Pah ! ' Piety which of 
 malice prepense smells sweet, will like Hurrell Froude no 
 better now than it liked him in the Tractarian twilight. It 
 will be seen that Mr. Southey was not enthusiastic over the 
 Remains. 
 
 To put the Remains on the open market was too bold a 
 venture of faith, though they would have served their dialectic 
 purpose well, and found their own readily, even had they been 
 privately issued, even if edited with greater reserve. It was 
 quite natural that Froude should have passed posthumously 
 for a mere agitator given up to triviality and impudence. If it 
 were true that for him living, ' one constantly trembled, in 
 mixed society,' what can have possessed his Editors to think 
 that his anarchist voice (the voice, really, of a great construc- 
 tive critic) would be suffered in a four-volume monologue ? All 
 he was, all he thought, separated him by whole elements and 
 universes from the ordinary citizen. Accost between them 
 turned farcical in the act : ' as if a dog should try to make friends 
 with a fish ! ' His disqualifications for the final mission given 
 him were intellectual as well as moral. To name but two 
 among them, he was in love with the ' Dark ' Ages, the fountain- 
 head of hard logic and thorough craftsmanship, and still more 
 in love with the original document, at a period when historical 
 research was not only unfashionable, but inferentially abhorred ; 
 and his animus must needs have seemed ' Popish ' or worse, 
 when it but led him to handle as self-evident fallacies the 
 darling predilections of centuries of British basilolatry. 
 
 It would have been bad enough had his convictions been 
 expressed always in academic terms, such as he himself, 
 after all, did employ pretty constantly in addressing the 
 magazine public. But Hurrell's ' little language,' superadded 
 to his strong opinions, was too much for a day of buckramed 
 dignity. His verbal polity spared neither himself nor the 
 species, and it must have been appalling to others beside the 
 Holy Willies. Moreover, there was such gusto and emphasis 
 in all he said, that the effect was almost that, as it were, of 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 215 
 
 calling a spade a spade, with a plebeian ' swear-word ' before it. 
 Nobody else in that English generation, not even Welby 
 Pugin, dealt in so elastic a vernacular. But surely, private 
 letters may take what tone and pace they please? Why did 
 it not occur to everyone to allow, in extenuation of this too 
 lively fashion of ' sparks running to and fro among the reeds,' 
 that the Rev. Mr. Froude was young, and younger, moreover, 
 than his years ? The ideas of personal chronology then current 
 were illiberal. We know that men and women aged thirty 
 were looked upon as fairly venerable figures in the world of 
 our grandfathers, and were bound to have shed the last of the 
 pin-feathers of indiscretion. For purposes of general protest 
 against the common vanities of plumage, primitive attire 
 may with profit be retained : but it is likely to enrage the 
 barnyard. There is a good deal to be said for the speech 
 which suggests to us not Court dress, not even dressing-gown 
 and slippers, but overalls. It puts everything at once on a 
 workmanlike basis. A masterly critic has observed how 
 great a debt Newman owed to Hurrell Froude in the develop- 
 ment of his peerless ease and naturalness. To go further, 
 it may truly be said that one caught up the living accent of 
 the other. As a good latter instance, take Newman's famous 
 passage in the Apologia about ' seeing a ghost ' when the 
 point raised in an article on the Donatists first arrested him 
 in 1839. The echo is yet clearer in a contemporary letter. 
 ' It gave me the stomach-ache,' he says. Such sportive 
 phraseology sounds the majestic capacity of educated human 
 expression. But sportive phraseology had its disadvantages, 
 when it was sent forth broadcast to ' dictate to the clergy ot 
 this country,' or contribute towards ' the picture of a mind ' 
 known by the picturers to be chastened and grave. The 
 innumerable chapters of the Remains which were sober as a 
 monochrome were quite overborne, in popular estimation, even 
 where that estimation inclined to friendliness, by some few 
 prancing words or lines. The amice and cope of the stately 
 Muse of Theology symbolised nothing to the carpers who 
 believed that they had once caught a handmaid of hers in the 
 neat no-drapery of the corps de ballet. Indisposed to look 
 below the surface of Froude's puzzling temperament, they found 
 
216 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 only effrontery in his clear, terse, vivacious call, and only 
 dulness in his underlying mood, master of statement and defini- 
 tion, and of armoured synthesis. It was not altogether their 
 fault : because his slang, it may as well be admitted, consti- 
 tutes a defect of character. It was a conscious revolt against 
 all that goes to make up ' donnishness,' and in so far an 
 element of strength as well as of comedy ; but it was also the 
 makeshift of a man who contemned himself almost to the 
 point of eccentricity, and who often could not bear without a 
 mocking grimace, the serious utterance of his most serious 
 thought. Keble was full of fun, but Keble had no Hurrellisms, 
 no ' little language.' With the other, it is the note of a certain 
 spiritual unrest ; an impiety against his own nature which all 
 sensitive human nature resents in some degree : the jest, indeed, 
 of a philosopher who never lost courage, but who never found 
 joy. Self-valuation and its calmly pompous accents are 
 understood, and even commended, all over the intellectual 
 world. But this bitter mood, as of a Cabinet Council plus the 
 Court fool, is too strange and new. There are those now, as 
 there were then, whom it shocks and deters. 
 
 Closely allied with all this is the question of his so 
 unceremonious dealing with men and things. As we are 
 reminded by his Editors, most of it was impersonal enough, for 
 his mind was set on principles only. ' I allow hatred is an 
 imperfect state, but I think it is just young people that it 
 becomes ' : is a remark from his remembered talk. ' The 
 most difficult virtue to attain,' he went on, ' seems to me the 
 looking on wanton oppressors as mere machines, without feeling 
 any personal resentment.' This is akin to a curious axiom of 
 Hazlitt's, which would exonerate almost any cynic and sluggard, 
 that ' to think ill of mankind, and not to wish them ill, is 
 perhaps the highest genius and virtue.' Many adherents, 
 unblessed with imagination, of Froude's own party, might be 
 brought to bay by his Common Room pronouncement that 
 ' the cultivation of right principles has a tendency to make ' 
 men dull and stupid.' (His friend Thomas Mozley goes even 
 farther in the impious generalisation, and accuses Evangelical 
 goodness, ' mixed with poverty and a certain amount of literary 
 or religious ambition,' of producing ' an unpleasant effect on 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 217 
 
 the skin ! ') These endearments were, as was but just, not 
 confined by Froude to the elect. He was a hard hitter also 
 against individuals non-Jacobite and non- Apostolical ; he 
 made ninepins of living and dead, great and small. On this 
 faculty, however, he was very far from priding himself No 
 one could be more keenly aware of his sharp tongue than he. 
 Given events as he saw them, and his naked eye to transpierce 
 them, and his store of natural animation fostered in a home 
 atmosphere which was at all times highly charged with criticism, 
 and we have some explanation of his merciless proficiency in 
 adverbs and adjectives, applied impartially to the Bishop Jewels 
 of a past age, or the undergraduates of his own. From the 
 first, he had felt this smartness of speech to be his pitfall. 
 His journals are full of self-accusations, prayers, and resolutions 
 
 on the subject. ' To-day, when called on me, I was 
 
 forced to watch myself at every turn, for fear of saying some- 
 thing irreligious or uncharitable.' . . . ' I have again been 
 talking freely of people.' . . . ' Not to go out of my way to 
 say disrespectful things . . . not to say satirical things either 
 in people's presence or behind their backs, or to take pleasure 
 in exposing them when they seem absurd, or to answer them 
 ill-naturedly when they have said offensive things.' . . . ' I said 
 
 I thought an ass, when there was not the least occasion 
 
 for me to express my sentiments about him. And yet I, so 
 severe on the follies, and so bitter against the slightest injuries 
 I get from others, am now presenting myself before my great 
 Father to ask for mercy on my most foul sins, and forgive- 
 ness for my most incessant injuries. " How shall I be delivered 
 from the body of this death !"...! see nothing for it but not 
 to talk at all, and let myself be reckoned stupid and glumpy : 
 and this I will do. I must give up talking altogether except 
 where civility absolutely requires it. I am not to be trusted 
 with words.' 
 
 All this ' mortal moral strife ' dates from his earliest man- 
 hood. He certainly never relaxed the effort toward humble- 
 ness and mental correction ; though a superficial reader might 
 question whether he had, at the end, succeeded in attain- 
 ing any appreciable measure of either. But it is worth while 
 to remember here that his whole effort would be not to let 
 
218 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 his friends at Oxford become aware of his victory, if he gained 
 it. Sooner than face human approval in these matters, he 
 would say, every day in the week, that he ' thought — — an 
 ass,' if only to keep up appearances. 
 
 Again, and apart from the amenities, the Remains are not 
 edited in a way to conciliate the unwilling. In one depart- 
 ment, they are provokingly presented with raggedly-pieced 
 phrases, names suppressed, and divers eliminations, almost 
 enough to kill interest; in another, they commit to the 
 general scrutiny amorphous themes, repetitions, the mere 
 crude bones of theory, fragments never shaped for the press. 
 Never was it truer, of any book or of any man, that 
 
 ' — you must love him ere to you 
 He will seem worthy of your love.' 
 
 The just apprehension of such an one is never discoverable 
 from what he may write. To be told that here was an Oxford 
 Fellow of genius and culture, and to be shown, in proof of it, 
 no professional arts whatever, but a stripped argument, and 
 ' the rigour of the game,' flying personalities, tonic common- 
 places, buried first principles, — this was somewhat disconcert- 
 ing. Those who knew Hurrell Froude would take pride in 
 the Spartan simplicity of his every page, where sincere words 
 are welded with sincere thought. Those who knew him not 
 might turn away from that as from downright incapacity. 
 
 Of Keats, in his marvellous development, Mr. Lowell beauti- 
 fully says : ' He knew that what he had to do had to be done 
 quickly.' So, in a contrasted fashion, with Hurrell Froude, 
 intent not upon his own artistic perfection, but upon the 
 leavening of the national mind. Graces were just what he 
 could best afford to neglect in that too hurried working-hour. 
 He had begun to die at eight-and-twenty, and he was to 
 die unconsummated ; therefore speech compacted and anti- 
 cipative became his sole concern. He is not light reading. 
 His typical sentences, apart from his many paradoxes, move 
 like the Latin axioms which break the heads of un- 
 willing schoolboys in walnut-time. A skeleton style, it must 
 be confessed, has its disqualifications as a miscellaneous 
 entertainer. Anything more unlike the golden, glowing, 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 219 
 
 misleading glide of the language of another Froude with whom 
 this generation is more familiar, can hardly be imagined. 
 Yet it was Hurrell who was the poet. It was Hurrell who, 
 according to all evidence, communicated in even higher degree 
 the extraordinary fascinations of that fascinating family. 
 It is not the least lovely of his attributes that he sacrificed 
 the literary possibilities of a born historian, as he sacrificed 
 everything else, to his holy master-passion, and" carried his 
 genius for reigning into a hidden door-keeping of the House 
 of God. 
 
 The novelty and unexpectedness inseparable from his 
 original mind appear in print only as by innuendo, and in 
 the conduct of some coherent train of thought. Slyly quiet 
 can be the manner in which he understates, and negatively 
 proceeds through harmless analogies, until, of a sudden, 
 readers find with surprise, and cannot shake off, that ' sting 
 in their bosoms ' which is referred to in a piercingly apposite 
 phrase, itself of classic origin, of the second Preface (1839) of 
 the Remains. All his papers, at least, of whatever nature, 
 display his faculty, which was like a scout's or frontiersman's, 
 of discovering, breaking, and defending border ground. They 
 are remarkable chiefly for their practical far-seeing sagacity. 
 Written over seventy years ago by a mere unconscious young 
 prophet with no conceit of himself, they have an amazing 
 modernity. The keen prescience of the few random secular 
 essays is, however, intensified in the other essays on religious 
 subjects. They ' look before and after.' They have not 
 begun to seem out-of-date, nor to label their author as fit only 
 for the never-dusted top shelf In a day when views of 
 Inspiration and Revelation are no longer Butler's or Paley's ; 
 when new keys are tried, and new tools taken up, and in the 
 ancient workshops men live and die to a different and far 
 more perplexing spheric music, such staying power, in- 
 dependent of any encouragement of it, is sufficiently remark- 
 able. It gives Hurrell Froude an illustrative importance. 
 His very catchwords have a diverting contemporaneousness; 
 witness his uses of ' Protestant ' as applied by him to the 
 unloved majority in his Church. The stuff of his intellectual 
 daily life is never altogether the timid, domestic, and amateurish 
 
220 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 thing which Anglicanism must be, even at its best. In Froude 
 himself there is nothing very cognate to the long development 
 of European Christian thought ; but at least he is no slave 
 of conventions, and from that tendency towards shrinkage and 
 encrustation which makes ' every Englishman an island ' he is 
 always shaking himself free, by a half-unconscious gesture. 
 It is this good chronic revolt, this heroic reaching-forth, which 
 lends to him, in his incompleteness, a sporadic air of greatness. 
 In the spirit, as in the flesh, he was the traveller of the party. 
 His written pages are not, like Newman's, literature for ever. 
 Their worth is that they show, with loyal plainness, not only 
 Froude's dedicated interests, but the weight and depth of his 
 selfless intelligence ; his bold adventurings and outridings ; 
 his habit of looking unflattering deductions in the face; his 
 preoccupation with framework and foundation, and with them 
 exclusively ; his instinct for the essential, for major issues, for 
 one or two premises which matter most, on subjects of faith, 
 and for the events of real significance in the history of 
 England which bear upon the Church. This instinct, in him, 
 was spontaneous and uncompanioned. In the whole field of 
 dogma, he first, of the seeking Wise Men of that generation, 
 was drawn towards the ' Eucharistic doctrine with its huge 
 wealth of meaning, its promises of light, its complicated 
 connection with the body of revealed truth, to a great extent 
 unexplored, a mine of treasures hardly touched ' ; ^ in the whole 
 field of ecclesiastical discipline, he alone fastened upon the 
 principle of freedom as the divine prerogative of the Church. 
 He inspired another to write of Hildebrand ; he himself 
 wrote of the great Becket who was honoured, we know, by 
 Henry VIII. with a hatred highly intelligent and quaintly con- 
 temporary; he notes more than once how Henry VIII.'s 
 tyrannising work, yet active, was in many respects the very 
 work attempted by Henry II., against whose ideals S. Thomas 
 of Canterbury flung his influence and his life. On these 
 topics of incalculable importance, Froude laid his pausing 
 finger. He never occupied himself for one moment with 
 accidents and incidentals. Yet it has been said : ' The Move- 
 
 ^ ' A More Excellent Way, ' in The Faith of the Millions. First Series. By George 
 Tyrrell, S. J. Longmans, 1901, p. 5. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 221 
 
 ment brought into action not a few who, like Mr. Richard 
 Hurrell Froude, could never advance beyond the impertinent 
 minutiae and the ecclesiastical fopperies which became the 
 badges of their fraternity.'^ It has been said. Let it pass 
 for ' funny tormenting.' 
 
 Coleridge remarked, in summing up his old friend Charles 
 Lamb,2 that he had more totality and universality of character 
 than any man he had ever known. In some such terms must 
 be couched the eulogy of Hurrell Froude. He is all of a 
 piece. ' From his very birth,' as his mother put it, ' his 
 temperament has been peculiar.' He knew his mind, and 
 went his way. He, at least, did not 
 
 ' — half-live a hundred different lives. ' 
 
 He paid for such concentration of purpose with long oblivion. 
 Biography, a purblind creature,"took him at his own valuation, 
 as we have seen, and gathered him not to her bosom. The 
 history of all the other Tractarians was written, the history 
 of the men who lived very long, long enough to see as 
 Cardinal Manning once said, the polarity of England changed, 
 when the one among them who died young was given his 
 chance. Until Dean Church, abetted by Lord Blachford, 
 made his worth plain, in the beautiful subduing art of a book 
 where all is charity and serene wisdom, Froude had inhabited 
 shadow-land, and was less than the phantom of his brother's 
 brother. Eventually no mystic, but a wide-awake, matter-of- 
 fact person, he yet had always a sort of seal upon him of the 
 objective, the remote, the unearthly. Now that he has his 
 station and we have our perspective, these qualities increase 
 rather than diminish. The enfranchised vision of him now 
 is his inner self, more like a harper than a trumpeter. We 
 seem to see the thin tender face ' shine ' out of night air, as 
 it shone at parting on his friend at Dartington, fifty-four years 
 before it smiled again at him out of the Light. Time is the 
 only crystal which gives us the souls of men and things. 
 
 1 Sir James Stephen, 'The Evangelical Succession,' in Essays in Ecclesiastical 
 Biography. London: Longmans, i860, 4th edition, i., 462. 
 
 ' Quoted in The Monthly Repository for 1835, discovered and reproduced in Mr. 
 Bertram Dobell's Sidelights on Charles Lamb, 1903, p. 325. 
 
222 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Whatever looks like idealisation there must be the literal 
 truth. 
 
 Hurrell Froude's poet-friend Williams calls him 
 
 'Like to himself alone, and no one else.' 
 
 But he is unique without being isolated. His habitual mood 
 was a country of far distances, not unlike his own Devon, 
 where the rote is audible from a stern coast, and the 
 desolate tors stand up abrupt and sharp against the white 
 February horizon : a country which gets, in due season, its 
 own merriment of interlying verdure, and builds a most 
 delicate overhanging opal sky. There is in him, though 
 unexpressed, a wholeness and relativity as of this landscape. 
 His saliency and roguery, his affection, his wistful oddity, 
 his extraordinary intensity of life, the endearing charm which 
 has served to keep his memory bright as racing sea-fire, 
 only remind us the more how fully he belongs to the issues 
 to which he gave himself of old. The temptation to think 
 him a good deal like the sworded poets of the Civil Wars, 
 with their scarcely exerted aptitudes for the fine arts, whose 
 names leave a sort of star-dust along the pages of the 
 anthologies, need not blind us to his severer aspect : he is 
 also a good deal like the more militant among the Saints. 
 His first Editors thought so, and say so in that most fragrant 
 and touching Preface of theirs to his volumes printed in 1839. 
 He was wing and talon to them and to their holy hope. 
 ' Froude of the Movement ' : he is that, first and last. Great 
 as is to the mere humanist eye his individual interest, he 
 cannot fairly be separated for a moment from the ideal to 
 which all that was in him belonged ; to which he belongs in 
 its present and its yet unrevealed phases ; to which he will 
 belong when, as the very vindication of his foregone career, 
 helping to breathe into successive generations the spirit of 
 cleansing scrutiny and renewing faith, Catholicism shall 
 triumph in England. 
 
 With that thought, we come suddenly out, as through a 
 black mountain-pass, into a quiet-coloured vista rolling between 
 us and the dawn. It is only too possible, in the beclouded 
 state of fallen man, to mistake some stage of a vast progress 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 223 
 
 for a disconnected trivial episode. But who are they so 
 unblest as to do it in this instance? Chiefly those enemies 
 who belong to the household. It was a convert squire of 
 Leicestershire, the friend of Montalembert, who in the bold- 
 ness of sanguine charity welcomed the very first Tracts as 
 nothing less than a pledge, given as it were in sleep, of ' the 
 return of the Church [of England] to Catholic Unity and the 
 See of Peter ' ; ^ ahd it was an Oxford Dean, long after, who 
 denied any orthodox future or any legitimate past to the 
 Ritualists of his day, refusing to connect them or their great 
 popularising leaven with the theoretic fathers that begat them. 
 There is little morality in this preference for reducing everything 
 to scraps and segments. Tho'se who dare search for processes 
 rather than for dead issues may at least be respected. To 
 them, in an hour of all Latin degeneracy, the old sap of the 
 strongest of the northern races laughs in a stock long barren 
 but sound. Great outlooks call for great patience, lest they 
 strain the sight ; and so with a spiritual event, believed-in, and 
 hardly descried. The lens of controversy will never bring it 
 nearer ; only constant prayer, like an eye purged and made new, 
 can peer forward, and rest on the horizon-brink. If Catholi- 
 cism indeed triumph in England, Hurrell Froude's cannot 
 ultimately remain a hidden and homeless name. Is it not 
 undeniable that he is to his own communion to-day, exactly 
 what he was long ago, a Hard Saying? Who have fought 
 shy of him, who have even belittled, hushed, buried him, if not 
 they ? Has a single one of the vital questions which his restless 
 agitation opened, been settled by the exerted authority of the 
 corporate Church of England? In her immense miraculous 
 increase of ' Catholic-mindedness,' who has gone beyond this 
 wild, pathetic, precursive child in groping towards the fulness of 
 Revealed Truth, yet groping in the dark? He loved reality, 
 and entity : they were there next his hand, and he felt them 
 not. He seems never to have surmised the existence beside 
 
 '^ Life and Letters of Ambrose Phillipps de Lisle, i., 199. Compare the Rev. 
 Spencer Jones' remarkable article, 'Who Makes the Division?' in The Lamp 
 for April or May, 1904. 'The terminus ad quern of the Oxford Movement, by 
 logical and divine necessity, seems to us to be the return of the Anglican Church 
 to the supreme authority of the Holy See. To it we must come, if we desire to 
 possess a sanctuary once more.' 
 
224 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 him of the down-trodden Ecclesia Anglicana of Continental 
 sympathy, which in his brief day timidly lifted up her long- 
 shrouded penal head. But she, on her part, saw him recon- 
 struct, as in a worshipping dream, her every lineament. It 
 was a remark of Mr. Bernard Smith's ^ which impressed Dr. 
 Wiseman, that ' my friends at Oxford all think and speak of 
 Catholic practices and institutions as past or possible, not as 
 things actually existing and acting.' That remark would not 
 need to be made now, when a people who owe nothing to their 
 Tudor organisers have won back by the power of what Sir 
 Thomas Browne calls ' reminiscential evocation,' so much of 
 the spirit of the religion which is their heritage. But when it 
 was made, the remark was curiously accurate. Even Froude, 
 in his Becket, cites the never-suspended usage of religious 
 houses in having books read aloud in the refectory, as an 
 English custom of ' those times.' As in trifles, so in graver 
 matters : Froude, and the contemporaries never quite abreast 
 of him, knew nothing of the continuity of family habit in the 
 historic Church. Newman tells us that while he was in Italy, 
 (and it can hardly have been otherwise with his friend,) he did 
 not guess at the significance of the burning sanctuary lamps 
 in Churches. ' Radiantly sure of his position,' as Canon Scott 
 Holland says, Froude was indeed ; he had no personal mis- 
 givings ; his good faith was intact. Yet even he feared for his 
 ' Branch ' ; ^ and he laid stress upon something in himself higher 
 than loyalty. If certain reforms did not follow, he would set 
 up for a ' separatist.' ^ He did not live long enough to make 
 his choice ; but those reforms have not followed. It stands for 
 little that some of his nearest relatives, and especially the one 
 friend whom he had most breathed upon, were constrained to 
 go the ' separatist ' way ; it stands for something more that to a 
 group of able observers of various creeds, he himself has seemed 
 a moving aurora, and not a fixed star of the Anglican heaven. 
 The speculation whether or no Froude would have been ' out 
 
 ^ Canon Smith, Rector of S. Peter's Catholic Church at Marlow, once the 
 Anghcan Rector of Leadenham, died, aged 89, on October 24, 1903, while the 
 first sheets of this book were passing through the press. 
 
 ^ It is the saying of a contemporary wit : ' Did you ever see a clever Anglican who 
 did not worry over his Church ? and did you ever see a clever Roman who did ? ' 
 
 ' See p. 148. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 225 
 
 in the '45' has no lasting pertinence; but it has its illicit 
 unavoidable interest., No one who studies him tries to blink 
 it. Some among the distinguished High Churchmen who 
 have written of him are practically unanimous in the convic- 
 tion that longer lease of life would have made no difference in 
 his views, or that in any case he would have dwelt always in 
 the tents where he died. But the majority, having broached 
 the contrary opinion, encourage it, and lean towards it : of 
 this company are the Nonconformists, the Deists, the Catholics. 
 Dr. Rigg, a profound student of ethics, goes so far as to say 
 ' there can be no doubt ' that Hurrell Froude would have 
 changed his creed; Dr. Abbott's strong arraignment implies 
 nothing less ; many reviewers of Dean Church's history pro- 
 pound the question and assent to it ; and Mr. James Anthony 
 Froude saw fit to play with it. The men of the ' extreme Left,' 
 in this convocation, speak after a non-committal fashion, yet 
 there is no mistaking their longing, partly unexpressed : 
 M. Thureau-Dangin, Cardinal Wiseman, and the rest of their 
 following, seem to be ever thinking what only Canon Oakeley 
 quotes : Cum talis sis, utinam noster esses ! They might 
 make, with perfect justice, the indisputable claim that the 
 Remains exerted the deeper influence over those very men 
 whose consciences drove them at last to leave the Church 
 as by Law Established in these Realms : the book bore a con- 
 fessedly vital part in the formation of William Lockhart, of 
 James Robert Hope-Scott, of Frederick William Faber, of 
 William George Ward. It is curious that the Rev. Thomas 
 Mozley should father the statement, that the Remains ' never 
 brought any one to Rome.' ^ But he may have had only 
 direct or primary causation in mind. That prickly book, 
 moreover, active as Hurrell himself, may be said, without 
 exaggeration, to have reacted on Newman's ' young men ' at 
 Oxford, who first disturbed, and then outstripped, their master. 
 It was the very crux of the complaint against them that, as 
 Newman himself was to say so accurately of Froude, they 
 were ' powerfully drawn to the Medieval, not to the Primitive 
 Church.' We know how the cross-currents, coming from 
 Ward, Oakeley, Dalgairns, and the other extremists, cut 
 ' Reminiscences, i., 441. 
 
 IS 
 
226 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 across the path of Newman turned anchorite, like a spring 
 freshet from unimagined hills. The ' new party ' spoken of in 
 Stephens' Life of Dean Hook,^ as being ' as different in its 
 teachings from the original Tractarians as they had been from 
 the Evangelicals,' were men almost all of whom entered the 
 Catholic Church of the Roman Obedience. They were filled 
 with the idea of the ever-living Interpretative Voice, as against 
 the mere bookish appeal to Christian antiquity. They were 
 strong in zeal, will, and prayer, and self-sacrificing ; they were 
 also rash, notional, irrepressibly gay. Newman, whom they so 
 worried, did not suspect their descent; no critic seems to have 
 suspected it since : but were they not the true and immediate 
 seed of Hurrell Froude? If they were not, then, in the 
 language of the heralds, obiit sine prole. How difficult it were 
 to accept that as part of the epitaph of so generative a spirit ! 
 No school of thought in any communion, since 1836, has re- 
 produced so markedly the singular physiognomy of the author 
 of the Remains. To them alone he was not in the least 
 ' dangerous.' But it is clear that in what has been called the 
 Church of Lord Halifax, there are a thousand young Froudians, 
 a collateral kindred with plenty of trouble before them, flying 
 his crest. 
 
 If we know aught about the trend of human character, we 
 know that there was a highly integrant strain in Hurrell Froude ; 
 his whole short life was a thirst after the coherence and con- 
 tinuousness of the things of faith. If we know aught about 
 the laws of moral motion, we know that he could neither have 
 gone round in a circle, nor stood still. Like the paradoxical 
 Briton he was, il savait conclure. It is far truer, potentially, of 
 him, than of Newman. Says P^re Ragey, after the neat and 
 merciless manner of Frenchmen : ' Pour pousser ses id^es 
 jusqu'ci leurs dernikres consequences, Newman, n'avait eu qu'd 
 suivre la nature mime de son esprit. II itait un de ces esprits 
 {assez rares parmi nos voisins d' outre Manche) qui se laissent con- 
 duire par la logique, qui vont jusqu'au bout de leurs id^es, et qui 
 savent conclure. La vie et les Merits de Pusey, au contraire, 
 nous montrent en lui un de ces esprits anglais si bien d^crits 
 
 ' Life and Letters of Walter Farquhar Hook, D.D., F.R.S., by his Son-in-Law, 
 W. R. W. Stephens. Bentley, 1878, ii., 103. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 227 
 
 par Taine, qui " restent en chemin et ne concluent pas" , . , 
 De plus, il sentait bien qu'il n'^tait pas seul. II avait avec 
 lui plus que des corrMgionnaires, plus que des collaborateurs, 
 plus que les disciples : il avait avec lui et pour lui V esprit 
 anglais. Les anglais, tout en admirant beaucoup Newman, et 
 en le plaqant au-dessus de Pusey, reconnaissent mieux lew 
 esprit dans Pusey que dans Newman! ^ 
 
 Nothing can be safer for all of us conjointly than 
 to answer ' No ' at once to that pithless query : Would 
 Froude have followed Newman? Froude would never have 
 followed Newman. Nor would the latter have paced up and 
 down for long lonely years in Oriel Lane, and in the Limbus 
 Innocentium at Littlemore, nor invented Oret pro nobis for an 
 anodyne, had Froude been alive. It is the summing-up of a 
 thoughtful review that ' most readers of the Apologia are 
 under the impression that [Newman] had started on the road 
 to Rome as soon as Froude's influence succeeded to Whately's ; 
 and that if he were not unfaithful, he had to go on to the end. 
 . . . Certainly, it does seem as if, after he had lost Froude, 
 Newman was very liable to be perplexed by opposition, to 
 watch for omens, to be at the mercy of accidents.' ^ Nothing 
 gives one such an idea of the immense propelling force which 
 Hurrell Froude was, as the untoward indecision into which 
 Newman soon fell, though he still had Pusey's fortress-like 
 strength at his side. Even Keble, without the beloved ' poker,' 
 burned with a somewhat darker flame. His silent beneficent 
 career at Hursley was a different matter from his career as 
 Oriel captain of artillery ; and no careful student can fail to 
 notice that his later spiritual direction tended more and more 
 towards the nebulous. As for Hurrell, he was bound to be 
 astir, living or dead, in one direction or another. Without 
 being prepared to look frankly upon October 9, 1845, as 
 his true field-day, open - minded persons may harbour a 
 sympathetic wonder whether in the English event which 
 crowns it he were quite unimplicated ? ' Was it Gregory or 
 was it Basil, that blew the trumpet in Constantinople ? ' 
 When Newman sadly transferred himself to Oscott, in the 
 
 ' L' Anglo- CathoHcisme, par le P^re Ragey. Paris : Lecoffre [1897], pp. 4, 7. 
 2 Mr. Simcox in The Academy, May 23, 1891, xxxix., 481. 
 
228 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 February of 1846, he would have remembered, after his 
 remembering habit, how strangely, yet naturally, in the 
 Providence of God, he was keeping the tenth anniversary of 
 the loss of his dearest friend, no part of whose office could be 
 filled even by an Ambrose St. John, ' whom God gave me when 
 He took all else away.' 
 
 ' Hurrell Froude lives,' says Principal Fairbairn epigram- 
 matically, ' in Newman.' It would be an interesting task for 
 a biographer to examine and define the measure of response 
 with which ' the Vicar,' in his historic seclusion, worked into 
 one scheme his ideas, and the ideas bequeathed to him by the 
 least ' flinching ' Anglican in the world. Froude had managed 
 to give Newman, (and with no more ceremonial pomp than 
 one infant employs in tossing sea-shells to another,) the norm 
 of every single one of his great theories. This short span 
 beside that old age, this quick, forward - reaching, never- 
 ripened thought beside the ' long gestation ' of the sublime 
 soul whom we know better, may not unfitly be compared to a 
 keynote struck in a grace-note before the full major chord. 
 The chord owes nothing of its position, or its competent 
 harmony, to the mere sweet hint which announces it and is 
 instantaneously whelmed in it, but it certainly does owe to it 
 almost all of what may be called its idiomatic beauty. To no 
 educated ear is the chord with that apposition, and the chord 
 without it, conceivably the same. 
 
 It is his glory that Froude cannot be severed, early or 
 late, from the superior genius once so ' fain to be his heir.' 
 As he stands fast with what Mr. Wilfrid Ward has named 
 ' that great crisis of spiritual animation, unparalleled in our 
 age and country,' which has transformed the Church of 
 England, and with his Achates, as that Achates was up to 
 1845, so he walks on with the white-haired Cardinal of all 
 men's honour, through whom a torrent of new life streamed, 
 and streams, into the English-speaking children of the 
 Apostolic See, but who 
 
 ' — came to Oxford and his friends no more.' 
 
 Newman's unnecessary readiness to acknowledge any moral 
 debt, was surely no small part of his delightful greatness. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 229 
 
 Never was it better justified than in his lifelong sense of obliga- 
 tion to the clear brain and pure devout heart of a young man 
 of no celebrity, whose full significance is not past, but to come. 
 To a Catholic, Froude has something yet finer than his 
 ' totality and universality of character.' He has the grace 
 of God. He stands in a mysterious place, 
 
 'Beautiful evermore, and with the rays 
 Of dawn on his white shield of expectation,' 
 
 and it would be covetous indeed, it might be even impious, to 
 wish to dislodge him. Such as he is, and where he is, he 
 stands pledge enough for Reunion. Meanwhile, let him enjoy 
 the irony for what it is worth, that to compensate for many of 
 his own who esteem him not, many ' swallowers of the Council 
 of Trent as a whole ' esteem him well. The English Oratory 
 has for him a sort of veneration, as for a little brother lost who 
 had Saint Philip's very brow and mouth ;i the Benedictine 
 monks at Buckfast Abbey, near his old home, familiarly re- 
 member him, on birthdays, with prayer which is both a gift and 
 a petition ; and there are lay hearts which cannot think of his 
 lonely burial-place, in snow-time or in rose-time, without the 
 sense of hearing over it a solemn music from the Purgatorio : 
 
 ' Qui sarai tu poco tempo silvaiio ; 
 E sarai meco senza fine cive 
 Di quella Roma onde Cristo k Romano.'' 
 
 That wonderful prophetic strain, meant for eternity, must 
 linger in the ear of every ' Roman ' who has learned to love 
 Hurrell Froude. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 ' The physical resemblance between R. H. F.'s child-portrait and il buon Pippo, 
 becomes none the less noteworthy when one turns towards what Newman wrote from 
 Rome to his sister about S. PhiHp Neri, on January 26, 1847. ' This great Saint 
 reminds me in so many ways of Keble, that I can fancy what Keble would have 
 been ... in another place and age ; he was formed on the same type of extreme 
 hatred of humbug, playfulness, nay, oddity, tender love of others, and severity.' 
 John Henry Newman, Letters and Correspondence to 184s, ii., 424. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 II 
 
 SOME REPRINTED COMMENTS 
 ON HIM AND ON HIS RELATION 
 TO THE OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 231 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PART II.— COMMENTS 
 
 From 'The Oxford Movement,' 1833-1845, by R. W. Church . . 235 
 
 From 'Apologia pro Vita Sua,' by John Henry Newman . . 259 
 
 From 'The Cherwell Water-Lily and other Poems,' by Frederick 
 William Faber ........ 263 
 
 From 'Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography,' by the Right Hon. 
 Sir James Stephen ....... 263 
 
 From "A Memoir of the Rev. John Keble,' by the Right Hon. 
 
 Sir J. T. Coleridge ....... 276 
 
 From 'Essays Historical and Theological,' by J. B. Mozley . 278 
 
 From 'Memoir of Joshua Watson,' edited by Edward Churton . 281 
 
 From ' William George Ward and the Oxford Movement,' by 
 Wilfrid Ward ........ 282 
 
 From 'A Narrative of Events connected with the Publication 
 OF the Tracts for the Times,' by William Palmer [of Worcester 
 Coll.] . . • 287 
 
 From 'Oxford High Anglicanism and its chief Leaders,' by J. H. 
 Rigg. ......... 291 
 
 From 'Historical Notes on the Tract arian Movement,' by 
 Frederick Oakeley ....... 299 
 
 From 'The British Critic' for Jan., 1838. (A review of the Remains, 
 
 Part I., by FREDERIC ROGERS.) ...... 306 
 
 From 'The Autobiography of Isaac Williams,' edited by George 
 Prevost ......... 320 
 
 From 'Thoughts in Past Years,' by Isaac Williams . . . 326 
 
 From 'Cardinal Newman,' by Richard H. Hutton . . .329 
 
 From 'The Anglican Revival,' by J. H. Overton . . 334 
 
 From 'Essays on Various Subjects,' by Nicholas Wiseman . . 338 
 
 From 'The Anglican Career of Cardinal Newman,' by Edwin 
 A. Abbott ......... 344 
 
 From 'Oriel College,' by David Watson Rannie . . .356 
 
234 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 From 'Short Studies on Great Subjects,' by James Anthony 
 Froude ......... 3s8 
 
 Controversy from 'The Contemporary Review' and 'The Nine- 
 teenth Century' between E. A. Freeman and J. A. Froude . 363 
 
 From 'The Remains of Richard Hurrell Froude' [edited by John 
 Keble and John Henry Newman], 1838 . . . . -367 
 
 Idem, 1839 ......... 374 
 
 From 'Reminiscences chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford 
 Movement,' by T. Mozley. ...... 391 
 
 From 'The British Critic' for April 1840. (A review of the Remains, 
 Part II., by T. Mozley) . . . . . . -398 
 
 From 'Lyra Apostolica,' edited by H. C. Beeching, with an Intro- 
 duction by H. S. Holland ...... 402 
 
 From 'Newman,' by William Barry . . . . -405 
 
 Excerpts from 'Memoirs,' by Mark PArnsoN ; the 'Life of Samuel 
 Wilberforce,' by his Son ; the ' Life and Correspondence of 
 the late Robert Southey,' by his Son ; 'A Key to the Popery 
 OF Oxford,' by Peter Maurice; 'John Henry Newman, Letters 
 and Correspondences,' edited by Anne Mozley; and 'Catholicism, 
 Roman and Anglican,' by A. M. Fairbairn . . . 406-408 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 II 
 
 SOME REPRINTED COMMENTS ON HIM AND ON HIS 
 RELATION TO THE OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 From 'The Oxford Movement: Twelve Years, 1833- 
 1845.' By R. W. Church, M.A., D.C.L., sometime 
 iJean of St. Paul's, and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 
 London: Macmillan & Co., 1891. 
 
 [By the kind permission of Miss Church and of Messrs. Macmillan & Co.] 
 
 ' What was it that turned [Keble] by degrees into so promi- 
 nent and so influential a person ? It was the result of the 
 action of his convictions and ideas, and still more of his 
 character, on the energetic and fearless mind of a pupil and 
 disciple, Richard Hurrell Froude. Froude was Keble's pupil 
 at Oriel, and when Keble left Oriel for his curacy at the begin- 
 ning of the Long Vacation of 1823, he took Froude with him 
 to read for his degree. He took with him ultimately two 
 other pupils, Robert Wilberforce and Isaac Williams of Trinity. 
 One of them, Isaac Williams, has left some reminiscences of 
 the time, and of the terms on which the young men were with 
 their tutor, then one of the most famous men at Oxford. They 
 were terms of the utmost freedom. " Master is the greatest 
 boy of them all," was the judgment of the rustic who was 
 gardener, groom, and parish clerk to Mr. Keble. Froude's 
 was a keen logical mind, not easily satisfied, contemptuous of 
 compromises and evasions, and disposed on occasion to be 
 mischievous and aggressive ; and with Keble, as with anybody 
 else, he was ready to dispute and try every form of dialectical 
 
236 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 experiment. But he was open to higher influences than those 
 of logic, and in Keble he saw what subdued and won him to 
 boundless veneration and affection. Keble won the love of the 
 whole little society; but in Froude he had gained a disciple 
 who was to be the mouthpiece and champion of his ideas, 
 and who was to react on himself and carry him forward to 
 larger enterprises and bolder resolutions than by himself he 
 would have thought of. Froude took in from Keble all he 
 had to communicate : principles, convictions, moral rules and 
 standards of life, hopes, fears, antipathies. And his keenly- 
 tempered intellect, and his determination and high courage, 
 gave a point and an impulse of their own to Keble's views and 
 purposes. As things came to look darker, and dangers seemed 
 more serious to the Church, its faith or its rights, the inter- 
 change of thought between master and disciple, in talk and in 
 letter, pointed more and more to the coming necessity of 
 action ; and Froude at least had no objections to the business 
 of an agitator. But all this was very gradual ; things did not 
 yet go beyond discussion ; ideas, views, arguments were ex- 
 amined and compared; and Froude, with all his dash, felt 
 as Keble felt, that he had much to learn about himself, 
 as well as about books and things. In his respect for anti- 
 quity, in his dislike of the novelties which were invading 
 Church rules and sentiments, as well as its Creeds, in his 
 jealousy of the State, as well as in his seriousness of self- 
 discipline, he accepted Keble's guidance and influence more 
 and more ; and from Keble he had more than one lesson 
 of self-distrust, more than one warning against the tempta- , 
 tions of intellect. " Froude told me many years after," 
 writes one of his friends, " that Keble once, before parting 
 with him, seemed to have something on his mind which he 
 wished to say, but shrank from saying, while waiting, I think, 
 for a coach. At last he said, just before parting, ' Froude, 
 you thought Law's Serious Call was a clever book ; it seemed 
 to me as if you had said the Day of Judgement will be a 
 pretty sight.' This speech, Froude told me, had a great effect 
 on his after life." ^ 
 
 ' At Easter, 1826, Froude was elected Fellow of Oriel. He 
 
 ' [Isaac Williams's MS. Memoir.] 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 237 
 
 came back to Oxford, charged with Keble's thoughts and 
 feelings, and from his more eager and impatient temper, more 
 on the look-out for ways of giving them effect. The next 
 year he became Tutor, and he held the tutorship till 1830. 
 But he found at Oriel a colleague, a little his senior in age and 
 standing, of whom Froude and his friends as yet knew little 
 except that he was a man of great ability, that he had been a 
 favourite of Whately's, and that in a loose and rough way he 
 was counted among the few Liberals and Evangelicals in Ox- 
 ford. This was Mr. Newman. Keble had been shy of him, 
 and Froude would at first judge him by Keble's standard. 
 But Newman was just at this time " moving," as he expresses 
 it, " out of the shadow of Liberalism." Living not apart like 
 Keble, but in the same College, and meeting every day, Froude 
 and Newman could not but be either strongly and permanently 
 repelled, or strongly attracted. They were attracted : attracted 
 with a force which at last united them in the deepest and most 
 unreserved friendship. Of the steps of this great change in 
 the mind and fortunes of each of them we have no record : 
 intimacies of this kind grow in College out of unnoticed and 
 unremembered talks, agreeing or differing, out of unconscious 
 disclosures of temper and purpose, out of walks and rides and 
 quiet breakfasts and Common-Room arguments, out of admira- 
 tions and dislikes, out of letters and criticisms and questions ; 
 and nobody can tell afterwards how they have come about. 
 The change was gradual and deliberate. Froude's friends in 
 Gloucestershire, the Keble family, had their misgivings about 
 Newman's supposed Liberalism ; they did not much want to 
 have to do with him. His subtle and speculative temper did 
 not always square with Froude's theology. " N. is a fellow 
 that I like more, the more I think of him," Froude wrote in 
 1828; " only I would give a few odd pence if he were not a 
 heretic." ^ But Froude, who saw him every day, and was soon 
 associated with him in the tutorship, found a spirit more akin 
 to his own in depth and freedom and daring, than he had yet 
 encountered. And Froude found Newman just in that maturing 
 state of religious opinion in which a powerful mind like Froude's 
 would be likely to act decisively. Each acted on the other. 
 
 ^[Remains, i,, 232, 233.] 
 
238 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Froude represented Keble's ideas, Keble's enthusiasm. New- 
 man gave shape, foundation, consistency, elevation to the 
 Anglican theology, when he accepted it, which Froude had 
 learned from Keble. " I knew him iirst," we read in the 
 Apologia, "in 1826, and was in the closest and most 
 affectionate friendship with him from about 1829 till his 
 death in 1836."^ But this was not all. Through Froude, 
 Newman came to know and to be intimate with Keble; 
 and a sort of camaraderie arose of very independent and 
 outspoken people, who acknowledged Keble as their master 
 and counsellor. 
 
 ' " The true and primary author of it " (the Tractarian Move- 
 ment), we read in the Apologia, " as is usual with great motive 
 powers, was out of sight. . . . Need I say that I am speaking 
 of John Keble ? " The statement is strictly true. Froude 
 never would have been the man he was but for his daily and 
 hourly intercourse with Keble ; and Froude brought to bear 
 upon Newman's mind, at a critical period of its development, 
 Keble's ideas and feelings about religion and the Church, 
 Keble's reality of thought and purpose, Keble's transparent 
 and saintly simplicity. And Froude, as we know from a well- 
 known saying of his,^ brought Keble and Newman to under- 
 stand one another, when the elder man was shy and suspicious 
 of the younger, and the younger, though full of veneration for 
 the elder, was hardly yet in full sympathy with what was most 
 characteristic and most cherished in the elder's religious con- 
 victions. Keble attracted and moulded Froude : he impressed 
 Froude with his strong Churchmanship, his severity and reality 
 of life, his poetry, and high standard of scholarly excellence. 
 Froude learned from him to be anti - Erastian, anti- 
 Methodistical, anti-sentimental, and as strong in his hatred 
 of the world, as contemptuous of popular approval, as any 
 Methodist. Yet all this might merely have made a strong 
 impression, or formed one more marked school of doctrine, 
 without the fierce energy which received it and which it 
 inspired. But Froude, in accepting Keble's ideas, resolved to 
 make them active, public, aggressive; and he found in 
 Newman a colleague whose bold originality responded to his 
 ' [Apologia, p. 84.] ^ [Remains, i., 438 ; Apol., p. 77.] 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 239 
 
 own. Together they worked as Tutors ; together they worked 
 when their tutorships came to an end ; together they worked 
 when thrown into companionship in their Mediterranean 
 voyage, in the winter of 1832 and the spring of 1833. They 
 came back full of aspirations and anxieties which spurred 
 them on ; their thoughts had broken out in papers sent home 
 from time to time to Rose's British Magazine (" Home 
 Thoughts Abroad ") and the Lyra Apostolica. Then came 
 the meeting at Hadleigh, and the beginning of the Tracts. 
 Keble had given the inspiration, Froude had given the 
 impulse ; then Newman took up the work, and the impulse 
 henceforward, and the direction, were his. 
 
 ' Doubtless, many thought and felt like them about the 
 perils which beset the Church and religion. Loyalty to the 
 Church, belief in her divine mission, allegiance to her autho- 
 rity, readiness to do battle for her claims, were anything but 
 extinct in her ministers and laity. The elements were all 
 about of sound and devoted Churchmanship. Higher ideas of 
 the Church than the popular and political notion of it, higher 
 conceptions of Christian doctrine than those of the ordinary 
 Evangelical theology — echoes of the meditations of a remark- 
 able Irishman, Mr. Alexander Knox — had in many quarters 
 attracted attention in the works and sermons of his disciple, 
 Bishop Jebb, though it was not till the Movement had taken 
 shape that their full significance was realised. Others besides 
 Keble and Froude and Newman were seriously considering 
 what could best be done to arrest the current which was 
 running strong against the Church, and discussing schemes of 
 resistance and defence. Others were stirring up themselves 
 and their brethren to meet the new emergencies, to respond to 
 the new call. Some of these were in communication with the 
 Oriel men, and ultimately took part with them in organising 
 vigorous measures. But it was not till Mr. Newman made up 
 his mind to force on the public mind, in a way which could 
 not be evaded, the great article of the Creed, " I believe one 
 Catholic and Apostolic Church," that the Movement began. 
 And for the first part of its course, it was concentrated at 
 Oxford. It was the direct result of the searchings of 
 heart and the communings for seven years, from 1826 to 
 
240 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 1833, of the three men who have been the subject of this 
 chapter. 
 
 ' Hurrell Froude ^ soon passed away before the brunt of the 
 fighting came. His name is associated with Mr. Newman and 
 Mr. Keble, but it is little more than a name to those who now 
 talk of the origin of the Movement. Yet all who remember 
 him agree in assigning to him an importance as great as that 
 of any, in that little knot of men whose thoughts and whose 
 courage gave birth to it. . . . He was early cut off from direct 
 and personal action on the course which things took. But it 
 would be a great mistake to suppose that his influence on the 
 line taken, and on the minds of others, was inconsiderable. It 
 would be more true to say that, with one exception, no one 
 was more responsible for the impulse which led to the Move- 
 ment ; no one had more to do with shaping its distinct aims 
 and its moral spirit and character, in its first stage ; no one 
 was more daring and more clear, as far as he saw, in what he 
 was prepared for. There was no one to whom his friends so 
 much looked up with admiration and enthusiasm. There was 
 no " wasted shade " ^ in Hurrell Froude's disabled, prematurely 
 shortened life. 
 
 ' [I ought to say that I was not personally acquainted with Mr. Froude. I have 
 subjoined to this chapter some recollections of him by Lord Blachford, who was his 
 pupil and an intimate friend.] 
 
 From the Life mid Letters of Dean Church, edited by his daughter Mary C. 
 Church. Macmillan and Co., 1895, p. 315. 
 
 ' St. Paul's, Sept. 12, 1884. 
 
 ' My dear Blachford, — . . . Sometime or other I shall have to ask you for 
 a little help ; that is, if I go on with my notion of having my say about the old 
 Oxford days. One thing that I should try to do is to bring out Froude. Of course 
 his time was cut short. But it seems to me that so memorable a person ought to be 
 duly had in remembrance ; and people now hardly recognise how much he had to do 
 with the first stir. But of course all my knowledge of him is second-hand, or 
 gathered from his books. He reminds me of Pascal : his unflinchingness, his 
 humour, his hatred of humbug, his mathematical genius (architecture, and the French- 
 rivolutionnaire), his imagination, his merciless self-discipline. I should like to 
 bring all this out, if, as I suppose, it is true. I don't suppose Pascal would have 
 loved the sea ! He would have been ^' seek.'" ' 
 
 ' [' In this mortal journeying, wasted shade 
 Is worse than wasted sunshine.' 
 
 Henry Taylor, Sicilian Summer, v., 3.] 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 241 
 
 ' Like Henry Martyn, he was made by strong and even 
 merciless self-discipline over a strong and for a long time 
 refractory nature. He was a man of great gifts, with much 
 that was most attractive and noble ; but joined with this there 
 was originally in his character a vein of perversity and mischief, 
 always in danger of breaking out, and with which he kept up 
 a long and painful struggle. His inmost thought and know- 
 ledge of himself have been laid bare in the papers which his 
 friends published after his death. He was in the habit of 
 probing his motives to the bottom, and of recording without 
 mercy what he thought his self-deceits and affectations. The 
 religious world of the day made merry over his methods of 
 self-discipline ; but whatever may be said of them, (and such 
 things are not easy to judge of), one thing is manifest, that 
 they were true and sincere efforts to conquer what he thought 
 evil in himself, to keep himself in order, to bring his inmost 
 self into subjection to the Law and Will of God. The self- 
 chastening which his private papers show, is no passion or 
 value for asceticism, but a purely moral effort after self- 
 command and honesty of character ; and what makes the 
 struggle so touching is its perfect reality and truth. He 
 " turned his thoughts on that desolate wilderness, his own 
 conscience, and said what he saw there." ^ A man who has had 
 a good deal to conquer in himself, and has gone a good way 
 to conquer it, is not apt to be indulgent to self-deceit or 
 indolence, or even weakness. The basis of Froude's character 
 was a demand which would not be put off for what was real 
 and thorough ; an implacable scorn and hatred for what he 
 counted shams and pretences. " His highest ambition," he 
 used to say, " was to be a humdrum." ^ The intellectual and 
 the moral parts of his character were of a piece. The tricks 
 and flimsinesses of a bad argument provoked him as much as 
 the imposture and " flash " of insincere sentiment and fine 
 talking ; he might be conscious of " flash " in himself and his 
 friends, and he would admit it unequivocally ; but it was as 
 unbearable to him to pretend not to see a fallacy as soon as it 
 was detected, as it would have been to him to arrive at the 
 right answ^ of a sum or a problem by tampering with the 
 ' \_Remains, part ii., i., 47.] ^[Remains, i., 82.] 
 
 16 
 
242 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 processes. Such a man, with strong affections and keen 
 perception of all forms of beauty, and with the deepest desire 
 to be reverent towards all that had a right to reverence, would 
 find himself in the most irritating state of opposition and 
 impatience with much that passed as religion round him. 
 Principles not attempted to be understood and carried into 
 practice ; smooth self-complacency among those who looked 
 down on a blind and unspiritual world ; the continual provoca- 
 tion of worthless reasoning and ignorant platitudes ; the dull 
 unconscious stupidity of people who could not see that the 
 times were critical, that Truth had to be defended, and that it 
 was no easy or light-hearted business to defend it ; — threw him 
 into an habitual attitude of defiance, and half-amused, half- 
 earnest contradiction, which made him feared by loose 
 reasoners and pretentious talkers, and even by quiet easy-going 
 friends, who unexpectedly found themselves led on blindfold, 
 with the utmost gravity, into traps and absurdities, by the 
 wiles of his mischievous dialectic. This was the outside look 
 of his relentless earnestness. People who did not like him or 
 his views, and who, perhaps, had winced under his irony, 
 naturally put down his strong language, which on occasion 
 could certainly be unceremonious, to flippancy and arrogance. 
 But within the circle of those whom he trusted, or of those 
 who needed at any time his help, another side disclosed itself: 
 a side of the most genuine warmth of affection ; an awful 
 reality of devoutness, which it was his great and habitual effort 
 to keep hidden ; a high simplicity of unworldliness and 
 generosity ; and, in spite of his daring mockeries of what was 
 commonplace or showy, the most sincere and deeply felt 
 humility with himself Dangerous as he was often thought to 
 be in conversation, one of the features of his character which 
 has impressed itself on the memory of one who knew him well, 
 was his " patient, winning considerateness in discussion, which, 
 with other qualities, endeared him to those to whom he opened 
 his heart." 1 " It is impossible," writes James Mozley in 1833, 
 with a mixture of amusement, speaking of the views about 
 celibacy which were beginning to be current, " to talk with 
 Froude without committing one's self on such subjects as 
 ' [Apologia, p. 84.] 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 243 
 
 these ; so that by and by I expect the tergiversants will be a 
 considerable party." His letters, with their affectionately play- 
 ful addresses, Bai/juovie, alvorare, ireirov, Carisshne, " Sir, my dear 
 friend" or " ^Apyeiwv o^ apiare, have you not been a spoon ? " 
 are full of the most delightful ease and verve and sympathy. 
 
 ' With a keen sense of English faults he was, as Cardinal 
 Newman has said, " an Englishman to the backbone " ; and he 
 was, further, a fastidious, high-tempered English gentleman, in 
 spite of his declaiming about " pampered aristocrats " and the 
 " gentleman heresy." His friends thought of him as of the 
 " young Achilles," with his high courage, and noble form, and 
 " eagle eye," made for such great things, but appointed so soon 
 to die. " Who can refrain from tears at the thought of that 
 bright and beautiful Froude ? " is the expression of one of them ^ 
 shortly before his death, and when it was quite certain that 
 the doom which had so long hung over him was at hand. He 
 had the love of doing for the mere sake of doing what was 
 difficult or even dangerous to do, which is the mainspring of 
 characteristic English sports and games. He loved the sea ; 
 he liked to sail his own boat, and enjoyed rough weather, and 
 took interest in the niceties of seamanship and shipcraft. He 
 was a bold rider across country. With a powerful grasp on 
 mathematical truths and principles, he entered with whole- 
 hearted zest into inviting problems, or into practical details of 
 mechanical or hydrostatic or astronomical science. His letters 
 are full of such observations, put in a way which he thought 
 would interest his friends, and marked by his strong habit of 
 getting into touch with what was real and of the substance of 
 questions. He applied his thoughts to architecture with a 
 power and originality which at the time were not common. 
 No one who only cared for this world could be more attracted 
 and interested than he was by the wonder and beauty of its 
 facts and appearances. With the deepest allegiance to his 
 home, and reverence for its ties and authority, (a home of the 
 old-fashioned ecclesiastical sort, sober, manly, religious, orderly,) 
 he carried into his wider life the feelings with which he had 
 been brought up ; bold as he was, his reason and his character 
 craved for authority, but authority which morally and reason- 
 ' Miss Harriett Newman. 
 
244 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ably he could respect. Mr. Keble's goodness and purity 
 subdued him, and disposed him to accept, without reserve, his 
 master's teaching: and towards Mr. Keble, along with an 
 outside show of playful criticism and privileged impertinence, 
 there was a reverence which governed Froude's whole nature. 
 In the wild and rough heyday of reform, he was a Tory of the 
 Tories. But when authority failed him, from cowardice or 
 stupidity or self-interest, he could not easily pardon it ; and he 
 was ready to startle his friends by proclaiming himself a 
 Radical, prepared for the sake of the highest and greatest 
 interests to sacrifice all second-rate and subordinate ones. 
 
 ' When his friends, after his death, published selections from 
 his journals and letters, the world was shocked by what 
 seemed his amazing audacity, both of thought and expression, 
 about a number of things and persons which it was customary 
 to regard as almost beyond the reach of criticism. The 
 Remains lent themselves admirably to the controversial process 
 of culling choice phrases and sentences and epithets surprisingly 
 at variance with conventional and popular estimates. Friends 
 were pained and disturbed ; foes, naturally enough, could not 
 hold in their overflowing exultation at such a disclosure of the 
 spirit of the Movement. Sermons and newspapers drew 
 attention to Froude's extravagances, with horror and disgust. 
 The truth is, that if the off-hand sayings in conversation or 
 letters of any man of force and wit and strong convictions 
 about the things and persons that he condemns, were made 
 known to the world, they would by themselves have much the 
 same look of flippancy, injustice, impertinence, to those who 
 disagreed in opinion with the speaker or writer; they are 
 allowed for, or they are not allowed for by others, according 
 to what is known of his general character. The friends who 
 published Froude's Remains knew what he was ; they knew 
 the place and proportion of the fierce and scornful passages ; 
 they knew that they really did not go beyond the liberty and 
 the frank speaking which most people give themselves in the 
 abandon and understood exaggeration of intimate correspond- 
 ence and talk. But they miscalculated the effect on those 
 who did not know him, or whose interest it was to make the 
 most of the advantage given them. They seem to have • 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 245 
 
 expected that the picture which they presented of their friend's 
 transparent sincerity and singleness of aim, manifested amid 
 so much pain and self-abasement, would have touched readers 
 more. They miscalculated in supposing that the proofs of so 
 much reality of religious earnestness would carry off the 
 offence of vehement language, which without these proofs 
 might naturally be thought to show mere random violence. 
 At any rate the result was much natural and genuine irritation, 
 which they were hardly prepared for. Whether on general 
 grounds they were wise in startling and vexing friends, and 
 putting fresh weapons into the hands of opponents by their 
 frank disclosure of so unconventional a character, is a question 
 which may have more than one answer: but one thing is 
 certain, they were not wise, if they only desired to forward the 
 immediate interests of their party or cause. It was not the 
 act of cunning conspirators : it was the act of men who were 
 ready to show their hands, and take the consequences. 
 Undoubtedly, they warned off many who had so far gone 
 along with the Movement, and who now drew back. But if 
 the publication was a mistake, it was the mistake of men 
 confident in their own straightforwardness. 
 
 ' There is a natural Nemesis to all over-strong and exagger- 
 ated language. The weight of Froude's judgments was 
 lessened by the disclosure of his strong words, and his dashing 
 fashion of condemnation and dislike gave a precedent for the 
 violence of shallower men. But to those who look back on 
 them now, though there can be no wonder that at the time 
 they excited such an outcry, their outspoken boldness hardly 
 excites surprise. Much of it might naturally be put down to 
 the force of first impressions ; much of it is the vehemence of 
 an Englishman who claims the liberty of criticising and finding 
 fault at home ; much of it was the inevitable vehemence of a 
 reformer. Much of it seems clear foresight of what has since 
 come to be recognised. His judgments on the Reformers, 
 startling as they were at the time, are not so very different, 
 as to the facts of the case, from what most people on all sides 
 now agree in ; and as to their temper and theology, from what 
 most Churchmen would now agree in. Whatever allowances 
 may be made for the difficulties of their time, (and these allow- 
 
246 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ances ought to be very great), and however well they may have 
 done parts of their work, such as the translations and adapta- 
 tions of the Prayer-Book, it is safe to say that the divines of 
 the Reformation never can be again, with their confessed 
 Calvinism, with their shifting opinions, their extravagant 
 deference to the foreign oracles of Geneva and Zurich, their 
 subservience to bad men in power, the heroes and saints of 
 Churchmen. But when all this is said, it still remains true 
 that Froude was often intemperate and unjust. In the hands 
 of the most self-restrained and considerate of its leaders, the 
 Movement must anyhow have provoked strong opposition, and 
 given great offence. The surprise and the general ignorance 
 were too great ; the assault was too rude and unexpected. 
 But Froude's strong language gave it a needless exasperation. 
 ' Froude was a man strong in abstract thought and imagi- 
 nation, who wanted adequate knowledge. His canons of judg- 
 ment were not enlarged, corrected, and strengthened by any 
 reading or experience commensurate with his original powers 
 of reasoning or invention. He was quite conscious of it, and 
 did his best to fill up the gap in his intellectual equipment. 
 He showed what he might have done under more favouring 
 circumstances in a very interesting volume on Becket's history 
 and letters. But circumstances were hopelessly against him : he 
 had not time, he had not health and strength, for the learning 
 which he so needed, which he so longed for. But wherever 
 he could, he learned. He was quite ready to submit his pre- 
 possessions to the test and limitation of facts. Eager and 
 quick-sighted, he was often apt to be hasty in conclusions 
 from imperfect or insufficient premises ; but even about what 
 he saw most clearly he was willing to hold himself in suspense, 
 when he found that there was something more to know. 
 Cardinal Newman has noted two deficiencies which, in his 
 opinion, were noticeable in Froude. " He had no turn for 
 theology as such " ; and, further, he goes on : "I should say 
 that his power of entering into the minds of others was not 
 equal to his other gifts " : a remark which he illustrates by 
 saying that Froude could not believe that " I really held the 
 Roman Church to be anti-Christian." The want of this power 
 — in which he stood in such sharp contrast to his friend 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 247 
 
 — might be either a strength or a weakness : a strength, if 
 his business was only to fight ; a weakness, if it was to 
 attract and persuade. But Froude was made for conflict, not 
 to win disciples. Some wild solemn poetry, marked by deep 
 feeling and direct expression, is scattered through his letters, 
 kindled always by things and thoughts of the highest signifi- 
 cance, and breaking forth with force and fire. But probably 
 the judgment passed on him by a clever friend,^ from the 
 examination of his handwriting, was a true one : " This fellow 
 has a great deal of imagination, but not the imagination of a 
 poet." He felt that even beyond poetry there are higher 
 things than anything that imagination can work upon. It 
 was a feeling which made him blind to the grandeur of Milton's 
 poetry. He saw in it only an intrusion into the most sacred 
 of sanctities. . . . 
 
 ' Froude's first letter to Mr. Newman is in August, 1828. 
 It is the letter of a friendly and sympathising colleague in 
 College work, glad to be free from the " images of impudent 
 undergraduates " ; he inserts some lines of verse, talks about 
 Dollond and telescopes, and relates how he and a friend got 
 up at half-past two in the morning, and walked half a mile to 
 see Mercury rise ; he writes about his mathematical studies 
 and reading for Orders, and how a friend had " read half 
 through Prideaux and yet accuses himself of idleness " ; but 
 there is no interchange of intimate thought. Mr. Newman 
 was at this time, as he has told us, drifting away from under 
 the shadow of Liberalism ; and in Froude he found a man who, 
 without being a Liberal, was as quick-sighted, as courageous, 
 and as alive to great thoughts and new hopes as himself. 
 Very different in many ways, they were in this alike, that the 
 commonplace notions of religion and the Church were utterly 
 unsatisfactory to them, and that each had the capacity for 
 affectionate and whole-hearted friendship. The friendship 
 began and lasted on, growing stronger and deeper to the end. 
 And this was not all. Froude's friendship with Mr. Newman 
 overcame Mr. Keble's hesitations about Mr. Newman's supposed 
 
 ' The Rev. Samuel Rickards, Rector of Ulcombe, Kent, and of Stowlangloft, 
 Suffolk. Said in 1827. 
 
248 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Liberalism. Mr. Newman has put on record what he thought 
 and felt about Froude : no one, probably, of the many whom 
 Cardinal Newman's long life has brought round him, ever 
 occupied Froude's place in his heart.^ The correspondence 
 shows in part the way in which Froude's spirit rose, under the 
 sense of having such a friend to work with, in the cause which, 
 day by day, grew greater and more sacred in the eyes of both. 
 Towards Mr. Keble Froude felt like a son to a father ; towards 
 Mr. Newman like a soldier to his comrade, and him the most 
 splendid and boldest of warriors. Each mind caught fire from 
 the other, till the high enthusiasm of the one was quenched in 
 an early death. 
 
 ' Shortly after this friendship began, the course of events 
 also began which finally gave birth to the Oxford Movement. 
 The break-up of parties caused by the Roman Catholic Eman- 
 cipation was followed by the French and Belgian revolutions 
 of 1830, and these changes gave a fresh stimulus to all the 
 reforming parties in England : Whigs, Radicals, and Liberal 
 religionists. Froude's letters mark the influence of these 
 changes on his mind. They stirred in him the fiercest disgust 
 and indignation, and as soon as the necessity of battle became 
 evident to save the Church (and such a necessity was evident) 
 he threw himself into it with all his heart, and his attitude was 
 henceforth that of a determined and uncompromising com- 
 batant. " Froude is growing stronger and stronger in his 
 sentiments every day," writes James Mozley, in 1832, "and 
 cuts about him on all sides. It is extremely fine to hear him 
 talk. The aristocracy of the country, at present, are the chief 
 objects of his vituperation, and he decidedly sets himself 
 against the modern character of the gentleman, and thinks 
 that the Church will eventually depend for its support, as it 
 always did in its most influential times, on the very poorest 
 classes." " I would not set down anything that Froude says 
 for his deliberate opinion," writes James Mozley a year later, 
 " for he really hates the present state of things so excessively 
 that any change would be a relief to him." ..." Froude is 
 staying up, and I see a great deal of him." ..." Froude is 
 most enthusiastic in his plans, and says, ' What fun it is living 
 ^ Dean Church knew what he was saying : none better. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 249 
 
 in such times as these ! how could one now go back to the 
 times of old Tory humbug ? ' " From henceforth his position 
 among his friends was that of the most impatient and aggres- 
 sive of reformers, the one who most urged on his fellows to 
 outspoken language and a bold line of action. They were 
 not men to hang back and be afraid, but they were cautious 
 and considerate of popular alarms and prejudices, compared 
 with Froude's fearlessness. Other minds were indeed moving, 
 minds as strong as his ; indeed, it may be, deeper, more 
 complex, more amply furnished, with a wider range of vision 
 and a greater command of the field. But while he lived, he 
 appears as the one who spurs on and incites, where others 
 hesitate. He is the one by whom are visibly most felt the 
 gaudia certaminis, and the confidence of victory, and the most 
 profound contempt for the men and the ideas of the boastful 
 and short-sighted present. 
 
 ' In this unsparing and absorbing warfare, what did Froude 
 aim at — what was the object he sought to bring about, what 
 were the obstacles he sought to overthrow ? 
 
 ' He was accused, as was most natural, of Romanising : of 
 wishing to bring back Popery. It is perfectly certain that 
 this was not what he meant, though he did not care for the 
 imputation of it. He was, perhaps, the first Englishman who 
 attempted to do justice to Rome, and to use friendly language 
 of it, without the intention of joining it. But what he fought 
 for was not Rome, not even a restoration of Unity, but a 
 Church of England such as it was conceived of by the Caroline 
 divines and the Nonjurors. The great break-up of 1830 had 
 forced on men the anxious question : " What is the Church, as 
 spoken of in England ? Is it the Church of Christ ? " and the 
 answers were various. Hooker had said it was " the nation " ; 
 and in entirely altered circumstances, with some qualifications, 
 Dr. Arnold said the same. It was " the Establishment," 
 according to the lawyers and politicians, both Whig and Tory. 
 It was an invisible and mystical body, said the Evangelicals. 
 It was the aggregate of separate congregations, said the Non- 
 conformists. It was the Parliamentary creation of the Refor- 
 mation, said the Erastians. The true Church was the com- 
 munion of the Pope, the pretended Church was a legalised 
 
250 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 schism, said the Roman Catholics. All these ideas were 
 floating about, loose and vague, among people who talked 
 much about the Church. Whately, with his clear sense, had 
 laid down that it was a divine religious society, distinct in its 
 origin and existence, distinct in its attributes from any other. 
 But this idea had fallen dead, till Froude and his friends put 
 new life into it. Froude accepted Whately's idea that the 
 Church of England was the one historic uninterrupted Church, 
 than which there could be no other, locally, in England ; but 
 into this Froude read a great deal that never was and never 
 could be in Whately's thoughts. Whately had gone very far 
 in viewing the Church, from without, as a great and sacred 
 corporate body. Casting aside the Erastian theory, he had 
 claimed its right to exist, and if necessary, govern itself, 
 separate from the State. He had recognised excommunication 
 as its natural and indefeasible instrument of government. But 
 what the internal life of the Church was, what should be its 
 teaching and organic system, and what was the standard and 
 proof of these, Whately had left unsaid. And this outline 
 Froude filled up. For this he went the way to which the 
 Prayer-Book, with its Offices, its Liturgy, its Ordination 
 services, pointed him. With the divines who had specially 
 valued the Prayer-Book, and taught in its spirit. Bishop 
 Wilson, William Law, Hammond, Ken, Laud, Andrewes, he 
 went back to the times and the sources from which the Prayer- 
 Book came to us, the early Church, the Reforming Church (for 
 such, with all its faults, it was), of the eleventh, twelfth, and 
 thirteenth centuries, before the hopelessly corrupt and fatal 
 times of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which led to 
 the break-up of the sixteenth. Thus, to the great question. 
 What is the Church ? he gave without hesitation, and gave to 
 the end, the same answer that Anglicans gave and are giving 
 still. But he added two points which were then very new to 
 the ears of English Churchmen : (i) that there were great and 
 to most people unsuspected faults and shortcomings in the 
 English Church, for some of which the Reformation was 
 gravely responsible ; (2) that the Roman Church was more 
 right than we had been taught to think, in many parts both 
 of principle and practice, and that our quarrel with it on these 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 251 
 
 points arose from our own ignorance and prejudices. To 
 people who had taken for granted all their lives that the 
 Church was thoroughly " Protestant " and thoroughly right in 
 its Protestantism, and that Rome was Antichrist, these con- 
 fident statements came with a shock. He did not enter much 
 into dogmatic questions. As far as can be judged from his 
 Remains, the one point of doctrine on which he laid stress, as 
 being inadequately recognised and taught in the then condition 
 of the English Church, was the Primitive doctrine of the 
 Eucharist. His other criticisms pointed to practical and moral 
 matters ; the spirit of Erastianism, the low standard of life and 
 purpose and self-discipline in the clergy, the low tone of the 
 current religious teaching. The Evangelical teaching seemed 
 to him a system of unreal words. The opposite school was too 
 self-complacent, too comfortable, too secure in its social and 
 political alliances ; and he was bent on shaming people into 
 severer notions. " We will have a vocabularium apostolicum, 
 and I will start it with four words : ' pampered aristocrats,' 
 ' resident gentlemen,' ' smug parsons,' and 'pauperes Christi! 
 I shall use the first on all occasions ; it seems to me just to 
 hit the thing." " I think of putting the view forward (about 
 new monasteries), under the title of a ' Project for Reviving 
 Religion in Great Towns.' Certainly colleges of unmarried 
 priests (who might, of course, retire to a living, when they 
 could and liked) would be the cheapest possible way of pro- 
 viding effectively for the spiritual wants of a large population." 
 And his great quarrel with the existing state of things was 
 that the spiritual objects of the Church were overlaid and lost 
 sight of in the anxiety not to lose its political position. In 
 this direction he was, as he proclaims himself, an out-and-out 
 Radical, and he was prepared at once to go very far. " If a 
 National Church means a Church without discipline, my 
 argument for discipline is an argument against a National 
 Church ; and the best thing we can do is to unnationalise ours 
 as soon as possible " ; " let us tell the truth and shame the 
 devil : let us give up a National Church and have a real one." ^ 
 His criticism did not diminish in severity, or his proposals 
 become less daring, as he felt that his time was growing short 
 ' Remarks on Church Discipline, Remains, part i., ii., 272, 274. 
 
252 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 and the hand of death was upon him. But to the end, the 
 elevation and improvement of the English Church remained 
 his great purpose. To his friend, as we know, the Roman 
 Church was either the Truth or Antichrist. To Froude it was 
 neither the whole Truth nor Antichrist; but like the English 
 Church itself, a great and defective Church, whose defects were 
 the opposite to ours, and which we should do wisely to learn 
 from, rather than abuse. But, to the last, his allegiance never 
 wavered to the English Church. 
 
 ' It is very striking to come from Froude's boisterous 
 freedom in his letters, to his sermons and the papers he pre- 
 pared for publication. In his sermons his manner of writing 
 is severe and restrained even to dryness. If they startle, it 
 is by the force and searching point of an idea, not by any 
 strength of words. The style is chastened, simple, calm, with 
 the most careful avoidance of over-statement or anything 
 rhetorical. And so in his papers, his mode of argument, 
 forcible and cogent as it is, avoids all appearance of exaggera- 
 tion or even illustrative expansion : it is all muscle and sinew ; 
 it is modelled on the argumentative style of Bishop Butler, 
 and still more, of William Law. No one could suppose from 
 these papers Froude's fiery impetuosity, or the frank daring of 
 his disrespectful vocabulary. Those who can read between the 
 lines can trace the grave irony which clung everywhere to his 
 deep earnestness. 
 
 ' There was yet another side of Froude's character which 
 was little thought of by his critics, or recognised by all his 
 friends. With all his keenness of judgment and all his readi- 
 ness for conflict, some who knew him best were impressed by 
 the melancholy which hung over his life, and which, though 
 he ignored it, they could detect. It is remembered still by 
 Cardinal Newman. " I thought," wrote Mr. Isaac Williams, 
 " that knowing him, I better understood Hamlet, a person 
 most natural, but so original as to be unlike any one else, 
 hiding depth of delicate thought in apparent extravagances. 
 Hamlet, and the Georgics of Virgil, he used to say, he should 
 have bound together." " Isaac Williams," wrote Mr. Copeland, 
 " mentioned to me a remark made on Froude by S. Wilberforce 
 in his early days : ' They talk of Froude's fun, but somehow I 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 253 
 
 cannot be in a room with him alone for ten minutes without 
 feeling so intensely melancholy, that I do not know what to do 
 with myself At Brighstone, in my Eden days, he was with 
 me, and I was overwhelmed with the deep sense which pos- 
 sessed him of yearning which nothing could satisfy, and of the 
 unsatisfying nature of all things.' " ^ 
 
 ' Froude often reminds us of Pascal. Both had that 
 peculiarly bright, brilliant, sharp-cutting intellect which passes 
 with ease through the coverings and disguises which veil 
 realities from men. Both had mathematical powers of unusual 
 originality and clearness ; both had the same imaginative 
 faculty ; both had the same keen interest in practical problems 
 of science ; both felt and followed the attraction of deeper and 
 more awful interests. Both had the same love of beauty ; 
 both suppressed it. Both had the same want of wide or deep 
 learning ; they made skilful use of what books came to their 
 hand, and used their reading as few readers are able to use it ; 
 but their real instrument of work was their own quick and 
 strong insight, and power of close and vigorous reasoning. 
 Both had the greatest contempt for fashionable and hollow 
 " shadows of religion." Both had the same definite, unflinching 
 judgment. Both used the same clear and direct language. 
 Both had a certain grim delight in the irony with which they 
 pursued their opponents. In both it is probable that their 
 unmeasured and unsparing criticism recoiled on the cause 
 which they had at heart. But in the case of both of them it 
 was not the temper of the satirist, it was no mere love of 
 attacking what was vulnerable, and indulgence in the cruel 
 pleasure of stinging and putting to shame, which inspired 
 them. Their souls were moved by the dishonour done to 
 religion, by public evils and public dangers. Both of them 
 died young, before their work was done. They placed before 
 themselves the loftiest and most unselfish objects, the restora- 
 tion of truth and goodness in the Church : and to that they 
 gave their life and all that they had. And what they called 
 on others to be they were themselves. They were alike in 
 
 ^ [A few references to the Remains illustrating this are subjoined, if any one cares 
 to compare them with these recollections : i., pp. 7, 13, 18, 26, 106, 184, 199, 
 200-204.] 
 
254 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 the sternness, the reality, the perseverance, almost unintelligible 
 in its methods to ordinary men, of their moral and spiritual 
 self-discipline.' 
 
 [Supplementary Chapter, written by LORD Blachford 
 (Frederic Rogers).^] 
 
 ' Hurrell Froude was, when I, as an undergraduate, first knew 
 him, in 1828, tall and very thin, with something of a stoop, 
 with a large skull and forehead, but not a large face, delicate 
 features, and penetrating grey eyes, not exactly piercing, but 
 bright with internal conceptions, and ready to assume an 
 expression of amusement, careful attention, inquiry, or stern 
 disgust, but with a basis of softness. His manner was cordial 
 and familiar, and assured you, as you knew him well, of his 
 affectionate feeling, which encouraged you to speak your mind 
 (within certain limits), subject to the consideration that if you 
 said anything absurd it would not be allowed to fall to the 
 ground. He had more of the undergraduate in him than any 
 " don " whom I ever knew : absolutely unlike Newman in being 
 always ready to skate, sail, or ride with his friends, and, if in 
 ' A prior and corroborative sketch is appended, by the same hand : 
 
 From Letters of Frederic Lord Blachford, Under-Sec. of State for the 
 Colonies, 1860-1871. Edited by George Eden Marindin. London: Murray, 
 1896. 
 
 [By the kind permission of G. E. Marindin, Esq.] 
 
 ' [Hurrell Froude] was anything but "learned." In lecture he gave you the idea 
 of not being, in knowledge, so very much in advance of those whom he taught ; but 
 he had a fine taste, a quick and piercing precision of thought, a fertility and depth of 
 reasoning, which stimulated a mind which had any quickness and activity. He had 
 an interest in everything ; he would draw with you, sail on the river with you, talk 
 philosophy or politics with you, ride over fences with you, skate with you : all with 
 a kind of joyous enjoyment. Mischief seems to have been his snare as a boy, and a 
 controlled delight in what was on the edge of mischief gave a kind of verve to his 
 character as a man. This made him charming to those whom he liked. But then 
 he did not choose to like any whom he did not respect ; and he could be as hard 
 and sharp as you please on what he thought bad, [i.e.,] profane, vicious, or cox- 
 combical.' 
 
 ' In Newman's sermons and H. F.'slconversation, I found an uncompromising devo- 
 tion to religion, with discouragement of anything like gushing profession . . . also a 
 religion which did not reject, but aspired to embody in itself, any form of art and 
 literature, poetry, philosophy, and even science, which could be pressed into the 
 service of Christianity,' 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 255 
 
 a scrape, not pharisaical as to his means of getting out of it. 
 I remember, e.g., climbing Merton gate with him in my under- 
 graduate days, when we had been out too late boating or 
 skating. And unless authority or substantial decorum was 
 really threatened he was very lenient : or, rather, had an 
 amused sympathy with the irregularities that are mere matters 
 of mischief or high spirits. In lecture it was, mutatis mutandis, 
 the same man. Seeing, from his Remains, the " high view of 
 his own capacities of which he could not divest himself," and 
 his determination not to exhibit or be puffed up by it, and 
 looking back on his tutorial manner (I was in his lectures, both 
 in classics and mathematics), it was strange how he disguised, 
 not only his sense of superiority, but the appearance of it, so 
 that his pupils felt him more as a fellow-student than as the 
 refined scholar or mathematician which he was. This was 
 partly owing to his carelessness of those formulae, the famili- 
 arity with which gives even second-rate lectures a position of 
 superiority which is less visible in those who, like their pupils, 
 are themselves always struggling with principles ; and partly 
 to an effort, perhaps sometimes overdone, not to put himself 
 above the level of others. In a lecture on the Supplices of 
 .(Eschylus, I have heard him say tout bonnement: " I can't con- 
 strue that : what do you make of it, A. B. ? " turning to the 
 supposed best scholar in the lecture ; or, when an objection 
 was started to his mode of getting through a difficulty : " Ah ! 
 I had not thought of that; perhaps your way is the best." 
 And this mode of dealing with himself and the undergraduates 
 whom he liked, made them like him, but also made them really 
 undervalue his talent, which, as we now see, was what he 
 meant they should do. At the same time, though watchful 
 over his own vanity, he was keen and prompt in snubs in 
 playful and challenging retort, to those he liked, but in the 
 nature of scornful exposure, when he had to do with coarseness 
 or coxcombry, or shallow display of sentiment. It was a 
 paradoxical consequence of his suppression of egotism that 
 he was more solicitous to show that you were wrong than 
 that he was right. He also wanted, like Socrates or Bishop 
 Butler, to make others, if possible, think for themselves, 
 
 ' However, it is not to be inferred that his conversation was 
 
256 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 made of controversy. To a certain extent it turned that way, 
 because he was fond of paradox. (His brother William used 
 to say that he, William, never felt he had really mastered a 
 principle till he had thrown it into a paradox.) And paradox, 
 of course, invites contradiction, and so controversy. On 
 subjects upon which he considered himself more or less an 
 apostle, he liked to stir people's minds by what startled them, 
 waking them up, or giving them " nuts to crack." An almost 
 solemn gravity, with amusement twinkling behind it (not 
 invisible, and ready to burst forth into a bright low laugh 
 when gravity had been played out), was a very frequent posture 
 with him. But he was thoroughly ready to amuse and instruct, 
 or to be amused and instructed, as an eager and earnest 
 speaker or listener on most matters of interest. I do not 
 remember that he had any great turn for beauty of colour ; he 
 had none, I think, or next to none, for music, nor do I 
 remember in him any great love of humour ; but for beauty 
 of physical form, for mechanics, for mathematics, for poetry 
 which had a root in true feeling, for wit (including that percep- 
 tion of a quasi-logical absurdity of position), for history, for 
 domestic incidents, his sympathy was always lively, and he 
 would throw himself naturally and warmly into them. From 
 his general demeanour (I need scarcely say) the " odour of 
 sanctity " was wholly absent. 
 
 ' I am not sure that his height and depth of aim and lively 
 versatility of talent did not leave his compassionate sympathies 
 rather undeveloped ; certainly to himself, and, I suspect, largely 
 in the case of others, he would view suffering not as a thing 
 to be cockered up or made much of, though of course to be 
 alleviated if possible, but to be viewed calmly as a Providential 
 discipline for those who can mitigate, or have to endure it. 
 J. H. N. was once reading me a letter just received from him 
 in which (in answer to J, H. N.'s account of his work and the 
 possibility of his breaking down), he said in substance : " I 
 daresay you have more to do than your health will bear, but 
 I would not have you give up anything except perhaps the 
 Deanery " (of Oriel). And then J. H. N. paused, with a kind 
 of inner exultant chuckle, and said : " Ah ! there's a Basil for 
 you " ; as if the friendship which sacrificed its friend, as it would 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 257 
 
 sacrifice itself, to a cause, was the friendship which was really 
 worth having. 
 
 ' As I came to know him in a more manly way, as a brother 
 Fellow, friend, and collaborateur, the character of " ecclesiastical 
 agitator " was of course added to this. In this capacity his 
 great pleasure was taking bulls by their horns. Like the 
 " gueux " of the Low Countries, he would have met half-way 
 any opprobrious nickname, and I believe coined the epithet 
 " Apostolical " for his party because it was connected with 
 everything in Spain which was most obnoxious to the British 
 public. I remember one day his grievously shocking Palmer 
 of Worcester, a man of an opposite texture, when a council in 
 J. H. N.'s rooms had been called to consider some memorial or 
 other to which Palmer wanted to collect the signatures of 
 many, and particularly of dignified persons, but in which 
 Froude wished to express the determined opinions of a few. 
 Froude stretched out his long length on Newman's sofa, broke 
 in upon one of Palmer's judicious harangues about Bishops 
 and Archdeacons and such like, with the ejaculation : " I don't 
 see why we should disguise from ourselves that our object is 
 to dictate to the clergy of this country ; and I, for one, do 
 not want anyone else to get on the box ! " He thought 
 that true Churchmen must be few before they were many : 
 that the sin of the clergy in all ages was that they tried to 
 make out that Christians were many when they were only 
 few, and sacrificed to this object the force derivable from 
 downright and unmistakable enforcement of truth in speech or 
 action. 
 
 ' As simplicity in thought, word, and deed formed no small 
 part of his ideal, his tastes in architecture, painting, sculpture, 
 rhetoric, or poetry were severe. He had no patience with 
 what was artistically dissolute, luscious, or decorated more than 
 in proportion to its animating idea, wishy-washy, or senti- 
 mental. The ornamental parts of his own rooms (in which I 
 lived in his absence) were a slab of marble to wash upon, a 
 print of Rubens's " Deposition," and a head (life-size) of the 
 Apollo Belvedere. And I remember still the tall scorn, with 
 something of surprise, with which, on entering my under- 
 graduate room, he looked down on some Venuses, Cupids, 
 
 17 
 
258 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 and Hebes, which, freshman-like, I had bought from an 
 Italian. 
 
 ' He was not very easy even under conventional vulgarity, 
 still less under the vulgarity of egotism ; but, being essentially 
 a partisan, he could put up with both in a man who was really 
 in earnest and on the right side. Nothing, however, I think, 
 would have induced him to tolerate false sentiment, and he 
 would, I think, if he had lived, have exerted himself very 
 trenchantly to prevent his cause being adulterated by it. He 
 was, I should say, sometimes misled by a theory that genius 
 cut through a subject by logic or intuition, without looking to 
 the right or left, while common sense was always testing every 
 step by consideration of surroundings (I have not got his terse 
 mode of statement), and that genius was right, or at least had 
 only to be corrected, here and there, by common sense. This, 
 I take it, would hardly have answered if his trenchancy had 
 not been in practice corrected by J. H. N.'s wider political 
 circumspection. He submitted, I suppose, to J. H. N.'s axiom, 
 that if the Movement was to do anything it must become 
 " respectable " ; but it was against his nature. 
 
 ' He would (as we see in the Remains) have wished Ken to 
 have the " courage of his convictions " by excommunicating the 
 Jurors in William lll.'s time, and setting up a little Catholic 
 Church, like the Jansenists in Holland. He was not (as has 
 been observed) a theologian, but he was as jealous for ortho- 
 doxy as if he were. He spoke slightingly of Heber as having 
 ignorantly or carelessly communicated with Monophysites. 
 But he probably knew no more about that and other heresies 
 than a man of active and penetrating mind would derive from 
 text-books. And I think it likely enough, not that his 
 reverence for the Eucharist, but that his special attention to 
 the details of Eucharistic doctrine, was due to the consideration 
 that it was the foundation of ecclesiastical discipline and 
 authority : matters on which his mind fastened itself with 
 enthusiasm.' 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 259 
 
 From ' Apologia pro Vita Sua,' by John Henry 
 Newman, D.D,, of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri. 
 London: Longmans, Green, Reader & Dyer, 1873. 
 
 [By the kind permission of the Rev. W. P. Neville of the Oratory, and of Messrs. 
 Longmans, Green & Co.] 
 
 ' . . . Hurrell Froude was a pupil of Keble's, formed by 
 him, and in turn reacting upon him. I knew him first in 1826, 
 and was in the closest and most affectionate friendship with 
 him from about 1829 until his death in 1836. He was a man 
 of the highest gifts : so truly many-sided, that it would be 
 presumptuous in me to attempt to describe him, except under 
 those aspects in which he came before me. Nor have I here 
 to speak of the gentleness and tenderness of nature, the 
 playfulness, the free elastic force and graceful versatility of 
 mind, and the patient winning considerateness in discussion, 
 which endeared him to those to whom he opened his heart ; 
 for I am all along engaged upon matters of belief and opinion, 
 and am introducing others into my narrative, not for their own 
 sake, or because I love them and have loved them, so much as 
 because, and so far as, they have influenced my theological 
 views. In this respect, then, I speak of Hurrell Froude, in his 
 intellectual aspect : as a man of high genius, brimful and 
 overflowing with ideas and views, in him original, which were 
 too many and strong even for his bodily strength, and which 
 crowded and jostled against each other, in their effort after 
 distinct shape and expression. And he had an intellect as 
 critical and logical as it was speculative and bold. Dying 
 prematurely, as he did, and in the conflict and transition-state 
 of opinion, his religious views never reached their ultimate 
 conclusion, by the very reason of their multitude and their 
 depth. His opinions arrested and influenced me even when 
 they did not gain my assent. He professed openly his 
 admiration of the Church of Rome, and his hatred of the 
 Reformers. He delighted in the notion of an hierarchical 
 system, of sacerdotal power, and of full ecclesiastical liberty. 
 He felt scorn of the maxim, " The Bible and the Bible only 
 is the religion of Protestants," and he gloried in accepting 
 
260 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Tradition as a main instrument of religious teaching. He 
 had a high severe idea of the intrinsic excellence of Virginity, 
 and he considered the Blessed Virgin its great Pattern. 
 He delighted in thinking of the Saints ; he had a vivid 
 appreciation of the idea of sanctity, its possibility and its 
 heights ; and he was more than inclined to believe a large 
 amount of miraculous interference as occurring in the early 
 and middle ages. He embraced the principle of penance 
 and mortification. He had a deep devotion to the Real 
 Presence, in which he had a firm faith. He was power- 
 fully drawn to the Mediaeval Church, but not to the 
 Primitive. 
 
 ' He had a keen insight into abstract truth ; but he was an 
 Englishman to the backbone in his severe adherence to the 
 real and the concrete. He had a most classical taste, and a 
 genius for philosophy and art ; and he was fond of historical 
 inquiry, and the politics of religion. He had no turn for 
 theology as such. He set no sufficient value on the writings 
 of the Fathers, on the detail or development of doctrine, on 
 the definite traditions of the Church viewed in their matter, on 
 the teaching of the Ecumenical Councils, or on the contro- 
 versies out of which they arose. He took an eager courageous 
 view of things, on the whole. I should say that his power of 
 entering into the minds of others did not equal his other gifts : 
 he could not believe, for instance, that I really held the Roman 
 Church to be anti-Christian. On many points, he would not 
 believe but that I agreed with him, when I did not : he seemed 
 not to understand my difficulties. His were of a different 
 kind : the contrariety between theory and tact. He was a 
 High Tory of the Cavalier stamp, and was disgusted with the 
 Toryism of the opponents of the Reform Bill. He was smitten 
 with the love of the Theocratic Church : he went abroad, and 
 was shocked by the degeneracy which he thought he saw in 
 the Catholics of Italy. 
 
 ' It is difficult to enumerate the precise additions to my 
 theological creed which I derived from a friend to whom I owe 
 so much. He taught me to look with admiration towards the 
 Church of Rome, and, in the same degree, to dislike the 
 Reformation. He fixed deep in me the idea of devotion to 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 261 
 
 the Blessed Virgin, and he led me gradually to believe in the 
 Real Presence. 
 
 ' There were other reasons, besides Mr. Rose's state of 
 health, which hindered those who so much admired him from 
 availing themselves of his close co-operation in the coming 
 fight. United as both he and they were in the general scope 
 of the Movement, they were in discordance with each other, 
 from the first, in their estimate of the means to be adopted for 
 attaining it. Mr. Rose had a position in the Church, a name, 
 and serious responsibilities; he had direct ecclesiastical 
 superiors ; he had intimate relations with his own University, 
 and a large clerical connection through the country. Froude 
 and I were nobodies, with no characters to lose, and no 
 antecedents to fetter us. Rose could not go ahead across 
 country, as Froude had no scruples in doing. Froude was a 
 bold rider: as on horseback, so also in his speculations. After 
 a long conversation with him on the logical bearing of his 
 principles, Mr. Rose said of him, with quiet humour, that " he 
 did not seem to be afraid of inferences." It was simply the 
 truth. Froude had that strong hold of first principles, and 
 that keen perception of their value, that he was comparatively 
 indifferent to the revolutionary action which would attend on 
 their application to a given state of things ; whereas, in the 
 thoughts of Rose, as a practical man, existing facts had the 
 precedence of every other idea, and the chief test of the 
 soundness of a line of policy lay in the consideration whether 
 it would work. This was one of the first questions which, as 
 it seemed to me, on every occasion occurred to his mind. 
 With Froude, Erastianism, that is, the union (so he viewed it) 
 of Church and State, was the parent, or if not the parent, the 
 serviceable and sufificient tool of Liberalism. Till that union 
 was snapped. Christian doctrine never could be safe ; and 
 while he well knew how high and unselfish was the temper 
 of Mr. Rose, yet he used to apply to him an epithet, 
 reproachful in his mouth : Rose was " a conservative." By 
 bad luck, I brought out this word to Mr. Rose in a letter of 
 my own, which I wrote to him in criticism of something he 
 had inserted in his Magazine : I got a vehement rebuke for my 
 
262 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 pains ; for though Rose pursued a conservative line, he had as 
 high a disdain as Froude could have of a worldly ambition, 
 and an extreme sensitiveness of such an imputation. But 
 there was another reason still, and a more elementary one, 
 which severed Mr. Rose from the Oxford Movement. Living 
 movements do not come of committees, nor are great ideas 
 worked out through the post, even though it had been the 
 penny post. This principle deeply penetrated both Froude 
 and myself from the first, and recommended to us the course 
 which things soon took spontaneously, and without set purpose 
 of our own. 
 
 ' It was an apparent accident which introduced me to [the 
 Roman Breviary], that most wonderful and most attractive 
 monument of the devotion of Saints. On Hurrell Froude's 
 death, in 1836, I was asked to select one of his books as a 
 keepsake. I selected Butler's Analogy; finding that it had 
 been already chosen, I looked with some perplexity along the 
 shelves, as they stood before me, when an intimate friend at 
 my elbow said : " Take that." It was the Breviary which 
 Hurrell had had with him at Barbados. Accordingly, I 
 took it, studied it, wrote my Tract from it, and have it on 
 my table in constant use till this day.^ That dear and familiar 
 companion,^ who thus put the Breviary into my hands, is still 
 in the Anglican Church. So, too, is that early-venerated 
 long-loved friend,^ together with whom I edited a work which, 
 more perhaps than any other, caused disturbance and annoy- 
 ance in the Anglican world, Froude's Remains ; yet, however 
 judgments might run as to the prudence of publishing it, 
 I never heard any one impute to Mr. Keble the very shadow 
 of dishonesty or treachery towards his Church in so acting." 
 
 ' Its owner and lover for more than fifty years has written a summary of its history 
 upon the fly-leaf. 
 
 ' Frederic Rogers, Lord Blachford. 
 ' The Rev. John Keble. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 263 
 
 From ' The Cherwell Water-Lily and other Poems,' 
 by the Rev. Frederick William Faber, M.A., 
 Fellow of University College, Oxford. London : Riving- 
 tons ; and Oxford, Parker, 1 840. 
 [By the kind permission of the Rev. Charles Bowden of the London Oratory.] 
 Verses sent to a Friend with a copy of Froude's Remains} 
 
 ' The languid heart that hath been ever nursed 
 By strains of drowsy sweetness, ill can brook 
 The rude rough music that at times doth burst 
 From him whose thoughts are treasured in this book. 
 It was his lot to live in days uncouth 
 That shrink from aught so hard and stern as Truth. 
 
 I know my generous friend too well to fear 
 
 This holy gift will be unsafe with thee : 
 
 Thou never yet hast had the heart to sneer 
 
 At the eccentric feats of chivalry ; 
 
 And well I know there are cold men who deem 
 
 This saintly Cause a weak knight-errant's dream. 
 
 When thou hast marked him well, thine eye will trace 
 Lines deep and steadfast ; features grave and bold ; 
 Beauty austere and masculine ; a face 
 And stalwart form wrought in the antique mould ; 
 And if some shades too broad and coarse are thrown, 
 'Tis where the Age hath marred the block of stone.' 
 
 From ' The Evangelical Succession,' in ' Essays in 
 
 Ecclesiastical Biography,' by the Right Honourable 
 
 Sir James Stephen, K.C.B. London : Longman, Brown, 
 
 Green & Longmans, 1849.^ 
 
 [By the kind permission of Herbert Stephen, Esq. , and of Messrs. Longmans, 
 Green & Co.] 
 
 ' ... In obedience to the general law of human affairs, 
 
 arrived the day of reaction. A new race of students had 
 
 ^ In the later editions, the poem appears without indication of Froude's name. 
 
 ^ The first draught of this paper appeared under the title ' The Lives of Whitfield 
 and Froude : Oxford CathoHcism,' in the Edinburgh Review, vol. Ixvii., pp. 500-535 : 
 the issue for July, 1838. Rogers writes to Newman, on October 4 of that year : 
 ' I was sorry to hear that your friend Mr. Stephen of the Colonial Office was the 
 
264 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 grown up at Oxford. They were men of unsullied, and even 
 severe virtue ; animated by a devotion which, if not very 
 fervent, was at least genuine and grave ; conversant with 
 classical literature, and not without pretensions, more or less 
 considerable, to an acquaintance with Christian antiquity. As 
 they paced thoughtfully along those tall avenues, to which, a 
 hundred years before, Whitfield and the Wesleys had been 
 accustomed to retire for meditation, they recoiled, with a 
 mixture of aversion and contempt, from the image of the 
 crowded assemblages, and the dramatic exercises, in which 
 the successors of those great men in the Church of England 
 were performing so conspicuous a part. They revolved, not 
 without indignation, the intellectual barrenness with which 
 that Church had been stricken, from the time when her most 
 popular teachers had not merely been satisfied to tread the 
 narrow circle of the " Evangelical " theology, but had exulted 
 in that bondage as indicating their possession of a purer light 
 than had visited the other ministers of the Gospel. They 
 invoked, with an occasional sigh, but not without many a 
 bitter smile, the reappearance amongst us of a piety more 
 profound and masculine, more meek and contemplative. They 
 believed that such a change in the religious character of their 
 age and country was a divine command, and that a commission 
 had been given to themselves to carry it into effect. 
 
 ' ... It came to pass, in the Oxonian as in other 
 leagues, that the head moved forward by the impulse of the 
 tail. Step by step in their progress, " the Church," whom 
 they worshipped, changed her attitude and her aspect. She 
 soon disclaimed her Elizabethan or statutory origin, and then 
 made vehement efforts to escape from her Elizabethan or 
 statutory ceremonial. She assumed the title, and laid claim 
 to the character, of the Primitive Church, or the Church of the 
 Fathers, and at length arrogated to herself the prerogatives of 
 that Catholic or universal Church, which " lifts her mitred front 
 
 author of the article on Froude, though that is better than if it had been a younger 
 man. Doyle talked of it, and spoke of the Remains as having produced the impres- 
 sion of an unamiable character ! ' (Letters of Lord Blackford, edited by George Eden 
 Marindin, 1896, p. 51). 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 265 
 
 in courts and palaces," whether at Rome, at Moscow, or at Lam- 
 beth, but whose presence is never vouchsafed to any who cannot 
 trace back from Apostolic hands an Episcopal succession. 
 
 'At this stage of the history of the Oxonian league, its 
 progress was quickened and animated by the panic which 
 exhibited itself from one end to the other of the hostile camp. 
 The disciples of Whitfield and of Wesley, united to those of 
 Newton and Scott, of Milner and of Venn, and, reinforced by 
 the whole strength of the Nonconformists, began to throw up, 
 along the whole field of controversy, entrenchments for their 
 own defence, and batteries for the annoyance of their assailants. 
 Amongst the literary missiles cast by the contending hosts 
 against each other, there are few better worth the study of 
 those who wish to estimate the probable result of the conflict, 
 than the Life of Richard Hurrell Froude. It was launched 
 from a catapult under the immediate direction of Messrs. 
 Keble and Newman themselves, and, though it is a book of 
 no great inherent value, it has a considerable interest as the 
 only biography which the world possesses of a confessor of 
 Oxford Catholicism. It contains a vivid picture of the dis- 
 cipline, the studies, the opinions, and the mental habits of his 
 fraternity, and is published by the two great fathers of that 
 school, with the avowal of their " own general coincidence " 
 in the opinions and feelings of their disciple. We have thus 
 a delineation, at full length, of one of those divines who are 
 to effect the conquest which was attempted in vain by the 
 Bellarmines and the Bossuets of former times. If it teaches 
 us nothing else, this biography will at least teach us what is 
 the real extent and urgency of the danger which has so much 
 disturbed the tranquillity of the guardians of the Protestant 
 faith of England. 
 
 ' Richard Hurrell Froude was born, as we read, on the 
 "Feast of the Annunciation," in the year 1803, and died in 
 1836. He was an Etonian, a Fellow of Oriel College, a 
 priest in Holy Orders of the Church of England, the writer 
 of unsuccessful prize essays, and of journals, letters, and 
 sermons ; an occasional contributor to the periodical literature 
 of his theological associates ; and, during the last four years 
 of his life, an invalid in search of health, either in the south 
 
266 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 of Europe or in the West Indies. Such are all the incidents 
 of a life to the commemoration of which two octavo volumes 
 have been dedicated. A more intractable story, if regarded 
 merely as a narrative, was never undertaken. But Mr. Froude 
 left behind him a great collection of papers, which affection 
 would have committed to the fire, though party spirit has 
 given them to the press. The most unscrupulous publisher 
 of diaries and private correspondence never offered for sale a 
 self-analysis more frank or less prepossessing. But the world 
 is invited to gaze on this suicidal portraiture, on account of 
 " the extreme importance of the views, to the development of 
 which the whole is meant to be subservient," and in order 
 that they may not lose " the instruction derivable from a full 
 exhibition of his character as a witness to those views." Heavy 
 as are the penalties which the Editors of these volumes have 
 incurred for their disclosure of the infirmities of their friend, 
 the world will probably absolve them, if they will publish more 
 of the letters which he appears to have received from his 
 mother, and to have transmitted to them. One such letter 
 which they have rescued from oblivion, is worth far more than 
 all which they have published of her son's. Though both the 
 parent and the child have long since been withdrawn from the 
 reach of this world's judgment, it yet seems almost an impiety 
 to transcribe her estimate of his early character, and to add that 
 the less favourable anticipations which she drew from her study 
 of him in youth, were but too distinctly verified in his riper 
 years. She read his heart with a mother's sagacity, and thus 
 revealed it to himself with a mother's tenderness and truth. 
 
 ' " From his very birth his temper had been peculiar ; 
 pleasing, intelligent, and attaching, when his mind was un- 
 disturbed, and he was in the company of people who treated 
 him reasonably and kindly ; but exceedingly impatient under 
 vexatious circumstances ; very much disposed to find his own 
 amusement in teasing and vexing others ; and almost entirely 
 incorrigible when it was necessary to reprove him. I never 
 could find a successful mode of treating him. Harshness 
 made him obstinate and gloomy ; calm and long displeasure 
 made him stupid and sullen ; and kind patience had not 
 sufficient power over his feelings to force him to govern him- 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 267 
 
 self. After a statement of such great faults, it may seem an 
 inconsistency to say that he nevertheless still bore about him 
 strong marks of a promising character. In all points of sub- 
 stantial principle his feelings were just and high. He had 
 (for his age) 'an unusually deep feeling of admiration for 
 everything which was good and noble ; his relish was lively, 
 and his taste good, for all the pleasures of the imagination ; 
 and he was also quite conscious of his own faults, and {un- 
 tempted) had a just dislike to them." ' 
 
 ' Exercising a stern and absolute dominion over all the 
 baser passions, with a keen perception of the beautiful in 
 nature and in art, and a deep homage for the sublime in 
 morals ; imbued with the spirit of the classical authors, and 
 delighting in the exercise of talents which, though they fell far 
 short of excellence, rose as far above mediocrity, Mr. Froude 
 might have seemed to want no promise of an honourable rank 
 in literature, or of distinction in his sacred office. His career 
 was intercepted 'by a premature death ; but enough is recorded 
 to show that his aspirations, however noble, must have been 
 defeated by the pride and raoroseness which his mother's 
 wisdom detected, and which her love disclosed to him ; united 
 as they were to a constitutional distrust of his own powers, 
 and a weak reliance on other minds for guidance and support. 
 A spirit at once haughty, and unsustained by genuine self- 
 confidence ; subdued by the stronger will or intellect of other 
 men, and glorying in that subjection ; regarding the opponents 
 of his masters with an intolerance exceeding their own ; and, 
 in the midst of all his animosity towards others, turning with 
 no infrequent indignation on itself, — might form the basis of a 
 good dramatic sketch, of which Mr. Froude might not un- 
 worthily sustain the burden. But a " dialogue of the dead," in 
 which George Whitfield and Richard Froude should be the 
 interlocutors, would be a more appropriate channel for 
 illustrating the practical uses of " the Second Reformation," and 
 of the " Catholic Restoration," which it is the object of their 
 respective biographies to illustrate. Rhadamanthus having 
 dismissed them from his tribunal, they would compare 
 together their juvenile admiration of the drama, their ascetic 
 discipline at Oxford, their early dependence on stronger or 
 
268 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 more resolute minds, their propensity to self-observation and 
 to self-portraiture, their contemptuous opinions of the negro 
 race, and the surprise with which they witnessed the worship 
 of the Church of Rome in lands where it is still triumphant. 
 So far all is peace, and the Concordes animce exchange such 
 greetings as pass between disembodied spirits. But when the 
 tidings brought by the new denizen of the Elysian fields to the 
 reformer of the eighteenth century, reach his affrighted shade, 
 the regions of the blessed are disturbed by an unwonted dis- 
 cord ; and the fiery soul of Whitfield blazes with intense desire 
 to resume his wanderings through the earth, and to lift up his 
 voice against the new apostasy. 
 
 ' It was with no unmanly dread of the probe, but from 
 want of skill or leisure to employ it, that the self-scrutiny of 
 Whitfield seldom or never penetrated much below the surface. 
 Preach he must ; and when no audience could be brought 
 together, he seized a pen and preached to himself The 
 uppermost feeling, be it what it may, is put down in his 
 journal honestly, vigorously, and devoutly. Satan is menaced 
 and upbraided. Intimations from Heaven are recorded, with- 
 out one painful doubt of their origin. He prays and exults, 
 anticipates the future with delight, looks back to the past with 
 thankfulness, blames himself simply because he thinks himself 
 to blame, despairs of nothing, fears nothing, and has not a 
 moment's ill-will to any human being. Mr. Froude conducts 
 his written soliloquies in a different spirit. His introverted 
 gaze analyses with elaborate minuteness the various motives 
 at the confluence of which his active powers receive their 
 impulse, and, with perverted sagacity, pursues the self- 
 examination, until, bewildered in the dark labyrinth of his own 
 nature, he escapes to the cheerful light of day by locking 
 up his journal. A friend (whose real name is as distinctly 
 intimated under its initial letter, as if it were written at length) 
 advises burning confessions. " I cannot make up my mind to 
 that," observes the penitent; "but I think I can see many 
 points in which it will be likely to do me good to be cut off 
 for some time from these records." On such a subject the 
 author of The Christian Year was entitled to greater defer- 
 ence. That bright ornament of the College de PropagandA at 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 269 
 
 Oxford had also gazed on his own heart through the mental 
 microscope, till he had learnt the danger of the excessive use 
 of it. While admonishing men to approach their Creator not 
 as isolated beings, but as members of the Universal Church, 
 and while aiding the inmates of her hallowed courts to 
 worship in strains so pure, so reverent, and so meek, as to 
 answer not unworthily to the voice of hope and reconciliation 
 in which she is addressed by her Divine Head, this " sweet 
 singer " had so brooded over the evanescent processes of his 
 own spiritual nature, as not seldom to render his real meaning 
 imperceptible to his readers, and probably to himself. With 
 how sound a judgment he counselled Mr. Froude to burn his 
 books, may be judged from the following entries in them : 
 
 ' " I have been talking a great deal to P. ^ about religion 
 to-day. He seems to take such straightforward practical views 
 of it that, when I am talking to him, I wonder what I have 
 been bothering myself with all the summer, and almost doubt 
 how far it is right to allow myself to indulge in speculations 
 on a subject where all that is necessary is so plain and 
 obvious." — " Yesterday, when I went out shooting, I fancied 
 I did not care whether I hit or not ; but when it came to the 
 point, I found myself anxious, and, after having killed, was not 
 unwilling to let myself be considered a better shot than I 
 described myself. I had an impulse, too, to let it be thought 
 that I had only three shots when I really had had four. It 
 was slight, to be sure, but I felt it." — " I have read my journal, 
 though I can hardly identify myself with the person it 
 describes. It seems like having someone under one's 
 guardianship who was an intolerable fool, and exposed him- 
 self to my contempt, every moment, for the most ridiculous and 
 trifling motives ; and while I was thinking all this, I went into 
 L.'s room to seek a pair of shoes, and on hearing him coming, 
 got away as silently as possible. Why did I do this ? Did I 
 think I was doing what L. did not like ? or was it the relic of 
 a sneaking habit ? I will ask myself these questions again." — 
 " I have a sort of vanity which aims at my own good opinion, 
 and I look for anything to prove to myself that I am more 
 
 'Misprinted 'B.' in these Essays. 'P.' is Prevost, in whose company Hurrell 
 was when this entry was made, Oct. 2, 1826. 
 
270 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 anxious to mind myself than other people. I was very 
 hungry, but because I thought the charge unreasonable, I 
 tried to shirk the waiter : sneaking ! " — " Yesterday I was 
 much put out by an old fellow chewing tobacco and spitting 
 across me ; also bad thoughts of various kinds kept presenting 
 themselves to my mind when it was vacant." — " I talked 
 sillily to-day, as I used to do last Term, but took no pleasure 
 in it, so I am not ashamed. Although I don't recollect any 
 harm of myself, yet I don't feel that I have made a clean 
 breast of it." — " I forgot to mention that I had been looking 
 round my rooms, and thinking that they looked comfortable 
 and nice, and that I said in my heart, ' Ah, ah ! I am warm.' " — 
 " It always suggests itself to me that a wise thought is wasted 
 when it is kept to myself, against which, as it is my most 
 bothering temptation, I will set down some arguments to be 
 called to mind in time of trouble." — " Now I am proud of this, 
 and think that the knowledge it shows of myself implies a 
 greatness of mind." — " These records are no guide to me to 
 show the state of my mind afterwards ; they are so far from 
 being exercises of humility, that they lessen the shame of what 
 I record, just as professions [of] goodwill to other people 
 reconcile us to our neglect of them." 
 
 ' As it is not by these nice self-observers that the creeds of 
 hoar antiquity, and the habits of centuries are to be shaken ; 
 so neither is such high emprise reserved for ascetics who can 
 pause to enumerate the slices of bread and butter from which 
 they have abstained. When Whitfield would mortify his 
 body, he set about it like a man. The paroxysm was short 
 indeed, but terrible. While it lasted, his diseased imagination 
 brought soul and body into deadly conflict, the fierce spirit 
 spurning, trampling, and well-nigh destroying the peccant 
 carcase. Not so the fastidious and refined " witness to the 
 views " of the restorers of the Catholic Church. The strife 
 between his spiritual and animal nature is recorded in his 
 journal in such terms as these : " Looked with greediness to 
 see if there was goose on the table for dinner." — " Meant 
 to have kept a fast and did abstain from dinner, but at tea 
 eat buttered toast." — " Tasted nothing to-day till tea-time, and 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 271 
 
 then only one cup and dry bread." — " I have kept my fast 
 strictly, having taken nothing till near nine this evening, and 
 then only a cup of tea and a little bread without butter, 
 but it has not been as easy as it was last." — " I made rather a 
 more hearty tea than usual, quite giving up the notion of a 
 fast in W.'s rooms, and by this weakness have occasioned 
 another slip." Whatever may be thought of the propriety of 
 disclosing such passages as these, they will provoke a con- 
 temptuous smile from no one who knows much of his own 
 heart. But they may relieve the anxiety of the alarmists. 
 Luther and Zwingle, Cranmer and Latimer, may still rest in 
 their honoured graves. " Take courage, brother Ridley, we 
 shall light up such a flame in England as shall not soon be put 
 out ! " is a prophecy which will not be defeated by the suc- 
 cessors of the Oxonian divines who listened to it, so long as 
 they shall be [able ?] ^ to record, and to publish, contrite 
 reminiscences of a desire for roasted goose, and of an undue 
 indulgence in buttered toast. 
 
 ' Yet the will to subvert the doctrines and discipline of 
 the Reformation is not wanting, and is not concealed. Mr. 
 Froude himself, were he still living, might, indeed, object to be 
 judged by his careless and familiar Letters. No such objec- 
 tion can, however, be made by the eminent persons who have 
 deliberately given them to the world on account " of the truth 
 and extreme importance of the views to which the whole is 
 meant to be subservient," and in which they record their " own 
 general concurrence." Of these weighty truths take the 
 following examples : " You will be shocked at my avowal 
 that I am every day becoming a less and less loyal son of the 
 Reformation. It appears to me plain that in all matters 
 which seem to us indifferent, or even doubtful, we should 
 conform our practices to those of the Church which has pre- 
 served its traditionary practices unbroken. We cannot know 
 about any seemingly indifferent practice of the Church of 
 Rome that it is not a development of the Apostolic ^^09, and it 
 is to no purpose to say that we can find no proof of it in the 
 writings of the first six centuries : they must find a disproof if 
 they would do anything." — " I think people are injudicious 
 * ' Vacant ' in text. 
 
272 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 who talk against the Roman Catholics for worshipping Saints 
 and honouring the Virgin and images, etc. These things may 
 perhaps be idolatrous : I cannot make up my mind about it." 
 — " P. called us the Papal Protestant Church, in which he 
 proved a double ignorance, as we are Catholics without the 
 Popery, and Church of England men without the Protestantism." 
 — " The more I think over that view of yours about regarding 
 our present Communion Service, etc., as a judgement on the 
 Church, and taking it as the crumbs from the Apostles' table, 
 the more I am struck with its fitness to be dwelt upon as 
 tending to check the intrusion of irreverent thoughts, without 
 in any way interfering with one's just indignation." — "Your 
 trumpery principle about Scripture being the sole rule of faith 
 in fundamentals (I nauseate the word), is but a mutilated 
 edition, without the breadth and axiomatic character, of the 
 original." — " Really I hate the Reformation and the Reformers 
 more and more, and have almost made up my mind that the 
 Rationalist spirit they set afloat is the ■\}revSoTrpo<jy)]r7)i of the 
 Revelations." — " Why do you praise Ridley ? Do you know 
 sufficient good about him to counterbalance the fact that he 
 was the associate of Cranmer, Peter Martyr, and Bucer?" — "I- 
 wish you could get to know something of S. and W." (Southey 
 and Wordsworth), " and un-Protestantise, un-Miltonise them." — 
 " How is it WE are so much in advance of our generation f " 
 Spirit of George Whitfield 1 how would thy voice, rolled from 
 " the secret place of thunders," have overwhelmed these puny 
 protests against the truths which it was the one business of thy 
 life to proclaim from the rising to the setting sun ! 
 
 ' Penetrating the design and seizing the spirit of the Gospels, 
 the Reformers inculcated the faith in which the sentient and the 
 spiritual in man's compound nature had each its appropriate 
 office : the one directed to the Redeemer in His palpable form, 
 the other to the Divine Paraclete in His hidden agency ; while, 
 united with these, they exhibited to a sinful, but penitent, race 
 the parental character of the omnipresent Deity. Such is not 
 the teaching of the restored theology. The most eminent of 
 its professors have thrown open the doors of Mr. Froude's 
 oratory, and have invited all passers-by to notice in his prayers 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 273 
 
 and meditations " the absence of any distinct mention of our 
 Lord and Saviour." They are exhorted not to doubt that 
 there was a real though silent " allusion to Christ " under the 
 titles in which the Supreme Being is addressed ; and are told 
 that " this circumstance may be a comfort to those who cannot 
 bring themselves to assume the tone of many popular writers 
 of this day, who yet are discouraged by the peremptoriness 
 with which it is exacted of them. The truth is, that a mind 
 alive to its own real state often shrinks to utter what it most 
 dwells upon ; and is too full of awe and fear to do more than 
 silently hope what it most wishes." 
 
 ' It would indeed be presumptuous to pass a censure, or to 
 hazard an opinion, on the private devotions of any man ; but 
 there is no such risk in rejecting the apology which the 
 publishers of those secret exercises have advanced for Mr. 
 Froude's departure from the habits of his fellow-Christians. 
 Feeble, indeed, and emasculate must be the system, which, in its 
 delicate distaste for the " popular writers of the day," would 
 bury in silence the Name in which every tongue and language 
 has been summoned to worship and to rejoice. Well may 
 " awe and fear " become all who assume and all who invoke it. 
 But an " awe " which "shrinks to utter" ^ the Name of Him Who 
 was born at Bethlehem, and yet does not fear to use the 
 Name which is ineffable ; a " fear " which can make mention of 
 the Father, but may not speak of the Brother, of all ; — is a 
 feeling which fairly baffles comprehension. There is a much 
 more simple though a less imposing theory. Mr. Froude 
 permitted himself, and was encouraged by his correspondents, 
 to indulge in the language of antipathy and scorn towards a 
 large body of his fellow-Christians. It tinges his Letters, his 
 Journals, and is not without its influence even on his devotions. 
 Those despised men too often celebrated the events of their 
 Redeemer's life, and the benefits of His Passion, in language of 
 offensive familiarity, and invoked Him with fond and feeble 
 epithets. Therefore, a good Oxford Catholic must envelope 
 in mystic terms all allusion to Him round Whom, as its 
 centre, the whole Christian system revolves. The line of 
 demarcation between themselves and these coarse sentimental- 
 
 ' In written prayers. 
 
 i8 
 
274 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ists must be broad and deep, even though it should exclude 
 those by whom it is drawn, from all the peculiar and distinctive 
 ground on which the standard of the reformed Churches has 
 been erected. , . . The martyrs of disgust and the heroes of 
 revolutions are composed of entirely opposite materials, and 
 are cast in quite different moulds. Nothing truly great or 
 formidable was ever yet accomplished, in thought or action, by 
 men whose love for truth was not strong enough to triumph 
 over their dislike of the offensive objects with which truth may 
 chance to be associated. 
 
 ' Mr. Froude was the helpless victim of such associations. 
 Nothing escapes his abhorrence which has been regarded with 
 favour by his political or religious antagonists. The Bill for 
 the Abolition of Slavery was recommended to Parliament by 
 an Administration more than suspected of Liberalism in 
 matters ecclesiastical. The " witness to Catholic views," " in 
 whose sentiments, as a whole," his Editors concur, visits the 
 West Indies, and they are not afraid to publish the following 
 report of his feelings : " I have felt it a kind of duty to main- 
 tain in my mind an habitual hostility to the niggers, and to 
 chuckle over the failures of the new system, as if these poor 
 wretches concentrated in themselves all the Whiggery, dissent, 
 cant, and abomination that have been ranged on their side." 
 Lest this should pass for a pleasant extravagance, the Editors 
 enjoin the reader not to " confound the author's view of the 
 negro cause and of the abstract negro with his feelings towards 
 any he should actually meet " ; and Professor Tholuck is sum- 
 moned from Germany to explain how the " originators of error " 
 may lawfully be the objects of a good man's hate, and how it may 
 innocently overflow upon all their clients, kindred, and con- 
 nections. Mr. Froude's feelings towards the " abstract negro " 
 would have satisfied the learned Professor in his most malevo- 
 lent mood. " I am ashamed," he says, " I cannot get over my 
 prejudices against the niggers." — " Every one I meet seems to 
 me like an incarnation of the whole Anti-Slavery Society, and 
 Fowell Buxton at their head." — " The thing that strikes me as 
 most remarkable in the cut of these niggers is excessive im- 
 modesty, a forward stupid familiarity intended for civility, 
 which prejudices me against them worse even than Buxton's 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 275 
 
 cant did. It is getting to be the fashion with everybody, even 
 the planters, to praise the emancipation and Mr. Stanley." 
 
 ' Mr. Froude, or rather his Editors, appear to have fallen into 
 the error of supposing that their profession gives them not merely 
 the right to admonish, but the privilege to scold. Lord Stanley 
 and Mr. Buxton have, however, the consolation of being railed at 
 in good company. Hampden is " hated " with much zeal, though, 
 it is admitted, with imperfect knowledge. Louis Philippe, and 
 his associates of the Three Days, receive the following humane 
 benediction : " I sincerely hope ' the march of mind ' in France 
 may yet prove a bloody one." — " The election of the wretched 
 
 B. for , and that base fellow H. for , in spite of the 
 
 exposure," etc. Again, the Editors protest against our sup- 
 posing that this is a playful exercise in the art of exaggera- 
 tion. " It should be observed," they say, " as in other parts of 
 this volume, that the author used these words on principle, not 
 as abuse, but as expressing matters of fact, as a way of 
 bringing before his own mind things as they are." 
 
 ' Milton, however, is the special object of Mr. Froude's 
 virtuous abhorrence. He is " a detestable author." Mr. Froude 
 rejoices to learn something of the Puritans, because, as he says, 
 " it gives me a better right to hate Milton, and accounts for 
 many of the things which most disgusted me in his (not-in-my- 
 sense-of-the-word) poetry ! " — " A lady told me yesterday that 
 you wrote the article on Sacred Poetry, etc. I thought it 
 did not come up to what I thought your standard of aversion 
 to Milton." . . . There are much better things in Mr. Froude's 
 book than the preceding quotations might appear to promise. 
 If given as specimens of his powers, they would do injustice to 
 one whom we willingly would believe to have been a good and 
 able man, a ripe scholar, and a devout Christian ; though as 
 illustrations of the temper and opinions of those who now sit in 
 Wycliffe's seat, they are neither unfair nor unimportant. But 
 they may convince all whom it concerns, that hitherto, at 
 least, Oxford has not given birth to a new race of giants, by 
 whom the Evangelical founders and missionaries of the Church 
 of England are about to be expelled from their ancient 
 authority, or the Protestant world excluded from the light of 
 day and the free breath of Heaven,' 
 
276 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 From ' A Memoir of the Rev. John Keble, M.A., Late 
 Vicar of Hursley,' by the Right Hon. Sir J. T. 
 Coleridge, D.C.L. Oxford. London : James Parker & 
 Co., 1870. [3rd ed.] 
 
 [By the kind permission of Messrs. J. Parker & Co. ] 
 
 ' Of Hurrell Froude Dr. Newman has written : " He was 
 a pupil of Keble's, formed by him, and in turn reacting 
 upon him." This sentence is followed by a short and striking 
 account of this extraordinary man, to which it would be 
 unwise in me to attempt any addition, except as it may bear 
 on the object of this memoir. I knew [Hurrell Froude] from 
 a child, and I trace in the somewhat singular composition of 
 his character, what he inherited both from his father, and his 
 highly gifted mother: his father, whom Keble after his first 
 visit to Dartington Parsonage playfully described to me as 
 " very amiable, but provokingly intelligent, one quite un- 
 comfortable to think of, making one ashamed of going 
 gawking as one is wont to do about the world, without 
 understanding anything one sees " ; his mother very beautiful 
 in person and delicate in constitution, with a highly express- 
 ive countenance, and gifted in intellect with the genius and 
 imagination which his father failed in. Like the one, he was 
 clever, knowing, quick, and handy ; like the other, he was 
 sensitive, intellectual, imaginative. He came to Keble full of 
 respect for his character ; he was naturally soon won by his 
 affectionateness and simplicity, and, in turn, he was just the 
 young man in whom Keble would at once take an interest 
 and delight, as pupil ; and so in fact it was. I find him 
 again and again in Keble's letters spoken of in the most 
 loving language, yet often not without some degree of anxiety 
 as to his future course : he saw the elements of danger in 
 him, how liable he might be to take a wrong course, or be 
 misunderstood even when taking a right one. Yet his hopes 
 largely prevailed ; and especially I remember his rejoicing at 
 his [Froude's] being elected Fellow of Oriel, thinking that 
 the new society and associations, with the responsibilities of 
 College employment, would tend to keep him safe. That 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 277 
 
 Keble acted on him (I would rather use that term than 
 " formed ") is certain ; and even when, in the later years of his 
 short life, symptoms of coming differences in opinion may be 
 traced in his letters, there is no abatement of personal love and 
 reverence, nor, indeed, in a certain sense, of his feeling the 
 weight of Keble's influence ; and though I gather from these 
 that there was more entire agreement with Dr. Newman as to 
 action, yet it seems to me that there still remained a closer 
 intimacy and more filial feeling with regard to Keble. . . . 
 
 ' . . . That Hurrell Froude " re-acted on Keble " is true also, 
 I have no doubt, in a certain sense ; it could scarcely be 
 otherwise where there was so much ability and affectionate 
 playfulness, with so much originality on one side ; so much 
 humility on the other ; and so much love on both. It would 
 be idle to speculate on what might have been, when the hour 
 of trial came which none of those specially engaged probably 
 then foresaw. Before it arrived, Hurrell Froude had sunk 
 under the constitutional malady against which he struggled 
 for four years. What he would have been, and what he 
 would have done, had his life been prolonged, no one can say ; 
 it would be unfair to judge him by what he left behind, except 
 as rich grounds of promise. This I believe I may confidently 
 say, that those who knew him best loved him the most dearly, 
 and expected the most from him. 
 
 '. . . My readers will have observed how Keble writes 
 respecting Hurrell Froude and his Remains. His death was 
 a heavy blow to him, and no wonder : those who knew him 
 but were not on terms of intimacy, could not but regard 
 mournfully the end of one so accomplished, so gifted, so good 
 and so pure ; a man of such remarkable promise, worn out in 
 the very prime of life by slow, and wasting, and long-hopeless 
 disease. But it was much more than this with Keble : they 
 were more like elder and younger brothers. Reverence in 
 some sort sanctified Froude's love for Keble, and moderated 
 the sallies of his somewhat too quick and defiant temper, and 
 imparted a special diffidence to his opposition, in their oc- 
 casional controversies with each other ; while a sort of paternal 
 fondness in Keble gave unusual tenderness to his friendship 
 for Froude, and exaggerated, perhaps, his admiration for his 
 
278 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 undoubted gifts of head and heart. And these were greater 
 than mere acquaintances would be aware of: for he did not 
 present the best aspects of himself to common observation. . . . 
 
 ' I had the misfortune of giving [Keble] pain, not only by 
 differing from him on the subject [of the Remains'], but, owing 
 to misinformation, or misapprehension, on my part, by what 
 turned out to be a fruitless and ill-timed interference to pre- 
 vent the publication. I need not now explain how this arose; 
 but I must confess that my opinion remains unchanged. 
 It is a deeply interesting book ; not only perfectly harmless 
 now, but capable of instructing and improving those who will 
 read it calmly and considerately. Still, I think that it was 
 calculated, at the time, to throw unnecessary difficulties in the 
 way of the Movement ; that it tended to prevent a fair 
 consideration of what the " movers " were attempting, to excite 
 passion, and to encourage a scoffing spirit against them. Some 
 part of the anger and bitterness with which the Ninetieth 
 Tract was afterwards received, may fairly be traced to the 
 feeling created, unjustly indeed, but not unnaturally, by the 
 publication of the Remains. The one seemed to be the 
 result of the other, and the sequence of the two was held to 
 show a deliberate hostility to the Anglican, and an undue 
 preference of the Roman Church.' 
 
 From 'Essays Historical and Theological,' by J. B. 
 MOZLEY, D.D. Rivingtons, 1878. [From the Essay on 
 Dr. Arnold.] 
 
 [By the kind permission of Messrs. J. R. & H. W. Mozley.] 
 
 ' The Church of England had, after a century of growing 
 laxity, just come to the point at which she must either 
 retrace her steps into a stricter state, or go forward into a 
 formal latitudinarianism. Arnold was for the latter course; 
 the writers of the Tracts for the Times for the former. The 
 two schools met at these cross - roads, as it were, and a 
 remarkable contrast indeed they presented. The foremost 
 characters in the Church Movement (if they will excuse us 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 279 
 
 looking at them so historically) were undoubtedly phenomena 
 in their way, as Arnold was in his. Of one of these we can 
 speak : the death that robs us of so much, gives us, at any 
 rate, this privilege. Singular it is that antagonist systems should 
 so suit themselves with champions ; but if the world had been 
 picked for the most fair, adequate, and expressive specimens of 
 German-religionism and Catholicism (specimens that each side 
 would have acknowledged), it could not well have produced 
 better ones for the purpose than Dr. Arnold and Mr. Froude. 
 Arnold, gushing with the richness of domestic life, the darling 
 of Nature, and overflowing receptacle and enjoyer, with strong 
 healthy gusto, of all her endearments and sweets,— Arnold, 
 the representative of high joyous Lutheranism, is describable : 
 Mr. Froude, hardly. His intercourse with earth and Nature 
 seemed to cut through them like uncongenial steel, rather than 
 mix and mingle with them. Yet the polished blade smiled 
 as it went through. The grace and spirit with which he 
 adorned this outward world (and seemed, to an undiscerning 
 eye, to love it), were but something analogous in him to the 
 easy tone of men in high life, whose good-nature to inferiors is 
 the result either of their disinterested benevolence, or sublime 
 unconcern. In him, the severe sweetness of the life divine not 
 so much rejected as disarmed those potent glows and attractions 
 of the life natural : a high good temper civilly evaded and 
 disowned them. The monk by nature, the born aristocrat of 
 the Christian sphere, passed them clean by with inimitable 
 ease, marked his line, and shot clear beyond them into the 
 serene ether, toward the far-off Light, toward that needle's 
 point on which ten thousand angels and all Heaven move. . . . 
 The Catholic system, as it advanced from the worlds beyond 
 the grave, came with some of the colour and circumstance of 
 its origin. It contrasted strangely with the light, hearty, 
 and glowing form of earth that came from wood and mountain, 
 sunshine and green fields, to meet [it]. And the unearthly, 
 supernatural, dogmatic Church opposed a ghostly dignity to 
 the Church of Nature and the religion of the heart. . . . 
 
 ' The notion of the Church being an independent body, and 
 able to keep her own succession going on, apart from the 
 
280 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 State, is [to Arnold] " all essentially anarchical and schismatic," 
 and he is only defending, he says, " the common peace and 
 order of the Church, against a new outbreak of Puritanism, 
 to oppose it." It appears a curious objectioh at first sight, 
 from a man like Arnold, to urge against a particular religion 
 the claim that it would have been considered treasonable in 
 the days of Queen Elizabeth. But this ... is the period of 
 English History to which he always goes for his ecclesiastical 
 principles. Another point of accusation, more of a moral one, 
 does not come with peculiar grace from Arnold, viz., the charge 
 of immodesty and impudence in personally daring to go so 
 counter to received opinions in their views of things and 
 persons. " I have read Froude's volume," he says, " and I 
 think that its predominant character is extraordinary im- 
 pudence. I never saw a more remarkable instance of that 
 qualification than the way in which he, a young man, and 
 a clergyman of the Church of England, reviles all those persons 
 whom the accordant voice of that Church, without distinction of 
 party, has agreed to honour, even perhaps with an excess of 
 admiration." ^ Now, let it be ever so true that " the accordant 
 voice of the Church of England " has taken one view of 
 Cranmer and the Reformers, whereas Mr. Froude took another, 
 Arnold was not precisely the person to found a charge of 
 impudence upon such a fact. A man who without a vestige 
 of internal scruple or misgiving, unchristianised the whole 
 development of the Church from the days of the Apostles ; who 
 made the very disciples, friends and successors of the Apostles 
 teachers of corruption ; who made the priesthood an Anti- 
 christ, and had just himself shocked the whole Church of 
 England by the promulgation of a religious theory repugnant 
 to the feeling and ideas of almost all her members to a man, — 
 was certainly not a person to be tender in requiring com- 
 pliance with received views from another, or quick to call 
 impudence in another what in himself was the necessary 
 adjunct of philosophy.' 
 
 ' Arnold to Dr. Hawkins, 1838. Life and Correspondence of Thomas Arnold, 
 D.D., by Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, M.A. London ; Fellowes, 1844, ii., 125. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 281 
 
 From ' Memoir of Joshua Watson,' edited by Edw. 
 Churton, Archdeacon of Cleveland. 2 vols. Oxford : 
 J. H. Parker, 1861. 
 
 [By the kind permission of Messrs. J. Parker & Co.] 
 
 '. . , The first clear indication of this new principle [a theory 
 of Catholic union, to which all other considerations were to bow] 
 was seen in the publication of the Remains of R. H. Froude, a 
 young man of great promise, Fellow of Oriel College, who died at 
 the early age of thirty-two, and of whose stray papers, letters, 
 and remnants of conversation, a full collection was published by 
 J. H. Newman, then a Fellow of the same College, now for 
 some years past a member of the Society of the Oratory in 
 the Church of Rome. The first two volumes of these Remains 
 were published early in 1838. The work never obtained a 
 wide circulation ; but enough was done to give deep offence 
 to many minds, and to unsettle the principles of many more. 
 
 ' Those who know Richard Froude best knew that he was 
 in the habit of expressing himself, both by writing and in 
 conversation, in strong, pungent sentences, such as are not 
 altogether uncommon with young men of brilliant minds and 
 vivacious temperament, and are often used by them as much with 
 the design of provoking answer and contradiction, as that of 
 conveying the speaker's real sentiments. But when the Editor, 
 in his Preface to an unlimited and indiscriminate accumulation 
 of such winged words, claimed for them the consideration due 
 to the deliberate opinions of a matured reason, it was a mode 
 of treatment which stamped them with an importance not 
 properly their own, and justified the censure of those who 
 without concerning themselves much for the reputation of the 
 dead, or making allowance for what was with too little 
 decorum brought before the public, saw the publication 
 announcing itself as an expansion of the principles of the 
 Tracts, And this claim was made, although poor Froude 
 again and again declared himself, in the pages of these volumes, 
 as one whose mind was in a state of progress and puzzle, 
 sympathising at one time with Roman, at another with Puritan, 
 till, in a lengthened illness, and absence in foreign lands, it 
 
282 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 fed upon its own solitary musings, with that morbid dis- 
 satisfaction at all things which sometimes accompanies the 
 decay of vital power. However, the appearance of such an 
 unreserved exposition of distracted fancies was a great 
 discouragement to the hopes which had for a while found their 
 centre at Oxford ; and the disease of Richard Froude's mind 
 seemed to have communicated itself to his more distinguished 
 Editor.' 
 
 From ' William George Ward and the Oxford Move- 
 ment,' by Wilfrid Ward. London : Macmillan & 
 Co., 1889. 
 
 [By the kind permission of Wilfrid Ward, Esq., and of Messrs. Macmillan & Co.] 
 
 ' . . . The scheme which Newman proposed, to restore to the 
 Anglican Church in some measure the discipline and doctrine 
 of the Fathers, was bold and captivating to [Mr. Ward's] 
 imagination ; but it seemed to [him] to be bolder and more 
 drastic in the change it must in consistency require, than its 
 authors were aware. It was plain to him that nothing short 
 of an explicit avowal that the principles of the Reformation 
 were to be disowned, and its work undone, could meet the 
 logical requirements of the situation. And the leaders 
 hesitated to go thus far. . . . On the appearance of the first 
 part of Froude's Remains early in 1838, in which the Reforma- 
 tion was avowedly condemned, and its condemnation tacitly^ 
 adopted by the two Editors, Newman and Keble, Mr. Ward 
 acknowledged to himself the direction which his views were 
 taking. " From that time," he wrote to Dr. Pusey, " began my 
 inclination to see Truth where I trust it is." The final 
 influence which determined his conversion was the series of 
 lectures by Newman on The Scripture Proof of the Doctrines 
 of the Church, published afterwards as Tract 85. Newman, 
 in these lectures, dealt with the philosophical basis of 
 latitudinarianism on the one hand, and of the Anglo- Catholic 
 view of the Church on the other, with a power which did not 
 
 ' [I say ' tacitly,' because their avowed acquiescence first appeared in the Preface 
 to the second part of the Remains, published in the following year.] 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 283 
 
 fail to give satisfaction to his new disciple, and to justify, on 
 intellectual grounds, the position which was now invested, in 
 Ward's mind, with all the charm of Froude's romantic 
 conception of Catholic sanctity, the fire of his reforming genius, 
 the unhesitating completeness of his programme of action. . . . 
 Dean Scott (the late Dean of Rochester), who saw Mr. Ward 
 daily in the Common Room at Balliol, notes some points of 
 interest as to the impression produced on his friends by the 
 change which Froude's Remains wrought in his attitude: — 
 " I can speak with perfect assurance of their purport [the 
 purport of Mr. Ward's remarks on the volumes published in 
 1838]. They were substantially these : ' This is what I have 
 been looking for. Here is a man who knows what he means, 
 and says it. This is the man for me ! He speaks out.' But 
 though we were amused, and gave him credit for having 
 achieved the feat which the pseudo-scholastic doctor ascribes 
 to the angels, of passing from one extreme to the other without 
 passing through the middle, I do not really think that those 
 words indicated the actual turning-point. As I look back on 
 them, they seem to me to imply that the turn had taken place, 
 but that he was looking for a pledge, on the part of those to 
 whom he was attaching himself, that they were in earnest, 
 and knew what they meant." The appearance of Froude's 
 Remains was indeed an epoch in Mr. Ward's life. " The thing 
 that was utterly abhorrent with him," writes Lord Blachford, 
 " was to stop short " ; and this was precisely what the via 
 media, with all its attractiveness, had hitherto appeared to do. 
 All this was changed when Froude's outspoken views were 
 adopted by the leaders. " Out came Froude',' writes Mr. 
 Ward to Dr. Pusey, " of which it is little to say that it 
 delighted me more than any book of the kind I ever read." 
 " He found in Froude's Remains" continues Lord Blachford, 
 " a good deal of his own Radicalism (though nothing at all of 
 his own Utilitarianism or Liberalism), and it seemed literally 
 to make him jump for joy." 
 
 ' . . . There was a good deal in Froude's open speech and 
 direct intellect which resembled Mr. Ward's own characteristics, 
 different as the two men were, in many respects. Newman 
 describes him as "brimful and overflowing with ideas and 
 
284 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 views " ; as having " an intellect as critical and logical as it was 
 speculative and bold " ; as " professing openly his admiration for 
 Rome, and his hatred of the Reformers " ; as " delighting to think 
 of the Saints," " having a vivid appreciation of the idea of 
 sanctity, its possibilities and its heights " ; " embracing the 
 principle of penance and mortification " ; " being powerfully 
 drawn to the Mediaeval Church, but not to the Primitive." 
 All this might be said, with great truth, of Mr. Ward himself 
 The boldness and completeness, the uncompromising tone of 
 the Remains, took hold of Mr. Ward's imagination. A clear, 
 explicit rule of faith was thus substituted for perplexing and 
 harassing speculation. There was no temporising, or stopping 
 short. Mr. Ward's dislike of the current system was echoed 
 in the plain statement which he was for ever quoting. " At 
 length, under Henry Vlll., the Church of England fell. Will 
 she ever rise again ? " ^ Froude's writing, then, recommended 
 itself to Mr. Ward as having the attribute of Lord Strafford's 
 Irish policy : it was thorough. And in opposition to this, 
 Arnold's system stopped short at every turn. Froude's 
 picture of the Mediaeval Church was that of an absolute, in- 
 dependent, spiritual authority, direct, uncompromising, explicit 
 in its decrees, in contrast with the uncertain voice of the 
 English Church, with its hundred shades of opinions differing 
 from, and even opposed to, each other. Instead of groping 
 with the feeble light of human reason amid texts of uncertain 
 signification, he interpreted Scripture by the aid of constant 
 tradition, and of the Church's divine illumination. The stand 
 for moral goodness against vice and worldliness was witnessed-' 
 in the highest and most ideal types of sanctity in Church 
 history. The personal struggle of the ordinary Christian 
 against his evil inclinations was systematised and brought to 
 perfection in Catholic ascetic works. The doctrine of a super- 
 natural world and supernatural influences was not minimised, 
 as though one feared to tax human powers of belief: it was 
 put forth in the fullest and most fearless manner. Angels and 
 Saints, as ministers of supernatural help, were recognised ; and 
 
 ' Not quite correctly quoted. ' [The Church] became a ready prey to the 
 rapacious Henry. It had been polluted; it fell : shall it ever rise again-?' State 
 Interference in Matters Spiritual, Remains, part i,, i., 227. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 285 
 
 their various offices in aiding and protecting us, and listening 
 to our prayers on all occasions, forced on the attention con- 
 stantly in the Catholic system. There was no mistiness, or 
 haze, or hesitation. All was clear, complete, definite, carried 
 but to its logical consequences. . . . 
 
 ' Ward himself speaks in no doubtful terms of union with 
 Rome as the ideal vision which inspired him. " Restoration of 
 active communion with the Roman Church," he writes to a 
 friend in 1 841, "is the most enchanting earthly prospect on 
 which my imagination can dwell." His remarks, too, on 
 Froude's book (in a letter written in the same year to Dr. 
 Pusey) indicate the same line of sympathies. " The especial 
 charm in it to me," he wrote, " was ... his hatred of our 
 present system and of the Reformers, and his sympathy with 
 the rest of Christendom." The love of Rome and of an 
 united Christendom, which marked the new school, was not 
 purely a love for ecclesiastical authority. This was indeed 
 one element, but there was another yet more influential 
 in many minds : admiration for the Saints of the Roman 
 Church, and for the saintly ideal, as realised especially in 
 the monastic life. We have already seen how this element 
 operated in Mr. Ward's own history. Froude had struck the 
 note of sanctity as well as the note of authority. He had 
 raised an inspiring ideal on both heads ; and behold, with 
 however much of practical corruption and superstition mixed 
 up with their practical exhibitions, these ideals were actually 
 reverenced, attempted, often realised ! in the existing Roman 
 Church. The worthies of the English Church, even when 
 sharing the tender piety of George Herbert or Bishop Ken, 
 fell short of the heroic aims, the martial sanctity, gained by 
 warfare unceasing against world, flesh, and devil, which they 
 found exhibited in Roman hagiology. The glorying in the 
 Cross of Christ, which is the keynote to such lives as those of 
 St. Ignatius of Loyola, and St. Francis Xavier, while it re- 
 called much in the life of St. Paul, had no counterpart in 
 post-Reformation Anglicanism.^ The state of things which 
 
 ' [This general account of the attitude and spirit of the new school is derived, in 
 substance, from private notes of the Dean of S. Paul's (Dean Church), to which he 
 
286 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 made this directly Romeward movement tolerable to any 
 considerable section of the English Church was, however, 
 sufficiently remarkable. The Anglicanism of the party must 
 have receded very considerably from the views of the early 
 Tracts before such a thing could be possible. Perhaps two 
 events were especially instrumental to such a preparation : the 
 first was the language used with respect to the English Re- 
 formers by Newman and Keble, in the Preface to the second 
 part of Froude's Remains, early in 1839. However guarded 
 and measured the expressions were, such language expressed a 
 definite view, with far-reaching consequences ; and the extra- 
 ordinary weight attaching to Newman's lightest utterances 
 gave the words additional significance. " The Editors," one 
 passage ran, " by publishing [Mr. Froude's] sentiments ... so 
 unreservedly . . . indicated their own general acquiescence in 
 the opinion that the persons chiefly instrumental in [the Refor- 
 mation], were not, as a party, to be trusted on ecclesiastical and 
 theological questions, nor yet to be imitated in their practical 
 handling of the unspeakably awful matters with which they 
 were concerned." Again, the differences between the Re- 
 formers and the Fathers, both in doctrine and in moral 
 sentiment, were insisted on by the Editors. " You must choose 
 between the two lines," they wrote ; " they are not only diverging, 
 but contrary." And certain questions as to the practical 
 Christian ideal are specified as instances : " Compare the 
 sayings and manner of the two schools on the subjects of 
 fasting, celibacy, religious vows, voluntary retirement and 
 contemplation, the memory of the Saints, rites and ceremonies 
 recommended by antiquity." The conclusion which, though 
 unspoken here, was undeniable once it was suggested, the con- 
 clusion " in these matters Rome has preserved what England has 
 lost ; in these matters we may take Rome for our model if we 
 would return to antiquity," — could not but gain a footing in 
 the minds of Newman's disciples.' 
 
 has kindly given me access. It is corroborated by the writings of Ward, Dalgaims, 
 Oakeley, and others, a few years later, in The British Critic.'\ 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 287 
 
 From 'A Narrative of Events connected with the 
 Publication of The Tracts for the Times,' by 
 William Palmer, Author of Origines Liturgicce, etc, 
 Rivingtons, 1883. [From the Introduction.] 
 
 ' The publication of this work [Origines Liturgicce] had the 
 effect of introducing the author to the acquaintance of some 
 of the leading spirits who afterwards exercised a decisive in- 
 fluence on the foundation of the Oxford Movement of 1833, 
 usually called " Tractarian." He had, in this work, vindicated 
 the Church of England on what are sometimes called High 
 Church principles, affirming the divine institution of the Church, 
 and its essential independence, in creed and jurisdiction, of 
 merely temporal powers. He had also argued against the 
 Nonjurors, and sustained the harmony of Church and State. 
 He had vindicated the Reformation. He had defended the 
 Catholicity and continuity of the Church in England, and had 
 opposed the pretensions of the See of Rome. No one 
 could mistake his principles, and these principles were felt by 
 the great mass of Churchmen to be in harmony with their own. 
 In forming the acquaintance of Newman and Froude, then 
 very distinguished Fellows of Oriel, and amongst rising men 
 in the University, the author knew that his principles, at least, 
 were fully known to, and approved by, these eminent men. . . . 
 
 '. . . The autumn and winter of 1832 passed away, but 
 early in 1833 Froude returned to Oxford in better health, and 
 I had once more a friend with whom I could work with entire 
 sympathy in Church questions. For never did I meet with a 
 more cordial response to all that I felt upon these matters, or 
 a fuller sympathy. The only point on which I could not 
 concur with him was the manner in which he spoke of the 
 union of Church and State, which he esteemed unlawful per se, 
 while I only objected to its abuses. His language as to the 
 Reformation, too, I could not concur in, having considered with 
 some attention the point as urged in Nonjuring works, and 
 arrived at the conclusion that the Reformation did not merit 
 the unfavourable judgment pronounced. After some months, 
 in July we were joined by Newman, who had been detained 
 by illness in France ; and this greatly strengthened our hands. 
 
288 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ' In an article in the Contemporary Review ^ on the Oxford 
 Movement, I have ventured on the remark that I was not 
 aware of an incident mentioned in Froude's Remains, illustra- 
 tive at once of the absence of elementary knowledge of the 
 Roman Catholic system, and of the disposition to frame 
 ingenious hypotheses upon the most important practical subjects. 
 The incident referred to I described thus : " Froude had, with 
 Newman, been anxious to ascertain the terms upon which they 
 could be admitted to communion by the Roman Church, 
 supposing that some dispensation might be granted which 
 would enable them to communicate with Rome without 
 violation of conscience " ; and I elsewhere remarked on Newman 
 [that] " those who conversed with him did not know that while 
 in Italy he had sought, in company with Froude, to ascertain 
 the terms on which they might be admitted to communion 
 with Rome, and had been surprised on learning that an accept- 
 ance of the decrees of Trent was a necessary preliminary " ; and 
 I added : " had I been aware of these circumstances, I do not 
 know whether I should have been able to co-operate cordially 
 with him." Nay, if I had supposed him to be willing to forsake 
 the Church of England, I should have said that I could, in that 
 case, have held no communion with him. As to his knowledge of 
 the Roman Catholic system at that time, it was not grounded on 
 the critical examination of Roman Catholic works of controversy. 
 It was, I think, superficial, at that time and long after. . . . 
 
 ' The passage on which my remarks were based was in 
 Froude's Remains, ^^. 304, 307, in which he says: "The only 
 thing I can put my hand on as an acquisition [at Rome] is 
 having become acquainted with a man of some influence at 
 Rome, Monsignor [Wiseman], the head of the [English] College, 
 who has enlightened [Newman] and me on the subject of our 
 relations to the Church of Rome. We got introduced to him 
 to find out whether they would take us in on any terms to 
 which we could twist our consciences, and we found, to our 
 dismay, that not one step could be gained without swallowing 
 the Council of Trent as a whole.'' Mr. Newman, in editing 
 this passage, in Froude's Remains, represents it as merely " a 
 jesting way of stating to a friend what was really the fact : viz., 
 ' Vol. xliii., pp. 636 et seq., the issue for May, 1883. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 289 
 
 that he and another availed themselves of the opportunity of 
 meeting a learned Romanist to ascertain the ultimate points 
 at issue between the Churches." Cardinal Newman insists upon 
 it that this is the true version of the affair. I merely ask the 
 reader to compare the two statements : that of Froude, made 
 at the time, and distinctly, and that of Newman, made some 
 years after, to explain it. I ask whether the explanation is 
 not throughout inconsistent with the statement, whether it is 
 not a plain attempt to explain away the statement of Froude, 
 whether Froude's is not evidently the true version ? No doubt 
 Newman thought such explanation quite within his province 
 as Editor. This little piece oi finesse merits no grave animad- 
 version, and I trust that I have so explained the point . . . 
 as to relieve me from the imputation of accusing of dishonesty 
 an old friend so much honoured for virtue and honour.' 
 
 [From the Narrative.] 
 
 ' I had not been very intimately acquainted with Mr. 
 Newman and Mr. Froude, and was scarcely known to Mr. 
 Keble, or Mr. Perceval, when our deep sense of the wrongs 
 sustained by the Church in the suppression of Bishoprics, and 
 our feeling of the necessity of doing whatever was in our 
 power to arrest the tide of evil, brought us together in the 
 summer of 1833. It was at the beginning of Long Vacation 
 when, Mr. Froude being almost the only occupant of Oriel 
 College, we frequently met in the Common Room, that the 
 resolution to unite and associate in defence of the Church, of 
 her violated liberties and neglected principles, arose. This re- 
 solution was immediately acted on ; and while I corresponded 
 with Mr. Rose, Mr. Froude communicated our design to Mr. 
 Keble. Mr. Newman soon took part in our deliberations, on 
 his return from the Continent. The particular course which we 
 were to adopt became the subject of much and anxious thought ; 
 and as it was deemed advisable to confer with Mr. Rose on so 
 important a subject, Mr. Froude and myself, after some corre- 
 spondence, visited him at Hadleigh, in July ; where I also had 
 the pleasure of becoming personally acquainted with Mr. 
 Perceval, who had been invited to take part in our deliberations. 
 ... On our return to Oxford, frequent conferences took place 
 
 19 
 
290 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 at Oriel College, between Mr. Froude, Mr. Newman, Mr. Keble, 
 and the writer, in which various plans were discussed. ... I 
 prepared a draft of the third formulary printed by Mr. 
 Perceval, which was revised and improved by a friend, and 
 was finally adopted as a basis of our further proceedings.^ The 
 formulary thus agreed on was printed and was privately and 
 extensively circulated amongst our friends in all parts of 
 England, in the autumn of 1833. Our intention was not 
 to form a society merely at Oxford, but to extend it through- 
 out all England, or rather, to form similar societies in every 
 part of England. But finding that jealousy was expressed in 
 several high quarters at the formation of any associations, and 
 the notion being also unacceptable to Froude and others 
 (Newman), at Oxford, we ceased, after a time, from circulating 
 these papers, or advising the formation of societies. Some 
 permanent effects, however, were produced. . . . 
 
 ' The publication of the Tracts commenced and was con- 
 tinued by several of our friends,^ each writer printing whatever 
 appeared to him advisable or useful, without the formality of 
 previous consultation with others. ... I confess that I was 
 rather surprised at the rapidity with which they were composed 
 and published, without any previous revision or consultation; 
 nor did it seem to me that any caution was exercised in avoid- 
 ing language calculated to give needless offence. . . . The 
 respect and regard due to the authors of the Tracts rendered 
 me anxious to place the most favourable construction on every- 
 thing which they wrote, and to hope that my apprehensions 
 might be ill-founded. In the course, however, of the extensive 
 correspondence of the autumn and winter of 1833 which has 
 been mentioned, so many objections were raised by the clergy 
 against parts of the Tracts, and so many indiscretions were 
 pointed out, that I became convinced of the necessity of making 
 some attempt to arrest the evil. With this object, I made 
 
 ' [Suggestions for the Formation of an Association of Friends of the Church.] 
 ^ [The leader in the Movement was Newman, but others supported him.] Mr. 
 Golightly has a similar statement, tartly expressed in his Correspondence Illustrative 
 of the Actual State of Oxford, 1842 : ' Mr. Newman is the real leader of the party, 
 not Dr. Pusey, who is no more entitled to give a name to it than Amerigo Vespucci 
 was to give a name to the New World. This is, of course, understood in Oxford : 
 but it is desirable that it should be known elsewhere.' 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 291 
 
 application in a direction (Newman) where much influence in 
 the management of the Tracts was exercised, and very earnestly- 
 urged the necessity of putting an end to their publication, or 
 at least of suspending them for a time. On one occasion, I 
 thought I had been successful in the former object, and stated 
 the fact to several correspondents ; but the sequel proved that I 
 was mistaken.^ , . . Certainly, I had, in private conversation with 
 Mr. Froude, and one or two others, felt that there were material 
 differences between our views, on several important points. I 
 allude more particularly to the question of the union of Church 
 and State, and of the character of the English and the foreign 
 Reformers. Mr. Froude occasionally expressed sentiments on the 
 latter subject which seemed extremely unjust to the Reformers, 
 and injurious to the Church; but as his conversation generally was 
 of a very startling and paradoxical character, and his sentiments 
 were evidently only in the course of formation, I trusted that more 
 knowledge and thought would bring him to juster views. . . . 
 
 ' I will not say that the writers of the Tracts have not been 
 in any degree instrumental in drawing forth this spirit ; ^ I will 
 not inquire how far it is traceable to the publication of Froude's 
 Remains, and to the defence of his views contained in the Preface 
 to the second series of the Remains ; nor will I examine how 
 far it may be a reaction against ultra-Protestantism : it is un- 
 necessary now to enter on this painful and complicated question, 
 on which different opinions may be entertained.' 
 
 From 'Oxford High Anglicanism and its chief 
 Leaders,' by the Rev. James H. Rigg, D.D. London : 
 Charles H. Kelly, 1 899. 
 
 [By the kind permission of the Rev. James H. Rigg, D.D., and of Mr. Charles 
 
 H. Kelly.] 
 
 ' Newman's principles as the active leader of the Oxford 
 Movement were imbibed from his intercourse with Keble and 
 
 ' [This effort is alluded to in Froude's Remains. I cannot but think that Froude's 
 influence, which was very great, was on many occasions exerted in a direction contrary 
 to mine. He has expressed his disapprobation of the only Tract in the composition 
 of which I was in any degree concerned.] This is No. 15. See p. 194. 
 
 ^ Of ' Romanising,' in The British Critic, after 1840. 
 
292 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Hurrell Froude. Newman himself says expressly and emphati- 
 cally that Keble was the real father of the Oxford Movement, 
 and it was the influence of Froude which brought together Keble 
 and Newman. It was Froude who effected that blending and 
 focussing of the sympathies and aims of Keble, Newman, and 
 himself which furnished the first inspiration and impulse of the 
 Oxford Neo-Anglican Movement. Newman, that is to say, 
 though afterwards the leader, was first the disciple of Keble 
 and even of Froude, and Keble and Froude derived their 
 Anglican indoctrination and inspiration not assuredly from the 
 Evangelical Revival, which they were brought up to hate, and 
 did, both, sincerely hate through life, but from the High Church 
 school of the early years of the eighteenth century, of which 
 Dr. Routh was a living representative at Oxford for many years 
 after Keble obtained his Fellowship at Oriel. . . . Keble was 
 the tutor and the loving and sympathetic friend of the bitter 
 and contemptuous Froude, who " hated the Reformation," and 
 reserved his utmost scorn and antipathy for " irreverent Dis- 
 senters." . . . His personal opinions were extreme, so extreme 
 as to lead him to admire the character of Froude, in spite of 
 his immodesty, his intolerance, and his puerile asceticism, be- 
 cause there was in the young man such heartiness, such good 
 fellowship, such zeal, such talent; and all consecrated to the 
 cause of " Catholic " restoration and Christian progress, as he 
 understood it. 
 
 ' . . . The characters of [Newman and Keble] were not likely 
 to blend, except under the influence of some common solvent, 
 some medium of overpoweringly strong affinity with both, 
 through which characters so sharply contrasted might be 
 combined in sympathy and united in counsel. . . . Nor could 
 a fitter instrument have been found for bringing about the 
 union on this basis than Hurrell Froude. He was himself, in 
 several respects, as great a contrast to Keble in character as 
 even Newman. But then he had been Keble's pupil, and he 
 remained his devoted and admiring friend. . . . Moreover, 
 though Newman in his Apologia speaks of Froude as " specu- 
 lative," he was not metaphysically sceptical, and his speculations 
 appear to have been confined within theologically safe regions. 
 Froude, in fact, stood in fear of Newman's speculative tendency ; 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 293 
 
 and in one place, whilst expressing his delight in his companion- 
 ship, expresses his doubt whether he is not more or less of a 
 " heretic." 1 In no sense was Hurrell Froude doctrinally or 
 metaphysically speculative. He had seemingly, from the first, 
 bound himself to tradition. His affections went after antiquity, 
 but, in particular, he doted upon the Medizeval Church. His 
 " speculations " never led him towards the verge of unbelief 
 Whilst his zeal was hot, and his mind active, his intellect 
 seemed to make good its safety by servility to traditional 
 dogma. If he mocked at the Reformers, he held fast by the 
 " Saints." Furthermore, although such a zealot for traditional 
 Church authority, and so bold and hot against all Protestants 
 and Puritans, he was to his friends gentle, tender, playful, 
 pleasant, and most open-hearted. It is easy to see by what 
 ties such a man would be attached to Keble and to Newman. 
 The former regarded him somewhat as a mother regards a 
 high-spirited, spoilt, but frank, true-spoken and affectionate son. 
 She is proud of him, while she disapproves of some of his pro- 
 ceedings. She reproves him, but gently, lovingly : too gently 
 by far. She views all his conduct with a partial eye ; his very 
 faults seem to her but the exuberances of a noble spirit. It 
 must be remembered also that Froude's animosities corre- 
 spond to Keble's dislikes, and that his enthusiastic and 
 passionate admiration was bestowed in accordance with Keble's 
 preferences. The tempers of the teacher and pupil were very 
 different, but their tastes and opinions were well agreed ; and, 
 in fact, those of Froude had been formed by Keble. What 
 Keble instilled by gentle influence became in Froude a potent 
 and heady spirit. Keble, accordingly, forgave the violence of 
 his pupil, in part for the sake of his orthodoxy, and in part 
 because of his dutifulness and affection to him personally. 
 His excesses were but the excesses of a fine young nature on 
 behalf of what was good and right. " E'en his failings leaned 
 to virtue's side." While such were the ties which attached 
 Keble to Froude, Newman was drawn to him both by agree- 
 ment in theological and ecclesiastical opinions and tendencies, 
 and also by a strong natural affinity of disposition. No one 
 
 1 Froude so called Newman in 1829 (see p. 55), but not in relation to any new 
 disapproved 'speculations.' 
 
294 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 can read Newman's description of Froude and himself in the 
 
 Apologia without feeling that he and such a man as Froude 
 
 must have been most congenial companions. Both were, 
 
 intellectually, what he describes Froude as being : " critical and 
 
 logical," " speculative and bold." Newman, no less than 
 
 Froude, " delighted in the notion of an hierarchical system of 
 
 sacerdotal power, and of full ecclesiastical liberty." " Hatred 
 
 of the Reformers," " scorn " of Protestantism, are noted by 
 
 Newman as characteristics of Froude. And, as to himself, " I 
 
 became fierce," " I was indignant," " I despised every rival 
 
 system," " I had a thorough contempt for the Evangelicals," — 
 
 such expressions as these abound in his delineation of his own 
 
 character at this period of his life. It is no wonder, therefore, 
 
 that Froude and Newman clave to each other. . . . Froude 
 
 was the energetic and wilful partner of Newman in the new 
 
 enterprise : Froude, who with far less genius, far less personal 
 
 tact and persuasiveness, and no gift of public or pulpit 
 
 suasion, such as Newman possessed in a wonderful degree, was 
 
 a man of intense and resolute character, "of great logical daring, 
 
 of unsparing pugnacity, of far-reaching ideas, whom Newman, 
 
 and, as we have seen, Keble also, greatly admired and even 
 
 loved, though he was loved by few besides. These two men, 
 
 Newman and Froude, were mutually complementary : together 
 
 they planned the first lines of the Tractarian Movement. . . . 
 
 For his characteristic work at Oxford, Newman had been 
 
 prepared by the influence of Keble and Froude. To quote 
 
 Dean Church, " Keble had given the inspiration, Froude had 
 
 given the impetus ; then Newman took up the work." If Froude 
 
 had lived a few years longer, it cannot be doubted that he 
 
 would have gone over the imaginary line of division, and would 
 
 have found himself consciously and professedly at Rome. 
 
 Keble had neither logic nor courage to take him across the 
 
 line. . . . Newman, alone of the three, slowly and reluctantly, 
 
 but by force of sincere and overmastering convictions, followed 
 
 his principles out to the complete end. 
 
 ' ... To the Movement, as a Movement, Keble seems to 
 have actively contributed no momentum whatever, although 
 his reputation (like Pusey's later on) lent it a powerful sanction. 
 To Newman belongs all the merit or demerit of the Tractarian 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 295 
 
 line of policy and action. Without him, the Movement would 
 never have taken form or gathered way. Froude was, very 
 early, a powerful and energetic colleague : indeed, without him, 
 Newman would not have been what he was, nor done what he 
 did. . . . The chief interest attaching to Froude is that being 
 what he was, he so powerfully influenced Newman, who said 
 of him in his Lectures on Anglicanism^ that " he, if any, is the 
 author of the Movement altogether " : a saying hardly, however, 
 consistent with the statement already quoted from the Apologia 
 as to Keble's relation to the Movement. Froude was a man 
 of much force of will, and superior natural gifts ; he was hand- 
 some and attractive, a bright and lively companion, a warm 
 and affectionate friend, a " good fellow,'' but very free indeed of 
 his tongue. He was ignorant, self-conscious, and audacious ; 
 as intense a hater as he was a warm friend ; a bitter bigot, a 
 reckless revolutionist ; one who delighted to speak evil of 
 dignitaries, and of departed worthies and heroes reverenced by 
 Protestant Christians at home and abroad. Church, who did 
 not know him, but took his estimate of him mainly from 
 Newman, makes a conspicuous figure of him, giving much 
 more space to him than to Pusey,^ more even than to Keble. 
 That this should be so, shows how deeply Church had drunk 
 into the spirit that prompted and inspired the Tractarians. Even 
 his friendly hand, however, cannot omit from his picture certain 
 features which, to an outsider who is not fascinated by the 
 camaraderie of the Tractarian clique . . . will be almost 
 sufficient, without further evidence, to warrant the phrase, " a 
 flippant railer," in which Julius Hare (himself, assuredly, no 
 Evangelical bigot or narrow sectary) describes the man 
 whose Remains were edited and published by his two great 
 friends, that Anglican Churchmen might be led to admire the 
 zeal and devotion, and to drink into the spirit, of this young 
 hero of the new party. According to their view, his early 
 
 ' Lectures on certain Difficulties felt by Anglicans. London : Burns and Lambert, 
 1850, p. 32. 
 
 * Dean Church's History of the Oxford Mo7>ement is a history of that Movement 
 as bound up with its chief and hero ; and the scope of it extends but to the year 1845. 
 What Dr. Rigg takes to be the disproportionate space given to Froude is therefore no 
 disparagement to the operative influence of Dr. Pusey, which may be said only to 
 have thoroughly begun by 1845. 
 
296 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 death in the odour of sanctity (although of true Christian 
 saintliness in temper or spirit he seems to have had as little 
 tincture as any persecuting Spanish saint), left an aureole of 
 glory upon his memory. 
 
 ' Such was Froude's hatred of Puritanism that, as may be 
 learnt from Dean Church, he was " blind to the grandeur of 
 Milton's poetry." Church speaks, himself, of his " fiery im- 
 petuosity, and the frank daring of his disrespectful vocabulary." 
 He quotes James Mozley as saying : " I would not set down 
 anything that Froude says for his deliberate opinion, for he 
 really hates the present state of things so excessively that any 
 change would be a relief to him." He says that " Froude was 
 made for conflict, not to win disciples." He admits his 
 ignorance. " He was," he tells us, " a man strong in abstract 
 thought and imagination, who wanted adequate knowledge." 
 He quotes from the Apologia Newman's admission of two 
 noticeable deficiencies in Froude : " he had no turn for 
 theology " ; " his power of entering into the minds of others 
 was not equal to his other gifts." Such a power, we may note, 
 is very unlikely to belong to men of fierce and hasty arrogance 
 and self-confidence. It finds its natural home in company 
 with " the wisdom from above," which is not only " pure," but 
 " gentle and easy to be entreated," the characteristics of a 
 saintliness of another sort than that of Froude. Dean Church 
 admits that the Remains contain phrases and sentiments and 
 epithets surprisingly at variance with conventional and popular 
 estimates : " as, for example, we may explain, when Froude 
 speaks of the illustrious Bishop Jewel, whom Hooker calls 
 ' the worthiest divine that Christendom hath bred for the space 
 of some hundreds of years,' as ' an irreverent Dissenter,' 
 Church adds that ' friends were pained and disturbed,' while 
 ' foes exulted,' at such a disclosure of the spirit of the Move- 
 ment." The apology he offers is that " if the off-hand sayings 
 of any man of force and wit and strong convictions were made 
 known to the world, they would, by themselves, have much the 
 same look of flippancy, injustice, impertinence, to those who 
 disagreed with the speaker or writer. . . . The friends who 
 published Froude's Remains knew what he was ; they knew 
 the place and proportion of the fierce and scornful passages ; 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 297 
 
 they knew that they did not go beyond the liberty and the 
 frank speaking, which most people give themselves in the 
 abandon and understood exaggeration of intimate cor- 
 respondence and talk." To which the reply is obvious : if 
 the Editors (who were no other than Newman and Keble) 
 had disapproved of the tone and style of these Remains, as it 
 is evident that Dean Church himself, notwithstanding his 
 strong friendly bias, could not help disapproving of them, they 
 would either not have published them, or would at least have 
 suggested some such apology as that suggested by Dean 
 Church. But, in fact, they published them without any such 
 apology, and it cannot be seriously doubted that they rather 
 rejoiced in than condemned such gross improprieties. Further, 
 if this sort of writing is common in the intimate correspondence 
 of responsible clergymen, how is it that it is so hard, if it is at 
 all possible, to match the flippancy and insolence of these 
 Remains in any other correspondence or remains of men of 
 Christian culture and character, known to modern literature? 
 Dean Church, indeed, cannot but admit that " Froude was 
 often intemperate and unjust," and that " his strong language 
 gave needless exasperation." He endeavours, however, to 
 make one point in favour of the Movement, from the publica- 
 tion of the Remains. Whether it was wise or not, he argues 
 that " it was not the act of cunning conspirators : it was the 
 act of men who were ready to show their hands and take the 
 consequences ; it was the mistake of men confident in their 
 own straightforwardness." I have no wish to revive against 
 the first leaders of the Movement, as represented by Froude 
 and the admirable Editors of his Remains, the charge of being 
 conspirators, though, as I have already stated, Froude himself 
 was the first to describe the Tractarian Movement as a "con- 
 spiracy." Certainly Froude, in the earlier stage of the Move- 
 ment, like Ward in its later stages, had little in him of the 
 conspirator's subtlety or craft, whatever may be said as to 
 Newman. But an unbiassed historian would hardly describe 
 the act of publication as Dean Church does : he would rather 
 say that it was the act of men whose honesty may be admitted, 
 but who were sanguine partisans, men strongly biassed by their 
 sectarian temper, by their over-weening self-confidence. . . . 
 
298 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ' But it was a strange little world, that world of Oxford, in 
 which Froude was regarded as a bright and leading character, 
 sixty years ago. It seems, as we look back upon it, to be very 
 much farther away than half a century, and to belong almost 
 to a different planetary sphere. ... It was, in fact, a young 
 and ignorant, as well as bigoted circle, in which the idea of the 
 Oxford Movement first germinated. ... It was a school- 
 boyish sort of clique, and in wildness, enthusiasm, ignorance of 
 the actual forces and the gathering movements of the world 
 outside, their projects and dreams remind us of schoolboy 
 plans and projects for moving the world and achieving fame 
 and greatness. . . . 
 
 ' Schoolboys' friendships are often intense and romantic. 
 Those of Newman and his circle were passionately deep 
 and warm, more like those of boys, in some respects, than of 
 men ; perhaps still more like those of women who live aloof 
 from the world in the seclusion of mutual intimacy : intimacy 
 suffused with the fascinating but hectic brightness of a 
 sort of celibate consecration to each other, apart from any 
 thought of stronger or more authoritative human ties that 
 might some time interfere with their sacrament of friend- 
 ship. This morbidezza of moral complexion and tempera- 
 ment, this more or less unnatural and unhealthy intensity of 
 friendship, was a marked feature in Newman's relations with 
 those around him. There is no doubt a touching side to 
 this feature in the Tractarian Society of Oxford. Dean 
 Church speaks of " the affection which was characteristic of 
 those days." ... Of the mutually feminine attachment which 
 bound Newman and Froude together, there is no need to say 
 more. . . . The Apologia sets it forth all the more fully 
 because Froude was no longer living. . . . Newman's 
 was a characteristically feminine nature : it was feminine 
 in the quickness and subtlety of his instincts, in affection 
 and the caprices of affection, in diplomatic tact and adroit- 
 ness, and in a gift of statement and grace of phrase 
 which find their analogies in the conversation, in the public 
 addresses, and not seldom in the written style, of gifted 
 women. . . . Hurrell Froude, his chosen and most con- 
 genial friend, was more feminine still than Newman, femi- 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 299 
 
 nine in his faults as well as in his gifts and his defects. 
 For sympathy and mutual intelligence the two were wonder- 
 fully well assorted. ... It was a saying of Charles Kingsley 
 . . . that all the Tractarian leaders were wanting in virility : 
 i.e., not so much effeminate as naturally more woman-like 
 than masculine.' 
 
 From ' Historical Notes on the Tractarian Move- 
 ment, A.D. 1 83 3-1 845,' by Frederick Oakeley, 
 M.A., Oxon., Priest of the Archdiocese of Westminster. 
 London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1865. 
 
 [By the kind permission of Sir Charles W. A. Oakeley, Bart. , and of Messrs. 
 Longmans, Green & Co.] 
 
 ' The only one of these remarkable men who has 
 passed into the region of history ^ is he who, though the 
 youngest of the whole number in years, deserves to be com- 
 memorated as the first who took a comprehensive view of 
 the bearings and character of the Movement. Mr. Froude 
 was a College contemporary of my own, and I enjoyed at one 
 time the privilege of constant intercourse and familiar acquaint- 
 ance with him. Those who have formed their impression of 
 him from his published Remains will scarcely, perhaps, be 
 prepared to hear how little there appeared, in his external 
 deportment, while he was at Oxford, of that remarkable 
 austerity of life which he is now known to have habitually 
 practised, even then. To a form of singular elegance, and a 
 countenance of that peculiar and highest kind of beauty which 
 flows from purity of heart and mind, he added manners the 
 most refined and engaging. That air of sunny cheerfulness 
 which is best expressed by the French word riant, never 
 forsook him (at the time when I knew him best), and diffused 
 itself, as is its wont, over every circle in which he moved. I 
 have seen him in spheres so different as the Common-Rooms 
 of Oxford, and the after-dinner company of the high aristo- 
 
 ^ Published while Mr. Keble, Dr. Pusey, and Dr. Newman were all living : in the 
 year, in fact, of their memorable and touching meeting at Hursley, after the long 
 outward separation. 
 
300 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 cratic society of the West of England ; and I well remember 
 how he mingled even with the last in a way so easy, yet so 
 dignified, as at once to conciliate its sympathies and direct 
 its tone. He was one of those who seemed to have extracted 
 real good out of an English Public School education, while 
 unaffected by its manifold vices. Popular among his com- 
 panions for his skill in all athletic exercises, as well as for his 
 humility, forbearance, and indomitable good temper, he had 
 the rare gift of changing the course of dangerous conversation 
 without uncouth abruptness or unbecoming dictation; and he 
 almost seemed, as is recorded of St. Bernardine of Sienna, to 
 check, by his mere presence, the profane jibe, or unseemly 
 Equivoque. To his great intellectual powers his published 
 Remains bear abundant witness ; nor do we, in fact, need any 
 other proof of them than the deference yielded to his opinions 
 by such men as those who have acknowledged him for their 
 example and their guide. Let it not be supposed that this 
 high panegyric is prompted by the partiality of friendship. 
 Although I enjoyed constant opportunities of intercourse with 
 Mr. Froude, and made his character a study, yet I have no 
 claim whatever to be considered his intimate friend. We were 
 not, indeed, at that time, in anything like complete religious 
 accord ; and I remember his once saying to me, in words 
 which subsequent events made me regard as prophetic : 
 " My dear O., I believe you will come right some day ; but 
 you are a long time about it." Poor Hurrell Froude ! May 
 it be allowed to one who was your competitor in more than 
 one academical contest, and your inferior in everything 
 (save in his happy possession of those religious privileges 
 which you were cut off too early to allow of your attain- 
 ing), to pay you, after many years, this feeble tribute of 
 gratitude and admiration ! Never again will Anglicanism 
 produce such a disciple ; never, till she is Catholic, will Oxford 
 boast of such a son. 
 
 ' " Ostendent tcrris hunc tantum fata, neque ultra 
 Esse sinent. Nimiutn voiis Romana propago 
 Visa fotens, superi, propria hac si dona fuissent . . . 
 J^ec puer Iliaca quisquam de gente Latinos 
 In tantum spe toilet avos : nee Romula quondam 
 Vllo se tantum tellus jaetabit alumno." 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 301 
 
 As I have begun this quotation, I may as well go on with it : 
 
 ' ' ' Heu, pietas I heu, prisca fides ! invidaque bello 
 Dextera! non UK se quisquam impune iulisset 
 Obvius armato . 
 
 . Manibtts dale lilia plenis : 
 Purpureas spargam flores, animamque [sedans'] 
 His saltern accumulem donis, et fitngar inani 
 Munere." 
 
 To adjust such a character with Catholic facts and Catholic 
 principles is no part of my present object. The reader who 
 takes an interest in this question will find it discussed in Dr. 
 Newman's Lectures on Anglican Difficulties. For me it will be 
 sufficient to take leave of this gifted person in the well-known 
 words : Cum talis sis, utinam noster esses ! 
 
 ' The estimate taken [of the Reformers and] of their work 
 by Mr. Froude, Mr. Keble, and Mr. Newman became suffi- 
 ciently manifest on the publication of Mr. Froude's Remains, 
 with the remarks prefixed to them by the friends just men- 
 tioned. Mr. Froude had described the English Reformers in 
 general, as " a set with whom he wished to have less and less 
 to do." He declared his opinion that Bishop Jewel was no 
 better than " an irreverent Dissenter," and expressed himself as 
 sceptical whether Latimer (of whom, as a " Martyr," he did 
 not wish to speak disrespectfully) were not " something in the 
 Bulteel line." Dr. Pusey was too humble and forbearing to 
 enter any kind of public protest against statements and views so 
 different from his own. But he was generally believed not to 
 go along with the tenour of these expressions, nor to approve, 
 otherwise than by passive acquiescence, of the publication of 
 those parts of the work in which they were contained. . . . 
 [Living,] Mr. Froude's frankness and attractive personal qualities 
 gained from the rising generation of Oxford a favourable hear- 
 ing for the (to them) original views, which he so ably and 
 dashingly inculcated. . . . No one can read Mr. Froude's 
 Remains , . . without seeing that with him and with those 
 with whom he corresponded, the ethical system of Oxford had 
 exercised no small influence in the formation of mental habits. 
 Those who, like myself, were personally acquainted with Mr. 
 
302 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Froude, will remember how constantly he used to appeal to [the] 
 great moral teacher of antiquity, " Old 'Stotle," as he used play- 
 fully to call him, against the shallow principles of the day. There 
 is a sense, I am convinced, in which the literature of heathenism 
 is often more religious than that of Protestantism. Thus, then, 
 it was that the philosophical studies of Oxford tended to form 
 certain great minds on a semi-Catholic type. 
 
 • ■••■■•• 
 
 ' Towards the close of his mortal career, his opinions appear 
 to have undergone some change which was perceptible to 
 many of his friends even in his outward demeanour. He 
 associated less than formerly with the old High Church party 
 of the Establishment, as he became convinced that the ills of 
 the Church must be cured by sterner and more unworldly 
 methods of discipline than that party was prepared to accept. 
 An air of gravity, and a tone of severity, even in general 
 society (so far as he mixed with it), had replaced that bright 
 and sunny cheerfulness which was characteristic of his earlier 
 days ; and this change of exterior was greater than could be 
 explained by his declining health, against which he bore up 
 with exemplary fortitude. Together with a more anxious 
 view of the state and prospects of the Establishment, he had 
 apparently taken up a less favourable opinion of the Catholic 
 Church, at least in its actual manifestation. A visit to the 
 Continent had operated (from whatever cause) unfavourably 
 upon his judgment of Catholics, whom he now first stigmatised 
 as " Tridentines " : a strange commentary, certainly, on the view 
 put forth later by Mr. Newman, to the effect that the prevalent 
 Catholic system was erroneous in that it had deviated from 
 the Tridentine rule, not in that it represented that rule! This 
 and similar dicta, some of a still more painful import, have led 
 such of Mr. Froude's friends as have clung to the Established 
 Church to believe that, had he lived, he would have remained 
 on their side. Such a question will naturally be determined, 
 to a great extent, according to the personal views and wishes 
 of those who speculate upon it. Certain at any rate it is, that 
 had he come to us, the Church would have secured the humble 
 obedience and faithful service of a rarely gifted intellect ; while, 
 had he stayed behind, he would have added one more to the 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 303 
 
 number of those whose absence is the theme of our lamenta- 
 tion, and whose conversion, the object of our prayers. It is 
 part, however, of the historian's office to investigate such 
 questions according to the evidence at his disposal ; and in the 
 instance before us, that evidence is far more accessible and far 
 more satisfactory than is usually the case in posthumous 
 inquiries. Mr. Froude's Letters to Friends, published in his 
 Remains, give an insight into his character and feelings, with 
 all their various developments and vicissitudes, such as is 
 commonly the privilege of intimate personal acquaintance, and 
 of that alone. His bosom friends could hardly have known 
 him better than the careful student of these Letters may know 
 him, if he desire it : indeed, it is to such friends that he discloses 
 himself in those Letters with almost the plain-spokenness of the 
 Confessional. 
 
 ' Now, it must be admitted that these Letters leave the 
 question as to the probability of his conversion very much in that 
 evenly-balanced state in which, as I have just said, the wishes 
 of friends or partisans come in to determine- it on either side. 
 His Letters contain, on the one hand, many passages from 
 which, if they stood alone, it might be concluded that he was, 
 at certain times, almost ripe for conversion. They also contain 
 others apparently of an opposite tenour. In the former class 
 must be reckoned those indications of antipathy, continually 
 deriving fresh fuel from new researches, to the English Re- 
 formation and Reformers.^ Mr. Froude's theological sentiments 
 had long passed the mark of the Laudian era, and settled at 
 the point of the Nonjurors.^ He thinks one might take for an 
 example Francis de Sales, whom, by the way, he classes with 
 " Jansenist Saints." ^ Again, he was most deeply sensitive to 
 the shortcomings and anomalies of his communion : he calls 
 it an " incubus " on the country, and ascribes to it the blighting 
 properties of the " upas-tree." It is evident that he was in 
 advance both of Mr. Keble and Mr. Newman : he twits the 
 former, in friendly expostulation, with the Protestantism of his 
 phraseology in parts of The Christian Year, and laments the 
 backwardness of the latter on some questions of the day. On 
 
 ' IRemains, part i., i., 389, 393, 394, 403. 40S-] 
 2 \_Idem, 363.] 8 iidem, i., 395.] 
 
304 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 the other hand, and in the same direction of thought, he 
 expresses admiration of Cardinal Pole ; he scruples about 
 speaking against the Catholic system, even its " seemingly- 
 indifferent practices " ; ^ he can understand, on the principle of 
 reverence, the Communion under one species,^ perhaps the 
 greatest of all practical difficulties to many Anglican minds. 
 Moreover, when at Rome, he evidently opened the subject of 
 reconciliation to a distinguished prelate whom he met there.' 
 Per contra, we have painful sayings against supposed practical 
 abuses in the Church. " He really thought," as he tells us, that 
 " certain practices which he witnessed abroad are idolatrous " ; 
 he charges priests with irreverence, ecclesiastical authorities 
 with laxity, etc.* Yet even these opinions he partially qualifies, 
 and is disposed to attribute to defective information.^ He 
 shrinks from speaking against Rome as a Church^ 
 
 ' Unwilling as I am to hazard conjectures on the subject, 
 especially against the judgement of any among his more inti- 
 mate friends, I do not think it unreasonable to conclude, from 
 a comparison of these passages, that Mr. Froude's objections 
 were chiefly directed against imaginary abuses, or possible 
 relaxations of discipline, which time and reflection would have 
 shown him to be entirely independent of the real merits of the 
 controversy. I find it also difficult to believe that, as the 
 principle of the English Reformation received these illustrations 
 in the Established Church which we have lived long enough to 
 see, — as her constituted tribunals were found to give up, in 
 succession, the grace of the Sacraments, the authority of the 
 Church, and even the inspiration of Holy Scripture itself, as 
 necessary truths, — his clear and honest mind would not have 
 accepted some or all of these tokens of apostasy as a summons 
 to enter the True Fold. Assuredly, too, we have known no in- 
 stance of a mind equally candid, intelligent, and instructed, whose 
 advances in the direction of the Truth (especially when assisted 
 by extraordinary acuteness of conscience and purity of life) 
 
 1 [Remains, part i., i., 336, 395.] 
 
 ^ [Idem, p. 410. ' If I were a Roman Catholic priest.'] 
 
 ' [Dr. Wiseman, afterwards Cardinal. Remains, i., 306.] 
 
 * [Passim, Editors' Preface to Remains, ii.] 
 
 " [Remains, 14, etc.] ' [Idem, i., 395.] 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 305 
 
 have stopped short, as time has gone on, of the logical con- 
 clusions, except in cases where the progress of such a mind has 
 been arrested by conflicting tendencies of deeply ingrained 
 Protestant or national prepossession : such as in his case were 
 singularly absent. 
 
 ' There is, however, one phase of Mr. Froude's mind with 
 which it is far more difficult to reconcile the belief of his 
 probable conversion than any other. This phase, indeed, 
 seems to have been a characteristic of himself as compared 
 with nearly all of those who took a leading part in the Move- 
 ment, including even Mr. Keble, who was the nearest to Mr. 
 Froude in general character. The peculiarity to which I 
 refer is that of an extraordinary leaning to the side of religious 
 dread, and a correspondent suppression of the sentiments of 
 love and joy. Mr. Froude's religion, as far as it can be 
 gathered from his published Journal, seems to have been (if the 
 expression be not too strong) more like that of a humble and 
 pious Jew under the Old Dispensation, than that of a Christian 
 living in the full sunshine of Gospel privileges. The apology 
 for this feature in his religious character, and for any portion 
 of it which appears in those of other excellent men of the same 
 period,^ is to be found in the ungraceful and often irreverent 
 form in which the warmer side of the Christian temper was 
 exhibited in the party called Evangelical : whose language, 
 based as it often was upon grievous errors of doctrine, had a 
 tendency to react, in religious minds, on the side of severity 
 and reserve. Such a form of religious spirit, however, where 
 exhibited in the somewhat unusual proportions which it 
 assumes in Mr. Froude, must undergo almost a complete 
 revolution before it can be naturally susceptible of the 
 impression which Catholic devotion has a tendency to pro- 
 duce, or even tolerant of the language which pervades our 
 approved Manuals. It is certainly difficult to find in the Mr. 
 Froude of the Remains, a compartment for devotion to Our 
 
 ' Newman writes to Mr. Williams from Abbotsford, December 21, 1852, (Auto- 
 biography of I. W. London: Longmans, 1892, p. 129): 'You only say the truth 
 when you anticipate [that] I remember you tenderly in my prayers, though you 
 are, my dear Williams (if you will let me say it in answer to what you say yourself) 
 of " the straitest sect," and as ^ matter of duty, will not let Heaven smile upon 
 you.' 
 
 20 
 
306 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Blessed Lady,^ for instance, or even to the Sacred Humanity 
 of Our Lord, in all its attractive and endearing fulness. 
 Yet, taking the phenomena of his case as a whole, and 
 duly estimating the respective powers of the two conflicting 
 forces, I cannot help thinking that the Church would more 
 easily have conquered his prejudices than the' Establishment 
 have retained his allegiance.' 
 
 From 'The BRITISH CRITIC,' Jan., 1838, Vol. xxiii., pp. 200 
 et seq., by FREDERIC ROGERS, Esq., M.A., afterwards 
 Lord Blachford.2 
 
 ' . . . The first volume of this book, to which the following 
 observations will be confined, presents an unusually perfect 
 history of as remarkable a mind as it is often our lot to fall 
 in with. It is remarkable, not merely for its talent, energy, 
 and depth of religious feeling, but because the character in 
 which these qualities issue, is one almost new to the eyes of 
 this generation ; and with this unusual tone of thought and 
 feeling, is joined a deep reality and consistency which forces 
 attention, and perhaps deference, even when the author's views 
 least coincide with our own settled prejudices. . . . 
 
 ' , . , There is a wide intermediate range of character 
 among those who neither neglect nor rest in their fellow-men. 
 With some, those feelings of reverence and admiration, which 
 seem like the voice of God assigning to every man his province, 
 are more deeply touched by the quiet holiness of domestic life, 
 its little delicate self-sacrifices, its affectionate attentions and 
 glad confidence. The idol of their hearts is one whom men 
 love even when he is most severe, or, if they love him not 
 they dare not avow it, knowing that the world would hold them 
 self-condemned ; whose enjoyment it is to confer enjoyment, 
 who moves about with a heart and sympathies open to all 
 he meets, expecting no evil ; and, when encountered by vice, 
 
 ^ The quite cerrtrary statement in the Apologia had not then seen the light. If 
 there was any written reference to Our Lady, as seems probable, in Sermons or 
 elsewhere in the Remains, the Editors barred it out, doubtless for the same reasons 
 which so long kept Mr. Keble's beautiful ' Mother Out of Sight ' from the public. 
 
 ' A review of Froude's Remains, Part i. 
 
HURREI.L FROUDE 307 
 
 rebukes it with a mixture of horror, pity, and simplicity, which, 
 if they fail to convince, at least never irritate or harden. Not 
 that such an one need be wanting in the expression of just 
 indignation, but he shows no intention to punish, no assump- 
 tion of superiority. He speaks either by way of affectionate 
 remonstrance, or to disburden his own conscience ; and those 
 who are too bad to be affected by mere goodness, only say of 
 him " that he is as kind-hearted a man as can be ; pity he 
 should let his fancies run away with him." 
 
 ' It need hardly be said that this is Christian love, but 
 not its only form. Minds more bitterly alive to the unsatis- 
 fying nature of earthly things, will thirst after some more 
 immediate form of self-devotion to God : and the same feelings 
 which render their brethren less adequate representatives of 
 their Heavenly Father in their hearts, imply capacities which 
 render them less necessary. They will press as close to God 
 as He will let them, anxious, if it were possible, to anticipate 
 His purposes concerning them, watching for permission to 
 throw away earthly comforts in His service, if He will give 
 them the signal to take to themselves that honour ; laborious, 
 by meditation and mortification of the flesh, to root out from their 
 hearts every idle desire that interferes with His presence there, 
 and to bend to His direct service every high taste and faculty 
 which He has given them : who would sing songs to His glory 
 though there were none to hear them, and would adorn holy 
 places though there were none to see them ; anxious for no 
 result, but for the mere happiness of devoting heart, head, and 
 hand to His honour, if they have but an instinct or a word of 
 His to tell them that He will be pleased with their little offer- 
 ing. These men will no more forget their brethren than the 
 others will forget God ; they will have their words of encourage- 
 ment for the penitent, of courtesy for the stranger, of deep 
 affection for their friends. But they do not go about, overflow- 
 ing with kindness and confidence to all men. Perhaps circum- 
 stances have thrown upon them one of those great works which 
 ever lie about the world unappropriated, and they are 
 " straitened till it be accomplished." Perhaps the work of 
 their own salvation lies heavier on their spirits than on theirs 
 who live and die in happy, quiet, uniform thankfulness. 
 
308 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Perhaps their own renunciation of the lesser pleasures of life 
 makes them less understand the value which others set on 
 them. At any rate, their constant endeavour to realise within 
 themselves their own high aspirations, tends to unfit them for 
 sympathising with buoyant earthly merriment, or sanguine 
 earthly wishes, except it be with the passing interest which we 
 give to the careless gaiety of a child. 
 
 ' Again, the stern examination by which they purge their 
 own hearts, that they may be worthy of God, opens to them 
 the secrets of others. It shows them what is their own mean- 
 ness in the sight of God, and what it may be in the sight of 
 their fellow-men ; but it lays upon them the painful power of 
 seeing through profession and self-deceit, and it teaches them 
 how, by word and eye, to silence and chastise as well as protest. 
 
 ' These men, it need scarcely be said, are not talked of as 
 " kind-hearted fellows " ; they are felt to be partisans, and are 
 reverenced or hated accordingly. Their presence, when it 
 does not deepen the interest of conversation, is apt to impose 
 a check on its freedom. Men are afraid of being frivolous and 
 unreal in their presence ; doubtful what will offend them ; or 
 what degree of forbearance they may reckon on ; suspicious of 
 their motives, as of men who do not speak freely, unless they 
 speak with authority, of what they most deeply mean ; and 
 cautious in accepting their friendship, for it is only firmly 
 given to similarity of religious aim. But the loftiness of 
 sentiment which confines, deepens also the flow of their 
 sympathies ; their power of severity gives meaning to their 
 affection, and their singleness of aim a high harmony to their 
 thoughts and tastes. Those who will take their hand and 
 walk with them will find the fruit of their friendship rich 
 according to its noble origin and tenure. 
 
 ' Now of these two characters it would perhaps be overbold 
 to say which is holiest ; at any rate, the loveliness of one is very 
 different from the majesty of the other : different, not indeed 
 in essentials, but in the hopes, fears, tastes, and sentiments, 
 which it forces uppermost. . . . The later Church of England 
 character is very decidedly of the former cast. Ours is the 
 Church of Walton and Herbert, not of Athanasius and 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 309 
 
 Ambrose. And truly we have been born into a beautiful 
 inheritance. Our fathers have bequeathed to us the apprecia- 
 tion of a kindly and a holy spirit ; a spirit of affectionate 
 unobtrusive meekness, of considerate friendliness, of calm 
 cheerfulness. And these are in their measure not only 
 appreciated but realised amongst us : the domestic and social 
 virtues of our clergy are in the mouths of every panegyrist of 
 the Church of England, and are hardly denied by her enemies. 
 . . . And it is true, that there are passages of Scripture which 
 address themselves to a very different class of minds : passages 
 which Bvvdfievoi ^(wpeiv, 'x^copeiro), which " all men cannot 
 receive, but they to whom it is given." There are a whole 
 class of expressions in the New Testament, which though 
 surely they do not condemn the English Church, yet seem 
 somehow not to have received their natural development in 
 it.^ " If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast . . . 
 and come, follow Me." " Blessed are ye when men shall hate 
 you." " Woe unto you that laugh now, for ye shall mourn and 
 weep." "KaKov av6pd}Tr<p yvvaoKO'i fi.'^ aTrrecrdai." "Everyone 
 that hath forsaken brethren or sisters, or father or mother, or 
 wife or children, for My Name's sake, shall receive an hundred- 
 fold, and shall inherit everlasting life." We seem afraid of these. 
 
 ' Within our own Church, we are over-careful to soothe 
 enthusiasm, and somewhat helpless in directing it. In judging 
 foreign Churches, or other ages, we talk of a " misguided zeal 
 for what they consider the glory of God," " the fantastic rigours 
 by which men render themselves callous to the sufferings of 
 others," " the extinction of the domestic affections to aggrandise 
 one ambitious Church," words which may be true or not, as 
 they are applied, but which, as commonly used, are rather 
 rashly bandied about, considering all the hints and recommenda- 
 tions that Scripture contains.^ We can be warm enough in 
 
 ^ Froude says the same thing to Newman, Jan., 1835. See p. 165. 
 
 " The Rev. Hugh James Rose to Joshua Watson, Jan., 1838. ' I think that 
 review of Froude ' \_British Critic for that month and year, as above] ' the most to 
 be regretted of anything which I have seen of our Oxford friends. It shows a 
 disposition to find fault with our Church for not satisfying the wants and demands, not 
 of the human heart, but of the imagination of enthusiastic and ascetic and morbid- 
 minded men. This no Church does or can do by any honest means. He who has 
 
310 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 our censures of those who would call down fire from Heaven, 
 or sit at the right hand of Christ, but have perhaps too much 
 fellow-feeling with him who went away sorrowful when he 
 found he must not only obey the law, but sell his property. 
 The book now before us is, most unquestionably, not of the 
 peculiar Church of England character, but of that cast which 
 we are somewhat apt to depreciate, or to look on as a romantic 
 unreality. . . . 
 
 ' In his Private Journal, which was written chiefly in 1826, 
 when he was about twenty-four, the feeling round which all 
 others seem to group themselves, is a craving after an ideal 
 happiness, real and attainable, though not yet, of which all 
 our refined perceptions of beauty, nobility, and holiness are 
 but indications and foretastes, and in which, as our character 
 becomes equal to our capacities, they must eventually con- 
 verge. With this is joined, as perhaps its necessary condition, 
 a sensitive and pure taste for all that is beautiful or lofty to 
 sight or mind ; high, though unpractised, poetical powers ; and 
 an earnest appreciation of the reverence due to holy things, 
 even to our own higher thoughts and deeper emotions. 
 
 ' This itself explains why these powers and feelings, lying, 
 it seems, deepest, were unknown, almost unsuspected, by more 
 than two or three of his nearest friends. His acquaintance 
 more readily perceived and appreciated an unusually deep and 
 true mode of dealing with mathematical questions ; a subtlety, 
 boldness and ingenuity of reasoning; a frank and accurate 
 apprehension of the full force of an adverse argument; and a 
 definiteness of conception and expression which seemed to cut 
 through an intricate question, throwing off, rather than 
 grappling with objections, with a clearness which one could 
 hardly believe not to be sophistry. 
 
 these desires may satisfy them himself. The mass of men have them not. To 
 quarrel with the Church [of England] on this ground, is to show a resolution to 
 quarrel with her ! ' Lives of Twelve Good Men, by John William Burgon, B.D., late 
 Dean of Chichester. London : Murray, 1861, p. 135. Compare what Newman writes 
 to Mr. Hope-Scott in reference to monastic institutions, on Jan. 3, 1842 : ' Men want 
 an outlet for their devotional and penitential feelings ; and if we do not grant it, to 
 a dead certainty they will go where they can find it. This is the beginning and the 
 end of the matter.' Ornsby's Memoir of James Robert Hope-Scott of Abhotsford. 
 London : Murray, 1884, ii., 6. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 311 
 
 ' But this book derives its commanding interest from the stern 
 self-chastisement of body and mind, from which both reason 
 and imagination receive their tone and substance. With this 
 the Journal acquaints us ; and there is something which really 
 cows an ordinary reader, in the unsparing steadiness with which 
 faults are sought for, the bitter self-abasement with which they 
 are felt, and the unrelenting determination with which they are 
 punished ; all being recorded, except when addressed to God, 
 with a plain and sometimes contemptuous homeliness of ex- 
 pression, which seems as if the author wished to do dishonour 
 to himself and his thoughts, or held that a feeling which 
 claimed to be deep and true, should not disdain to buy, by 
 humiliation, the privilege of utterance. . . . 
 
 ' - . . In 1825, in which year he took his degree, 
 passages in his letters show the existence of those 
 romantic views of religion which occupy so prominent a 
 place in his character from that time forward. Of part of 
 the intervening time, he speaks often in his Journal with 
 very deep contrition : but anyone who observes the deep 
 humiliation with which he confesses faults of which ordinary 
 persons would think but little, (common indeed to all who 
 have really high views of Christian excellence,) will be very 
 cautious in inferring much as to the facts themselves, from this 
 most bitter recollection of them. The Journal itself may 
 perhaps be best introduced by some letters, giving an account 
 of the first part of the time which it records. 
 
 [To the Rev. JOHN Keble, but not sent.] 
 
 Sept. 28, 1826. 
 ' " I have been meaning to write to you every day for a long 
 time, and I do not suppose you would wish me to be influenced 
 in putting off longer by the sad thing we have just heard.^ 
 At least, if I may judge from myself, there is so little 
 difference between what are called real afflictions and 
 imaginary ones, that it seems just as rational to go on in the 
 common way when under the former as the latter. With me, 
 this last summer, both at the time, and looking back on it, 
 ' The death of Mr. Keble's dearest sister, Mary Anne. 
 
312 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 seems to have gone very strangely ; and I do not see any 
 ground why my reason should contradict my feelings, because 
 the things which affect me are either, in their nature, confined 
 to the person who feels them, or are thought trifles by people 
 in general. I have been trying almost all the Long [Vacation] 
 to discover a sort of common-sense romance : I am convinced 
 there must be such a thing, and that Nature did not give us 
 such a high capacity for pleasure without making some other 
 qualification for it besides delusion. But the speculation has 
 got much more serious, and runs out into many more rami- 
 fications than I expected at first ; and it seems to me as if I 
 might make it the main object of a long course of reading, the 
 first step of which would be to follow your advice in learning 
 Hebrew and reading the early Fathers. This I have deter- 
 mined upon doing immediately upon my return to Oxford; 
 and the intervening space I shall pass away as I can, with I. 
 and P.,^ among the mountains and waterfalls. Since I wrote 
 this in the morning, I have been walking with P., whose 
 quietness of mind makes me quite ashamed of my speculations, 
 and I hardly like sending you this letter ; however, if I have 
 been making myself a fool all the summer, it is better I should 
 not go on brooding on it by myself; for letting somebody 
 know the state of my thoughts is the only way of keeping 
 them straight; and I know no one but you who would make 
 sufficient allowance for me to venture on such things with. 
 Perhaps you may think it very odd, but this is the first time 
 I have had resolution to ask for the papers which they found 
 of my mother's after her death." 
 
 ' The writer seems to have shrunk from allowing this letter 
 to reach his friend. In its stead, the following was sent : 
 
 ' " I have made three attempts to write, but all of them ran 
 off into something wild, which, upon reflection, I thought 
 would be better kept to myself The fact is, that I have been 
 in a strange way all the summer, and having had no one to 
 talk to about the things which have bothered me, I have been 
 every now and then getting into fits of enthusiasm or de- 
 spondency. But the result has been in some respects a good 
 ' Isaac Williams and Sir George Prevost. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 313 
 
 one, and I have got to take very great pleasure in what you 
 recommended me when we were together at F./ the evening 
 before I left you, our first summer, i.e. good books ; and I feel 
 [I] understand places in the Psalms in a way I never used to. 
 I go back to Oxford with a determination to set to at Hebrew 
 and the early Fathers, and to keep myself in as strict order as 
 I can : a thing which I have been making ineffectual attempts 
 at for some time, but which never once entered my head for a 
 long time of my life. . . . 
 
 ' " And now I must drop back to myself. I wish you would 
 say anything to me that you think would do me good, however 
 severe it may be. You must have observed many things very 
 contemptible in me, but I know worse of myself, and shall be 
 prepared for anything. I cannot help being afraid that I am 
 still deceiving myself about my motives and feelings, and shall 
 be glad of anything on which to steady myself." 
 
 ' It is exceedingly interesting to trace in the Journal the 
 actual working day by day of the feelings to which these 
 letters refer. The following extract is, in effect, its opening : 
 
 "'/«d' i> 1826. — I think it will be a better way to keep a 
 Journal for a bit, as I find I want keeping in order about more 
 things than reading. I am in a most conceited way, besides 
 very ill-tempered and irritable. My thoughts wander very 
 much at my prayers, and I feel hungry for some ideal thing of 
 which I have no definite idea. I sometimes fancy that the 
 odd bothering feeling which gets possession of me is affectation, 
 and that I appropriate it because I think it a sign of genius : 
 but it lasts too long, and is too disagreeable to be unreal." 
 
 ' '^ July 5. — I do not know how it is, but it seems to me as 
 if the consciousness of having capacities for happiness, with no 
 objects to gratify them, seems to grow upon me, and puts me 
 in a dreary way. Lord, have mercy upon me ! " 
 
 ' These feelings continue occasionally to appear, assuming, 
 more and more, a distinct and practical shape, till his return 
 to Oxford in October, 1826 (the period when the Letters before 
 quoted were written), when they gave rise to the following 
 resolutions : 
 
 ' " I have been coming to a resolution, that as soon as I am 
 ' Fairford. 
 
314 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 out of the reach of observation, I will begin a sort of monastic 
 austere life, and do my best to chastise myself before the 
 Lord ; that I will attend Chapel regularly ; eat little and 
 plainly, drink as little wine as I can, consistently with the 
 forms of society ; keep the fasts of the Church, as much as I 
 can, without ostentation ; continue to get up at six in the 
 winter ; abstain from all unnecessary expenses, in everything ; 
 give all the money I can save in charity, or for the adorning 
 of religion. That I will submit myself to the wishes of the 
 [Provost ?] as to one set over me by the Lord, but never give in 
 to the will or opinion of anyone from idleness, or false shame, 
 or want of spirit. That I will avoid society as much as I can, 
 except those I can do good to, or from whom I may expect 
 real advantage ; and I will, in all my actions, endeavour to 
 justify that high notion of my capabilities of which I cannot 
 divest myself That I will avoid all conversation on serious 
 subjects, except with those whose opinions I revere, and 
 content myself with exercising dominion over my own mind, 
 without trying to influence others. The studies which I 
 have prescribed to myself are Hebrew and Ante-Nicene 
 Fathers. . . ." 
 
 ' We extract the following philosophical reflections, taken 
 from the Occasional Thoughts of about the same date, as 
 similarly characteristic of the author's steady and systematic 
 procedure : 
 
 '"Dec. I, 7, and 17. — It is the object of our lives, by 
 patient perseverance in a course of action prescribed to us, so 
 to shape and discipline our desires that they may, through 
 habit, be excited to the same degree by the objects which are 
 presented to our understanding, as they would by nature, if 
 we had senses to relish them ; that is, that the degree of our 
 appetites for these objects should so far exceed that which we 
 feel for sensible objects, as the known value of the former 
 exceeds that of the latter. The former field of existence is 
 what I think St. Paul had in his mind when he spoke (Heb., 
 vi. 19) of ' that which is within the veil,' into which Jesus 
 Christ had gone before us : the veil signifying our uncon- 
 sciousness, in spite of which, ' by two immutable things, in 
 which it was impossible that God should lie, we might have 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 315 
 
 strong consolation who have fled to lay hold of the hope set 
 before us.' All this seems the real meaning of faith, as 
 insisted on so much in the New Testament. 
 
 ' " Of the objects which we pursue or avoid, some we im- 
 mediately perceive to be either present or absent ; some we 
 only believe to be so through the intervention of the under- 
 standing. The various dispositions of our fellow-creatures 
 towards us are of the latter sort. We have no faculties for 
 perceiving love or admiration ; but being conscious of the 
 feeling ourselves, and recognising in others the effects which 
 we know to proceed from them, we believe their presence upon 
 evidence, and are affected therewith. Of being in society we 
 cannot be conscious, if by society we mean not that of certain 
 shapes doing certain things, but of beings which feel in some 
 respects as we do. The existence of such beings we only 
 believe on evidence, having observed effects like those which 
 proceed from our own feelings, in so many instances as to 
 make it appear that the causes are likewise similar. The same 
 sort of evidence we have of the existence of other beings, in 
 some respects like, and in others different from ourselves. 
 That a Being exists endued with power and wisdom, the limits 
 of which we cannot reach to, is, I think, more certain than that 
 we have fellow-creatures.^ All men, whether they know it or 
 not, act as if they believed in a Being endued with intelligence 
 and power and will, superior to any interference. They count 
 on the course of Nature continuing as it is, because they know 
 that what they have long continued to do they go on with ; 
 and rely without any doubt on its skill and ability for perfect- 
 ing their undertaking, where their own skill and ability fall 
 short. That this Being has any other attributes, we have not 
 the same evidence. These are the ' things within the veil ' ; 
 they are Kvpiw;, the objects of faith. But consideration will 
 show that the difference is not in kind but in degree, and 
 that among what we call the things visible, motives are pro- 
 posed to us to be acted on, approaching to it by degrees 
 imperceptible." 
 
 ' Newman says of his own early youth : ' [I rested] in the thought of two, and 
 two only, absolute and luminously self-evident beings ; myself and my Creator.' 
 Apologia, 1890, p. 4. 
 
316 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ' " Isa. XXV. 7, 9. ' And He will destroy in this mountain 
 the face of the covering cast over all people, and the veil 
 that is spread over all nations. . . . And it shall be said in 
 that day, Lo, this is our God ; we have waited for Him, and 
 He will save us ; this is the Lord ; we have waited for Him : 
 we will be glad and rejoice in His salvation. . . .' 
 
 ' " The business of our life seems to be, to acquire the habit 
 of acting in such a manner as we should do, if we were 
 conscious of all we know ; and in this respect no action of our 
 lives can be indifferent, but must either tend to form this habit 
 or a contrary one : so that those whose attempt to act right 
 does not commence with their power of acting at all, have 
 much to undo, as well as to do. The craving, and blankness 
 of feeling, which attends the early stages of this habit (' show 
 some token upon me for good '), makes anything acceptable 
 which can even in fancy fill it ; and it is delightful to see things 
 turn out well, whose case seems, in some sort, to represent to 
 us our indistinct conceptions of our own. Animals fainting 
 under the effect of exercise, and then again recovering their 
 strength, which that very exercise has contributed to increase ; 
 the slow and uncertain degrees in which this exercise is 
 effected, and yet the certainty that it is effected ; — the growth 
 of trees sometimes tossed by winds and checked by frosts, yet, 
 by the evil effects of these winds directed in what quarter to 
 strike their roots, so as to secure themselves for the future, and 
 by these frosts hardened and fitted for a new progress the next 
 summer : — in things of this sort I am [altered in the MS. from 
 • we are '] so constituted, as to see brethren in affliction 
 evidently making progress towards release. . . ." 
 
 ' The impression left on the mind after a first perusal of 
 the Journal is doubtless a depressing one, both from the 
 unhappiness which it records, and (it may be) from a fear that 
 if we would exercise the same strict vigilance over our own 
 hearts, or would aim at the same high mark, we might find 
 cause for disquiet too. It is a real satisfaction to find, both at 
 the end of the Journal that the author considers himself to 
 have passed into a happier state, and in his Letters, that he 
 gradually ceases to speak of his own despondency, either 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 317 
 
 openly to his nearest friend, or in those half-jesting hints of 
 which his other friends must only now feel the meaning. His 
 external demeanour, both from natural disposition and from 
 his contempt for any display of feeling, seems always to have 
 been so full of life and energy, that from it alone, perhaps, 
 no change in this respect could have been inferred. This 
 despondency we have not attempted to show in the extracts, 
 though it does slightly appear there; but rather his high 
 desires to " enter within the veil," to be " hidden in the pre- 
 sence of the Lord," and the mode which he took to realise 
 them. This forms a remarkable contrast with the self-con- 
 fidence and unreality which too frequently springs from the 
 consciousness of high views. It is, unfortunately, not often 
 that we see men of bold and independent minds, subtle and 
 comprehensive powers of reasoning, and romantic desires, 
 giving up, till they shall be fit for it, all notion of " influencing 
 others " ; checking, without throwing aside, their own high 
 feelings ; subduing, with a systematic humility, their impulses 
 to express them, and submitting to learn their duty by the 
 slow and common-sense process of " following great examples," 
 " studying Hebrew and the Ante-Nicene Fathers," and in the 
 meantime obeying scrupulously the voices of those whom they 
 feel to be better than themselves. . . . 
 
 ' The volume before us touches the magic keys with a bold 
 hand ; and though some of the notes which come forth are 
 rather startling, and may be untruly struck, yet there is a 
 meaning in them which deserves to be analysed by those 
 defenders of the English Church who are looking about for 
 weapons to wield, and ground to stand on. Two principal 
 wants, then, the author seems to have felt in the English 
 Church : authority, and richness ; and that not in the spirit of 
 a dreaming philosopher, but of one who knew that we were 
 here not to think only, but to act ; that evil was given us that 
 we might strive against it ; Truth, that we might uphold or 
 restore it ; Revelation and moral instincts, that we might know 
 both one and the other ; Talent and energy, that we might form 
 projects, recommend, and execute them. Nor would the re- 
 straints he set on his impulses to influence others, till circum- 
 stances and a conscious fitness should call him to it, make him 
 
318 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 likely to shrink from his task when he felt it given him. He 
 seems early to have thought that his powers would enable him 
 to serve the Church more effectually as a reader and writer than 
 as a parochial clergyman : by acting on those minds which are 
 to guide the masses, [rather] than on the masses themselves. To 
 this his position as College Fellow seemed also to invite him ; 
 and the following extracts illustrate part of the spirit in which he 
 devoted himself to this task, and the tastes he sacrificed to it. 
 '"/«/)/ 27, 1827. — 
 
 'What is home, you silly, silly wight, 
 That it seems to you to shine so bright ? 
 What is home?— 'Tis a place so gay, 
 Where the birds are singing all the day; 
 Where a wood is close by, and a river dear, 
 And the banks they sleep in the water clear ; 
 Where the roses are red and the lilies pale ; 
 And the little brooks run along every vale. 
 
 Is it nowhere but home, you silly-billee, 
 That the thrushes sing in each shady tree? 
 That the woods are deep, and the rivers too, 
 And the roses and lilies laugh at you? 
 O there are thousands of places as well ! 
 So be quiet, I pray, and no nonsense tell. 
 
 Oh yes, but faces of kindness are there. 
 Which brighten the flowers and freshen the air ; 
 Sweetly at morn our eyes do rest 
 On those whom waking thoughts have blest. 
 And guarded in sleep by a magic spell, 
 O'er which "Good-nights" are sentinel. 
 
 Is kindness, then, so dainty a flower, 
 That it grows alone in one chosen bower? 
 Hast thou not many a brother dear. 
 With thee to hope, and with thee to fear, 
 Owning a common Father's aid, 
 Resting alike in a common shade? 
 
 Yes, friends may be kind, and vales may be green. 
 
 And brooks may sparkle along between ; 
 
 But it is not Friendship's kindest look, 
 
 Nor loveliest vale, nor clearest brook. 
 
 That can tell the tale which is written for me 
 
 On each old fece and well-known tree.'" 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 319 
 
 ' ''^ July 28. — This stagnant effusion was enough for one day, 
 and I must not put off any longer," etc. 
 
 '"Sept. 9, 1832. — Also I am getting to be a sawney, and 
 not to like the dreary prospects which you ^ and I have pro- 
 posed to ourselves. But this is only a feeling ; depend upon 
 it, I will not shrink, if I buy my constancy at the expense of a 
 permanent separation from home." 
 
 '"Sept. 27. — As to my sawney feelings, I own that home 
 does make me a sawney, and that the first Eclogue runs in my 
 head absurdly ; but there is more in the prospect of becoming 
 an ecclesiastical agitator than in — At nos hinc, alii" etc. 
 
 ' And this introduces us to a side of his character on which 
 we have as yet scarcely touched : the fertility, buoyancy, 
 boldness, and versatility of his mind. It has been left 
 unnoticed, partly because no one who was ever so little 
 acquainted with the author, or who would read ever so 
 cursorily the book before us, could well overlook it, partly 
 because the peculiarities on which we have dwelt seem to have 
 exercised a far deeper influence in making him what he was. 
 Both the Journal and the Occasional Thoughts, though 
 principally interesting as showing the processes by which his 
 character and opinions formed themselves, and the depth of 
 thought and determination of purpose on which they were 
 based, cannot but in part show those too ; but in the Letters 
 we are flooded with the pointed suggestions, the bold historical 
 views of a keen-sighted politician, the vigorous statements and 
 earnest queries of one who was seeking and contending for 
 divine Truth, and the ingenious hints, on questions of taste or 
 science, of a man of genius who thought nothing unworthy to 
 employ his powers which could be pressed into the service of 
 religion. . . . 
 
 ' From what has been already said, some general notion 
 may be gained of the author's formal opinions. It may be 
 added, that he was one of those who, feeling strongly the 
 inadequacy of their own intellects to guide them to religious 
 
 ^ Newman. Dean Church says : ' The idea of celibacy, in those whom it affected 
 in Oxford, was in the highest degree a religious and romantic one.' Froude would 
 inevitably translate ' religious and romantic,' as applied, however truly, to Newman 
 and himself, as 'sawney.' 
 
320 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Truth, are prepared to throw themselves unreservedly on 
 Revelation wherever found, in Scripture or Antiquity. Any 
 more definite account it would be difficult to give without 
 unfairness either to the author or to the reader : to the reader, 
 if we omitted his more startling views ; to the author, if we 
 stated them detached and unsupported. His Letters seem to 
 show that his opinions ran somewhat in advance of those to 
 whom he was most closely bound. Still less should we venture 
 to pledge ourselves to every statement and suggestion con- 
 tained in the two volumes ; yet we cannot but express our 
 hope that they will be very generally read and weighed, as 
 likely to suggest thoughts on doctrine, on Church policy, and 
 on individual conduct, most true, and most necessary for 
 these times.' 
 
 From 'The Autobiography of Isaac Williams, B.D. 
 Edited by his Brother-in-Law, the Ven. Sir GEORGE 
 Prevost. London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1892. 
 
 [By the kind permission of the Rev. G. A. Williams, and of Messrs Longmans, 
 Green & Co.] 
 
 ' Keble took us into his house,^ where I formed a most 
 valued friendship with Froude. He was an Eton man, and 
 at Oriel of a little older standing than myself. [We found] 
 religion a reality, and a man wholly made up of love. . . . 
 Here were many of us, taught with much pains and care by 
 one till then a stranger, and altogether gratuitously. . . . Each 
 of us was always delighted to walk with him, Wilberforce,^ to 
 gather instruction for the Schools, and the rest of us for love's 
 sake. ... I spent? all this vacation [1823] at Southrop, and, 
 I think, all my subsequent ones. It was, I think, on this 
 occasion that John Keble said : " Since you have shown me 
 your Latin poems, I shall be vain enough to show you my 
 English ones," and he then lent me to read what has since 
 been called The Christian Year. It was carefully written out 
 in small red books. I read it a great deal, but did not much 
 enter into it. No more did Froude, when he saw it ; and, I 
 ' Southrop, near Fairford. = R. I. W. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 321 
 
 think, even long after he was averse to the publication of it. 
 Among other things he said : " People will take Keble for a 
 Methodist!" At that time I told Keble my favourite poet 
 was Collins : he said there was not enough thought in him to 
 please himself. Froude was always maintaining some argu- 
 ment with Keble, occasionally some monstrous paradox. He 
 was considered a very odd fellow at College, but clever and 
 original ; Keble alone was able to appreciate and value him. 
 If he had not at this time fallen into such hands, his specula- 
 tions might have taken a very dangerous turn ; but as his 
 father, the Archdeacon, told me, from this time it was much 
 otherwise: he continued to throw out strong paradoxes, but 
 always for good. 
 
 ' On returning to Oxford, Froude had now taken the place 
 of my former companions, Keble being a great bond between 
 us. I think he took more to me than I did to him, because I 
 had been used to more of worldly refinement and sentiment, 
 whereas he was unworldly, and real. But still, we were much 
 united, and became more and more so. . . . Froude told me, 
 many years after, that Keble once, before parting from him, 
 seemed to have something on his mind which he wished to say, 
 but shrunk from saying. At last, while waiting, I think, for a 
 coach, he said to him before parting : " Froude, you said one 
 day that Law's Serious Call was a clever " (or " pretty," I forgot 
 which) " book : it seemed to me as if you had said the 
 Day of Judgement would be a pretty sight." This speech, 
 Froude told me, had a great effect on his after-life ; and I 
 observed that in the published Letters in Froude's Remains, he 
 twice alludes to it. . . . Henry Ryder (like Wilberforce) had 
 been brought up in a strict Evangelical school of the better 
 kind ; and on one occasion got up and left a College party in 
 consequence of something that Froude had said that seemed 
 to him to be of a light kind. But when he afterwards came 
 to know the deep self-humiliation and depth of devotion there 
 was in Froude's character, which was engaged in the discipline 
 of the heart, he became so shocked with himself and his own 
 opinions, that he adopted the opposite course. . . . 
 
 'It was in August, 1825, that I first went with Froude 
 into Devonshire. We went by a steamer from Cowes to Ply- 
 z\ 
 
322 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 mouth, as described in a letter in Froude's Remains (Part i., Vol. 
 i., p. 1 8 1 ). From Totnes, we walked up the Dart by Dartington 
 House to the Parsonage : that place which ever since has been 
 to me dearer than my native vales, of which I always say : 
 
 ' Ille terrarum mihi prater omnes Angulus ridet. 
 
 ' The Froudes were eight in family, and the Archdeacon 
 became a great friend. But the people after my own heart 
 were at Dartington House.^ . . . With the Archdeacon and 
 Hurrell we rode along the coast, being very hospitably enter- 
 tained at different houses ; and at last, from the Holdsworths' 
 house at Dartmouth we came up the river Dart by boat. , . . 
 Prevost, [the] summer of 1 826, came to Cwm,^ and was engaged 
 to my sister ; and afterwards Froude came there too, and gives 
 an account of his stay there in his published Journal, where I am 
 mentioned under the letter I., and Prevost under that of P. 
 All this time I was very unwell, and preying on my own mind. 
 I went to Oxford to reside my Bachelor's term, and lived with 
 Sir Charles Anderson, and saw much of Froude, who was very 
 kind to me. I went to Dartington, with the Archdeacon, from 
 Oxford, and spent the Easter there. . . . When I went to reside 
 in Oxford, in October, [ 1 8 3 1 ], as College Tutor, I felt what a 
 great change had come on my mind since residing there before, 
 on account of the influence of Bisley ^ and Windrush,* and I 
 found this the more on returning to the society of Froude, for 
 I was become so much more soft and practical, and he more 
 theoretical and speculative. . . . Yet this change that had been 
 going on, from difference of circumstances, in no way lessened 
 my friendship and intimacy with Froude, but rather increased 
 it ; for though naturally inclined to speculation, he was himself 
 entirely of the Keble school, which in opposition to the Oriel 
 or Whatelian, set ^^09 above intellect. . . . Living at that time 
 so much with Froude, I was now, in consequence, for the first 
 time, brought into intercourse with Newman ; we almost daily 
 
 ' The Champernownes. The Rev. Isaac Williams married, in 1842, Caroline, 
 third daughter bf Arthur Champernowne, Esq., of Dartington Hall, Devon. 
 
 " Cwmcynfelin, near Aberystwith, Cardiganshire. 
 
 ' The Rev. Thomas Keble, Vicar. Bisley in Gloucestershire should be memor- 
 able as the place where daily Anglican services were first revived, 1827. 
 
 * The Rev. James Davis, Vicar. Mr. Williams had been his Curate there. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 323 
 
 walked and dined together. Newman and Froude were just 
 then turned out of their tutorships at Oriel, together with 
 Robert Wilberforce, who left Oxford for his living of East 
 Farleigh. Their course had, as yet, been chiefly academical, 
 but now, released from College affairs, their thoughts were 
 more open to the state of the Church. ... I was greatly 
 charmed and delighted with Newman, who was extremely kind 
 to me ; but [I] did not altogether trust his opinions. Although 
 Froude was in the habit of stating things in an extreme and 
 paradoxical manner, yet one always felt conscious of a thorough 
 foundation of truth and principle in him, a ground of entire 
 confidence and agreement; but this was not so with Newman, 
 even although one appeared more in unison with his more 
 moderate statements.^ ... At this time he was coming to look 
 to Keble altogether, as he received him second-hand through 
 Froude. . . . But I always thought Froude an unfair exponent 
 of Keble's opinions : they were stated by him in a manner so 
 much his own, so startling and original, and put in so extreme 
 a light, that I could hardly recognise them as the same, so 
 different was his from Keble's manner of expressing himself. 
 \Note. — Froude used to defend his startling way of putting 
 facts and arguments on the ground that it was the only way 
 to rouse people, and get their attention ; and he said that when 
 you had once done this, you might modify your statements. 
 There is, of course, some truth in this, but it always seemed, 
 and still seems to me, a dangerous line. John Keble could 
 not do so : his great humility and diffidence would prevent 
 it, and that strict conscientiousness which hindered him from 
 even willingly overstating any fact, or pressing any argument, 
 beyond what he said it really did prove. . . .] 
 
 ' . . . The circumstance which I most remember about that 
 time^ was a conversation with Froude which was the first 
 
 ' In Isaac Williams's extremely beautiful n6ffos (in Thoughts in Past Years) he 
 again says of Newman : 
 
 ' A soul that needed nothing but repose . . . 
 But urged by something that repose to flee, 
 
 Insatiate made from mere satiety.' 
 ^ In 1833, on Froude's return from Italy. 
 
324 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 commencement of the Tracts for the Times. He returned 
 full of energy and of a prospect of doing something for the 
 Church ; and we walked in the Trinity College gardens, and 
 discussed the subject. He said, in his manner : " Isaac, we 
 must make a row in the world ! Why should we not ? Only 
 consider what the Peculiars " (i.e. the Evangelicals) " have 
 done with a few half-truths to work upon ! And with our 
 principles, if we set resolutely to work, we can do the same." 
 I said : " I have no doubt we can make a noise, and may get 
 people to join us; but shall we make them really better 
 Christians ? If they take up our principles in a hollow way, as 
 the Peculiars (this was a name Froude had given the Low 
 Church party) " have done theirs, what good shall we do ? " 
 To this Froude said : " Church principles, forced on people's 
 notice, must work for good. However, we must try; and 
 Newman and I are determined to set to work as soon as he 
 returns, and you must join with us. We must have short 
 tracts, and letters in The British Magazine, and verses (and 
 these you can do for us), and get people to preach sermons on 
 the Apostolical Succession and the like. And let us come 
 and see old Palmer " {i.e. the author of the Origines Liturgicce) 
 " and get him to do something." We then called on Palmer, 
 who was one of the very few in Oxford (indeed, the only one 
 at that time) who sympathised with us ; and although he did 
 not altogether understand Froude, or our ways and views (the 
 less so as he was not himself an Oxford, but a Dublin man), 
 yet he was extremely hearty in the cause, looking more to 
 external visible union and strength than we did, for we only 
 had at heart certain principles. We, i.e., Froude, Keble, and 
 myself, immediately began to send some verses to The British 
 Magazine, since published [in] the Lyra Apostolica. . . . 
 
 ' . . . From this time forth, after Newman's return, I was 
 thrown more and more entirely into his society for about seven 
 years, Froude waning more and more away, and disappearing 
 from Oxford. . . . 
 
 ' . . . I much regretted not being with poor Froude at or 
 nearly before his death. . . . Poor Froude ! he was peculiarly 
 vir paucorum hominum: I thought that knowing him, I better 
 understood Shakespeare's Hamlet. Froude was a person most 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 325 
 
 natural, but so original as to be unlike anyone else, hiding 
 depth of delicate thought in apparent extravagances. Hamlet 
 and the Georgics of Virgil, he used to say, he should have 
 bound together. Many have imagined, and Newman en- 
 deavoured to persuade himself, that if Froude had lived he 
 would have joined the Church of Rome, as well as himself. 
 But this I do not at all think. There was a seriousness and 
 steadfastness, at the bottom, in Froude, so that I had always 
 confidence in him : ^ Newman told me once, half-seriously, that 
 the publication of Froude's Remains was owing to me, as I had 
 said to him, if persons could have so much brought before 
 them that they could thoroughly understand Froude's character, 
 then they might enter into his sayings ; but unless they knew 
 him as we did, they could not understand them. For, indeed, 
 one constantly trembled for him in mixed society, both in 
 Common Rooms and in other places, feeling that he would 
 not be understood. . . . On the day of the book coming out, 
 I went into Parker the bookseller's with Copeland ; and there 
 we were startled at seeing one who then was the chief opponent 
 of the Church principles of Newman and ourselves. It was 
 Ward of Balliol, author of the Ideal. He sat down with the 
 book in his hands, evidently much affected ; and then we 
 afterwards heard, to our astonishment, that he had been very 
 much taken by the book, had bought a copy for himself and 
 another to give away, and was, in fact, quite converted.' 
 
 ■^ [I find that John Keble and others quite agree with me that there was 
 that in Hurrell Froude that he could not have joined the Church of Rome.] 
 There is a somewhat corroborative passage in A Short Sketch of the Tractarian 
 Upheaval, by Thomas Leach, B.A. London : Bemrose & Sons, 1887. ' It is 
 possible, of course, as Dr. Newman would seem to imply, that Froude would have 
 gone over side by side, or rather in advance of, his fellow-leader : for Froude was 
 one to be in advance generally of those with whom he journeyed. On the other 
 hand, we must give due weight to the fact that Froude, as Dr. Newman himself tells 
 us, was "an Englishman to the backbone in his severe adherence to the real and 
 the concrete." ' The inference, pleasing to some minds, is that ' Rome ' is a mere 
 chimera. 
 
326 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 From ' Origin of the Tracts for the Times,' a poem 
 in the 1852 edition of 'THOUGHTS IN Past Years,' 
 by Isaac Williams.^ 
 
 ' It was before the summer holidays, 
 A noon I well remember, as we sat 
 Conversing in my College rooms, my thoughts 
 Mingling unconscious with the trembling leaves 
 Of poplars from the window ; and meanwhile, 
 In converse still unbroken, thence we passed 
 Into the stately garden-walks, and there 
 Paced to and fro beside the aged yews 
 Which once like living guardians of the lawn 
 Had marshalled all the place with verdant walls : 
 Now, mere memorials of their former sway. 
 'Twas a dark vapoury noon, while ruddy gleams 
 Were mingling with the sun, and fell athwart 
 The cloistral lime-tree avenue beyond; 
 And like a curtain, the moist atmosphere 
 Hung heavily around us, yet withal 
 Glowing and warm, not adverse to my friend 
 (Lately returned from genial Italy, 
 Death in his frame and cheek), and to his eye 
 Lent more than its own brightness. He was one 
 I loved : ah, would that I had loved him more ! 
 For he was worthy of a good man's love. 
 " Yes," said he, with my name, as he was wont, 
 Sportfully playing, " we must make a noise 
 In the large world ; why should we not ? How they 
 Of Low Church views. Peculiar, through the land 
 Make themselves felt and heard ; and ring aloud 
 With a few truths, half-truths ! and shall not we 
 With the whole Truth forgotten for our theme, 
 The pillar and the ground of all our hopes, 
 
 1 The lines occur in the section of the book called ' The Side of the Hill.' 
 The needlessly prosy narrative is mainly an amplification of a statement already 
 quoted from the Autobiography, and is included here purely because of the subject- 
 matter, and not because it can in any degree represent with truth one of the most 
 charming poets of his generation. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 327 
 
 Or, rather, say the Faith entire and one 
 In all its due proportions, and the Church 
 Our witness of old time, — why should we not 
 Lift up, as like a trumpet through the land, 
 With no uncertain sound, our warning voice ? " 
 
 My answer I remember : " Noise abroad 
 I doubt not we can make as well as they. 
 And then to be as hollow partisans. 
 Supporters, — this were easy, and the Church 
 To be familiar in men's mouths ; but then 
 Will they beneath all this be better men. 
 More humble ? " 
 
 " They will be so," he replied. 
 " For the great Truths themselves, depend on it, 
 Will work, and work for good ; but hollow men 
 There will be, and needs must." 
 
 Yet, to and fro, 
 I urged the adverse part : " I fear the weight 
 On spirits unprepared, undisciplined ; 
 Of others and ourselves I am afraid. 
 Could men be fuller leavened with the thought 
 Of Judgement and Hereafter, could we lay 
 Foundations deep in honesty, 'twere well ; 
 But else, mere superstructure on the sand ! 
 Fashion, religious fashion, and the tide 
 Of popular feelings, — I can never wish 
 To have them with us. We must walk in doubt 
 And fear, and do our parts, come what come may." 
 
 " Yes," said he, pausing, " very true " : with look 
 Half-loving and half-pitying. " My friend, 
 You now must creep no more ; for all too long 
 You have in country hamlets shady grown. 
 For part of this our duty, ere we die, 
 Is to be up and stirring ; we must rise 
 Or be for ever fallen : God will help. 
 
328 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Else all that's good and holy in the land, 
 
 Beneath the blasting influence of the State 
 
 Will wither and dry up and droop and die, 
 
 As neath the upas-tree. We must be up. 
 
 And moving, now, at once ; and when our friend 
 
 Shall have returned from ancient Sicily," 
 
 (He spake of one whom he had left behind 
 
 Bound for the classic shores of Syracuse), 
 
 " Tracts we must have, and, by what means we can, 
 
 Launch them abroad, short Tracts ; we must begin. 
 
 And you, too, you must aid, and with your verse. 
 
 Come, see what you have ready for our hand. 
 
 The Monthly, as you know, The British named. 
 
 Is open for our letters, prose, and rhyme. 
 
 But deeper the foundations must be laid 
 
 In these our Tracts ; subsidial aid we need, 
 
 Full many : to get friends (if here and there 
 
 One may be found, or two) to bring to aid 
 
 Their pulpits, and proclaim there is a Church 
 
 Planted by Christ's own hand within our isle. — 
 
 And let us now to Worcester." Then of one 
 
 He spake, well-honoured for good service done 
 
 Linking our Liturgies unto the past. 
 
 " Hearty he is, and earnest ; though not meet 
 
 Throughout to understand and sympathise, 
 
 Yet in his line will lend us his good aid. 
 
 Though looking for external front, and powers, 
 
 More than on principles which we are bent 
 
 To scatter broad and deep. Let's now to him.'' 
 
 And thus, full-sailed in academic garb, 
 
 Through the Collegiate gates, archway, and porch 
 
 We passed in conversation, bent to raise 
 
 The Signal : 'twas the day of little things. 
 
 That friend with whom I thus in council walked. 
 Associate of my earlier years, long since 
 Is in his peaceful grave ; nor did he live 
 To see our sorrows. There was that in him 
 Wherein one might cast anchor. Often wont 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 329 
 
 To talk in paradox, it was his mood 
 
 Of playfulness, as one that inly smiled 
 
 Mocking at the conceptions which the tongue 
 
 Is weak to utter ; venting heart-felt truths 
 
 In startling shape preposterous ; with a smile 
 
 At incongruity of our poor thoughts 
 
 To match our endless weight of destiny ; 
 
 Yea, at himself, to see intention yoked 
 
 So strangely with performance, which still paced 
 
 Unequally, and limped or dragged behind. 
 
 His intellect was keen-edged as the sword 
 
 Of Saladin, well-matched with battle-axe 
 
 Of Coeur de Lion ; while in poetry 
 
 And arts, his judgement was the sculptor's nail ; 
 
 But, like the royal Dane of Shakespeare wrought. 
 
 One by himself, not of a class or kind : 
 
 Like to himself alone and no one else. 
 
 There was within him such repose on Truth, 
 Absence of self, such heart-controlling fear, 
 I feel that, had he lived, he had not been 
 The sport of his own sails, or popular winds 
 That he had courted for our object's sake. 
 Men hurry to and fro ; but he the while 
 Hath found the Haven where he fain would be.' 
 
 From 'Cardinal Newman,' by Richard H. Hutton. 
 London: Methuen & Co., 1891. [English Leaders of 
 Religion.] 
 
 [By the kind permission of the executors of Mr. Hutton, and of Messrs. 
 Methuen & Co.] 
 
 ' The friendship between Newman and Mr. Hurrell Froude, 
 the elder brother of the historian, which commenced in 1826, 
 and became intimate in 1829, lasting thence to Mr. Froude's 
 death from consumption in 1836, was certainly one of the 
 most important influences which acted on Newman's career at 
 the most critical period of his life. Newman's was one of the 
 minds which mature slowly; and it was not till he was 
 
330 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 twenty-six years of age that it became clear whether he would 
 be, in the main, a religious leader, or one of the pillars of the 
 Whately party ; that is, the party who threw their influence 
 into the scale of minimising the spiritual aspect and spiritual 
 significance of Revelation, rather than of maximising it. 
 Newman himself mentions that for two or three years before 
 1827, he was "beginning to prefer intellectual excellence to 
 moral," or, in other words, "drifting in the direction of 
 Liberalism." " I was rudely awakened from my dream, at the 
 end of 1827, by two great blows, illness and bereavement." 
 And then, in 1829, came fuller intimacy with Hurrell Froude, , 
 which seems to have fully determined, if anything were then 
 needed to determine, the direction in which his mind would 
 proceed. Mr. Hurrell Froude was, as Newman describes him, 
 a man of the highest gifts, gentle, tender, playful, versatile and 
 " of the most winning patience and considerateness in discussion." 
 ... I feel little doubt that Dr. Newman's wrath against 
 " Liberalism " (as for many years afterwards he always called 
 it, identifying, as he did. Liberalism with Latitudinarianism) 
 was, to a very considerable extent, a moral contagion caught 
 from Hurrell Froude. 
 
 ' There are a few singularly beautiful lines, added by 
 Newman after Hurrell Froude's death, to the exquisite poem 
 called " Separation of Friends," written in 1833; and these 
 sufficiently prove the tenderness of Newman's friendship for 
 Hurrell Froude, and the intimacy of the relation between them. 
 The poem, as it was first written, on the separation of friends 
 caused by death, ran thus : 
 
 ' " Do not their souls, who neath the altar wait 
 
 Until their second birth, 
 The gift of patience need, as separate 
 
 From their first friends of earth ? 
 Not that earth's blessings are not all outshone 
 
 By Eden's angel flame, 
 But that earth knows not that the dead has won 
 
 That crown which was his aim. 
 For when he left it, 'twas a twilight scene 
 
 About his silent bier, 
 A breathless struggle Faith and Sight between, 
 
 And Hope and sacred Fear. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 331 
 
 Fear startled at his pains and dreary end, 
 
 Hope raised her chalice high ; 
 And the twin-sisters still his shade attend, 
 
 Viewed in the mourner's eye. 
 So, day by day, for him, from earth ascends 
 
 As dew in summer even. 
 The speechless intercession of his friends. 
 
 Towards the azure heaven." 
 
 'This was an abrupt close. Nearly three years later, it 
 appeared that the true close had but been reserved till the 
 friend with whom, in his illness, Newman had been travelling, 
 had left him alone here to offer this " speechless intercession " 
 on behalf of him who had departed. Then, after Froude's 
 death on February 28, 1836, Newman added the final lines: 
 
 ' Ah, dearest ! with a word he could dispel 
 
 All questioning, and raise 
 Our hearts to rapture, whispering all was well. 
 
 And turning prayer to praise. 
 And other secrets, too, he could declare. 
 
 By patterns all divine, 
 His earthly creed retouching here and there. 
 
 And deepening every line. 
 Dearest ! he longs to speak, as I to know. 
 
 And yet we both refrain. 
 It were not good : a, little doubt, below. 
 
 And all will soon be plain." 
 
 ' Such was Newman's feeling for the friend (already suffering 
 from the commencement of the consumption of which he died 
 three years later) with whom he visited the Mediterranean 
 between December, 1832, and April, 1833, when they 
 separated at Rome. . . . They visited Ithaca, but in his poems 
 written " off Ithaca " Newman never mentions the name of 
 Ulysses, though in passing Lisbon he had recalled that strong 
 pagan figure, in the lines which he headed " The Isles of 
 the Sirens " : 
 
 ' " Cease, stranger, cease those piercing notes, 
 The craft of siren choirs ; 
 Hush the seductive voice that floats 
 Upon the languid wires. 
 
332 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 Music's ethereal fire was given 
 
 Not to dissolve our clay, 
 
 But draw Promethean beams from heaven, 
 
 And purge the dross away. 
 
 Weak self, with thee the mischief lies ! 
 Those throbs a tale disclose : 
 Nor age nor trial has made wise 
 The man of many woes." 
 
 ' There you see some trace of the influence of Froude's 
 high ascetic nature speaking in the heart of a devotee of 
 music, but a devotee of music of the most exalted kind. 
 Hurrell Froude, in a letter home, mentions that the com- 
 mander of the steamer in which they sailed sang several songs, 
 accompanying himself on the Spanish guitar, and it must have 
 been these songs which suggested to Newman "The Isles of 
 the Sirens." When the friends reach Ithaca, Newman seems to 
 forget " the man of many woes " altogether ; he is musing on 
 the difficulty of keeping himself " unspotted from the world " : 
 which is the last thing, I suppose, that Homer's Ulysses ever 
 thought about J while Byron, in the same scenes, thought 
 only of how he could spot himself most effectually. . . . 
 Newman's nostalgia was more in sympathy with that of 
 Moses than with that of Ulysses : the home he longed for was 
 a home he had never yet gained. There is something very 
 strange in the connection between these classical scenes and 
 the thoughts they excited in the travellers, for I cannot help 
 thinking that most of these poems must have owed their 
 origin almost as much to Froude's suggestion as to Newman's 
 pen. The lines, for instance, on England,^ in which Newman 
 calls her " Tyre of the West," and accuses her of trusting in 
 such poor defences as the fortified rock of Gibraltar, and such 
 poor resources as her rich commerce supplied, look as if they 
 had owed a good deal of their inspiration to Froude's cavalier 
 contempt for the wealth earned by trade, as well as his scorn 
 for any ostentatious display of power not rooted in a devout 
 theocratic Faith. . . . There is, to me, something very striking 
 in the contrast between the class of thoughts which the old 
 
 ' Lyra Apostolica, p. 149. The poem strangely foreshadows Mr. Kipling's 
 ' Recessional. ' 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 333 
 
 Greek and Roman localities suggest to a Whig poet like 
 Byron, with a broad dash of licence in his Whiggery; to 
 classical scholars like Clough, imbued with what is now called 
 "the modern spirit" (as well its moral earnestness as its 
 intellectual scepticism), and to grave spirits like Newman's 
 and Hurrell Froude's, dominated not only by a religious, but 
 by a strongly-marked ecclesiastical bias. ... As regards the 
 influence of this journey on Newman's future career, it appears 
 that while, in many respects, it diminished his horror of 
 Romanism, in consequence especially of the influence of 
 Hurrell Froude, it had a contrary effect on Hurrell Froude's 
 own mind, and later (again, through him, to some extent, I 
 suppose) on Newman's. Hurrell Froude writes from Naples ^ 
 on February 17, 1833: "I remember you told me that 
 I should come back a better Englishman than I went away : 
 better satisfied not only that our Church is nearest in theory 
 right, but also that practically, in spite of its abuses, it works 
 better; and to own the truth, your prophecy is already nearly 
 realised. Certainly, I have as yet only seen the surface of 
 things, but what I have seen does not come up to my notions 
 of propriety. These Catholic countries seem, in an especial 
 manner, Kari'^^eiv ttjv oKrideiav ev ahiKta, and the priest- 
 hood are themselves so sensible of the hollow basis on which 
 their power rests, that they dare not resist the most atrocious 
 encroachments of the State upon their privileges." And after 
 detailing the abuses of the Roman Catholic system in Sicily, 
 he goes on : " The Church of England has fallen low, and will 
 probably be worse before it is better; but let the Whigs do 
 
 ^ To Mr. Keble. ' I cannot in fairness withdraw specimens such as these of the 
 view taken by my very dear friend of Italy and its religion, though, of course, I 
 leave them in the text with much pain. He was a man who did nothing by halves. 
 He had cherished an ideal of the Holy See and the Church of Rome partly erroneous, 
 partly unreal, and was greatly disappointed when, to his apprehension, it was not 
 fiilfilled. He had expected to find a state of lofty sanctity in Italian Catholics, 
 which, he considered, was not only not exemplified, but was even contradicted, in 
 what he saw and heard of them. As to the Tridentine definitions, he simply looked 
 at them as obstacles to the union of Anglicans with the Se? of Rome, not having the 
 theological knowledge necessary for a judgement on their worth.' Note to a Letter 
 addressed to the Rev. Godfrey Faussett, D.D., on Mr. R. Hurrell Froude's State- 
 ments Concerning the Holy Eucharist and Other Matters, 1838, in The Via Media 
 of the Anglican Church, London: Pickering, 1877, ii., 196, 
 
334 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 their worst, they cannot sink us so deep as these people have 
 allowed themselves to fall, while retaining all the superficials 
 of a religious country." When it is considered that this was 
 the impression of Roman Catholicism, judged by its fruits, 
 which that one of the two friends who was by far the more in- 
 clined to the Roman system brought away from his life in a 
 Roman Catholic country, we cannot wonder that Newman should 
 have remained for eight more years a zealous Anglican, before 
 he even began to foresee clearly whither he was tending.' 
 
 From 'The Anglican Revival,' by J. H. Overton, 
 D.D., Rector of Epworth and Canon of Lincoln. 
 London: Blackie & Son, 1897. 
 
 [By the kind permission of Messrs. Blackie & Son.] 
 
 'The fact is that [in 1833] Rose, Palmer, and perhaps 
 Perceval on the one hand, Froude, Keble, and Newman on the 
 other, represented, not exactly two different parties, but two 
 different classes of mind. The former group were essentially 
 conservative: they did not share the dissatisfaction with the 
 Church as it was, which was so strongly felt by Keble, 
 Newman, and Froude ; they only desired to see it freed from 
 what they regarded as the oppression of the State. They 
 were very different types of men, Rose representing the brilliant 
 and fascinating. Palmer the learned, and Perceval the aristocratic 
 or territorial element. But none of them was prepared to 
 follow what Newman calls the " go-ahead " course, for which 
 he and Froude were ready, and from which Keble was not at 
 all averse. ... As a matter of fact, the Movement was carried 
 on by the latter, not by the former group. 
 
 ' . . . Pusey's adherence was an instance of the right man 
 coming in just at the right time. The public had now [1835] 
 been fairly aroused ; they had had sufficiently impressed upon 
 them the duty of maintaining Church principles ; they had now 
 a right to demand that those principles should be fully and 
 definitely explained to them in detail. The time for short7~ 
 stirring appeals was over ; the time for solid, sober treatises on 
 divinity had arrived. . . . [Pusey's] mild and conciliatory spirit 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 335 
 
 introduced a healing element into the Movement which was 
 certainly needed. The "fierceness" (to use his own expression) 
 of Newman, and especially of Newman when " kept up to the 
 mark by Froude,"^ had the very natural effect of raising 
 opposition ; and even in Keble, the gentle, humble Keble, there 
 was a strong spice, if not exactly of fierceness, yet of a 
 tendency to give vent to the most unpopular sentiments in the 
 most uncompromising way, without the slightest attempt to 
 tone them down. Pusey, again, was far more apt to recognise 
 two sides of a question than was Keble, Newman, or 
 Froude. . . . The Movement gained Pusey, and lost Hurrell 
 Froude, almost at the same time. When Pusey joined the 
 party, Froude was practically a dying man ; and in February 
 28, 1836, to the infinite regret of his many friends, he died at 
 his native Dartington. With Froude passed away the most 
 daring and " go-ahead " spirit connected with the whole Move- 
 ment. Newman was enthusiastic, but Froude was far more 
 so; Newman waged war against the complacency which was 
 so characteristic of the old Church party, but Froude was still 
 more exasperated against it ; Newman was not over-cautious 
 in his invectives against the fallacies and prejudices of the age, 
 but Froude was ten times less so. With an intense earnestness 
 and thoroughness of conviction, with a fiery energy which 
 would ride over anything, with a courage which sometimes 
 amounted to audacity, and with an irresistibly attractive 
 personality, there is no saying what would have happened if 
 his short life had been prolonged ! But it is not a very 
 profitable speculation to conjecture what might have been. 
 Suffice it to say that in one respect the influence of Froude 
 was likely to have had exactly the opposite effect to that of 
 Pusey. The one seemed, of all men, the most calculated to 
 trouble the waters, the other, to pour oil upon them ; and the 
 fact that Froude dropped out just when Pusey began to make 
 his influence felt, seemed to promise that henceforth the Move- 
 ment would create less hostility. After events, however, proved 
 that this was not to be the case ; and the causes are not far to 
 seek. . . . 
 
 ' Froude and Ward were both ' fiercer ' than Newman. When Froude lay 
 dying, Mr. WiUjam George Ward had not yet come upon the scene. 
 
336 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ' One of the most startling . . . events was the appearance, 
 in 1838, of the first series of Froude's Remains, edited by 
 Keble and Newman jointly. It is not surprising that this 
 publication raised a violent outcry : it gave to the world the 
 off-hand utterances of a young enthusiast whose opinions would 
 probably have toned down with age, but were here expressed 
 with all the recklessness of inexperience, and were only intended, 
 in the first instance, to be read by sympathetic friends. 
 
 ' His views on the English Reformation and Reformers 
 were sufficiently startling. " The present Church system is an 
 incubus upon the country " ; " the Reformation was a limb badly 
 set : it must be broken again in order to be righted " ; the 
 English Reformers generally were " a set of men with whom 
 [I wish] to have less and less to do " ; Jewel, in particular, was 
 " an irreverent Dissenter "; Latimer, " a Martyr somewhat in the 
 Bulteel line." One can conceive the horror with which such 
 sentiments would be read by men with whom " our happy 
 Establishment in Church and State," " our glorious Reforma- 
 tion," and " our martyred Reformers " were almost articles of 
 faith ! 
 
 ' It has been thought that the Editors miscalculated the 
 effect which the book would produce; but the theory is not 
 very complimentary to their judgement. Surely must they 
 have known that the glamour of Froude's personality would 
 not affect the general, still less the hostile, reader (and his 
 name was legion), who would greedily seize upon any handle 
 which could be turned, as Froude could so easily be, against 
 the Movement. Moreover, how does it agree with the fact that 
 when they found out their mistake, they nevertheless published 
 in the following year, 1839, a" second series as outri as the 
 first ? And this they introduced with a Preface pointing out 
 how Froude's sagacity had anticipated all the improvements 
 that had taken place, and representing him, not as a dis- 
 turber of the people, but as a prophet indeed. This Preface 
 is said to have been chiefly the work of Keble, and it 
 is highly characteristic of the man, though not of the 
 popular conception of him : for Keble was always for the 
 bold course. 
 
 ' The other Editor, Newman, writing to his friend Frederic 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 337 
 
 Rogers in July, 1837, gives six reasons why Froude's private 
 letters should be published ; and to his Co-editor he writes 
 at the same time : " We have often said the Movement 
 must be enthusiastic. Now here is a man fitted above all 
 others to kindle enthusiasm." May it not have been that 
 both Editors put forth the Remains with their eyes per- 
 fectly wide open as to what the result would be? that 
 they were not unwilling the enfant terrible of the Movement 
 should say his say, and startle the public ? The public was 
 startled : it took in all seriousness the audacious dicta of 
 Froude as if they were stamped with the approval of the 
 whole party, which it denounced with increased vigour, 
 accordingly. 
 
 ' It is impossible to help connecting with the publication 
 of Froude's Remains the starting of that project which gave 
 to Oxford one of the most beautiful of its many beautiful 
 monuments, the " Martyrs' Memorial," opposite Balliol College, 
 on the spot on which Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer had been 
 burnt.'- The greatest offence of Froude was that he had 
 spoken disparagingly of the English Reformers generally, and 
 of these men in particular. The project of the Memorial 
 originated in a small meeting held towards the close of 1838, 
 at Oriel, in the rooms of Mr. Golightly, who, having begun as 
 a friend of the Movement, had soon become its bitterest and 
 most persistent foe. Everybody seems to have connected the 
 Memorial with the Remains; but there was some division of 
 opinion as to the course which should be pursued. Keble and 
 Newman were from the first opposed to the project, and so 
 were moderate men like Palmer and Benjamin Harrison. But 
 Hook and S. Wilberforce were in favour, and so, strange to 
 say, was Pusey, to a certain extent, at first, until he was 
 persuaded otherwise by Keble and Newman. . . . Keble 
 writes to Pusey ..." I am not at all prepared to express a 
 public dissent from Froude in his opinion of the Reformers as 
 a party." On the other hand, S. Wilberforce writes to Hook, 
 regretting that " our good Oxford friends run down Reformers, 
 and will not subscribe to the Martyrs' Memorial." It was said 
 
 ^ Designed after the Eleanor Crosses, by Sir G. G. Scott, R.A., the three statues 
 being by H. Weekes. It does not stand, however, on the site of the stake. 
 
338 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 of the Memorial, " it will be a good cut against Newman ' 
 but it was not a cut which made him smart.' 
 
 From 'Essays on Various Subjects,' by Nicholas 
 Cardinal Wiseman. London: Dolman, 1853, 3 vols.^ 
 
 [By kind permission of the Executors of His Eminence Cardinal Vaughan.] 
 
 ' It is not often that the leaders of opinions let the public 
 into a view of their secret counsels and feelings ; but when 
 they do, we think it does credit to the uprightness and 
 sincerity of their intentions. . . . Nay, the more unreservedly 
 the human weaknesses of the individuals are revealed, and 
 the more the feeling is expressed that with their exposure, or 
 in spite of it, their cause will succeed, the more highly we 
 shall estimate their confidence in the correctness of their views, 
 and the disinterestedness of their zeal in propagating them. 
 These reflections have been suggested to us by the perusal 
 of Mr. Froude's Remains. He was, while living, one of the 
 most enthusiastic members of the theological school from 
 which the Tracts for the Times have emanated. He died in 
 1836, having attained only the age of thirty -three ; ^ and was 
 thus prevented from arriving at that full maturity of religious 
 ideas which was evidently preparing in his mind, and bearing 
 him onwards towards the perception of Catholic truths. 
 
 ' A preface of twenty-two pages betrays the Editors' anxiety 
 to repel a twofold charge : one against themselves, the other 
 against their deceased friend. . . . When one whose noble and 
 public proofs of great virtue far outweigh the errors of youth, 
 or whose public reputation makes his example, when evil, a 
 warning ; and when repentant, a reparation and an encourage- 
 ment, — when one, in short, like St. Augustine, boldly but 
 humbly reveals to the eyes of the Church the wretchedness 
 of his early sinful life, we admire, in awe, the strange mani- 
 festation of a sublime spirit of Christian virtue, and we bless 
 the Divine Wisdom that hath caused it to be vouchsafed to 
 us. But the struggles of one who has not compensated his 
 
 ^ Written in 1839. A review of Froude's Remains, part i. 
 ^ Thirty-two years, eleven months, three days. 
 
HUREELL FROUDE 339 
 
 weaknesses by any noble results, who withdraws from our 
 sight a combatant, and not a victor ; who only presents us 
 the spectacle of a frail nature, such as we all may have, 
 wrestling with daily and anxious trials, and not overcoming 
 them ; (these, too, not spontaneously exhibited, but transferred 
 from the closet to the public arena) — have neither the grandeur 
 nor the instruction of the other lesson. Still, there may be 
 reasons unknown to us who are not in the secrets of the 
 party, to justify, certainly in their own eyes, this sacrifice of 
 private feeling to a sense of public utility. . . . [The Editors] 
 would have materially strengthened their reasoning by the fol- 
 lowing passage in [Mr. Froude's] Letters to Friends : " There 
 was a passage in a letter I have just received from my father, 
 which made me feel so infinitely dismal that I must write to 
 you about it. He says you have written to him to learn 
 something about me, and to ask what to do with my money. 
 It really made me feel as if I was dead, and you were sweeping 
 up my remains : and by the by, if I were dead, why should 
 I be cut off from the privilege of helping on the Good Cause ? 
 I don't know what money I have left, — little enough, I sus- 
 pect ; but whatever it was, I am superstitious enough to think 
 that any good it could do in honorem Dei et sacrosanctcB matris 
 ecclesice, would have done something, too, in salutem anima 
 mecs!' From these words, it appears that the author did 
 contemplate his power of doing good to the cause wherein 
 he was so ardently engaged, even after his death. 
 
 ' The censure of their friend which the Editors foresee, 
 is that which forms their bugbear in all their theological 
 researches : that of approaching too near the Catholic, or, as 
 they call it, Romanist doctrines. But we must express our 
 conviction that the Editors have not done much credit to their 
 friend by the manner in which they have thought it right to 
 shield his memory from the charge. It consists in a careful 
 collection of some of the most hasty, unhandsome, and decidedly 
 unreasonable judgements and opinions of the author, respecting 
 chiefly what he saw in his travels. . . . We think we are justified 
 in saying that proof of Mr. Froude's disinclination to Catho- 
 licity must have been very scarce, to have led the Editors to 
 bring together these superficial observations made during a 
 
340 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 brief residence in a Catholic city ^ not generally reputed the 
 most edifying in its conduct ! These, however, will not bear 
 comparison with the growing and expanding tendency of his 
 mind towards everything Catholic. . . . 
 
 ' . . . The extracts from [his] Journal present us a picture 
 at once pleasing and distressing, of a mind yearning after 
 interior perfection, yet at a loss about the means of attaining 
 it ; embarked on an ocean of good desires, but without stars 
 or compass by which to steer its course. The minute scrutiny 
 into the motives of his actions, the distress occasioned by 
 discovering his relapses into faults which most would overlook, 
 show a sensitiveness of conscience in the youthful writer, far 
 more honourable to him, and far more interesting to us, than 
 abilities of a much higher order than what he really possessed 
 could ever have appeared. . . . How far it may be advisable 
 to commit to paper, even for personal benefit, these investiga- 
 tions of our most secret tribunal, we have considerable doubt ; 
 and instructive as is their record in the case before us, in 
 nothing is it more so than in the proof it gives us of the 
 necessity of guidance for the conscience and heart such as 
 the institutions of the Catholic Church alone provide. In 
 the account which he gives of his own infirmities, of his 
 almost fruitless attempts to subdue them, and of the pain and 
 anxiety produced by his solitary struggles, he presents a 
 picture familiar to the experienced eye of any spiritual director 
 in our Church, and a state fully described and prescribed for 
 by the numerous writers whom we possess upon the inward 
 life and the direction of consciences. Many are they who are 
 tossed in the same billows of secret tribulation, many are 
 they who are bewildered in the same mazes of mental per- 
 plexity ; but they have not at least the additional horrors of 
 darkness and night. Ere they can sink, a hand is stretched 
 out, if they will only grasp it. The troubles and trials which 
 haunt minds constituted as Mr. Froude's, many a skilful guide 
 would have shown him to be mere illusive phantoms that 
 only serve to turn the attention away from serious dangers, 
 or from solid good : snares cast by a restlessness of spirit 
 upon the path, to entangle the feet that tread it. . . . The 
 ^ Naples. [&emains,i., 293, 294.] 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 341 
 
 consequence of all his irregular and undirected austerity, into 
 which, with youthful eagerness, he rushed, was, that instead 
 of deriving thence vigour of thought, and closer intimacy with 
 some spiritual feelings, his spirit, on the contrary, flagged and 
 at length grew weary, and so fell into that despondency which 
 failure will produce in sensitive minds. This discouragement 
 is visible in many parts of his Journal. ... In fact, Mr. Froude 
 discovered that most important principle, that obedience to 
 the ordinances of authority gives the great merit to the first 
 degrees of penitential works, those which belong to ordinary 
 Christians : such, that is, as have not reached the perfection 
 of ascetic life. . . While he seems so taken up, through his 
 Journals, with examination of his fasts and austerities, we miss 
 from his pages those cheerful views of religion which result 
 from confidence and love, from the consciousness of a strong 
 will to do [God] service, and an humble reliance on His mercy 
 which will measure that, rather than our success. What 
 snatches there are of prayer, bear more the character of one 
 sinking under the fatigue of foiled attempts, and troubled with 
 anxiety from hopelessness of success, than of a young and 
 trusting mind that presses forward to a work it deems glorious : 
 the work of God and His religion. . . . 
 
 ' We certainly think that his ardent way, more perhaps of 
 expressing himself than of feeling, leads him often to a harsh 
 and reckless manner of speaking of others, that must give an 
 unfavourable impression regarding his character, which we 
 have every reason to believe was amiable and gentle. Still, 
 there are so many fine points about him : so much distrust 
 of himself, blended with no inconsiderable powers of genius ; 
 so much independence of thought, coupled with deference to 
 the sentiments of others, those he esteemed more learned of 
 more virtuous than himself; so much lightness of spirit, united 
 to such seriousness of mind upon religious truths; — in fine, 
 so earnest and sincere a desire to improve and perfect himself, 
 that our feelings lead us to pass lightly over his faults, and 
 dwell with pleasure upon his finer qualities. If we have 
 dilated somewhat upon the former, it has been that we con- 
 sidered them the result of the system to which he was by 
 education attached, and which is alone accountable for them. 
 
342 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ' As, however, he increased in years, his mind began to 
 open to the defects and wants of that system, and boldly to 
 conceive the necessity of correcting them. In this he ran 
 manifestly before his fellows, and seems only to have been 
 prevented by his premature death from reaching the goal of 
 Catholic Unity. . . . First, as to the Blessed Eucharist, we 
 find him early desirous of going beyond the timid phraseology 
 of his party, and attributing to the priesthood such power 
 as the Catholic Church alone claims. ... In 1 8 3 5 , he con- 
 demns what he calls the Protestant doctrine of the Eucharist 
 in strong terms. These are his words : " I am more and more 
 indignant at the Protestant doctrine on the subject of the 
 Eucharist, and think that the principle on which it is founded 
 is as proud, irreverent, and foolish as that of any heresy, even 
 Socinianism." ^ Still more, writing to the author of The 
 Christian Year, he blames him for denying that Christ is in 
 the hands of the priest or the receiver, as well as in his heart.^ 
 These passages show how far prepared he was to outstrip his 
 friends in approximation to Catholic doctrines and Catholic 
 expressions. . . . The state of celibacy, and with it the 
 monastic life, seems also to have been an object of his 
 admiration. . . . The last fragment published of his attests 
 how anxiously, how candidly, and how powerfully his mind 
 was at work with the great subject [of Church authority], 
 the hinge on which the differences between us and these new 
 divines may be justly said to turn. This piece ^ is a letter dated 
 Jan. 27, 1836, a month before his death ; and as his last illness 
 was of some weeks* duration, this document may be considered 
 as his theological will and testament, the last declaration of his 
 yet unbroken mind. . . . After this, what more can we desire 
 in proof of what we asserted at the beginning of this article, 
 that these Remains prove Mr. Froude's mind to have been 
 gradually discovering more extensive and more accurate views 
 of religious truths and the principles of Faith, with such steady 
 and constant growth as gives us every reason to believe that 
 longer life alone was wanting, to see him take the salutary 
 
 ' [Rtmains, i., 391.] ' \_Idem, pp. 403-404.] 
 
 ' [Idem, p. 426.] The remark on the Patriarchate of Constantinople : see p. 194. 
 Dr. W^iseman thought it the very argument applicable to the Papal Jurisdiction. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 343 
 
 resolve to embrace the conclusions of his theories to their 
 fullest legitimate extent? While the writings of the new 
 divines seem to represent their theories as perfectly formed, 
 and their views quite fixed, the extracts we have just made 
 show them to be but the shifting and unsettled opinions of 
 men who are yet discovering errors in what they have formerly 
 believed, and seeking further evidence of what they shall 
 henceforth hold. Our concluding extract shall give fuller 
 evidence of this fact : it is a letter to Mr. Newman, dated 
 All Saints' Day, 1835. " Before I finish this, I must enter 
 another protest against your cursing and swearing at the end 
 of the [Via Media] as you do. What good can it do ? And 
 I call it uncharitable to an excess. How mistaken we may 
 ourselves be, on many points that are only gradually opening 
 on us ! Surely, you should reserve ' blasphemous,' ' impious,' 
 etc., for denial of the articles of Faith." ^ 
 
 ' With this passage we close Mr. Froude's Remains. Peace 
 be to him ! is our parting salutation. The hope which an 
 Ambrose expressed for a Valentinian,^ who died yet a Catechu- 
 men, we willingly will hold of him. His ardent desires were 
 with the Truth ; his heart was not a stranger to its love. He 
 was one, we firmly believe, whom no sordid views, or fear of 
 men's tongues, would have deterred from avowing his full 
 convictions, and embracing their consequences, had time and 
 opportunity been vouchsafed him for a longer and closer 
 search. He is another instance of the same mysterious Pro- 
 vidence which guided a Grotius and a Leibnitz to the thresh- 
 old of Truth, but allowed them not the time to step within it, 
 into the hallowed precincts of God's Visible Church.' ^ 
 
 ' {Remains, i., 422.] 
 
 ^ S. Amhrosii Mediolan. Epis. De ObiUt Valentiiiiani [11.] Consolatio. Migne, 
 Pat. Lat., torn, xvi., coll. 13SS-1383. An apparently condescending, but truly afFec- 
 tionate reference. 
 
 ' Note by Cardinal Wiseman, 1853, in reprinting, after fourteen years, his 
 review of Froude's Remains in Essays on Various Stibjects, ii.,93. '[It] remains 
 marked, with gratitude, in my mind, as an epoch in my life, — the visit which Mr. 
 Froude unexpectedly paid me, [at the English College, Rome, March, 1833], in 
 company with one [J. H. N.] who never afterwards departed from my thoughts. . . . 
 From that hour I watched with intense interest and love the Movement of which I 
 then caught the first glimpse. My studies changed their course, the bent of my mind 
 was altered, in the strong desire to co-operate in the new mercies of Providence.' 
 
344 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 From ' The Anglican Career ok Cardinal Newman,' by 
 Edwin A. Abbott. London: Macmillan & Co., 1892. 
 
 [By the kind permission of Dr. Abbott and of Messrs. Macmillan & Co.] 
 
 'Newman was now [1826] on the point of making a new 
 friend who would do more than any other human being, 
 perhaps more than any other single external influence, to 
 direct his course, or to determine its final direction. " Bye-the- 
 bye," says Newman to his mother, telling her of the election to 
 the Oriel Fellowship, March 31, 1826, "I have not told you 
 the name of the other successful candidate : Froude of Oriel. 
 We were in grave deliberation till near two this morning. . . . 
 Froude is one of the acutest and clearest and deepest men in 
 the memory of man." Clearly, Froude had had, not only 
 Newman's vote, but also his strenuous advocacy in that pro- 
 longed deliberation. And it was no bad preparation for the 
 reception of Froude's influence into Newman's heart, that the 
 latter should thus have favoured and befriended him. . . . 
 What took Newman, in Froude, was his originality and 
 suggestiveness, his hatred of shams, his downright and aggressive 
 earnestness, and perhaps, too, some glimpse of what was after- 
 wards revealed in him : an anxious, ascetic, and almost super- 
 stitious aspiration after a mediaeval type of holiness. . . . There 
 were walks that Froude tells us of, in which the two talked a 
 good deal together. Froude complains that he allowed himself 
 to say to Newman more than he intended, revealed too much. 
 
 In 1841, he had written to Phillipps de Lisle : ' Let us have an influx of new blood, 
 let us have but even a small number of such men as write in the Tracts, so imbued 
 with the spirit of the early Church : men who have learned to teach from Saint 
 Augustine, to preach from Saint Chrysostom, and to feel from Saint Bernard ; — let 
 even a few such men, with the high clerical feeling which I believe them to possess, 
 enter fully into the spirit of the Catholic religion, and we shall be speedily reformed, 
 and England quickly converted. ... It is not to you that I say this for the first 
 time, for I have long said it to those about me, that if the Oxford divines enter the 
 Church, we must be ready to fall into the shade, and take up our position in 
 the background. I will gladly say to any of them : me oportet minui. . . . Their 
 might, in His, would be irresistible. Abuses would soon give way before our united 
 efforts, and many things which appear such to them would perhaps be explained.' 
 The writer's ' intense interest and love ' for the Movement never changed. Life and 
 Letters of Ambrose Phillipps de Lisle, by Edmund Sheridan Purcell, London ; 
 Macmillan, 1900, i., 290. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 345 
 
 suffered himself to be drawn into argument, land was puzzled 
 . . . but if the older beat the younger in argument, that would 
 rather help than hinder the influence of the latter. Expert 
 in logical fence, Newman could not help gaining victories 
 which he disdained as soon as won ; but Froude was effective 
 in protests, and all the more with one who, most vulnerable 
 when victorious, had just achieved a dialectical triumph. 
 
 ' ... To get at Newman, a friend had to appeal to him 
 through the imagination ; . . . indeed, one of the friends whom 
 we shall have before us, did actually, though indirectly, 
 influence Newman's action at so many points in his career that 
 if we omitted a sketch of him here, we should have to be 
 constantly digressing for explanations afterwards. The three 
 friends are: Edward Bouverie Pusey, John Keble, and, as a 
 climax in respect of influence, Richard Hurrell Froude. . . . 
 Froude's opinions, [Newman] says, arrested him, even when 
 they did not gain his consent. ... In all these beliefs 
 [enumerated in the Apologia] Froude certainly preceded, and 
 evidence will hereafter clearly prove that he also led, the friend 
 who had been gradually disengaging himself from the 
 Evangelical School. Even in other matters where, at first, 
 Newman and he differed, Newman, in the end, came round to 
 him. Froude was " powerfully drawn to the Mediaeval Church," 
 Newman to the Primitive ; but the Mediaeval finally triumphed. 
 He set no great store on theological detail, nor on the writings 
 of the Fathers, but " took an eager courageous view of things as 
 a whole." ^ Omit "courageous," perhaps also the " eager," and the 
 sentence will describe the nature of Newman's final decision. 
 He, too, took " things as a whole " ; it was the personified 
 majesty of the vision of Rome that ultimately took him captive. 
 Recognising the difficulty of enumerating all the additions to 
 his creed which Newman derived from a friend to whom he 
 owed so much, the Apologia selects four : admiration for Rome, 
 dislike of the Reformation, devotion to the Blessed Virgin, 
 belief in the Real Presence. But there is perhaps not one in 
 the long list of Froude's other opinions [on sacerdotal power, 
 ecclesiastical liberty, acceptance of tradition, the intrinsic 
 ' ' On the whole ' is Newman's phrase. See p. 260. 
 
346 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 excellence of virginity, miraculous interferences, delight in the 
 Saints, and the principle of penance and mortification : see the 
 passage in the Apologia] in which his influence on Newman 
 is not perceptible. If not first planted, some of them were at 
 all events " fixed deep," and firmly rooted, by the friend who 
 had previously received them. If, therefore, we would under- 
 stand Newman's development, we should spare no trouble in 
 attempting to understand that one of all his friends who is 
 shown by evidence, direct and indirect, to have contributed 
 most to it. For this purpose all the more pains are needed, 
 because the very friends who loved him best dealt somewhat 
 hardly with his reputation. In his literary Remains, they gave 
 to the world the most secret records of his private life, in which, 
 besides hinting at deeper " vilenesses," he sets down in detail, 
 with unflinching severity, if not with exaggeration, the very 
 smallest infirmities of will and deed. The Apologia speaks of 
 " the gentleness and tenderness of nature, the playfulness, the 
 free elastic force and graceful versatility of mind, and the 
 patient winning considerateness in discussion which endeared 
 him to those to whom he opened his heart " ; and other testi- 
 mony enables us to believe that in the small circle of those 
 who knew him well, he was really such as he is there described ; 
 but if we are to judge from his Remains, it is a question 
 whether this gentleness and considerateness reached far beyond 
 the close company of those who were struggling for the 
 religious cause which he had at heart. 
 
 '. . . The Journal begins in the year 1826, when he was 
 elected to the Oriel Fellowship. The second line is as follows : 
 " Feb. I , Oxford. All my associations here are bad, and 
 I can hardly shake them off." He determines to wrestle with 
 his conceit, affectation, wandering of mind, lassitude. . . . 
 Then follows an allusion which Newman, devoted by a kind of 
 inward vow to celibacy since the age of sixteen, .would well 
 understand : " The consciousness of having capacities for 
 happiness, with no objects to gratify them, seems to grow upon 
 me. Lord, have mercy upon me." This is the mood which 
 he elsewhere describes to Newman as " sawney " : natural at 
 times to those who are under a kind of vow to serve a cause, 
 without domestic distractions or encumbrances. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 347 
 
 'The problem exhibited in these pages ... is the old but never 
 antiquated one: " How to keep the human machine in order." 
 Roughly speaking, we may say that there are two solutions. 
 Men can be delivered from the beast within them by love, or 
 by fear. The second may be called no deliverance at all by 
 those who have a keen appreciation of the first, but it is 
 deliverance, of a sort ; and Froude's Journal shows us a man 
 of immense strength of will : of acute intellect, and of high 
 imaginations; restless and masterful almost to the extent of 
 tyrannical malignity, in his youth ; conscious of grievous lapses 
 in the past and of something (he hardly knew what) terribly 
 wanting in his present moral condition ; now at last goaded 
 by bitter remorse, and urged by the pressure of new responsi- 
 bilities, to reform his corrupt nature, and attempting to work 
 out his salvation through an asceticism dictated, at first, by 
 something like terror. . . , In 1826, Froude had sent a letter 
 to Keble, curiously tingeing with his own gloom the language 
 of the Psalmist, who prays to be hidden under the " shadow of 
 the wings "- of the divine Protection : he speaks of God as a 
 Being whose presence is mainly manifested by control, and by 
 a holy " terror " : 
 
 • "Lord of the World, Almighty King ! 
 Thy shadow resteth over all, 
 Or where the Saints thy terrors sing, 
 Or where the waves obey Thy call." 
 
 ' . . . Froude's religion, then, so far as it depended upon 
 his conception of God, was a religion of almost unmixed fear. 
 So far as it was of something better, it was purified, first, by 
 a love and admiration for " the holy men of old," such as the 
 founders of the Oxford Colleges, in whose steps, after his 
 election to his Fellowship, he aspired to tread ; secondly, by 
 his affection for Keble, for whom, in the prayer written at the 
 same time, he thanks God, as one who had convinced him of 
 the error of his ways, and in whose presence he tasted happi- 
 ness; but above all, by his devotion to his mother, in whose 
 recollection he found a consciousness of that blessedness which 
 he had been taught to look for in the presence of Saints and 
 Angels. These were feelings which were better than his religion, 
 and which, if they could have developed and grown with the 
 
348 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 latter, might have deHvered it from fears, and have converted 
 it into a source of peace as well as of activity : but whether 
 from the irremediable taint of the past, or owing to influence 
 that proved too strong for Keble's, this growth did not go on. 
 
 ' Newman . . . taught at an early period that self-knowledge 
 is the basis of all religious knowledge. Whether Froude 
 adopted or originated this doctrine, it must have stimulated his 
 fears : for it was a proverb with him that " everyone may know 
 worse of himself than he possibly can of Charles the Second." 
 In less than six months after the thanksgiving recorded above, 
 we find him protesting (January lo, 1827) that he dares not 
 now utter the prayers of wise and holy men, and that God has 
 affrighted him with hideous dreams, and disquieted him with 
 perpetual mortifications. ... It is to Keble that he owes 
 his release, for how long he knows not, from the misery in 
 which he has been recently bound. At the same time Keble 
 advises him to give up his ascetic self-denial, and Froude 
 acquiesces. Though it had the colour of humility, it now 
 appears to him to have been in reality the food of pride: 
 self-imposed, it seems to him " quite different from imposed 
 by the Church." What sort of self-denials they were, and 
 what Froude's self-introspection implied, the reader ought to 
 be informed for two reasons : first, because they show the 
 fierce determination and almost bitter self-hatred with which 
 the young man turned against himself, in his resolution to 
 suppress his own egotism and conceit; and secondly, because 
 Newman and Keble (or perhaps Keble instigated by Newman), 
 thought it worth while to record the minutest of these details, 
 and spoke of the Journal as a most valuable contribution to 
 Tractarian literature. Froude sets down, for example, (and 
 they print !) that he was ashamed, on one occasion, to have 
 it known that he had no gloves ; that he was ashamed, on 
 another, that he had muddy trousers (although he would not go 
 to the length of concealing them) ; that he was pleased, on 
 another, when there was no Evening Prayer; that he felt an 
 impulse of pleasure on finding that W. was not at Chapel one 
 morning ; that he ostentatiously hinted to S. that he got up 
 at six o'clock; that he read affectedly in evening Chapel; 
 that he felt an inclination to make remarks with a view to 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 349 
 
 showing how much. he had thought upon serious subjects; 
 and that once, after accidentally breaking one of W.'s 
 windows, he felt a disposition to "sneak away." ... He 
 seriously argues the pros and cons (" bothering " himself about 
 it for three days), concerning the purchase of a great-coat. 
 On the one side, there is the fact that he " wants,'' i.e., needs 
 it, which one would have thought would have been conclusive ; 
 but against this he sets the fact that he " wishes " it ; and 
 therefore it will be well to deny himself the satisfaction. . . . 
 By his own confession, he occasionally made himself stupid 
 and sleepy through his ascetic habits. But to the last he 
 retained his admiration for them, at all events when they were 
 imposed by external authority. . . . 
 
 ' Why did the Editors of Froude's Remains give to the world 
 these extraordinary confessions? ... If, indeed, Froude had 
 taken Keble's advice, they could not thus have made his secrets 
 the property of posterity ; for he had advised his pupil not only 
 to give up his self-imposed asceticisms, but also to burn his 
 confessions. But this advice was given in 1826; whereas the 
 Remains were published in 1838. Are we wrong in inferring 
 that during this interval, Keble may have been pushed forward 
 by Newman his Co-editor, who taught that all religious know- 
 ledge must be based on self-knowledge ? From the Letters, 
 this seems probable. ... It follows, at once, that there is 
 very little thankfulness in P'roude's form of Christianity. 
 The visible world seemed so full of delusion, mockery, and 
 temptation, that a hostile or ironical attitude towards it was the 
 only one possible. " This irony," says James Mozley, " arose 
 from that peculiar mode in which Froude viewed all earthly 
 things, himself and all that was dear to him not excepted." 
 What was this peculiar mode ? To define it briefly would 
 be difficult. It must have recognised something of reality 
 and goodness in those friends and allies towards whom his 
 heart went out, and with whom he was ready to labour, to 
 the end, for what he considered the " Truth," freely placing 
 his fortune, his faculties, and his last breath, at their dis- 
 posal. But still, it was not the " mode " of St. Paul, nor of 
 Keble; it was more like, though not quite like, that of 
 Newman. It was certainly not the " mode " of the author 
 
350 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 who wrote that " God giveth us all things richly to enjoy." 
 Indeed, " irony " is perhaps hardly the right word to use 
 of the superficial self-mockery, but more profound self- 
 hatred and self-contempt, approaching sometimes to despair, 
 with which, in some of his self-introspective moods, Froude 
 smites and rends himself, and his faults ; yes, and his resolves 
 to correct his faults, sometimes even pouring scorn upon 
 himself for writing down his own good resolutions, and for 
 thinking well of himself, in the act of doing it. " The chief 
 reason," he says, " for my being interested in any object, is the 
 fact that I happen to be pursuing it," " nor can I look with 
 serious feeling on the miseries of anyone but my own. The 
 blight of God is on me for my selfish life." ... Is " irony " 
 a term quite strong enough to denote this savage, sarcastic 
 self-laceration, which, if persisted in, would result in moral 
 and spiritual suicide? So far, it would seem that the two 
 friends resembled each other in almost every one of their 
 principles of religious thought. A religion of fear ; a profound 
 sense of an awful Holiness ; an absence of general loving- 
 kindness and human-heartedness ; a vast and almost servile 
 respect for power as power ; an inclination to asceticism, in the 
 older of the two as a test of sincerity, but in the younger, rather 
 as a means of suppressing the passions ; a dread of wilfulness, 
 and a rooted suspicion of self, — these feelings appear to have 
 been, in both, so powerful and original, that whatever influence 
 either might exert upon the other would result, not in changing, 
 but in confirming and hardening; or at most, in suggesting 
 some new application of the theories common to both. 
 
 ' We now pass to the only principle in which the two 
 seem first to have differed, but ultimately to have agreed. 
 This principle (if it may be so called) is that of tact or 
 management, especially in the diffusion, colouring, and some- 
 times in the reservation or suppression, of religious doctrine, 
 with a view to surmounting prejudice and instilling truth. 
 To this, Newman (though not the first to use the word in 
 this sense) gave the name of "economy." There are many 
 reasons for concluding that in this one respect Froude was 
 passive, a simple recipient from Newman. . . . Froude antici- 
 pated, and endeavoured to develop precipitately, the logical 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 351 
 
 results, both of the principles which they held in common, and 
 of those which he instilled into his friend, and also of this par- 
 ticular principle which alone his friend seems to have instilled 
 into him. Such a development may be often noticed, when a 
 strong-willed man who sees only one side of a question, takes 
 up a plan invented by another who sees many. The inventor 
 may be moderate ; the adopter carries the invention to excess, 
 Froude was at that time (1834) dragging Newman onwards 
 towards Roman doctrine ; but he may have submitted to learn 
 from Newman the best method of diffusing it. He did not 
 like the method, and therefore he called it by bad names, such 
 as " undermining," " poisoning," and the like. . . . 
 
 ' Newman's formal usual doctrine [was] that as we cannot 
 be sure about our own salvation, so neither can we about that 
 of others ; that we have enough to do with thinking and fearing 
 about our own eternal concerns ; that, as before God, no man 
 can help another, for we must not only die alone but live alone, 
 nor can there be any spiritual contact between soul and soul, 
 in this life. Yet at least on one occasion his feelings were 
 too strong for his dogma. When Froude drew near to death, 
 Newman refused to fear for his sake. With him in his mind, 
 he would not use his favourite metaphor of " grovelling worms," 
 to describe the relation between the human and the divine. 
 Casting away all reserve, all doubts, and all terrors, he shoots 
 up to a Miltonic height, in the confidence that God cannot 
 waste this immortal soul which He has made. Thus he writes 
 to Froude himself: 
 
 ' " It made me think how many posts there are in His 
 kingdom, how many offices, Who says to one Do this, and he 
 doeth it. It is quite impossible that, some way or other, you 
 are not destined to be the instrument of God's purposes. 
 Though I saw the earth cleave and you fall in, or Heaven 
 open and a chariot appear, I should say just the same. God 
 has ten thousand posts of service. You might be of use in 
 the central elemental fire ; you might be of use in the depths 
 of the sea." ^ 
 
 ' The same passionate conviction, based not upon Authority 
 or upon Scripture, but upon his own sense of what must be 
 1 J, H. N. Letters and Correspondence, ii., 66. 
 
352 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 right, finds expression also in a sermon written about the 
 same time.^ 
 
 ' " They are taken away for some purpose, surely ; their 
 gifts are not lost to us : their soaring minds, the fire of their 
 contemplations, the sanctity of their desires, the vigour of 
 their faith, the sweetness and gentleness of their affections, 
 were not given without an object. Yea, doubtless they are 
 keeping up the perpetual chant in the Shrine above, praying 
 and praising God day and night in His Temple like Moses 
 upon the mount, while Joshua and his host fight with 
 Amalek." 
 
 ' . . . Deprived of Froude, and now of his mother, with one 
 sister married, and the other to be married a few months after- 
 wards, Newman must have felt alone indeed. How much this 
 feeling of communion with the departed had been growing in 
 Newman may be seen from the only two poems of 1 8 3 5 ^ (the 
 last until we come to the Roman period), both of which bring 
 before us the intercession of the dead for the living. There 
 can be no doubt whose voice Newman was henceforth to hear 
 most distinctly amid all the earthly din and uproar of the 
 conflict of the Tracts : it was that of the man whose Breviary 
 (assigned to him by a chance utterance of some friend, which 
 he accepted as a message from Heaven) lay always on his 
 study table, destined to lie there for half a century; to the 
 possession of which he attached such importance, that besides 
 minutely describing the incident in the Apologia, he records it 
 in the Letters, along with his mother's death, as one of nine 
 important events of this critical year : " My knowing and using 
 the Breviary."* 
 
 ' Froude (not Froude's opinions, but Froude himself, or 
 his personality, Froude first, living, and then, as a post- 
 humous influence, still more powerful after death), did more 
 than any other external thing to make Newman what he 
 became, and to shape, through Newman, the Tractarian Move- 
 ment. Some of Newman's most important steps dated from 
 the year of their intimacy. It was in 1829 that the two 
 
 ' Parochial Sermons, ii., 214 : Ascension Day. 
 
 ^ There are four ' Delta' poems of 1835 in Lyra ApostoUca, one of 1836. 
 
 ' Memorandum in Letters and Correspondence, ii., 176. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 353 
 
 became close friends : Newman the non-political, and Froude 
 the High Tory. . . . A priori, we ought to be prepared to 
 believe that Froude pushed Newman on. Froude was a High 
 Churchman from the first, with an inclination towards the 
 Mediaeval Church, and from this he never swerved : Newman 
 was an Evangelical, extricating himself from Evangelicalism. 
 The former had no doubts ; the latter was at that time per- 
 petually doubting. How could it be otherwise than natural 
 that the former should take the lead of the latter ? 
 
 ' . . . Froude is not quite fairly, or at least fully, repre- 
 sented in the Remains. The Journal, and even the Letters, 
 fail, perhaps, to express some latent feeling which might have 
 softened apparent harshness. To those who knew him well, 
 his words were interpreted by his personality, which all concur 
 in describing as bright, graceful, and even " beautiful." ... It 
 was this brilliant and graceful embodiment, in one so earnest, 
 so ascetically strict, so clear-headed, and so confident, [one] of 
 definite consistent imaginations about spiritual things (which 
 imaginations Newman describes as " intellectual principles ") 
 that first arrested, and ultimately captivated the older friend, 
 who was at first disposed to smile at, even while admiring, the 
 erratic, " silly ish," " red-hot " High Churchman. . . . 
 
 ' . . . Fundamentally agreeing with Froude, from the first, 
 in the principles of religious fear, obedience, and self-distrust, 
 Newman differed from him only in the expression and appli- 
 cation of them ; and on these points Froude's mind was settled 
 while Newman's was still in flux. No wonder that, by degrees, 
 Newman lost confidence in any utterance of his own unless 
 Froude first stamped it with his approval. Did not Froude 
 always take the lead, experimenting, as it were, on himself? 
 And had not Newman repeatedly to confess that Froude 
 was right, and he himself wrong ? One reason for this was, 
 that Froude, being of an Esthetic bent, instinctively turned 
 from the Primitive Church, which was, to him, an affair of 
 books, and of which he knew very little, to the Mediaeval 
 Church, with which he was in complete harmony, or to the 
 Anglican Nonjurors, about whom he had some sympathetic 
 knowledge. This gave to his notions a naturalness and a 
 practicableness in which Newman's were deficient. For this, 
 23 
 
354 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 and for other reasons, Froude seemed to be a seer in regions 
 where Newman was only a groper ; and so, in time, the latter 
 came naturally not only to depend on the former, but also to 
 avow his dependence so far as to declare his unwillingness to 
 commit himself to anything definite till the man who could 
 see had given it his imprimatur. Still, the brighter and more 
 pleasing side of Froude's character must not allow us to forget 
 that his search after holiness implied not only something 
 bordering on abjectness towards God, but also strife on earth, 
 and the appearance of ill-will towards a great multitude of 
 men. These qualities explain in part the secret of his power 
 over Newman, who would not have allowed himself to be in- 
 fluenced by any but a detached soul holding aloof from all 
 the world, and especially, perhaps, from the rabble, that 
 " knoweth not the law." But Froude was by far the more 
 combative of the two, and appears to have acted on Newman, 
 as on Keble, in the way of an inciting cause, or, to use his 
 own metaphor, a " poker." 
 
 ' We find here depicted [in the Remains] a Christian in 
 whose most secret records, self-examinations and prayers, there 
 appears scarcely any mention of Christ as a Person, and very 
 little trace of any love of Christ (who hardly appears at all in 
 them except in some reference to the sacramental Body and 
 Blood) ; yet one who with all his heart and soul is seeking 
 after that salvation which he supposes to be derivable from 
 Christ's Church ; a man who obstinately detested, first in him- 
 self, then in others, the least vestige of affectation, cant, and 
 hypocrisy : who spoke what he meant, as he meant it, and 
 would always have gone, if his friends had allowed him, by 
 the straightest of ways towards what he deemed the best of 
 objects ; a man, therefore, of an essentially truth-loving dis- 
 position, searching for Truth in all sincerity, but restricted by a 
 " system " to a search within certain limits and through certain 
 methods ; shut out from the great world of men, and shut into 
 the comparatively small world — not indeed, as Newman was, 
 of books, but — of ecclesiastical traditions and imaginations; 
 by nature, without any deep feeling of human-hearted sociality, 
 without love of man as a fellow-man ; by ecclesiasticism led 
 rather to hate than to love ; loving indeed a few, but only as a 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 355 
 
 Spartan might love his companions-in-arms, loving those select 
 spirits by whose side he could battle for the interests of " the 
 Church." 
 
 ' Such a picture, though " instructive," is not pleasing. Yet 
 those who feel inclined to ridicule, or to give way to disgust, 
 as they peruse records of one whom they may be disposed to 
 call the Minute Ascetic, — telling us of his shame at feeling 
 ashamed that he had muddy trousers, or no gloves, or of his 
 remorse for talking " flash," or for not finding it easy to keep 
 awake during a sermon, or for wanting to win sixpences at 
 cards, will, if they read a little further, generally find other 
 entries of a different character, as, for example, touching a 
 certain offertory: "Intended £7. : los., but thought I should be 
 
 observed, so vowed £'^ to the Mendicity Society." We 
 
 cannot smile at the man who, beneath under-statements conveyed 
 half in slang, half in the language of Tractarian reserve, con- 
 cealed a resolution not only to deny himself, but even, so far as he 
 could, to suppress himself; who so hated his own individuality, 
 and was so alarmed at the least touch of the self-will of genius 
 within him, that he made it his " great ambition to become a 
 humdrum." Doomed to an early lingering death, and to leave 
 others to continue the religious conflict in which he, of all the 
 combatants, took the keenest and most passionate pleasure, 
 he drops no word of self-commiseration and repining ; and in 
 the last month of his life, having contributed the proceeds of 
 his Fellowship to the cause, he asks Newman to use it at his 
 pleasure, and to make people infer that the money was being 
 contributed by a large number of subscribers. " Spend away, 
 my boy, and make a great fuss, as if your money came from 
 a variety of sources." If this was " economy," it cannot, at all 
 events, be scoffed at. Nothing is here for contempt, least of 
 all from commonplace, compromising, half-way-halting semi- 
 Christians or quasi-Christians. Manifestly, we have here a 
 man : no mere word-bag or lump of sensations, but a being 
 with a will, and with a controlling purpose ; one who knew his 
 own mind, and therefore had a right to lead those who did not 
 know theirs ; a fine specimen of the ecclesiastic militant, essen- 
 tially a champion of holiness, though essentially, if charity be 
 essential, not a Christian. Such was Richard Hurrell Froude, 
 
356 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 who, while living, influenced Newman much, and after his 
 death, more ; " re-touching the faith," and " deepening every line," 
 not as Newman's poem suggested, of himself, but of the poet, 
 his survivor, his second self. When [Froude] died, a book of 
 his, by what most people would call an accident, passed into 
 Newman's possession. Newman deemed it more than an 
 accident. From that time forward it lay on his study table ; 
 and by it, though dead, his friend continued to speak to and to 
 guide him : always in one direction. Rightly does Newman 
 record as one among nine important events of the " cardinal " 
 spring of 1836, " my knowing and using the Breviary." ' 
 
 'Oriel College,' by David Watson Rannie, M.A. 
 London : F. E. Robinson & Co., 1 900. 
 
 [By kind permission of D. W. Rannie, Esq., M.A., and of Messrs. Robinson & Co.] 
 
 ' The chief aim of the Fellowship [at Oriel] was to test 
 dialectical power ; a chief occupation of the Common Room 
 was to practise it. . . . Newman himself, who did more than 
 any other man to divert the College from criticism to sub- 
 mission, has left a vivid picture ... of his own argumentative 
 brusquerie in the congenial atmosphere of the Oriel Common 
 Room. And it is noticeable, both in his case and that of 
 Richard Hurrell Froude, his chief coadjutor in sowing the seed 
 of the coming Tractarianism in College, that their method was 
 essentially dialectic and modern, even though its effect, on them- 
 selves ajid others, was to lead them into " fierce thoughts" against 
 the modern spirit and the modern trend of things. Pusey 
 might bury himself in theology, and Keble might be the 
 singer and sweet saint of a revived devotion ; but Newman 
 and Froude, even when the gates of authority seemed about to 
 close on them for ever, were questioners and controversialists 
 and gladiators, striving to rationalise reason out of its own 
 supremacy. 
 
 ' In hurrying on the birth of the new issue, both at Oriel 
 and beyond it, the influence of Richard Hurrell Froude was very 
 great. We have seen that he was elected a Fellow of Oriel in 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 357 
 
 1826. He was an Oriel man throughout, and had taken a 
 double second in 1824. He was the eldest son of the Arch- 
 deacon of Totnes, and the eldest of three eminent brothers, 
 all Oriel men : William, the engineer, born in 1 8 1 o, and 
 James Anthony, the historian, born in 181 8. Hurrell was 
 born in 1803. Always delicate, he fell into consumption early 
 in the Thirties, and died in 1836. But though his career was 
 short and enfeebled, and though there is little of him in print 
 but what the affectionate appreciation of his friends put there, 
 it is certain that Hurrell Froude had in his College an influence 
 both intense and peculiar, which radiated widely, and was 
 answerable for some of the most marked phenomena of 
 Tractarianism. Froude was perhaps the most convinced, 
 the most outspoken, the most throughgoing Mediaevalist 
 among the young men who thought the Church of England 
 in an unsatisfactory condition ; and he had the incommunicable 
 and inexplicable gift of great personal influence, which, in his 
 case, took the most irresistible of all its forms : that of impress- 
 ing others with his equal pre-eminence in intellect and 
 character. While the other Tractarian propagandists of the 
 immediate future were recoiling in fear and anxiety from the 
 advance of the Liberal and Erastian tide, Froude was ardently 
 counselling reaction, loudly and scornfully proclaiming the 
 loveliness and rightness of at least a large number of Roman 
 opinions and practices, and laying a zealous axe at the root of 
 the Protestantism of the Church of England. 
 
 ' In fact, one can plainly see that the religious revival which 
 was coming to the English Church was the real cause of the 
 tutorial quarrel at Oriel in 1830. The Tutors had the new 
 wine of it in their veins ; they were the subjects of an 
 enthusiasm which they were impelled to communicate, and 
 which was intolerant of restraint ; whilst the Provost [Hawkins] 
 was, and was to remain, outside the range of the new ideas. 
 In such a situation compromise was impracticable. . . . This 
 change had certain important and well-marked results on the 
 College. In the first place, it riveted the authority of Provost 
 Hawkins, and made him for the rest of his, life the dominant 
 force in Oriel. In the second place, as the deprived Tutors 
 
358 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 remained Fellows and attached members of the College, it did 
 nothing to reduce the spread of their influence in Common 
 Room, and indirectly, in College generally, but rather tended 
 to increase it, by opposition. Lastly, and most important of all, 
 it dealt a blow to the intellectual prestige of the College, from 
 which it never recovered during Hawkins's long reign.' 
 
 From ' The Oxford Counter-Reformation ' in ' Short 
 Studies on Great Subjects.' Series IV. By James 
 Anthony Froude. London : Longmans, Green & Co., 
 1883. 
 
 [By the kind permission of Miss Froude and of Messrs. Longmans.] 
 
 ' . . . The last forty or fifty years will be memorable 
 hereafter in the history of English opinion. The number of 
 those who recollect the beginnings of the Oxford Revival is 
 shrinking fast ; and such of us as survive may usefully note 
 down their personal recollections as a contribution, so far as it 
 goes, to the general narrative. It is pleasant, too, to recall the 
 figures of those who played the chief parts in the drama. If 
 they had not been men of ability, they could not have produced 
 the revolution that was brought about by them. Their 
 personal characters were singularly interesting. Two of them 
 were distinctly men of real genius. My own brother was, at 
 starting, the foremost of the party ; the flame, therefore, 
 naturally burnt hot in my own immediate environment. The 
 phrases and formulas of Anglo-Catholicism had become house- 
 hold words in our family, before I understood coherently what 
 the stir and tumult was about. 
 
 ' We fancy that we are free agents. We are conscious of 
 what we do ; we are not conscious of the causes which 
 make us do it ; and therefore we imagine that the cause is in 
 ourselves. The Oxford leaders believed that they were fighting 
 against the spirit of the age. They were themselves most 
 completely the creatures of their age. It was one of those 
 periods when conservative England had been seized with 
 a passion for reform. Parliament was to be reformed ; the 
 municipal institutions were to be reformed ; there was to be an 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 359 
 
 end of monopolies and privileges. The Constitution was to 
 be cut in pieces and boiled in the Benthamite caldron, from 
 which it was to emerge in immortal youth. In a reformed 
 State there needed a reformed Church. My brother and his 
 friends abhorred Bentham and all his works. The Establish- 
 ment, in its existing state, was too weak to do battle with the 
 new enemy. ProTestantism was the chrysalis of Liberalism. 
 The Church, therefore, was to be unprotestantised. The Reform- 
 ation, my brother said, " was a bad setting of a broken limb." 
 The limb needed breaking a second time, and then it would 
 be equal to its business. 
 
 ' My brother exaggerated the danger, and underestimated 
 the strength, which existing institutions and customs possess, 
 so long as they are left undisturbed. Before he and his 
 friends undertook the process of reconstruction, the Church 
 was perhaps in the healthiest condition which it had ever 
 known. . . . The average English incumbent of fifty years ago 
 was a man of private fortune, the younger brother of the land- 
 lord perhaps, and holding the family living ; or it might be 
 the landlord himself, his advowson being part of the estate. 
 His professional duties were his services on Sunday, funerals 
 and weddings on week-days, and visits, when needed, among 
 the sick. In other respects he lived like his neighbours, 
 distinguished from them only by a black coat and white neck- 
 cloth, and greater watchfulness over his words and actions. 
 He farmed his own glebe ; he kept horses ; he shot and hunted 
 moderately, and mixed in general society. He was generally 
 a magistrate ; he attended public meetings, and his education 
 enabled him to take a leading part in county business. His 
 wife and daughters looked after the poor, taught in the Sunday 
 school, and managed the penny clubs and clothing clubs. 
 He himself was spoken of in the parish as " the master," the 
 person who was responsible for keeping order there, and who 
 knew how to keep it. The labourers and the farmers looked 
 up to him. The family in the " great house " could not look 
 down upon him. If he was poor, it was still his pride to bring 
 up his sons as gentlemen ; and economies were cheerfully 
 submitted to at home to give them a- start in life at the 
 University, or in the Army or Navy. 
 
360 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ' Our own household was a fair representative of the order. 
 My father was Rector of the parish. He was Archdeacon, 
 he was Justice of the Peace. He had a moderate fortune of 
 his own, consisting chiefly in land, and he belonged, therefore, 
 to the " landed interest." Most of the magistrates' work of the 
 neighbourhood passed through his hands. If anything was 
 amiss, it was his advice which was most sought after; and I 
 remember his being called upon to lay a troublesome ghost. 
 In his younger days, he had been a hard rider across country. 
 His children knew him as a continually busy, useful man of 
 the world, a learned and cultivated antiquary, and an accom- 
 plished artist. My brothers and I were excellently educated, 
 and were sent to School and College. Our spiritual lessons 
 did not go beyond the Catechism. We were told that our 
 business in life was to work, and to make an honourable 
 position for ourselves. About doctrine. Evangelical or 
 Catholic, I do not think that in my early boyhood I ever 
 heard a single word, in Church or out of it. The institution 
 had drifted into the condition of what I should call moral 
 health. It did not instruct us in mysteries, it did not teach 
 us to make religion a special object of our thoughts ; it taught 
 us to use religion as a light by which to see our way along 
 the road of duty. Without the sun, our eyes would be of no 
 use to us ; but if we look at the sun we are simply dazzled, 
 and can see neither it nor anything else. It is precisely the 
 same with theological speculations. If the beacon lamp is 
 shining, a man of healthy mind will not discuss the composi- 
 tion of the flame. Enough if it shows him how to steer, and 
 keep clear of shoals and breakers. To this conception of the 
 thing we had practically arrived. Doctrinal controversies were 
 sleeping. People went to Church because they liked it, because 
 they knew that they ought to go, and because it was the custom. 
 They had received the Creeds from their fathers, and doubts 
 about them had never crossed their minds. Christianity had 
 wrought itself into the constitution of their natures. It was a 
 necessary part of the existing order of the universe, as little to 
 be debated about as the movements of the planets or the 
 changes of the seasons. 
 
 ' Such the Church of England was, in the country districts. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 361 
 
 before the Tractarian Movement. It was not perfect, but it 
 was doing its work satisfactorily. It is easier to alter than to 
 improve, and the beginning of change, like the beginning of 
 strife, is like the letting out of water. Jupiter, in Lessing's 
 fable, was invited to mend a fault in human nature. The 
 fault was not denied, but Jupiter said that man was a piece 
 of complicated machinery, and if he touched a part he might 
 probably spoil the whole. 
 
 ' But a new era was upon us. The miraculous nineteenth 
 century was coming of age, and all the world was to be remade. 
 . . . History was reconstructed for us. I had learned, like other 
 Protestant children, that the Pope was Antichrist, and that 
 Gregory VII. had been a special revelation of that being. I 
 was now taught that Gregory vil. was a Saint. I had- been 
 told to honour the Reformers. The Reformation became the 
 Great Schism, Cranmer a traitor, and Latimer a vulgar ranter. 
 Milton was a name of horror, and Charles I. was canonised and 
 spoken of as the holy and blessed Martyr St. Charles. I asked 
 once whether the Church of England was able properly to 
 create a Saint? St. Charles was immediately pointed out to 
 me. Similarly, we were to admire the Nonjurors, to speak of 
 James III. instead of The Pretender ; to look for Antichrist, 
 not in the Pope, but in Whigs and revolutionists and all their 
 works. Henry of Exeter,^ so famous in those days, announced 
 once, in my hearing, that the Court of Rome had regretted the 
 Emancipation Act as a victory of Latitudinarianism. I suppose 
 he believed what he was saying. . . . 
 
 ' These were the views which we used to hear in our home- 
 circle, when the Tracts were first beginning. We had been 
 bred, all of us, Tories of the old school. This was Toryism in 
 ecclesiastical costume. My brother was young, gifted, brilliant, 
 and enthusiastic. No man is ever good for much who has not 
 been carried off his feet by enthusiasm, between twenty and 
 thirty ; but it needs to be bridled and bitted ; and my brother 
 did not live to be taught the difference between fact and specu- 
 lation. Taught it he would have been, if time had been 
 allowed him. No one ever recognised facts more loyally than 
 
 ' Henry Philpotts, 1778- 1869, Bishop of Exeter from 1831. 
 
362 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 he, when once he saw them. This I am sure of, that when 
 the intricacies of the situation pressed upon him, when it 
 became clear to him that if his conception of the Church, and 
 of its rights and position, was true at all, it was not true of 
 the Church of England in which he was born, and that he 
 must renounce his theory as visionary or join another Com- 
 munion, he would not have " minimised " the Roman doctrines 
 that they might be more easy for him to swallow, or have 
 explained away plain propositions till they meant anything 
 or nothing. Whether he would have swallowed them, or not, 
 I cannot say ; I was not eighteen when he died, and I do not 
 so much as form an opinion about it ; but his course, whatever 
 it was, would have been direct and straightforward ; he was a 
 man far more than a theologian : and if he had gone, he would 
 have gone with his whole heart and conscience, unassisted by 
 subtleties and nice distinctions. It is, however, at least equally 
 possible that he would not have gone at all. . . . 
 
 ' The terminus, however, towards which he and his friends 
 were moving, had not come in sight in my brother's lifetime. 
 He went forward, hesitating at nothing, taking the fences as 
 they came, passing lightly over them all, and sweeping his 
 friends along with him. He had the contempt of an intel- 
 lectual aristocrat for private judgement and the rights of a man. 
 In common things, a person was a fool who preferred his own 
 judgement to that of an expert. Why, he asked, should it be 
 wiser to follow private judgement in religion? As to rights, 
 the right of wisdom was to rule, and the right of ignorance was 
 to be ruled. But he belonged himself to the class whose 
 business was to order rather than obey. If his own Bishop 
 had interfered with him, his theory of episcopal authority 
 would have been found inapplicable in that particular 
 instance. 
 
 ' . . . The triumvirs who became a national force, and gave 
 its real character to the Oxford Movement, were Keble, Pusey, 
 and John Henry Newman. Newman himself was the moving 
 power ; the two others were powers also, but of inferior mental 
 strength. Without the third, they would have been known as 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 363 
 
 men of genius and learning ; but their personal influence would 
 have been limited to and have ended with themselves. Of 
 Pusey I knew but little, and need not do more than mention 
 him. Of Keble I can only venture to say a few words. . . . 
 The inability to appreciate the force of arguments which he 
 did not like saved him from Rome, but did not save him 
 from Roman doctrine. It would, perhaps, have been better if 
 he had left the Church of England, instead of remaining there 
 to shelter behind his high authority a revolution in its teaching. 
 The Mass has crept back among us, with which we thought 
 we had done for ever, and the honourable name of Protestant, 
 once our proudest distinction, has been made over to the 
 Church of Scotland and the Dissenters. 
 
 ' Far different from Keble, from my brother, from Dr. Pusey, 
 from all the rest, was the true chief of the Catholic revival — 
 John Henry Newman. Compared with him, they were all but 
 as ciphers, and he the indicating number.' 
 
 Controversy from ' THE CONTEMPORARY Review ' and ' The 
 Nineteenth Century' between Prof. E. A. Free- 
 man and Mr. jAMES Anthony Froude. 
 
 [From The Contemporary Review for March, 1878, xxxi., 822 et seq. 
 By E. A. Freeman.]' 
 
 ' . . . Mr. Froude, in his present attempt to paint the picture 
 of the great men of the twelfth century, puts on the outward 
 garb of one who has read and tested his materials, and has 
 come to a critical judgement on what he has read and tested. 
 But he happily leaves a little cranny open which enables us to 
 look within. The very first words of Mr. Froude's Life and 
 Times of Thomas Becket are enough to show us that the 
 
 ' The following correspondence arose out of an article contributed in June, 1878, 
 by Mr. J. A. Froude to The Nineteenth Century, vol. i. It was entitled ' Life 
 and Times of Thomas Becket.' It was founded upon Materials for the History of 
 Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, edited by James Craigie Robertson, 
 Canon of Canterbury, and published under the direction of the Master of the Rolls, 
 1877. Mr. Froude, in reprinting his essay in Short Studies on Great Subjects, 4th 
 Series, 1883, withdrew the passage which Mr. Freeman had made the text of his 
 remarks. 
 
364 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 seeming historical inquiry is really designed as a manifesto 
 against a theological party which once numbered its author 
 among its members. To those who know the whole literature 
 of the subject, it has a look more unpleasant still. Those 
 whose study of twelfth-century history goes back to times when 
 those who are now in their second half-century were young, 
 will not fail to remember a time when the name of Froude 
 reminded them of another, an earlier, and (I have no hesitation 
 in saying) a worthier treatment of the same subject. And 
 some of those who go back so far may be tempted to 
 think that natural kindliness, if no other feeling, might have 
 kept back the fiercest of partisans from ignoring the honest 
 work of a long-deceased brother, and from dealing stabs in 
 the dark at a brother's almost forgotten fame. . . . [Mr. 
 Froude] is controversial, something more than controversial, 
 from the beginning. He undertakes the study, not to throw 
 fresh light on the history of the twelfth century, but to deal a 
 blow at a party in the nineteenth. His first words are : 
 " Among the earliest efforts of the modern sacerdotal party in 
 the Church of England was an attempt to re-establish the 
 memory of the Martyr of Canterbury." It is not everybody 
 who reads this who will fully take in what is here meant. 
 The first attempt made, within the memory of our own 
 generation, to examine and compare the materials for the 
 great controversy between King and Primate, was made by 
 Richard Hurrell Froude of Oriel College : the Froude of the 
 once famous Remains, the elder brother of the man who makes 
 this somewhat unbrotherly reference. The elder Froude 
 doubtless belonged to what the younger calls " the sacerdotal 
 party." His wish undoubtedly was " to re-establish the memory 
 of the Martyr of Canterbury." To those with whom historic 
 truth comes foremost, and who have no special fanaticism, 
 sacerdotal or anti-sacerdotal, the effort of a " sacerdotal party " 
 to re-establish the memory of Thomas of Canterbury may 
 seem at least as worthy an object as to re-establish the 
 memory of Flogging Fitzgerald, or of King Harry himself 
 To re-establish the memory of Thomas is, at the worst, a 
 question of words and names, and of a certain law: it does 
 not, like the other two re-establishments, imply the defence of 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 365 
 
 any matter of wrong, or wicked lewdness. And the elder 
 Froude's history of controversy, if undertaken with a purpose 
 of theological partisanship, was still a piece of creditable 
 historical work. Done forty years or so ago, it was, of course, 
 not up to the level of modern criticism on the subject. But 
 it was the beginning of modern criticism on the subject. 
 The elder Froude is entitled, at the hands of everyone who 
 writes or reads the story of Thomas, to that measure of 
 respectful thanks which belongs to a pioneer on any subject. 
 As for his spirit of partisanship, those who stand outside the 
 arena of all such partisanship might say that when the elder 
 Froude wrote, it was time that the other side should be heard, 
 in its turft. The name of Thomas a Becket had been so 
 long the object of vulgar and ignorant scorn ; his character 
 and objects had been treated with such marked unfairness, 
 even by historians of real merit, that fair play might welcome 
 a vindication, even if it went too far the other way. Such a 
 vindication was the object of the elder Froude : in the course 
 of it, he got rid of several prevalent errors, and made ready 
 the way for more impartial and critical examination at the 
 hands of others. The elder Froude did something to put one 
 who, whatever were his objects, whatever were his errors, was 
 still a great and heroic Englishman, in a historic place more 
 worthy of him. At all events, he deserves better than to have 
 his work thus sneeringly spoken of by his own younger brother : 
 " And while Churchmen are raising up Becket as a brazen 
 serpent on which the world is to look to be healed of its 
 incredulities, the incredulous world may look with advantage 
 at him from its own point of view ; and if unconvinced that he 
 was a Saint, may still find instruction in a study of his actions 
 and his fate." This way of speaking may seem startling to 
 those who know the relation between the long - deceased 
 champion of the one side, and the living champion of the 
 other. . . . The point of view of those whose sole object 
 is historic truth may well be different either from the point of 
 view of " Churchmen," or from that of the " incredulous world." 
 At all events, historic truth has nothing to do with the point of 
 view of either,' 
 
366 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 From The Nineteenth Century for April, 1878, iii., 621. 'A Few Words 
 on Mr. Freeman,' by J. A. Froude. 
 
 ' Mr. Freeman commences with a sentence which is grossly 
 impertinent. " Natural kindliness," he says, "if no other feeling, 
 might have kept back the fiercest of partisans from ignoring 
 the work of a long-forgotten brother." How can Mr. Freeman 
 know my motive for not speaking of my brother in connection 
 with Becket, that he should venture upon ground so sensitive ? 
 I mentioned no modern writers, except, once, Dean Stanley. 
 Natural kindliness would have been more violated if I had_ 
 specified my brother as a person with whose opinions on 
 the subject I was compelled to differ. I spoke of rehabilitation 
 of Becket as among the first efforts of the High Church 
 school. My brother's Remains were brought out by the leaders 
 of that school after his death, as a party manifesto ; and, for 
 my own part, I consider the publication of the Remains the 
 greatest injury that was ever done to my brother's memory. 
 But this is venial, compared with what follows. He goes on : 
 " And from dealing stabs in the dark at a brother's almost 
 forgotten fame." " Stabs in the dark ? " Can Mr. Freeman 
 have measured the meaning of the words which he is using? 
 If I had written anonymous articles attacking my brother's 
 work, " stabs in the dark " would have been a correct expres- 
 sion ; and Mr. Freeman has correctly measured the estimate 
 likely to be formed of a person who could have been guilty of 
 doing anything so discreditable. Irrespective of "natural kindli- 
 ness," I look back upon my brother as, on the whole, the most 
 remarkable man I have ever met in my life. I have never 
 seen any person, — not one 1 in whom, as I now think of him, 
 the excellences of intellect and character were combined in 
 fuller measure. Of my personal feeling towards him I cannot 
 speak. I am ashamed to have been compelled, by what I 
 can describe only as an inexcusable insult, to say what I have 
 said.' 
 
_HURRELL FROUDE 367 
 
 From The Contemporary Review, May, 1879, xxxv., 218 et seq. 
 ' Last Words on Mr. Froude,' by E. A. Freeman. 
 
 ' - . . With regard to Mr. Froude's treatment of his 
 brother's writings, I see that what I have said has pained Mr. 
 Froude. I am so far sorry for it ; but I do not admit that I 
 said anything beyond fair criticism. I know that the friends 
 of Mr. R. H. Froude were deeply pained by what 
 Mr. J. A. Froude wrote in his Li/e and Times of Thomas 
 Becket. I cannot say that I was pained, because I never 
 knew Mr. R. H. Froude. He was, to me, neither a friend nor 
 a kinsman, nor a man in whom I had any personal or party 
 interest. But as a student of twelfth-century history, I do owe 
 him a certain measure of thanks as a pioneer in one of my 
 subjects of study. Therefore, if not pained, like his personal 
 friends, I was indignant: because I thought that he was 
 unworthily treated, and that the treatment was the more 
 unworthy because it came from the hands of his own brother. 
 When I spoke of " stabs in the dark," I meant that the victim 
 (I must use the word) was in the dark. Very few of Mr. 
 Froude's readers would know that it was his own brother of 
 whom Mr. Froude was speaking, in a way which, brother or 
 no brother, I hold to be wholly undeserved. 
 
 ' But if any impartial judge thinks that I ought not to have 
 mentioned the fact of the kindred between the two writers, I 
 regret having done so.' 
 
 From 'The Remains of the Rev. Richard Hurrell 
 Froude, M.A., Fellow of Oriel ' [edited by the Rev. John 
 Henry Newman and the Rev. John Keble]. London : 
 Rivingtons, 1838. 2 vols. 
 
 ' [Richard Hurrell Froude] was the eldest son of the Vener- 
 able Robert H[urrell] Froude, Archdeacon of Totnes, and was 
 born, and died, in the Parsonage House of Dartington, in the 
 county of Devon. He was born in 1803, on the Feast of the 
 Annunciation; and he died of consumption, on the 28th of 
 February, 1836, when he was nearly thirty -three, after an illness 
 of four years and a half. He was educated at Eton and Oxford, 
 
368 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 having previously had the great advantage, while at Ottery 
 Free School, of living in the family of the Rev. George 
 Coleridge. He went to Eton in 1 8 1 6, and came into 
 residence as a Commoner of Oriel College in the spring of 
 1 83 1. In 1824 he took the degree of Bachelor of Arts, after 
 having obtained, on his examination, high, though not the 
 highest honours, both in the Literm Humaniores and the 
 DisciplincB MathematiccB et PhysiccB. At Easter, 1826, he 
 was elected Fellow of his College, and, in 1827, was admitted 
 to his M.A. degree. The same year he accepted the office of 
 Tutor, which he held till 1830. In December, 1828, he 
 received Deacon's Orders, and the year after. Priest's, from 
 the last and present Bishops of Oxford.^ The disorder which 
 terminated his life first showed itself in the summer of 1 8 3 1 ; 
 the winter of 1832, and the following spring, he passed in the 
 south of Europe; and the two next winters, and the year 
 between them (1834), in the West Indies. The illness which 
 immediately preceded his death lasted but a few weeks. 
 
 ' He left behind him a considerable collection of writings, 
 none prepared for publication : of which the following two 
 volumes form a part. The Journal, with which the first 
 commences, and which is continued in the Appendix, reaches 
 from the beginning of 1826, when he was nearly twenty-three, 
 to the spring of 1828. The Occasional Thoughts are carried 
 on to 1829. The Essay on Fiction was written when he was 
 twenty-three; the Sermons, from 1829 to 1833, when he was 
 between twenty-five and thirty.^ His Letters begin in 1823, 
 when he was twenty, and are carried down to within a month 
 of his death. 
 
 ' Those on whom the task has fallen of preparing these 
 various writings for publication, have found it matter of 
 great anxiety to acquit themselves so as to satisfy the claims 
 of duty, which they felt pressing on them in distinct, and, 
 sometimes, apparently opposite directions. 
 
 ' Some apology may seem requisite, in the first place, for 
 the very magnitude of the collection : as though authority were 
 
 ' The Right Rev. Charles Lloyd, D.D., and the Hon. and Right Rev, Richard 
 Bagot, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells. 
 
 ' Essays and Sermons comprise vol. ii. of part i. , Remains, 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 369 
 
 being claimed, in a preposterous way, for the opinions of one 
 undistinguished either by station or by known literary 
 eminence. 
 
 ' That apology, it is believed, will be found in the truth, 
 and extreme importance, of the views to the development of 
 which the whole is meant to be subservient ; and also in the 
 instruction derivable from a full exhibition of the author's 
 character as a witness to those views. This is the plea 
 which it is desired to bring prominently forward ; nothing 
 short of this, it is felt, would justify such ample and un- 
 reserved disclosures : neither originality of thought, nor en- 
 gaging imagery, nor captivating touches of character and turns 
 of expression. 
 
 ' Still more is this apology needed, on the more serious 
 grounds of friendship and duty. The publication of a 
 private Journal and private Letters is a serious thing. Too 
 often it has been ventured on, in a kind of reckless way, 
 with an eye singly to the good expected to be accomplished, 
 no regard being had to the author himself, and his wishes. 
 It is in itself painful, nay, revolting, to expose to the 
 common gaze papers only intended for a single correspon- 
 dent; and it seems little less than sacrilege to bring out 
 the solitary memoranda of one endeavouring to feel, and 
 to be, as much as possible alone with his God : secretly 
 training himself, as in His presence, in that discipline which 
 shuns the light of this world. To such a publication, it 
 were objection enough that it would seem to harmonise but 
 too well with the restless unsparing curiosity which now 
 prevails. 
 
 ' No common motive, then, it may be well believed, was 
 required to overcome the strong reluctance which even 
 strangers of ordinary delicacy, much more kinsmen and 
 intimate friends, must feel on the first suggestion of such 
 a proceeding. It may be frankly allowed that gentle and 
 good minds will naturally be prejudiced, in the outset, 
 against any collection of the sort. But the present is a 
 peculiar case, a case in which, if the survivors do not greatly 
 deceive themselves, they are best consulting the wishes of the 
 departed by publication, hazardous as that step commonly 
 24 
 
370 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 is. Let the reader, before he condemns, imagine to himself 
 a case like the following. 
 
 ' Let him suppose a person in the prime of manhood 
 (with what talents and acquirements is not now the question) 
 devoting himself, ardently yet soberly, to the promotion of 
 one great cause ; writing, speaking, thinking on it for years, 
 as exclusively as the needs and infirmities of human life 
 would allow ; but dying before he could bring to perfection 
 any of the plans which had suggested themselves to him 
 for its advancement. Let it be certainly known to his 
 friends that he was firmly resolved never to shrink from 
 anything, not morally wrong, which he had good grounds 
 to believe would really forward that cause : and that it 
 was real pain and disquiet to him if he saw his friends in 
 any way postponing . it to his supposed feelings or interests. 
 Suppose, further, that having been for weeks and months in 
 the full consciousness of what was soon likely to befall him, 
 he departs, leaving such papers as make up the present 
 collection in the hands of those next to him in blood, without 
 any express direction as to the disposal of them ; and that 
 they, taking counsel with the friends on whom he was known 
 chiefly to rely, unanimously and decidedly judged publication 
 most desirable for that end which was the guide of his life, 
 and which they too esteemed paramount to all others ; 
 imagine the papers appearing to them so valuable, that they 
 feel as if they had no right to withhold such aid from the 
 cause to which he was pledged : would it, or would it not, 
 be their duty, as faithful trustees, in such case to overcome 
 their own scruples ? would they, or would they not, be justified 
 in believing that they had, virtually, his own sanction for 
 publishing such parts even of his personal and devotional 
 memoranda, much more, of his letters to his friends, as 
 they deliberately judged likely to aid in the general good 
 effect ? 
 
 ' This case of a person sacrificing himself altogether to 
 one great object, is not of everyday occurrence : it is not like 
 the too frequent instances of papers being ransacked and 
 brought to light, because the writer was a little more dis- 
 tinguished, or accounted a little wiser, or better, than his 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 371 
 
 neighbours : it cannot be fairly drawn into a precedent, except 
 in circumstances equally uncommon. 
 
 ' On the whole, supposing what in this Preface must be 
 supposed, the nobleness, and rectitude, and pressing nature of 
 the end which [Mr. Froude] had in view, the principle of 
 posthumous publication surely must, in this instance, be con- 
 ceded ? The only question remaining will be whether the 
 selection has been judicious. On this, also, it may be well to 
 anticipate certain objections not unlikely to occur to sundry 
 classes of readers. If there be any who are startled at the 
 strong expressions of self-condemnation occurring so frequently, 
 both in the Journal and in the more serious parts of the 
 Correspondence, he will please to consider that the better 
 anyone knows, the more severely will he judge himself; and 
 since this writer sometimes thought it his duty to be very 
 plain-spoken in his censure of others, in fairness to him it 
 seemed right to show that he did not fail to look at home ; 
 that he tried to be more rigid to himself than to anyone 
 else, 
 
 ' Censure may be expected . . . [on] what will be called 
 the intolerance of certain passages : the keen sense which the 
 author expresses of the guilt men incur by setting themselves 
 against the Church. In fact, both this and the alleged 
 tendency to Romanism,^ are objections, not to the present 
 publication, but to the view which it is designed to support, 
 and do not therefore quite properly come within the scope of 
 this Preface. To defend the severe expressions alluded to 
 would be in a great measure to defend the old Catholic writers 
 for the tone in which they have spoken of unbelievers and 
 corrupters of the Faith. The same portions of Holy Scripture 
 
 ^ Archdeacon Fronde to Sir J. Coleridge, March 26, 1838 : ' Neither abroad 
 nor at home, did I ever Icnow [Hurrell] to be the apologist of the Papal Church, 
 much less hold it up to approbation, except for its zeal and unity. ... In our 
 own, Bishop Bull and the Nonjurors were, I think, the patterns he proposed to 
 himself for everything that was noble and disinterested in temporal, and sound in 
 doctrinal matters. But I feel I am quite unable to explain or defend the notions 
 he had formed on these important subjects.' Memoir of the Rev. John Keble, M.A., 
 late Vicar of Hursley, by the Right Hon. Sir J. T. Coleridge, D.C.L. Oxford 
 and London : Parker, 3rd edition, 1870, p. 255. 
 
372 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 would be appealed to in both cases ; those, namely, which 
 teach or exemplify the duty of austere reserve towards wilful 
 heretics, and earnest zeal against heresiarchs. Perhaps it may 
 be found that [Mr. Froude's] demeanour and language on such 
 subjects is a tolerably striking and consistent illustration of 
 that sentiment of the Psalmist : " Do not I hate them, O Lord, 
 that hate Thee ? " He hated them in their collective character, 
 as God's enemies, as the antichristian party; but to all who 
 came in his way individually, he was, as many of his acquaint- 
 ance can testify, full of unaffected, open-hearted kindness; 
 entering into their feelings, and making allowance for their 
 difficulties, not the less scrupulously because he sometimes 
 found himself compelled to separate from them, or declare 
 himself against them. 
 
 ' To judge adequately of this point, we must, further, take 
 into account a certain strong jealousy which he entertained of 
 his own honesty of mind. He was naturally, or on principle, 
 a downright speaker, avoiding those words of course and of 
 compliment, which often, it may be feared, serve to keep up a 
 false peace at the expense of true Christian charity. His 
 words, therefore (playfulness and occasional irony apart), may 
 in general be taken more literally than those of most men. It 
 is easy to see that this would make his criticisms, whether 
 literary or moral, sound more pointed and unsparing than 
 those in which a writer of less frankness would indulge 
 himself. And this introduces another point, not unlikely to 
 be animadverted on as blameable, in the present selection. 
 Many, recoiling from his sentences, so direct, fearless, and 
 pungent, concerning all sorts of men and things, will be fain to 
 account them speeches uttered at random, more for present 
 point and effect, than to declare the speaker's real opinion ; 
 and, so judging, will of course disapprove of the collecting and 
 publishing such sayings, especially on high and solemn subjects, 
 as at best incautious, and perhaps irreverent. But they who 
 judge thus must be met by a denial of the fact. The expres- 
 sions in question were not uttered at random : he was not in 
 the habit of speaking at random on such matters. This is 
 remarkably evinced by the fact that to various friends, at 
 various times, conversing or writing on the same subjects, he 
 
HURKELL FROUDE 373 
 
 was constantly employing the same illustrations and arguments, 
 very often the same words: as they found by comparison 
 afterwards, and still go on to find. Now maxims and reason- 
 ings of which this may be truly affirmed, whatever else may be 
 alleged against them, cannot fairly be thrown by as mere 
 chance sayings. Right or wrong, they were deliberate 
 opinions, and cannot be left out of consideration, in a complete 
 estimate of a writer's character and principles. The off-hand 
 unpremeditated way in which they seemed to dart out of him, 
 like sparks from a luminous body, proved only a mind entirely 
 possessed with the subject ; glowing, as it were, through and 
 through. 
 
 ' Still, some will say, more selection might have been used, 
 and many statements at least omitted, which, however well 
 considered by himself, coming now, suddenly, as they do, on 
 the reader, appear unnecessarily startling and paradoxical. 
 But, really, there was little option of that kind, if justice were 
 to be done either to him or to the reader. His opinions had a 
 wonderful degree of consistency and mutual bearing ; they 
 depended on each other as one whole : who was to take the 
 responsibility of separating them ? Who durst attempt it, 
 considering especially his hatred of concealment and artifice ? 
 Again : it was due to the reader to show him fairly how far 
 the opinions recommended would carry him. There is no wish 
 to disguise their tendencies, nor to withdraw them from such 
 examination as will prove them erroneous, if they are so. 
 Any homage which it is desired to render to his memory 
 would indeed be sadly tarnished, were he to be spoken or 
 written of in any spirit but that of an unshrinking openness 
 like his own. Such also is the tone of the Catholic Fathers, 
 and (if it may be urged without irreverence), of the Sacred 
 Writers themselves. Nothing, as far as we can find, is kept 
 back by them, merely because it would prove startling : 
 openness, not disguise, is their manner. This should not be 
 forgotten in a compilation professing simply to recommend 
 their principles. Nothing, therefore, is here kept back, but 
 what it was judged would be fairly and naturally misunder- 
 stood : the insertion of which, therefore, would have been, 
 virtually, so much untruth. 
 
374 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 ' Lastly, it may perhaps be thought of the Correspondence 
 in particular, that it is eked out with unimportant details, 
 according to the usual mistake of partial friends. The com- 
 pilers, however, can most truly affirm that they have had the 
 risk of such an error continually before their eyes, and have 
 not, to the best of their judgement, inserted anything, which did 
 not tell, indirectly perhaps but really, towards filling up that 
 outline of his mind and character, which seemed requisite to 
 complete the idea of him as a witness to Catholic views. It 
 can hardly be necessary for them to add, what the name of 
 Editor implies, that while they, of course, concur in his senti- 
 ments as a whole, they are not to be understood as rendering 
 themselves responsible for every shade of opinion or 
 expression. 
 
 ' It remains only to commend these fragments, if it may be 
 done without presumption, to the same good Providence which 
 seemed to bless the example and instructions of the writer 
 while yet with us, to the benefit of many who knew him : that 
 " being dead," he may " yet speak," as he constantly desired to 
 do, a word in season for the Church of God : may still have 
 the privilege of awakening some of her members to truer and 
 more awful thoughts than they now have, of their own high 
 endowments and deep responsibility.' 
 
 ' Remains of the Rev. Richard Hurrell Froude, M.A., 
 Fellow of Oriel' [edited by the Rev. J. H. NEWMAN 
 and the Rev. JOHN Keble]. London : Rivingtons, 1839. 
 Part II. 
 
 ' It was of course impossible but that the quantity and 
 variety of censure, which was elicited by the publication of the 
 former part of these Remains, should be felt by the Editors as a 
 call for much calm and patient consideration, before proceed- 
 ing, in further fulfilment of their trust, to offer these additional 
 volumes to the world. One thing has at least become evident, 
 which was at first very uncertain : that it was a publication of 
 some importance for good or for evil. The notice which it has 
 attracted, favourable or otherwise, is at least a token that the 
 Editors were not mistaken, as partial friends are so apt to be. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 375 
 
 in their estimate of the force and originality of [Mr. Froude's] 
 character, or of the keen, courageous, searching precision, with 
 which he had, though it were but incidentally, put forth his 
 ecclesiastical and theological opinions, and applied them to 
 things as they are. 
 
 ' But in such measure as all doubt on the importance of the 
 publication is removed, the responsibility of it is doubtless 
 enhanced ; and it seems right to preface it with something like 
 a fair and full statement of the reasons why the Editors have 
 judged it, on the whole, their duty to persist in this step : not 
 wilfully slighting any man's scruples or remonstrances, but still 
 thinking that the cause of the Church, which is paramount to 
 everything else, leaves them not at liberty either to withdraw 
 any important portion of what has been already made public, 
 or to suppress what remains. And what will be alleged for 
 perseverance now, will be found, perhaps in a good measure, 
 to justify the original publication ; taken, as it must be, in aid 
 and in enforcement of the considerations offered in the Preface 
 to the first volume. 
 
 ' And first, if there be any persons, as undoubtedly there 
 are not a few, who think, more or less explicitly, that the 
 mere circumstance of a book's raising an outcry constitutes 
 a strong objection to it, they are requested to put themselves 
 for a single moment so far in the position of the Editors, 
 as to imagine the case of [Mr. Froude's] views being mainly 
 and substantially true ; and then to consider how such outcry 
 could have been avoided. For if it be found that uneasiness, 
 discontent, clamour, nay, if you will, permanent unpopularity, 
 are the necessary results of a certain statement, supposing 
 it to be true, then the actual prevalence of such feelings, 
 however undesirable in itself, is no objection to the truth 
 of the statement, but rather an argument in its favour, as far 
 as it goes. 
 
 ' Suppose, for example, that the common opinions of the 
 Protestant world concerning the Sacrament of the Holy 
 Eucharist were indeed verging as near to a profane rationalism, 
 as these Remains in several passages assume : would not the 
 charge of superstition, mysticism, and Popery be echoed all 
 around, against both Author and Editors, much in the same 
 
376 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 way as it has been heard for the last few months? Suppose 
 it again true, that there is some secret but real and fatal con- 
 nection between the aforesaid faithless rationalism, and those 
 views regarding the great doctrines of Christianity and their 
 application to individual Christians, which have of late arrogated 
 to themselves exclusively the name of vital religion : is it not 
 certain that the disregard (for it is rather that than actual 
 opposition) which those views constantly meet with, at the hand 
 of this Author, would unite against him the champions of those 
 apparently opposite schemes, just in the manner in which we 
 see them actually united? If it should so be that there is a 
 large portion of Churchmen whom the circumstances of these 
 or of former times have led to form an exaggerated opinion of 
 the necessity and sacredness of the alliance of Church and 
 State ; to sacrifice more or less of the very being of the Church, 
 in order, as they think, to secure its well-being : could it fail to 
 happen that such as these would be alarmed and disgusted at 
 the fearless uncompromising tone in which the inviolability of 
 the Church is here asserted, and the past and present tyranny 
 of the State, in every part of Christendom, denounced ? 
 Lastly, should there be any considerable number of decent 
 religionists in the land, who would themselves make no scruple 
 of professing that hatred of " asceticism " is a main ingredient 
 in their notion of Christianity, it were little trouble to point 
 out the pages, in this work, at which they are likeliest to be 
 startled and disgusted : and yet it might be true, all the while, 
 that the writer's views are Scriptural and Catholic, and those 
 which they have glided into, discountenanced by the Bible and 
 the Church. 
 
 ' So far, then, as the unfavourable criticism, with which these 
 Remains have been visited, may be set to the account of any 
 or all of the four classes now mentioned, it was of course to be 
 expected, nor is any particular deference due to it; and the 
 bitterer and louder it is, and the longer it lasts, the more reason 
 may it, perhaps, give, to a considerate person, for suspecting 
 that the words which provoked it were not altogether unseason- 
 able. But there seems to be a fear entertained, among persons 
 worthy of all respect, of no less an evil than encouragement 
 given to irreverence and lightness on sacred subjects, partly by 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 377 
 
 certain opinions of [Mr. Froude], which would lead Englishmen 
 (it is feared) to disparagement of their Church as it is ; partly 
 by something, in his tone and manner of writing, which many 
 find startling, and can hardly reconcile to themselves. To these 
 persons, and these feelings, a more particular explanation seems 
 due : and such will, therefore, be now attempted, though in no 
 sanguine expectation of satisfying them to any extent ; yet 
 not altogether without hope that in some instances they may 
 be led to suspect their own misgivings, as arising from impulse 
 and habit, rather than from sound and true views of sacred 
 things. 
 
 ' The best way, perhaps, will be to commence by calmly 
 recalling a few plain facts. It is no long time ago, and yet the 
 career of events has been so rapid, that it seems far removed 
 from us : but let us endeavour to realise for a moment the 
 posture of mind -in which sincere Churchmen found themselves, 
 in 1832 and 1833, when the Constitution of the country had 
 been changed by threats of violence, and the cry of Church 
 Reform was being raised with a view to a similar process, and 
 no person knew how much strength it might gather, or by what 
 unscrupulous means it might be enforced. The Liturgy, in 
 particular, seemed to be an object of attack ; and the authority 
 of Bishops was so slighted, both in and out of Parliament, as to 
 make men apprehend that in no long time the whole functions 
 of the Church would be usurped by the State. At that crisis, 
 the writer of these Remains felt in common with not a few 
 others, but with a vividness and keenness of perception almost 
 peculiarly his own, that a call was given, and a time come, for 
 asserting in their simplicity the principles of the only Primitive 
 and True Church : those essential rights and duties which 
 seemed in danger of being surrendered, in mere ignorance, to 
 preserve certain external trappings. He surrendered himself to 
 this feeling, without reserve : he spoke, and wrote, and acted 
 from it continually ; he devoted to it what remained of life 
 and health ; and it seems to have been this, more than anything 
 else (excepting, perhaps, an unaffected mistrust concerning the 
 sincerity and depth of his own repentance), which caused the 
 sort of anxiety to recover, many times traceable in his corre- 
 spondence. To use the words which Walton has reported of 
 
378 HURHELL FROUDE 
 
 Hooker, " he could have wished to live longer, to do the Church 
 more service." 
 
 ' This being so, it cannot but be interesting and useful, now 
 that Providence has brought us a stage or two further on in the 
 warfare which he was among the foremost to commence, to 
 have the means of consulting such a record as the present 
 volumes supply, of the wishes, counsels, and anticipations of a 
 mind so rare as his, concerning the conduct and probable course 
 of the struggle. Those who have been sharers or approving 
 witnesses of the several gatherings (so to call them) which the 
 events of the last six years have occasioned, tending more or 
 less to the revival of old Church principles, will here find many 
 a sentiment which animated them half-unconsciously at the 
 time, not only expressed in a way to sink into men's hearts, 
 but brought out in its full bearings and pursued to its legiti- 
 mate consequences : it was wild inarticulate music before, but 
 now we have the words and the meaning. And conversely, 
 events have been continually happening, which have tended in 
 a remarkable manner to illustrate [Mr. Froude's] remarks and 
 confirm his prognostications : so that, already, many things 
 which sounded paradoxical and over-bold when he first uttered 
 them, may be ventured on with hope of a reasonable degree 
 of acceptance. His sagacity, it begins to be found, did but 
 anticipate the lessons of our experience. If he loved to dwell 
 on the noble act of Convocation in censuring Hoadly, and to 
 forebode the rising of the sun which set so brightly, the great 
 majority of the University of Oxford has since judged a like 
 warning, however painful on personal grounds, yet most 
 necessary, in regard of certain opinions not very unlike Hoadly's. 
 If he speaks what some would call bitterly concerning any 
 party in the State, on account of an hostility to the Church, 
 whether conscious or instinctive, which he thought he discerned 
 in them, it seems now to be generally acknowledged that 
 the subsequent proceedings of that party have been such 
 as to justify a Churchman's aversion. If he had what were 
 then esteemed exaggerated feelings about Parliamentary sup- 
 pression of Bishoprics, we have since seen the sense of the 
 Church so strongly expressed on that subject, as to force from 
 the Legislature the restoration of a See which had been actually 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 379 
 
 extinguished, as far as any act of theirs could extinguish it. 
 If he deprecated the current notions about the necessity of 
 clerical endowments, good connections, and the like, as the most 
 effectual bar to all projects for true Church Extension ; is not 
 the Church in our Colonies, even now, applying for Bishops 
 without endowment ? and are not new Churches being every- 
 where consecrated, at home, with only bare nominal endow- 
 ment? If he had learned of other times to regard each 
 Bishopric as a divinely instituted monarchy, and therefore to 
 condemn all intrusion on episcopal authority, by Parliaments or 
 otherwise, as not only disorderly, but profane, are not the 
 clergy of England even now, in the case of the Church Disci- 
 pline Bill, asserting that same principle against the authority 
 which, personally, they would most revere ? If he had brought 
 himself habitually to contemplate the separation of Church and 
 State as not necessarily a fatal alternative, there have been 
 recent declarations, lay and ecclesiastical, to the same effect, in 
 quarters which cannot be suspected. The Church has been 
 congratulated on having " recovered herself " so far as " to feel 
 her own strength and look to her own resources " ; on having 
 " become sensible that however desirous to act in unison with 
 the State, she can boast of an independent origin, and can, as 
 she has done before, exist in a state of independence." ^ And 
 (to go no further in enumeration at present), if the writer of 
 these Remains thought very seriously of the importance of those 
 arrangements in Divine Service which tend most to remind the 
 worshipper that God's house is a house of prayer and spiritual 
 sacrifice, not of mere instruction, we have but to look around us 
 on the new Churches, and new internal fittings -up of Churches, 
 which are in progress in most parts of the country, to be con- 
 vinced that on this point, also, men sympathise with him to a 
 much greater extent than they did. 
 
 ' Other instances might be mentioned, in which his judge- 
 ment, both of persons and things, has been remarkably verified, 
 even in so short a time ; but these may be sufficient to explain 
 in some measure why his Editors should have been more than 
 usually scrupulous in suppressing any of his deliberate opinions 
 or forebodings, however lightly he might have chosen to express 
 1 [Dean of Chichester's Charge, 1839,] 
 
380 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 them. Long experience had taught them how much meaning 
 and truth lay hid even in his most casual observations on such 
 subjects ; and how probable it was that those who were at first 
 startled by them, would, on mature consideration, find them 
 reasonable and right. And whereas it has been truly ob- 
 served, both in friendly and unfriendly quarters, that the 
 development of old principles, which now seems to be advancing, 
 is not such as to be accounted for by the efforts of any 
 particular individuals (it is something in the air, something 
 going on in all places at once, and in spite of all precautions) ; 
 it seemed a circumstance worth remarking, that it should have 
 been thus anticipated and rehearsed in a single mind : a mind 
 of itself inclined to rationalism, but checked first in that process, 
 and finally won from it, by resolute and implicit submission to 
 the lessons and rules of the Church in England, and rewarded 
 (if we may humbly judge) for such submission, by a more than 
 ordinary insight into the true claims of the Universal Church, 
 and the means of improving to the utmost our high privilege of 
 being yet in her Communion. 
 
 ' One who knew and appreciated him well (whatever sub- 
 ordinate differences might exist between them), and whose 
 honoured name it is now more than ever a satisfaction to join 
 with his, — the late lamented Mr. Rose, — used to say of him, 
 that he was " not afraid of inferences " : meaning, as it would 
 seem, that he was gifted with a remarkable fearlessness in 
 regard of conclusions, when once his premisses were thoroughly 
 made good. To see his way rapidly and acutely, was common 
 to [Mr. Froude] with many : but to venture along it with un- 
 compromising faith, was, in a degree, peculiar to himself 
 Perhaps it was this quality, humanly speaking, which kept 
 him always somewhat in advance of his time, and of those 
 with whom he most cordially acted. However, since it was in 
 him consistent, bearing fruit in action as well as in speculation, 
 and causing him to deny himself as unsparingly as he contra- 
 dicted popular opinions, it does seem to give all views of his 
 a peculiar claim to consideration, on the part of those who 
 agree with him in first principles. There will always be a fair 
 presumption, previous to inquiry, that his conclusions are the 
 legitimate result of propositions which we admit in common 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 381 
 
 with him, but which we have not as yet the courage to follow 
 up as he did : not to dwell on the moral nobleness of such 
 fearless and devout adherence to the Truth. It is the very 
 description of Faith " to obey and go out, not knowing whither 
 it goes " ; and a character of which that is the principal mark, 
 is surely not ili-fitted to exemplify what the whole Church may 
 soon be called on to practise. So far, in his papers and life 
 we seem to have, as it were, embodied a type of the kind of 
 resistance due to the spirit of this age on the part of the 
 Catholic Church, and of all her dutiful children. Could it be 
 right, merely through dread of censure incurred, or disturbance 
 given, to suppress such a document, providentially coming into 
 our hands ? 
 
 ' Now when the great principle of Catholicism, Quod semper, 
 quod ubique, quod ab omnibus, had once rooted itself in the mind 
 of a person thus determined not to flinch from results ; when 
 he had once come to be convinced that the only safe way for 
 the Church is to go back to the times of universal consent, so 
 far as that is possible, inasmuch as such universal consent is no 
 doubtful indication of His Will, in Whom we are all one Body, 
 — would he not naturally go on and say to himself: " If I lay 
 down this rule on one question, I shall not be dealing fairly 
 with myself, honestly with my opponents, reverently with Him 
 to Whom I am virtually appealing, except I carry the same 
 mode of reasoning into all other questions also, wherein it is 
 applicable ? Accepting the Church's interpretation of Scripture 
 as to the necessity of real outward Baptism, I must accept it, 
 also, as to the connection of the Gift of Regeneration exclu- 
 sively with Baptism ; accepting her view of the Sacrament of 
 the Holy Eucharist, I must not decline her doctrine of the 
 accompanying Sacrifice, gathered from the same Liturgies and 
 the same interpretation of Holy Scripture ; believing her con- 
 cerning the genuineness of the Bible, I must believe her also 
 concerning a transmitted Priesthood ; taking it on trust from 
 her Creeds that such and such is the only true account of the 
 doctrines of the Bible, I may not doubt her consistent and 
 perpetual witness that such and such are the right rules for 
 interpreting the same holy Book ; I believe, because she assures 
 me, that Bishops only have the right to ordain ; must I not 
 
382 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 believe her equally positive assurance that Excommunication 
 is also theirs by exclusive and indefeasible right, and that it is 
 no true Eucharist which is not consecrated by hands which 
 they have authorised ? " These are instances of the manner 
 in which the Author of these papers reasoned ; and certainly, 
 at first sight, there seems to be much force in his mode of 
 reasoning ; the onus probandi seems cast on those who demur 
 to it. It seems, if it were not for its practical consequences, 
 more satisfactory than the summary ways of dealing with such 
 matters, which we find not seldom adopted ; fairer and more 
 ingenuous than the saying : " Times are altered ; it might be 
 all right then, but it does not follow that it is so now " ; more 
 reverential than the other saying : " The Fathers were good 
 sort of men, but no number of fallible beings can make an 
 infallible Church " ; more in harmony with Scripture and with 
 God's general Providence, than to dismiss such portions of the 
 ancient system as we think proper, with the aphorism : " It 
 may be, and has been abused, and therefore is best let alone." 
 And having all these advantages, it seemed to him part of 
 Faith to suppose that, in the end, it would prove also the best 
 and most effective way of maintaining the Truth of God against 
 superstition and idolatry, as well as against scepticism and pro- 
 fane exaltation of reason. 
 
 ' But further : such a mind as is here supposed, thoroughly 
 uncompromising in its Catholicity, would feel deeply that as 
 ancient consent binds the person admitting it alike to all 
 doctrines, interpretations, and usages, for which it can be truly 
 alleged ; so there is something less tangible and definite, though 
 not less real than any of these, which no less demands his 
 dutiful veneration, and to which he is bound to conform himself 
 in practice : that is to say, the cast of thought and tone of 
 character of the Primitive Church, its way of judging, behaving, 
 expressing itself, on practical matters, great and small, as they 
 occur. For what, in fact, is this character, but what an 
 Apostle once called it : " the mind of Jesus Christ " Himself, 
 by the secret inspiration of His Spirit communicated to His 
 whole mystical Body, informing, guiding, moving it, as He will ? 
 A sacred and awful truth : of which whoever is seriously aware 
 will surely be very backward to question or discuss the propriety 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 383 
 
 of any sentiment allowed to be general in Christian antiquity, 
 how remote soever from present views and usages ; much more, 
 to treat it with anything like contempt or bitterness. 
 
 ' Should it appear to him, for example, that the Ancient 
 Church took in their literal and obvious meaning those ex- 
 pressions of Our Saviour and of St. Paul, which recommend 
 celibacy as the more excellent way, so as to give honour to 
 those who voluntarily so abode, that they might wait on the 
 Lord ; and in particular, to assume that the clergy should 
 rather, of the two, be unmarried than married : — he will not 
 permit the prejudices of a later time to hinder him from 
 honouring those whom his Lord so delighted to honour; he 
 will consider that the same cast of thought which leads men to 
 scorn religious celibacy, will certainly prevent marriage also, 
 which they profess to honour, from being strictly religious. 
 Should he find that the records of the Fathers bear witness in 
 every page to their literal observance of the duty of fasting, 
 and the high importance which they attached to it, it is not the 
 titles of Jewish, Pharisaical, self-righteous, nor yet that of ascetic 
 (more widely dreaded than all 1) which will deter him from 
 obeying his conscience in that particular. Should he perceive 
 that the counsels and demeanour of the holy men of old towards 
 heretics and other sinners, correspond much more truly with 
 the Apostolic rule, " Put away from among yourselves that 
 wicked person," than with the liberal and unscrupulous inter- 
 course which respectable persons now practise, for peace, and 
 quietness, and good-nature's sake ; it is a conviction which 
 cannot but widely influence both his judgment of other times, 
 and his conduct towards his contemporaries. It will lead to 
 many a sentence that will sound harsh, and many a step that 
 will be counted austere ; it will cause him often to shock those by 
 whom he would greatly wish to be approved ; and yet, thus he 
 must judge and act, if he will be true to his own principle, and 
 conform himself throughout to that Will of God which the 
 consent of those purer ages indicates. 
 
 ' Another very distinguishable circumstance in the tone and 
 manner of the early Church is its reverential reserve with 
 regard to holy things : of all its characteristics apparently the 
 most unaccountable to the spirit of the present age. This also 
 
384 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 we may expect to discover in a true, courageous, consistent 
 follower of the ancients : not so much by any conscious 
 endeavour of his, as because it will come to him instinctively, 
 as some birds are said to contrive ways for enticing observers 
 away from their nests. And because it is reserve, we may 
 expect now and then to be startled at the very form of it. The 
 nature of the thing excludes conventional expressions, and 
 drives people, often, on such as are rather paradoxical ; deep 
 reverence will occasionally veil itself, as it were, for a moment, 
 even under the mask of its opposite, as earnest affection is 
 sometimes known to do. Any expedient, almost, will be 
 adopted by a person who enters with all his heart into this 
 portion of the ancient character, rather than he will contradict 
 that character altogether by a bare, unscrupulous, flaunting 
 display of sacred things or good thoughts. 
 
 ' Once more : he who makes up his mind really to take 
 Antiquity for his guide, will feel that he must be continually 
 realising the presence of a wonder-working God ; his mind 
 must be awake to the possibility of special providences, 
 miraculous interferences, supernatural warnings, and tokens of 
 the divine Purpose, and also to indications of other unseen 
 agency, both good and bad, relating to himself and others : 
 subjects of this sort, if a man be consistent, must fill up a 
 larger portion of his thoughts and affections, and influence his 
 conduct far more materially, than the customs and opinions of 
 this age would readily permit. 
 
 ' Other particulars might be mentioned ; but these which 
 have been enumerated are surely sufficient to teach persons a 
 little caution how they apply the readily occurring words, " over- 
 strained, fanatical, ascetic, bigoted," to notions and practices 
 such as have been now alluded to. Previous to examination, 
 they cannot be sure that any such notion or practice is not a 
 development of the character which Our Lord from the 
 beginning willed should be impressed on His Church. If we 
 have not the boldness to take it on ourselves, and follow the 
 Lamb whithersoever He goeth, at least let us not throw 
 stumbling-blocks in the way of those who are more courage- 
 ously disposed ! When a thing is fairly proved superstitious, 
 uncharitable, ascetic in a bad sense, unwarranted by Scripture 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 385 
 
 and Antiquity, then let it be blamed and rejected, not before ; 
 lest we incur such a rebuke as he did, who, with more zeal 
 than knowledge, would have prevented Our Lord Himself, as 
 these would the least of His brethren and members, from 
 taking up and bearing the Cross. It was in love to Christ 
 that he remonstrated ; yet what was Christ's reproof? " Get 
 thee behind Me, Satan ; thou art an offence unto Me ; for 
 thou savourest not the things that be of God, but the things 
 that be of men. . . ." 
 
 ' We should not, perhaps, be duly thankful for so much of 
 the Apostolical Ritual, preserved to us by a gracious Pro- 
 vidence, if we were not sometimes called on to take notice how 
 narrowly we have escaped losing the whole : neither, again, 
 can our escape be rightly appreciated, without taking into the 
 account the tendency of the school to which our Reformers 
 had joined themselves, and the little dependence that could 
 be placed on their love of Antiquity, as a safeguard against 
 that evil tendency. All this, of course, implies that whatever 
 praise and admiration may be due to individuals, both some of 
 the principles of the movement which is called the Reformation, 
 in the several countries of Europe, and in parts also, the tone 
 of character which it encouraged, were materially opposed to 
 those of the Early Church. At the risk of prolonging these 
 remarks, already much longer than is desirable in a Preface, 
 a few heads shall be mentioned, to which [Mr. Froude] would 
 probably have referred, as mainly accounting for his feelings on 
 this matter. 
 
 ' First of all, he would have complained of their tone with 
 regard to the Apostolical Succession ; not this or that writer 
 only, but the general body who favoured that cause, treating it 
 as no better than a politic invention to secure the influence of 
 Church governors, in the absence of true doctrine and visible 
 spiritual gifts. Nor would he probably have thought this 
 charge answered . by any number of quotations from their 
 writings, apparently tending the contrary way : because, where 
 opposite sets of quotations may be adduced from the same 
 writer, and from compositions of the same date, either his 
 opinions are so far neutralised, or we must ascertain by his 
 
 2S 
 
386 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 conduct, his connections, the cast of his sentiments generally, 
 and such other evidence as we can get, in which of the two 
 statements he was overruled, and in which left to the free 
 expression of his own mind. By the same mode of inquiry, 
 he would come to judge unfavourably of their tenets about 
 Sacramental Grace, especially in the Holy Eucharist; about 
 the Power of the Keys, and the sacredness of the ancient 
 Discipline ; and about State interference in matters spiritual ; 
 although in this latter point, especially, their conduct spoke 
 out for them too plainly to admit of any construction but one. 
 Anyone who pleases, may verify or contradict the impressions 
 of [Mr. Froude] on these and similar points, by simply ex- 
 amining the remains of the principal Reformers, with such 
 cautions as are above indicated. Until he has done so, and 
 satisfied himself that those impressions were not merely 
 erroneous, but such as no student of tolerable fairness could 
 adopt, it may be questioned whether he has much right broadly 
 and positively to condemn [Mr. Froude], for wishing " to have 
 nothing to do with such a set." 
 
 ' And this more especially, if he take into consideration, 
 likewise, certain less palpable but not less substantial differ- 
 ences in the way of thinking and moral sentiment, which 
 separate the Reformers from the Fathers, more widely, perhaps, 
 than any definite statements of doctrine. Compare the sayings 
 and manner of the two schools on the subjects of fasting, 
 celibacy, religious vows, voluntary retirement and contempla- 
 tion, the memory of the Saints, rites and ceremonies recom- 
 mended by Antiquity, and involving any sort of self-denial, 
 and especially on the great point of giving men divine know- 
 ledge, and introducing holy associations, not indiscriminately, 
 but as men are able to bear it : there can be little doubt that, 
 generally speaking, the tone of the fourth century is so unlike 
 that of the sixteenth, on each and all of these topics, that it 
 is absolutely impossible for the same mind to sympathise with 
 both. You must choose between the two lines : they are not 
 only diverging, but contrary. 
 
 ' But some say : " Whether right or wrong in his views, 
 [Mr. Froude] ought not to have spoken so rudely of these 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 387 
 
 subjects " : and this brings us to the second head of offence, his 
 way of expressing his sentiments on grave matters, generally. 
 Such censurers appear to forget that his feelings are conveyed 
 to us in familiar Letters, and of course, as his other Remains 
 prove, in a different tone and manner from that which he 
 would have adopted had he been preparing to give the 
 expression of them to the world : not, however, more unsuited 
 to the occasion than the epistolary tone and manner of very 
 many imaginative persons, on points concerning which, never- 
 theless, they feel the deepest and most serious interest. This 
 however, it may be thought, is only shifting the blame from 
 him on his Editors. But it will be found that his phrases, 
 however sportive, or even flippant, in their sound, had each 
 their own distinct meaning, embodied his views, and the 
 reasons of them, often in a wonderfully brief space, and could 
 not be omitted without much loss of instruction, and frequent 
 risk of missing their point and meaning. Like proverbial 
 modes of speech, they were, of course, not always to be taken 
 literally, though the principle they contained might be true in 
 its fullest extent. Thus he onde told a friend that he was 
 " with the Romanists in religion, and against them in politics." 
 Again he says, in a letter to a friend : " When I come home, I 
 mean to read and write all sorts of things ; for now that one is 
 a Radical, there is no use in being nice ! " In another : " We 
 will have a vocabularium apostolicum, and I will start it with 
 four words : ' pampered aristocrats,' ' resident gentlemen,' 
 ' smug parsons,' ' pauperes Christi! I shall use the first on 
 all occasions ; it seems to me just to hit the thing. How is it 
 we are so much in advance of our generation ? " ^ 
 
 ' Next, the reader is requested to consider whether a good 
 deal of what has startled him in that way may not be accounted 
 for by the nature of elpwveia : not mere ludicrous irony, accord- 
 ing to the popular English sense of that word, but a kind of 
 Socratic reserve, an instinctive dissembling of his own high 
 feelings and notions, partly through fear of deceiving himself 
 and others, partly (though it may sound paradoxical) out of 
 very reverence, giving up at once all notion of doing justice 
 to sacred subjects, and shrinking from nothing so much as, the 
 
 ' [Xemains, part i., i., 306, 329.] 
 
388 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 disparagement of them by any kind of affectation. This 
 whole topic admits of forcible illustration from different 
 persons' ways of reading sacred compositions. There is an 
 apparently unconcerned mode of enunciation, which in fact 
 arises from people's realising, or at least trying to realise, their 
 own utter incompetency to speak such words aright. Again, 
 of all the serious persons in the world, it is probable that no 
 two could be found who would thoroughly enter into each 
 other's tones and expression. We must have a little faith 
 in our neighbour's earnestness, in order not to think his reading 
 affected. A little consideration will perhaps show that most 
 of what some might be tempted to call harsh, or coarse, or 
 irreverent in this work, may be accounted for in the manner 
 here indicated : e.g., [Mr. Froude's] playful custom of speaking 
 of his own and his friends' proceedings in the language which 
 an enemy would adopt : calling himself and his friends 
 " ecclesiastical agitators," their plans for doing good " a con- 
 spiracy," and the effect of them " poisoning people's minds " : 
 and his use of cant schoolboy words, which no doubt has 
 disgusted many, may be referred to the same head. 
 
 ' Often, indeed, he seemed instinctively to put his own or 
 his friends' views and characters in the most objectionable 
 light in which they could be represented, as if to show that 
 he was fully aware of the popular view which would be taken 
 of what he approved, or the arguments against it which would 
 seem plausible to the many ; and that he was not in the least 
 moved by it. Thus he somewhere utters a wish that " the 
 ' march of mind ' in France might yet prove a bloody one." 
 Elsewhere he regrets " that anything should be done to avert 
 what seems our only chance : ^ a spoliation on a large scale ! " 
 Thus he habitually forced his mind to face the worst con- 
 sequences or the most unfavourable aspect of his own wish 
 or opinion, the most obnoxious associations with which it could 
 be connected : and therefore used terms expressive of those 
 consequences or associations. It was one form of his horror 
 of self-deceit. Put these things together : add also the fertility 
 of his mind, his humour, his pointed mode of expression, 
 his consciousness of fearless integrity, his hatred of half-truths 
 ' The only chance, i.e., of disestablishment as a Church. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 389 
 
 and cowardly veils, his confidence in his friends' understanding 
 him and allowing for him : and it will be found that they 
 go far towards explaining the manner, just as the principle 
 of adhering to Antiquity accounts for the matter, of what he 
 says. But if after due allowance made for all these things, 
 there should still remain more than we can easily reconcile 
 ourselves to, in the way either of severity, or of seeming 
 rudeness of speech ; coldness where we expected fervour, and 
 criticism where we looked for sympathy ; we shall do well to 
 remember, that the fault, if there be a fault, is not necessarily 
 all on [Mr. Froude's] side : it may be right to suspend our 
 judgment, till we have ascertained whether these things be 
 not in fact due to the character of Christian Antiquity, which 
 he might be unconsciously realising in greater perfection than 
 his age could yet bear. 
 
 ' Does there yet remain something that troubles us, some- 
 thing that we cannot at all explain? We must not forget 
 (it is a deep and high allusion, but not, it is humbly trusted, 
 altogether irrelevant to this case), that, as all other mani- 
 festations of Our Lord, so those which He has vouchsafed to 
 make of Himself in His Saints, have ever been more or less 
 mysterious and unaccountable. Which of the great Scripture 
 characters is there, whose conduct, even that part of it which 
 the Holy Spirit seems to mention approvingly, is not, in some 
 respect or another, a riddle and a paradox to us, with our 
 modern views ? Are there not things recorded of the Ancient 
 Church which we know not how to enter into, yet must needs 
 venerate because she gave them her sanction ? Nay, and is 
 it not very conceivable that every one of those approved in 
 God's sight would be in like manner, were his history fully 
 disclosed, " a monster " (as the Psalmist phrases it) to every 
 other ? that Faith is necessary, in a degree, for our holding 
 by Christ in any one of His members, as it is the great 
 requisite whereby we keep hold of Him our Head? These 
 remarks are, of course, hypothetical: nothing is asserted of 
 peculiar sanctity in any one: only it seemed advisable to 
 remind men, that where there are appearances in one part of 
 a character of holiness and self-denial in a remarkable degree, 
 there we may expect, by a kind of law of God's Providence, 
 
390 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 to find, in other matters, something very much beside our 
 expectations, and unlike our own moral taste. 
 
 ' At the same time, it should not be forgotten that there 
 are persons in the world to whom this very disposition to 
 irony and playfulness, and what we may perhaps call a 
 certain youthfulness of expression, serves to recommend [Mr. 
 Froude's] views, and attract them to him. That seeming 
 lightness, which was natural to him, is natural also to some 
 others, perhaps not a few : and it is useful that they should 
 have the means of knowing that it is not inconsistent with 
 high and earnest thoughts of things invisible, and strict rules 
 of Christian obedience. 
 
 ' After all, it is not to anything that we see, or that the 
 world is likely to see, that we look for the effect of these 
 Remains. Jf there be any who brood over them in secret, 
 who have found them implant a sort of sting in their bosoms, 
 who feel that it would have been a privilege to know their 
 author, and watch his ways of discipline and obedience; and 
 if they had known him, to remember him afterwards, and say 
 silently, Heu, quanta minus est cum reliquis versari, quam tui 
 meminisse ! if there be any, who have an eye for all that is 
 exquisite and beautiful in Nature and art, yet gladly turn 
 away from all to admire any plain downright specimen of 
 self-denial and obedience in the little ones of Jesus Christ; 
 if any person dwell with regretful love on parents, kindred, 
 home, friends, humbling himself all along with remembrance 
 of past unworthiness, and disparagement of them, yet more 
 willing, as he values them more, to part with them for the 
 Church's sake : — that is the sort of reader to whose judgement, 
 if to any human, the Editors of these Remains would appeal, 
 from the prejudices, religious and political, of the day. But 
 who they are that will so read, and how much they will be 
 profited, may not be known in this world.' 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 391 
 
 From 'Reminiscences chiefly of Oriel College and 
 THE Oxford Movement,' by the Rev. T. Mozlev, 
 M.A. 2 vols. Longmans, Green & Co., 1882.1 
 
 [By the kind permission of Mrs. T. Mozley, and of Messrs. Longmans & Co.] 
 
 ' If there ever could be any question as to the master spirit 
 of this Movement, which now would be a very speculative 
 question indeed, it lies between John Henry Newman and 
 Ridiard Hurrell Froude. Froude was a man, such as there 
 are now and then, of whom it is impossible for those that have 
 known him to speak without exceeding the bounds of common 
 admiration and affection. He was elder brother of William, 
 the distinguished engineer, who died lately, after rendering, 
 and while still rendering, most important services to the 
 Admiralty, and of Anthony, the well-known historian, the sons 
 of Archdeacon Froude, a scholar and no mean artist. Richard 
 came to Oriel from Eton, a school which does not make every 
 boy a scholar, if it even tries to do so, but which somehow 
 implants in every nature a generous ambition of one kind or 
 other. 
 
 ' As an undergraduate, he waged a ruthless war against 
 sophistry and loud talk, and he gibbeted one or two victims, 
 labelling their sophisms with their names. Elected to a Fellow- 
 ship, and now the companion of Newman and Pusey, not to 
 speak of elders and juniors, he had to wield his weapons more 
 reverentially and warily. But he had no wish to do otherwise. . . . 
 Froude's voice combined the gravity and authority of age with 
 all the charms of youth, for he might be at once reasoning with 
 a senate, and amusing a circle of children. . . . He was a bold 
 rider. He would take a good leap when he had the chance, 
 and would urge his friends to follow him, mostly in vain. . . , 
 Froude delighted in taking his friends for a gallop in Blenheim 
 Park, to the no small peril of indifferent riders, for the horses 
 became wild, and went straight under the low hanging branches 
 of the wide-spreading oaks. 
 
 ' His figure and manner were such as to command the con- 
 
 1 These extracts are much scattered in the original, hence not strictly consecutive 
 in their piecing together. 
 
392 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 fidence and affection of those about him. Tall, erect, very 
 thin, never resting or sparing himself, investigating and ex- 
 plaining with unwearied energy, incisive in his language, and 
 with a certain fiery force of look and tone, he seemed a sort of 
 angelic presence to weaker natures. He slashed at the shams, 
 phrases, and disguises in which the lazy or the pretentious veil 
 their real ignorance or folly. His features readily expressed 
 every varying mood of playfulness, -sadness, and awe. There 
 were those about him who would rather writhe under his most 
 cutting sarcasms than miss their part in the workings of his 
 sympathy and genius. 
 
 ' Froude was a Tory, with that transcendental idea of the 
 English gentleman which forms the basis of Toryism. He was 
 a High Churchman of the uncompromising school, very early 
 taking part with Anselm, Becket, Laud, and the Nonjurors. 
 Woe to anyone who dropped in his hearing such phrases as 
 the Dark Ages, superstition, bigotry, right of private judgement, 
 enlightenment, march of mind, or progress. When a stray man 
 of science fell back on " law," or a " subtle medium," or any 
 other device for making matter its own lord and master, it was 
 as if a fox had broken cover: there ensued a chase and no 
 mercy. Luxury, show, and even comfort he despised and de- 
 nounced. He very consistently urged that the expenses of 
 Eton should be kept down so low as to enable every ordinary 
 incumbent to send his sons there to be trained for the ministry. 
 All his ideas of College life were frugal and ascetic. Having 
 need of a press for his increasing papers and books, he had 
 one made of plain deal. It must have been Woodgate who 
 came in one day, and finding some red chalk, ornamented the 
 press with grotesque figures, which long were there. Froude 
 and Newman induced several of the Fellows to discontinue 
 wine in the Common Room. As they had already had a 
 glass or two at the high table, they did not require more. 
 There was only one objection to the discontinuance, but it was 
 fatal at last; and that was its inconvenience when strangers 
 were present. This preference of tea to wine was no great 
 innovation in Oriel. When I came up at Easter, 1825, one 
 of the first standing jokes against the College, all over the 
 University, was the " Oriel teapot," supposed to be always ready. 
 
HURRELI. FROUDE 393 
 
 the centre of the Oriel circle, and its special inspiration. How 
 there ever came to be such an idea I cannot guess, but wherever 
 I went, when I passed the wine, I was asked whether I would 
 not prefer some tea, much to the amusement of the table. 
 
 ' Self-renunciation in every form [Froude] could believe in ; 
 most of all in a gentleman, particularly one of a good Devon- 
 shire family. His acquaintance with country gentlemen had 
 been special, perhaps fortunate. He had not been in the north ^ 
 of England, in the eastern counties, or in the midlands. It was 
 therefore in perfect simplicity that, upon hearing one day the 
 description of a new member in the Reformed Parliament, he 
 exclaimed : "Fancy a gentleman not knowing Greek !" I chanced 
 one day to drop, most inconsiderately, that all were born alike, 
 and that they were made what they are by circumstances and 
 education. Never did I hear the end of that. No retraction 
 or qualification would avail. . . . 
 
 '. . . In July, 1832, the History of the Avians was ready 
 for the press, and as Newman was now relieved of his College 
 duties, he was more a man of leisure than he had ever been, 
 and was also in more need of rest. Hurrell Froude (as Richard 
 was always called, though there was another Hurrell in the 
 family) had now to submit to be ruled by his anxious relatives. 
 He must spend the winter on the Mediterranean and its shores, 
 . . . and Newman was easily persuaded to go with him. In these 
 days, it requires little persuasion to induce ordinary people who 
 happen to be free from pressing engagements, to accept the 
 offer of a Continental trip, especially southward, in the winter. 
 But this did rather take Newman's friends by surprise: the 
 only reason they could suppose was his great anxiety for 
 Hurrell Froude. . . . He never made a tour for pleasure's sake, 
 for health's sake, or for change's sake. He did move about a 
 good deal, but it was to the country parsonages to which so 
 many of his friends were early relegated. . . . 
 
 ' ... It must have been soon after Froude's return from the 
 Mediterranean that I had with him one of our old talks about 
 architecture. He was as devoted to science and as loyal to it 
 as any materialist could be. But architecture and science are 
 very apt to be at variance, and Froude was always disposed to 
 ' An error. He was not so well acquainted with the North, however. 
 
394 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 side with the latter. As for Greek architecture, there is no 
 science in it except the mystery of proportion and a certain 
 preternatural and overpowering conception of beauty. The 
 Temple of Egesta, which won the hearts of our travellers, has 
 no more science in its construction than Stonehenge. But 
 Roman architecture was for all the world, for its gods as well 
 as for its mortals. The arch, and still more the vault, were 
 mighty bounds into the time to come. 
 
 ' Always leaning on tradition where possible, Froude wished 
 to believe the pointed arch the natural suggestion of a row of 
 round arches seen in perspective. Of course, a deep round arch 
 in a thick wall only shows its roundness when you stand 
 directly before it, but seems pointed from any other direction. 
 I remember ventilating this idea to Sir Richard Westmacott 
 and Turner, the great painter, at the former's table, and I re- 
 member also the great contempt with which the latter dismissed 
 such mechanical ideas from the realm of the picturesque. But 
 it was the dome that chiefly exercised Froude's mind. It was 
 a positive pain to him that so grand a building as the Parthenon 
 should have been constructed, as he believed, in such ignorance 
 of science. His notion was that if Agrippa had known the 
 qualities of the catenary curve he would have used it, instead 
 of the semi-circular curve ; that is, in this instance, the spherical 
 vault. . . . Had any common utilitarian made such a suggestion 
 I should not have thought it worth notice. I only mention it 
 as showing the scientific character of Froude's tastes. The 
 objections are obvious and overwhelming. In the first place, 
 beauty must lead in architecture, and construction must obey. 
 . . . Spherical domes are the crux and the pitfall of architecture. 
 They involve false construction and positive deception. . . . 
 Froude had a soul for beauty; but he did not like shams. 
 He did not like a thing to seem what it was not. Few build- 
 ings are prepared to stand such a test. Amiens Cathedral, for 
 example, the first love of the English tourist, is nothing more 
 than an iron cage filled in with stone. . . . Robert Wilberfor.ee 
 had been much impressed with Cologne Cathedral and with 
 the galleries of early art at Munich. It is an illustration of the 
 turning of the tide, and of the many smaller causes contributing 
 to the Movement, that in 1829, German agents (one of them 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 395 
 
 with a special introduction to Robert Wilberforce) filled Oxford 
 with very beautiful and interesting tinted lithographs of mediaeval 
 paintings, which have probably, long ere this, found their way to 
 a thousand parsonages : a good many to Brompton Oratory ! 
 .... About the same time, there came an agent from Cologne 
 with very large and beautiful reproductions of the original de- 
 sign for the Cathedral, which it was proposed to set to work 
 on, with a faint hope of completing it before the end of the 
 century. Froude gave thirty guineas for a set of the drawings, 
 went wild over them, and infected not a few of his friends with 
 mediaeval architecture. As an instance of the way in which 
 religious sentiment was now beginning to be disassociated from 
 practical bearings and necessities, Froude would frequently 
 mention the exquisitely finished details at York Minster and 
 other Churches, in situations where no eye but the eye of 
 Heaven could possibly reach them. , . . He was most deeply 
 interested in architecture, but it is plain that he was more 
 penetrated and inspired by St. Peter's ^ than even by Cologne 
 Cathedral. After spending three days with me in taking 
 measurements, tracings, mouldings, and sketches of St. Giles 
 at Oxford, one of the purest specimens of Early English, he 
 devoted a good deal of time at Barbados to designing some 
 homely Tuscan addition to Codrington College. . . . 
 
 ' It was now [1833] deep in Long Vacation, but no period 
 in the annals of Oxford was ever more pregnant with con- 
 sequences than the next two months. The returning travellers 
 had lost time. The world had got the start of them, and 
 they had to make up for it. Froude's imagination teemed 
 with new ideas, new projects, topics likely to tell or worth 
 trying; to be tried, indeed, and found variously successful. 
 They came from him like a shower of meteors, bursting 
 out of a single spot in a clear sky, for they had been 
 pent up. Every post had brought the travellers some account 
 of fresh " atrocities." The Examiner was the only paper 
 
 ' The preference for the style of the Italian Renaissance came to be shared by 
 other faithless Oxonians, as all the world knows, particularly, for practical reasons, 
 by Newman, Faber, and the whole English Oratorian group. It must seem a dis- 
 tinct note of impending degeneracy in Froude, to those who have the heart to 
 distrust him. 
 
396 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 that talked sense. Conservative Churchism Froude now 
 utterly abhorred. In passing through France, he had listened 
 with hopefulness to the dream that a deeper descent into 
 republicanism than that represented by Louis Philippe, would 
 land that country in High Churchism. How could the Church 
 of England now be saved ? By working out the oath of 
 canonical obedience ? By a lay synod, pending the apostasy 
 of Parliament? By a race of clergy living less like country 
 gentlemen ? By dealing in some way or other with the 
 appointment of Bishops ? By a systematic revival of religion 
 in large towns ; in particular, by colleges of unmarried priests ? 
 By Excommunication ? By working upon the pauperes Christi ? 
 By writing up the early Puritans, who had so much to say for 
 themselves against the tyranny of Elizabeth ? By preaching 
 Apostolic Succession ? By the high sacramental doctrine ? 
 By attacking State interference in matters spiritual ? By an 
 apostolic vocabulary giving everything its right name? By 
 recalling the memory of the Gregorian age ? 
 
 ' It was perhaps a happy diversion of his thoughts that he 
 had so much to say on other topics, such as architecture, and 
 the construction of ships and dock-gates. It was now plain 
 that he had brought home with him not only his own fervid 
 temperament, but some of the heat of sunny climes, where 
 indeed he had not taken proper care of his health, or any care 
 at all. Like most other Englishmen, he would not be indoors 
 by sunset, or put on warmer clothing when the thermometer 
 dropped 20 or 30°. It happened to be an exceptionally cold 
 winter in the Mediterranean. As far as regards health, the 
 experiment had been a failure. 
 
 ' One thing, however, is quite clear from his Letters and 
 other remains ; and, as he was all this time somewhat in advance 
 of Newman, it has a bearing on his mental history. Froude 
 came home even more utterly set against Roman Catholics 
 than he had been before. His conclusion was that they held 
 the Truth in unrighteousness ; that they were " wretched 
 Tridentines everywhere," and of course, ever since the Re- 
 formation ; that the conduct and behaviour of the clergy was 
 such that it was impossible they could believe what they 
 professed, that they were idolaters in the sense of substituting 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 397 
 
 easy and good-natured divinities for the God of Truth and 
 Holiness. 
 
 'Froude stayed in England just long enough to take a 
 present part in the great Movement, and to contribute to it, 
 and then, as he sorrowfully said of himself, " like the man who 
 ' fled full soon, on the first of June, but bade the rest keep 
 fighting,' " he found himself compelled by his friends to leave 
 England for the West Indies. 
 
 ' All these vivid expressions, delivered with the sincerity of 
 a noble child or a newly-converted savage, chimed in with 
 Newman's state of feeling, and struck deep into his very being, 
 to bring forth fruit. Yet in neither Froude nor Newman 
 could now be discovered the least suspicion of what these 
 outbursts might lead to, for at every point they found Rome 
 irreconcilable and impossible. 
 
 ' Froude, who had now bidden farewell to Toryism, much 
 in the same key as he had written of old Tyre and the Cities 
 of the Plain, was contributing to the Tracts, from Barbados, 
 and also freely criticising them when they seemed ta him 
 to temporise, or to fall into modern conventionalisms. In 
 fact he was keeping Newman, nothing loth, up to the 
 mark. 
 
 ' In May, 1835, he returned from Barbados. On landing, 
 he found a letter from Newman calling him to Oxford, where 
 there were several friends soon to part for the Long Vacation. 
 His brother Anthony was summoned from his private tutor, 
 Mr. Hubert Cornish. Froude came, full of energy and fire, 
 sunburnt, but a shadow. The tale of his health was soon 
 told. He had a " button in his throat " which he could not 
 get rid of, but he talked incessantly. With a positive hunger 
 for intellectual difficulties, he had been studying Babbage's 
 calculating machine, and he explained, at a pace which seemed 
 to accelerate itself, its construction, its performances, its failures, 
 and its certain limits. Few, if any, could follow him, still less 
 could they find an opening for aught they had to say, or to 
 beg a minute's law. He never could realise the laggard pace 
 of duller intelligences. I have not the least doubt he did 
 his best to explain Babbage's machine to his black Euclid 
 
398 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 class at Codrington College, and that without ever ascertaining 
 the result in their minds. . . . 
 
 ' . . , Froude was brimful of irony, and always ready to 
 surprise and even shock men of a slower temperament, when 
 he could by a smile smooth or disarm them. As he talked, 
 so he wrote in his letters. The Editors of his Remains were 
 under a temptation, which they construed into a necessity, 
 to reproduce him as he really had been, to the very words and 
 the life, and let his words take- their chance. Upon the 
 whole, they were right; for no one ever charged, or could 
 now charge, on Froude, that his expressions had brought 
 anyone to Rome, or could doubt that Froude himself was 
 Anglican to the last. . . . 
 
 ' . . . There had never been seen at Oxford, indeed seldom 
 anywhere, so large and noble a sacrifice of the most precious 
 gifts and powers to a sacred cause. The men who were 
 devoting themselves to it were not bred for the work, or from 
 one school. They were not literary toilers or adventurers 
 glad of a chance, or veterans ready to take to one task as 
 lightly as to another, equally zealous to do their duty, and 
 equally indifferent to the form. They were not men of the 
 common rank, casting a die for promotion. They were not 
 levies or conscripts, but in every sense volunteers. Pusey, 
 Keble, and Newman had each an individuality capable of a 
 development, and a part beyond that of any former scholar, 
 poet, or theologian in the Church of England. Each lost 
 quite as much as he gained by the joint action of the three. 
 It is hard to say what Froude might have been, or might 
 not have been, had he lived but a few more years, and been 
 content to cast in his lot with common mortals bound by 
 conditions of place and time.' 
 
 From ' The British Critic and Quarterly Theological 
 Review,' April, 1 840. [By the Rev. T. Mozley.] ^ 
 
 ' Mr. Froude's Editors have now taken another step in 
 what they consider their sacred duty to their friend who is 
 not dead, but sleepeth, and to the Church, by presenting the 
 
 ' a review of Froude's Remains, part ii. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 399 
 
 Catholic reader with the second instalment of his Remains. 
 The contents of the present collection are, like those of the 
 first, very miscellaneous, and rather fragments and sketches 
 than complete compositions. This, of course, might be 
 expected in the work of a man whose days were few, and 
 interrupted by illness, if indeed that may be called an interrup- 
 tion which, at least all the period in which the pages before us 
 were written, was every day sensibly drawing him to his grave. 
 In Mr. Froude's case, however, we cannot set down much 
 of this incompleteness to the score of illness. The strength 
 of his religious impressions, the boldness and clearn;ess of his 
 views, his long habits of self-denial, and his unconquerable 
 energy of mind, triumphed over weakness and decay, till men 
 with all their health and strength about them might gaze upon 
 his attenuated form, struck with a certain awe of wonderment 
 at the brightness of his wit, the intensenesss of his mental 
 vision, and the iron strength of his argument. It will perhaps 
 be giving a truer account of the state in which these papers 
 appear, to say something of the sort of intention with which 
 we conceive they were written. If it is permitted so to apply 
 the words, they were the outpourings of a soul consumed with 
 zeal for the house of God. The author had that in him 
 which he could not suppress, which of itself struggled for 
 utterance; he also was conscious that the night was fast 
 approaching in which no man can work. Yet the good work 
 which he believed had been prepared for him to do was 
 somewhat in advance of his own day ; and he felt no tempta- 
 tion to square, or round, and soften and disguise the awful 
 themes that glowed within him, till they should be perfectly 
 within the taste and compass of the men and times he lived 
 to see. . . . With no anxiety, then, for present effect, and no 
 embarrassing reference to any particular set of readers, he let 
 his spirit take its own free course. He only desired to spare no 
 labour of thought that was necessary for a thorough elucidation 
 of his views, to detect the lurking fallacy both in his own and 
 ' in others' minds, and set the whole matter in the clearness of 
 noonday. He wrote as he thought and felt. 
 
 '. . . We will venture a remark or two with regard to 
 that ironical turn which certainly does appear in various 
 
400 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 shapes in the first Part of these Remains, Unpleasant as 
 irony may sometimes be, there need not go with it, and in 
 this instance there did not go with it, the smallest real asperity 
 of temper. Who that remembers the inexpressible sweetness 
 of his smile, or the deep and melancholy pity with which he 
 would speak of those whom he felt to be the victims of modern 
 delusion, would not be forward to contradict such a suspicion ? 
 Such expressions, we will venture to say, and not harshness, 
 or anger, or gloom, animate the features of that countenance 
 which will never cease to haunt the memory of those who 
 knew him. His irony arose from that peculiar mode in which 
 he viewed all earthly things, himself and all that was dear to 
 him not excepted. It was his poetry. Irony is, indeed, the 
 natural way in which men of high views and keen intellect 
 view the world : they cannot find middle terms of controversy 
 with men of ordinary views ; they feel a gulf between them 
 and the world ; they cannot descend to the level of lower 
 views, or raise others from that level to their own. As, 
 therefore, there is no common ground which they can seriously 
 or really assume with inferior and worldly minds, they fall 
 into a way of pretending to assume common notions, and 
 reasoning on them with unreal seriousness, in order to expose 
 them. They cannot suppress a smile at the false assumptions 
 and pretensions and hopes of this perishing world. The same 
 temper leads them to assume, for the purpose of mirth, or 
 argument, or self-discipline (which you please), the very worst 
 that the world can possibly think of themselves, their own 
 views and designs. Irony, in fact, seems only an ethical 
 expression of the logical reductio ad absurdum, as applied to 
 matters of taste, morality, and religion. Great examples have 
 shown it to be compatible with real humility and wide 
 benevolence ; though, like many other peculiarities of style, 
 such as depth of reflection, subtlety of reasoning, great 
 affectionateness, poetry, or humour, it may only be under- 
 stood by those who have something corresponding in them- 
 selves. 
 
 ' ... As to the author now immediately before us .- . . 
 while we expect certainly a great effect upon the religion of 
 the day from a mind so singularly gifted as his, we certainly 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 401 
 
 do not expect, and never have expected, a sudden and 
 perceptible effect. Views so bold, so original, so uncom- 
 promising as his, seem to float upon the surface of the current 
 notions of the age as oil upon the waters ; they seem to have 
 no affinity to things as they are, and to be without a medium 
 of acting upon them. We do not, then, look for any great 
 extension of Mr. Froude's works or name for a long time ; 
 we are prepared to think that when talked of, it will be but 
 objectively, as it may be called, as a phenomenon too far re- 
 moved from the speakers to interest them or affect them ; as 
 what they have just heard of, or hardly seen. But all the while 
 a secret influence may be extending itself: persons may adopt 
 his views who are better able and willing to dilute and temper 
 them to the feelings of the many ; the tone of religious opinion 
 and the standard of recognised principles may gradually be 
 rising ; popular errors or assumptions may be silently dropped ; 
 and numbers talk " Froudism," as it is called, who neither know 
 the source of their own views, nor will credit it when taxed 
 with it. We are able to point at this very time to two 
 remarkable instances of deep thinkers, with one of whom we 
 have no, and with the other but faint sympathy, Bentham 
 and Coleridge, but whom we must still allow to be unusual 
 minds, the chief philosophers of their day, who yet in their 
 lifetime were not understood, or appreciated, and have at 
 length grown into celebrity, and are receiving the suitable 
 reward of their intellectual powers, by means of what may be 
 called the atmosphere of congenial thought which they have 
 at length formed around them. They have created the 
 medium in which their voices would sound, and then have 
 been heard far and near. A like result, in the cause of Truth, 
 not of worldly philosophy, we hope awaits the author of these 
 volumes.' ^ 
 
 ' The Rev. James Bowling Mozley had this criticism to make on his brother's 
 article quoted above : ' It gives too much the impression of Froude as a philosopher 
 simply, instead of one who was constantly bringing his general maxims to bear, 
 most forcibly and pointedly, on the present state of things ; on particular classes, 
 sects, and parties. It does not bring out Froude's great, practical, and almost 
 lawyer-like penetration.' Letters of the Rev. J. B. Mozley, p. 102. 
 
 z6 
 
402 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 From ' Lyra Apostolica," edited by H. C. Beeching, M.A., 
 Professor of Pastoral Theology at King's College, with an 
 Introduction by H. S. Holland, M.A., Canon and Pre- 
 centor of S. Paul's. London : Methuen & Co. [The 
 Library of Devotion.] 
 
 [By the kind permission of the Rev. H. C. Beeching, the Rev. H. S. Holland, and 
 Messrs Methuen & Co.]. 
 
 [I. From Canon Scott Holland's Introduction.] 
 
 ' " It was at Rome that we began the Lfra Apostolica. 
 The motto shows the feeling of both Froude and myself at 
 the time. We borrowed from M. Bunsen a Homer, and 
 Froude chose the words in which Achilles, on returning to the 
 battle, says : ' You shall know the difference, now that I am 
 back again.' " ^ So wrote Dr. Newman in the Apologia, and 
 the words give exactly the note of the temper with which the 
 book still tingles from cover to cover. It sprang out of a 
 critical hour in which the force of an historical movement 
 first found speech. It was an hour of high passion that had 
 been gathering for some onset dimly foreseen, and had now, 
 at last, won free vent, and had flung itself out in articulate 
 defiance. . . . With the defiance, goes also a strong note of 
 confidence. The men who write, however dark their outlook 
 seems to be, speak as those who see their way, and have made 
 their choice, and have found their speech, and have no doubt 
 at all about the issue. There was a certain rapture of reckless- 
 ness about them at the time, such as belongs to young souls 
 who have let themselves go, under the inspiration of a high 
 adventure. They have burned their boats. There is no going 
 back. Forward all hearts are set. The opportunity is come. 
 It is now or never. Hurrell Froude was the embodiment to 
 them of this spirit of confidence, with its tinge of audacity. 
 He had the glow and the fascination of a man consecrated to a 
 cause. He wrote very little of the book, but his touch is on 
 it everywhere. And in a poem like " The Watchman," with 
 
 ' This nobly applied and famous motto is a happy development or paraphrase. 
 Achilles says only, it will be remembered, that he has been altogether too long out of 
 the fight. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 403 
 
 its splendid swing and radiant courage, we can see how the 
 subtler brain of Newman was swept by the fire and force of 
 the man who was to him like an inspiration. 
 
 ' " Faint not, and fret not for threatened woe, 
 Watchman on Truth's grey height ! 
 Few tho' the faithful and fierce the' the foe, 
 Weakness is aye Heaven's might. 
 
 Infidel Ammon and niggard Tyre, 
 (Ill-attuned pair !) unite ; 
 Some work for love, and some work for hire ; 
 But weakness shall be Heaven's might. 
 
 Quail not, and quake not, thou Warder bold. 
 Be there no friend in sight : 
 Turn thee to question the days of old. 
 When weakness was aye Heaven's might. 
 
 Time's years are many, Eternity, one ; 
 And One is the Infinite. 
 
 The chosen are few, few the deeds well done : 
 For scantness is still Heaven's might." 
 
 ' And with Froude, too, is to be associated much of the 
 stress laid on personal discipline which so deeply marks the 
 poems, and which was so congenial to both Newman and 
 Keble. . . • All the heart of the men comes out in this cry 
 for control, for austerity. It expressed their revolt against 
 the glib and shallow tolerance of the popular religion, and the 
 loose and boneless sentimentality of the prevailing Evangeli- 
 calism. They were determined to show that religion was a 
 school of character, keen, serious, and real, which claimed not 
 merely the feeling or the reason, but rather the entire manhood, 
 so that every element and capacity were to be brought into 
 subjection under the law of Christ, and to be governed in sub- 
 ordination to the supreme purpose of the Redemptive Will. 
 No labour could be too minute or too precise, which was need- 
 ful to bend the complete body of energies under the yoke of 
 this dedicated service. Hurrell Froude's diary, edited by 
 Newman and Keble, startled the easy-going world of the 
 Thirties by its exhibition of the thoroughness and the rigour 
 and the precision with which this self-discipline had been 
 carried out. Such a temper of mind was, of course, capable of 
 
404 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 becoming morbid, strained, unnatural. And in the hands of 
 smaller men, it would rapidly show traces of this. But here, 
 in the Lyra, it is still fresh and clean ; and the men themselves 
 who are under its austere fascination are so abounding in 
 vitality, and so rich in personal distinction, and so abhorrent 
 of anything pedantic or conventional, that the record of it 
 cannot but brace us into wholesome alarm.' 
 
 [II. From the Rev. H. C. Beeching's Critical Note.'\ 
 
 ' Of the one hundred and seventy - nine pieces in the 
 collected volume [Lyra Aposto/ica] (and all but two of those 
 published in TAe British Magazine were reprinted), Newman 
 wrote one hundred and nine, Keble forty-six, Isaac Williams 
 nine, Hurrell Froude eight, J. W. Bowden six, and R. I. 
 Wilberforce one. To speak of the lesser contributions first. 
 Robert Wilberforce's single contribution is not particularly 
 happy. . . . Mr. Bowden's poems are not so infelicitous in 
 substance, but they leave much to desire in other ways. . . . 
 The contributions of Isaac Williams consist of a few transla- 
 tions and critical sonnets. Altogether of a higher stamp are 
 the poems by Hurrell Froude. No one could accuse that fiery 
 spirit of being commonplace ; and perhaps because verse com- 
 position in English was not a constant exercise with him, the few 
 poems he wrote for the Lyra have a free grace, as well as a lyric 
 intensity that removes them from the rank of the ordinary 
 imitations of Keble. In XXXVI. ["Weakness of Nature"] 
 he strikes a note that recalls Blake : 
 
 ' " Sackcloth is a girdle good : 
 O bind it round thee still ! 
 Fasting, it is Angels' food ; 
 And Jesus loved the night-air chill.' 
 
 ' In the " Dialogue between the Old and New Self" 
 (LXXIX.), he is an apt pupil of Andrew Marvell. 
 
 ' "New Self. 
 
 Why sittest thou on that sea-girt rock. 
 With downward look and sadly-dreaming eye? 
 
 Playest thou beneath with Proteus' flock, 
 Or with the far-bound sea-bird wouldst thou fly? 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 405 
 
 Old Self, 
 
 I list the splash, so clear and chill, 
 Of yon old fisher's solitary oar ; 
 
 I watch the waves, that rippling still, 
 Chase one another o'er the marble shore." 
 
 ' He uses his fisher again, to give effect, in the poem on 
 Tyre (CXXIX.) : 
 
 ' "Now on that shore, a lonely quest, 
 Some dripping fisherman may rest. 
 Watching on rock or naked stone 
 His dark net spread before the sun ; 
 Unconscious of the dooming lay." 
 
 ' Froude's sonnets are some of the best in the book : the 
 one entitled " Sight against Faith " (CXXXVI.), supposed to be 
 addressed to Lot by his sons-in-law, being an especially vivid 
 piece of imagination.' 
 
 'Newman,' by William Barry. (Literary Lives.) 
 London : Hodder & Stoughton, 1 904. 
 
 [By the kind permission of the Rev. Dr. Barry, and of 
 Messrs. Hodder & Stoughton.] 
 
 ' Keble was an elegant scholar, from whose rarely- opened 
 lips pearls and diamonds of wisdom dropped, when listeners 
 were congenial; he could not brook, as he did not under- 
 stand, variety of opinions ; and charming as he proved to all 
 who would not contradict him, none was constitutionally less 
 fitted to be at the head of a great party. His genius had 
 in it no elements deserving the name of original thought. 
 Rather did he serve Newman as the living embodiment of 
 institutions now deemed Apostolic, and, so to speak, himself a 
 present antiquity. He possessed none of those gifts which 
 strike and subdue the unconverted. Hurrell Froude, the " bright 
 and beautiful," cut off in the midst of his days, was another 
 sort of man. " He went forward," says his brother Anthony, 
 " taking the fences as they came, passing lightly over them all, 
 and sweeping his friends along with them. He had the con- 
 
406 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 tempt of an intellectual aristocrat for private judgment." 
 This, which sounds like a bull, but is only a paradox, was 
 equally applicable to Newman, despite his infinite considera- 
 tion for persons as they came before him. The Many could 
 be neither wise nor right, except when they listened to the Few 
 who were both. It was Froude that made Newman and 
 Keble really known to each other : he boasted of it as the one 
 good thing he had ever done. It was certainly the most 
 important. " You and Keble are the philosophers, and I the 
 rhetorician," wrote the Vicar of St. Mary's to him in 1836. 
 There was so much of a foundation in the contrast that 
 Newman did always look to Froude as a standard, a test, and 
 a light by which to judge of his own utterances. . . . But 
 [Froude] disclaimed being original as other men have prided 
 themselves upon it. Thoughts and speculations, nevertheless, 
 were his daily bread. . . . Alone among Newman's correspon- 
 dents, he writes as his born equal, criticising freely, breaking 
 out into the genial humour, so fresh and unconstrained, which 
 lights up this all too serious intercourse of country parsons, 
 London dignitaries, and unfledged Oxford dons. 
 
 ' When preaching on the Greatness and Littleness of Human 
 Life, [Newman] refers secretly to this lofty spirit as among 
 the men who, " by such passing flashes, like rays of the sun, 
 and the darting lightning, give tokens of their immortality, 
 . . . that they are but angels in disguise." ' ^ 
 
 From 'The Life and Correspondence of the late 
 Robert Southey.' Edited by his Son. London, 1850. 
 
 Robert Southey to the Rev. John Miller, July 21, 1838. 
 
 ' The publication of Froude's Remains is likely to do more 
 
 harm than ^ jg capable of doing. " The Oxford School " 
 
 has acted most unwisely in giving its sanction to such a deplor- 
 
 ' Selections Adapted to Seasons of the Ecclesiastical Year from the Parochial 
 Sermons of John Henry Newman, B.D. [Edited by the Rev. W. J. Copeland.] 
 Rivingtons, 1878, p. 344. 
 
 ' Nevifman's, probably, is the suppressed name. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 407 
 
 able example of mistaken zeal. Of the two extremes, the too 
 little and the too much, the too little is that which is likely to 
 produce the worst consequence to the individual, but the too 
 much is more hurtful to the community ; for it spreads, and 
 rages, too, like a contagion.' 
 
 From 'A Key to the Popery of Oxford,' by Peter 
 Maurice, B.D. London: Baisler, 1838. 
 
 ' The volumes themselves [the Remains] are highly valuable 
 to every practical student of the human character, because they 
 exhibit an individual in his true colours, and afford evidences of 
 what the human mind (even with all the advantages of natural 
 talent and education) may be brought to, when not guided by 
 the Light which is from above. They cannot but fill the heart 
 of every true Christian with horror, and his eye with tears, when 
 the reflection crosses the mind that views like these are held up 
 as a religion of a meek and lowly Saviour, and that an influence 
 such as that exerted over the wretched object of these memoirs 
 should be permitted to draw away any poor sinner from that 
 open Fountain of purity and holiness which is filled with joy, 
 peace, and love, for all that humbly visit it. There are from 
 time to time a few gleams of light faintly discernible amidst 
 the dark confusion of the moral wilderness ; but they are 
 transient and unsatisfactory.' 
 
 From 'Memoirs,' by Mark Pattison, late Rector of 
 Lincoln College, Oxford. London : Macmillan & 
 Co., 1885. 
 
 'John Belfield, a Devonshire man . . . god-fathered me. 
 Belfield's special chum [1831] was William Froude, the 
 engineer, brother of Anthony, and of Richard Hurrell Froude 
 at that time Fellow of the College. The opening thus made 
 for me through William Froude to Richard Hurrell's acquaint- 
 ance might have been of inestimable use to me, had I been 
 capable of profiting by it. But I was too childish and ignorant 
 even to apprehend what it was that was thus placed within my 
 reach. I spent one evening in Richard Hurrell's rooms, with- 
 
408 HURRELL FROUDE 
 
 out appreciating him myself, or appearing to him to be worth 
 taking up.' 
 
 From 'The Life of Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of 
 Oxford and Winchester.' By his Son REGINALD 
 Wilberforce. London: Kegan Paul, Trench & 
 Co., 1888. 
 
 [From his Diary, March 17, 1838.] 
 
 ' Evening. — Read a little of Froude's " Journals." They 
 are most instructive to me ; will exceedingly discredit Church 
 principles, and show an amazing want of Christianity, so far. 
 They are Henry Martyn un-Christianised.' 
 
 From ' Letters and Correspondence of John Henry 
 Newman,' edited by Anne Mozley. London: Long- 
 mans, 1890. 
 
 ' Hurrell Froude passed away so early in the work of the 
 Movement, and could work so little for it, that his actual share 
 in it needs to be sought out through contemporary records. 
 Little as his pen did, short as his life was, those who can recall 
 the time feel the influence of his mere presence to have been 
 essential to the original impulse which set all going. They 
 cannot imagine the start without his forwarding, impelling look 
 and voice. His presence impressed persons as a spiritual, 
 though living, influence. He stands distinct, apart, in the 
 memory of those who can recall it, the more that years ^ do 
 not dim the brightness and fire which became him so well in 
 his office as inspirer.' 
 
 From 'Catholicism, Roman and Anglican,' by A. M. 
 Fairbairn, Principal of Mansfield College, Oxford. 
 London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1899. 
 
 ' The Romanticist tendency . . . was the positive factor 
 in Anglo-Catholicism. . . . This gave the creative impulse; it 
 
 • This was written more than fifty years after his death. 
 
HURRELL FROUDE 409 
 
 was the spirit that quickened. The men in whom it took 
 shape and found speech were three : Keble, Newman, Pusey. 
 Perhaps we ought to name a fourth, Hurrell Froude : but he 
 lives in Newman. He was the swiftest, most daring spirit of 
 them all ; his thought is hot, as it were, with the fever that 
 shortened his days ; his words are suffused as with a hectic 
 flush ; and we must judge him rather as one who moved men 
 to achieve than by his own actual achievements.' 
 
INDEX 
 
 (By Miss M. H. JAMES) 
 
 Abbott, Dr. G. A., on R. H. F. and the 
 Oxford Movement, in 'The Anglican 
 Career of Cardinal Newman,' 344. 
 implied view of, as to R. H. F.'s 
 eventual change of creed, 225. 
 
 Abercromby, James, elected Speaker of 
 the House of Commons, 1835., 
 174 note. 
 
 Abolition of Slavery by Great Britain, 
 made law, 1833., R. H. F.'s views 
 on, 170, 274. 
 
 Absolutions, the, phrase of R. H. F., 
 describing, 106. 
 
 Address of the Clergy to the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury (Howley), set on foot, 
 1833., 128, R. H. F.'s disappoint- 
 ment with, 130. 
 
 Albano, death of R. I. Wilberforce at, 
 1857., Zlnote. 
 
 Algiers, R. H. F. on his visit to, 84. 
 
 'Allan Water,' favourite air of R. H. 
 F., 45. 
 
 Altar, the, R. H, F. on its extreme 
 sanctity, 149. 
 
 Altars, stone, the first modern Anglican 
 Church to possess, 1 78, that designed 
 by R. H. F. for Dartington, ib. 
 
 America (U.S.), R. H. F.'s desire to 
 visit, 133, and criticism of the place 
 assigned in, to preaching, ib., the 
 wish never realised, 142. 
 
 Amiens Cathedral, architectural defects 
 of, T. Mozley on, 394. 
 
 "Amuse," use of the word by R. H. F., 
 and Newman, in its obsolete sense, 
 
 IS7- 
 
 'Anglican Career, The, of Cardinal 
 Newman,' by Dr. G. A. Abbott, 
 cited on R. H. F.'s connection with 
 the Oxford Movement, 344. 
 
 • Anglican Revival, The,' by Rev. J. H. 
 Overton, D.D., cited on the Court 
 of Delegates, 113 &= note., and on 
 
 ' Anglican Revival, The,' continued — 
 R. H. F.'s connection with the 
 Oxford Movement, 324. 
 
 Antigua, visited and described by R. H. 
 F., 135-6- 
 
 ', Anti-Jacobin Review and Magazine, 
 The,' reference to an old verse in, 
 by R. H. F., 127 ly note. 
 
 'Apologia pro Vita Sua,' by Newman, 
 history of R. H. F.'s Breviary given 
 in, 187. 
 cited on the chief additions to his creed 
 derived by Newman, from R. H. 
 F., 260. 
 on Newman's objurgations of Roman 
 Catholicism, and R. H. F.'s remarks 
 thereon, 186. 
 on R. H. F.'s connection with the 
 Oxford Movement, 259. 
 
 " Apostolical," R. H. F.'s reason for 
 using as an epithet, 257. 
 
 'Apostolical Succession, The, in the 
 English Church,' (Tract 15), R. H. 
 F.'s criticisms on, 194, Gladstone's 
 attitude to, in 1834., 158. 
 
 Arch, the pointed, evolution of, 394. 
 
 Architecture, see Gothic and Italian. 
 
 'Arians, The, of the Fourth Century,' 
 by Newman, 70, 393, and its im- 
 portance, 143 &= note, 177, Bunsen's 
 critique on the Tractarians based on, 
 187, Stephen's objections to, 193. 
 
 Armathwaite Hall, Cumberland, home 
 of the Spedding family, -j,, birth- 
 place of Margaret Spedding, (R. H. 
 F.'s mother), its beautiful surround- 
 ings, and owners in 1829., 60. 
 
 Arnold, Thomas, D.D. on the Church of 
 England in 1832-3., 114. 
 his definition of the said Church, 249, 
 and attitude in regard to, 278, 279. 
 Newman's query regarding, 145. 
 and Newman, a lady's comment on, 190. 
 citedon R. H. F.'s writings as collected 
 in the Remains, 280. 
 
 411 
 
412 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Articles, The, question of Declaration v. 
 Subscription, discussed in Convoca- 
 tion, 1835., R. H. F. not in favour 
 of the change, 174. 
 R. H. F.'s views on the alteration of 
 them, 136 iSr' note. 
 
 Association of Friends of the Church, 
 proposed, 118. 
 
 Austerity of the religion of Newman, and 
 R. H. F., 63, 305, 350, 403. 
 
 'Autobiography of Isaac Williams,' ed. 
 by Ven. Sir G, Prevost, cited on 
 R. H. F.'s connection with the Ox- 
 ford movement, 320. 
 
 Aveton Giffard, home of R. H. F.'s grand- 
 parents, 4. 
 
 B 
 
 Bagot, Hon. and Rt. Rev. Richard, 
 Bishop of Oxford, R. H. F. ordained 
 priest by, 368. 
 
 Balliol College, Oxford, beginning of its 
 scholarly pre-eminence, 62. 
 
 Bancroft, see Saravia and Bancroft. 
 
 Barbados, (see also Codrington College, 
 and Negroes), the Archdeaconry of, 
 once offered to Keble, 131. 
 atmospheric and artistic defects of, 
 
 151-2- 
 climate of, 131, 144, 
 emancipation in and its consequences, 
 
 anticipated, 134, and actual, 160, 169. 
 great hurricane at, in 1831., 131, 
 
 150, 151. 
 life of R. H. F. at, as told in his 
 
 letters, 131 «i seq., lack of gain to 
 
 his health from his stay there, 143, 
 
 I73> 176, no traces of his residence 
 
 to be found there, 173. 
 vegetation of, its luxuriance, 135, and 
 
 special interest of to R. H. F., 132. 
 Baring-Gould, Rev. S., see Gould, Rev. 
 
 S. Baring-. 
 "Basil," Newman's sobriquet for R. H. 
 
 F., 165, 256, letter suggesting, 163. 
 Bassenthwaite Lake, home of R. H. F.'s 
 
 mother beside, 60. 
 Bastille, the fall of, Keble's epoch-making 
 
 sermon on the anniversary of, 113. 
 Battels, at Codrington College as at 
 
 Oxford, 143. 
 Bavaria, Louis Charles, King of, gener- 
 osity of, to Geiman artists in Rome, 
 
 (1833-). 96. 
 Becket, see Life of, and S. Thomas i 
 
 Becket. 
 Beeching, Prof. H. C, in 'Lyra Apos- 
 
 toUca'aseditedbyhim,on R.H. F.'s 
 
 poems in that collection, 404, 
 
 Benedictine monks of Buckfast Abbey, 
 Buckfastleigh, their remembrance of 
 R. H. F., 229. 
 Bennett, Rev. W. J. E., of Frome, writer 
 of the Preface to the reprint of 
 ' State Interference ' from R. H. F.'s 
 'Remains,' 209. 
 Benthamism, Christianity's greatest 
 
 enemy, according to Stephen, 193. 
 Bible, the, whether the only authoritative 
 teaching, according to R. H. F., in 
 present times, 171. 
 Bishops, mode of their appointment, 
 R. H. F. on need for change in, 
 148. 
 objected to as patrons, by R. H. 
 F., 172. 
 Bisley, the first place where Anglican 
 daily services were revived, (by 
 Rev. T. Keble) 1834., 149 note, 322. 
 marriage of Rev. J. Keble at, 160 note. 
 Blachford, Lord, see Rogers, Frederic. 
 Blake, William, resemblance of R. H. 
 F. 's style to, in a poem in ' L. Apos- 
 tolica.' 
 Blessed Virgin Mary, question of R. H. 
 
 F.'s devotion towards, 305-6. 
 Bogue, Rev. J. R., husband of Mary 
 
 Froude, R. H. F.'s sister, 189. 
 Boni, Felippo di, verse by, suggested as fit 
 motto for R. H. F.'s 'Remains,' 
 208. 
 Bonnell's ' Life,' a religious work, R. H. 
 
 F.'s opinion on, 44. 
 Boone, James Shergold, editor of the 
 ' British Critic,' 1835., and R. H. 
 F., 186. 
 Bowden, J. W. , Apostolicorum princeps, 
 beloved of Nevraian, 167. 
 contributions of, to 'L. Apostolica,' 
 
 404. 
 first and last sight by, of R. H. 
 
 F., 174. 
 letter to Newman, on the death of 
 R. H. F., 198. 
 from Newman on the publication of 
 R. H. F.'s 'Private Thoughts,' 
 206. 
 cited on the Oxford Movement and 
 its bearings, 115. 
 Bowdler, Henrietta Maria, see Smith, 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 Breviary, the Roman, R. H. F.'s first 
 acquaintance with, 47, his own copy 
 and its history, 187-8, its influence 
 on Newman, and on the Oxford 
 Movement, 352, 356. 
 "Bright and beautiful," Miss Harriett 
 Newman's epithets for R. H.' F., 
 199 note, 243, 405. 
 
INDEX 
 
 413 
 
 'British Critic, The, and Quarterly 
 Theological Review,' 
 critique by R. H. F., on Blanco 
 
 White, in, 187, 191. 
 letters of Thomas Becket, arranged by 
 R. H. F. (in note S. Thomas k 
 Becket) issued in, 192. 
 reviews in on R. H. F.'s ' Remains.' 
 Mozley, Rev. T., on his character, 
 - irony, and influence, 398. 
 Rogers, F., on his connection with 
 the Oxford Movement, 306. 
 ' British Magazine, The,' contributions to, 
 of R. H. F., in 1832., 79, 124 Sf note, 
 in 1832-3., 239, R. H. F.'s plans for 
 using as a means of propagating the 
 Oxford Movement, 324. 
 its editor, {see Rose, Rev. H. J.), 
 
 ' L. Apostolica,' written for, 97. 
 issue in, of excerpts from Dartington 
 
 Parish Books, 1834., 144. 
 Newman's article in, on ' Monasticism,' 
 
 R. H. F. on, 181-2. 
 aVei^ on Christie's ordination, 161. 
 on the marriage of Henry Wilberforce, 
 
 160 noie, 
 on Newman's ' Arians', 143 &= note. 
 Brockedon, William, of Totnes, R.A., 
 friend and prot^g6 of Archdeacon 
 Froude, his career, and unfinished 
 portrait of R. H. F., 5 dr" note, see 
 also Preface. 
 Bucer, 164. 
 
 Buckfast Abbey, Buckfastleigh, see Bene- 
 dictines. 
 Bull, Bishop, and the Nonjurors, R. H. 
 F.'s attitude to, Archdeacon Froude 
 on, 371 note. 
 BuUer, Rev. Anthony, friendship of, 
 for R. H. F., 128, the latter's 
 fiineral service read by, 192. 
 Bulteel, Henry Bellenden, R. H. F.'s 
 comparisons of the Reformers to, 72 
 &• note, et alibi. 
 Bunsen, Baron Christian Carl Josias, 
 Prussian Charg6 d' Affaires in Rome, 
 1833., acquaintance with, of New- 
 man and R. H. F., 100. 
 his adverse view of the Tractarians, 
 187. 
 Buonarotti, M. Angelo, see Michael 
 
 Angelo. 
 Burgon, Dean, on the authorship of 
 Tract 8., 125. 
 on R. H. F.'s use of "conspiracy" to 
 describe the Oxford Movement, 
 
 154- 
 Burn, Rev. A., letter to, from Rev. 
 C. Marriott, cited on the authorship 
 of Tract 8., 125. 
 
 ' Butler's Analogy,' reference to, by 
 R. H.F., 113. 
 
 Buxton, Sir T. Fowell, anti- slavery 
 leader, 139 Sir' note. 
 
 Byron, Lord, Clough, and others, differ- 
 ence in the ideas suggested to, by 
 a sight of Ithaca, 352. 
 
 "C," an unidentified writer in the 
 ' British Magazine,' 144 6r= note. 
 
 Cadiz, visited by R. H. F., 82. 
 
 ' Callista,' a tale of early Christian times, 
 by Newman, 180. 
 
 Calvert, Dr. J. M., his View on R. H. 
 F.'s health in 1833., 127. 
 
 Cambridge men, " log-rolling " and ver- 
 satility of, R. H. F. on, 103. 
 
 Canterbury, Archbishops of, see Howley, 
 Longley and Tait. 
 Viscount, see Sutton, Sir C. Manners. 
 
 Cape St. Vincent, Naval battle of, 1833., 
 81 note, 
 
 Caraccas, visited by R. H. F., native 
 mode of landing at, 141. 
 
 ' Cardinal Newman,' by R. H. Hutton, 
 cited on R. H. F. 's connection with 
 the Oxford Movement, 329. 
 
 Catholic practices and institutions, 
 Oxford attitude to, in R. H. F.'s 
 day. Canon B. Smith cited on, 224. 
 
 ' Catholicism, Roman and Anglican,' by 
 Principal A. M. Fairbairn, cited on 
 R. H. F. as a leading spirit of the 
 Oxford Movement, 408. 
 
 Celibacy in relation to the men of the 
 Oxford Movement, 310 note. 
 views of Newman on, strengthened by 
 R. H. F., 66. 
 
 Cerigo, British government in 1 833., 89. 
 
 Champemowne family, the, of Dartington 
 House, beloved of I. Williams, 
 322. 
 Arthur, eldest son of Arthur Champer- 
 
 nowne, death of, 67 note. 
 Caroline, afterwards Mrs. Isaac 
 
 Williams, 160 note, 322. 
 Henry, (the second son), 204, donor 
 of land for Mary Spedding's memo- 
 rial almshouse, xo, death of, 67 
 note. 
 
 Charles I., "adored" by R. H. F., 
 (1825.), 24. 
 his intended negotiations for reconcilia- 
 tion with the Church of Rome, loi. 
 a saint to the Oxford Tractarians, 
 361. 
 
414 
 
 INDEX 
 
 'Cherwell Water Lily, The, and other 
 Poems,' by Rev. F. W. Faber, 
 allusions in, to R. H. F., and the 
 Oxford Movement, 263. 
 
 Chichester, Very Rev. George Chandler, 
 Dean of, his charge of 1839., cited on 
 the improvement in the Church of 
 England, 379 &" note. 
 
 Chillingworth, William, cited on Jeremy 
 Taylor as a " discourser," 182. 
 
 Cholderton Rectory, filled by the Rev. 
 T. Mozley, 203 ttoie. 
 
 Christ, silence as to, of R. H. F.'s private 
 prayers, 272. 
 
 ' Christian Observer, The,' criticism of, 
 on R. H. F.'s contributions to 
 ' L. Apostolica,' 204. 
 
 Christian system in Europe (1833.), 
 R. H, F.'s views on its decayed 
 state, 94. 
 
 ' Christian Year, The,' by Rev. J. Keble, 
 American edition of, and its peculi- 
 arities, 159. 
 attitude to, of Isaac Williams, 320. 
 criticisms of R. H. F. on, 28-31, 58, 
 of its Protestantism, 303, cf, 320, of 
 the reference to the Real Presence in 
 the verses for Nov. 5., 17 1-2 6^ note, 
 324 ; his request for a copy, 143. 
 Keble on his aims in writing, 30. 
 Wordsworth's offer to go over, ib. 
 
 Christie, Rev. John Frederick, 195. 
 letters to, from R, H. F. on his 
 interview with Wiseman, (1833.), 
 controversy on, when printed in 
 the ' Remains,' 100-3, '04 ; on 
 marriage, 160 ; on Newman's ill- 
 ness in Sicily, 117. 
 marriage of, 1847., 160 note. 
 
 Church, Very Rev. R. W., Dean of S. 
 Paul's, in ' The Oxford Movement ' 
 on R. H. F., in relation thereto, 235, 
 295 note, his reviewers on the ques- 
 tion of R. H. F.'s possible eventual 
 change of faith, 225 ; views of on 
 the publication of the ' Remains,' 
 cited by Rigg, 297. 
 " testamentary" ideas of, 213. 
 and Lord Blachford's addendum to his 
 book on R. H. F., 221. 
 
 Church, the, variously defined, 249. 
 
 'Church Discipline,' by R. H. F., its 
 value, 146. 
 
 Church Independence, conceived of as a 
 divine prerogative by R. H. F., 220. 
 
 Church of England, attitude of, as to 
 frequent Communion challenged by 
 R. H. F., his reasons, 149. 
 difficulty of the laity in supporting, 
 R. H. F. on, 172. 
 
 Church of England, continued-^ 
 in the early nineteenth century, 
 
 J. Mozley on, 278, in country 
 
 districts, J. A. Froude on, 359-61, 
 
 after 1830., the general searchings of 
 
 heart concerning, 239, 249, R. H. 
 
 F. 's definite views on, 250 et seq. 
 disestablishment of, R. H. F.'s views 
 
 on, 114, 121, 251, 261, 287, 291. 
 forebodings of separation in, R. H. F. 
 
 on, 148. 
 increase of, in Catholic - minde^- 
 
 ness, 223. 
 of the later period, change in the 
 
 character of, 308. 
 attitude within, to " enthusiasm," 309. 
 need of outlet in, for devotional and 
 
 penitential feelings, Newman on, 
 
 310 note. 
 in Queen Elizabeth's time, R. H. F. 
 
 on, 123. 
 rise and fall of, R. H. F. on, cited by 
 
 Ward, 248 &' note. 
 saints of, deficiencies of, as compared 
 
 with Roman Catholic saints, R. H. 
 
 F. on, 165. 
 and State, changes in relations between, 
 
 1882-3., effect of on the Oxford 
 
 High Churchmen, 113, views of 
 
 R. H. F. and Dr. Arnold cited, on 
 
 the position, 114. 
 some of R. H. F.'s epithets for, 303. 
 teaching of, not the true equivalent of 
 
 Prayer-Book teaching, R. H. F. 
 
 on, 170. 
 two chief wants felt in, by R. H. F. , 317. 
 views of, as to the Eucharist, 145, 
 
 163-5, 251- 
 and Church of Rome, views of R. H. F. 
 
 and Newman on, contrasted, 252. 
 ' Church of the Fathers,' by Newman, 165. 
 Church of Rome (in the local and the 
 
 universal sense), attitude to, of 
 
 R. H. F., at the time of his visit to 
 
 Rome and after, loi, 103, 162, 225, 
 
 249, 259. 272, 288, 302-6, 325, 
 
 337. 357. .361-2, 371 note. 
 continuity and contemporaneousness of 
 
 its practices, unrealised by Trac- 
 
 tarians, 224, 
 effect of the doctrine of the Infallibihty 
 
 of the Church, on any advances from 
 
 the Church of England, loi. 
 stone Altars obligatory in, 178 note. 
 Churchmen and the Church of England 
 
 at the time of the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 239, 249. 
 of the Middle Ages, and leaders of the 
 
 Tractarians, " feminine sternness " of 
 
 their aspect, 115. 
 
INDEX 
 
 415 
 
 Churton, Ven. Edward, Archdeacon of 
 Cleveland, and his brilliant brother, 
 53 note. 
 on the ' Remains,' adverse view of, 
 209, 281. 
 William Ralph, brother of the above, 
 Fellow of Oriel, his impressions of 
 the French, in 1830., 104, his death 
 and memoirs, 53 &= note, memorial to 
 designed by R. H. F., for S. Mary's, 
 Oxford, S6. 
 Clark, Charlotte, wife of Rev. J. Keble, 
 160 note, on the death of R. H. F., 
 199, her sister married to Rev. 
 Thomas Keble, 190 note, 199. 
 Clergy, country, in the early nineteenth 
 century, status of, J. A. Froude on, 
 359-60, views of R. H. F. on, 118, 
 137, 150, views of Rose, 137. 
 Clerical authority, modern, basis for, 
 
 R. H. F. on, 122, 171. 
 Clough, Arthur Hugh, and other modern, 
 ideas suggested to, by the sight of 
 classical localities, 332-3. 
 Cockermouth, birthplace of Words- 
 worth, 60. 
 Codrington College, Barbados, origin 
 and history of, 143 Ss' note, re- 
 organisation of, by Bishop Coleridge, 
 132 note. 
 palms of, enormous, 144. 
 post held by R. H. F. at, 143 &= note, 
 his abode and mode of life at, 
 147 et seq. 
 situation of, and appearance, 149-51, 
 R. H, F.'s designs for the improve- 
 ments at, 151, 395. 
 Coleridge, Rev. George May, nephew 
 t>f the poet, master of Ottery St. 
 Mary Free School, R. H. F.'s first 
 schoolmaster, 5, 132 note. 
 Samuel Taylor, 5, cited an. the character 
 of Charles Lamb, 221, and on the 
 epicene aspect of men of genius, 116. 
 Sir John Duke, cited as to the re- 
 spective share of Keble and New- 
 man in the ' Remains,' 203, his 
 views on, inferred, 209. 
 letter to, from Archdeacon Froude, on 
 R. H. F.'s attitude to the Roman 
 Catholic Church, cited, 371 note. 
 from Keble, on College Tutors and 
 their Pastoral duties, cited 36. 
 cited on R. H. F's relation to the 
 Oxford Movement. 
 William Hart, Bishop of Barbados 
 during R. H. F.'s time there, 132, 
 R. H. F. on his character, 1 35, and 
 his"Z"-ness, 142, he accompanies 
 him on a Visitation, 132, 135 etseq. 
 
 Coleridge, William Hart, continued— 
 Codrington College reorganised by, 
 
 132 note. 
 visit of to England, 1834., 144, 152, 
 161 note. 
 College of S. Mary, Oxford, see Oriel 
 College. 
 Tutors, see Tutors of Oxford Colleges. 
 CoUings, PhiUis, wife of Richard Hurrell, 
 
 and their descendants, 4. 
 Cologne, disedifying effect of, on 
 F. W. Faber, 93. 
 Cathedral, efforts to complete in 1829., 
 R. H. F.'s interest in, 395, the 
 High Altar as the model for 
 R. H. F.'s altar at Dartington, 
 178 ; impression left by, on R. I. 
 Wilberforce, 394. 
 
 Communion, frequent, attitude of the 
 Church of England to, challenged 
 by R. H. F., his reasons, 148-9. 
 Service, the, (see also Eucharist), and 
 Tract 93., 126. 
 
 Congress or Conference of Tractarians at 
 Hadleigh, 117-8, 239, 289, called 
 "the conspiracy," by R. H. F., and 
 by W. Palmer, 154. 
 
 "Conspiracy," use of the term, by 
 William Palmer of Worcester and 
 R. H. F. for the Oxford Movement, 
 154, and by Archbishop Tait, ib. 
 
 ' Contemporary Review ' and ' Nineteenth 
 Century,' controversy in, between 
 Prof. E. A. Freeman and J. A. 
 Froude, on the ' Life and Times of 
 Thomas Becket,' by R. H. F., 363. 
 
 Convocation and the censure on Hoadly, 
 1717., R. H. F. on, 132, 133. 
 at Oxford, 1835., R. H. F.'s last vote 
 recorded at, 174. 
 
 Coplestone, Edward, Provost of Oriel, 
 and later Bishop of Llandaff, his 
 fine voice, 49 Ss' note, 50. 
 
 Corfu, visit of R. H. F. to, 86 et seq. 
 
 Cornish, Hubert, private Tutor of 
 J. A. Froude, 397. 
 
 Council of Epaon, (517.), rule of, as to 
 Stone Altars, 178 note. 
 of Trent, and its decrees, alleged effect 
 of in preventing the reconciliation 
 with the Holy See, of the Church of 
 England, loi, 288. 
 
 Court of Delegates, the, its duties 
 modified in 1832-3., 313. 
 
 Cranmer, {see also Reformers), and his 
 associates, attitude of R. H. F. to- 
 wards, 164, 208, and of the other 
 Tractarians, 337, 361. 
 
 Creed, the, the great article of, forced 
 forward by Newman, 239. 
 
416 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Creed (held by Newman), additions to, 
 
 derived from R. H. F., 260. 
 Critical faculties of R. H. F., inhibitive 
 
 (in conjunction with his health) of 
 
 original work, 155. 
 Cross, the, of Christ, great lives of which 
 
 it has been the keynote, 385. 
 Cumberland, churches in, R. H. F., on 
 
 their poor aspect, 60, 61. 
 Cwmcyfelin, Wales, visit of R. H. F., 
 
 Prevost, and others to, 1826., 322. 
 Cythera, see Cerigo. 
 
 D 
 
 Daily services in the Anglican com- 
 munion first revived by Rev. T. 
 Keble at Bisley, 1834., 149 note, 
 322. 
 
 Dalgaims, Rev. J. B., one of the Oxford 
 extremists, 225. 
 
 ' Daniel,' poem by R. H. F., 107. 
 
 Dart river, at Dartington, 322, house 
 beside, once owned by Sir Walter 
 Ralegh, 63 note, lines by Newman 
 on its beauties, 65, woods 
 along, 22-3. 
 
 Dartington, almshouses at, in memory of 
 Mrs. Froude, erected by her sister 
 Mary, 10. 
 associations of, with R. H. F., his 
 birth at, 4, his great affection 
 for, 63 ; friends visiting him 
 there, Keble, 1823., 22, Newman, 
 1831., 63, last visit of the latter, 
 1835., and farewell of to R. H. F., 
 (thenceforth his "Yarrow left un- 
 visited"), 185, 221; R. H. F.'s 
 stay at, 1833., (the event of the 
 phosphorescent gleam, 120), 129, 
 his return to, 1835., 176, latter 
 days at, local influence, love of 
 children and architectural occupa- 
 tions, 179, his death and burial 
 at, 1836., 197, 335- 
 burial-place of Mary Isabella Bogue 
 
 {nie Froude), 189. 
 death of Phillis Spedding («/« Froude) 
 
 at, 1835., 177. 
 House, the Champernovrae family of, 
 
 (q.v.)Z22. 
 old Church, (S. Mary's), its condition 
 in Archdeacon Froude's time, II, 
 Altar at set up by R. H. F., its 
 model, 178, his other alterations in, 
 ib. taken down (1878.), xiv. 
 Parish Books, excerpts from, printed 
 in the 'British Magazine,' 144. 
 
 Dartmouth Harbour, associations with, 
 of R. H. F., 48, 152. 
 
 ' David and Jonathan,' poem by New- 
 man, in 'L. Apostolica,' 91, 201. 
 
 Davison, John, Fellow and Tutor of 
 Oriel, high repute of, and subsequent 
 career, 40 &= note, his death, 
 various views of held at Oxford, his 
 unfinished Scripture Commentary, 
 and Tractarian sympathies, 153, 
 Newman on his character, 154. 
 
 Death, its beautifying effect, R. H. F. 
 on, 49. 
 
 de Lisle, Ambrose Phillipps, and his 
 anticipations of the outcome of the 
 Oxford Movement, 223, letter to 
 from Wiseman On the same, 343. 
 on disestablishment and its nineteenth 
 century advocates, 114. 
 
 Denbury, estate and living of, belonging 
 to Archdeacon Froude, 4, 19 note; 
 alterations at, R. H. F.'s share in, 
 23 ; Rev. J. R. Bogue at, when 
 curate to the Archdeacon, 189. 
 
 Desmoulins, Camille, recalled by a 
 speech of R. H. F., 116. 
 
 Devonian characteristics of R. H. F., 2. 
 
 Devonshire, beauties of, Newman on, 
 
 63-S- 
 'Dialogue between the Old and New 
 
 Self,' by R. H. F. in ' L. Apos- 
 tolica,' 404-5. 
 Diary of R. H. F., excerpts from, 12 
 
 et seq. , 269-70, and see ' Remains.' 
 Disestablishment, views on, of R. H. F., 
 
 114, 251, 261, 287, 291. 
 Divinity Professorship at Oxford, Lord 
 
 Melbourne's action concerning, 
 
 193, 206 note. 
 Doane, G. W., American editor of the 
 
 ' Christian Year,' 159 note. 
 Dobell, Bertram, 221 note. 
 Domes, R. H. F.'s ideas anent, 99, 394. 
 Domremy and Jeanne d'Arc, an analogy 
 
 with R. H. F. in, 116. 
 Dornford, Joseph, Fellow and Tutor of 
 
 Oriel, colleague of R. H. F., and 
 
 Newman in their tutorial struggles, 
 
 36, his after life, 59 note. 
 
 Early Church, the, reticence of, as to 
 
 holy things, 383. 
 East Farleigh, Kent, living held in turn 
 
 by R. I. and H. Wilberforce, 35 
 
 note, 167 note. 
 Eastward position, the, R. H. F. 
 
 on, 144. 
 
INDEX 
 
 417 
 
 " Economy,'' what Newman meant 
 
 by, 35°- 
 Edgbaston, the Oratory at, R. H. F.'s 
 
 Breviary now in, i88. 
 ' Edinburgh Review,' article in, by 
 Sir W. Hamilton, on the Practical 
 theology of Luther and others, 164 
 &" note. 
 Edmond, Charles, editor of ' Poetry of 
 
 the Anti-Jacobins,' 127 note. 
 Egesta, visited by R. H. F., 93, his 
 description, 94, unscientific construc- 
 tion of, T. Mozley on, 394. 
 'Eikon Basilike,' read by R. H. F., 
 
 32. 
 Eleanor Crosses, the, the model for the 
 
 Oxford Martyrs' Memorial, 337. 
 Ellis, Havelock, cited on the positive 
 tendency of modern English thought, 
 I <y note. 
 Elmsley, Peter, S.T.P. Camden Pro- 
 fessor of History at Oxford, 1824., 
 27 "Sr' note. 
 Elrington, Thomas, Bishop of Ferns, 
 
 illness of, 1835., 69 &= note. 
 Emancipation Act, attitude of the Pope 
 to, Philpotts cited on, 361. 
 in Barbados, effects of, anticipated, 
 134, and actual, 160, 169. 
 Endell St., London, after whom 
 
 named, 50- 
 England, effect on, of the Oxford Move- 
 ment, Cardinal Manning on, 221. 
 English character, dislike in, to extremes, 
 212-3, insularity of its individual- 
 ism, 220. 
 characteristics of R. H. F., 243. 
 College at Rome, Wiseman the head 
 
 of, 1833., loi. 
 materiaUsm, movers and movements 
 against, in the early nineteenth 
 century, 114. 
 thought, modern, positive tendency 
 of, Havelock Ellis cited on, i &= 
 note. 
 Enthusiasm, attitude of the Church of 
 
 England towards, 309. 
 Epaon, Council of, (517.), decision of, as 
 
 to Stone Altars, 178 note. 
 Ephesus, the Canon of, as to Patriarchs, 
 
 R. H. F. on, 194. 
 Epicene appearance of men of genius, 
 
 S. T. Coleridge cited on, 116. 
 Erastian definition of the Church (of 
 
 England), about 1830., 249. 
 Erastianism, {see also DisestabHshment), 
 
 views of R. H. F. on, 261. 
 Essays by R. H. F. in the 'British 
 Magazine,' 1833., preferable in style 
 to his sermons, 126. 
 
 27 
 
 'Essays on Various Subjects,' by 
 Cardinal Wiseman,«Ve</on R. H. F.'s 
 connection with the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 338. 
 
 Eton, the school of R. H. F., 5, 9, his 
 contemporaries, 6, effects of educa- 
 tion at, as shewn in him, 391. 
 
 Eucharist, the, {see also Communion), 
 Church of England attitude to, 
 R. H. F. on, (and on his own), 
 163-5, 251 ; reasons for his devotion 
 to, 250, his views on, 375-6 ; teach- 
 ing of the ' Tracts ' concerning, con- 
 sidered "Popish," 145. 
 
 Eucharistic Doctrine, the, R. H. F. the 
 first of his generation to be drawn to, 
 220, his views on, Wiseman on, 342. 
 
 Evangelical party, the, less attractive 
 characteristics of, 305. 
 definition by, of the Church (of 
 
 England), 249. 
 Revival, attitude of R. H. F. and 
 Keble to, 292. 
 
 ' Evangelical Succession ' by Sir James 
 Stephen, cited on R. H. F's connec- 
 tion with the Oxford Movement, 263. 
 
 Evangelicalism, emergence of Newman 
 from, 353. 
 Mozley's dislike for, 216. 
 
 ' Examiner, The,' sense shewn by, 
 
 1833-, 395- 
 
 Exeter, Bishop of, see Philpotts. 
 
 Faber, Rev. Frederick William, disedified 
 by Cologne, 93. 
 effect on, of the ' Remains,' 225. 
 references by, to R. H. F. and the 
 Oxford Movement in ' The Cherwell 
 Water Lily and other Poems,' 263. 
 
 Fairbaim, Principal A. M., in 'Catho- 
 licism, Roman and Anglican,' on 
 R. H. F. as the moving spirit 
 among the Tractarians, 408. 
 
 Fairford, home of Keble's father, 21 note, 
 42, visit to, of R. H. F., 1832., 75. 
 
 Faith, according to the New Testament, 
 R. H. F.'s conception of, 314-5. 
 as defined by the Editors of the 
 ' Remains,' 381. 
 
 Falmouth, point de dipart of R. H. F. 
 in 1832., 78-9, and again in 1833., 
 130. 
 Newman's poem written at, 78. 
 
 ' Farewell to Feudalism,' poem by 
 R. H. F., III. 
 
 ' Fashion, The, of this World passeth 
 away,' verses by R. H. F., 45. 
 
418 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Fathers of the Church, views of, on 
 Tradition, Newman exercised over, 
 182, R. H. F. on, 183. 
 
 Faussett, Rev. Godfrey, letter to, from 
 Newman on R. H. F.'s views of the 
 Church of Rome after his visit to 
 Italy, cited, 333 ; his pulpit denun- 
 ciations of the ' Remains,' 210. 
 
 Fell, see Hammond and Fell. 
 
 Fellows and Fellowships, see Oriel 
 College. 
 
 Fellowship dues of R. H. F., his disposal 
 of, 161, 19s, 198, 339. 
 
 ' ' Feminine sternness " of the aspect of 
 the great Medizeval Churchmen, 
 R. H. F. on, 115. 
 
 Ferns, Bishop of, see O'Brien. 
 
 Ferrier, Susan Edmonstone, and her 
 novel ' Marriage,' 91 &= note. 
 
 Fillingham, Rev. R. C, and the Oxford 
 Martyrs' Memorial, his views as to 
 its erection, 208 note. 
 
 Florence under Savonarola compared 
 with Oxford, during the Tractarian 
 activity, 155. 
 
 France, the " High Church " party of 
 Republicans in, and their aims, 
 1833., R. H. F. on, 105. 
 
 Francia, Francesco, delight of R. H. F. 
 in his paintings, 98. 
 
 Freedom, the divine prerogative of the 
 Church, R. H. F.'s insistence on, 220. 
 
 French fishermen, the, off Devon coast, 
 and their gratitude, 30. 
 people, Churton's impressions of, in 
 1830., 154, R. H. F's growing 
 appreciation of, ib. 
 
 Freeman, Prof. E., in the ' Contemporary 
 Review,' on the ' Life and Times of 
 Thomas Becket' by R. H. F., 363. 
 
 Froude or ffroud, of Walkhampton, 
 grandfather of R. H. F., his wife, 
 property, and descendants, 4. 
 Elizabeth, aunt of R. H. F., 4. 
 family, the, 4, artistic gifts of, 85, 
 90, 391, origin of their name, 34, 
 their love of paradox, 256. 
 James Anthony, fifth son and youngest 
 child of Archdeacon Froude, 6 note, 
 8, 9, historian, 357, essayist, 70, 
 scholar and artist, 391, educated 
 at Eton, R. H. F.'s letter on, and 
 on himself, cited 6 note, at Oxford, 
 his matriculation after R. H. F.'s 
 death, 176. 
 funeral sermon preached by, on Rev. 
 
 G. M. Coleridge, 5. 
 introduction of, to Carlyle, 3. 
 literary style of, compared with that 
 ofR. H. F., 219. 
 
 Froude, James Anthony, continued — 
 
 cited on Church practices at Darting- 
 ton, 10, II. 
 on the Archdeacon's rectorial char- 
 acter, 360. 
 on R. H. F.'s instructions in case of 
 disagreement between Keble and 
 Newman, 55. . 
 
 on R. H. F.'s 'Life and Times of 
 Thomas Becket,' in controversy 
 with Prof. Freeman, 363 et seq. 
 in ' The Oxford Counter- Reformation ' 
 on R. H. F.'s connection therewith, 
 358. 
 on R. H. F.'s possible eventual 
 change of creed, 224. 
 
 John Spedding, third son of Arch- 
 deacon Froude, 9, 140, letter of 
 R. H. F. to, from Malta, 85. 
 
 Margaret, aunt of R. H. F., 4. 
 
 Margaret, nie Spedding, wife of Arch- 
 deacon Froude, and mother of 
 R. H. F., 2. 
 almshouse erected in memory of, 10. 
 birthplace of, 60. 
 
 his gifts derived from, 2, 276, influence 
 on him, 2, 12-14, her letter on his 
 health and peculiar temperament, 6, 
 221, 266. 
 death of, 9. 
 
 references to her in his letters, 42, 
 44, 60. 
 
 Margaret, (Mallock), eldest daughter 
 of the above, her marriage, husband, 
 son and death, 9, 10 &= note, family 
 pet name for, 20. 
 
 Mary Isabella, (Bogue), third daughter 
 of Archdeacon Froude, 9, her 
 marriage and early death, 67, 189. 
 
 Phillis, widow of Robert ffroud, grand- 
 mother of R. H. F., conservatism of, 
 at Denbury, 26 &' note, death of, 
 194. 
 
 Phillis Jane, (Spedding), second 
 daughter of Archdeacon Froude, 
 3, 9, pet diminutive for, at home, 
 20, marriage of, ill - health, early 
 death of, and son, 3, 67, 162, 
 165, I7S-6. 
 
 Rev. John, original of Blackmore's 
 " Passon Chowne," 11 &" note. 
 
 Rev. Richard Hurrell, (referred to 
 throughout this index as R. H. F.), 
 eldest son of Archdeacon Froude, 
 2, 4. 9- 
 
 character and characteristics of, chiefly 
 from his friend's comments thereon, 
 [see Part II. passim), 2, 4, 5, not 
 to be discerned from his writings 
 alone, 218. 
 
INDEX 
 
 419 
 
 Froude, Rev. Richard Hurrell, contd.— 
 
 as summed up by Mozley, Newman 
 and others, 190-200, by Newman, 
 330, by Oakeley, 299 et seq. 
 
 cehbate views of, 66. 
 
 charm, as felt by his intimates, 219, 
 222. 
 
 contrasted (with Keble and Newman) 
 as to class of mind, with Rose, 
 Palmer and Perceval, 334. 
 
 critical faculties of, inhibitive in his 
 state of health, of original work, 155. 
 
 Dean Burgon on, 154. 
 
 his dread of the effects of society on 
 himself, 129. 
 
 elliptical genius of, a parallel to, 182. 
 
 epithets apphed to, by Miss H. New- 
 man and others, 199 note, 243, 405. 
 
 exaggerated way of speech, and writing, 
 its drawbacks, 214-6, 244-5, his 
 defence of his way of talking, 323, 
 his strong expressions, explained by 
 his Editors, 387 ; Wiseman on, 341 ; 
 his style, and its " irony," 398. 
 
 great personal influence, 357. 
 
 habit of belying his own motives, an 
 instance, 103-4. 
 
 the integrant strain in his character, 
 226. 
 
 " Irony " of, 349-5°. 398. 
 
 "kindness and sweetness," general 
 testimony to, 198-9. 
 
 lack of insight into others' minds, 246 
 Ss' see 105. 
 
 lack of learning, 105, Dean Hook on 
 his " learning," 120 note. 
 
 the leading spirit with Keble and 
 Newman, 227, his survival in the 
 latter, 228. 
 
 his literary style, 252, and "little 
 language," its effect on the readers 
 of the ' Remains,' 214-6 ; effects of 
 his style on Newman's, 215, reasons 
 for its severity, z\% et seq. 
 
 love of boats and boating, 28. 
 
 love for nature, 63. 
 
 melancholy of, 252-3. 
 
 mental characteristics noted by Rogers, 
 
 319- 
 
 his mother on his character as a youth, 
 6, 221, 266. 
 
 not " doctrinally speculative," 292-3. 
 
 his open and confiding nature, 5. 
 
 open-mindedness as a traveller, 105. 
 
 the poet and fascinator par excellence 
 of the Froude family, his noble liter- 
 ary sacrifice, 219, true value of his 
 work, 220. 
 
 points in him appealing specially to 
 Roman Catholics, 228-9. 
 
 Froude, Rev. Richard Ilurrell, contd.— 
 
 his private Prayers, 272. 
 
 possibility of his having become a 
 separatist, 224-5. 
 
 rashness of, 120, 154. 
 
 his religious attitude, 212, 251, and 
 austerity, 305, 350, 403 et seq.,\\.i 
 effect on his life, 217, and on his liter- 
 ary style, 219. 
 
 resemblance of to Hamlet, 252, 324, 
 to Henry Martyn, 241, 408, and to 
 Pascal, 240. 
 
 his self-discipline, 12 et seq., 241, 255, 
 267, 311, 341, 346-9, 403. 
 
 his alleged spiritual progeny and their 
 tendency towards "Rome," 226. 
 
 his state of mental flux, indicated by 
 Churton, 281. 
 
 his stern watch over the "little fox " of 
 the tongue, 217. 
 
 his Toryism, 260, 361, 392. 
 
 traces of his ignorance of R. C. system 
 shewn in the ' Remains,' 288. 
 
 his unceremonious ways with men and 
 things, impersonal character of, 
 216-7. 
 
 events of his life, in order of date, 
 birth of, and baptism, 4, early 
 education, and portrait of by 
 Brockedon 5 &= note, Eton life of, 
 6 ; Oxford life of, begins, 9 ; his 
 delicate health, ib. ; his friendship 
 with Keble, 10 ; reads with him at 
 Southrop, 21 1 beginning of their 
 correspondence, (v. Letters infra), 
 12, 23 ; his double Second Class at 
 Oxford, etc., 24, 35-6 ; his tuition 
 of his brother " Bob," 25 ; his Greek 
 and other studies, 27, 32, 41 ; 
 criticisms on the ' Christian Year ' 
 [q.'v.], 29, 31 ; his joke on his own 
 name, 32, 36 ; his pleasure in Miss 
 Elizabeth Smith's writings, 33-4 ; 
 the beginning of his friendship with 
 Newman, 35 ; his Fellowship, 35, 
 356-7 ; his Tutorship, 48, its finale, 
 162 ; the fight of the Tutors of 
 whom he is one, 36-7 ; tour in 
 Cumberland, 43 ; reading of "good 
 books," 44; verses by, written in 
 1827., 45-6; (see Breviary); anxiety 
 over "Bob," 49, grief at his death, 
 51 ; action as to the Provostship, 
 50 ; his injunctions as to a possible 
 disagreement between Keble and 
 Newman, 55-6; he designs Churton's 
 memorial, 56 ! beginning of his 
 intimate correspondence with New- 
 man, {see letters infra), 57 ; prepares 
 for ordination, visits the Speddings, 
 
420 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Froude, Rev. Richard Hurrell, events of 
 his life, contimied — 
 
 58, 60, goes to Glendalough, 59-60 ; 
 his sermon on Knowledge, preached 
 at S. Mary's, Oxford, 61-2 ; end of 
 his Lectures at Oxford, 62, 323 ; 
 consequences, in the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 63 ; suggested work with 
 Newman at Littlemore, 63, and 
 elsewhere, falls through, 68, literary 
 plans and studies, parochial work 
 at Denbury, 69, beginning of his 
 chronic illness, 71-3, 74, 75, schemes 
 of, for a Quarterly, 73 > plans of 
 his father for a foreign tour for, 74 ; 
 his post as Junior Treasurer of Oriel, 
 74, 198, sketch of by Miss Giberne 
 nominally made at this date (1832.), 
 75 ; the Mediterranean tour decided 
 on, Newman invited to join, 77, the 
 departure and progress of his journey, 
 78 et seq. 393, effect on his views, 
 396, events at Rome, 94, meeting 
 with Severn, 96, the visit to Wise- 
 man, [q.v.], loi, 103, health of 
 R. H. F., 102, pleasure of in France 
 and the French, 104, some poems of 
 his period, lo6-i2 ; interest taken 
 by, in W. Froude's work, 112 ; at 
 the Hadleigh Conference, 117, his 
 indiscreet name for it, 154 ; a touch 
 of mysticism, 121 ; his vocation, 
 122-3 ; his connection with the 
 Tracts, 1 24-6 ; his departure for 
 Barbados, 1833., 127, his post and 
 life there, 131 et seq., goes on a 
 Visitation, 134 et seq. ; no benefit 
 to his health, 143, 162 ; returns to 
 England no better, 173, his appear- 
 ance on arrival home, 174 ; illness 
 and death of his sister Phillis, at 
 Dartington, 176-7 ; the stone altar 
 and other improvements by, at Dar- 
 tington, 178-9, his last days and 
 their activities, 179, 185-97, New- 
 man's last visit to, 184-5 i unwise 
 method of treatment pursued with, 
 193 ; disposal of the Fellowship 
 dues, 161, 195, 339 ; his death, 
 197, 335, effect of the news of, at 
 Oxford, 198, comments on of various 
 friends, 198-200 ; the collection of 
 his papers and their publication as 
 his ' Remains, ' see that head ; lack of 
 contemporary notices of his death, 
 202 ; centenary wreath placed on his 
 grave, 1 903., 202. 
 letters and correspondence of, ease and 
 sympathy of his style in, 243. 
 to Christie, on his meeting with 
 
 Froude, Rev. Richard Hurrell, letters 
 and correspondence of, continued. 
 
 Wiseman and on the dictates of 
 the Council of Trent, 100-3, '04 j 
 on marriage, 160 ; on Newman's 
 illness in Sicily, 117, 
 
 to Archdeacon Froude, from Bar- 
 bados, 134, 140, 147. 
 
 to WilHam Froude, from Rome, 99 
 et seq. ; from France, 104 ; on his 
 scientific work, 1 12 ; from Bar- 
 bados, 138. 
 
 to Rev. Edward Hawkins, 50. 
 
 to Keble, sent and unsent, on his 
 mental life, 12 et seq. ; general 
 topics, 22, 24, 25, 28 ; on the 
 'Christian Year,' 29, 30, on a 
 book by Miss Elizabeth Smith, 
 33) 34) on some of his college 
 acquaintances, 40 ; on his scruples, 
 etc. , 42, 44 ; on penance, 47 ; on 
 his life at Oxford, 48 ; on New 
 Year'sday 1828., 49 ; after "Bob" 
 Froude's death, 52 ; general, 54 ; 
 on Newman as a " heretic," 55 ; 
 again on the ' Christian Year,' and 
 on his Cumberland and other 
 journeys, 58 ; on his lectures at 
 Oxford, 61 ; on his health, 75 ; 
 on his Mediterranean tour, 79, 
 from Rome, 94, from Naples, 333, 
 with poems, Io6, 107 ; on the 
 shining bushes at Dartington, 120 ; 
 from Barbados, 131, do. on the 
 Visitation journey, 136, on the 
 Bishop of Barbados, 142, on his 
 health, 143, general, 153 ; on the 
 phrase "thelChurch teaches," 170; 
 after his return, on the same, 191. 
 
 to and from Newman, see under that 
 head. 
 
 to Rogers, from Barbados, 15. 
 
 to Rev. R. I. Wilberforce from Bar- 
 bados, 167-9. 
 publication of extracts from the letters 
 
 suggested by Williams, 205. 
 in relation to the Oxford Movement, 
 see Part II. 
 
 his place in it, 116-7, aims in for- 
 warding, 1 19, bearing of his health 
 thereon, 122, methods of "rous- 
 ing," 125, way of supporting, 
 161, 195, 198, 339 ; his " Basil-" 
 like-ness, 165-6; the "perfect 
 flower" of, 211 ; the "traveller" 
 and the "wing and talon," 222 ; 
 the "poker," of Newman, 354, 
 and of Keble, 123 ; a " philo- 
 sopher " of the Movement, 193 ; 
 the " stimulator," 353, 356, 402 ; 
 
INDEX 
 
 421 
 
 Froude, Rev. Richard Hurrell, in relation 
 to the Oxford Movement, continued- 
 one: of the " leading triumvirate " 
 in, 362 ; effect of his death there- 
 . on. 355- 
 his personal appearance, 5, 199 note, 
 
 243, 299. 405- 
 his poems, see Poems by R. H. F. 
 some of his views on, 
 
 Abolition of Slavery, 274, and on the 
 Negroes of Barbados, 170, 274. 
 
 Absolution, 106. 
 
 the Altar, 149. 
 
 the Articles, 174. 
 
 Cehbacy, 66, 310. 
 
 the Church, 250. 
 
 the Churches of England and Rome, 
 see those heads. 
 
 clergy, status of, 118, 137, 150. 
 
 disestablishment, 114, 161, 261, 
 287, 291. 
 
 Eastward position, 244. 
 
 the Eucharist, 163-5, 220, 250, 251, 
 342. 
 
 Faith, 314-S. 
 
 Fasting, 12 et seq. and see ' Re- 
 mains ' Part II. 
 
 Freedom of the Church, 220. 
 
 God, 315. 
 
 Heber, 258. 
 
 Jurors, 258, and Nonjurors, 139, 
 i6o, 353. 
 
 Latimer, and his colleagues, see 
 their names and Reformers. 
 
 Laud, 24, 392. 
 
 Mendicant Orders, 168. 
 
 Monasticism, 122, 181-2, 251. 
 
 Ordination, 4, and the Sacraments, 
 149. 
 
 Penance, 7- 
 
 the Prayer-Book, 170, 250. 
 
 Preaching, 133. 
 
 Private Judgment, 362. 
 
 Scotch Orders, 161. 
 
 Self-government, see that head. 
 
 Speech and its dangers, 217. 
 
 Tradition, see that head. 
 
 the Wesleyan system, 172. 
 his writings [see Life and Times of 
 Becket, articles in the 'British 
 Critic,' etc., Poems, Remains, 
 Sermons, and Tracts), his charac- 
 ter not to be discerned from, 218 ; 
 unsultability of his private writings 
 for publication, 214 et seq. 
 Rev. Robert Hurrell, Rector of Dar- 
 tington, and sometime incumbent 
 of Denbury, Archdeacon of Totnes, 
 father of R. H. F., his family and 
 the derivation of its name, 3, his 
 
 Froude, Rev. Robert Hurrell, contd. — 
 birth and parentage, 4, his marriage 
 3, his many children, 4, his friend 
 W. Brockedon, 5 &' note, his death 
 in 1859., 4 note. 
 
 his approval of R. H. F.'s sermon 
 on the separation of Church and 
 State, 121. 
 
 characterisation of, by R. H. F., 276. 
 
 contributions of, to the ' Remains,' 
 203, his satisfaction with the 
 book, 209. 
 
 dedication of Newman's Parochial 
 Sermons offered to, 185. 
 
 his Denbury property {see also Den- 
 bury), 19 note. 
 
 and the disposal of R. H. F.'s Oxford 
 belongings, 187, 198. 
 
 good resolutions of R. H. F., on 
 behaviour towards, 15, 17- 
 
 and his laurels, 23. 
 
 letters of, to Sir J. D. Coleridge, on 
 R. H. F.'s attitude to the Roman 
 Catholic Church, 371 note. 
 to Newman, on the proposed 
 Mediterranean journey, 74 ; on 
 R. H. F.'s rashness, 129; on 
 his failing health, 195, 196, last 
 hours and death, 195. 
 from R. H. F., from Barbados, 
 134, 140, 147, 224 &= note. 
 
 his rectorial character, J. A. Froude 
 on II, 360. 
 
 Williams on, 322. 
 Robert Hurrell, (Bob), second son of 
 Archdeacon Froude, 9, 31, 47, 
 educated at Eton, ib., R. H. F.'s 
 tuition of and consequent studies at 
 Oxford, 25, his failing health 49, 
 and college tricks, 49, 50, death of, 
 R. H. F.'s letters on, and on his 
 fine character, 51, 52-3. 
 William, fourth son of Archdeacon 
 Froude, afterwards the distin- 
 guished engineer, 9, 357, R. H. F.'s 
 tuition of, 21, 54, Oxford life of, 
 54, 68, 77, degree taken by, 77-8, 
 subsequent attainments of, 54, 357, 
 391 ; scientific work of at Oxford, 
 112, 175. 
 
 letters to, from R. H. F., (at Rome), 
 on stained glass and on S. Peter's, 
 99 ; on his scientific work, 112. 
 
 cited on Archdeacon Froude's satis- 
 faction with the ' Remains,' 209. 
 
 on sharing R. H. F.'s love of para- 
 dox, 256. 
 Fry, Mrs. Elizabeth, and her brother-in- 
 law Sir T. Fowell Buxton, 139 
 note. 
 
422 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Genoa, visit of R. H. F. to, 102. 
 German painters, school of, in Rome, 
 
 1833., their study of Raphael, 96. 
 Giants' Causeway, visited by R. H. F., 
 
 1829., 59. 
 Giberne, Miss Maria, her sketch of R. 
 
 H. F., Newman, and T. Mozley, 
 
 1832., 75. See also Preface. 
 Gibraltar, visit of R. H. F. to, 82 et 
 
 seq. 
 Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., expecta- 
 tions of, by Newman in 1834., 
 
 158. 
 his defence of the ' Remains ' in the 
 
 House of Commons, 210, his re- 
 gret at R. H. F.'s attacks in, on 
 
 the ' Reformers,' ib. 
 Italian travels of, 1832-3., 103 note. 
 Glendalough, S. Kevin's cave at, visited 
 
 by R. H. F., 59 note. 
 God, certain existence of, as conceived 
 
 of, by R. H. F., 315, and by 
 
 Newman in youth, 315 note. 
 Gold, production of a red stain for glass 
 
 from, R. H. F.'s queries concerning, 
 
 99. 
 ' Golden Keys,' phrase used by R. H. F. 
 
 for the Absolutions, 106. 
 Golightly, Rev. C. P., called 'Golius' 
 
 by R, H. F., 188 &^ note, his original 
 
 and later attitude' to the Oxford 
 
 Movement, and share in the 
 
 Martyrs' Memorial, 337. 
 ' Goose,' the famous, of the ' Remains,' 
 
 211, 270. 
 Gothic architecture, interest of R. H. F. 
 
 in, 395, his articles on, in the 
 
 ' British Magazine, ' 79, his remarks 
 
 on, in connection with M. Angelo, 
 
 96. 
 Gould, Rev. S. Baring-, cited on Keble's 
 
 first visit to Dartington, 22 note. 
 Gray's ' Elegy,' and its purport, R. H. F. 
 
 on, 29. 
 Greek studies of R. H. F, , and views on 
 
 various authors, 27 et seq, 
 Greenaway on the Dart, house at, once 
 
 owned by Sir Walter Ralegh, 63 
 
 note. 
 Gregory vil., Pope, (Hildebrand), 220, 
 
 attitude of the Oxford Movement 
 
 towards, 361. 
 Gregory xvi., Pope, 1833., apparently 
 
 not visited by R. H. F. and 
 
 Newman, 100. 
 Grey, Lord, and his interpretation of the 
 
 Coronation Oath, 98 &= note. 
 Guernsey, visited by R. H. F., 54. 
 
 H 
 
 Hadleigh, Archdeacon W. R. Lyall at, 
 
 visit of R. H. F. to, 129 c5r= note. 
 
 Conference, the, and its objects, 1 17-8, 
 
 239, 289, called "the conspiracy" 
 
 by R. H. F., and by W. Palmer, 
 
 154. 
 Halifax, Lord, the ' Church ' of, its young 
 
 Froudians and their future, 226. 
 Hamilton, Sir W., his article on Admis- 
 sion of Dissenters to the Universities, 
 cited by R. H. F. on Luther, Mel- 
 ancthon etc., 164 &" note. 
 Hamlet, resemblance of R. H. F. to, 
 
 I. Williams cited on, 252, 324. 
 Hammond and Fell, views of, on alter- 
 ing the Articles, R. H. F.'s concep- 
 tion of, 136 cSr= note. 
 Hampden, Rev. R. D., D.D., Divinity 
 Professor at Oxford,) afterwards 
 Bishop of Hereford, colleague of 
 Hawkins at Oriel, 62 ; 1836 called 
 the ' Hampden Year ' of the Oxford 
 Movement, 190. 
 Hampdenism at Oxford, 195, what it 
 meant to both High and Low 
 Churchmen, 206 note. 
 Hare, Rev. J. C, his phrase for 
 R. H. F., 295. 
 his ' taste,' 103. 
 Harpsfield, Nicholas, as a writer on the 
 
 Breviary, 188. 
 Harrison, Rev. B., one of the Oxford 
 Movement group, 180 &= note. 
 attitude of, to the Martyrs' Memorial, 
 
 .337-. 
 his friend, the Abbe Jager, and 
 
 Newman, 180. 
 his influence on Gladstone, as to the 
 Apostolical Succession, 158. 
 Hawkins, Rev. Edward, Fellow, and 
 (later). Provost of Oriel, the 'great' 
 JProvost, 40 note. 
 attitude of, towards R. H. F. and 
 other would-be " pastoral " Tutors 
 of Oriel, 36, 37. 
 attitude towards, of the Oriel Tutors 
 
 and its results, 357. 
 and his colleagues as Lecturers after 
 
 the resignation of the Tutors, 62. 
 letter to, from R. H. F., on his 
 Provostship, 50 ir" note. 
 Hazlitt, William, a parallel between his 
 axiom on thinking ill of men, and 
 R. H. F.'s remark thereon, 218. 
 Head, Sir Edmund Walker, Bart., and 
 
 his art Icnowledge, 103 &' note. 
 ' Heaven-in-Earth,' verses by R. H. F., 
 46. 
 
INDEX 
 
 423 
 
 Heber, Bishop Reginald, views of R. H. 
 
 F. on, cited, 258. 
 Henry li., see Becket. 
 Henry viii., fall of the Church under, 
 
 R. H. F.'s phrase concerning, 284. 
 his encroaching on Church rights, a 
 
 parallel to that of Henry 11., 284. 
 Herbert, George, tender piety of, yet 
 
 short of Christian perfection, 285. 
 "Heretic," Newman so called by 
 
 R. H. F., 293. 
 Hildebrand, see Gregory vii.. Pope. 
 ' Historical Notes on the Tractarian 
 
 Movement,' by the Rev. F. Oakeley, 
 
 cited on R. H. F.'s connection there- 
 with, 299. 
 Hoadly, censure of Convocation on, 
 
 1717., R. H. F. on, 132, 133, 378. 
 Holdsworth family, the, of Dartmouth, 
 
 322. 
 Mr., a patron of W. Brockedon, 5 note. 
 Holland, Canon H. Scott, in Beeching's 
 
 Edition of ' L. Apostolica,' on the 
 
 place of R. H. F. in the Oxford 
 
 Movement, 402. 
 Holy things, reticence of the Early 
 
 Church upon, 383. 
 Hook, Dean, attitude of, to the Martyrs' 
 
 Memorial, 337. 
 on R. H. F's "learning," 120 note. 
 Hooker, Bishop, his definition of the 
 
 Church of England, 249. 
 and the King's supremacy, R. H. F. 
 
 on, 124. 
 his wish, as reported by Walton, 
 
 and applied to R. H. F., 377. 
 Hoopell, Rev. R. E., cited on the 
 
 Froude family, 3 6^ note. 
 Hope-Scott, J. R., seeScott, J. R. Hope-. 
 House of Commons, attack in, on the 
 
 ' Remains,' 210. 
 Howe, Earl, verses on his famous victory 
 
 cited hy R. H. F., 127 note. 
 Howley, Most Rev., Archbishop of 
 
 Canterbury, Address to, by the 
 
 clergy, 128. 
 Humboldt, cited on a lofty mountain near 
 
 La Guayra, and on the heat 
 
 there, 140. 
 Hurrell, an old Devonshire name, 3. 
 family the, related to the Coplestones, 
 
 49 note. 
 Phillis, wife of Robert Froude of 
 
 Walkhampton, (grandmother of 
 
 R. H. F.), and her children, 4, 
 
 death of, 1836., mentioned in 
 
 R. H. F.'s last letter to New- 
 man, 194. 
 Richard, of Modbury, his wife, and 
 
 descendants, 4. 
 
 Hursley, Hampshire, Keble's charge of, 
 28, his first Sunday at, saddened by 
 R. H. F.'s recent death, 198. 
 
 Hutton, R. H., in 'Cardinal Newman,' 
 on R. H. F.'s connection with the 
 Oxford movement, 329. 
 
 Hyeres, R. H. F.'s impressions of, 104. 
 
 ' Hymns from the Parisian Breviary ' 
 edited by Newman, 207. 
 
 Ideas, not facts, R. H. F.'s chief topics 
 
 of conversation, 122. 
 Incumbent, the English, of 1830., J. A. 
 
 Froude on the status of, 359-60. 
 India, as a missionary field for R. II. F. 
 
 and himself, Newman's dreams 
 
 of, 156. 
 Infallibility of the Church, Hammond's 
 
 view cited hy R. H. F., 122. 
 of the Church of Rome, alleged effect 
 
 of the doctrine of, on the Reunion of 
 
 Christendom, loi. 
 Irish bishoprics, abolition of, 1833., 113. 
 
 tour of R. H. F., 1829., 59. 
 " Irony," the, ofR. H. F.'s introspection, 
 
 J. Mozley on, 349-50, as shewn in 
 
 the ' Remains,' 398. 
 ' Isles of the Sirens,' poem by Newman, 
 
 allusion in, to Ithaca, 331-2. 
 Italian Renaissance architecture, Oxonian 
 
 preference for, 395 fiote. 
 Italy, visit of R. H. F. and Newman to, 
 
 78 et seq. 
 Ithaca, as seen by R. H. F., 87, New- 
 man's poetic allusion to, 331-2. 
 
 Jager, Abb^, and his writings, 180. 
 
 Jansenist Saints, R. H. F.'s scheme for a 
 Tract on. 165. 
 
 Jansenists, the, in Holland, 258. 
 
 Jebb, Bishop, source of his views on 
 Church and Christian doctrine, 239. 
 
 Jeune, Bishop, his quotation from the 
 'Christian Year' against the Real 
 Presence, and Keble's alteration of 
 the verse, 171-2 note. 
 
 Jewel, Bishop, R. H. F.'s phrase con- 
 cerning, 296, 301, 336. 
 
 Job, the Book of, its difficulties for 
 R. H. F., 113. 
 
 John VI., King of Portugal, 81 note. 
 
 John of Salisbury, 104 mte, 173, his 
 saying to Becket cited by 
 R. H. F., 160. 
 
424 
 
 INDEX 
 
 "Johnny Raw," the Darlington pony, 
 R. H. F.'s comments on his de- 
 mise, 31. 
 
 Johnson, Dr. , cited on Law's ' Serious 
 Call,' 44. 
 
 Jones, Rev. Spencer, cited on the logical 
 outcome of the Oxford movement, 
 223 6^ note. 
 
 Journal of R. H. F., {see also Diary and 
 'Remains') comments on, by Dr. 
 Abbott, 346. 
 main feelings shewn in, Rogers on, 
 
 310, 311, 316. 
 Wiseman on, 330. 
 
 Jurors of William iil.'s reign, attitude 
 of R. H. F. towards, 258. 
 
 K 
 
 Keats, the poet, his friend Mr. Severn, 
 met by R. H. F. in Rome, 96 note. 
 
 Lowell cited on the needful haste in 
 his work, 218. 
 Keble, Elizabeth, 160 note, 190 note, 
 199. 
 Mary Anne, letter, (unsent) to her 
 brother John, on the death of, from 
 Rogers, 311. 
 Rev. J., father of the author of the 
 ' Christian Year,' home of in Fair- 
 ford, 21. 
 
 illness and death of, 131, 153, 162, 173. 
 
 religious views of, 162 note. 
 Rev. John, tutor of R. H. F, at Oriel, 
 the writer of the ' Christian Year, ' 10. 
 
 accident to, 1835., 18. 
 
 alleged Romeward tendencies of, 
 J. A, Froude on, and their conse- 
 quences, 363. 
 
 the Archdeaconry of Barbados declined 
 by, and why, 131. 
 
 first curacy of, and notable pupils 
 there, 21, second curacy, 1825., 28. 
 
 and the Christian Year, see that heading, 
 called, in that connection, the singer 
 of revived devotion, 356. 
 
 co-editor of R. H. F.'s ' Remains,' 
 (q.v.), 203, the Preface attributed 
 to him, 336, his realisation of the 
 difficulty of publishing them, 211, 
 Newman, on his incapacity to 
 criticise his writing, 203. 
 
 contributions of, to 'L. Apostolica,' 
 107, 404. 
 
 his curate, see Rev. R. F. Wilson. 
 
 and his eight colleagues in publish- 
 ing Churton's ' Remains,' 53 note. 
 
 his fun, in writing, free from 
 ' " Hurrellisms," 216. 
 
 Keble, Rev. John, continued — 
 his humility, 323. 
 
 his ignorance of Kant and Coleridge, 
 116. 
 
 his living of Hursley, sad first 
 Sunday at, 198. 
 
 and R. H. F., friendship between, 292, 
 his advice to R. H. F. on penance, 
 47, his confidence in R. H. F.'s 
 critical powers, 155, influence of 
 R. H. F. on, (Keble's "poker"), 
 123, 227, 235, and his on R. H. F., 
 47, 276, 321, the two called, by 
 Newman the "Philosophers" of the 
 Oxford Movement, 193. 
 
 Letters to, from R. H. F., see Letters 
 and Correspondence, under the 
 latter. 
 from, to Newman, on R. H. F.'s 
 health and "youngness," 142, on his 
 death, 199, on his' Private Thoughts,' 
 204, on publishing extracts from his 
 letters, 205, on the ' Remains,' 
 Churton's adverse view of, and 
 Archdeacon Froude's satisfaction, 
 209. 
 from Rogers, (unsent), on the death of 
 Miss Keble, 311, and others cited 
 from the 'Remains,' 312 «/ seq. 
 
 marriage and wife of, 160 (s' note, 185, 
 190 note, 199. 
 
 Newman's love for, 167. 
 
 and the Oxford Movement, 294, 
 "father" of the Movement accord- 
 ing to Newman, 238, 292, his unfit- 
 ness for leadersliip, 405. 
 
 poem of the ' Mother out of Sight ' 
 long unpubUshed, 306. 
 
 refusal of the Divinity Professorship 
 anticipated by Newman, 193. 
 
 resemblance of, to S. Philip Neri, 
 Newman on, 239. 
 
 sermon preached by, on National 
 Apostasy at S. Mary's, Oxford, 
 
 113- 
 
 his understanding of Newman brought 
 about by R. H. F., 55. 
 
 views of, on confession, 268-9 ! °^ 
 frequent Communion, 149 &= note, 
 on the Martyrs' Memorial, 208 &" 
 note, 337, on the mistaken indoor 
 treatment of R. H. F., 192; on 
 the pastoral character of College 
 Tutors, 36 ; on his perusal of 
 R. H. F.'s ' Private Thoughts,' 206. 
 
 wish of, for R. H. F. to have a country 
 
 parish, 68. 
 Rev. Thomas, Vicar of Bisley, Anglican 
 daily services first reintroduced by, 
 149 note, 322. 
 
INDEX 
 
 425 
 
 Keble, Rev. Thomas, continued— 
 influence of, on Isaac Williams, 322. 
 married to a sister of Mrs. John 
 Keble, 190 note, 199. 
 
 Ken, Bishop, 130, 285. 
 
 Keswick, location of Armathwaite Hall, 
 the home of the Speddings, 2. 
 visit of R. H. F. to his relations at, 
 1829., 58. 
 
 ' Key, A, to the Popery of Oxford,' by 
 Rev. Peter Maurice, cited on 
 R. H. F. as exhibited in the ' Re- 
 mains,' 407. 
 
 Kingsley, Rev. Charles, his view of the 
 non-viriUtyofthe Tractarian leaders, 
 115, 299. 
 
 Kingston, a home of the Devonshire 
 Froudes, 4. 
 
 Klopstock, Frederick Gottlieb, and his 
 two wives, Elizabeth Smith's trans- 
 lated work on, 34 ^ note. 
 
 Lacordaire, Pere, republicanism of, 105 
 
 note. 
 Lady Margaret Professor at Oxford, 
 
 see Faussett, Rev. G. 
 La Guayra, visited by R. H. F., 139, 
 
 140. 
 Lake District, scrambles of R. H. F. 
 
 in, 43- 
 Lamb, Charles, his " universality and 
 
 totaUty of character " paralleled by 
 
 that of R. H. F., 221. 
 Lamennais, Abb^ de, republicanism of, 
 
 105 note, caught up by R. H. F., 
 
 114. 
 ' Lamp, The,' notable statement in, of 
 
 the Rev. S. Jones on the logical 
 
 outcome of the Oxford Movement, 
 
 233 note. 
 Latimer, (and his colleagues), attitude of 
 
 the Oxford Movement to, 361. 
 and the Oxford Martyrs' memorial, 
 
 308, 337. 
 phrase used concerning, by R. H. F., 
 
 301, 306. 
 Laud, Archbishop, attitude of R. H. F. 
 
 to, 24, 392. 
 the Church of England in his time, loi. 
 and Ken, their fate at the hands of 
 
 posterity, 130. 
 Laudians, the, (R. H. F. and his Oriel 
 
 friends), 37. 
 Lavington, the Sargents of, 145 note. 
 Law and Hoadly, controversy between, 
 
 R. H. F. on, 132. 
 
 Law's 'Serious Call,' Keble's rebuke 
 of R. H F. concerning, and its 
 effect, 44, 321. 
 Dr. Johnson cited on, 44. 
 
 Laxart, Durand, and La Pucelle, 116. 
 
 Lay Synod, a, R. H. F.'s ideas as to, 124. 
 
 Lazaret, the, at Malta, and its 
 builders, 90. 
 
 Leach, Thomas, cited on R. H. F.'s sup- 
 posed Romeward inclinations, 325. 
 
 ' Lead, kindly Light,' association of, 
 with the Straits of Bonifacio, 78. 
 
 Leghorn, letter of R. H. F. to William 
 Froude from, on stained glass and 
 on S. Peter's, Rome, etc., 99. 
 
 Letters of R. H. F. , ease and sympathy 
 of, 243. 
 suggested publication of, Newman 
 on, to Keble, 205. 
 
 ' Letters and Correspondence of John 
 Henry Newman' edited by Miss 
 Anne Mozley, cited on R. H. F.'s 
 influence on the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 408. 
 
 Liberalism of Newman, Keble's attitude 
 towards, 248. 
 
 "Liberalism" as used by Newman, 
 source of his attitude towards, 330. 
 
 ' Life and Times of Thomas Becket,' by 
 R. H. F"., progress of, 132, 159, 160, 
 220, articles on, issued in the ' British 
 Magazine,' 192, Freeman and 
 J. A. Froude's controversy on, 
 363 et set/. 
 
 ' Life and Correspondence of the late 
 Robert Southey,' -cited on the 
 ' Remains,' 406. 
 
 'Life, The, of Samuel Wilberforce, 
 Bishop of Oxford, ' cited on his view 
 of the ' Remains,' 408. 
 
 "Lionisers," past and present sense of 
 the word, 59 note. 
 
 Little Hempston, fourteenth - century 
 priests' house at, R. H. F. on its 
 position, etc., 22. 
 thunderstorm near, described by 
 R. H. F., 26. 
 
 Littlemore, Newman's early English 
 Chapel at, its designer and peculiari- 
 ties, 178. 
 schemes for R. H. F.'s joint work 
 at, 63. 
 
 Liturgy, the, an historical account of, 
 R. H. F.'s sketch for, 48. 
 
 Lives of Apostolical Divines of the 
 Church of England, scheme for, 
 ofR. H. F., 160. 
 
 Lives of Bishops Andrewes, Cosin, and 
 Overall, R. H. F.'s wish to 
 write, 160. 
 
426 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Llandaff, Bishop of, see Coplestone, 
 
 Edward. 
 Lloyd, Dr. Charles, Bishop of Oxford, 
 alarm of R. H. F. at the books con- 
 sidered requisite by, 34 &' note. 
 lectures by, on Liturgical subjects, etc., 
 1827, effect of, on R. H. F., 47, 48. 
 ordaining Bishop of R. H. F., 368. 
 Lockhart, William, effect on, of the 
 
 ' Remains,' 225. 
 Longley, Rev. Charles Thomas, Head- 
 master of Harrow, afterwards Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, 89 &• note. 
 Major John, Governor of Cythera, 
 1835., 89 Ss' note. 
 ' Loss and Gain,' a story, by Newman, 
 
 180-1. 
 Luther and his associates. Sir W. Hamil- 
 ton's criticism on, in the ' Edin- 
 burgh Review,' 164 Sf note. 
 and the Council of Trent, loi. 
 ' Lyra Apostolica,' associations of some 
 of the poems comprised in, 76, 78, 
 85 note, 91, 201 7tote, 401 note. 
 Beeching's edition with Introduction 
 by Canon H. Scott Holland cited 
 on R. H. F.'s influence on the Oxford 
 Movement, 402. 
 cited on R. H. F.'s poems in that 
 collection, 404. 
 contribution invited, from Christie, 102 
 
 (5r^ see note, 117. 
 early days of, 98 note. 
 first home of some of the poems in, 
 
 97. 324. 
 evolution of, Newman's account of, 402. 
 poems contributed by R. H. F. to, 106, 
 107, 108-9, no, III, 112, 324; his 
 criticisms on, 204-5. 
 publication of, date of, 204. 
 respective number of poems by the 
 various contributors to, 404, why 
 their anonymity was discarded, 107. 
 
 M 
 
 Mallock, William Hurrell, son of 
 R. H. F.'s sister, Margaret, 10 note. 
 William , father of the above, ib. 
 
 Malta, visit of R. H. F. to, his impress- 
 ions, 85 et seq., his health when 
 there, 85 note. 
 
 Manning, Cardinal, on the effect on 
 England of the Tractarian Move- 
 ment, 221. 
 Mrs. wife of Archdeacon (afterwards 
 Cardinal), Manning and her sisters, 
 145 note. 
 
 ' Marri^e,' by Miss Ferrier, quaint 
 note by Newman on his reading 
 of it, 91. 
 Marriott, Rev. C, cited on the author- 
 ship of Tract 8., 125. 
 Martyn, Henry, disparaging comparison 
 
 of R. H. F. to, 241, 408. 
 Martyrs' Memorial at Oxford, why 
 erected, (1841.), 208. 
 its origin, 337. 
 Marvell, Andrew, suggestion of his 
 style, in a poem by R. H. F. in 
 ' L. Apostolica,' 404-5. 
 Maurice, Rev. Peter, of Yarnton, 
 Chaplain of New College, in ' A Key 
 to the Property of Oxford,' on 
 R. H. F.'s character as shewn in the 
 ' Remains,' 407. 
 reference in the same to Littlemore 
 Chapel, 178. 
 Mediaeval Church, reasons for its attrac- 
 tions for R. H. F., 353. 
 Mediterranean voyage of R. H. F., his 
 father, and Newman, with descrip- 
 tions by the two friends, 78-9 et seq. 
 Melbourne, Lord, and the Divinity 
 Professorship at Oxford, 193, 206 
 note. 
 on the Oxford Movement, 113. 
 ' Memoir of the Rev. John Keble,' by 
 Sir J. D. Coleridge, cited on R. H. 
 F.'s relation to the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 276. 
 ' Memoirs,' by the Rev. Mark Pattison, 
 
 cited on R. H. F., 407. 
 ' Memoirs of Joshua Watson,' edited by 
 Ven. Archdeacon E. Churton, cited 
 on the ' Remains,' 281. 
 Mendicant Orders, references to by 
 
 R. H. F., 168. 
 Messina, visit of R. H. F. to, 92. 
 Michael Angelo Buonarotti, his use of 
 coloured stone in S. Peter's at 
 Rome, 96. 
 Miguel, Dom Maria-Evarista, usurping 
 King of Portugal, 1832., 81 6^ note. 
 Milton, prejudices of Keble against, 
 shared by R. H. F., 24 i5r= note, 
 247, 272, 275, 296, 361. 
 Mirehouse, bequeathed by T. Story to 
 John Spedding the younger, 3. 
 notable literary visitors to John 
 Spedding at, 61. 
 Modbury, Devon, the Hurrells and 
 
 Froudes of, 3, 4. 
 " Monarchy," Lord Grey's dislike to the 
 
 use of the word, 98 note. 
 Monasticism, Newman's writings on, 
 his misgivings concerning and R. H. 
 F.'s rebutter, 181-2. 
 
INDEX 
 
 427 
 
 Monasticism, revival of desired by R. H. 
 
 F., 122, 251. 
 
 Montalembert, Comte de, republicanism 
 
 of, 105 note. 
 ' Monthly Repository,' 221 note. 
 Montserrat Island, visited by R. H. 
 
 F., 136. 
 Morpeth, Lord, his attack in the House 
 of Commons, on Newman, as 
 editor of the ' Remains,' 2io. 
 Motto to the ' Remains,' and I. Williams' 
 
 translation of it, 207. 
 Mount Miserere, St. Christophers, 
 
 (W. Indies), 137. 
 Mozley, John, betrothal of to Jemima 
 Newman, 195 ; their marriage, 190 
 note. 
 Miss Anne, editor of 'John Henry 
 Newman : Letters and Correspond- 
 ence to 184s,' on her only sight of 
 R. H. F., 174, on the intimacy be- 
 tween him and Newman, and his 
 incitement of the latter to novel- 
 writing, 180-1, on his influence on 
 the Oxford Movement, 408, and on 
 his open and confiding nature, 57. 
 Rev. J. B., continuer and editor of 
 
 R. H. F.'s 'Life of Becket,' 203. 
 criticism by, of T. Mozley's review of 
 
 the ' Remains,' 401. 
 letter to, from Newman on the attack 
 in the House of Commons on the 
 , 'Remains,' 210. 
 
 cited on R. H. F.'s charm in conversa- 
 tion, 242. 
 on his peculiar views of earthly things, 
 
 349- 
 on his views in 1 832-3. , 248, 296. 
 Rev. T., 185, 188, and his first wife, 
 Harriett Newman, 190 &' note, 352. 
 his indictment of Evangelicalism, 216. 
 and the plans for Littlemore Chapel, 178. 
 at Plymtree, 185 Jtoie. 
 projects of, for R. H. F. to join in a 
 country cure, 68, why unfulfilled, 
 68-9. 
 sketch of, by Miss Giberne, 1832., 75. 
 cited on R. H. F. 's design for Churton's 
 memorial, 56 &' note. 
 on R. H. F.'s Gothic tastes, 179. 
 on R. H. F. and the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 391. 
 on R. H. F.'s death, and its effect at 
 
 Oriel, 198. 
 on the stoic'character of Archdeacon 
 
 Froude, 196. 
 on the ' Remains,' 398, denying their 
 tendency to Roman Catholicism, 225. 
 on William Froude's scientific tastes 
 at Oxford, 175. 
 
 Mozley, Rev. T., continued — 
 and other Oriel Fellows, not First 
 Class men, 35. 
 Mysticism of Newman and of R. H. F., 
 121 
 
 N 
 
 Naples, its disedifying effect on 
 R. H. F., 93- 
 
 ' Narrative, A, of Events connected with 
 the Publication of the Tracts for the 
 Times,' by W. Palmer, cited on 
 R. H. F's connection with the 
 Oxford Movement, 287. 
 
 "National Apostasy," Keble's memor- 
 able sermon on, at St. Mary's, 
 Oxford, 115. 
 
 Nations, and the Zeitgeist, 115. 
 
 Nature, love for, of Newman and R. H. F., 
 
 63- 
 
 Negrophobia, not a chronic affliction of 
 
 R. H. F., 169. 
 Negroes, (see also Emancipation), of 
 
 Barbados, admitted to Communion 
 
 at the same time as the Whites, 132. 
 characteristics of, R. H. F. on, 168 ; 
 
 their manners, 139, their ugliness ; 
 
 132, 134- 
 Nevis Island, visited by R. H. F., 135, 
 
 136. 
 ' New Jacobin,' 127 note. 
 Newman, Harriett, sister of Newman, 
 
 afterwards Mrs. T. Mozley, her 
 
 epithet for R. H. F., 199 note, 
 
 243, 405- 
 letters to, from Newman, cited from 
 Dartington, 65, from Malta, 88 note ; 
 on his visit to Egesta, 94 note ; on his 
 mother's death, 200. 
 marriage of, 190 &' note, 352. 
 
 Jemima, sister of Newman, afterwards 
 Mrs. John Mozley, 190, 195, 
 letters to, from him cited, on 
 his loneliness at Malta, 92 ; on 
 his dream of going to India, 156 ; 
 on his visit to R. H. F., 182; on 
 his 35th birthday, his surrender 
 to God's Will, and fears of losing 
 R. ?I. F., 195; others from Mrs. 
 Rickards, cited, on R. I. Wilber- 
 force, 40 note. 
 
 Mary Sophia, youngest sister of New- 
 man, early death of, 76 &= note. 
 
 Mrs., mother of Newman, lays the 
 foundation-stone of the Chapel at 
 Littlemore, 1835., 178. 
 letters to, from [him on his stay at 
 Dartington, 63 ; on the Oriel Fellow- 
 ships of 1826., 35. 
 
428 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Newman, Mrs., continued — 
 
 death of, 290, 352, letter of Newman 
 on, to Harriett Newman, 290. 
 Rev. John Henry, friend of Richard 
 Hurrell Froude, a leader of the 
 Oxford Movement, afterwards 
 Cardinal Newman, attitude of to 
 Nature, 63, 65. 
 austerity of his religion, 63, 305, 
 
 350, 403. 
 
 contrasted with Pusey by P4re Ragey, 
 226. 
 
 doctrine of, as to salvation, 351. 
 
 efforts of, to change the tone of 
 Oriel College, 356. 
 
 feminine side of his character, 298. 
 
 friendship of, with R. H. F., its origin 
 and lifelong effects, 35, 123, 228, 
 237, 238, 247, 294, R. H. F.'s early 
 impressions of, as shy 40, and a 
 " heretic " ! 55, beginning of their 
 intimate correspondence, {see letters 
 infra) 57, his invitation to R. H. F. 
 to join him in work at Littlemore, 
 63, first visit to him at Dartington, 
 63, his sermon preached there, 67 ; 
 R. H. F.'s invitation to him to join the 
 Mediterranean tour, 77, accepted, 
 78, its events, 79 et seq., his only 
 tiff with R. H. F., 91, their inter- 
 view with Wiseman, loi, 103, 179, 
 288, 304, 343 nole, his long stay 
 at Rome, 104; return to Sicily, 104, 
 and serious illness there, 117; 
 Maurice, cited on the effects of their 
 Italian travels, 178 ; last visit to 
 R. H. F., 183-5 ; and death of, 
 197-8 ; letters on his death, see 
 letters infra ; indecision of, after 
 this event, 227. 
 references to R. H. F. in his writings, 
 and sermons, 76, 157-8, 180-1, 406. 
 ' Remains of the Rev. R. H. Froude,' 
 edited by, and by Keble, {see 
 ' Remains '), reasons given by, for 
 their publication to various friends, 
 
 325. 337- 
 remarks by him on R. H. F. and 
 his characteristics, on his critical 
 powers, 155 ; on his Medisevalism, 
 225 ; on his place in the Oxford 
 Movement, 115, 259 ; on his " Pro- 
 testantism," loi ; on the source of 
 his ideas, 116; on his view of 
 ' Virgil, 61 ; on Rose and Palmer's 
 view of him and of Palmer, (their 
 lack of learning etc.), 119; on the 
 two deficiencies in his character, 
 246, 296 ; on his own position and 
 R. H. F.'s at Oxford, 21. 
 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., continued — 
 
 growing sense of communion with 
 the departed, 352. 
 
 ideas suggested to, by the sight of 
 Ithaca, 332. 
 
 ignorance of, as to symbolism of 
 sanctuary lamps in Italian churches, 
 224. 
 
 influences moulding his life and 
 views, see friendship with R. H. F. 
 
 leader in the issue of the Tracts, 123, 
 290 &' note. 
 authorship of Tract 8. often attri- 
 buted to, 124, 
 influences on, of the other Trac- 
 tarians, 292. 
 Tracts by, admiration of R. H. F. 
 for, 153, effects of No. 85. on 
 W. G. Ward, 282, 283. 
 
 letters to and from, in sequence of 
 date under each writer ; — 
 to Bowden, on R. H. F.'s death, ig8 ; 
 
 on his ' Private Thoughts,' 206. 
 from Archdeacon Froude, on the Dart- 
 ington Altar, 178 ; on R. H. F.'s 
 rashness, 129 ; on R. H. F.'s last 
 hours and death, 195-7' 
 to R. H. F., on the spirit of the 
 time, 115; on the Tracts, and on 
 H. Wilberforce's marriage, 145 ; 
 on R. H. F.'s '\flaming articles," 
 and on Rose, 146-7 ; on his apparent 
 neglect of R. H. F., 152, 156 ; India 
 as a field, 156 ; on the existing 
 Church system, 157; on the Tracts 
 in volume form, 158 ; on the blessings 
 of friendship, 167 ; on his new volume 
 of sermons and on Keble's marriage, 
 etc., 184-5 > for the New Year, 190 ; 
 on his talk with Stephen ; and on 
 his fear of Keble's refusing the 
 Oxford Divinity Professorship, 193 ; 
 on the possibilities of God's making 
 use of him, 351. 
 from R. H. F., the first letter, 57 ; 
 autobiographical, 57 ; on Cumber- 
 land, 61 ; on toothache, 62, on 
 literary schemes and Greek studies, 
 69, on his health, 72, and on a 
 suggested Review, 73, 74 > on the 
 proposed Mediterranean tour, 77 ! 
 or Perceval, 119; on a sermon on 
 the possible severance of Church 
 and State, 121 ; from Barbados, 128, 
 on the vocabularium apostolicum, 
 128 ; various topics, 133 ; a joint 
 letter to Keble and N. 142 ; on the 
 American edition of the ' Christian 
 Year,' and on his literary work and 
 schemes, 158-60, on "ratting and 
 
INDEX 
 
 429 
 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., letters, continued— 
 being married » ; on the disposal of 
 his Fellowship dues, l6i ; on his 
 depression, on the Church of England 
 attitude to the Eucharist, and on 
 schemes for the Tracts, 163, New- 
 man's comment on this letter, 165 ; 
 on his health, and the death of 
 Keble's father, 1.72 ; on his return to 
 England, 173, and to Partington, 
 176 ; on some women's study of 
 Newman's writings, 177 ; on Mon- 
 asticism, 181 ; on Tradition and the 
 view of the Fathers, 183 ; last letters, 
 on his literary work and health, 185, 
 187, 188-9 ; the final letter, on his 
 grandmother's death and on the sug- 
 gested revision of the Tracts, 194 ; 
 on his epithets in ' Via Media,' 343. 
 
 to Keble, on the Address of .the 
 Clergy and R. H. F.'s disappoint- 
 ment thereat, 130; on R. H. F.'s 
 depression, 152, on his conversation 
 with Stephen, 193 ; on R. H. F.'s 
 death and last days, 199, on his 
 ' Private Thoughts,' 204, on the 
 suggested publication of his letters, 
 205, on Archdeacon Froude's satis- 
 faction with the ' Remains,' 209. 
 
 from Keble, on R. H. F.'s health 
 and " youngness," 142. 
 
 to Mozley, on Lord Morpeth's attack 
 on him as Editor of the ' Remains,' 
 210. 
 
 to Miss Harriett Newman, from 
 Dartington, 65 ; from Malta, 68 
 note ; on his visit to Egesta, 94 note ; 
 on his mother's death, 200. 
 
 to Miss Jemima Newman, on his 
 loneliness at Malta, 92, on India as 
 a field for his work, 156 ; on a 
 proposed visit to R. H. F., 182; 
 on his 35th birthday, his surrender 
 to God's will, and fears of losing 
 R. H. F., 195. 
 
 to Mrs. Newman (his mother), on 
 the Oriel Fellowship of 1826., 35; 
 on his stay at Dartington. 
 
 to Mrs. Rickards, on R. H. F.'s 
 health and association with the 
 Oxford Movement, veiled allusion, 
 130. 
 
 to Rogers on the death of Miss 
 Rogers, 200-1 ; on his reasons for 
 desiring to publish R. H. F.'s 
 ' Private Thoughts,' 205. 
 
 from Rogers, during his last visit to 
 R. H. F., 189. 
 
 to Mr. Hope-Scott, on the scope of 
 the Church, 310 note. 
 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., letters, continued — 
 
 to Wilson, on the people as the 
 
 fulcrum of the Church's power, 
 
 102. 
 
 to Wilson, on the state of R. H. F.'s 
 
 health in 1835., 188. 
 
 the Martyrs' Memorial as "a good 
 cut at," 338. 
 
 Mediterranean tour of, with R. H. F. , 
 and its events, 77, 78, 79 et seq., 
 the famous interview with Wise- 
 man, 103, 179, 288, 304, 343 note, 
 return to Sicily and illness, 117, 
 alleged effects of the tour, 178. 
 
 ' Lyra Apostolica ' begun at Rome, 
 during, 85 &f note, fine quality of 
 his poems in, 109-10. 
 
 and the Oxford Movement, passim, 
 his real position in relation thereto, 
 that of "rouser," 125, J. A. Froude 
 on, 365, himself on, "the rhetori- 
 cian," 193, on his place and that of 
 Keble and R. H. F. in, 406. 
 on its evolution, 62, 115. 
 
 teaching of, on self-knowledge, 348. 
 
 University honours, 35. 
 
 views of, on frequent Communion, (in 
 1833-4.), 149 ^ ^o^^- 
 
 Williams on his first impression of, 
 322-3. 
 
 wrestling of, with the subject of 
 Tradition, 182. 
 
 writings of, (j«« ' Lyra Apostolica ' 
 and under names), their unique 
 literary charm, 220 ; the fine quality 
 of his poems, 109-10, his style as 
 affected by R. H. F.'s downright- 
 ness, 215. 
 
 cited on the greater purity of "our 
 creed" than of the "Roman," 
 
 1833-. 93- 
 
 on the importance to his whole life 
 of his becoming acquainted with the 
 Breviary, 352, 356. 
 on Keble's Oxford status, 22. 
 on his own and R. H. F.'s election to 
 Oriel Fellowships, 35, and on the 
 end of his Tutorship, 62. 
 on the resemblance between Keble 
 and S. Philip Neri, 229 note. 
 on the severe type of Isaac Williams' 
 religion, 305. 
 ' Nineteenth Century, ' J-ee ' Contemporary 
 
 Review ' and 
 Nixon, Lieutenant-Colonel J. Lyons, 
 
 President of Nevis, 136 note. 
 Noetics, the, of Oxford, Davison assumed 
 
 as one of, 153. 
 Nonconformist definition of the Church, 
 circa 1830., 249. 
 
430 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Nonjurors, the, attitude of R. H. F. to, 
 139, 160, 353, his father on, 371 
 note, shared by the other Trac- 
 tarians, 361. 
 
 O 
 
 Oakeley, Rev. Canon Frederick, 85 
 note, one of the Oxford extremists, in 
 ' Historical Notes on the Tractarian 
 Movement,' cited on R. H. F.'s 
 connection therewith, 299. 
 
 his underhned copy of the ' Christian 
 Year,' 159. 
 
 his quotation, and its bearing on 
 R. H. F.'s possible eventual change 
 of creed, 225. 
 O'Brien, Rt. Rev. Bishop of Ferns and 
 Leighton, his severe characterisation 
 of R. H. F., based on the ' Remains,' 
 210. 
 ' Old Self and New Self,' poem by 
 
 R. H. F., 108-9. 
 Oratory, the English, a sort of veneration 
 
 of, for R. H. F., 229. 
 Ordination and the administration of the 
 
 Sacraments, R. H. F. on, 149. 
 Oriel College, (College of S. Mary), 
 Oxford, {see Coplestone and 
 Hawkins, Provosts of), association 
 of R. H. F. with, 2, 4, his matricu- 
 lation at, 1821., 9, commencement 
 at, of his intimacy with Newman, 37. 
 
 Blanco White at, his influence on 
 R. H. F. and his friends, 46-7. 
 
 election of Provost, 1828., reasons for 
 R. H. F.'s absence from, 62. 
 
 Fellowships first thrown open by, to 
 the whole University, 35, its 
 standards for electing Fellows, 35, 
 consequent troubles at, 36. 
 
 and Common Room life, features of, 
 in R. H. F.'s day, 356. 
 
 five hundredth anniversary of its 
 foundation, R. H. F.'s (private) 
 prayer on this occasion, 41. 
 
 impression produced at, by the death 
 ofR. H. F., 198. 
 
 Junior Treasurership of, R. H. F.'s 
 excellent work in the past, 198, his 
 resignation, 74- 
 
 Martyrs' Memorial, the, originated 
 
 in. 337- 
 Noetics of, 153. 
 and the Oxford Movement, the leaders 
 
 chiefly Oriel men, 115, Rannie, 
 
 cited on, 356 et seq. 
 "tea-drinking" (and temperance) at, 
 
 392- 
 
 Oriel College, continued — 
 Tutorships at, Keble's, its effect on 
 R. H. F., 10, R. H. F.'s (with 
 others), their aims and ideals, result 
 of the defeat of the Tutors on them- 
 selves and on their College, 62w 
 
 'Oriel College,' by David Watson 
 Rannie, cited on R. H. F.'s con- 
 nection with the Oxford Movement, 
 356. 
 
 ' Oriel College, Reminiscences chiefly of,' 
 by Rev. T. Mozley, cited on the 
 same subject, 391. 
 
 Oriel or Whatelian School, the Keble 
 school as opposed to, 322. 
 
 Oscott College, Newman at, 1846., 227. 
 
 Ottery St. Mary, Free School, and its 
 master, R. H. F.'s early education 
 received at, 5, 132 note. 
 
 Overton, Rev. J. H., D.D., in 'The 
 Anglican Revival,' on R. H. F.'s 
 connection in the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 324. 
 
 Oxford, Bishops of, see Lloyd and 
 Wilberforce. 
 the Martyrs' Memorial at, origin of, 
 337, and why erected, 208 &' note. 
 
 ' Oxford Counter-Reformation, The,' by 
 J. A. Froude, cited on R. H. F.'s 
 connection therewith, 358. 
 
 ' Oxford High Anglicanism and its Chief 
 Leaders,' by Rev. Dr. J. H. Rigg, 
 cited on R. H. F.'s connection 
 therewith, 291. 
 
 'Oxford Movement, The,' by Dean 
 Church, cited on R. H. F.'s con- 
 nection therewith, 235. 
 
 Oxford Movement, the, accused of 
 "ecclesiastical fopperies," 221, and 
 of Medizevalism, 225. 
 attitude of towards Catholic practices, 
 224, to Cranmer, 361, and the 
 Reformers, 210, to the Nonjurors, 
 361. 
 R. H. F.'s last efforts on behalf of, 
 
 161, 195, 198, 339. 
 history of, sketched by Sir J. Stephen, 
 
 263. 
 its inciting causes, 248, 351, original 
 intentions, 290, anticipated out- 
 come, 223 6" note, 343 &" note, 
 effect on of the issue of the 
 'Remains,' 245, the "new party" 
 evolved from, their ultimate destina- 
 tion, 225-6. 
 
 Oxford Movement, The, its leaders, {see 
 also under each name) " feminine 
 sternness" of, 115, ii6, or alleged 
 lack of virility, 299 ; the leading 
 triumvirate of, J. A. Froude on, 362, 
 
INDEX 
 
 431 
 
 Oxford Movement, The, continued— 
 R. H. F. as the "perfect flower" 
 of, 211, the "traveller" and the 
 "wing and talon" of, 222; Mozley 
 on, 391, severe character of their 
 religion, 63, 305, 350, 403. 
 
 Lord Melbourne on, 113. 
 
 its most important year, " the 
 Hampden Year," 1836., 190. 
 
 Rogers' value to, R. H. F. on, 190-1. 
 
 Ward's views on, and account of its 
 attitude and spirit, cited, 285. 
 Oxford University, Divinity Professor- 
 ship, at. Lord Melbourne's action 
 concerning, 195, 206 note. 
 
 extremists of, 225. 
 
 R. H. F.'s desire to return to, 1835., 
 l8l, and return, 188, 397. 
 
 High Churchmen of, 291. 
 
 life, in the time of the Tractarians, 
 Mark Pattison on, 155. 
 
 Newman's "young men" at, their 
 Mediaevalism, 225. 
 
 Oxford Movement in, see Oxford 
 Movement supra. 
 
 P^STUM compared with Egesta, 95. 
 Palermo, Newman's long delay at, 
 
 1833-. 117- 
 
 Palmer, Rev. W., of Worcester College, 
 Oxford, author of ' Origines Litur- 
 gicae,' attitude of, to the Martyrs' 
 Memorial, 337. 
 and the Oidbrd Movement ; first 
 shocked by R. H. F., 257, after- 
 wards enlisted by him among 
 the Tractarians, 324, one of the 
 Hadleigh Conference, his use of 
 the word "conspiracy" for, 154, 
 co-author with Newman, of 
 Tract 15., severely criticised by 
 R. H. F., 194 6" note, 291 ; 
 Tract 63. called by R. H. F. his 
 "analysis of Palmer," 126. 
 views of, on the social status of the 
 clergy, 118. 
 
 Paradox, love of the Froudes for, 256. 
 
 'Parochial Sermons' by Newman, 91, 
 157, 177. 185. R- H. F. on, 159, 
 165, veiled references, to him, in 
 them, 157-8, 406. 
 
 Parthenon, the, ideas of R. H. F. on, 394. 
 
 Pascal, Blaise, resemblance of R. H. F. 
 to, noted by Dean Church, 240 note, 
 
 253- 
 cited on the Eucharist, 164. 
 
 " Passon Chowne " of Blackmore's novel, 
 and his prototype, " Passon Freiide," 
 1 1 (5t= note. 
 
 Patriarchs, the, the Canon of Ephesus 
 concerning, R. H. F. on, 194. 
 
 Pattison, Rev. Mark, on the effects of 
 the Oxford Movement on University 
 life, 155. 
 on his slight acquaintance with 
 R. H. F., (in ' Memoirs' ), 407. 
 
 Penance, R. H. F. on, Keble's advice to 
 him concerning, 47. 
 
 Penry, an Elizabethan Puritan, R. H. F. 
 on, 123. 
 
 Perceval, Rev. Arthur Philip, 289, 
 invited to join the Hadleigh "con- 
 spiracy" by Palmer, 154. 
 reviser of the 'Churchman's Manual, 
 
 119. 
 views of R. H. F., Rose and Palmer 
 on, ib. 
 
 Peter Martyr, and his associates, 164. 
 
 Philpotts, Rt. Rev. Henry, Bishop of 
 Exeter, 1831 et seq., cited on the 
 attitude of the Papacy to the Eman- 
 cipation Act, 361. 
 
 Piercefield Park, sometime home of 
 Elizabeth Smith, 33 note. 
 
 Pindar, R. H. F. on the "Tory feeling" 
 of, 61. 
 
 Pinder, Rev. John Hothersal, first 
 Principal of Codrington College, 
 Barbados, 147. 
 
 Pindus Mountains and others, seen from 
 Zante, 90. 
 
 Plymtree, Rev. T. Mozley at, 155 note. 
 
 Poems by Richard Hurrell Froude : — 
 ' As well might sun and rain con- 
 tending,' fragment, part of, ' Lord, 
 I have fasted, I have prayed,' 112. 
 ' Daniel,' in ' L. Apostolica,' 107. 
 ' Dialogue between the Old Self and 
 the New,' in ' L. Apostolica,' 108, 
 
 4°4-S- 
 
 ' Farewell to Feudalism,' in ' L. 
 Apostolica,' III. 
 
 'The Fashion of this World passeth 
 away,' 45. 
 
 ' Heaven-in- Earth,' 46. 
 
 'On the Hateful Party,' in 'L. Apos- 
 tolica,' 98. 
 
 ' Sight against Faith,' in ' L. Apos- 
 tolica,' no. 
 
 ' The Summons, ' 46. 
 
 'Trembling Hope,' for ' L. Apos- 
 tolica,' 106. 
 
 'Tyre,' for 'L. Apostolica,' no. 
 
 ' Weakness of Nature,' for ' L. Apos- 
 tolica,' HI, 112; lines afterwards 
 added to, 112. 
 
432 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Poems by Richard Hurrell Froude, con- 
 tinued — 
 ' What is Home ? thou silly, silly, 
 wight,' 318. 
 
 Poems by John Henry Newman — 
 ' Isles of the Sirens,' 331-2. 
 ' Lead, Kindly Light,' and its 
 
 associations, 78. 
 ' Separation of Friends,' 330. 
 ' There strayed awhile amid the woods 
 of Dart,' 65. 
 
 ' Poetry of the Anti-Jacobins ' and its 
 Editor, 127 note. 
 
 Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, R. H. F.'s 
 admiration for, 304. 
 
 " Popery," attributed to the Tractarians, 
 172, "no danger," according to 
 Stephen, his reasons, 193. 
 
 " Popish," epithet applied to Newman's 
 Tracts, 145. 
 
 Portugal, Coast of, as commented on by 
 R. H. F., 79 et seq. 
 John VI., King of, 81 note. 
 
 Praed, William Mackworth, a school- 
 fellow of R. H. F. at Eton, 6. 
 
 Prcemunire, the question of, in the 
 'Remains,' how treated by the 
 critics, 211. 
 views of Newman on R. H. F.'s articles 
 on, 146. 
 
 Prayer-Book, the, attitude of R. H. F. 
 towards, 250. 
 
 Prayer-Book teaching not a convertible 
 term for Church Teaching, R. H. F. 
 on, 170. 
 
 Prayers of R. H. F., absence of the name 
 of Christ from, 272 ; that on the SOOth 
 anniversary of Oriel College, 41. 
 
 Preaching, views of R. H. F. on, 133. 
 
 Prevost, Ven. Archdeacon Sir George, 
 269, 312, his wife, first curacy and 
 later benefices of, 43 if note, ill- 
 health of, 162. 
 cited in his edition of 'The Auto- 
 biography of Isaac Williams, B.D.,' 
 on R. H. F.'s connection with the 
 Oxford Movement, 320. 
 
 Private Judgement, views on, of R. H. F., 
 362. 
 
 "Private thoughts" of R. H. F., New- 
 man on, 204-5. 
 
 Privy Council, the, in relation to 
 ecclesiastical causes, 113, 114. 
 
 "Prose," a, Oxford meaning of the 
 term, 197 note. 
 
 ' Prosperity,' poem by Newman, allusion 
 in, to R. H. 'F.,^6&' note. 
 
 Protestantism, attitude of, to the future 
 life, 213. 
 attitude of R. H. F. to, 191, 259, 272. 
 
 Protestantism, continued — 
 
 History of, a good, desired by 
 R. H. F., 184. 
 Publications by Newman, see names of 
 
 his works separately. 
 Pugin, A. N. Welby, and his vernacular, 
 
 215. 
 Pulpit and Altar, relative position and 
 value of, according to R. H. F. , 149. 
 Puritans of the Elizabethan period, 
 
 R. H. F. on, 123. 
 "Puritanism, Latitudinarianism, Popery, 
 Infidelity ,"all acquired by the Whigs, 
 according to R. H. F., 133 ; deduc- 
 tions of his Editor from this view, 
 133 note. 
 Pusey, Edward Bouverie, D.D., school- 
 fellow of R. H. F.'s at Eton, 6. 
 
 dismay of, at the decision against Stone 
 Altars, 178 note. 
 
 and his friends, R. H. F. and Keble, 
 345, contrasted with Newman by 
 P^re Ragey, 226-7. 
 
 individuality of, and of Keble and 
 Newman, 398. 
 
 his ignorance of Kant and Coleridge, 
 116 note. 
 
 letter to, from Rose, cited, asking for 
 a notice of the ' Remains,' 209 ; 
 another from W. G. Ward on the 
 effect on him of reading the 'Re- 
 mains,' 282. 
 
 in relation to the Oxford Movement, 
 125, 290, 294, 334, 362. 
 
 theological interests of, 356. 
 
 views held by in 1823., Newman's 
 attitude towards, 55. 
 
 views of, on the 'Remains,' inference 
 as to, 301. 
 
 R 
 
 Ragey, Pfere, contrasting the mental 
 
 methods of Newman and Pusey, 
 
 226-7. 
 Ralegh, Sir Walter, house of, beside the 
 
 Dart, 63. 
 Raleigh, Prof., views of, on Milton as a 
 
 poet, 24 note. 
 Rannie, David Watson, in ' Oriel 
 
 College,' on R. H. F.'s connection 
 
 with the Oxford Movement, 356. 
 Raphael, Sanzio d'Urbino, his pictures at 
 
 Rome and their state in 1833., 
 
 R. H. F. on, and on German study 
 
 of, and its results, 96-7. 
 Rationalism, in relation to Doctrine, 
 
 "flaming papers," by R. H. , F., 
 
 on, 146. 
 "Ratting," as used by R. H. F. and 
 
 Newman, 145 note, 160 note. 
 
INDEX 
 
 433 
 
 Real Presence, the, reference to in ' The 
 Christian Year,' 171 6^ note. 
 
 'Recessional,' by Rudyard Kipling, re- 
 semblance to, in idea, of Newman's 
 ' Isles of the Sirens,' 332. 
 
 Reding, Charles (in 'Loss and Gain'), 
 see Willis and Reding. 
 
 Reformation, The, in England, attitude 
 of R. H. F. to, his phrase for, 72-3, 
 his views shared by others, 132, 136, 
 162, 164, 271, 336. 
 
 Reformers, the, {see also Cranmer, Ridley, 
 Latimer, Luther, Sfc.') attitude of 
 R. H. F. and others to, and de- 
 nunciations of, 164, 190, 245-6, 259, 
 260, 271, 284, 286, 287, 291, 292, 
 293, 294, 301, 337, attitude of the 
 Oxford Movement to, J. A. Froude 
 on, 361, "not to be quashed by the 
 Froudes of these times," Stephen, 
 cited, 271. 
 
 Religion of R. H. F. and of Newman, 
 character of, 63, 305, 35°. 403- 
 a non-sentimental, misliked of the 
 multitude, 212. 
 
 Religious works read by R. H. F., 1826., 
 
 43-S- 
 'Remains, The, of the Rev. R. H. 
 Froude ' ; — 
 
 absence of the name of Christ from 
 prayers in, 354. 
 
 appearance of, and impressions given 
 by, 20S, its Editors and contents, 
 202-3, tiisir attitude, 296-7, and mis- 
 calculation, 244 et seq. , their reasons 
 for publishing, 2IO-II, 325, 367 et 
 seq., inapposite time of its publica- 
 tion, and ethical risk of issuing, 211 
 et seq., the "goose for dinner" 
 matter, and its bearings, 211, reasons 
 for the adverse view excited by, of 
 R. H. F., 214, contrasted with the 
 'Apologia' as a presentment of the 
 person concerned, 246, its unfairness 
 to R. H. F., 353 ; defects in the 
 editing of, 218, effect of, 265, 277-8, 
 336, on the subsequent seceders from 
 the Church of England, 225 ; a 
 veritable storm centre, 210, spoken 
 against in the House of Commons, 
 and defended by Gladstone, ib., 
 reasons for its small sale, 208, 2og, 
 211 et seq., 218 ; the motto of, 207 ; 
 one of the most discussed letters in, 
 100 ; the sole reprint from, 208-9 > 
 traces of R. H. F.'s ignorance of 
 the Roman Catholic system in, 288, 
 points insisted on by the Editor, 
 286. 
 
 approved by his father, 209. 
 
 28 
 
 ' Remains, The,' continued — 
 cited on his connection with the Oxford 
 
 Movement, 367. 
 extracts (at length) from, on R. H. F.'s 
 family, education, writings, etc., and 
 on the reasons for publication, 367 
 et seq. 
 the first of modern introspective pub- 
 lications, 211. 
 private and public views on, 209, 2io 
 et seq. , and see Part II. 
 ' Remains of William Ralph Churton 
 published by his friends, Keble 
 Froude, and others, 53 note. 
 ' Reminiscences chiefly of Oriel College,' 
 by the Rev. T. Mozley, cited on 
 R. H. F.'s influence on the Oxford 
 Movement, 391. 
 Reunion of Christendom, R. H. F. a 
 
 pledge for, 229. 
 Rickards, Rev. Samuel, a friend of 
 R. H. F., 30. 
 letter to from Newman on R. H. F.'s 
 
 health and exile, 130. 
 cited on the indications shown by 
 R. H. F's handwriting, 247. 
 Ridley, {see also Cranmer, Latimer, etc., 
 and Reformers), and the Oxford 
 Martyrs' Memorial, 337. 
 views of R. H. F. on, 164, 208. 
 
 Rev. J. H., D.D., cited on the 
 probability of R. H. F.'s eventual 
 change of creed, 225. 
 cited, in ' Oxford High Anglicanism 
 and its Chief Leaders,' on R. H. F. 
 and his connection with the Oxford 
 movement, 291. 
 Rivingtons, publishers of the ' Remains,' 
 
 203, and 'Tracts,' 145. 
 Robinson, Crabb, and Hazlitt, a parallel 
 meeting of Newman and R. H. F., 
 
 35- 
 Rogers, Canon, father of F. R., (Lord 
 Blachford), a fi-iend of R. H. F., 
 130. 
 Colonel, cicerone of R. H. F. at 
 
 Gibraltar, 83. 
 Frederic, afterwards Lord Blachford, 
 a pupil of R. H. F. and of New- 
 man, 75- 
 confidant of H. Wilberforce's qualms 
 
 over his marriage, 146. 
 eye-troubles of, 188. 
 letters to, from Dean Church on R. 
 H. F. 's resemblance to Pascal, 240. 
 from R. H. F. on his Christmas in 
 
 Barbados, 151. 
 from Newman, on the death of Miss 
 
 Rogers, 200-1. 
 from Newman, on the suggested visit 
 
434 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Rogers, F., letters, continued— 
 
 to R. H. F., 182; on the 'Private 
 Thoughts' of R. H. F., 205, 337 ; 
 to Newman, on his last visit to 
 R. H. F., and on his sister and 
 \it'c fianci, 189; on R. H. F.'s 
 rapid decline, 190, 192 ; on 
 Stephen's article on R. H. F., 264. 
 to Miss Rogers on R. H. F's health, 
 
 175- 
 R. H. F. on his value to the Oxford 
 
 Movement, 190-1. 
 visit of, to R. H. F. in his last days, 
 
 182, 185, 187, 188, 195. 
 cited on R. H. F.'s appearance, cha- 
 racter and habits, 254, on his aspect 
 on the return from Barbados, 1 74-5. 
 on the 'Remains,' Newman's reasons 
 for publishing, 205, 337, his review 
 of, m the ' British Critic,' 306, on 
 effect of that book on W. G. Ward, 
 283, on Stephen's article on R. H. 
 F., 264 note. 
 work of, with Dean Church, on 
 R. H. F., 221. 
 Rohan-Chabot family, fellow-travellers 
 
 with R. H. F. in Messina, 92. 
 Roman Breviary, see Breviary. 
 
 Catholic definition of the Church in 
 
 1830., 249-50. 
 Hagiology, attractions of, for R. H. 
 F., 285. 
 Roman Catholicism, Newman's objurga- 
 tions of, R. H. F. on, 186 &■ note. 
 R. H. F.'s supposed tendencies towards, 
 see under Church of Rome. 
 Rome, {see also Church of Rome), associa- 
 tion of 'Lyra Apostolica' with, 85 
 note. 
 ardent wish of Newman to reach, 93, 
 his query at, regarding Dr. Arnold, 
 145, his stay at, 1833., 104. 
 impressions of R. H. F. on, chief in- 
 terest of his visit, 94, et seq., his 
 meeting with Wiseman, loi, scheme 
 of, for re-visiting with Isaac Williams, 
 167, 168, 173, 175, 179. 
 W. G. Ward's attitude to, in 1841,, 
 285. 
 Rose Bank and Rose Hill, Iffley, homes 
 of Newman's mother and sisters, 63, 
 
 92. 93- 
 Rose, Rev. Hugh James, editor of the 
 ' British Magazine ' and rector of 
 Hadleigh, 153, the Hadleigh con- 
 ference called by, 118, 289, his pre- 
 liminaries of campaign, 119 and 
 progress 124. 
 Newman's wish for R. H. F. to be 
 associated with him, 146-7. 
 
 Rose, Rev. H. J., continued — 
 
 sonnet by R. H. F., postponed publica- 
 tion of, by, 97 note, 99. 
 
 on the 'Remains,' letter to Pusey 
 favourable to, 209, on Rogers' criti- 
 cism of it, 309 note. 
 
 on R. H. F.'s lack of fear of "infer- 
 ences," 380, on his strong hold of 
 first principles, 261 and association 
 with the Oxford Movement, 261-2. 
 
 on the social status of the clergy, 
 
 137- 
 Palmer, and Perceval contrasted as to 
 
 classes of mind, with R. H. F., 
 
 Keble, and Newman, 334. 
 Routh, Martin, D.D., President of 
 
 Magdalen College, Oxford, a living 
 
 representative of the High Church 
 
 of the eighteenth century in R. H. 
 
 F.'s days at Oxford, 292. 
 Rubrics, the, misapplication of, R. H. 
 
 F. on, (to Newman) 128. 
 Ruby tint for glass, derived from gold, 
 
 R. H. F.'s queries on, 99. 
 Ruskin, John, cited on the limitations 
 
 of the judgement of the People, 
 
 2\2 &= note. 
 Ryder, Henry, his views modified by 
 
 his acquaintance with R. H. F., 
 
 321. 
 Rev. George Dudley, his wife and 
 
 marriage, and his brothers-in-law, 
 
 14s (Sr= note, 160. 
 
 Sacheverell's Trial, High Church 
 popularity among the lower classes 
 at the time of, R. H. F. on, 133. 
 
 S. Ambrose, reference to, of Wiseman, 
 in relation to R. H. F., 343. 
 
 St. Andr^, Jean Bon de, song referring 
 to, applied by R. H. F. to himself, 
 127 note. 
 
 S. Augustine, and others, their imitators 
 among the Tractarians according to 
 Wiseman, 344 &° note. 
 
 S. Basil the Great, R. H. F. likened to, 
 by Newman, 165-6. 
 
 S. Bernard and S. Benedict, their ideal 
 of moderation, 130. 
 
 St. Christopher's (St. Kitt's), W. Indies, 
 visited by R. H. F., 135, his de- 
 scription, 137. 
 
 S. Columbkille, 89 note. 
 
 St. David's, Bishop of, see Thirlwall. 
 
 S. Dionysius, observance of his day in 
 Corfu, 87. 
 
INDEX 
 
 435 
 
 S. Ebbe's parish, Oxford, 68, R. H. F.'s 
 
 reasons for declining work in, 69. 
 S. Francis of Sales, R. H. F.'s grouping 
 
 of, 165 &= note, 303. 
 S. Giles' church, Oxford, its pure early 
 
 English architecture, R. H. F.'s 
 
 delight in, 395. 
 S. Giles-in-the-Fields, London, Tyler's 
 
 first benefice, 50. 
 S. Gregory Nazianzen, some resem- 
 blances of Newman to, 165-6. 
 St. John, Rev. Ambrose, of the Oratory, 
 
 the dearest friend of Newman's later 
 
 life, 228. 
 S. Kevin's cell or bed, Glendalough, 
 
 visited by R. H. F. , 59-60. 
 S. Mary's Church, Darlington, where 
 
 R. H. F. and his brothers were 
 
 "received," 4, the stone altar at, 
 
 and other alterations in, by R. H. 
 
 F., 178. 
 S. Mary-the-Virgin's Church, Oxford, 
 
 introduction of daily services at, by 
 
 Newman, 149. 
 R. H. F.'s sermon on Knowledge 
 
 preached at, 1830., 61. 
 Keble's sermon on National Apostasy, 
 
 1833-, 113- 
 
 St. Mary Church, Torquay, funeral of 
 Rev. G. M. Coleridge at, 5. 
 
 S. Paul's Cathedral, and its architec- 
 ture, 96. 
 
 S. Peter's Cathedral, Rome, administra- 
 tion for, and interest on, of R. H. F., 
 
 96. 99. 395- 
 S. Philip Neri, resemblance to, of R. H. 
 
 F. and of Keble, 229 if note. 
 S. Sepulchre's Church, Cambridge, and 
 
 its Stone Altar, 178 note. 
 S. Spiridion, patron of Corfu, his body, 
 
 and festival, 90 &" note. 
 S. Swithun, weather-proverb concerning 
 
 falsified, 1831., 68 6^ note. 
 St. Thomas, Island, visited by R. H. F., 
 
 139. 
 
 S. Thomas k Becket, (see Life and Times 
 of), his name for the poor, 127. 
 John of Salisbury, his biographer, and 
 his saying to him, cited by R. H. F. , 
 160. 
 
 Saint-making, R. H. F. on, 130. 
 
 Saints, Roman Catholic, superiority of, in 
 R. H. F.'s view, and in Rogers' (see 
 Part IL), 285. 
 
 Salisbury, see John of Salisbury. 
 
 Salvation, sureness of, Newman's usual 
 doctrine on, 351. 
 
 Saravia and Bancroft, King James' trans- 
 lators of the A. V. , " revivers of ortho- 
 doxy in England," R. H. F.,on, 124. 
 
 Sargent, Rev. John of Lavington, his 
 daughters and their noted husbands, 
 145 note, 160 note. 
 Savonarola, 185. 
 " Sawney," as used by R. H. F., 6 note, 
 
 77, 319 S' note, 346. 
 Scotch Orders, preference for, of R. H. 
 
 F., i6r. 
 Scott, Dean, cited on the effect of the 
 ' Remains ' on W. G. Ward, 283, 
 James Robert Hope-, effect on, of the 
 ' Remains ', 225 ; letter of Newman 
 to, on the Church and its scope for 
 devotional and penitential feelings, 
 310 note. 
 Sir G. G., designer of the Oxford 
 
 Martyrs' Memorial, 337. 
 Sir Walter, guest of the Bunsens in 
 Rome, 100, visit of, to S. Kevin's 
 bed, 59 note. 
 Sedgwick, Adam, Woodwardian Pro- 
 fessor of Geology at Cambridge, 
 1833., 103 Ss' note. 
 Self-government, R. H. F.'s struggles for, 
 12 et seq., 241, 253, 267, 311, 341, 
 346-9, shewn in ' L. Apostolica,' 403. 
 Self-knowledge, Newman's doctrine con- 
 cerning, 348, 349. 
 Sermons by R. H. F., written in 1833., 
 121, 126, that on Knowledge 
 preached at Oxford 1830., 61, the 
 style of his preaching, 62. 
 Severn, Joseph, artist and friend of 
 Keats, R. H. F.'s acquaintance with, 
 in Rome, 96-8. 
 Ships, resistance and propulsion of, 
 W. Froude's experiments concern- 
 ing, R. H. F.'s interest in, 112. 
 Sicily, Newman's illness in, 117. 
 ' Sight against Faith,' sonnet by R. H. F., 
 
 in 'L. Apostolica," iio-ii, 405. 
 Simcox, Mr. , cited on Newman's indeci- 
 sion after R. H. F.'s death, 227. 
 Smith, Rev. Bernard, Canon, cited on the 
 Oxford attitude to Catholic prac- 
 tices, 224. 
 Smith, Elizabeth, of Burnhall, Oriental 
 scholar and poetess, R. H. F.'s ad- 
 miration of her writings, 33, not 
 extended to her translations of 
 Klopstock, 34. 
 " Smug ^ as used by R. H. F., 161 6" 
 
 note. 
 Social status of the Clergy, views on, of 
 
 R. H. F., Ii8, 137, 150. 
 Society, its effect on himself feared by 
 
 R. H. F., 129. 
 Society of the Holy Cross, called a "con- 
 spiracy " by Archbishop Tait, 154. 
 Solitude and dejection, Newman on, 200. 
 
436 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Southampton, as seen from the sea, 
 
 R. H. F. on, 28. 
 Southey, Robert, poet-laureate, attitude 
 of, to the ' Remains,' 214, cited on 
 their publication, 406. 
 
 cited on his own virtuous memory and 
 its survival, 213. 
 Southrop and other parishes, forming 
 
 Keble's first curacy, 21 &^ note. 
 Spedding family, the, its origin, migra- 
 tions and homes, 2, 3. 
 
 Anthony, uncle of R. H. F., 2. 
 
 Edward, only child of Phillis Spedding 
 (nh Froude), his early death, 177. 
 
 James, the Baconian, friend of Tenny- 
 son and the Froudes, cousin of 
 R. H. F., 2, his home and parent- 
 age, 3, his connection with Carlyle, ib. 
 
 John, of Armathwaite Hall, his wife 
 and family, 2. 
 
 John, the younger, 2, becomes heir to 
 Thomas Story of Mirehouse, 3, his 
 wife and sons, ib. , his notable guests, 
 60, R. H. F.'s visit to, 1829., 58-60. 
 
 Margaret, vrife of John, the elder, 
 and mother of Margaret, afterwards 
 wife of Archdeacon R. H. Froude, 2. 
 
 Margaret, the younger, wife of Arch- 
 deacon R. H. Froude, and mother 
 of R. H. F., her birth and parentage 
 2, her marriage, 3. 
 
 Mary, aunt of R. H. F., 2, 4, 8, 9, 
 almshouse erected by, with tablet 
 in memory of her sister Mrs. 
 Froude, 10. 
 
 Phillis Jane, n^e Froude, 3, 9, 20, 
 wife of Thomas Stoiy Spedding, 
 her marriage, ill-health, son, and 
 death, 3, 67, 162, 165, 175-6. 
 
 Thomas Story, eldest brother of 
 James, (the Baconian), and his wife 
 Phillis, R. H. F.'s sister, 3, re- 
 marriage of, 178. 
 
 William, uncle of R. H. F., 2. 
 Speech and its dangers, R. H. F.'s 
 
 realisation of, 217. 
 Stained glass and glass mosaic, R. H. 
 F.'s letter on, to W. Froude, 
 
 i833m 99- 
 ' State Interference in Matters Spiritual,' 
 
 by R. H. F. ; its value, 146, the 
 
 only reprint from the ' Remains,' 269. 
 Stephen, Sir James, annoyance of, at 
 
 R. H. F.'s attitude to the West 
 
 Indian slaves, 169. 
 Newman's conversation with, and note 
 
 on, 193. 
 cited on the " ecclesiastical fopperies " 
 
 of R. H. F. and the Tractarians, 
 
 231 &= note. 
 
 Stephen, Sir James, continued — 
 cited in ' Evangelical Succession,' on 
 
 R. H. F. and the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 263. 
 Stevenson, Robert Louis, ' Letters ' of, 
 
 cited, 14 note. 
 Story, Thomas, and his heirs, 3, 178. 
 Straits of Bonifacio, birthplace of, ' Lead, 
 
 Kindly Light,' 78. 
 ' Summons, The,' unfinished verses by 
 
 R. H. F., 46. 
 Sutton, Sir C. Manners, raised to the 
 
 peerage as Viscount Canterbury, 
 
 1835., 174 W/£. 
 
 Tait, Archbishop, his use of the word 
 
 "conspiracy," 154. 
 Taormina, charms of, for Newman, 66. 
 Taylor, Jeremy, his failings as a "dis- 
 
 courser," Chillingworth citedon, 182. 
 Tennyson, friendship of, for James 
 
 Spedding, 3. 
 Theology, R. H. F.'s lack of any " turn " 
 
 for, 246. 
 Thierry, A., his history of the Norman 
 
 Conquest criticised by R. H. F., 
 
 77 &" note. 
 Thirlwall, Rev. Connop, D.D., Bishop 
 
 of St. David's, the historian, 103 
 
 &= note. 
 'Thoughts in Past Years,' poems by 
 
 Isaac Williams, cited on R. H. F.'s 
 
 connection with the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 326. 
 Thureau-Dangin, Paul, cited on R. H. 
 
 F. 's interview with Wiseman, 1 79 &= 
 
 note, and on his possible eventual 
 
 change of creed, 225. 
 Tintern, associations of, for R. H. 
 
 F-, 43- 
 
 Tithes, R. H. F. on, 172. 
 
 Torbay, 180, calms of, 152 ; described 
 by Newman, 63. 
 
 Torquay, its first beginnings, 26. 
 
 Toryism of the first Latitudinarians, 
 R. H. F. on, 133, his own Toryism, 
 260, 361, 392. 
 
 Totnes, 322, Rev. R. H. Froude, Arch- 
 deacon of, 4. 
 
 Tractarian Movement, {see also Oxford 
 Movement), history of its beginning, 
 239, 285, 289, 290-1, 342, 352. 
 leaders of, long omission of R. II. F.'s 
 name from the biographies of, 231 ; 
 his definition of their position in 
 1835., 172; their outward aspect, 
 115, 116. 
 
INDEX 
 
 437 
 
 Tractarian Movement, continued — 
 Tracts issued by, the first, by New- 
 man, appearance of, 123. 
 abuse of, as " Popish," reason for 
 this, and results of their issue, 
 145- 
 Protestantism of some, according to 
 
 R. H. F., his cavils at, 172. 
 some on the "safest course " urged 
 
 by R. H. F., 137. 
 suggested revision of, by R. H. F., 
 
 194. 
 Tract 15., and its authors, R. H. F.'s 
 criticism of,! 194 &• note, 291 
 note. 
 Tracts by R. H. F., notably No. 8., 
 after assigned to Newman, 124-5, 
 No. 9., No. 59., and No. 63., 
 aim of this last, 126, 177 note, his 
 request for "lots" of, 143. 
 Tracts by Newman, No. 85., influ- 
 ence of, on W. G. Ward, 282. 
 ' Via Media,' in relation to altera- 
 tions in the Articles, 136 note. 
 in volume form, issue of, 1834., 
 158. 
 Tractarian times, distinctive features of, 
 
 see Zeitgeist, the, of 1832-3. 
 Tradition, in the Roman Catholic Church, 
 its weight and the attitude of R. H. 
 F. to, 132, 171, 293, 320, the 
 question of the view of the Fathers 
 on, considered by Newman, 182, 
 R. H. F. on, 183. 
 'Trembling Hope,' poem by R. H. F., 
 
 in ' L. Apostolica,' 106. 
 Trench, Rev. Richard Chevenix, curate 
 
 at Hadleigh, in 1833., 118. 
 Trent, Council of, see Councils. 
 "Tridentines," R. H. F.'s term used 
 against Roman Catholics, 302, 396, 
 his view of the Tridentine decrees, 
 
 333- 
 
 Tucker, Rev. J., Dean of Corpus Christi 
 College, Oxford, Newman on his 
 prospects of work in India, 156. 
 
 Turner, J. M. W., the great Painter, 
 
 394- 
 Tutors of Oxford Colleges, and their 
 
 duties, views vainly held concerning 
 
 by R. H. F. and his Oriel 
 
 colleagues, 36-7. 
 ' Twelve Good Men,' by Dean Burgon, 
 
 cited on R. H. F. and the Tracts, 
 
 125, and on his use of the word 
 
 "conspiracy," 154. 
 Tyler, Rev. John Endell, " Bob " 
 
 Froude's trick on, 50. 
 his London parish and the street named 
 
 after him, 50. 
 
 'Tyre,' poem by R. H. F., in 'L. Apos- 
 tolica,' no, image of the fisher- 
 man in, 405. 
 
 Tyrrell, Rev. George, s.j., cited on the 
 Eucharistic doctrine, 220 ncte. 
 
 U 
 
 Understanding and Genius, methods 
 of, contrasted by R. H. F., 120. 
 
 Universities, the attitude of, to Church 
 and State, 1832., 114. 
 
 Valentinian ii., the Emperor, (a 
 
 Catechumen), R. H. P'. compared 
 
 to, by Wiseman, 343. 
 Valetta, Newman's poem dated from, 
 
 R. H. F's influence on, 76. 
 Vatican Library, the, and its treasures, 
 
 98, R. H. F.'s plan for historical 
 
 research in, 179. 
 " Vocabularium Apostolicum," the, of 
 
 R. H. F., 127, 251, 387. 
 
 W 
 
 Ward, William George, of Balliol 
 College, Oxford, "Ideal" Ward, 
 leader of the Oxford "extremists," 
 the chief exponent of the Church 
 principles of the Tractarian Leaders, 
 325, not on the scene at the time of 
 R. H. F.'s death, 335, the effect on 
 him, of the "Remains,' 225, his 
 own statement on this point made to 
 Pusey, 282, 283. 
 Wilfrid, in 'William George Ward 
 and the Oxford Movement,' on 
 R. H. F.'s connection with the 
 latter, 282. 
 
 'Watchman, The,' poem by Newman, 
 in ' L. Apostolica,' indicative of the 
 impulsion given by R. H. F., 402-3. 
 
 Watson, Joshua, letter of Rev. H. J. 
 Rose to, cited on Rogers' criticism of 
 the ' Remains,' 309 note. 
 
 ' Weakness of Nature,' poem by 
 R. H. F., II 1-2, additional stanza 
 to, 404. 
 
 Weekes, H., sculptor of the statues of 
 the Oxford Martyrs' Memorial, 337. 
 
 Wellington, Duke of. Testimonial to, when 
 Chancellor of Oxford University, 
 condemnation of, by R. H. F., 190. 
 
 Wesley, Rev. John, 119. 
 
438 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Wesleyan system, the, R. H. F. on, 172. 
 
 West Indies, (see Barbados and other 
 
 islands under their names') religious 
 
 prospects of, R. H. F. on, 1835., 
 
 169, and on the kind of clergj' 
 
 needed in, 150. 
 
 Westmacott, Sir R., the Painter, 394, 
 
 ' What is liome, you silly, silly wight ? ' 
 
 poem by R. H. F., 318. 
 Whately, Richard, Archbishop of Dublin, 
 and Blanco White, 195 &' note. 
 his definition of the Church, 250. 
 his anti-donnish ways, at Oriel, 40 
 
 6r= note. 
 and other Oriel Fellows not First 
 Class men, 35. 
 Whatelian school at Oxford, as opposed 
 
 to the Keble school, 322. 
 Whewell, Rev. W., Master of Trinity 
 
 College, Cambridge, 103 &^ note. 
 Whiggery and Puritanism, R. H. F. 
 
 on, 133. 
 White, Rev. Joseph Blanco, at Oriel, his 
 influence on R. H. F. and his special 
 friends, 46-7. 
 his change of faith, 19S note, and 
 R. H. F.'s review on, in the British 
 Critic,' 186, 187, 195. 
 Wilberforce, Heniy, Vicar of East 
 Farleigh, 35 note, 198. 
 his engagement, Newman on, 145, 
 his misgivings thereanent, 146, his 
 marriage, 160, 190 note. 
 letter to, from R. H. F., 1835., 167. 
 his wife a sister of the wife of 
 S. Wilberforce, 145 note, 160 note, 
 190 note. 
 Robert Isaac, (elder brother of 
 H. W. and S. W.), friend of 
 R. H. F., brief summary of his 
 career, 35 note ; pupil - of Keble, 
 at Southrop, 22, 235, 320, elected 
 to an Oriel Fellowship, 35 note, end 
 of his Tutorship at, 62, his profundity 
 of mind, 70 note. 
 letters to, from R. H. F., 46, S'- . 
 Newman's invitation to, to join him at 
 
 Littlemore, 63. 
 results of his admiration for Cologne 
 
 Cathedral, etc., 394-5- 
 temperament of, 40 Qf note. 
 Rev. Samuel, afterwards Bishop of 
 Oxford, his attitude to the Oxford 
 Martyrs' Memorial, 337. 
 his engagement and R. H. F's con- 
 gratulations, 31, his wife and her 
 sisters, 45 note, 160 note, 190 note. 
 his review of ' L. Apostolica ' and 
 special praise of R. H. F.'s con- 
 tributions, 204. 
 
 Wilberforce, Rev. Samuel, continued — 
 visit to, at Brighstone in the Isle of 
 
 Wight, of R. H F., 85 note, 
 cited on R. H. F. 's melancholy, 252, 
 and on the ' Remains,^ 408. 
 William, the Emancipator, and his 
 successor, 139 note; his remarkable 
 sons, 35 note. 
 William i.. King of Holland, his political 
 difficulties alluded to, by R. H. 
 F., 69. 
 William 111., the Jurors of his reign, 
 
 R. H. F.'s attitude towards, 258. 
 William IV., new difficulties in the 
 relation between Church and State 
 introduced in the reign of, 113. 
 ' William George Ward and the Oxford 
 Movement ' by Wilfrid Ward, cited 
 on R. H. F. and his connection with 
 the latter, 282. 
 Williams, Jane, sister of Isaac, wife of 
 Ven. Sir George Prevost, 43 note, 
 322. 
 Mrs. Isaac, nie Caroline Champer- 
 
 nowne, 322. 
 Rev. Isaac, a friend of the Froudes, 
 9, 102, 116, 185. 
 bad health of, 127, 158, 162 note. 
 a bad sailor, 28. 
 companion of R. H. F. in Cumberland 
 
 in 1826, 43, 312. 
 contributions of, to 'L. Apostolica,' 
 
 404. 
 curacy of, and poetical works by, 43 
 &• note, second curacy at Wuidrush, 
 322 &' note, 
 instigator of daily service at S. Mary's, 
 
 Oxford, 149 note. 
 influence of, on Keble, 22. 
 joint pupil of Keble, with R. H. F., 
 
 235. 320- 
 his love affair, 160 S' note, his wife, 
 
 322. 
 love of Newman for, 167. 
 Oxford Tutorship of, 322. 
 and the ' Remains,' publication of 
 
 extracts from R. II. F.'s letters 
 
 suggested by, 205. 
 reasons given to, by Newman on the 
 
 publication of the book, 325. 
 translation by, of the motto to the 
 
 book, 207. 
 on Archdeacon Froude, 322. 
 visit of, to Devonshire, with R. H. 
 
 F., 321. 
 views of, as described by Newman, 
 
 305 note, 
 cited (in ' Thoughts on Past Years '), 
 
 on R. H. F.'s connection with the 
 
 Oxford Movement, 326. 
 
INDEX 
 
 439 
 
 Williams, Rev. Isaac, continued- 
 cited on R. H. F.'s resemblance to 
 Hamlet, 252, 324. 
 on R, H. F.'s uniqueness, 222. 
 on his first impressions of Newman, 
 
 32273- 
 on his Oxford and Southrop friend- 
 ship with R. H. F. and his col- 
 leagues, 320. 
 Willis and Reding, (in ' Loss and Gain '), 
 
 see 181 note. 
 Wilson, Rev. R. F., curate to Keble, as 
 characterised by R. H. F. mis- 
 quoting Keble, 188, Keble's dis- 
 claimer, 192. 
 letter to Newman, on R. H. F.'s fail- 
 ing health, 1835., 188, one from New- 
 man, on the people as the fulcrum 
 of Church power, 102 note, 
 cited on the difficulties in the editing 
 of the ' Remains,' 211. 
 Wiseman, Dr., afterwards Cardinal, head 
 of the English College in Rome, loi. 
 interview with, of R. H. F. and New- 
 man on the relation between Protes- 
 tantism and the Church of Rome, 
 lOl, 103, 179, 288, 304, 343 note. 
 letter from, to A. P. de Lisle on the 
 
 Oxford Movement, 343-4 note. 
 remark to, of Canon B. Smith, on 
 the Oxford attitude towards Catholic 
 practices, 224. 
 cited(va ' Essays on Various Subjects '), 
 on R. H. F.'s connection with the 
 Oxford Movement, 338. 
 on R. H. F.'s visit to him in Rome, 
 with Newman, 343 note. 
 
 Wordsworth, William, the poet, birth- 
 place of, 60. 
 
 his face an exception to Coleridge's 
 generalisation as to the expression 
 of men of genius, 116. 
 
 his offer to revise the ' Christian Year,' 
 
 3°- . 
 Wren, Sir Christopher, and his adoption 
 
 of the classic form for S. Paul's 
 
 Cathedral, 96. 
 
 Wye, river, Keble's expedition up, with 
 
 R. H, F., referred to, 43. 
 
 YoNGE, James, m.d., a famous Exeter 
 physician, his verdict on R. H. F.'s 
 health, 1832. et seq., 74, 183, 187. 
 
 York Minster, beauty of the unseen details 
 in, R. H. F's joy in, 395. 
 
 " Z.," a, meaning of the term among the 
 
 Tractarians, 142. 
 Z.'s, the Barbados clergy described as, 
 
 byR. H. F., 169. 
 Zante, its cliffs, wine, etc., 86-7, 88, 
 
 longing of R. H. F. to live at 
 
 "among the people," 105. 
 Zeitgeist, the, of 1832-3 in England, 
 
 some of the Oxford Leaders cited 
 
 on, 115. 
 
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 Edinburgh