CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY COBNEU UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3^ 1924 092 346 067 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092346067 MAJSrUAL Universal Church History, REV. DR. JOHN ALZOG, Professor of Theology at the University of Freiburg-. TKANSLATED, WITH ADDITIONS, FKOM THE NINTH AND LAST GERMAN EDITION, F. J. PABISCH, Doctor of Theology ^ of Canon and of Civil Laxv^ President of the Provincial Seminary of Mount St, Mary'^s of the West^ Cincinnati^ O, Rev. THOS. S. BYRNE, Professor at Mount St. Mary^n Seminary, In Three Volumes. ■With thkeb Chkonological Tables and three Ecclesiastjco-geogkapiiical Maps. VOLUME II. CINCINNATI, O. ROBERT CLARKE & CO. 1876. i I I 'i , M //- 1 y Cf g-f- CORNELL 'UNlVERSITYl LIBRARY Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year 1876, by ROBERT CLARKE & CO., In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. Stereotyped by Ogden, Campbell & Co., Cincinnati. PREFACE. The second volume of the translation of Dr. Alzog's Universal Church History, like the first, enjoys the sanction of the proper ecclesiastical authorities. The translators take this occasion to thank many prelates of the country for their cordial approbation ; and reviewers, Catholic and non-Cath- olic, at home and abroad, for their judicious notices and words of encouragement. Much will of course be said of the bulk of the present volume, but no one can be more alive to the fact than the translators themselves, or more sincerely wish the pages were fewer than they are. Under the circumstances it could not be otherAvise. First of all, the work of editing has been far more extensive and laborious in this than the precedipg vol- ume. While conscientiously careful not to omit a single sen- tence of the original, the translators have introduced much that is wholly new, from reliable sources, relating chiefly to countries where the English language is spoken, and in some sections — as, for instance, in that treating of the British Isles — have used the text only as an outline for their guidance. The labor which such additions unavoidably entailed, will, in a measure, account for the delay in bringing out the book. Again, the author has himself made very im|)ortant changes and considerable additions in the later German edi- tions of his history, which are now reproduced for the first time in a translation. In preparing his eighth edition Dr. Alzog entirely recast his former text-book of one volume, added much new matter, partially improved the faults of brevity and obscurity in his sentences by the employment of a more copious diction, and issued the work as a Manual in (iii) iv Preface. two volumes^. In the ninth edition he made similar improve- ments, both as to matter and form, many portions being not only revised, but entirely rewritten. The fourth and last edition of the French translation by Goeschler and Audley, edited by Abbe Sabatier, and pub- lished in 1874-75, is, as far as the French Revolution, based on the seventh German, and from 1789 to our own time on the eighth, which a]ppeared respectively in 1859 and 1867. The English translation is the only one made on the ninth and last German edition, published at Mentz in 1872, and contains, moreover, the latest additions and amendments of the author, which he was kind enough to send the translators in September last, and which include the latest historical re- searches. The author has also promised to send others in time to be embodied in the next volume. It may be well to state here that Dr. Alzog has given this translation his fullest approbation, has generously foregone the privileges of his copyright, and allowed the work to be put on sale in Great Britain and Ireland. Lest any one should think that the translators are in- clined to put too high an estimate on Dr. Alzog's work, it may be well to quote here what has been said of it by Dr. Kraus, himself the author of an excellent Church History,^ and therefore entitled to speak with some authority. " Since Dollinger's Text-book," says he (Ch. Hist., Preface), "is in- complete, and Eitter's Manual has, in a great measure, grown obsolete, the only available book we have now is Dr. Alzo^-'s Manual and Abridgment of Church History." They may furthermore add that they have been most conscientious as to the truth of every statement made, whether in the original or in their own additions, and have in no instance rested content with anything short of absolute accuracy where this was pos- 1 Dr. F. X Kraus, Text-book of Ch. H., 3 vols., Treves, 1872-1875. Preface. v sible. " To arrive at truth," says a distinguished modern writer,^ "is the object, the duty — nay, the joy— of the histo- rian. Once he has found it, he admires its dignitj', appi-e- ciates its convenience — because it alone clears up all diiEcul- ties — never ceases to pursue and love it, and constantly aims at portraying it or something which he mistakes for it.' Such also has been their aim and recompense. Any other policy would be dishonest and fraught with disaster. These are serious times ; there are only two camps and two standards in the intellectual and religious world now. Under the one are ranged the defenders ; under the other, the enemies of the Church, for those who are not with her are against her. The eyes of all, friends and foes alike, are turned toward those centuries which it is the custom to call the Middle or Dark Ages, whose history, traditions, and institutions modern sci- entists, because they fear their influence, afi'ect to despise. But, for good or for evil, their history is being studied and studied thoroughly. Is it not, therefore, the highest duty, as well as the highest wisdom of the historian, to tell the naked, unvarnished truth about them ? Is it honest, is it profitable, to conceal disagreeable facts — facts which, though humili- ating, are far better told frankly by a friend than openly paraded and misrepresented by an enemy? Such has been the course pursued in this history. The truth has been plainly spoken, without addition and without diminution, irrespective of whom it may benefit or harm. " Ought history," asks Pgre Lacordaire, " hide the faults of men and orders ? It was not," he replies, " in this sense that Baronius understood his duty as an historian of the Church. It was not after this fashion the Saints laid open the scandals of their times. Truth, when discreetly told," he continues, " is an inestimable boon to mankind, and to suppress it, especially in history, is 1 M. Thiers, Histoire du Consulat et de I'Empire, Vol. XVI., p. 418. vi Preface. an act of cowardice unworthy a Christian. Timidity is the fault of our age, and truth is concealed under pretense of re- spect for holy things. Such concealment serves neither God nor man. God indeed has conferred upon His Church the prerogative of infalllihlity, but to none of her members has He granted immunity from sin. Peter was a sinner and a renegade, and God has been at pains to have the fact recorded in the Gospel." ^ Dr. Alzog by no means merits the rebuke conveyed in these indignant words, and the Church will be no loser by his honesty. She is the house of the living God, the pillar and groundwork of the truth, the source of all holiness, and in these she is without spot or blemish. Her faithless children may indeed be a reproach to her, as they have been in every age, but once history has shown that in ceasing to be obedient to her teaching and her precepts they have also ceased to be loyal to the highest principles of Christianity, and the noblest instincts of our manhood, her victory will be complete and her triumph glorious. The Translators. MouKT St. Mart's of the West, Feast of the Immaculate Co^•cEPTIo^^, a. d. 1875 .} 1 Lettre du Pere Lacordalre a I'abbe Perreyve, 2 avril, 1855. Foisset, Vie du P. L. II. 632. SYNOPTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. SECOND PERIOD. THE INFLUENCE OF THE CHURCH PREDOMINANT AMONG THE GERMANIC AND SLAVIC NATIONS— SHE CONVERTS THEM TO CHRISTIANITY, AND CIVILIZES THEM— HER HISTORY TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. § 144. Character of the Roman Catholic Church during the Present Period 1 First Epoch — From the Migration of the Germanic and Slavic Nations to the Pontificate of Gregory VII., a. b- 1073. Foundation of the Ecclesiasti- cal Supremacy of the Middle Ages. PART FIRST. From the Foupih Century to the Death of Charlemagne, A. i). 814. § 145. Sources and Works 12 146. Religion of the Germans 13 147. Religious Belief of the Germans in Scandinavia 17 CHAPTER I. Propagation of Christianity. I 148. Among the Goths 20 149. Christianity among the Visigoths — Their Kingdoms in Gaul and Spain 24 150. The Vandals in Africa 26 151. The Burgundians and their Relations to the Church 30 152. Ravages of the Huns in Germany, Gaul, and Italy 31 153. The Ostrogoths and Lombards in Italy 33 ■ 154. Benedict of Nursia — Western Monasticism 4C 155. Christianity among the Franks — Triumph of Catholicity 46 (vli) viii Contents. g 156. Christianity in the British Isles 50 157. Christianity in Germany and the adjacent Countries 96 158. Christianity among the Frisians — Reverses of tho Christians in Spain 109 159. Labors of St. Boniface 112 160. The Conversion of the Saxons 120 CHAPTER II. Modifications in the Relations and Organization of the Church. § 161. The Church in her Eolations to the Germanic States— Close Alliance of Church and State 125 162. Enlarged Possessions of the Church 130 163. Increased Dependence of the Church upon the State — Admin- istration of Metropolitan and Diocesan Sees 132 164. The Primacy — Spiritual Power of the Popes 1*38 165. Temporal Power of the Popes — Establishment of the States of the Church .' 141 166. Foundation of the Christian German, or Restoration of the Roman Empire of the West 147 CHAPTER III. Religious Life — The Glergij — Discipline. § 167. Religious Life 153 168." The Clergy— Their Canonical Life— The Monks 156 169. Penance and Discipline 162 CHAPTER IV. Scientific Labors of the Germans. § 170. General Character of Science during this Epoch 167 171. Progress of Science in Italy, Spain, and the British Isles 167 172. Labors of Charlemagne for the Diffusion of Knowledge 171 173. First Heresies — Adelbert and Clement — Adoptionism 174 174. Charlemagne 182 CHAPTER V. The Greek Church. g 175. General View 189 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Rapid Progress 191 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts in the East and in the Prankish Empire. A. — Byzantine Iconoclasts 206 B. — The Iconoclastic Controversy in the Prankish Empire. 218 Contents. ix PART SECOND. History of the Catholic Church from the Death of Charlemagne to the Pontificate of Gregory VII., 1073. g 178. Sources— Works 223 CHAPTER I. Progress of Christianity among the Germans — Conversion of Slavic Nations. § 179. Christianity in Scandinavia 224 180. The Slavonians and their Mythology 235 181. Conversion of some of the Slavonic Nations 238 182. Conversion of the Poles 246 183. Christianity in Hungary 250 HAPTER II. The Papacy and the Empire. g 184. Summary 253 A. — The Popes under the Carlovingians. 185. Under Louis the Mild and his Sons 254 186. Progress of the Power of the Popes from a. d. 855 to 880 — False Decretals of Isidore 268 B. — Deplorable Condition of the Papacy in the Tenth Century. 187. The Roman Pontificate during its disgraceful Dependence upon Tuscan Domination 292 C. — The Papacy after the Restoration of the Empire. 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors 298 189. The Popes under the Franconian Emperors 315 190. Continuation — Popes elected through the Influence of Hilde- brand 320 191. Retrospect 334 CHAPTER III. History of the Constitution of the Church. § 192. The Church in her Relations to the State 337 193. Ecclesiastical Supremacy of the Popes 342 194. The College of Cardinals 344 j 195. Metropolitans, Bishops, and their Dioceses 348 196. Church Property 354 197. Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction — Immunities of the Clergy 356 I Contents. CHAPTER IV. ReligiousLife— Worship— Discipline. § 198. The Morals of the Clergy 357 \.f 199. Religious Orders of this Epooh 3.59 200. Condition of the Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 306 201. Religious Worship during this Epoch 394 202. Ecclesiastical Discipline 405 CHAPTER V. Theological Scimce and Heresies. g 203. Theological Literature— Works and their Authors 421 204. New Controversy on Predestination, occasioned by the Teachings of Gottschalk 425 205. First Controversy on the Eucharist — Pasohasius Eadbert 430 206. Second Controversy on the Eucharist, occasioned by the . Writings of Berengarius of Tours 441 CHAPTER VI. Memorable Events in the Greek Church. §|a07. Eastern Schism — Photius — Eighth Ecumenical Council 449 208. Revival of the Schism by Michael Cerularius 462 209. Learning among the Greeks 466 210. Conversion of the Chazari, Bulgarians, and Russians by the Greeks t. 468 211. Sects of the Eastern and Western Churches 473 212. Retrospect 475 SECOND EPOCH. FROM GREGORY Vll. (a. d. 1073) TO THE OPENING OF THE WESTERN SCHISM, AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIX- TEENTH CENTURY— THE PAPACY IN THE MIDDLE AGES- HEIGHT AND DECLINE OF ITS POWER. PART FIRST. Hise and Height of the Papal Power in the Middle Ages,frhm the Accession of Gregory VII. to the Death of Boniface VIII. (a. d. 1073-1303.) g 213. Outline— Sources, and Works referring to them. 477 CHAPTER I. History of the Papacy. A. — From Gregory VII. to Callxtus II. — From the Beginning of the Contest on Investitures until its Termination by the Concordat of Worms (a. d. 1122). § 214. Pope Gregory VII. (a. d. 1073-1085) 481 215. Victor IIL (a. d. 1087)— Urban II. (a. d. 1088-1099) 51] Contents. g 21G. The Crusades 517 217. Paschal 11. (a. n. 1099-1118)— Gelasius II. (a. d. 1119)— Calix- tus n. (a. d. 1119-1124) 523 Ninth Ecumenical Couacil (a. d. 1123) 530 B. — From Honorius to (he Death nf Eugene III. (a. d. 1153) — Italian Itepuhll- canisrn — Arnold of Brescia — Second Crusade — >S'^ Bernard and his Work, "Be Cunsidcralioiie.'' g 218. Honorius II. (a. n. 1124-1130)— Innocent II. (a. d. 1130-1143) —Lucius II. (a. d. 1144-1145)— Eugenius III. (a. d. 1145- 1153) 538 C. — The Hundred Years Struggle between the Popes and Hohenstaufens — Fred- eric I., Henry VI., Frederic II., Conrad IV., and Conradin (j A. ii. 12C8). I 219. Hadrian IV. (a. n. 1155-1159)— Alexander III. (a. d. 1159- 1181) — Frederic I., and Henry II., King of England — Thomas a Becket 547 Pope Hadrian's Bull concerning Ireland 554 Eleventh Ecumenical Council (1179) 56S 220 Lucius III. (a. D. 1181-1185)- Urban III. (a. d, 1185-1187)- Gregory VIII. (a. n. f 1187)— Clement III. (a. n. 1187-1191) — Celestine III. (a. d. 1191-1198)— Frederic I.— Henry VI... 569 221. Innocent Hi. — His Relations to the Princes of Europe 573 Twelfth Ecumenical Council (a. d. 1215) 583 222. Honorius III. (1216-1227)— Gregory IX. (1227-1241)— Inno- cent IV. ( 1243-1 254)-^Clement IV. (1265-12G8) in opposition to Frederic II., Conrad IV., and Conradin, last scion of the House of Suabia 223. Crusades of St. Louis (IX.) — Pragmatic Sanction 600 B. — Bee/inning of French Influence — Tardiness of Papal Elections. 224. Gregory X. (a. n. 1271-1276)- Council of Lyons— Death of St. Thomas Aquinas and of St. Bonaventure — Eudolph of Ilaps- burg GO-t 225. The Popes from Innocent V. (a. d. 1276) until the Abdication of Celestine V. (a. d. 1294) 607 226. Boniface Vlll. (a. d. 1294-1303)— Philip IV., King of France.. 6J4 227. General View of the Temporal and Spiritual Power of the Popes during the Middle Ages ,..., 630 xii Contents. CHAPTER II. The Other Members of the Hierarchy— Administration nf Dioceses. g 228. The Clergy in their Relations to the State 640 229. The Csu-dinals 044 230. Administration of Dioceses 046 28.1. The Morals of the Clergy 648 232. Church Property..; OoO CHAPTER III. Fartatical and Refractory Sects. I 233. General View 652 234. Tanchelm, Eon, Peter of Bruis, Henry of Lausanne, and the Passagians 654 235. The Waldenses 058 236. The Cathari and the Albigenses 661 237. Remarks on the rigorous Measures employed against these Sects 667 238. Amalric of Bena — David of Dinanto — Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit —Apostolic Brethren 672 CHAPTER IV. History of Religions Orders. § 239. Introduction 6S1 240. The Cistercian Order CSS 241. The Order of Grammont 6S8 242. The Carthusians , 6S9 243. The Premonstratensians 692 244. The Carmelites and the Order of Fontevrault 094 245. Anthonists, Trinitarians, and Humiliati 697 246. The three great Military and Religious Orders 700 247. Mendicant Orders — St. Dominic and St. Francis of Assisi 707 248. Iniluence of the Mendicant Orders — Opposition raised against them 7] 9 249. Divisions among the Franciscans 721 A-" 250. Other Orders and Confraternities 723 The True Picture of Monastic Life 725 CHAPTER V. History of Theological Science. I 251. Transformation of Cloister and Cathedral Schools into Uni- versities 728 252. Scholasticism and Mysticism 732 253. St. Anselm of Canterbury 740 Gontenis. xiii Controversy on E-ealism, jSTominalism, and Conceptuiilism 712 § 254. Controversy concerning Scholasticism and Mysticism — Abe- lard, Gilbertns Porretanus, and St. Bernard 74C 255. Attempts to check the Vagaries of Speculation — Robert PuUeyne, Peter Lombard, Hugh and Richard of St. Victor.. 754 256. The Mystics 752 257. Second Period of Scholasticism un-der the Franciscans and Dominicans 7G5 258. The Other Sciences — Religious Poets — National Literature 784 CHAPTER VI. Hdiglous and Moral Life — Penitential Discipline — Propaga- tion of Christianity. g 259. Religious and Moral Life 790| 260. Penitential Discipline — ^.Jubil&e Indulgences 795/ 2G1. Conversion of Pomerania and the Island of Rtigen '80O 2G2. Conversion of Livonia, Esthonia, and Courland 802 203. Christianity in Prussia 803 264. Conversion of th-e Mongols by Western Missionaries 806 The Greek Church 810 PART SECOND. From the Death of Boniface VIIL to the Western Schism {i^ D. 1303-1517) — Decline of Mediaeval Papal Supremacy — Transition to its Condition in Modern Times — Peformatory Councils. g 265. Literature — Character of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries 816 CHAPTER I. Constitution of the Church as regards her Exterior Development. A, — The Popes of Avignon, or the Babylonian Capiivily (1309-1378). § 266. Translation of the Holy See to Avignon — Benedict XI. — Clement V 819 Fifteenth Ecumenical Council 820 267. John XXII.— Benedict XII.— Clement VI.— Struggle with Louis the Bavarian 829 268. Innocent VI.— BL Urban V.— Gregory XI 838 B. — Great Western Schism (a. d. 1378-1417 and 1439-1449) — Popes at Borne and at Avignon — Reformatory Synods of Pisa, Constance, and Basle. § 269. Urban VI.— Boniface IX.— Innocent VII.— Gregory XII 845 270. Council of Pisa (1409)— Alexander V.— John XXIII 85S xiv Contents. § 271. The Council of Constance (1414-1418) 858 272. Eugene IV. — Nicholas V. — The Council of Basle; its Protest against being transferred to Ferrara and Florence — Emperor Sigismund — Albert II. — Frederic III 874 C. — The Last Popes of this Period — Fifth Council of Lateran. 273. Calixtus III.— Pius II.— Paul II.— Sixtus IV.— Innocent VIII. —Alexander VI 897 274. Julius II.— Synod of Pisa— Fifth Council of Lateran— Leo X. 914 275. Eeview of the Situation of the Papacy 922 27C. Pievipw of the Condition of the other Members of the Hierarchy 92G 277. Morals of the Clergy 928 278. iSfegotiations with the Greek Church for a Restoration of Union — Seventeenth Ecumenical Council at Ferrara and Florence 931 CHAPTER II. Heresies and Heretical Sects. g 279. John Wickliflfe (a. d. 1324-1384) '. 947 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— The Hussites 952 The Hussite Wars 967 281. German Theology 971 282. The Heretics, John Wesel, and John van Goch, and the Zealots, John Wessel, and Jerome Savonarola 973 283. The Inquisition 979 CHAPTER III. Ecclesiastical Science. I 284. Scholasticism during the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. 988 285. Mysticism— The Friends of God 993 286. The so-called Revival of Learning by the Humanists 1000 287. The Study of Holy Scriptures— Spread of the Bible among the People 1007 CHAPTER IV. Spiritual Life-— Worship — Penitential Discipline. \ 288. Spiritual Life 1014 289. History of the Older Religious Orders 1019 290. Reform of the Older Orders 1021 291. New Orders \Q22 292. Independent Associations 1025 Contents. xv I 293. Worship during this Epoch 1026 294. Christian Art 1038 295. Penitential Discipline 1056 296. Propagation of Christianity and Conversion of the Jews 1058 297. Retrospect of the Influence exercised by the Catholic Church during the Middle Ages 1064 1. Chronological Table of Popes and Emperors 1069 II. Chronological Table of Principal Personages and Events 1073 III. Chronological Table of Councils 1087 Eoclesiastico-Geographical Map 1097 SECOND PERIOD. THE mFLUBNCE OF THE CHUECH PREDOMHSTANT AMONG THE GERMAlSriC AND SLAVIC NA- TIONS. SHE CONVERTS THEM TO CHEISTIAN- ITY, AND CIVILIZES THEM. HER HISTORY TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. § 144. Character of the Roman Catholic Church during the Present Period. Eelic of Mdhler's (Hist. Polit. Papers, Vol. X., p. 564-574.) t*^. v. Gorres, 1. 1. year 1851, Vol. XXVIII., p. 397-407. The same Six Lectures on the Fun- damental Principle, Method, and Chronological Sequence of Universal History, Breslau, 1830. De Broglie, le Moyen age et I'Eglise catholique, Paris, 1852. Montalembert, in tlie Introduction to his Monks of the West, Boston, 1872. A strange feeling of sadness comes over the historian when about to enter upon the Middle Ages. The Ancient Worid, shrouded in all the glory of the past, and rich in the splendid and incomparable creations of the human mind,, is rapidly passing out of view, and G-raeco-Roman civilization, poisoned and rotted to the very core, is about to fall to pieces, to be again restored for a season, by the benign and energizing in- fluence of Christianity, to Domething of its ancient strength and beauty. But Roman society had spent its vital forces and vivifying energies ; had become a physical and a moral wreck, and had already gone beyond all possibility of radical and perfect cure, before it passed under the influence of the Church. And, though she might give a lease of existence and impart a measure of her own beauty to a body whose very life-springs were well-nigh dried up, she could not again make it what it once had been, or restore to it the graceful symmetry and agile strength that it had once possessed. But she did what she could ; and then bore away to an honorable VOL. II — 1 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. grave a civilization whose vital powers were exhausted, and whose remedy was beyond her reach. The Ancient World, weary of the very refinement of its culture, and disheartened at the problem of life, had neither the energy to rouse its vital forces into action, nor the courage to put an end to an existence that had long since become useless. The great Eoman Empire, whose name was once so respected and whose power was so irresistible, lay like some shattered form, worn with fatigue and enervated with excess, when the Germanic nations, led on by a higher impulse than barbarous instinct, came forth from their mountains and for- ests in the North, and precipitated themselves with resistless fury upon the fertile plains of the South. Barbarity hovered like some dense storm-cloud over the fair face of Europe, ready at any moment to break and shroud in a night of chaos those once flourishing seats of learning and civilization. But amid the wreck of the Ancient World, where all around was desolation and ruin, these young and vigorous nations of the l^orth came into contact with a divine and spiritual power by which their rude and untutored strength was overawed and subdued, to which they bowed down and did homage, which they shortly accepted as the inspirer of their lives and the guide of their conduct, and which they finally reverenced as a teacher and a ruler, and cherished as a fond and solicitous mother. At the opening of the Middle Ages, a new scene of action is entered upon, and possesses, in the character of the conflicts in which Christianity will engage, and in the triumphs which it is destined to achieve, features peculiarly its own. The home of culture and refinement and the center of great events have been permanently transferred from the East to the West, and from the South to the N"orth. Again, among the nations of antiquity, the aims, the hopes, the aspirations, and the endeavors of man were centered in the political importance and temporal prosperity of the State. and he possessed no motive of action higher or more potent than these could supply. The security and well-being of the Commonwealth were the sufficient aim and purpose of his § 144. Character of the Church during the Present Period. 3 life. These were his sole and his all, and constituted the one supreme rule of his conduct. But in the Middle Ages all this is changed. The motives and purposes of human exertion reached out beyond all ob- jects of sense, and up into a region of thought higher and more pure than any merely natural aspirations could inspire. Hence the character of the progress of mankind will not, in time to come as in time gone by, vary with the varying char- acter of the difi'erent nations, as each comes to the front upon the political stage of the world, and, after a season, passes away to make room for its successor, but will have one dis- tinguishing and family feature which will be unmistakably impressed upon all the nations of Europe, because the indi- ■s'idual purposes, aims, and aspirations of each will be the common purposes, aims, and aspirations of all, and each sep- arately, and all combined, will employ the same means to work them out. These nations are introduced to history in the infancy of their civilization, and their road of passage to a vigorous manhood is clearly marked across the centuries of the Middle Ages. In the countries now inhabited by the barbarian conquerors of the Roman Empire, and daring these ages, when, accord- ■ ing to the tine expression of Herder,^ " the barque of the Church was freighted ivith the destiny of ynanJdnd," the Church took up a new position and pursued a line of action to which she had no parallel in her past history. Furnished with all the external implements of conquest the wealth of ancient culture could supply, and preserving that internal compactness and strength which were a con- sequence of her well-ordered hierarchy, she went forth to the conflict among the rude and barbarous peoples of Europe, whose souls she regenerated and whose hearts she sub- dued. Having thus lifted humanity up to a higher estate, she proclaimed herself its guardian, and, as such, canned the weight of her influence into every great question of public and private life; extended the circumference of her jurisdic- tion till it included questions of a purely civil character; and ^Herder, Ideas on the History of Mankind. Stuttg. 1828, Pt. IV., p. 208. Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. finally her Supreme Head, who during this period reached the zenith of his power, arbitrated between princes and subjects, and nations and peoples. The principle of unity running through the many and di- verse tendencies of mediaeval national life, giving the char- acter of oneness to what would else be but a tangled and unintelligible mass of facts, is entirely due to the subduing and predominant influence of the Church and the energizing life of her religion, whose teachings schooled the minds of all to common purposes of action, inspired them with common motives, and furnished a common center, toward which every endeavor gravitated, and in which might be found its suflicient explanation. Hence the very character and genius of the Middle Ages are but the natural outgrowth of religion and of the social oi'ganization that came into existence under its influence. Some writers prefer to find in the condition of the Church, at this time, only a fit subject for hostile criticism, and the abundant source of all the evils that came upon the Middle Ages ; while others, more temperate and unquestionably more fair, candidly admit that, in this age when civilization was still in its infancy, she alone possessed and preserved the pi'inciple of spiritual and moral fecundity which was to work out the full development of mankind thoughout all coming time.^ That the Church exercised a beneficent action and a salutary influence upon the Middle Ages, has been asserted and maintained by men of every shade of opinion, whose ability is beyond all reasonable question, and whose princi- ples are such as to acquit them of any suspicion of undue partiality. Herder, the eloquent panegyrist of humanity, says, in his Ideas on the History of Mankind:^ "It is doubtlessly true to say that the Roman hierarchy was a necessary power, without '■tWiihrer, The Beneficent Influence of the Church during the Middle Ages for the Decrease of Ignorance, Barbarity, and Lawlessness. {Pletz, New Theol, Journal, Vienna, 1831,Tol. I., p. 219 sq.) t-KoSer, Influence of the Church and her Legislation on Morality, Humanity, and Civilization during the M. A. (Tubing. Theol. Quart. 1858, pp. 443-449.) Compare G-uizot, I'gglise et la societe chre- tienne, Paris, 1861, p. 65.. 2 Ideas on the Hist, of Mankind, Pt. IV., p. 303. Of. p. 194 sq. § 144. Character of the Church during the Present Period. 5 which there would have been no check upon the untutored nations of the Middle Ages. Without it, Europe would have fallen under the power of a despot, would have become the theater of interminable conflicts, and have been converted into a Mongolian desert." And the great historian of Switzerland discourses as fol- lows upon the same subject: "All the enlightenment of the present day, whereof the daring spirit of Europe will not permit us to forecast the ultimate consequences, either to our- selves or to the other nations of the world, came originally from that hierarchy which, Vv'hen the Roman Empire fell to pieces, sustained and directed the human race. It imparted, 60 to speak, to the mind of Northern Europe, which as yet possessed neither elevation nor grasp of thought, a stirring, an energizing, and a life-giving impulse, under the impact of which it was carried forward, retarded indeed by manj? ad- verse and accelerated by some favorable circumstances, till it finally achieved the triumphs that are now before the world.^" To put forward the correct view, and to establish it by well- ascertained and irrefragable facts, is the simple duty of the con- scientious historian. His work is greatly facilitated by the historical researches of modern times. These, whether pur- sued by Catholic or Protestant scholars, are more reliable and impartial than those of former years, and have shed so much light upon the particular question in point, and rendered so large a measure of justice to the Middle Ages, as a whole, that the most reluctant and stubborn minds will be forced to admit that freedom, elevation, enlightenment, and moral grandeur — not servitude, depravity, ignorance, and immoral- ity — were the distinguishing characteristics of these Ages of Faith. In proof of this, the following authorities may be quoted : 1. Galls, in his Voices of the Middle Ages,^ says : " One may, in this day, indulge the hope that these voices froTn a distant past will not return void or die away without calling forth a responsive and generous sympathy. The age of rigid, ortho- '^Johnv. MiiUer, Hist, of Switzerland, Book III., c. 1, "Hierarchy." 'Halle 1841, Preface, p. vi. Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 1. dox Lutheranism, which spurned every effort of the human mind having the most remote connection with the Middle Ages, has long since passed away. We are now far removed from those days, when men professed to see in the Reforma- tion the dawn of that glorious light which we now enjoy; and in the Middle Ages, but a long and hopeless night, over- cast with a deep darkness, the fit accompaniment of igno- rance and barbarity." 2. Jacob Grimm; in his Antiquities of German Law,^ says : " The wise men of our generation judge of the Middle Ages with about as much fairness as they do of our ancestors of ancient Germany. The ancient poetry of the Germans, which brings before the mind, in a hundred living and glowing pic tures, the whole-souled and gladsome life of bygone days, haa been reproduced; but to what purpose? It shonld seem that the senseless gabble about the right of the strong and the op- pression of feudal lords would never cease. People talk as though we were strangers to misery and wrong in these latter days; as though there was not one gleam of hope and com- fort to soften and soothe the sufferings of the past. Well and good ; but from a legal point of view, I will venture to assert that the bondage and servitude of past ages was less harsh and more tolerable than is the condition of our own oppressed peasants, and of the overtaxed jonrneymen of our factories. The difiiculties to be encountered by the poor, and those who go out to serve, in procuring a license to marry, border on servitude," etc. ■3. Daniel, in his Theological Controversies,^ says : " We have all got into the habit of asserting, over and over again, like a set of parrots with whom it has become a sort of law to hold such language, that the Middle Ages were ages of ig- norance and corruption; and we would listen to one demon- strating that two and two make five with far more temper than we should exhibit in entertaining the thought that the darkness which was then upon the earth was not so thick that one might cut it with a knife." 1 2d ed. Gottingen, 1854, Pre£ p. xxL sq. 2 Halle, 1843, p. 73. § 144. Character of the Church during the Present Period. 7 All this is indeed bad enough; but, if possible, a worse service is done the Middle Ages by those authors who set out with the distinct purpose of writing up everything connected with them; who set them up as models of civil and ecclesias- tical polity, and who propose, for permanent imitation to all future time, a condition of things which was itself the effect and outcome of a state of transition.^ " The Middle Ages," says Bohmer, "from having been long, unfairly represented, have now come to receive an undue measure of praise. If, on the one hand, the powers of the soul developed with wonderful wealth and beauty, and pro- duced immortal works of great depth and learning, it should not be forgotten, on the other, that traces of barbarism are everywhere visible." "The Middle Ages," adds Kraiis,^ "were a season of young and luxuriant growth, and produced abnormal and extrava- gant examples of both goodness and wickedness. They were distinguished by loftiness, originality, and strength of char- acter, in a degree to which no preceding or succeeding age can furnish a parallel; because only an age of simple, living, and vigorous faith is capable of producing great and noble charactei's. JSTor can it be denied that the higher aspirations of intellectual life during the Middle Ages were directed to- ward speculation and scientific method. But their strength lay not in this direction. Political theories, poetical crea- tions, and works of fiction, in which the warm and briljiant imagination of the writer not unfrequently borders on the extravagant, are the characteristic intellectual productions of these youthful nations. If there be one thing more apparent than another, in all their works of art, in their majestic Gothic cathedrals, and in their theories and speculations, it is a reaching out after something higher and holier than earth — an attempt to rise up to the very throne of Heaven, to come nearer and nearer to the Most High God. It is not wonderful, then, that with aspirations so lofty, they should lose sight of the mere objects of sense that surrounded them J Kraus, Text-Book of the Ch. Hist, of the Middle Ages. Treves, 1873, Vol. II., p. 205. (Tk.) 2 Ibid. p. 206. 8 Period 2. Epoch 1. PaH 1. on every side. Like some inexperienced child, they gazed in admiration and wonder upon the phenomena of nature, and regarded it as they might a riddle of which the solution had been lost. They possessed but a vague knowledge of the history of mankind, and antiquity was to them visible only in undelftned outline, and lay at so great a distance behind them that they could catch but imperfect glimpses of it through the hazy medium of legendary lore. But few had any proper appreciation of the office and importance of his- tory. Under such circumstances did these nations enter upon the arena of the civilized world to undertake the solution of the problems of life. They were ignorant of the past, and had no concern in its affairs; but they were keenly alive to the needs of their own times, and met them, as they suc- cessively came up, with astonishing versatility of resource. " Borrowing but little from the ancient civilization of the nations they had conquered, they created a civilization pecu- liar to themselves, of which the prominent features were feudalism and chivalry, vassalage and the hierarchical organ- ization of the States General. Civil equality was indeed en- tirely unknown to the Middle Ages; but, for all this, taking all the institutions of that period, one with another, and it can not be denied that they were more conducive to freedom and independence than any which characterized Europe from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, and than many which exist in a number of European states in our own day. The full development of the hierarchy, which had now grown wealthy and powerful; the astonishing growth of monasti- cism ; the influence of religion, by which the authoritv of the Church was reverenced and obeyed by men in ever}- walk of life ; and finally, the exaltation of the Papacy and the restora- tion of the TTestern Empire through its exertions, complete the picture of the Middle Ages— a period which, when every- thing is taken into account, is great and memorable in tl e annals of mankind, which we have no wish to see restore I, but of which we have no reason to be ashamed." Xo man was better qualified than Count Jlontalembert to^ appreciate justly and depict faithfully the characteristic traits of the Middle Ages ; and no man has done so with greatei § 144. Character of the Church during the Present Period. 9 power and brilliancy. The reader will pardon us, therefore, for giving his words at some length ■} The Middle Ages stand unfortunately between two camps at the deepest enmity with each other, which only agree in misconstruing it. The one hate it, because they believe it an enemy to all liberty ; the others praise it, because they seek arguments and examples there to justify the universal servitude and prostration which they extol. Both are agreed to travesty and insult it — the one by their invectives, the others by their eulogiums. I affirm that both deceive themselves, and that they are equally and pro- foundly ignorant of the Middle Ages, which were an epoch of faith, but also a period of strife, of discussion, of dignity, and, above all, of freedom. The error common to both admirers and detractors of the Middle Ages con- sists in seeing there the reign and triumph of theocracy. It was, they tell us, a time distinguished forever by human impotence, and by the glorious dictator- ship of the Church. I deny the dictatorship, and I still more strongly deny the human impotence. Humanity was never more fertile, more manful, more potent ; and as for the Church, she has never seen her authority more contested in practice, even by those who recognized it most dutifully in theory. . . . Eeligion, it is true, governed all ; but she stifled nothing. She was not ban- ished into a corner of society, immured within the inclosure of her own tem- ples, or of individual conscience. On the contrary, she was invited to animate, enlighten, and penetrate everything with the spirit of life ; and after she had set the foundation of the edifice upon a base which could not be shaken, her maternal hand returned to crown its summit with light and beauty. None were placed too high to obey her, and none fell so low as to be out of reach of her consolations and protection. From the king to the hermit, all yielded at some time to the sway of her pure and generous inspirations. The memory of Eedemption, of that debt contracted toward God by the race which was redeemed on Calvary, mingled with everything, and was to be found in all institutions, in all monuments, and, at certain moments, in all hearts. The victory of charity over selfishness, of humility over pride, of spirit over flesh, of all that is elevated in our nature over all the ignoble and impure elements included in it, was as frequent as human weakness permitted. That victory is never complete here below ; but we can affirm without fear, that it never was approached so closely. Since the first great defiance thrown down by the establishment of Christianity to the triumph of evil in the world, never perhaps has the empire of the devil been so much shaken and contested. Must we, then, conclude that the Middle Ages are the ideal period of Christian society ? Ought we to see there the normal condition of the world ? God for- bid I 111 the first place, there never has been, and never will be, a normal state or irreproachable epoch in this earth. And, besides, if that ideal could be real- ized here below, it is not in the Middle Ages that it has been attained. These ages have been called the ages of faith; and they have been justly so called, for faith was more sovereign then than in any other epoch of history. But 1 Monks of the West, American ed., Vol. I., Introd. p. 120-131. 10 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. there we must stop. This is much, but it is enough for the truth. TTe can not venture to maintain that virtue and happiness have been throughout these ages on a level with faith. A thousand incontrovertible witnesses would rise up to protest against such a rash assertion, to recall the general insecurity, the too frequent triumphs of violence, iniquity, cruelty, deceit, sometimes even of re- fined depravity ; to demonstrate that the human and even diabolical element reasserted, only too strongly, their ascendency in the world. By the side of the opened heavens, hell always appeared ; and beside those prodigies of sanc- tity which are so rare elsewhere, were to be found ruffians scarcely inferior to those Roman emperors whom Bossuet calls " monsters of the human race." The Church, which is always influenced up to a certain point by contempo- rary ci filization, endured many abuses and scandals, the very idea of which would to-day horrify both her children and her enemies. They proceeded some- times from that corruption which is inseparable from the esercise of great power and the possession of great wealth ; sometimes, and most frequently, from the invasions of the lay spirit and temporal power. Yes, cupidity, violence, and debauchery revolted often, and with success, against the yoke of the Gospel, even among its own ministers ; they infected even the organs of the law pro- mulgated to repress themi. 'tt'e can, and ought to, confess it without fear, because all these excesses were redeemed by marvels of self-denial, penitence, and charity; because beside every fall is found an expiation; for every misery, an asylum; to every wickedness, some resistance. Sometimes in cells of mon- asteries, sometimes in caves of the rocks ; here, under the tiara or the miter ; there, under the helmet and coat of arms, thousands of souls fought with glory and perseverance the battles of the Lord, fortifying the feeble by their exam- ple, reviving the enthusiasm even of those who neither wished nor knew how to imitate them, and displaying, over the vices and disorders of the crowd, the splendid light of their prodigious austerity, their profuse charity, their unwea- ried love of God. But all this dazzling light of virtue and sanctity ought not to blind us to what lay beneath. There were more saints, more monks, and, above all, more believers, than in our days; but I do not hesitate to say that there were fewer priests, I mean good priests. Tes, the secular clergy of the Middle Ages were less pure, less exemplary than ours; the episcopate less respectable, and the spiritual authority of the Holy See much less sovereign than now. This assertion will, perhaps, astonish some in their ignorant admi- ration; but it is not the less easy to prove it. The pontifical power has, at the present time, subjects less numerous, but infinitely more docile. "What it has lost in extent, it has more than gained in intensitv. ... rS'ever, then, was anything more false and puerile than the strange pretense, maintained by certain tardy supporters of the Catholic renaissance, of present- ing the iliddle Ages to us as a period in which the Church was always victorious and protected; as a promised land flowing with milk and hontv, governed by kings and nobles piously kneeling before the priests, and by a devout, silent, and docile crowd, tranquilly stretched out under the crook of their pastors, to sleep in the shade, imder the double authority of the inviolably respected throne and altar. Far from that, there never were greater passions, more disorders, wars, and revolts ; but, at the same time, there were never greater virtues, more generous eflTorts for the service of goodness. All was war, dangers, and tem- pists in the Church, as in the State; but all was likewise strong, robust and § 144. Character of the Church during the Present Period. 11 vivacious : everytliing bore the impression of life and strife. On the one side, faitli — a faith sincere, naive, simple, and vigorous, witliout hypocrisy as without insolence, neither servile nor narrgw-minded, exhibiting every day the imposing spectacle of strength in humility; on the other, institutions militant and man- ful, which, amid a thousand defects, had the admirable virtue of creating men, not valets or pious eunuchs, and which one and all ordained these men to action, to sacrifice, and continual exertions. Strong natures everywhere vigorously nourished, and in no direction stifled, quenched, or disdained, found their place there with ease and simplicity. Feeble natures, with the fiber relaxed, found there the most fitting regimen to give them vigor and tone. "Worthy people, relying upon a master who undertook to defend all by silencing or enchaining their adversaries, were not to he seen there. "We can not look upon these Christians as on good little lambs, bleating devoutly among wolves, or taking courage between the knees of the shepherd. They appear, on the contrary, like athletes, like soldiers engaged every day in fighting for the most sacred possessions ; in a word, like men armed with the most robust personality and individual force, unfettered as undecaying. As for those among its detractors who accuse the Catholic past of the "West- ern races of being incompatible with freedom, we can oppose to them the unani- mous testimony, not only of all historical monuments, but of all those democratic writers of our own day, who have profoundly studied this past. Above all, of M. Augustin Thierry, who has shown so well how many barriers and guaran- ties had to be overthrown by royalty before it would establish its universal sway. This ancient world was bristling with liberty. The spirit of resistance, the sentiment of individual right, penetrated it entirely ; and it is this which always and everywhere constitutes the essence of freedom. That freedom has established everywhere a system of counterpoise and restraint, which rendered all prolonged despotism absolutely impossible. Eut its special guaranties were two principles which modern society has renounced — the principles of heredite and association. Besides, they appear to us under the form of privileges, which is enough to prevent many from understanding or admiring them. It was the energetic and manly character of their institutions and men which secured the reign of liberty in the Middle Ages. "We have already pointed this out, but we can not reyert to it too often. Everything there breathes freedom, health, and life — all is full of vigor, force, and youth. 'Tis like the first 'burst of nature, whose spontaneous vigor had not yet been robbed of any portion of its grace and charm. "We see limpid and healthful currents everywhere spring- ing forth and extending themselves. They encounter a thousand obstacles and embarrassments upon their way; but almost always they surmount and over- throw these, to carry afar the fertilizing virtue of their waters. Weakness and baseness ! these are precisely the things which were most com- pletely unknown to the Middle Ages. They had their vices and crimes, numerous and atrocious; but in them proud and strong hearts never failed. In public life as in private, in the world as in the cloister, strong and magnani- mous souls everywhere break forth — illustrious character and great individuals abounded. And therein lies the true, the undeniable superiority of the Middle Ages. It was an epoch fertile in men — "Magna parens virum." FIRST EPOCH. FROM THE MIGRATIO]^ OF THE GERMANIC AOTD SLAVIC iTATIOXS TO THE POI^TIFICATE OF GREGORY Vn., a. d. 1073. POUNDATION OP THE ECCLESIASTICAL SUPEEMACT OP THE MIDDLE AGES. PART FIRST. FI,OM THE FOUKTH CENIUET TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE, A. D. 814. ' I became all things to all men that I might save all." I. Cor. Ix. 22. § 145. Sources and Worlcs. Meifminii rer. German, scriptores, Helmsti 1688 sq. 3 T. foL Leibnitii scriptores rerum Brunsvic. illustrationi inservientes, Hanov. 1707 sq. 3 T. fol. Frehert rerum Germ, scriptor. ed. Siruve Argentor. 1717 sq. 3 T. fol. Ussermanni 3Ionu- menta res Alemannicas illiistr., typis St. Blasian. 2 T. 4to. '-Pcrtz, Monumenta Germ, historica, Hanov. 1826-1875, 21 T. fol. (T. I. II. V. TI-XIV. and XVI- XXIII. contain scriptores ; T. III. IT. and XV. leges.) Harzheinii S. J. Concilia, Germ, (until Hi') Colon. 17.59 sq. 11 T; fol. '^Jaffe, bibliotheca rerum German- icar. Berol. 1864 sq. 4 T. Conf. DaJilmann, Authentic Documents of German History, 2d ed. Gutting. 1839. ® Watteniach, Sources of the History of Germany in the. Middle Ages, 2d ed. Berlin, 1866. The Historians of German Antiquity in a German dress, by Pertz, Grimm, and others, Berlin, 1847 sq. Du Chesne, hist. Francor. scriptor. Par. 163C sq. 5 T.fol. ^-Bouipiet-Dom Brial, rer. Gallicar. & Franc, scriptor. Par. 1738-1833, 19 T. fol. Muraior!, rer. ItaL scriptor. Me- diol. 1723 sq. 27 T. fol. Commenced, Monimienta Britan. Conf. Rosier, de annalium medii aevi condit. and de arte critica in ann. Tubg. 1788 sq. 4to. Grego-r. Turonens, h. e. Francorum epitomized, and continued by Fredegar until 641, ed. Ruinari, Paris, 1699 fol. {Bouquet, T. II. p. 75), in German, "Wiirzbg. 1848 sq. Beda Venerab. h. e gentis Anglorum. Jomandes, de rebus Geticis, until 540, ed. Fabricius, Hambg. 1706, fol., ed. Class, Stuttg. 1861. {Muraiori, T. I. p. 187.) Isidor. Hlspal. hist. Gothor., Vandalor., Suevor., until 625, ed. Rosier, Tub. 1803, 4to. Isidor. Paccns. (about 754) ehron. {du Chesne, T. I.) Fauhis Wamefridus, diaconus, de gestis Longobard. libb. VI., fr. 568-744. {Muratori, T. I., P. I. p. 395 sq.) Annates rer. Francicar: Launssenses 741-829, revised and (12j § 146. Religion of the Germans. 13 continued from 788 in Annales Einhardt 741-829. Annales Fuldenses, 714-901. BerUniani, 741-882. {Pertz, T. I. p. 124 sq.) Also, the Churcli Histories of particular countries: Italia sacra, Gallia Chris- tiana, Germania sacra, Espafia sagrada, etc. t Papeiicordi, Hist, of the City of Eome in the Middle Ages, ed. by Hoflar, Paderb. 1857. Gregoromus, Hist, of the City of Eome in the Middle Ages, Stuttg. 1859 sq. 7 vols, until 1500; of Vol. I. 2d ed. 1870. »v. Remnant, Hist, of the City of Eome, Berl. 1867, -3 vols. Baronii annal. Natal. Alex. h. e. saec. VI. sq. Fleury (see our Vol. I., p. 46) Stolberg-Eerz, Pts. 16-25. Bintenm, Philosophical Hist, of the German Na- tional and Provincial Councils, from the Fourth Century to the Council of Trent. See, for this Period, Vols. I. and II. Profane Historians: ''i Bamberger, Synchronistic Hist, of Church and State in the Middle Ages, Eatishon, 1850 sq., in 15 vols., until 1378. ^ Cantu, Universal History of the World, Vol. V. t'''P/Mlips, German History, with particular attention to Eeligion, Civil Laws, and Political Constitution, 2 vols. Berlin, 1832-1836. tFehr, Hand-book of Christian Universal History, Vol. I., Pt. I. p. 312 sq., and Pt. II. t Weiss, Text-book of the History of the World, Vol. II. -Leo, Lectures on German History, Halle, 1854 sq. Vol. I. '\ Sehlegel, Philoso- phy of Hist. Vol. II. Schlosser-Kriegk, Hist, of the World, Vols. 4-5. See especially Heeren and TJkeH, Hist, of the European States, Hambg. 1820 sq. Wachsmuth, Hist, of European Morals, Lps. 1831-1839, 5 vols. Cont'^ Potthast, bibliotheca historica medii aevi: Guide through the historical works of Euro- pean Middle Ages, Berlin, 1862. The Supplement thereto, same place, 1868, gives a most elaborate history of the literature of that period. § 146. Religion of the Germans. [Conf. § 12.) I. Eerodotl histor. lib. IV. c. 93 and 94; lib. V. c. 8. Tacit, de situ, morib. et popul. Germaniae, and annal. XIII. 57; historiar. IV. 64. Jornandes, de reb. Getiois. Abrenuntiatio diaboli and indiculus superstitionum et paganiarum cum commentar. [Eluirt, comment, de rebus Francor. orient. Wirceb. 1729, T. I. p. 405 sqq. epp. Bonifacii ed. Wurdtivein, p. 126 sq. ; ed. Giles.) II. Dollinger, The Jew and the Gentile, p. 49 sq. Krafft, Ch. H. of the Ger- manic Nations, Brl. 1854, Vol. I. p. 128 sq. ^Phillips, German History, Vol. X. Jacob Grimm, German Mythology, Getting. (1835) 3d ed. 1854. Simrock, Man- ual of German Mythology, including also Northern, 2d ed. Stnttg. 1859. Reit- berg, Ch. H. of Germany, Vol. I. p. 246 sq. We have already remarked^ in the first period of this his- tory, that, when the .Barbarians made incursions into the "Ro- man Empire, and particularly while the Arian controversies were going forward, many tribes of Germanic origin were converted to Christianity. But as the propagation and growth of Christianity among them presented features peculiar to the people, and wholly difierent from those which accompa- ' See Vol. I. 2 107. 14 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. nied the conversion of the Greeks and Eomans, and as they took no part in the doctrinal controversies which agitated the rest of the Christian world, it was thought that their history might be rendered more clear and intelligible by treating it separately. The earliest information we possess of the Germans^ is de- rived from the pages of Tacitus, who treats of them from the time they first came into contact with the Romans. There is among them a time-honored tradition, according to which they revere, as the father of their race, Thuisto {Duisco, Deutscher), who is represented as having sprung from the earth, and perpetuated his offspring through his son, Jfannus. That they were of Asiatic origin, there can be no doubt. Tneir very name, Heche, signifying a foreigner or an exile, points unmistakably to their migratory character. The date of this migration can not be positively fixed, but it is more than likely that it was coeval with the great confederation of the Assyrian tribes, and that the forward movement of the Si::ythians was the immediate occasion of it. Tacitus represents the Germans to us as a people living in the state of nature, and in the traditions and poetry of the past, distinguished by their love of war and their intrepidity in presence of danger; by their strong sense of justice and the fidelity of their attachments; and by their disregard of ■ death and their high appreciation of woman,^ whom they re- garded as in every respect the equal of man. Their social relations were, as a rule, confined within the limits of those tribes bearing the same names. ^Vhen ar- rayed in order of battle, each family had its appointed place; and so great was their love of freedom and independence, that, unless compelled by the most imperative necessity, they would not submit to a superior or obey a chief; and, should they be so unfortunate as to receive punishment at the hands of the latter, they would consider such disgrace as the deepest depth of infamy to which it was possible to fall. He alone deserved the name of freeman^ who had the courage and 1 The name is derived from Gehr, or Wehr-ilanncn, Wehr-marmer^ War-men. 2 Divinum aliquid et providum feminis inesse putant. Tacit, c. 8, Genu. * Wer, waro, baro, Spanisli varon. § 146. Religion of the Germans . 15 ability to defend his life by personal prowess ; and to be dis- armed in the conflict and deprived of liberty, was an irrepara- ble misfortune. There existed, however, between the bondman and the free, different degrees of dependence, which varied according to circumstances. The German was not even separa'ted in death from the war-horse and the arms with which he had gained his conquests and defended his personal liberty. The Religion of the ancient Germans, like that of all prim- itive nations, though less poetic and not so elaborately artistic as the paganism of the Greeks and Eomans, consisted in a simple worship of nature, bearing in many respects a close re- semblance to that of the Persians — a people with whom the Germans were very nearly allied in language and physical constitution.' Their conception of the Deity was beautiful and exalted. " They conceive," says Tacitus, " that to confine gods within walls, or to represent them in human similitude, is unworthy the grandeur of celestial beings. They conse- crate woods and groves to them, and designate by titles of divinity that secret Power which they apprehend only by the instinct of reverence."^ The simplicity of their worship was not accompanied by the sacrificial pomp common to the Gauls.^ Still, it would be incorrect to apply to all the Germans, indiscriminately, the accounts given by Caesar and Tacitus. The latter speaks of one of their temples of Tanfana, in the land of the Marsi,''and the reports of Christian missionaries, who visited these na- tions at a later day, make mention of quite a number. Both Caesar and Tacitus inform us that the Germans worshiped a divine Trinity, known, according to the former of these writ- ers, as the Sun,Vulcan, and the Moon; and, according to the latter, as Mercury, Hercules, and Mars. ' See Vol. I. ? 25. 2 Tacit Germ., c. 9. Cf. Agaih., Hist. I. 7. 'Germani multum ab hac (Gallor.) consuetudine differvmt; nam neque Drui- das habent qui rebus divinis praesint, neque sacrificiis student. Caesar, de beUo Gallioo, VI. 21. * Tacit. Ann. I. 51. Cf. Grimm, loco cit., p. 55. Rettherg, Cb. H. of Germ., Vol. II., p. 576. 16 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Christian missionaries also inform ns that the Germans Xjaid special homage to three principal deities, and St. Colum- hanus discovered three idols on the shores of the Lake of Con- stance. The number three again recurs in their formula of abjuration of the eighth century. Woutan (Wodan, hence Wodan's day, or "Wednesday) was the chief divinity among the Germans. From his throne, high up in the heavens, he gazes through a window out upon the earth, and considers the various occupations of men ; or he leads the throng in the wild career of a savage hunt through the air, ranges the hosts in order of battle, and looks after the other avocations of man. Beside him is HvJ.da, the fearless huntress, who by turns follows the peaceful avocation of a shepherdess, attends "Wou- tan on his aerial voyages through the clouds, admonishes women of their domestic duties, or threatens those who yield to the solicitations of slothful slumbers. Xext to Hulda come the sons of Woutan. These are Donar (Thor, Thunaer, whence Donnerstag, or Thursday), who hurls the thunderbolt down upon the earth and flashes the fury of the lightning from out the depths of the clouds ; and the one- handed Ziu (Tyr, Jr, Erich), the god of war (whence EricKs- Zinstag , Dienstag , Tuesday; French, Mardi ; Ital., Martedi). Besides these gods of terror, were ranged a race of more beneficent divinities, whose office was to look after the fertil- ity of the fields. First came Tngo, next Nerthus (Mother- earth), accompanied by her offspring, Frouwo (Freya), the amiable companion of Woutan (whence Freitag, Friday; French, Vendredi ; Ital., "^'enerdi) ; and the goddess Ostare (Eostra), through whose genial influence the glory of spring rises from the death of winter. If the Germans were proud and arrogant, and refused to submit to any human authority, they were equally humble and submissive in matters of religion, and ready to yield full obedience to the ordinances of the Deity, as revealed through the oracles of their priests.' 1 Tacit. Germ., c. 7. Neque animadvertere neque vincire, ne verberare qui- dem nisi sacerdotiirus pennissum. § 147. Religious Belief of the Germans in Scandinavia. 17 They selected as places of sacrifice the tops of mountains, the margin of a clear spring, the surface of a rock, but chiefly the gloomy and mysterious shades of a forest of oaks. They also offered human sacrifices by the Lake oi Hertha, on the island of Eiigen. A young man and maiden were cast to- gether into this lake, and perished in its waters. Doubtful questions of right were submitted to the decision of the gods, whose judgment was made known by issue of duels. Runic wands, and other species of ordeal. To test whether a child were legitimate or no, it was placed upon a shield and immersed in the water ; if it reappeared on the surface, the judgment was deemed favorable. When, finally, one of their number took leave of the joys and sorrows of this life, the Germans paid the last tribute of respect to his remains with simple and impressive ceremonies, unac- companied by either extravagant tumult or pompous parade. The Southern Germans burned, the JSTorthern Germans buried, their dead ; and a modest hillock, covered with green sward, was the only rhonument that marked their last resting-place.-' § 147. Religious Belief of the Germans in Scandinavia. I. The Edda (the story-telling great grandmother), the more ancient, poetical one, by Saemund Sigfusson (tll33), Edda rhythmica sen antiquior Saemundina dicta ed. Thorlaciiis, Finn Magnusen, etc., Hamb. 1787-1828, 3 T. 4to. Editio rec. Rashii cur. Afzelius. Holm. 1818. Translation of many songs, by Hagen, Breslau, 1814. GrimjM, Berlin, 1815. ie^is, Lps. 1829 sq., 3 vols. The prosa-i'c Edda, commenced by the celebrated statesman and historian of Iceland, Snorre Sturleson (t 1241), finished in the fourteenth century. Snorna-Edda asamt Skaldu af Eask Stockholm, 1818; transl. by Fr. Fii/is, Berlin, 1812. The earlier and the later Edda, together with the mythological tales of the Skalda, translated and illustrated by Simroclc, Stuttgardt, 1855. Extracts and comments by Krajft, Vol. I., p. 118-212. The poem, Muspilli, ed. by Schmeller [Buchnei-'s Contribu- tions, Munich, 1832, Vol. I., nro. 2), Saxo Grammaiicus and Adam Bremensis. II. Stulir, Faith, Science, Philosophy, and Poetry of the Ancient Scandina- vians, Copenhagen, 1825. Legis, Alkuna Mythology of the North, Lps. 1831. Hochmeister, Mythology of the North, Hanover, 1832. Petersen and Thomsen, Guide to the Knowledge of Northern Antiquities, translated by Paulsen, Copen- hagen, 1837. Miinter, Ch. H. of Denmark and Norway, Lps. 1823, p. 1-104. ' Eunerum nulla ambitio, . . . monumentorum arduum et operosum hon- otem, ut gravem defunctis, adspernantur. Tacit. Germ., c. 27. These words are remarkable when compared with what Tacitus says of their architecture. VOL. II — 2 18 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. The mythology of these Xorthern Germans contains all the essential elements of religious belief common to every German nation, but among them religion wears a more gloomy aspect, and its similarity to the worship of nature araong the ondent Persians is still more marked and striking. Odin, the supreme god, creates the world from the body of the giant Ymer, whom he has put to death; and the latter circumstance be- comes the prolific source of interminable wars between the creating gods and the race of giants. Thor is the god of thunder and of war; Freyr is the generating power, and Frcya the prolific mother, of nature. These three presided over the destinies of men ; Odin gives victory, glory, and the gift of song, and Freya brings the joys of requited and the bitterness of disappointed love. The false and the cowardly expiate their deeds of baseness in Niflheim, and those who come to an inglorious end wander foi-lorn in the shades of the kingdom of Hela; but such as are chosen from among their fellows by favor of the Valkyres, and such as fall glo- riously on the field of battle, ascend to Walhalla, there to continue, until the end of the world, their life of heroism in the company of the gods. Their sacrificial worship was but a feast of pleasure, during which the banqueters drank their beverages fi-om horns. In seasons of exceptional trouble and threatening danger, they ofiered human sacrifices. Xotwithstanding that gods and men are on easy and famil- iar terms, a note of deep and plaintive grief runs through the Edda fi'om first to last. Both men and gods feel the pangs of sorrow and taste the bitterness of death. Even Baldar, the son of Odin, has a presentiment, and the words of an oracle confirm its truth, that the ancient powers of darkness will be one day let loose, come up out of their abyss, and de- stroy mankind. Although restrained for a season by the prowess of the Ases, the most distinguished of the heroes of ancient time, they will in the end break their fetters, and, after a brief and terrible confiiet, drag down into the deep abyss both the Ases and the heroes of Walhalla. While the conflict is still in progress, the world, according to the same J 147. Religious Belief of the Germans in Scandinavia. ID oracle, shall go to pieces, and be consumed by lire [Muspilli — End of the world). A new earth arises out of this ruin, on which a male and female, still in the state of innocence, are placed. Here also dwell some of the sous of the fallen gods, together with lialdar, who has made his escape from the lower regions. But, in the midst of grotesque fancies like these, the belief in an unkown and higher Power comes jsrominently forward, to whose general purpose the issue of all these trifling con- flicts is subservient; who is the energizing principle of the forces of nature,, and who restored the world to its present definite and permanent form (Alfadur). From this outline of the religious belief of the ancient Germans, we are enabled, besides giving an insight into their character, to understand in how far their doctrines contributed to open their minds to the truths of Christianity, and to account for — 1. The purity and delicacy of faith which they exhibited after having once embraced the Gospel. 2. The deep feeling of reverence with which they received the first Christian missionaries, who, in the early days of the mission, were almost, without exception, foreigners. 3. The many and various forms of trial by ordeal, such as those by fire and water, and the appeal to the judgment of God. 4. And, finally, the genius which inspired their architecture and religious paintings. For what are the great and lofty domes of their churches; the countless delicate columns, spreading, as they rise, into branching boughs, and forming sweeping vaults overhead; the finely tapered spires, piercing the very clouds, adorned with sculptured flowers and foliage cut in stone, and with fantastic statuettes of matchless beauty, but symbols, borrowed from the wild o,ik .forests of ancient Germany, to which a spiritual and a Christian significa- tion has been given, and which have been forever consecrated to the worship of the true God? And is not the mysterious and awe-inspiring light of those temples, softened and toned till it wears the guise of another world; and the cunningly wrought !.nd elaborate branch-work, with stem and leaf and flower, through which the bright sunbeams enter with magic efifect and indescribable charm, but a feeble attempt to transfer to the purposes of religion something of the majesty and beauty of those grand primeval religious sanctuaries of the Germans.' ' See art. Romans and Germans, in the Sist. PoUt. Papers^ Vol. XII., p 473 sq. CHAPTER I. PKOPAGATIOX OF CHEISTIANITT. Gratiamis, Hist, of the Propagation of Christianity in the States of Europe arisen from the ruins of the Koman Empire, Tubg. 1778, 2 toIs. tSiemerj Intro- duction of Christianity in German countries, Sehaffh. 1857 sq. Dollinger, Man- ual of Ch. H., Vol. I., Pt. II., p. 138-241. Engl. Transl. of Germanic Xations. Eettberg, Ch. H. of Germany, Vol. I. Krafft, Ch. H., \ol. I., Pt. I., p. Zll sq. VFriedrich, Ch. H. of Germany, Bamherg, 1867 sq., 2 vols. RucJ:ert, Hi=t. of the Civilization of the German People during the period of their transition from Paganism to Christianity, 2 vols., Lps. 185-3. ^'Felir, Introd. to the Hist, of Church and State in the Middle Ages, Stuttg. 18-59. The same, State and Church in the Erankish Empire, Vienna, 1869. E. v. WietersJroje.-iUjn of faith, with the rimark- able addition: Egj I'lphila episcopus et confessor semper sic credidi. Conf Krafft, L c. p. 327—361. Waiiz, in L c. Bessd, in 1. c. 3 Conf: Walch, Hist, of Heretics, Part II., p. .j.::J-5G9. § 148. Among the Goths. 23 ble turn in afl'airs, set to work with characteristic zeal and energy to spread the knowledge of Christianity more gen- erally among them. lie provided Gothic missionaries in the very city of Constantinople, and set apart a church in which divine worship was conducted in the, Gothic language. The dedication of this church was the occasion of one of those eloquent discourses, so peculiar to the great orator, in which the miraculous conversion of these barbarous nations was ad- duced as a proof of the civilizing influence of the Gospel,' and as a verification of the prophecy of Isaias :^ " The wolf and the lamb shall feed together." St. Athanasius, marveling at their conversion, cries out, in a spirit of triumphant joy: " Who has reconciled those who were formerly at deadly en- mity with each other, and united them in the bonds of endur- ing peace, if it be not Jesus Christ, the Savior of all men, the Well-Beloved of God the Father, who, for our sakes and for our salvation, has deigned to suffer for all ? The projjhecy of Isaias, ' They shall turn their swords into ploughshares and their spears into sickles,' has been fulfilled, and, wonderful to relate, these people, by nature barbarians, who while they re- mained idolaters were ceaselessly engaged in deadly conflict against each other, never patting aside their arms, have since theirconversion to Christianity given up theirhabits of war and devoted themselves to the peaceful cultivation of the fields." St.Jei'omewaa still more surprised when, in his distant cave at Bethlehem, he received a letter from two Goths, by name Sunnia and FreteUa,^ begging him to state his opinion as to the merits of the Latin and Graeco-Alexandrian translations of the Bible, both of which varied somewhat from the origi- nal Hebrew. "Who," says he, "would believe that the barbarous Goths study the oracles of the Holy Ghost in the text of the origi- nal Hebrew, while the listless Greeks appear to take no in- tei'est in such studies." Both of these fathers also testify 1 Homil. III. opp. Chnjsost., T. XII., ed. Moiitfaucon. ^Isaias, Ixv. 25; cf. xi. 6. ^ Hieronym. ep. 106. Quis hoc crederet, ut barbara Getarum lingua Hebrai- cam quaereret veritatem, et dormitantibus, immo contemnentibus (rraecis ipsa Germania Spiritus Sti eloquia sorutaretur? (opp. C I., p. 641.) 24 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. that of the Goths under Athanaric, some bore witness to their faith, and proved the sincerity of their love of the Church, by suffering martyrdom rather than give up the doctrines which she had taught them. § 149. Christianity among the Visigoths. Their Kingdoms in Gaul and Spain. Jornandes, de rebus Geticis seu de Getarmn (Gothorum) origine, e. 1-3, ed. Stahlberg, Hagen, 1859; ed. Class, Stuttg. 1861. Idoti, chronicon in FUyrez, Espafia sagrada, T. IV., p. 289-501 ; Isvlor. Hlrpal. chronica regum Tisigoth- orum. (opp. ed. Arevelo, T. YII., p. 185.) '\ Asclibach, History of the Visigoths, Prankft. 1827, 2 vols. Helfferich, The Arianism of the Visigoths, Berlin, 1860. '\Oams, Ch. H. of Spain, Vol. II., p. 395 sq. In the year 410, Rome was taken by the Visigoth Ariana under J.?anc, and if the disgraceful circumstances which pre- ceded and led to its capture, have no parallel in the fall of any other city, neither have the moderation and generosity with which the conquerors treated the vanquished inhabit- ants of the once proud mistress of the world. That the mildness and clemency exhibited by the Barba- rians on this occasion are evidence of that humane feeling so characteristic of the Germans, there can be no doubt, but it is equally undeniable that these are in part to be ascribed to the civilizing influences of Christianity. Did not -^Eneas see, asks St. Augustine : " Dying Priam at the shrine, Staining the hearth he made divine?" "But what was novel" (in the sack of Eome), continues the Bishop of Hippo, " was, that savage Barbarians should show themselves in so gentle a guise, that the largest churches were chosen and set apart to be filled with those to whom quarter was given ; that in them none were slain and none forcibly dragged out ; that into them many were led by their relenting enemies to be set at liberty, and that from them none were led into slavery by merciless foes. Whoever fails to see," he adds, " that this is to be attributed to the name of Christ, and to the Christian temper, is blind ; whoever sees this, and gives not thanks to God, is ungrateful ; and who- § 149. Christianity among the Visigoths. 25 ever hinders any one from praising it, is mad. JSTo prudent maa will ascribe such clemency to Barbarians.'" Alaric quitted Eome, and it is somewhat difficult to satis- factorily account for his hasty departure. The Goths, unable longer to maintain themselves in Italy, set out for Gaul, in the year 412, under the leadership of Ataulf, where they founded a kingdom between the Loire and Garonne, of which Wallia became the King, and Toulouse the capital, and which, after a few years, extended over the greater part of Spain.^ This was the first kingdom established in Europe by the Germans, and was, even after it had assumed a distinctively Christian character, conspicuous for deeds of barbaric violence, which were usually followed by the more terrible scourges of pestilence and famine. Of the Vandals, Alani, and Suevi, the first conquerors of Spain, only these last were Catholics, and even they adopted the Ai'ian heresy in the year 464, after King liemismond had married the daughter of the Visigoth Theodoric. They then began their work of pillage by sacking cities, pulling down churches, and putting to death Catholic bishop)S and priests, many of whom, such as Pancyxdian of Braga, Patanius, and others, sufl'ered martyrdom for their faith, and in their singu- lar fortitude and courageous death, left a rich heritage of glory to the Spanish Church. The condition of the Church under the Visigoth King Eurich (t A. D. 476), was, if possible, still more deplorable. Sidonius ApoUinaris, Bishop of Clermont, states that, "Eu- rich sent great numbers of Catholic bishops into exile, and prohibited the election of others to take their places. Thus, he goes on to say, the churches of both Gaul and Spain, having been deprived of their pastors, rapidly went to ruin, grass grew about the sanctuaries and on the very altars, and beasts of prey took up their abode among the rubbish of those desecrated tem-ples.^ > Auff. De Civit. Dei I. 1-7. Gregoromus, Hist, of the City of Eome in the Middle Ages, Vol. I., p. 147-168. Reumont, Hist, of the City of Eome, Vol. I., p. 734 et sq. * Rosenstein, Hist, of the Kingdom of the Visigoths in Gaul, 1859. ^Sidon. lib. VII. ep. 6. ad Bas. Strmondi, opp. T. I. max. bibl. PP. T. VI. 26 Period 2. Epoch 1 Part. 1. Chapter 1. Alaric, the son of Enrich (a. d. 506), though himself an Arian, adopted toward the Catholics a more lenient policy than that which his father had pursned; but under Leovigild the horrors of persecution were agaih revived, and so violent was the temper of this prince, that he put to death his own son, Hermenegild, on Easter Sunday, a. d. 585, at Tarragona, for embracing and refusing to give up the Catholic faith. His son and successor, Reccared (a. d. 586-601), who had more sympathy with the doctrines for which his brother had shed his blood than with the unnatural spirit of the father,, who had outraged every parental instinct, always regarded the Catholic Church with no small degree of favor, and in the year 587 made a full and open profession of her teachings, in a council composed of both Catholic and Arian bishops. The Council of Toledo, held a. d. 589, struck the final blow against the Arianism of the Goths, upon which it passed thirty-nine anathemas. The Church now sprung into new life, and flourished with great splendor, under the distin- guished Hispano-Gothic bishops, Helladius of Toledo, Isidore of Seville (fA. d. 636), lldephonse the Younger, Archbishop of Toledo, and others. The seoenteen Synods of Toledo, held be- tween A. D. 400 and 694, are ample evidence of the growth and prosperity of the Church, of the revival of religious life, and of the political progress of the nation. § 150. The Vandals in Africa. Victor episcopus Viteusis, who was an eye-witness of what he relates (487), wrote libb. V. historiae persecutionis Africanae sub Genserico et Hunnerico Vandalor. regib. ed. Chtfflettus, S. J., Divione, 1664, 4to. (Hist, persecutionis Vandal, ed. Rulnart, Paris, 1694, 8vo.; Venet. 1732, 4to., max. bibl. PP. T. VIII. p. 675 sq.) St. FulgentU episc. Euspensis vita (by Ferrandus, his scholar?) max. bibl. PP. T. IS. Procophis Caesareensis (first, teacher of rhetoric, then legal counselor of Belisar, may be styled the Byzantine Herodotus), historiarum libb. VIII. (Persian, Vandalic, and Gothic Memorabilia) ed. gr. and lat. ex. ed. Clavdii Maltrett, Paris, 1662, sq. fol., Venet. 1729 (corpus scriptor. Byzant.) In German, by Kannegiesser, Greifswalde, 1827, sq. 4 vols.; Vol. II. on the Vandals. Conf. Da/i7- on Procopius of Caesarea, Berlin, 1865; the same, Kings of the (ancient) Germans, Munich, 1860. Isidor. Hispal., historia Vandalorum et Suevorum. Oailand. bibl. T. X. Migne, ser. lat. T. 58. Gregor. Turon. hist. Prancor. II. 25. Kaufmann, The "Works of 0. ApoU. Sidou., Gotting. 1864 ; Chaix, St. Sidoin, Apollinaire et son sieele, Paris, 1867. § 150. The Vandals in Africa. 27 '\MorceUi, Africa christ. Brixiae, 1810, 8 T. 4to. '\ Papeneordt, Hist, of Vandalio rule in Africa, Berlin, 18S8. Katerkamp, Vol. III., p. 333 sq. Neander, Mem- orabilia, Vol. III., Pt. I. We have no knowledge of the circumstances or motives that induced the Viindals to embrace the Arian heresy, but we do know that, having set out from their okl home inPan- nonia in company with the Suevi and Alani, they emigrated to Spain, where they wrouglit such devastation tiiat they are justly entitled to the distiuction of being called the most cruel of all the Germanic tribes (a. d. 409). When Boniface, the Eoman governor of Africa, who had been for some time conscious that he held his office by a very insecure tenure, learned at length that he had been accused, and, througli tlie po\verful influence of liis personal enemies at the Court of Ravenna, found guilty of high treason and deposed, his indignation knew no bounds. Yielding to the impulses of revenge, he raised the standard of rebellion, and, disregarding the advice and praj-ers of St. Augustine, called to his assistance the neighboring Vandals from Spain. The Yaiidals, who had found it difficult to maintain themselves in Spain, gladly accepted the invitation, and passed over to Africa, under their King, Geiseric (Genseric), to the number of fifty, or, as some say, eighty thousand. In doing so, how- ever, their intention was to conquer the fair provinces of this country for themselves, rather thun to aid in the work of establishing the independent authority of Count Boniface. Boniface soon discovered his error, but not till it was too late to provide a remedy, The richest provinces of Rome and the granary of Italy passed into the hands of the Barba- rians. Geiseric immediately set on foot a persecution of the Catholics, which lasted throughout the whole course of his long and infamous reign (a. d. 427-477),^ and surpassed in brutal cruelty and refined torture, if f>ossible, even that of Diocletian. Bishops and priests were expelled the country, and those who refused to go were sold into slavery. Many fled to Rome, but were not even here beyond the reach of the terrible Geiseric, who in the year 455 sat down with his sav- ' Herm. Schtdze, De Testamento Genserici, 1859. 28 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chajpter 1. age hordes^ before the walls of that city. So great were the evils that came upon the Christians, that some began to en- tertain doubts in regard to the truth of an overseeing Provi- dence in the affairs of men ; and Saloian, Bishop of Marseilles, feeling that there was a call upon him to correct this error, composed a work specially devoted to its refutation. This Christian Jeremias took the ground that these divine visita- tions were but the just chastisements of an avenging God upon a reprobate people, whose degeneracy and immorality were in striking contrast with the singular purity and vigor of the Germanic nations. Under Huneric (a. d. 477-484), the son and successor of Geiseric, who had married Eudoxia, the widow of Valen- tinian III., the Catholics enjoyed a short interval of peace, for which, however, they were indebted to the humane offices of the emperor Zeno. Eugene, who was distinguished alike for his piety and firmness of character, became Bishop of Carthage, a. d. 479, after the see had remained vacant for the space of twenty -four years. But the Arian bishop, Cyrilla, who besides being unscrupulous, was skilled in the arts of intrigue, assailed Eugene with such bitterness, that the latter, together with five thousand Catholics, was obliged to put up with all manner of indignity, and to suffer the most inhuman cruelty. The Catholics of Sicca and Lara,, notwithstanding that they ivere shut up in a small room, and enduring a martyrdom of tor- iure in every member of their bodies, sang, loitkout ceasing, hymns in honor of Christ; while many of those who had, their tongues cut out at Tipasa still retained the poiccr of speech, and raised, their voices in joraise and thanksgiving to God? A conference held at Carthage, a. d. 484, composed of Cath- iSee Kraus, Ch. Hist, of the Middle Ages, p. 214. (Tk.) 2 Even Mr. Gibbon, -who never looks beyond the natural, has been obliged to admit the truth of this wonderful fact, because of his inability to impeach the historical testimony on which it rests. Victor. Vitens. V. 6; Procopiun de Bello Vand. I. 8. (opp. ed. Bonn, I. 345); Evarjrius, IV. 14. The testimony of the Platonist, Aeneas Gaza, on the overthrow of the Tandalic domination, is given by Theophrastiis in Galland, T. X., p. 636. Emperor Justinian also states (in Cod. L. I. tit. 27. de officio praefecti praetorio Afric): "Vidimus veuerabiles viros, qui, abscissis radicitus Unguis, poenas suas mirabiliter loquebantur." TiU emont, T. XVI., and Schrockh, Oh. Hist., Pt. 18, p. 101 et sq. § 150. The Vandals in Africa. 29 olic and Arian bishops, in the hope of adjusting difficulties, served only to augment them, and to add to the already severe sufferings of the Catholics. Guntamund (a. d. 494), convinced that the most sanguinary and persistent persecution would be inadequate to the task of entirely eradicating the Church from the soil of Africa, permitted the exiled bishops to return one by one to their dioceses; but Thrasamund (a. d. 496-523), who was of quite another opinion, commenced anew the work, interrupted by the clemency and judgment of his predecessor, and forbade, but to uo purpose, the consecration of Catholic bishops. See- ing that their number, instead of falling off, was daily on j;he increase, he adopted a more summary method of ridding himself of their presence, and sent one hundred and twenty of them into exile in Sardinia. Among them was Fulgentiiif., Bishop of Ruspe, one of the most intrepid and learned de- fenders of the Catholic faith. The Church again enjoyed a short respite from the horrors of persecution, under Hilderie, a prince whose humanity cost him his life. He was assassinated by his cousin, Gilimer. The Catholics were saved from the consequences of a fresh persecution, which threatened to be as sanguinary as any that had preceded it, by the timely interference of the emperor, Justinian, who sent Belisarius into Africa to protect and de- fend them. This general had little difficulty in overthrowing the dom- ination of the Yandals in Africa; for these rude warriors, once they had come fully under the influence of the polished manners and luxurious life of the Carthaginians, became, from a valiant and comparatively gure people, the most effem- inate and corrupt of mankind. Thus Africa passed again under the authority of Eome (a. d. 533), and all hope of the Catholic Church being re-established in that country by means of Germanic influence was at an end. After the year 670, every trace of Christianity disappeared before the advancing power of Islamism, and an event so unique in the history of the Church can only be accounted for by ascribing it to the inscrutable designs of Divine Providence. 30 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. § 151. The Burgundians and Their Relations to the Church. ■(Plancher.) bistoire de Bourgogne, Dijon, 1739. Collatio episcopor. praesert. Aviti Visnn. coram rege Gundebaldo (d'Achdry, Spicileg. T. III. Mit/nc, ser. lat. T. 59.) Rettberg, Ch. H. of Germany, Vol. I., p. 253 sq. GelpM, Ch. H. of Switzerland under Roman, Burgundian, and Alemannian rule, Berne, 1856. Derisdiweiler, Hist, of the Burgundians until their incorporation into the Frankish kingdom, Miinster, 1863. Binding, The Burgundo-Koman Kingdom lips. 1868. The Burgundians, who dwelt between the Oder and the "Vistula, issuing from their northern home, followed the route over which the Goths had passed, till thej'- came as far as the Danube, where they encountered the Gepidae and the Romans. Retreating before the superior strength of these two peoples, they settled on the banks of the upper Main and the ITeckar, and Avere here thrown into contact with the Alenianni (a. d. 406), with whom they were continually at war. They were forced by the terror of Attila's arms to break up their settle- ment on the Rhine, and, retreating in a southwesterly direc- tion, they entered the country of the Jura, about a. d. 412, and founded a kingdom in Gaul, extending from the Alps to the Rhone and the Saone, of which Lyojis became the capital. It is thought, but the opinion rests on very questionable au- thority, that they became converts to the Catholic Church as early as the year 417. Be this as it may, it is certain that no great reliance could be placed on the sincerity of their con- version, otherwise it would be difficult to account for the readiness with which they embraced the Arian heresy, about the year 444, during the reign of G-undobald} This prince, unable to resist the cogency and strength of the arguments of Patiens, Bishop of Lyons, but particularly of those of Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, expressed a wish to enter the Catholic Church, but desired to have his conversion kept a secret, from fear of drawing on himself the enmity of his son Theodoric. His son Sigismund exhibited greater resolution and more character than his father, and, at the desire of the Franks, returned to the Catholic Church. After 1 Oros. hist. adv. Pagan. VII. 82, 38. Socr. h. e. VII. 30, III. 30. Conf. Pagi crit. ad a. 413, «i. 13, and Prosper in Chron. ad a. 435. § 152. Ravages of the Huns in Germany, Gaul, and Italy. 31 the year 517, his example was followed by many of the Bur- gundians, among whom Arianism entirely disappeared, once they had passed nnder the dominion of the Franks, during the reign of Godomar (a. b. 534). § 152. Ravages of the Huns in Germany, Gaul, and Italy. Thierry, King Attila and his Age, Lps. 1852. Neumann, The Nations of Southern Eussia and their Historical Development, 2d od., Lps. 1855. John von 'Mailer, Journeys of the Popes. See also Vol. I., p. 676, note 4. The nations of which we have just spoken had suffered more from the attacks of the Huns than from those of any other people, and were at length obliged to retire before their advancing columns. The Huns were the rudest of all the Slavic nations of which we have any knowledge. Attila, their leader, whose name is indissolubly associated with de- vastation and ruin, marched through Germany and into Gaul at the head of a vast multitude, composed of nations which he had reduced to subjection and forced to follow his stan- dard, and with this incongruous army commenced an attack upon the united kingdom of the Visigoths and Franks (a. d. 444). The Ehenish cities of Cologne, Mentz, Worms, Spire, Stras- bourg, and the neighboring cities of Treves, Metz, and others, were almost entirely destroyed, and their churches demolished. Checked by the doubtful results of the battle of Chdlons-sur- Marne (451), and awed by the commanding presence and reso- lute attitude of Lupus, Bishop of Troyes, Attila directed his course toward Italy, and by the might of his arms added to the disasters with which this unfortunate country was already so severely scourged (a. d. 452). He stormed and sacked Aqui- leia, burned and plundered many other cities, and was only stayed in his career of blood and fire, and prevented from carrying the terror of his arms to the walls of Rome, by the great St. Leo, who undertook an embassy to his camp. As the resolution of Lupus and Leo had proved more effectual in curbing the anger of this ferocious barbarian than either armed resistance or mercenary tribute, the fact gave rise to the saying that " only a wolf or a lion could withstand Attila." 32 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. Attila, it is said, returned to the Danube, aud died in the following year, a. d. 453. His numerous aud terrible army, destitute of the only man who possessed sufficient ability and resolution to make his authority respected among its anom- alous masses, broke through all the restraints of discipline and wandered over the face of the country, carrying destruc- tion wherever they went. It required a higher than a human power to protect Christendom against so terrible a scourge. And, indeed, it would seem that Divine grace, which flowed' in upon the Church in abundant streams during this age, was more than sufficient to overcome the power of sin and wick- edness which lay like a foul mist upon the face of the earth. It was then that God raised up in defense of his cause those great lights of the Church and pillars of truth, St. Leo the Great, St. Lupus of Troyes, St. Germanus of Auxerre,^ St. Severin,^ that mysterious person whose origin and early his- ■ Conf. Stolberff-Kerz, Pt. XVII., p. 421 sq. ^EugippU, Vita St. Severini (BoUand. Acta Sanotor. mens. Jan., Tom. I., p. 483) ed. Kerschbaumer, Soaphus. 1862; in Fnedrich's Ch. Hist, of Germany, Vol. I., Appendix, p. 439-489, according to Munich manuscripts, transl. into German, ■with Introduction and Annotations hy C. Ritter, Linz, 1853. Conf. Friedrtch, 1. c, p. 858-383. The Life of St. Severin, hy his disciple Eugippius, is of inestimable value, as it contains information of the condition of things in that age which could he obtained from no other source; for the Danuhian provinces may he said to have been shrouded in utter darkness during the period immediately preceding and the period immediately following the life of these two men. From no other source could we obtain so abundant information of the then flourishing condi- tion of Christianity, and the complete organization of the Church in the Roman provinces to the soutli of the Danube. It is certainly providential, that, just on the eve of the decline of these provinces, a work should be left us which de- scribes so graphically, and with so much detail, the state of the country and the characteristics of its inhabitants. (^Wattenbach, Germany's Sources of His- tory, p. 34.) That St. Severin was of noble extraction, there can be no doubt, and it is not unlikely that he belonged to the last of the ruling houses of Home. Inspired with the desire of laboring in the cause of Christ among the oppressed inhabit- ants of Noricum, he withdrew into solitude and obscuritj'. He practiced the most extreme austerities, went barefoot during the most inclement seasons, and, though he observed excessive fasts, quite forgot himself in his desire to supply the food of life to the famishing souls of those about him. He went up and down the country exhorting and preaching penance, comforting the distressed, and alleviating, as best he could, the wants of the needy. He regularly exacted tithes of those who could pay them, for the support of the poor and the- redemp- § 153. The Ostrogoths and Lombards in Italy. 33 tory no one seemed to know, and those other great men who rivaled the zeal and the glory of St. Severin — St. Honoratus and St. Hilary of Aries, Eucherius of Lyons, and others no less distinguished. All these exercised an influence Avhich Attila and the other leaders of barbarous hordes found it im- possible to resist. § 153. The Ostrogoths and Lombards in Italy. Jornandes, de rebus Geticis. Procopii Cues, historiar. libb. IV-VIII. (in Germ, by Kanneg lesser, Vols. 8 and 4.) Aurel. Cassiodori Variarum (epistola- rum) lib. XII. et Chronicon (consulare). Pauli Warnefridi de gestis Longo- bardor. libb. VI. (Muratorl, scriptor. Ital. T. I. Gregor. M. epp. opp. Paris, 1705, T. II.) Manso, Hist, of the Ostrogothic Empire, Breslau, 1824. Sarto- rius, Hist, of the Ostrogoths, transl. into German, Hamb. 1811, from the French of da Roure, histoire de Theodoric le Grand, Paris, 1846, 2 vols. Gregoroijius, Hist, of Kome during the M. A., Vol. I., p. 273 sq. v. Reumont, Hist, of Piome, Vol. II., p. 1-127. Dahn, Germanic Kings. Koch-Siernfeld, The Kingdom of the Lombards in Italy, according to Paul Warnefr., Munich, 1839. FLegler, The Kingdom of the Lombards in Italy, Lps. 1851. Even Odoacer, the leader of the Heruli,' the conqueror of Italy, and the destroyer of the Koman Empire (a. d. 476), was subdued by the presence of the mysterious St. Severin. His reign came to an end after the Ostrogoths, under the leader- ship of Theodoric, had issued from Pannonia (a. d. 488), and conquered Italy and Sicily, Rhaetia and ISToricum, Vindelicia and Dalmatia, and established a vast empire, whose authority extended over all these countries. But, for the space of eleven years, during which the reign of Odoacer lasted, the Catholic Church enjoyed, through his indulgence, the blessings of com- parative peace ; and this notwithstanding that he was him- self an Arian. Although both Theodoric and his people embraced the Arian heresy, his policy toward the Catholic Church was characterized by humanity and moderation, and not nnfre- t;on of captives. His authority was great in the land, and it was said that the eleinents and the lower orders of beings were obedient to his command, and that the wrath of God overtook all who would not hearken to his words. Kraus, Ch. Hist, of the Middle Ages. (Tk.) ^ Stolberg-Kerz, Pt. XVII., p. 474 sq. Eugippii Vita Severini, c. 14. VOL II — 3 34 Penod 2. Ejpoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. quently by justice and impartiality. In pursuing this course he was guided by the prudent counsel of Cassiodorus, his wise and learned chancellor. During the reign of Theodoric, Italy enjoyed a measure of her former prosperity ; the clouds that had so long darkened the laud were broken, and for a season her fair fields bloomed as of old, and Rome herself was called the Happy City {Eorna Felix). Theodoric's treatment of the Romanians was consid- erate and just. He protected them against the oppression of the Goths, and secured to them the benefits of their ancient rights, laws, and institutions. But toward the close of his reign, which lasted thirty-six years, incensed at a law passed against the Arians by Justin, the Roman emperor of the East, he revenged himself upon the Catholics of his own do- minions, whom he pursued with tyrannical severity. He cast Pope John into prison, where the latter languished for awhile, and finally died, a. d. 526. He also put to death, for crimes of which they were declared guilty on the testimony of sub- orned witnesses, Symynachus, his father-in-law, and Boethiiis^ both men of consular dignity. While in confinement, Boethius enjoyed as best he could the consolation afforded by science and religion, and has left his thoughts on these subjects to posterity, in his admirable work entitled "On the Consolation of Philosophy." Theodoric died A. d. 526, and under his successors the per- secution against the Catholics in a great measure ceased. Amalasuntha, the daughter of Theodoric, who governed in the name of her son, 'Athalaric, a minor, succeeded to her father; but after the death of her son, she shared the throne with her cousin, TheodotuSyhj whom she was murdered. The emperor Justinian, under pretense of avenging this murder, sent his general, Najses, at the head of an imperial army, into Italy, and after an eighteen years war (a. d. 535-553), destroyed the Ostrogothic empire. Italy became a Roman province, and was governed by exarchs who resided at Ra- venna, of whom ISTarses was the first and Longinus the sec- lOn Boethius and Cassiodorus, see Akoc/'s Patrology, 2d ed., p. 413-418; and, on the latter, also Montalembert, Monks of the West, Vol. I., p. 348-356, Ger- man Transl., Vol. II., p. 77-88. § 153. The Ostrogoths and Lombards in Italy. 35 ond. So complete was the overthrow of the Visigoths, that in a short time the very name of this gallant people disap- peared. In the year 568, the Lombards, under the command of their king, Alboin, entered Italy, either of their own accord, or, as 's more probahle, at the invitation of H'arses, who had been deeply offended by the empress. Leaving Pannonia, they crossed the Carnian Alps, and, with the aid of twenty thou- sand Saxons and some other hordes, took possession of the- whole of ISTorthern Italy, in whose fertile fields they perma- nently settled, and gave to it their own name. It would seem that Providence had decreed that there should not re- main a single Roman province in the West. Pavia fell into the hands of the conquerors after a siege of three years, and after the death of Alboin, who was assassinated at the insti- gation of his wife, Rosamond,, his successors gradually ex- tended the empire to the south, till it comprehended nearly the entire Italian peninsula. All that remained to the Byzan- tines were the duchies of Pome and !N"aples, a few cities on the Ligarian and Adriatic coasts, such as Venice and the exarchate of Pavenna, and the tongue of land on the south- east of the peninsula. This was, both for the Church and for Italj', a season of unspeakable misery. The Arian Lombards, who possessed neither the versatility nor the humanity of the Goths, on the one hand, exhibited no inclination or fitness for political or- ganization, and, on the other, manifested the most violent hatred of the Catholics whom they found in the country. This will account both for the interregnum of ten years which followed the assassination of lUeph, the successor to Alboin, during which the country was governed by thirty-six dukes, and for their cruel persecution of the Catholics of Ital}'. At the close of the ten years, it was found necessary to restore the otfice of king, and Flavins Antharis, the son of Kleph, ascended the throne. He had married Theodolinda (Dietlinde), a Pava- riau princess, through whose influence the condition of the orthodox Catholics was very considerably ameliorated. She herself professed the Catholic faith, and labored with zeal in the work of converting the Arian Lombards. On the death 36 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. of her husband (a. d. 690), Theodolinda, in compliance with the wish of the Lombard lords, took the reins of power into her own hands, and shortly after associated Duke Agilulf with herself in the governm.ent of the kingdom.^ GEEGOEY THE GREAT, a. d. 590-604. This favorable condition of affairs should be attributed, in a great measure, to the prudent counsels of Gregory the Great,^ whom God seems to have raised up at this period to be the protector of Italy and the guardian of the Church. Descended from the senatorial and wealthy house of the Anicii, he soon became so distinguished for integrity of char- acter, for his varied literary and scientific attainments, and for those graces and accomplishments so becoming, if not abso- lutely necessary, to one in his condition of life, that he rap- idly rose in favor till he reached the high and honorable oiSce of Praetor of Eome. Such distinctions, though highly attract- ive and capable of yielding an honest satisfaction to an upi'ight mind, were not to Gregory's liking. He felt that God was calling him to a higher, a holier, and a purer life, and still he hesitated. But the struggle was soon past, and Gregory sur- rendered himself, with characteristic generosity, to the influ- ence of grace. He devoted his wealth to the endowment of six new monasteries in Sicily, and established a seventh in his own palace, upon the Coelian Hill, at Rome, which he had inherited from his father, and in which he himself became a monk. All Eome was amazed to behold one, who formerly went forth with all the circumstance of a great dignitary of state, clad in costly robes and decked with jewels, now walk the streets of the city with the unassuming air of a beggar, and dressed in the coarse habit of an humble follower of St. Benedict. 1 Kraus, Ch. H. of the M. A., pp. 215, 216. 2 His biography by Joannes eocl. Eom. diacou. and Paul Warnefnd. in Gregor. M. opp. ed. St. Marths, Paris, 1705, 4 T. fol. (in T. IV.) locupl. GaLUcioU, Venet, 1768, 17 T. 4to. Ahog's Patrology, 2d ed., p. 420-427. Palma, praelect. h. e. T. II., Pt. I., p. 44-86. Stolberg-Kerz, Pt. XX., p. 346 sq. Lau, Gregory the Great, Lps. 1845. Bohriiiger, Ch. H. in Biographies, Vol. I., Pt. IV., p. 310-426. Her^ der, Thoughts on the Hist, of Mankind, Pt. IV., p. 109. § 153. The Ostrog.oths and Lombards in Italy. 37 Like all noble and generous souls, Gregory, as soon as he bad taken the obligations of a monk upon himself, determined to keep faith with himself and with his God. He practiced the most severe austerities; applied himself to the study of Holy Scripture; read, wrote, and prayed, and observed so Etrict a fast that his health finally gave away. His only food had been pulse, which his mother, who had become a nun since the death of her husband, prepared for him, and sent to his monastery, but he was now obliged to take more substan- tial food. At the request of Pope Benedict I., but much against his own will and inclination, Gregory quitted his •raonastery in the year 577 to become one of the seven cardinal-deacons, or regionaries, who presided over the seven principal divisions of Rome. It cost him still greater pain to accede to the wishes of Pope Pelagius II., who sent him as Apoerisiariiis, or iN^uncio, to the court of the Emperor Tibe- rius, at Constantinople. He was accompanied on this mission by several monks, and with them observed, as nearly as he could, the rule of his order, and applied himself to reading and study. He nevertheless discharged his duties with marked ability, and succeeded in restoring the friendly relations between the Holy See and the Byzantine Court, which had been inter- rupted by the invasion of the Lombards. His eminent talents for business, his learning, his piety, his rigor toward himself, his watchful care over the conduct of others, and his solicitude and energy in guarding and defend- ing the interests of the Church, pointed him out as one who would discharge the duties of the Pontifical office with honor and distinction, and he was accordingly raised to this great dignity on the death of Pelagius, a. d. 590. It is to him that the Catholic Church of the "West is indebted for her august liturgy and the splendor of her worship, for the solemn majesty and sweet melody of her chant, and for the extinc- lion of the schism which had arisen out of the Three Chap- ters,'^ and which for a time threatened to cut off from the body ' See Vol. I., p. 623. 38 Period 2. Upoch 1. Fart 1. Chapter 1. of the Church the bishops of Venetia and Istria. It is to him also that the Anglo-Saxon Church owes her origin. Gregory had but one object in view in all his undertakings, and that was the exaltation and glory of the Church. "My honor," he writes, "is the honor of the whole Church; my honor is to behold my brethren (the bishops) filled with single-minded and earnest energy (solidus vigor). Then only do I feel that I enjoy true honor, when the honor due to all is denied to none."^ Besides being a model monk and a model churchman, Greg- ory the Great was also the most distinguished writer of his age. His Avritings have lai'gely contributed to secure for him the title of Great, and have been, in a great measure, the source of the powerful influence which he has exerted upon the Church from his own day to ours. When he ascended the Papal throne, the morality of the clergy was greatly relaxed, and to his active energy and the example of his own life is again due the purity of morals which characterized the ecclesiastics of e\ery grade, at the close of his pontificate. That he fully appreciated what a true priest should be, is abundantly proved by his work, entitled the ''Pastoral," con- taining rules concerning the vocation, life, and teaching of pastors; and that he had sufficient courage, self-denial, and resolution to put these rules into practice in his own case, is manifest from the history of his life. Gregory's experience, personal holiness, and insight into character, enabled him to detect those among his clergy who were imbued with his own spirit and love of virtue. He sent men of this character into every part of Italy to provide for the wants of all, and to eradicate, by the power of the word of God, the traces of Paganism which were here and there beginning to appear. His vigilance in watching over the rights of the priesthood, and his zeal in defending them when attacked, were not con- fined to one district or country, but extended, as was fitting, over the whole Church of which he was the Supreme Pastor. He corrected numerous abuses; caused orphan asylums and > Epistolar. lib. VIII., ep. 80, ad Eulogium. § 153. The Ostrogoths and Lombards in Italy. 39 schools for the poor, institutions hitherto unknown, to be erected in many and distant lands, — an ample evidence that his tender solicitude and paternal care were as wide as the limits of the Church, and as deep as her charity. A man of such untiring activity and such stirring energy, who exerted so deep and lasting influence upon the destinies of the Church, well deserved the title of Great, which his contemporaries cheerfully eonfei-red upon him, and which has been confirmed by the universal verdict of posterity. His strenuous efforts to defend the rights, privileges, and institutions of the Church, commanded the respect and elic- ited the admiration of even the Arian Lombards. Owing to the ceaseless wars waged against each other by the Greek exarchs and the Lombard princes, the hatred of the Italians against their northern conquerors had grown so deep and in- tense, that St. Gregory, if he would, could at any moment have called his countrymen to arms, brought about a universal uprising, and precipitated a general war. But he preferred the more lasting, if less brilliant, honors which attach to the office of mediator, to the doubtful glory of an unsuccessful warrior.^ He asked both parties to consider the consequences of further prolonging the struggle. " What," said he, " can be the result of continuing the contest other than the destruc- tion of many thousand men, who, whether they be Lombards or Romans, would be more usefully employed in tilling the fields." He died March 12, a. d. 604, a martyr to his indefatigable zeal and restless activity, having, according to Herder, gone through more work in the same length of time than any ten of the secular or ecclesiastical princes of his age were capa- ble of. In the next century, when the Lombards, under kings Luit- prand and Rachis, were again threatening the reduction and sacking of Eome, Pope Zachary (a. d. 741-752), mindful of the example of his successor, the great Leo, went on an embassy to Pavia and Perugia, and at the former place obtained assur- ances of peace, and at the latter a promise that his city ^Epist. lib. IV., ep. 47. 40 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. should not be besieged. N^ay, so great aa influeace did his presence exert, that Eachis, a few days later, laid down the Iron Crown, and retired with his wife, the princes and prin- cesses of his family, to the monastery of St. Benedict.^ § 154. Benedict of Nursia — Western Monasiicism. Mabtllonii annales Ord. St. Bened. (to 1157, Paris, 1703-1739), Luc. 1739-1745, 6 T. fol. in the Praef. saec. I., p. 7 : Observationes de monachis in Oocid. ante Benedictum. DacJierli et MabillonU acta Sanctor. Ord. St. Bened. (to 1100), Paris, 1668-1701, 9 T. fol. The Life of St. Benedict in Gregor. M. dialog, lib. II. opp. ed. Bened., T. II., p. 207-276. Compare also Bolland. acta SS. mens. Martii., T. III., p. 247 sq. The Rule of St. Benedict, in Hohtenii, cod. regul. monast., T. I., p. 111-137; Germ. Transl. by Father Charles Brmides, in his Benedictine Library: Life of St. Benedict, his Kule and Explanation of it. Our Lady of Hermits, 1856-1858, 2d ed., 1863, 3 small vols. The same, The Benedictine Order and its -world-wide influence (Tiibg. Quarterl., 1851, p. 1-40) X^Montalembert, les Moines de I'Occident, 5 vols., Paris, 1860; Engl, transl. by Mrs. OUphant, London, 5 vols.; American ed., Boston, 1872, 2 vols.. Vol. I., p. 805-345; Germ. Transl. by Charles Brandes, O.S.B., Eatisbon, 1860-1868, Vol. II., p. 1-73. The Order of St. Benedict, which was but a fresh manifesta- tion of the principle of Divine energy, residing and constantly at work in the Church, came into existence at a time when both Church and State were threatened with irremediable dis- asters by the continued incursions of the Barbarians. This order not only saved the Church from the calamities with which she was then menaced, but also gave her the assurance of a new lease of life, imparted to her fresh vigor, and in- spired, fostered, and preserved that wealth of spiritual culture which has been a blessing to all succeeding ages. , The first monks that had been seen in the West were Am- monius and Isidore, who accompanied St. Athanasius, when this great bishop came to Rome to invoke the protection of Pope Julius. While this heroic man was passing his exile in Gaul, be had an opportunity, of which he promptly availed himself, of adding to the glory he had already won by hia noble defense of the divinity of Christ, that of animating the West with a holy reverence and a religious zeal for the lEdicta regum Longobardorum, ed Vesme, Aug. Taurinor., 1855. Conf. John von Mailer, Journeys of Popes. § 154. Benedict of Nursia — Western Monasticism. 41 monastic life; and the love of self-denial and anstei-ity in- spired by his eloquence was kept alive and fostered by the examples of holiness so graphically set forth in his Life of St. Anthony. In Italy, the elements of monastic life were brought into shape, adjusted, and organized by Eusebius of Vercelli, Ambrose of Milan, and Jerome; Augustine was elo- quent in its praise in Africa; Martin, Bishop of Tours,' intro- duced it into Northern, and Cassian into Southern Gaul. As early as a. d. 400, two thousand monks followed the mortal remains of St. Martin to the grave. But the severity of the Western climate would not admit of so rigorous a discipline as that practiced vvith perfect im- punity under the more genial skies of the East. It was, therefore, necessary to modifj^ the Rule, and, as is usual un- der such circumstances, every one thought himself at liberty to introduce such changes as he conceived to be best suited to the conditions of the country and to the habits of the people. Changes so arbitrary, introduced at a time when the country was harassed by the invasions of the Barbarians and society upheaved, threatened the "dismemberment of the Church and the destruction of monasticism. Happily, Providence gave to the Church at this time a man, destined to future celebrity, who drew order out of confusion, and established the monas- tic rule in the West on a solid and permanent basis ; and thus rescued from destruction an institution whose services to relig- ion from that day to this have been both extremely eminent and beneiicial. This was Benedict, of the noble house of the Anicii, and, on his mother's side, the last scion of the lords of Nursia, a Sabine town, where he was born a. d. 480. He was put to school at Rome, where he received an excellent education for his years, but he felt ill at ease amid the corrup- tion of that great city. At the early ago of fourteen, he re- solved to give up study, to break the ties of family, and to renounce the pleasures and allurements of the world. Bid- ding farewell to friends and home and all he held dear, he ' SulpicU Severi, de vita B. Martini lib. ; dialogi tres, and epist. tres. ; Gregor. Turon. de miracul. St. Martini. Conf. '' Montalembert, 1. o. Amer. ed., Vol. I, p. 265-272; Germ, transl., Vol. I., p. 213-221. Meinkens, Martin of Tours, the wonder-working monk and bishop, Brsl. 1866. 42 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. plunged into those almost inaccessible hills through which the river Anio forces its way, leaping from fall to fall, to the town of Subiaco (Sublaqueum.) On his way he met a monk, named Homanus, who gave him a haircloth shirt, and a mo- nastic dress made of skins. Continuing on his way, he met an abrupt rock overhanging the course of the Anio, in which there was a dark and narrow cave, into which the sun never found its way. Here he remained three entire years, cut off from all the world, and unknown to all, except the monk Romanus, who supplied him with food, which he conveyed to the solitary by letting it down from the top of the rock by a rope, to which was attached a bell, to give warning that the scanty meal was at hand. But his place of concealment could not always remain a secret, and he was at length discovered by shepherds, who at first thought him a wild beast, but proclaimed him a great servant of God after the holy man had discoursed to them of the graces and mercies of Christ. While here he was assailed by a terrible temptation. The memory of a lady whom he had formerly known continued to haunt him, and' so great was the impression she had made upon him that he was on the point of leaving his retreat, when a great grace was poured in upon his soul, and, acting under its inspiration, he plunged naked into a clump of thorns and briers near his grotto, rolling about in them till he was one w^ound, and, amid the pains of the body, hushed forever the solicitations of passion. The retreat of the young solitary was soon broken in upon. The people of the neighborhood came to ask his blessing, and the monks of the monastery near Vicovaro continued to im- portune him till he consented to become their abbot. They, however, soon tired of liis austere severity, and attempted to rid themselves of him by poison. The attempt was discov- ered, for, when Benedict made the sign of the cross over the vessel, it burst in pieces. Benedict again withdrew to his cavern ; but the holiness of his life and the beauty of his example excited so much jeal- ousy and hatred against him, that he resolved to leave forever a place his presence had so long sanctified. § 154. Benedict of Nursia — Western Monastieism. 43 He set out from Subiaco, and, directing his course along the western side of the Apennines and toward the south, he came at last to a magnificent monntain overlooking the river Liris (Garigliano) at its source, where he rested (a. d. 529). This is llonte Cassino. Here St. Benedict built two chapels — one dedicated to St. John the Baptist, the first solitary of the new faith', and the other to St.^Martin, the great bishop of Tours; and around these rose the monastery destined to become the most cele- brated religious retreat of the Catholic world, where Bene- dict wrote the Hide, and from whence bishops and popes went forth to govern the Church by their prudence and wisdom, and to edify her children by their virtuous lives and illus- ti-ious examj)les. The life of labor, of prayer, and of medi- tation pursued by St. Benedict and his children contained the germ and served as the model of that more stately and complex organization into which his order developed at a later day. His Hide, which contains seventy-three articles, is an abridg- ment of Christian doctrine, and embraces all the counsels of evangelical perfection. It is based on a thorough knowledge of human nature, and is characterized by a happy union of mildness and severitj^ of simplicity and prudence. Two lead- ing principles run through every article of the liule, viz., labor and obedience ; and its spirit and aim seem to be to bring together all the members of a monastery into one fam- ily circle, with relations to each other as open and tender as those which exist between father and son or brother and brother. The wisest of each community was chosen by the suffrages of his brethren to be set over them, and the name of Father, or Abbas, which he received on entering upon his duties, ex- pressed the affectionate relations he held toward the others, who were called his Brothers. The abbot was expected to teach by example rather than precept; to study carefully the character, disposition, and tastes of every member of the monastery over which he was set; to direct each as prudence might suggest; to temper mildness with severity, and to cai-efuUy abstain from mani- 44 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. festing any preference of one above another. The most effica- cious checks to any temptation, on the part of the abbot, to abuse his authority, vere an abiding sense of the dreadful account he would one day be called upon to render to God, and the holy and inviolable character of the Euh {sancta regula), wiiich bound him equally with the lowest member of the community. ISText to the ahhot, but subordinate to him, came the prior (praepositus), and, for the more complete and efficient direc- tion of the monks, a dean was set over every ten of them. The monks were instructed to regard their superiors as the representatives of Jesus Christ, and to obey them accord- ingly. The postulant (pulsans), or one who applied for admission into the community, was to pass through a year's probation, or novitiate, during which the serious obligations of the life upon which he was about to enter were, as directed by the Rule, brought before his mind three successive times. But the most radical innovation upon former customs was the duty of residence (stabilitas loci) enjoined by the fifty- eighth article of the Rule, which forbade the monks to pass from one house to another, and directed that each one should remain where he had made his vows. St. Benedict was keenly alive to. the dangers of a uniformly cloistered life, and wisely provided against them. He intro- duced among his monks the practice of alternate prayer and labor, and prescribed that, when not engaged in singing the praises of the Lord as set forth in the words of the psalm,' " Seven times a day have I sung thy praises," they should be continually engaged in various occupations, according to the talents, skill, and acquirements of each, such as manual labor, reading, transcribing manuscripts and books, and giving in- structions to the young. He used frequently to remind his brethren that "they could not be truly monks unless they should live by the labor of their hands, like their fathers and the apostles." The tendency of the age and the wisdom of the Rule of St. ' cxviii. 164. § 154. Benedict of Nursia — Western 3Ionasticism. 45 Benedict soon attracted to his monastery a great number of young men. Among the most distinguished of his disciples were Placidus and Maurus, who labored energetically and as- siduously to establish the order in Sicily and Gaul. Gregory the Great, who was much attached to the ordei', exerted his powerful influence to further its interests, became himself a member of it, and wrote the Life of St. Benedict as a labor of love. The life of this great saint of the "West was drawing near its close, and he had already announced his approaching death to many of his monks then at a distance from Monte Cassino. On the sixth day of his illness he requested to be carried into the Chapel of St. John the Baptist, where, supported on the arms of his disciples, he received the Holy Viaticum; after which he was taken to the foot of the altar, and at the side of the grave in which he had directed his remains to be laid, standing erect, with hands extended to Heaven and a prayer upon his lips, he gave back his great and pure soul to God, March 21, a. d. 643. He was buried by the side of his sister, Scholastica, on the very spot where the altar of Apollo, which he had cast down, had stood. " The results of Benedict's work," says Count de Monta- lembert, "were immense. In his lifetime, as after his death, the sons of the noblest races in Italy, and the best of the con- verted Barbarians, came in multitudes to Monte Cassino. They came out again, and descended from it, to spread them- selves over all the "West ; missionaries and husbandmen who were soon to become the doctors and pontifis, the artists and legislators, the historians and poets of the new world. . . . Less than a century after the death of Benedict, all barbarism had won from civilization was reconquered. And more still, his children took in hand to carry the Gospel beyond those limits which had confined the first disciples of Christ. . . . The West was saved. A new empire was founded ; a new world began.'" ' Monks of the "West, American ed., Vol. I., p. 844. (Tk.) 46 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. § 155. Christianity among the Franks — Trium-ph of Catholicity. Gregor. Twron. Hist. Pranoor. iJwi'nar!', Paris, 1699, fol. (Bouquet, T. II., p, 75, iu Migne^s ser. lat. T. 71.) Germ, transl. Wurzb. 1848-1849; von Giesebrecht, Berlin, 1851, 2 vols. Leibnitz, de origine Francor., appended to Eccards ed. of the Salic and Ripuarian Laws, Francof. 1720, fol. Fredegar. Chron. Conf. ~Dv^ chesne. Hist. Franc, script. Paris, 1636-1649, 5 vols. ^'Bouquet, Eecueil des hist de la Gaule, etc., Paris, 1738-1855, 21 vols. (Tk.) Eettberg, Ch. H. of Germany Vol. I., p. 258 sq. Friedrich, Ch. H. of Germany, Vol. II., p. 57-114. Heber, The Pre-Carlovingian Christian Heroes of the Paith on the Ehine, Frkft. 1858 "W. Junghans, Hist, of the Prankish kings, Childeric and Chlodwic, Getting. 1867. Bornhac, Hist, of the Franks under the Merovingians, Greifswalde, 1863. Ozanam, la civilisation chretienne chez les Francs, Paris, 1849. (Tk.) It is, probable that the Franks were acquainted, with the Christian religion some considerable time before they made their final conquest of Gaul. Bands of these Frankish war- riors were in the habit of crossing the Roman boundary of the Rhine, at first for purposes of plunder, and afterward in the hope of obtaining permanent settlement, and in this way were, for many years previously to their conversion to Chris- tianity, brought into close and familiar intercourse with the current of thought and every-day life of the Romans. More- over, many of them served in the armies of Rome. These circumstances will serve to explain why the Frank- ish chieftains entertained so high an admiration of St. Am- brose, and ascribed to his friendship and good-will the victo- ries of the Frankish Comes Arbogastus. About the second half of the fifth century, the Franks had settled permanently in Gaul. They had divided into two principal branches of the Salii, who inhabited the country between the Scheldt and the Meuse, and the Bipuarii, who probably dwelt between the Meuse, Moselle, and Rhine. Although they sacked and destroyed many cities, and car- ried desolation far and wide into the surrounding country, there is no evidence that they purposely oppressed the Chris- lians or manifested any special dislike of their religion. On the contrary, it would seem that the Franks Avere, if not well disposed toward Christianity, at least tolerant of its practice; for, although they had possession of the cities of Cologne, Maestricht, Tongres, Treves, and Toul, not a single church § 155. Chris, among the Franks — Triumph of Catholicism. 47 was destroyed during their occupation; and it is, moreover, certain that Comes Arbogastus, who ruled, perhaps in the name of the Roman Empire, with sovereign authority, at Treves-, as early as a. d. 470, was both a Fi'ank and a Chris- tian. Neither was the Christian religion unknown in the royal house of the Salii ; for Lautechild and Audefieda, the daughters of Childeric, who died a. d. 481 , the latter of whom was the wife oi .Theodoric of Bern, were Arians. Here, as elsewhere, the triumph of the Church was brought about through the instrumentality of a Catholic prince.^ This was Chlod.ewig (Clovis), the son of Childeric and chief of the Salic Eranks (a. d.) 481-511), who, by his victory at Soissons, A. D. 486, over the Roman governor Syagriiis, put an end to the Roman supremacy in Gaul. lie laid the foundation of the monarchy of the Franks in those provinces of which he had gained possession, and which lay between the Somme and the Seine, and extended to the south and east as far as the Loire and Rhone. Plis attention had already been directed to Christianity, to which he seemed much inclined, by his queen, Clotilda, a Burgundian princess.^ "When engaged in battle against the Alemanni, near the town of Tolbiacum, or Zillpich,^ perceiving that the issue of the contest was doubtful, he made a vow to become a Christian 'if God should grant him the victory. After the leader of the Alemanni had fallen, the soldiers of the defeated army cried out : " Si^are us, King ; we are thy people." Clovis was instructed in the Christian religion by Vedastus of Toul, and St. Hemigius of Rheims, the apostle of the Franks, and on Christmas day, A. D. 496, received baptism at the hands of the latter. On this occasion, St. Remigius, ad- dressing Clovis, and referring to the idols of Pagan and to ^ 6ay, Ste. Clotilde et les origines chret. de la nation et monarchie francjaise, Paris, 1867. Bouquetie, Ste. Clotilde et son siecle, Paris, 1867. ■■'Clodewig (Clovis) had, at the request of his pious consort, consented, that, after his death, the heir-presumptive might receive haptism, and the same per- mission was granted to the second son in the event of the death of the heir- presumptive. 3 It is more prohahle, as Junghans and others assert, that the place here mentioned is not Ziilpich on the Lower, hut Alpich in the Palatinate, on the Upper Rhine. 48 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. the symbols of Christian worship, said : " liumble thyself, proud Sicambrian ; burn now what thou didst formerly adore, and adore now what thou didst formerly burn."^ Three thousand noble Franks and a great number of Frank- ish ladies followed the example of Clovis, and were at once baptized by the attending bishops and clergy. According to a legend of a more recent date,^ the press of people was so great at the ceremony of the anointing and coronation of Clovis, that the attendant who bore the chrism could not make his way to Bishop Remigius, who officiated on this occasion. The interruption, however, was short ; for a white dove descending from Heaven supjDlied the sacred oil, and, after the prince had been anointed and crowned, he wns saluted as the newly arisen Constantine. Pope Anastasius II. was overjoyed at this conversion, and entertained the hope that Clovis would prove the sincerity of his faith and the loyalty of his devotion by becoming the champion of the rights of the Church. He addressed a letter to the king, in which he said : " Complete the work thou hast begun, and become our consolation and our crown. Let thy conduct be so ordered that thy mother, the Church, who has borne thee to God, may rejoice in the undertakings and triumphs of so great a king. As thou art great and illus- trious, be thou also the consolation of thy mother ; be reso- lute and firm in her defense, and arm thyself with the helmet of salvation against the designs of the ungodly." St. Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, although a subject of Grunde- bald, also wrote to Clovis, congratulating him on his conver- sion to Christianity. " Be assured," he said, " most illustrious of princes, that the spotless robe of the humble neophyte will add fresh strength to the valor of thy arms, and that the deeds which by the aid of thy good fortune thou hast already achieved, will be eclipsed by the glory of those which thy piety will enable thee to perform. The world is filled with 'Mitis depone colla, Sicamber, adora quod incendisti, incende quod ado- rasti. (Tk.) ^Hincmar is the first who relates this legend. This oil of chrism, which was used at the coronation ceremony of the French kings, was, until the year 1793, preserved in a phial in the cathedral of Eheims. § 155. Chris, among the Franks — Triumph of Catholicism. 49 the fame of thy victories, and we, though of a foreign coun- try, share in the glory of thy triunaphs. When thou art vic- torious in battle, we feel that thy victories are ours as well." The hopes entertained of this illustrious prince by Pope Auastasius and St. Avitus were fully realized. The lamp of Faith was lighted in France on Christmas night, and that festival has on this account always been specially dear to the French people. It is with them pre-eminently a family fes- tival; and "iVogr' has ever been the inspiring battle-cry of that gallant and chivalrous nation. From the days of Charles Martel to our own, the Church has never appealed in vain for aid to the power and sword of France. The bishops who had assembled in council at Orleans, A. d. 511, bestowed on Clovis the honorable title of " Eldest Son of the Church.''^ This prince did in fact attack and defeat the Burgundians and the Visigoths at Voulge, near Poictiers (a. d. 507), and deprived them of nearly all their possessions in Gaul. It is much to be regretted that the life of Clovis by no means corresponded to the earnest professions of his conver- sion, or to the sincere respect which he uniformly showed to the clergy. He left to his four sons a vast empire stained with deeds of blood and murder. St. Gregory of Tours^ assures us that dissension and de- bauchery were, for many years after the death of Clovis, familiar to the house of the Merovingians; and that bishops who had the courage to rebuke the royal libertines were sent into exile. , These were frequently the ablest and most fear- less defenders of the Church. A period of brighter promise was entered upon when Dagobert I., after the death of his father and brothers, united all the provinces of the Prankish monarchy under one rule. Owing, however, to the want of ^ Stncmari, vita S. Eemigii, c. 3 [Hmcm. opp. T. I. Paris, 1645, fol, and Surius, vitae SS. ad d. 13. Januar.) Conf. v. Murr, The Holy Phial at Rheims, Niirn- bcrg, 1801. Alberd. Thijm, les fils aines ds I'eglise (Eevue Beige et etrangere, lirnx. 1861). 2 Conf. Lobell, Gregory of Tours, and his Age, Lps. 1889. BornhacJc, Hist, of the Pranks under the Merovingians, Greifswalde, 1863, Pt. I. NSdelin, Mero- vingian Royalty, Stuttg. 1865. VOL. II — 4 50 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. energy and the worthlessnesa of the royal imbeciles who suc- ceeded Dagobert, the monarchy was soon torn by internal dissensions and the country ravaged by the inroads of the Saracens. For a similar reason the government was wholly administered by the majores domus; and Charles Marfel, v/ho succeeded to that office on the death of his father, Pepin of Heristal, squandered the property of the Church upon lay ab- bots and soldiers. Pepin the Short, and his brother, Carloman, held the ofEce conjointly until the latter withdrew into the monastery of Monte Cassino. Pepin secured the esteem of the nobles by the success of his wars in Saxony and Bavaria, and of the clergy by his co-operation with Archbishop Boni- face in the efforts of the latter to reform the Church. Thus strong in the affections of both these classes, he summoned, with the consent of Pope Zachary, a general assembly of the empire to meet at Soissons, where he had Childeric III. de- posed and himself anointed by Boniface king of the Franks, A. D. 752. The affairs of the Church now assumed a more hopeful aspect, and continued to improve under Charlemagne, the son and successor of Pepin. § 156. Christianity in the British Isles. St. Pairicii opuso. (max. bibl. T. VIII. ; Galland. bibl. T. X., p. 159 sq.) ed. Waraeus., Lond. 1658. Probt, vita Patricii (iJerfae Venerab. opp.) Conf. tGreith, Hist, of the Old Irish Church, Freiburg, 1867. GHldae Badonici (500-580) da exoidio Britanniae lib. querulus, ed. Gale, Oxon. 1691. Columbae vita by Adam- nan {Camsii lectt. antiq., T. I., p. 675-708, and by Cummineus; Mabillon, acta SS. ord. St. Bened., T. I.) Beda Venerab.. h. e. Anglorum, ed. Smith, ed. Giles. See above, Vol. I., p. 40, note 1. Usseril, Britannicar. eccl. antiquitates (Dublin, 1639, 4to) London, 1687, fol. Lingard, Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Churcb, Newcastle, 1806, 2 T., transl. into German, and ed. by Rilter, Breslau, 1847 (being a complete English Ch. H. down to the Eestoration under Dunstan, in the tenth century). The same, Hist, of England, 10 vols. 1825. Kemble, The Saxons in England, transl. into German by Brandes, Lps. 1853, 2 vols. Walter, Ancient Wales, Bonn, 1859. John Lanlgan, Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, 2d ed., Dublin, 1829, 4 vols. "tThomas Moore, Hist, of Ireland, Paris, 1835, c. 9-13; German by Klee, Mentz, 1836. Hist, of Ireland, by Cusaeh, Nun of Ken. mare, 1867. Cotton, Easti eccl. Hibern., 5 vols., Dublin, 1845-1860 Collter, Political and Eocl. Hist, of Ireland. Ebrard, The Culdean Church of *-,be sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, in Niedner's Journal of Hist. Theol. 1862 xnd 1863. The same, Ch. H. II. 393 sq. '^Schwab, Studies on Ch. H. by a Epf. T'heol. (against Ebrard) Austr. Quart, for Theol. 1868, 1. tSchrodl, IntroductJ"i> of § 156. Christianity in the British Isles. 51 Christianity among the Anglo-Saxons, Passau, 1840. Cf. thereon, Tiib. Quart. 1840, p. 664 sq. ' Monialemberi, The Monks of the West, Amer. ed. -tZell, Lioba and the pious Anglo-Saxon Women, Preibg. 1860. Wasserschleben, The Penitentiary Discipline of the Western Church, Halle, 1851 (that of Theodor of Canterbury, pp. 13-37, 145-219). The traditions which assert that Christianity had been preached in Britain by either James the Elder, Simon the Zelot. or the apostle St. Peter, have long since been given up as nnte» Eddius, c. 44. (Tr.) 2 Eddius, loc. cit. (Tb.) » Eddius, c. 47. (Tk.) § 156. Christianity in the British Isles. 87 ised to submit to the papal decision, and to recall the decrees of ISTesterfeld.i Aldfrid, king of Northumbria, at first refused to recognize the judgment of the Holy See; but, falling ill shortly after, he came to a better mind, and said, on his death-bed : " I com- mand my successor, whoever he may be, in the name of the Lord, and for the repose of my soul and his own, to make peace with Wilfrid." ^ The abbess JElfleda, sister of the king, but more distinguished for her exalted virtues than for her noble birth, was a witness of the king's words, and at an as- sembly called shortly after at Nid, by Archbishop Brithwald, testified that it was her brother's last will that the bishops, abbots, and lords assembled should do justice to Wilfrid and render obedience to Rome. The monasteries of Hexham and Eipon were thus given to the holy bishop, and a general reconciliation between him and his enemies took place.^ This great bishop and apostolic missionary died at Oundle, a monastic foundation near ITorthampton, which he himself had dedicated to St. Andrew the Apostle, on the twenty-third day of June, a. d. 709, at the age of seventy-six, after having been bishop forty-four years. JSTotwithstanding these drawbacks and difficulties, it is nevertheless true that the mission of Archbishop Theodore and Abbot Hadrian had a great influence in giving organiza- tion, unity, stability, and efliciency to the Church in Eng- land. They were learned and energetic; equally skilled in theological and secular science, and labored strenuously to diffuse a knowledge of both among the Anglo-Saxon Chris- tians. Theodore had brought a copy of Homer with him from Rome, and passed some of his leisure moments in the perusal of that great classic. Schools were established, in which, besides the theological branches, Greek, Latin, math- ematics, and astronomy were taught. So proficient did the Anglo-Saxons become in these departments of secular knowl- ■ Eddius, c. 54. (Tr.) 'Eddius, 0. 56. (Tk.) ' The Anglia Sacra of Hemy Wharton, in which much historical matter has been carefully and diligently collected, is of great importance on this subject. London, 1791, 2 vols, folio. 88 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. edge, that they were shortly able to compute the Pascal cycle, wrote Latin verses with correctness, ease, and grace, and spoke both Latin and Greek as readily as their mother- tongue.^ Music and chant, which up to this time had been confined to the monasteries of Canterbury and York, now became common all over England.^ A reconciliation was also effected between the ancient Brit- ons of Wales and the Anglo-Saxon converts; and, in conse- quence of the spread of Christianity throughout England by the labors of Roman, Lnsh, Frankish, and Anglo-Saxon mis- sionaries, the old British Church coalesced with those of L'ish and Roman origin. But notwithstanding this friendly inter- course between the two Churches, there existed among the Britons certain practices at variance with those of Rome, which they tenaciously clung to, and which for a time they struggled strenuously to maintain. The principal of these were — 1. The ancient British rite of administering the sacra- ment of Baptism; 2. The computation of the festival of Easter according to the Jewish cycle; and 3. The form of ecclesias- tical tonsure.' In the administration of baptism, the ancient Britons were accustomed to omit the anointing of the head. But this point was not regarded by the British Church of as great importance as the difference between the two rules of celebrating the Pascal festival, and was no serious hindrance to an accommodation. The real difficulty lay in the Easter computation. It may be well to remark, that, from the very earliest ages, the question regarding the exact time of celebrating Easter had given rise to many difficulties. It came up at the Council of Mce, and the Fathers passed a decree, enacting that the 1 Of. Freiburg Ecol. Cyclop, art. Wilfrid. Bede, IV. 2. '^Bede, loc. cit. (Tk.) 3 There were at this time three different forms of tonsure : 1. That of St. Peter, or the Eoman, -which consisted in cleanly shaving the top of the head, and leaving a crown of hair at the base, symbolical of the Crown of Thorns. 2. That of St. Paul, in which the whole head was shaved. 3. That of the Apostle St. John, called by its adversaries that of Sbnon Magus, and in use among the Irish and Britons, in which the front of the head was shaved so as to resemble a crescent, or semi-circle, and the hair allowed to fall down upon the back. § 156. Christianity in the British Isles. 89 celebration of the Easter festival should take place on the first Sunday after the full moon of the vernal equinox. This rule, followed by the Roman Church, was introduced into ancient Britain by the early missionaries, and into Ireland and Caledonia respectively by St. Patrick and St. Columba. In this computation, the Jewish cycle of eighty-four years. which contained an astronomical error, had been followed; and the Alexandrians, having detected the error, introduced a more exact calculation, which was adopted by all the East- ern Churches. In the year 444, a difi'erence of nearly a month intervened between the days on which Easter was celebrated at Rome and at Alexandria, and Pope Leo the Great ordered that the festival should be observed on the 23d of April, the day on which it fell according to the Alexandrian computa- tion. Toward the middle of the sixth century, the cycle of Denys the Little, which exactly corresponded with that of Alexandria, was adopted at Rome, and hence, from this time forward, a complete uniformity existed in the two Churches regarding the celebration of Easter. The Britons having been cut off from intercourse with Rome by the Saxon invasion, retained their ancient rule, and it is precisely their fidelity to this rule which proves their fidelity to Rome. When they again came in contact with the Aoglo-Saxons after the latter had become Christians, or at least some of them, they found the Roman rule prevailing regarding the celebration of Easter. St. Augustine had in- troduced it into England, and as he had received from Pope Gregory authority over the British bishops, he made everj^ efibrt to bring them in accord with the Church of Rome. " As to the British bishops," said the Pope, "we commit them entirely to your care, that you may instruct the ignorant, strengthen the feeble, and correct the evil."^ Augustine ac- cordingly set to work to carry out the instructions of the Pope. He obtained the favor of a conference with the prin- cipal bishops and doctors of Wales on the banks of Severn, which separated the Saxons from the Britons (a. d. 599 or 603). Though he performed a miracle in proof of the divine sanction 'Epist. IX. 6i. (Tk.) 90 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. which was accorded to his authority,' the Britons refused to comply with his request till they should have consulted their people, and obtained their consent to depart from prac- tices of so great antiquity. A second conference was held soon after, but the Britons, dreading the authority of one whom they did not know, and who resided in the territory of their implacable enemies, refused to comply with the Roman usage, or to acknowledge the archbishop's authority.^ The monks of the monastery of Bangor also attended this conference to the number of three thousand, and the holy archbishop, indignant that they would not interest themselves in the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons, prophesied that punish- ment would shortly come upon them. This prophecy was fulfilled some years later, when Ethelfrid, the Pagan king of IJ'orthumbria, marched into their territory, and in one battle slew twelve hundred of them.' Although Lawrence, Archbishop of Canterbury, had in- formed the Irish that they were not observing the Roman rule with regard to the time of the celebration of Easter, they took no steps to correct their error until after Pope Honorius I. had written to them on the subject (a. d. 630). Upon the re- ceipt of this letter, the bishops and abbots of the South of Ireland assembled in council at Old Leighlin, where the most distinguished of their number argued that, as their ancestors had yielded obedience to the decrees of the Holy See, it was their plain duty to celebrate the Easter festival according to the instructions of the Pope. But, as the decision of this council excited considerable opposition, it was determined to send an embassy to Eome, who, as Cummian says, "should go as children to learn the wish of their parent." * On their return, they reported that they had seen at Pome people from all quarters of the globe, celebrating Easter, on the same day, and from that time (a. d. 633) forward, the Poman rule was observed in the whole of the South of Ireland. The great monastery on the island of lona maintained a :e, II. 2. (Tk.) 'Bede, V. 18. (Tr.) ^Bede, V. 18. (Tr.) ■ EddiHs, 0. 10. ^Bede, I.e. (Tr.) § 156. Christianity in the British Isles. 93 wrong; and declared that "he would forever follow their teaching and example." To this the abbot "Wilfrid answered that "he did not deny that these were servants of God, and beloved by Him," but maintained that, as they acted accord- ing to their liglits at the time, they would, if living, uovi' have yielded obedience to the authority of the Church. "Even admitting," said he, "the sanctity of your fathers, how can you prefer to the Church, spread over the whole earth, this handful of saints in one corner of a remote island?" 1 Wilfrid, in the excessive advocacy of his cause, appealed to the teachings of Ploly Writ, and asserted that the present rule had been introduced by St. Peter, both of which assei'- tions are entirely destitute of any foundation. The practice of the Holy See, as he said, was decisive of the question, and he should have rested there. He brought forward the true and insuperable argument at the close of his speech, when he appealed to the authority of the Apostolic See. "However holy or powerful," said he, " Columha may have been by his virtues, cau we place him before the chief of Apostles, to whom our Lord himself said, ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build My Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against her; and I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of Heaven.' " ' The king was struck by the force of the argument which placed his choice between the authority of Columba and that of the Prince of the Apostles ; and Colman having confessed that he admitted the authority of Peter, and could produce no such sanction for the author- ity of Columba, the king cried out : " I say, like you, that he is the porter of Heaven, and that I will not oppose him, but, on the contrary, obey him in all things, lest, when I come to the doors of the heavenly kingdom, there be none to open them to me, if I am at variance with him who carries the keys. In all my life I will neither do nor approve anything or any person that may be contrary to him."^ When the king had brought his speech to a close, a vote ^Bede, III. 25. (Te.) ^Eddtus, c. 10. Bede, 1. c. (Tk.) 94 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. was taken, and the whole-assembly expressed their desire to follow the Eoman rule. The other questions in dispute did not come up for discussion, as they were regarded as de- pendent on the issue of the main question. Hence those who adopted the Roman rule, accepted also the Roman tonsure. Bishop Colman, however, refused to give up the traditions of his ancestors, and in the year 664 resigned the bishopric of Lindisfarne, and, carrying with him the hones of Bishop Aidau, the founder of the monastery, retired, with those who shared his opinions, to the monastery of lona.' As Tuda and Ceadda, his successors in the see of Lindisfarne, adopted the Roman Easter, lona, the Pictish nation, and the north of Ire- land, were the only places that still held out and refused to give up the traditions of St. Columba. But Adamnan, the biographer of this saint, whose countryman he was, having become abbot of lona in the year 679, labored strenuously to induce the monks to forsake their error. His efforts, how- ever, were unavailing, and, passing over to Ireland, where he died in either 704 or 705, he succeeded in bringing back the people of that country, who still celebrated Easter according to ancient computation, except a few who were under the immediate inHuence of lona, to the Roman rule. The Picts, yielding to the energy and persuasions of their hing, Nechtan, and to the arguments of the abbot Ceolfrid, who had been trained in the school of St. Wilfrid, gave up their error about the year 710.^ The monastery of lona still held out, but what Adamnan, their own countryman, was un- , able to effect, was accomplished by Egbert, who, though an Anglo-Saxon, had resided many years in Ireland. He was gentle in disposition, suave in manner, and of remarkable holiness of life. He accomplished by sweetness and kindness, a task in which Adamnan had failed, and having, in the year 716, prevailed upon the sons of St. Columba to accept the Roman rule, he passed out of this world, thirteen years later, on Easter Sunday, the very feast which he had labored so ^ Bede, 111. 26. (Tk.) ■iBede, Hist. Ecol. V. 21. (Tr.) § 156. Christianity in the British Isles. 95 strenuously and eii'eetually to establish among his sons of lona.' lie went to enjoy his Easter in heaven. It is true, the Britons of Cambria still clung to their old traditions, notwithstanding the manj^ efforts of the Anglo- Saxon missionaries to bring them into harmony with the rest of the Church. Bnt this obstinacy should be attributed to a jealousy of their Anglo-Saxon conquerors, whom they hated with an inveterate hate, which did not cease even after they had renounced their errors, rather than to any schismatical leaniug. After considerable resistance, Elbod, bishop of Bangor, and a Briton by birth (a. d. 770), induced his coun- trymen to lay aside their ancient practice and accept the rule of the universal Church, and toward the close of the eighth century was equally successful with the inhabitants of South Cambria.^ Such was the termination of the controversy which had so long disturbed the peace of the Church in the British islands — ■ a controversy which, though it excited many passions and was maintained with bitterness and obstinacy, can not be said to have originated from any spirit of schism or dislike toward Home. We have seen all along how close a connection was maintained between Rome and both the contending parties; how each appealed to the authority of the Apostolic See and accepted its decision ; how the Irish, in obedience to the in- structions of Pope Honorius I., set about correcting their cal- endar ; and how the king and Bishop Colman admitted the authority of the Roman rule, and accepted it as decisive of the Easter question. The Cambrians, away off in a distant corner of Britain, had no opportunity of communicating with the. Holy See, and hence some modern writers, such as Gieseler and others, have sought to account for this by asserting that they did not acknowledge its authority. But their efforts have utterly failed.3 1 Bede, V. 22. ^Amio DCCLXX. Pascha mutatur apud Britones, emendante Elbod, homine Dei. Ann. Eccl. Menevensts, in Anglia Sacra, Vol. II., p. 048. ^ An effort has been made by Gieseler to prove that the principal point of controversy between the Britons and St. Augustine arose from the fact, that the 96 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. § 157. Christianity in Germany and the Adjacent Countries. ■\HansizU, S. J., Germania sacra, T. I. (Metropol. Laureacens. cum Episcopat. Pataviensi.) T. II. (Archiepiso. Salisb.) T. III. Prodromus (Archiepise. Eatis- ■bon.) Augustae Vindelioor. 1729 et Viennae, 1755. Sig. Galles, S. J., Annales eccl. Germ. (T. I., II. Viennae, 1756 sq. 6 T. fol.) Rettherg, Ch. H. of Germ., Vol. II. (to 814); giving the special Literature on the particular lishoprics. V'Friedrich, Qh. H. of Germ., Vol. II., p. 392-666. \Hefele, Hist, of the Intro- duction of Christianity into South-western Germany, Tiibg. 1837. -\Hiemer, Introd. of Christ, into the German countries, I., IK, Schaffh. 1858. Tr.'s Add.: Heier, The Ante-Carlovingian Heroes of the FaiW'on the Rhine, Frkft. 1858, 2d ed. Getting. Rudhart, The most ancient Hist, of Bavaria, Hambg. 1841. '''Oza- nam, Establishment of Christ, in Germ., transl. from Ihe French into German, Munich, 1845. ''Seiters, St. Boniface the Apostle of tne Germans, Mentz, 1845. While the Germaus, who had settled within the borders of the Roman Empire, and who had long since been converted former did not recognize the supremacy of the Pope. He adduces, in proof of the statement, a document written in tlie British language, and brought to light by Spelman, in which Dinoth, abbot of Bangor, is represented as declaring to St. Augustine that the Pope is not Supreme Euler of the Church. Dollinger has shown that this document is of a later date than that ascribed to it, and that it bears intrinsic evidence of being a forgery. His chief argu- ments are: 1. Augustine could not have been acquainted with the British tongue, and hence Dinoth could not have made the alleged declaration to him. 2. The language of this pretended ancient document is modern, and contains an Anglo-Saxon word. This has been proved by many English scholars, and Spel- man, who discovered it, admits that the manuscript is modern, but thinks it possible that it might have been copied from one of early date. 3. It contains an anachronism. Bishop of Cderleon, on the Osca, is represented as metropolitan of the British church, whereas the bishop of Menevia had long before been raised to that dignity. 4. It is certain that British churchmen acknowledged the Suprem- acy of Rome, for Gildas says that many of them, when contending for ecclesi- astical preferments, referred their quarrels to Rome for arbitration. " Etenim eos," he says, "si in parochia nonnuUis resistentibus sibi et tarn pretiosmn quaestum severe denegantibus commessoribus, hujusmodi margaritam invenire non possint, praemissis ante sollioite nuntiis, transnavigare maria, terrasque spatiosas transmeare non tam piget quam delectat, ut omnino talis species . . . comparetur. Deinde, cum magno apparatu magnaque phautasia, vel potius insania, repedantes ad patriam . . . violenter manus . . . sacrosanctis Christi sacrificiis extensuri.-' Gildae Epist., p. 24. See Dollinger, Ch. H. Eng- lish trans., Vol. II., p. 61 et seq. " It may be said to have been annihilated," says Count Montalembert, " by the two memoirs of M. Varin, On the Causes of the Dissension between the British and the Roman Church, published by the Acad- emy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres, 1858." Monks of the West, Vol. II., p. 175, note. (Tu.) § 157. Christ, in Germany and the Adjacent Countries. 97 to Christianity, were enjoying its blessings and consolations, those who inhabited the country beyond these limits, and who. were destined, during the present period, to play so im- portant a part in the history of the Church, were still shrouded in the darkness of Paganism. It was with extreme difficulty that the new faith forced its vyay into the countries beyond the Danube and the Rhine, where the Grerman tribes, which had not yet come into contact with the superior civilization of southern and westemi nations, were still attached to the tra- ditions and customs of their ancestors. The difficulties which missionaries had here to encounter and overcome, before any measure of success could attend upon their labors, were of a character peculiar to the people, and moi-e numerous and ap- palling than those of any other nation. Among these were the deadly feuds and hereditary hatred of the various tribes; the apprehension, not unfrequently well founded, that foreign missionaries might disguise hostile intentions under pretense of a holy zeal ; their aversion to everything Roman — a name which they associated with all that is vile and base ; and finally, their peculiar notions of morality and personal lib- erty. They carried their notions of personal liberty to such a length that they esteemed the privilege of bearing arms the most sacred of human rights, and felt bound, as a matter of honor, to take a bloody revenge on any one who should give them offense. Hence they could not comprehend and fully appreciate how one who suffered patiently, and met death willingly and without resistance, could become the Savior of mankind. The conversion of Germany was, therefore, a labor requiring time and patience, accompanied with many difficulties and doubtful struggles, and was not brought to a successful issue till near the close of the eighth century. It is more than likely, too, that policy was no inconsiderable motive with the Germans in taking this step; and it must be confessed that the interference of the Merovingian, and, nota- bly, of the Carlovingian princes, in the work of conversion, was, according to our notions at least, violent and unwar- ranted. The Germans received the knowledge of Christian- ity from various sources. The first seeds of Gospel truth VOL. II — 7 98 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. were sown in Germaa soil by Irish and Scotch missionaries; and, side by side witli them, the Frankish missionaries la- bored successfully to spread the faith in Bavaria. But the Anglo-Saxons were the true apostles of Germany; and among these, St. Boniface is, beyond all comparison, the most distin- guished, and is justly called the Father of the Church in Germany. The individual efibrts of these men were, after all, no more than a commencement. They, indeed, laid the foundation deep and wide, but the work of completing the superstructure was reserved to Charlemagne, through whose exertions the Church in Germany was placed upon a perma- nent basis. This victoiy over Paganism was not, however, achieved without a certain measure of violence and the shed- ding of blood. ^ Christianity had been introduced into the countries along the Danube, such as Helvetia, Ehaetia, Vindelicia, and I^oricum, as early as the second and third centuries, as well as into those bordering on the Rhine, where the Church had already reached a certain degree of prosperity'; and also into the districts of Upper and Lower Germany .^ But the wars, consequent upon the migration of nations, which, toward the close of the fourth century, desola-ed these countries, swept away, in their destructive course, cities and churches and people ; and if Christians here and there escaped the violence of these rav- ages, and survived the evils of the times, no record of their history has come down to us. Hence the only authentic monuments of the early history of Christianity in Germany are confined to scattered and scanty allusions in the lives of her saints, and to the subscriptions of her bishops to the acts of councils. Wo full, satisfactory, and precise account of the conversion of the German people exists of a date anterior to the seventh century.' While these countries were in a state of anarchy and seemingly hopeless confusion, our Divine Savior, Jesus Christ, who ever watches with providentialcare over the destinies of iThis Introd. t > the Early Hist, of the Church is taken substantially from Kraus' Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 222. (Tr.) 2 See Vol. I., p. 250 sq. "Of. DSlUncjer, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 72. (Tk.) § 157. Christ, in Germany and the Adjacent Countries. 99 His Cha.rch, had so ordained that Christianity shonld be intro- duced into Ireland and Britain, where it spread with, remarka- ble rapidity, and attained a strong and vigorous development, to the end that Christian missionaries might, in their turn, go forth from these peaceful shores for the twofold purpose of carrying the light of faith into the wilds of Germany and restoring the Church of France to her former glory .^ As was fitting, most of these devoted missionaries directed their steps to Rome, before beginning their labors, to secure the requisite authority and obtain the apostolic blessing upon their work. By thus placing themselves under the immediate authority of the Holy See, they secured the double advantage of an apostolic commission and an intimate union with the Head of the Church, which was a source of comfort and hope when their energies flagged or mishaps came upon them. Although the bishopric of Vindonissa,^ in Helvetia, had ex- isted from the earliest times, no account has reached us of those bishops who filled the see previously to the time of Bubuleus, who was present at the synod of Bpaon, held a. d. 517. He was succeeded by one Grammatieus, whose name is found among those who attended the council of Auvergne, held A. D. 535, and the two councils of Orleans, held re- spectively A. D. 541 and 549. Maximus, his successor, trans- ferred the see to Constance, a change which was of immeasui-a- ble advantage to Alemannia, as it was the means of efliecting the conversion of the entire people. In the year 630, the Frankish king Dagobert I. extended the boundaries of this diocese so as to include the cities of Strasburg, Basle, Augsburg, Lausanne, and Coire.^ There were also bishoprics at Aventicum* and Geneva, at Octodurum,-' in the Valais; at Coire, in Ehaetia, and at Basle; but these were mostly destroyed during the migrations of the ' t The Irish Missionaries in Germany {Bonn Periodical, Now Series, year IV., 11. 1, pp. 19-56; n. 3, pp. 28-48). ' Windisch, in the Canton of Argovia. (Tn.) ^Neugart, Episcopat. Constant., St. Blasii, 1803, T. I., Preiburg, 1861; T. II., ed. Mone; Eichliorn, Episcopat. Curiensis, St. Bias. 1799; Friedrich, Vol. 11, p. 439 et sq. * A"^enohe, near Bern, afterward transferred to Lausanne. ■ Trom the year 584, called Sitten. 100 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. Huns and Alemanni, who settled about these cities and in the adjacent territories." It would seem to be established, beyond all reasonable doubt, by the authority of several legends of saints and cer- tain sepulchral inscriptions, that the Alemanni of Southwest- ern Germany ,Hvho dwelt in the countries of Alsatia, Switzer- land, Brisgovia, and Wiirtemburg, had received a knowledge of Christianity as early as the times of the Eomans. After the battle of Zulpich (a. d. 496), the Alemanni be- came subject to the king of the Franks, a circumstance which contributed materially to bring about their conversion. The Alemannian Law, enacted by Theoderic in the year 511, produced a salutary influence in the same direction. Its rig- orous injunctions with regard to morality were in harmony with the teaching of the Gospel, and conduced to the forma- tion of Christian habits and conduct among the people.' Finally, the translation of the episcopal see from Yindonissa to Constance, a city situated in the very center of the coun- tries occupied by the Alemanni, was, as we have stated, an event, the importance of which can not be overrated in taking into account all the circumstances that contribilted to the conversion of this people. Missionaries began now to come in from the distant shores of Ireland and Scotland ; for it is a noticeable fact that these early pioneers of the faith were, without exception, either Irish or Scotch. The first of those apostolic men to appear in Germany was Fridolin, an Irishman by birth, who had already spent many years of his laborious life at Poitiers, near the tomb of 'St. Hilary, whose virtues he admired, and for whom he had a very special devotion. In the year 511, he arrived on the banks of the upper Ehine, and founded at Sackingen, a town situated on an island of that river, above Basle,'' a nunnery ^■[Se/ieerer, Swiss Heroes and Heroines of the Christian Faith, Schaffh. 1857; V^Lufoff, Apostles of Switzerland before St. Gall, Luzerne, 1871, 2 vols. GelpJce, Ch. H. of Switzerland, Bern, 1856 (see Tiibff. Quart. 1850, p. 465-471). ''Agaihlas, Hist, od Bonn. Columbani opp. Bibl max. PP. XII. Joriae vita S. Columb. by MahUlon, Act. Bened. saec. II., P. 1. Vita S. Galli, Pertz, II. 1. ^Hefele, 1. c., p. 211-240. Frtedrich, Vol. II., p. 490 et sq. *The oldest biography of St. Fridolin is to be found in the Mone Collection § 157. Christ, in Germany and the Adjacent Countries. 101 and a monastery of monks. He issued forth from this retreat to preacli the Gospel to the inhabitants of both banks of the river. St. Trudpert evangelized that part of the country of Breis- gau lying to the south of Freiburg and extending to the north as far as Sehutern ; but he was, unfortunately, murdered by a slothful and treacherous servant, while resting from his ar- duous labors (f a. d. 643). St. Columbanus, a native of Ireland, was born in the year 1)43. He had been early instructed in literature and the lib- o,ral arts, and, possessing a handsome person and strong pas- sions, was subject to many temptations, which he set himself resolutely to overcome. He at first intended to remain in his own country, and, in the hope of subduing the incessant solicitations of the flesh, applied himself to the study of Holy Scripture. But it was all in vain ; and he determined, not- M'ithstanding the tears and entreaties of his mother, to leave the country he loved so well. He went thence to the monas- tery of Bangor, where he spent many years under the abbot Cungall. Some time before the year 590, he and twelve com- panions were sent into Gaul, where, owing to the fury of war and the negligence of bishops, ecclesiastical discipline had become greatly relaxed, and Christian morality almost un- known. He went np and down the country, for several years, preaching the Gospel and leading both clergy and laity back to the practices of Christian virtue, of which he gave so many examples in his own life. King Gontran, one of the grandsons of Clovis, fearing that Columbanus might be tempted to leave the country, offered him a place of residence if he would consent to remain. Co- lumbanus, yielding to the royal wish, selected as the place of abode for himself and his numerous following of disciples, the ancient Roman castle of Annegray, where he lived for entire weeks without other food than the grass of the fields, the bark of the trees, and the berries which the neighboring of the sources of the Hist, of Baden, Carlsruhe, 1848, Vol. I. Schaubinger, Hist, of the Monnstery of Siickingen, and of St. Pridolin, Our Lady of Hermits, 1852. Fnedrich, Vol. II., p. 411-439. 102 Feriod 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. wood supplied. But his disciples increased so rapidly, that, in a few years, he was obliged to look about for a larger resi- dence. Gontran then presented him with another strong castle, named Luxeuil, in the Vogese niountains, at the north- ern extremity of the kingdom of Burgundy. Thierry governed Burgundy at this time, and with him resided his grandmother Brunehault, who, though far ad- vanced in age, still loved power and authority, and, fearing that if her grandson should marry, she should no longer retain her influence, advised him to keep concubines in- stead of entering into lawful wedlock. St. Columbanus re- proached both her and Thierry with the freedom and boldness characteristic of apostolic men, for this shameful conduct. lie thus drew upon himself the anger of Brune- hault, who ever afterward pursued him with invetei'ate hos- tility. At her instigation, Thierry expelled the abbot from Luxetiil, A. D. 610, and had him conducted to Besangon. But escaping the vigilance of his guards, Columbanus returned to Luxeuil, whence he was again expelled and conducted to Besangon, thence to Orleans and JSTantes, where he was finally put on board a vessel, with orders to return to his own coun- try. The vessel, however, having been driven back by con- trary winds, went ashore, and remained on the beach for three successive days; and at the end of this time, Colum- banus and his companions were permitted to disembark, and go whither they listed. Columbanus returned through Gaul to the kingdom of Austrasia, where he was well received by Theodebert, who was at that time engaged in a war against his brother Thierry. After preaching the Gospel for some time to the Pagan inhabitants of this kingdom, he ascended the Ehine from a point below Mayence, till he reached the lake of Zurich, made a short stay at Thurgau and Arbon, and finally established himself at Brecjenz, on the lake of Con- stance. His chief assistant in these missionary labors was another Irishman by the name of Oall, as daring and resolute as Columbanus himself, well educated and eloquent, and able to preach in the German as well as in the Latin language. By the battle of Tolbiac (a. d. 612), where his grandfather Clovis gained the important victory over the Alemanni over § 157. Christ, in Germany and the Adjacent Countries. 103 a century before, Theodebert lost his kingdom of Austrasia. As the country in which Cohambanus had taken refuge, fell by this battle into the hands of his enemy, Thierry, he re- solved to leave this new field of labor, and cross the Alps, into the kingdom of the Lombards. His companion Gall remained in Helvetia, continued his apostolic labors, and founded there one of the most celebrated monasteries in Christendom. Having crossed the Alps with only one companion, Colum- banus was well received by Agilulf, the Lombard king, who bestowed upon him a territory called Bobbio, situated in a gorge of the Apennines, between Genoa and Milan. There was an old church in this territory dedicated to St. Peter, but very much out of repair. Columbanus, notwithstanding his age and infirmities, set to work to repair it, and erect a mon- astery by its side. But not satisfied with the solitude which this retired spot afforded, he transformed a cavern in the side of a great rock, on the opposite shore of the Trehbia,\n\o a chapel dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, and here he spent his last days in fasting and prayer. He died November 21, a. d. 615. As has been stated, Gall, the companion and disciple of St. Columbanus, did not go with his master into Lombardy. He was stricken down with a fever, and having been i-estored to health through the tender care of Willimar of Arbon, he laid the foundations of the celebrated monastery of St. Gall, at a short distance from the spot where the Rhine falls into the lake of Constance, in the small and secluded valley where the torrent of Steinach makes its way among a bed of rocks. He was assisted in the foundation of this monastery, which was destined to exercise so beneficial an influence throughout Helvetia, by Gunzo, Duke of TJeberlingen, whose daughter, Friedeburga, he had freed from the possession of a demon. This princess, who was singularly beautiful, though afiianced to Sigebert, the eldest son of Thierry II., withdrew to the Church of St. Stephen, and there clinging to the altar, and covered with a nun's veil, declared, in presence of her be- trothed, her intention of dedicating her virginity to God. The prince generously waived his claim, saying: "I yield 104 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. thee to ray Lord Jesus Christ, the bridegroom whom thou preferrest to me." Gall refused the bishopric of Constance, which the Duke Gunzo pressed upon his acceptance. He also refused the prayer of a deputation of Irish monks from Luxeuil, who, in the year 625, on the death of Eustace, requested him to be- come abbot of that great monastery ; because, as he said, he was a stranger to them, and if he accepted their ofier, he should be obliged to forsake the Alemanni, who were as yet Pagans, or only partially converted. He continued to preach the Gospel to the inhabitants of the country about the monastery of St. Gall, and at the time of his death, which occurred at Arbon, October 16, A. D. 646, when he was in the ninety-fifth year of his age, the entire country of the Alemanni had become a Christian province.' Still later on, St. Pirminius founded the famous monastery of Reichenau (Augia Dives), on an island in the lake of Con- stance^ (a. d. 720). St. Boniface completed the conversion of the inhabitants of these districts. For centuries after their foundation, both St. Gall and Reichenau continued to be nurseries of art, learning, and piety, and from their cloisters numbers of bishops and ecclesiastics went forth to teach and govern the Church. The names of Hatto (afterward Bishop of 'B2ie\e), ReginbertjWakl fried Strabo, Herman the Contracted, and others equally illustrious, shed a halo of enduring luster about these monasteries.^ Churches had also been established at a very early period 1 His oldest Biography, ed. by Jld. v. Arx, in Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae, T. II., and most recently by Meyer v. Knotiau; treated by Waldfried Strabo, vita St. Gall. (MabiUon, acta SS. ord. St. Bened. saec. II. and Migne, ser. lat. T. 114); . the discourse of St. Gall, delivered at Constance, at the consecration of John, in Galland. bibl. T. XII., p. 751; on the fluctuations of writers in fixing the year of his death, conf. liefele, p. 296-304. Rettherg, Vol. II., p. 46 sq. Jld. v. Arx, Hist, of the Canton St. Gall, ibid. p. 810-813, in 3 vols.; (Bp. Greith) St. Gal., the Apostle of the Alemanni, St. Gall, 1864. By the same, The Old Irish Church, Preibg. 1867, p. 271 sq. 2 On the lake of Zill, according to Kraus, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 223. (Te.) "The vita St. Pirmini in Moiie, 1. c, Vol. I.; Schonhuth, Chronicle of thu former Monastery of Reichenau, Preib. 1836. Staiger, The island of Eeichenau, with its Imperial Abbey, Constance, 1860. Koenig, Walafried Strabo (Preibg. Diocesan Archives, Vol. III., year 1868). § 157. Christ, m Germany and the Adjacent Countries. 105 in many of the municipal cities of Austria and Bavaria, such as Salzburg (Juvavia), Passait (Castra Batava), Lorch (Laure- acum), Hatisbon (Reginum), Petau in Styria (Petavium), Sabi- onae (Saben-Brixen), and Trent; but these were all either entirely destroyed or defaced, and plundered, during the in- cursions of the Bai-barians. St. Valentine, a Belgian by birth, having first gone to Rome and obtained the apostolic sanction, began, about the j'ear 440, to preach the gospel to the inhabitants of Passau, composed partly of Pagans and partly of Christians who had fallen into the Arian heresy. Unable to overcome the enmity of both of these classes, he was forced to with- draw from their territory, and to give up, for the present, all hope of their conversion. He again went to Rome, where he was consecrated bishop by the Pope, with instructions that, if he should be unable to return to Passau, he might preach the Gospel to the inhabitants of any other province accessi- ble to him. He is on this accouunt surnamed Hegionarius. He again made his appearance at Passau ; but, having been treated with great cruelty and expelled the city, he dii-ected his steps toward the highlands of the Rhaetian Alps, and, near the town of Meran, in the Tyrol, converted many to Chris- tianity. He died full of merit, and went to receive the crown of his labors, in the year 470.' Toward the close of the sixth century, Ingenuinus of Sa- bionae carried the light of faith into the countries lying still farther to the north. St. Severin made his appearance in Pannonia and ISToricum almost contemporaneously with St. Valentine, and by his presence brought hope and comfort to the harassed and scat- tered Chi'istians of these countries. This wonderful and self- denying apostle had acquired so great a reputation for holi- ness of life that he commanded the respect and reverence of the Barbarians themselves, and by his miracles and prophe- cies inspired in the inhabitants of the country about Passau and Fabiana (Vienna), the theater of his labors, an abiding belief in the power of an overruling Providence. Odoacer, > Of. Dollinger, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 77 et sq. (Tr.) 106 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chajoter 1. the leader of the Heruli, learned from the words of the Saint that he should one day reign upon the throne of the Caesars, and Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, on his way through the country, turned aside from his direct route, to implore the blessing of this man of God. St. Severin died A. d. 482. The bishoprics of Salzburg, Ratisbon, and Lorch were among those which suffered most from the incursions of the Barbarians. The Frankish missionaries appear to have been the first to announce the Gospel to the JBojoari, or Bavarians, who had settled in Noricum and Vindelicia} At the close of the sixth century, their cliief, Garibald, the father of Theodolinde, had already become a Christian. About the year 580, his rela- tive, Theodo the Elder, also a Bavarian chief, while both he and his people were yet Pagans, invited Rupert, bishop of Wormatia (Worms), to his court at Ratisbon. "When the holy bishop had arrived, he commenced to preach the Gospel, and had shortly the happiness of receiving into the Church the duke, with many of his nobles and people. At Juvavia, which was again revived under the name of Salzburg, Rupert built a church dedicated to St. Peter, to which he afterward added a monastery, and by this means secured the perma- nency of the infant Church.^ But, notwithstanding the labors 'Monumenta Boioa, Monac. 1769-1861, in 37 vols. Rudhart, Most ancient Hist, of Bavaria, Hambg. 1841 ; Contzen, Hist, of Bavaria, Munster, 1853, with copious Literature. SchuegraJ, Hist, of the Cathedral of Eatisbon, 2 Pts., Ea- tisbon, 1848. Niedermayer, Monasticism in Bajuvaria, Landshut, 1859. " St. Rupert, according to the Salzburg tradition, came to Bavaria in the first half of the sixth century. Since the times of -MahtUon and ''^Hansiz, it is gen- erally assumed that he came to Eatisbon in 696, on the invitation of Duke Theodo II., in the second year of the reign (695-711) of King Childebert III., and that he died between 705-710; according to others, 718. Kocli^Sternfeld (On the True Age in which St. Eupert lived, 1850,) and ■■' Friedrich (The True Age of St. Eupert, Bambg. 1866) have lately defended the tradition. But GfrS- rer (Hist, of the Eeligion of the People, I., p. 280 sq.) and Wattenbach have taken sides with Mabillon. Gfrorer has adduced good reasons for his view, that Pvupert — who, after Pepin's death (714), on a sudden left Bavaria (716), and returned to Worms, where he died — had been forced by the Majordomus upon the Bavarian duke. Conf Kraus, Ch. H,, Vol. II., p. 224. (Tb.) There is a full account of this controversy in Mahler's Ch. H., ed. by Oarns, Vol. II., p. 60-67. Zeissberg, Arno, Pirst Archbishop of Salzburg (785-821), Vienna, 1863, § 157. Christ, in Germany and the Adjacent Countries. 107 of these missionaries, Emmeram of Poitiers, who had formerly been a chorepiscopns, must be regarded as the true apostle of Bavaria. Having started from his home, in the year 652, with the purpose of iireaching the Gospel to the Avari, the Pagan inhabitants of Pannonia, he arrived, in the course of his journey, at Ratisbon, where the duke Theodo was then residing. The duke besought the missionary, instead of pro- ceeding further, to undertake the labor of instrncting the in- habitants of Bavaria, some of whom had but lately embraced the faith, while others still refused to give up the errors of Paganism. After three years^ of unceasing toil, the holy bishop resolved upon making a pilgrimage to Rome; but, be- fore setting out, he made an effort to reclaim Ota, the daugh- ter of the duke, from a life of shame. These kind offices brought upon himself the auger of her in whose behalf they were tendered. Ota represented to her brother, Landpert, that she had become pregnant by the bishop, and this in- formation so incensed the young prince that he took a hloody vengeance upon the supposed author of his sister's shame.^ But, his innocence having been clearly established, his body was at once brought back to Ratisbon and placed in a monas- tery founded in his honor and bearing his name. The Prankish monk Corhinian founded the church of Preisingen, and became its first bishop. He died a. d. 730.3 St. Boniface completed the conversion of Bavaria, and in- troduced into the Church of that country a permanent eccle- siastical organization. After the erection of the kingdom of Thuringia by the Pranks, in the year 527, the seeds of the Gospel were sown 1 According to Kraus, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 224, and DoUinger, 1, c, p. 80, (Tr.) ''Vita St. Emmerani episcopi Frisingens. auctore Aribone in Bolland. acta SS. mens. Sept., T. VI., p. 474-486; Arnolfus Vohburg, de miraculis beati Emmerani libb. II. (Canisius-Basnage, 1. c, T. III., Pt. 1, p. 105 sq.) in Periz, monum. Germ., T. IV., p. 543-574. Conf. Reiiberg, Cli. H. of Germ., Vol. II. FrUd- rich, Ch. H. of Germ., Vol. II. ^Aribo (fourth bp. of Preisingen, 764-784), vita St. Corbiniani (Bolland. acta SS. d. 8. m. Sept.) ; according to these and other sources : Sulzbeck, Life of St. Corbinian, Katisbon, 1843. 108 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. in the couutry now known as Franconia^ by the Irish mis- sionary, Bishop Kilian (Kyllena) and his companions, the priest Coloman and the deacon Totnan. Duke Guzbert and his retainers embraced the faith at "Wurzburg; but Kilian, like another St. John the Baptist, having courageously re- buked the duke for incestuous intercourse with Geilana, his brother's widow, so incensed this woman against him that she contrived the death of both him and his two companions (a. d. 689). Between this time and the year 742, when St. Boniface erected the see of Wiirtzburg, nearly every vestige of Christianity disappeared from the land. Prom the fourth century onward, there were many episco- pal sees existing, and in a flourishing condition, on the banks of the Ehine ; as, for example, those of Cologne, Mentz, Worms, Spire, and Strasbiirg, then known as Argentoratum ; on the banks of the Moselle and Meuse, those of Treves, Metz, Toul, and Verdun; and in Belgium, those of Tongres, which was transferred to Maastricht, a. d. 452; Tournaij and Arras, the latter of which was, in 545, transferred to Cambrai.^ All these suffered more or less from the incursions of the Barba- rians, and some so severely that they ceased to exist. About the year 600, St. Goar, a hermit of Aquitaine, in whose honor the monastery of St. Goar was built, set to work to restore Christianity along the banks of the Ehine, and achieved considerable success in his undertaking. Between the years 623 and 663, Bishop Cunibert, whose efforts were ably seconded by King Dagobert I., labored with marked success at Cologne. In the reign of Charlemagne, this bishopric passed from the jurisdiction of Mentz, and was raised to the dignity of a metropolitan see. In the year 630, St. Amandus, bishop of Strasburg, uuder- ^Sagtttaru antiquitates Gentilismi et Christianismi, Thuring. Jen. 1685, 4to. The vita St. Kiliani {Canisius-Basnage, 1. c, T. III., Pt. 1, p. 163 so.) ^Por full details on all these bishoprics, see Friedrich, Ch. H. of Germ., Vol. II., p. 167-391. TGemei, The Cathedral of Spire (surnamed the "Emperor's Dome"), being a topographical and historical monography, with two lithogra- phies, 3 vols., Mentz, 1826 (containing also the hist, of the bishopric). Remling, The Bishops of Spire, ]ilentz, 1852. t Werner, The Cathedral of Mentz, togethel with the Hist, of the Bishops of Mentz, Mentz, 1827 sq., 3 vols. § 158. Christ, among the Frisians — Eeverses in Spain. 109 took the conversion of the Pagan inhabitants of Belgium ; but, as they stubbornly and persistently repelled every attempt of the missionary, he had recourse to a more summary, if a less convincing method, and obtained from Dagobert I. a decree by which all were commanded to receive baptism and em- brace the faith. But Amandus, wisely judging that no suc- cess could be permanent which was obtained by force, made no further use of the royal decree than to secure a respectful hearing; and, by dint of ceaseless toil, enduring patience, and indomitable perseverance, combated single-handed among the rude Barbarians till he finally, after having borne all man- ner of indignities and cruelties with heroic fortitude, over- came the most obstinate resistance, and converted to the tru e faith the inhabitants of the countries about Tournay and Ghent. In the year 646, he undertook, in obedience to the wish of King Siegbert II., the government of the diocese of Maes- tricht; but, disheartened by the opposition of his clergy, who refused to submit to the salutary discipline which he had in- troduced, he, three years later, requested permission from Pope Martin to I'esign his of&ce. His request was at first denied. He then set out for Home, where he was more suc- cessful. Leaving Rome, he visited other countries, and finally returned to the monastery of Elnon, near Tournay, where he died, A. D. 679 or 685. St. Omer, or Audomar, by birth an Aleman, a contempo- rary of Amandus, preached the Gospel to the idolatrous Morini, many of whom he baptized, and founded among them the Abbey of St. Bertin. Contemporary with these two saints were St. Livin, an Irishman, who spread the faith among the Brabantins, by whom he was martyred (a. d. 656), and Bishop Eligius of ]S"oyons, who had previously been a goldsmith. § 158. Christianity among the Frisians — Reverses of the Chris- tians in Spain. The work of converting this rude and savage people was attended with almost insuperable diflaculties. It was first 110 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. undertaken by the noble Eligius ^ (f 659), and, later on, by the Anglo-Saxon Wilfrid, Bishop of York,^ who, in one of his journeys to Eome, was carried to the north by an adverse wind, and landed on the shores of the low and marshy coun- try of the Frisians, among whom, with the consent of their king, Adalgisus, he immediately commenced to preach the faith of Christ. He remained with them during the winter of 678-679, and was amply repaid for his toil; for, before his departure, he had the happiness of baptizing nearly all the chiefs and thousands of the people. This mission, how- ever, became still more successful, after Pepin of Heristal had reduced the Frisians to the authority of the Frankish rule. WilUbrord,^ an Anglo-Saxon priest, who had been educated in Ireland, assured of the protection of Pepin, was sent to labor as a missionary among the Frisians by Pope Sergius, in the year 692. He established the bishopric of Utrecht (Wilta- burg), and was consecrated bishop at Eome under the name of Clement. Suidbert, one of the most zealous and energetic of his fellow-laborers, preached the Gospel to the Boructua- rians, who dwelt along the right bank of the Ehine. But being obliged to give up this mission when the country was invaded by the Saxons, he withdrew to an island in^the Ehine, near Diisseldorf, presented to him by Pepin, and there founded the monastery Kaiserswerth. He died a. d. 713. In the year 712, Wul/ram, Archbishop of Sens, encouraged by the success which followed the labors of Willibrord, un- dertook the conversion of those portions of the territory of the Frisians that had not yet been subjected by the Franks. Radbot, their barbarous chief, having been informed, that, if he were fortunate enough to get to Heaven, "he should not 1 Neander, Memorab. III. 1, p. 108 sq. His biography by hia scholar, Audoen {rIAdidru, Spicileg. T. II.) 2 Vita St. Wilfridi ab Eddio conscript., c. 27. Conf. Beda Venerab. h. e. V. 10. Fa'Mus, c. 25. (■Tk.) " Alcuin's Life of Willibrord in Mahill. acta SS. ord. St. Bened. saec. III., Pt. I., p. 001. Beda,\.c.Y.l2. Conf. Boitemf. acta SS. ad 1. m. ilartii. Alberd. Thijm, Life of St. Willibrord, transL from the Dutch into German, by Trass, Marnier, 1864. Conf. Tiibff. Quart. 1864, n. 2. Rettberg, VoL II., p. 517. § 158. Christ, among the Frisians — Reverses in Spain. Ill enjoy the company of his Pagan fellow-countrymen," refused to receive baptism.^ Willibrord, who, though he labored with the zeal of a true apostle, and had already pushed his conquests as far as Den- mark, did not succeed in bringing his work to a successful conclusion till after the death of this chief, which occurred in the year 719, when Charles Martel subdued the remaining portions of the Frisian territory heretofore independent oi Frankish authority. This event facilitated the work of the missionaries, who shortly enjoyed the happiness of seeing all the Frisians pass into the one fold of Christ. Bishop Willi- brord died A. D. 739. Charles Martel also enjoys the honor of having, by his heroic bravery and dauntless courage, checked the rapid con- quests and broken the menacing domination of Islamism. The Arabs, inspired by a blind fanaticism, went on in a destructive career of conquest, till they finally subdued and took possession of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, and in the year 707, under the Ommaiades, of the northwestern prov- inces of Africa. The Crescent now seriously threatened Christian Europe. The sons of king Witiza (a. d. 701-710), after their father had been dethroned by a number of power- ful and discontented nobles, and Hoderic set up in his place, formed with their nncle, Oppas, Archbishop of Seville, Count Julian, whose family Poderic had dishonored by his disso- luteness, and their numerous partisans, a formidable coalition against the intruded prince, and, in order the better to carry out their designs, called to their aid the Arabs of Africa. Musa, the Saracen governor of Mauritania, readily acceded to their wishes, and sent into Spain an army of Arabs and Moors, under the command of Tarik, one of his ablest gen- erals. Roderic collected all his available forces, and met the enemy at Xerez, in Andalusia, where he was completely de- feated (a. d. 711). Musa, having shortly after arrived in Spain with fresh forces, took the command in person, and, dividing his army into three bodies, overran and subdued the ' Krauss states (Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 226) that this assertion is probably an invention of some of the later Predestinarians. 112 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 1. Chapter L whole Country, with the exception of the northern provinces (a. d. 712-714). Ahderrhahman, the Viceroy of Spain, entertaining the idea of iiniting both the East and the West under one govern- ment, crossed the Pyrenees at the head of the Arabs, and de- scended into the plains of Burgundy and Aquitaine. He had already subjugated the southern portions of France, and pushed his conquests as far north as the river Loire, when Charles ilartel, who came up with the invader between Tours and Poitiers, totally defeated him in a pitched battle (a. d. 732], put an end to his victorious career, and dealt a death- blow to the power of the Arabs in France. In Spain, those of the Christians who still continued to live among the Arabs, and hence called Mozarabiaus, or Mixed Arabs, were barely tolerated, always regarded with distrust, and compelled to submit to the most severe exactions.^ Those Christians, on the contrary, who had retired into the mount- ains of Asturias and Biscay, early asserted their independence, and little by little founded commonwealths and kingdoms, which, at first, defied, and then gradually and successfully contested the Arab domination in Spain. § 159. Labors of St. Boniface. BonifacH epp. ed. N. Serarlus, Mogunt. 1605 and 1609, max. bibL T. XIII., p. 70 sq.; ed. Wiirdtwein, Mogant. 1789 foL; ed. Giles, Oxon. 1846, 2 T., very defective — as, likewise, in Migne, ser. lat. T. 89 ; now with greater critical accu- racy — along witli the vitae et passio Bonifacii, IaiIU epp., and many other items, in ^Jaffe, monumenta Moguntina, Berol. 1866 {T. III. of the Bibl. rer. Germ.), letters, in German, with the Life of St. Boniface, Fulda, 1842; complete works transl. into German and illustrated, by Eiilb, Eatisbon, 1856, 2 vols. WWbaldi (about 783) et Othlonil vita St. Bonifacii (about 1100), (Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. St. Bened., T. II., III.; Bollandi Acta SS. m. Junii, T. I., p. 452 sq.; Pertz, Monum.T. II., p. 331 sq.) Serarii res Moguntiacae, Mogunt. 1604, ed. Johannes, Ficf. 1722. t^'Seiiers, Boniface, Apostle of the Germans, Mentz, 1845. '\Reln- erding, St. Boniface, Wurzbg. 1855. Mailer, Bonifacius, eene kerk-historische Btudie, Amsterd. 1869 sq., 2 vols. See Reusch's Theological Journal of Litera- ture, nro. 25, year 1870. Eetfberg, Vol. II., p. 307-372. \BinteHm, Hist, of Germ. Counc, Vol. II. ^'Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. III., p. 458-549. Od»- ner. Annals of the prankish Kingdom under Pepin, Lps. 1871. The many and various efl"orts to introduce Christianity into 1-Aschhach, Hist, of the Ommaiades in Spain, Frankfort, 1829, 2 vols. § 159. Labors of St. Boniface. 113 Germany, and to establish it upon a permanent basis, would never have been crowned with complete success, had there not existed some common bond of union among the different churches scattered up and down the country, and some com- mon center to give unity and system to individual exertion. To this end, God raised up a man, distinguished for force of character and gentleness of disposition, and remarkable for prudence and patient perseverance, who not only gave to the Church in Germany a complete organization and insured her permanence, by establishing the most intimate relations be- tween her and the Supreme Head of Christendom, but also carried the light of the Gospel among those German tribes which had hitherto remained both Pagan and barbarous. This was the Anglo-Saxon priest Winfried. Bo'-n of respect- able parents, at Kirton, in Devonshire, in the kingdom of "Wessex, in the year 680 (685?), he was, from his tenderest years, drawn to a monastic life, and was educated and trained in spiritual life in the monasteries of Exeter and Nutcell, then the most flourishing of the monastic establishments of England. Feeling that it was his vocation to spend his life among Pagans, laboring for their conversion, he set out in the year 716 upon his first voyage as a missionary, and landed in the country of the Frisians. But war having broken out between King Radbot and Charles Martel, it be- came impossible for him to prosecute his designs, and he again crossed the sea, and returned to his monastery. Hav- ing, however, firmly resolved to spend his life as a mission- ary, laboring for the weal of others, he again crossed the channel in the year 718, and, following the example of so many of his Anglo-Saxon predecessors, set out for Rome, with letters of recommendation from Daniel, Bishop of Win- chester, to obtain from Gregory H., the then reigning Pope, his authority^ to preach the Gospel among the heathen. He gave the first proofs of his devotion to the Church and to the cause in which he was embarked, in Thnringia; but, after the death of Eadbot, he returned to the Frisians (a. d. 719), and 'This authorization is given in Wiirdtwein, ep. 2, and in Serarius, ep. 118. VOL. II — 8 114 Feriod 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Cha'pter 1. having placed himself under the authority of Willibrord, Bishop of Utrecht, set to work with enthusiastic zeal, and had the gratification of seeing his labors crowned with com- plete success. But as the Papal appointment indicated Ger- many as the theater of his labors, Winfried returned to Hesse and Thuringia, in 722, and, passing through Treves, turned aside from his direct route to visit St. Adele, at Pfalzel (Pala- tiokim), a short distance from that city, where he fell in with Gregory, a kinsman of the saint's, and a worthy descendant of King Dagobert III., whose services he secured for the Church. At Amoeneburg, in Upper Hesse, he received into the Church the princes Dierolf and Detdig, and founded a monastei-y on the banks of the Ohm, where he also baptized many thousands of the Pagan inhabitants. Having sent a "report of his progress to Pope Gregory, he was called to Rome by that pontiff (a. d. 722), where, having made his Profession of Paith and taken the oath of allegiance^ 1 This oath, which is given in Othlo, lih. I., cap. 19, is similar to that taken by the suhurbicarian bishops: "Promitto ego Bonifacius, Dei gratia Episcopus, tibi beate Petre, Apostolorum princeps, Vicarioque tuo beato Gregorio Papae, et successoribus ejus per P. et ]?. et Sp. St., Trinitatem inseparabilem, et hoc sacra/- tissimum corpus tuum, me omnem fidem et puritatem sanctae fidei cathol. exhibere, et in unitate ejusdem fidei, Deo operante, persistere, in quo omnia christianorum salus esse sine dubio comprobatur, nullo modo me contra uni- tatem communis et universalis ecclesiae, suadente quopiam, consentire, sed, ut dLxi, fidem et puritatem meam atque concursum tibi et utilitatibus tuae eccle- siae, cui a Domino Deo potestas ligandi solvendique data est, et praedicto Vicario tuo atque successoribus ejus per omnia exhibere. Sed et si cognovero Antistites contra instituta antiqua SS. Patrum conversari, cum eis nullam habere commu- nionem aut conjunctionem ; sed magis, si valuero prohibere, prohibebo ; si minus, hoc fideliter statim domno meo Apostolico renuntiabo. Quod si, quod absit, contra hujus professionis meae seriem aliquid facere quolibet modo, seu ingenio, vel oceasione tentavero, reus inveniar in aeterno judicio, ultionem Ananiae et Saphirae incurram, qui vobis etiam de rebus propriis fraudem facere praesiun- Berunt. Hoc autem indiculum Sacramenti ego Bonifacius exiguus Episcopus manu propria scripsi, atque ponens supra sacratissimum corpus St. Petri, ita ut praescriptum, Deo teste et judice, feci sacramentum, quod et conservare pro- mitto." This solemn engagement did not prevent Boniface from being fearless and outspoken when there was a proper occasion, or others from finding fault with what displeased them at Eome. Boniface, for example (Ep. 51. ad Zachar.), complains, that at Eome the ecclesiastical canons are not observed ; that super- stitious and sacrilegious practices are not suppressed; and affirms that such negligence cools the love and weakens the obedience due to the Apostolic See. § 159. Labors of St. Boniface. 115 to the Roman Catholic Church, he was consecrated bishop of all the churches of Germany (episcopus regionarius), and provided with letters recommending him to the good oiEces of Charles Martel (a. d. 723). It was on this occasion that he received from the Pope the name of Boniface. Thus having received for his mission the sanction of the Apostolic See, and assured of the protection of Charles Martel, he com- menced his labors, and in a short time succeeded in convert- ing nearly all the inhabitants oi Hesse and Thuringia. The " Thunder Oak of Geismar," near Fritzlar, had been long an object of religious reverence among the Germans, and was regarded as a symbol of their heathen worship, and an abiding evidence of their faith in their gods. They were appalled, when they beheld Boniface fearlessly attacking it and felling it to the ground, that Thor, to whom it was dedi- cated, did not avenge the insult; and, reasoning as rude and primitive people are apt to do, that a god who was helpless in his own defense, could scarcely be relied on by others, entirely gave up faith in the deities they had so long and so abjectly honored. Boniface constructed of the wood 'of this oak a chapel, which he dedicated to St. Peter. He made strenuous and assiduous eflbrts to eftace every trace of Paganism, and combated the heretics Adelbert and Clement, who were engaged in spreading error and unbelief wherever aa occasion oftered. He gave his chief care to the establish- ment of monasteries,^ that of Ohrdruf being one of his first foundations. As the labors of his new missions were daily in- creasing, he called upon his friends in England to come to his assistance, and of those who answered his call, Burchard, Lullas, Willibald, his brother Wunibald, and Wita are the best known. Many female religious also came over, among whom were the learned Cunigilde and her daughter Berathgit, Cuni- trnde, and Thecla, who belonged to the nunneries of Kitzingen and Ochsenfurt, on the Main ; Lioba, who was at Bischofs- ^Othlo, 1. c. I. 30; also in Willibald, c. 8, it is reported: Ex Britanniae parti- bus servorum Dei plurima ad eum tam leotorum quam etiam scriptorum (copy- ists) aliarumque artium eruditorum virorum congregationis convenerat multi- tude. 116 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. heim, on the banks of the Tauber; and "Walpurgis, at Hei- denheim, in the Saulafield.' In the year 731, he sent a messenger to E.ome to signify his submission and allegiance to the new Pope, Gregory III., the successor of Gregory II. The same messenger carried back to Boniface the archiepiscopal pallium, -with instructions from the Pope to consecrate new bishops wherever the num- ber of the faithful should have so increased as to require them. Boniface, after having erected churches at Fritzlar and Amoeneburg, and made a pastoral visit through Bavaria, in the course of which he fell in with his excellent disciple, Sturm, journeyed to Eome for the third time (a. d. 738). Having returned from Rome invested with increased powers, he paid a second visit to Bavaria, in the year 739, and, at the request of Duke Odilo, completed the organization of the Church of that country, and established the four bishoprics of Salzburg, Freisingen, Ratisbon, and Passau. Nivilo Avas al- ready the legally constituted bishop of Passau, and Boniface appointed to the other three sees occupants in every way worthy of their exalted dignity. He also created a fifth bish- opric at Eichstddt, to which he appointed Willibald. The Bavarian Synod, convoked by Boniface in the year 740, contributed materially to strengthen this ecclesiastical organ- ization. Boniface now established bishoprics at Wurzburg, in Fran- conia, at Buraburg, in Hesse, and at Erfurt, in Thuringia, to which he appointed respectively Burchard,Wita, andAdalar. After the death of Charles Martel (a. d. 741), the adminis- tration of the kingdom devolved upon his two sons, Carlo- man and Pepin, under whom the Church increased in pros- perity in Austrasia, Alemannia, and Franconia. Archbishop Boniface, availing himself of this favorable state of affairs, and acting on the instructions of Pope Zach- ary, and at the request of Carloman, convoked, a. d. 742, the first so-called German Synod, at which seven canons were passed for the restoration of ecclesiastical discipline, which ^^Zell, Lioba and the pious Anglo-Saxon -women, Freiburg, 1860. § 159. Labors of St. Boniface. 117 had been very much relaxed, particularly among priests, monks, and nuns, and for the suppression of Pagan practices. It was enacted that in future synods should be held annually. Hence we hear of a second one having been held in either the year 743 or 745, at Lipiinae (Liftinae, Lestines, in Hai- nault), at which Boniface again endeavored, with character- istic energy, to provide measures for the suppression of Pagan practices, a long list of which is given in the profession of faith and formula of abjuration. This instrument prescribes " a renunciation of the gods Thunar and Wodan, of the Saxon god Odin, and of all sorcerers and their associates."' Boniface also instructed the clergy to use the Genna.n lan- (luage upon certain occasions; as, for example, in teaching the people particular prayers, in reading the epistles and Gos- pels, and in giving homilies on them, and in reciting such of the prayers belonging to the administration of the sacraments as are not deemed of essential importance. So great was the influence and authority of Boniface, at this time, that Pepin requested him to restore faith and mor- ality to the Church of Neustria, or the western kingdom of the Franks, where ecclesiastical discipline had been greatly relaxed and serious errors crept in. Boniface commenced his work by convoking the Synod of Soissons (a. d. 744), one of the canons of which prescribes that synods shall he annually held, that thus measures may be provided to secure the sal- vation of the people, and to prevent the rise of heresy. The reformation so auspiciously commenced was still further ad- vanced by a general synod of the whole Frankish kingdom, in the year 745, but at what place is not known, which de- posed GevjiUeb, bishop of Mentz, because he had assassinated a Saxon,^ and condemned Clement and Adelbeit as heretics. In the year 742, Boniface commenced a work which he had very much at heart, and in which he was ably seconded by Sturm, a young Baravian, whose education had been intrusted ^Binierim, German Councils, Vol. II., p. 17 et sq., and 117 et sq. Hefele, Vol. III., p. 464. ^ Gewtlieb, like Milo of Treves, was raised to the episcopal office and dignity, though he was but a rude soldier, and spent his days of leisure in following tha chase. Krais, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 228. 118 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. to him, and who was the most beloved of all his disciples. This was the erection of the monastery of Fulda, which, when completed, was placed under the charge of Sturm, and, like St. Gall and Reichenau, was for a long time the nursery in whicli the bishops of Germany were educated and trained, and the home of the arts and sciences. It was the custom of l3ouiface to visit this establishment yearly, and to spend here a few days of quiet and relaxation from his great labors. Boniface clearly foresaw that the permanency and good order of these institutions required some central authority, and as he had already received the archiepiscopal pallium from the Pope, though he had not yet fixed upon a place of residence, he resolved to establish his metropolitan see at Mentz, rendered vacant by the deposition of Gewilieb. Had he not been called to this see by an assembly of the nation, he would very probably have fixed his residence at Cologne, which he much preferred to Mentz, on account of its prox- imity to his beloved Frisians. Pope Zacliary confirmed this choice, and raised ^lentz to metropolitan rauk, with author- ity not alone over those sees established by Boniface himself, such as "Wiirtzburg, Eichstadt, Buraburg, and Erfurt, but also over those of Utrecht, Tongres, Cologne, Worms, and Spire. But the sees of Buraburg and Erfurt did not retain long their importance, and finally became parts of the dioceses of Pader- born and Mentz ; while Cologne, on the contrary, was raised to metropolitan rank, and Utrecht made suffragan to it. Boniface, though giving much time and thought to the administration of these dioceses, and to the holding of coun- cils,' did not neglect other affairs of importance. He clearly saw that bishops, to possess some sort of protection against che violence of kings and the insolence of nobles, should enjoy a-certain political consideration and prerogatives which all would recognize and respect, and hence he exerted him- self successfully to have them created spiritual peers of the Empire. Shortly after this event, Childeric UL, the last of the worthless Merovingian kings, was deposed by an assembly 1 Those at Diiren, a. d. 747 and 748. It is also probable that the Synod of Cloveshove, in England, a. d. 747, was held at his suggestion. § 159. Labors of St. Boniface. 119 of the nation, held at Soissons, and retired into a monastery. Pepin, who already possessed and exercised the power and authority, if he did not enjoy the title of king, was chosen to succeed him, and was consecrated by Boniface, who had been commissioned by the Pope to perform the office (a. d. 752).' Boniface was not indeed insensible that years of toil and hardship were beginning to tell npon him; but, for all that, he still possessed all the ardor and generous resolution of younger days, and now, in his old age, determined to carry out the vow he had made in his youth, of converting the Frisians to Christianity. Por this purpose he sought and obtained permission from the Pope to resign his archiepisco- pal see in favor of Lidhis, one of his most distinguished dis- ciples, and, in the year 755, set out on his journey to Fries- land with the conviction strong upon him that he should never again return to the friends with whom he was parting. He was accompanied by Eoban, Bishop of Utrecht, three priests, three deacons, and four monks. They had already baptized many thousands of the Frisians and formed some Christian communities, when an end was put to their labors by the barbarity of some Pagan Frisians. Boniface had taken a position at Dokkum, beyond the Zuyder Zee, where he had made arrangements to administer the sacrament of confirmation, on the great feast of Pentecost, to those who had already been baptized. While waiting their coming, he and his companions, to the number of fifty-two, were sur- rounded and put to death by a band of unconverted Frisians (June 5, 755). Boniface had forbidden his followers to make any resistance, and all quietly awaited their fate, and went to obtain the martyr's crown. Boniface was in the seventy-fifth year of his age, and the greater part of his life had been spent in the service of Him to whom he gave this last and supreme token of his love. The churches of Utrecht, Mentz, and Pulda disputed for the possession of the body of this glorious martyr, which, according to his own request, was buried in the monastery 1 It has, however, been conclusively proven that Boniface had nothing what- ever to do in this matter. Kraus, Ch. H., Vol, II., p. 228. (Tk.) 120 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. of Fulda, the most cherished of all his religious founda- tions.^ The Roman name of Bonifacius, bestowed by the Pope upon the Anglo-Saxon, Winfried, at his consecration, has been one of incalculable import to Germany. The Protestant pro- fessor Leo has a very just remark relative to St. Boniface. " Boniface," says he, " has contributed incomparably more to mtellectual development in Germany, and, as a consequence, to Germans, than any single one of all the later German kings." The spirit of Boniface, which his disciples Sturm., abbot of Fulda; Gregory, abbot of Utrecht, and Burkhard, Bishop of "Wiirzburg, had inherited, long continued to exercise a marked and beneficial influence upon the destinies of this great church. § 160. The Conversion of the Saxons. Annalea Guelferbytani (769-805) in Pertz, II. Altfridi vita Ludgeri, eppi. Memegardefordensis, t809. Foetae Saxonis, Annales de gestis Karoli 31. (771- 814), Einhardi Annales. (Te.) Meinders, de Btatu rel. et reip. sub Carolo jM. et Ludov. Pio in Saxon. Lemg. 1711, 4to. ClavSr, Saxonia inferior antiqua, gentilis et Christiana, i. e. Ancient, Pagan, and Christian Lower Saxony, etc., Goslar, 1714 fol. Strunk, S. S., "West- phalia sacra, ed. Gibers, Paderhorn, 1854 sq. Zlmmermann, de mutata Saxo- num religione, Darmst. 1839. t Welier, Introd. of Christianity into TVestphalia, Munster, 1838. Jlonumenta Paderbornensia, etc. (by Liber Earo de FUrsten- ierg, Prince-Bishop there), Amst. 1672; in German, Denkmale des Landes Pa- derborn von Perd. Preiherr von Purstenberg, Paderborn, 1844. FJrhard, Keg. hist. Westfal. llonast. 1847-1851. Bottger, Intr. of Christ, into Saxony, by Charlemagne, Hanover, 1859. EeUberg, Ch. H. of Germ., Vol. II., p. 382-485. Siemer, 1. c. Vol. VI. The Saxons, a brave and warlike people, possessing neither kings nor cities, and embracing the Westphalians, Angles, and Eastphalians, opposed a long and most determined resist- ance to Christianity. Moreover, the means employed to effect their conversion retarded rather than accelerated it. The first at- ' Codex diplomaticus Puldensis, ed. Dronke, Cassel, 1850, with Eegister by Schminke, Cassel, 1862. G. Zimmermann, de rerum Puldensium primordiis dis- aertatio, Gissae, 1841. Cf. lieitberg, Vol. I., p. 370 sq. Schwarz, On the Pounda- tion and Primordial History of the Monastery of Fulda, Programme of Fulda, 1856. § 160. The Conversion of the Saxons. 121 tempt to convert them was made, toward the close of the seventh century, by the two Anglo-Saxon brothers JEwald, surnamed the Black and the White. If they did not reap a harvest of sonls as the fruit of their labors, they obtained for themselves the reward of the martyr's crown. A doctrine which taught them to despise the world and its pleasures, and coming to them through the Frankish Empire, which tliey tlioroughly hated, found but little favor among this rude and licentious people. However, the efforts of a few missionaries were crowned witli partial success. Such were St. Lebuin, who died a. d. 773,' and Gregory of Utrecht, whose work was considerably facilitated by the victories of Pepiu the Short, who conquered the Saxous in the year 753. But, as the Saxons still continued to make predatory incursions into tlie territories of the Empire of the Franks, the latter deter- mined to complete their subjugatioii by force of arms. Sensi- ble, however, that as long as this rude people remained at- tached to their errors, their promises of peace would be pre- carious and their acts of submission delusive, the Franks forced them to profess Christianity and receive bajptisni. After the year 772, when Charlemagne entered seriously upon the work of subjugating them, this policy was again taken up and prosecuted with renewed vigor. It was continued, with- out interruption and with untiring perseverance, for a period of thirty-three years, and was uniformly resisted with the most hearty and determined obstinacy.^ Charlemagne inaugurated this religious war by demolish- ing the Irminsal, or Column of Irmin,' in which Irmin was ^Passio SS. Ewaldorum, auct. Beda Venerab. in h. e. Anglor. V. 10. — Vita St. Lebuini Frisor. et Westfal. apostoli auct. Huibaldo (anno 918-976). Strunh- GUfers, T. II., p. 19 sq. Rettherg, Vol. II., pp. 405, 536. 2 Funh, On the Subjugation of the Saxons under Charlemagne. {Schlosser, Archives of Hist, and Lit. 1833, Vol. IV., p. 293 sq.) Justus Moser, Hist, of Osnabriick, J 34, Vol. I., p. 198. Compare also Leo, Lectures on German His- tory. He says : " Charles raged against Saxon Paganism, not because it was a religion altogether different from the Christian, but because it was associated with the most atrocious horrors, and because its followers were irreconcilable adversaries of the Prankish Empire." Vol. I., pp. 503, 498. ^ Jacob Grimm, Jrmenstrasse and Jrmensaule; or. The Koad and Pillar of Arminius, Vienna, 1815. Hagen, Irmin , Breslau, 1817, in Clavor, 1. c. fol. 35 122 Period 2. E-poch 1. Fart 1. Chapter 1. represented as sustaining the universe. The figure was likely meant to combine the idea of God, one and invisible, and the memory of the popular hero, Herman. Charlemagne, being possessed of an idea that he was an instrument in the hands of God, and had a duty to avenge the insults offered to His Church, refused to listen to the prudent counsel of his friend Alcuin, and of Arno, Archbishop of Salzburg, who told him that the " Saxons should be persuaded to enter the Church from motives of conviction, and not be forced to do so by violence," and that it would be more becoming in him "to conduct himself as an Apostle than as a gatherer of tithes." He refused to give up the policy he had adopted, but it is more than likely that his desire to rid himself of an implaca- ble enemy and a dangerous neighbor may have given an im- pulse to religious zeal. Some hopes were entertained of the conversion of the en- tire nation when the chiefs Wittekind and Alboin, after their defeat in 785, consented to receive baptism. But this hope, never very full of promise, vanished entirely after the year 793. The rule of the Franks was so harsh and oppressive, and the ecclesiastical tithes collected, with such exactness and rigor, that the Saxons rose in open revolt, and put an end, for the time being, to all hopes of converting them to Christianity. Charles was under the impression that the tithes could not be remitted, because their payment was 'prescribed by divine ordi- nance. But, in the year 805, when the Saxons were completely subdued, and submitted, once for all, to the rule of the Franks, there was a reasonable ground of hope that now, at least, the Church had obtained a solid and permanent footing in the north of Germany. But if Christianity finally secured a triumph, it was a triumph which cost many a bloody struggle and called forth all the genius and energy of Charlemagne. It was amid such difliculties as these that churches were sq. Rettberg, Vol. II., p. 385. Hoelscher, de Irmini Dei natura nominisque origine, Bonn, 1865. According to the Journal of the Westphalian Historical Society, Yol. VIII., the column of Irmin, destroyed by Charlemagne in 772, ■was no more than the trunk of a tree remaining of the sacred grove of Tan- fana § 160. The Conversion of the Saxons. 128 setup, monasteries and convents founded, and bishoprics estab- lished. Among the bishoprics were Osnabruclc,^ Milnster, Pader- born, Minden, Bremen, Verden, Hcdberstadif to which may be added those that came into existence later on, under Louis le Debonnaire, as the bishopric of HildesJieinv' and the important monastery of Corvey, on the banks of the Weser (a branch of tlie Frankish abbey of Corbie). This monastery effected a great worlc ; for to the apostolic men who went forth from its cloisters is duo the honor of having brought about the true and interior conversion of the rebellious and obstinate Sax- ons — the conversion of mind and heart, without which all professions are empty and delusive. The noble men engaged in this apostolic labor have all a place in historj-, but there is one who stands out with marked prominence above the rest. This is Ludger,'^ a Frisian hj birth, but a disciple of Gregory of Utrecht and of Alcuin, who, from the year 787 till his death, which occurred A. D. 809, did not cease to labor with indefatigable zeal and heroic fortitude for the conversion of the Westphalians. He was the first bishop of Mimigardeford (Miiuster), and a judgment of his usefulness and his holiness of life may be had from the fact that his memory is still cher- ished with reverence among the inhabitants of this city. His tomb, in the Abbey of Verden, was the scene of many mira- cles, and was frequented by numbers of pilgrims. The labors of Willehad, an Anglo-Saxon priest, were scarcely less conspicuous and fruitful. At the request of Charle- magne, and protected by his authority, "VVillehad established and organized the bishopric of Bremen. He died a. d. 789, and his biography was written by St. Ansgar, Archbishop of Hamburg,^ to whom it was a work of love. The names of ' Erdwini Erdmannt Chronioon episcopor. Osnabrug. in MeCbom. rerum Ger- maniear. scriptoros, T. II. Glefers, Origin of the Ses of Paderborn; in the same place, 1S60. Bessen, Hist, of the See of Paderborn; same place, 1820, 2 vols. 'Probably transferred from Heiligenstadt, also known as Osterwiclc. sConf Freiburg, Eccl. Cyclop., Vol. V., p. 190 sq. * His Life, by Alfrtdus, second successor of St. Ludger, in the see of Miinster, in Peris, monumenta, T. II. Bclirends, Life of St. Ludger, Apostle of the Sax., ons, 1843. 'In Pertz, Monumenta, T. II., p. 378 sq. 124 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 1. Viho, Hadumar, Heribert, and Patto(J), the first bishops of Osnabriick, Paderborn, Minden, and Verden, on the banks of the AUer/ ai-e equally well and favorably known. EETEOSPECT. It is evident, from the outline given above, of the efforts made to spread the light of the Gospel iu Germany, and of the triumphs achieved, that, in the reign of Charlemagne, Christianity had already extended as far as the Elbe. In Germany, as in the Eoman Empire, Christianity met with a very determined opposition, and was forced to contend against almost insuperable obstacles ; but now, as then, God raised up in His Church a band of devoted and faithful workers, heroic bishops and zealous priests, who went forth joyfully to ►announce the tidings of the Gospel to these poor people, and who proved, by the gift of miracles which accompanied them, that their work had the sanction of Heaven. And in speak- ing of these devoted men, it is worthy of remark that, while they were engaged in preaching the "Word of God, many pious princesses and well-born ladies provided for their wants. "We have seen that the religious notions of the early Germans predisposed them favorably to Christianity, while their minds were altogetlier alienated from their idols when they beheld the missionaries dash them to the ground with impunity. The missionaries also jpracticed toward the Germans the pru- dence and moderation so warmly recommended by Gregory the Great, and, instead of frightening away, by unnecessary severity, either those who had already come into the Church or such as were preparing to do so, they adjusted, where such a course was possible, the requirements of Christian law, and tempered its severity so as not to do unnecessary violence to the prejudices and practices of their idolaters. The feasts of the saints came in place of these Pagan orgies ; the Cross was set up on the altar whence an idol had been cast down, and Pagan temples became the dwelling-places of the Most High God. lOn Verden, cf. Freiburg, Ecel. Cyclop., Vol. XI., p. 582 sq.; Erench transL, Vol. XXIV., p. 525 sq. CHAPTER n. MODIFICATIONS IN THE RELATIONS AND OKGANIZATION OF TUB CHUKCH. Capitularia regum Franoor., see Vol. I., p. 23, n. 3, ed. Baluzi, Venet. 1772- 1773, 2 T. fol., and in Peris, Monumcnta, T. III., with valuable chronologioa.l disquisitions. We quote from the one more spread about, ed. Baluzi. Frtedrich, Three Unpublished Councils of Merovingian Times, Bambg. 1867. Maassen, Two Synods under King Childerio II., according to a Manuscript of the City Library of Albz, Gratz, 1867. -\Thomasstnl vetus et nova eccl. Disciplina. Plank, Hist, of the Organization of Eccl. Society, Vol. II. Orimm, Antiquities of German Law, Gotting. 1828. PhiUijJs, C. L., Vol. III., "The Church and the Germanic Kingdoms," p. 61-113. ^Binterlm, Philosophical Hist, of the German National Councils, Pts. I. and II.; Succession of all the Bishops and Archbishops of Germany, Pt. I., p. 282-340. '^'Lau, On the Influence of the JTeudal System upon the Clergy and the Papacy. (Jllgen's Hist. Journal, year 1841, nros. 1 and 2.) Thereto, PhilUps' German Hist., Vol. I., p. 506 sq. Zopfl, Hist, of German Law, 3d ed., Stuttg. 1858, and the writings of Rettberg, ''Fehr, Ruckert; '^Gfrorer, On the Hist, of Germain Popular Eights, in the M. A., 2 vols., Sohafl:h. 1865. § 161. The Church in Her Relations to the Germanic States — Close Alliance of Church and State. The essential elements of ecclesiastical polity, as developed among the Greeks and Romans, now passed, without material change, over to the Germanic people, who, after their conver- sion, regarded Roman law as inseparably connected witli the Church. Hence, as " every one," according to an axiom of German jurisprudence, "preserves intact his hereditary rights,"^ so did the Church and her ministers continue to follow the Roman civil law and the Dionysian or Spanish collection of canon law.^ It is especially noticeable, and per- 1 Walter, Corpus juris German, antiqui., Berol. 1824 sq., 3 T. Peris, Monu- menta Germ., T. III. and IV. (containing leges.) Cf. Begesta Carolorum, Documents of all the Carlovingians (752-918), epitomized by BSlimer, Prkft. 1834, 4to. 'Conf. Cone. Aurel. I. (a. d. 511) can. 1: Id constituimus observandum quo 3 (125) 126 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. haps more so in the Eraukish Empire than elsewhere, that these canons passed, though insensibly, yet definitely, into the public law and the Capitularies. It could not be expected that the Church would maintain precisely the same relations with a rude and barbarous people which she had with nations of a more advanced and refined civilizaiion. J3efore such a state of things could be brought about, a certain amount of teaching and a thorough reformation of manners were necessary, and it was the Church's duty to eflect the one and impart the other. Faithful to her mission, she did not shrink from the task; but, to accomplish it successfully, she was obliged to adopt, in a great measure, a new system and a novel policy in her external relations to the State and to society. On the one hand, it was necessary to obtain greater political inde- pendence, and, on the other, to rise to civil influence and im- portance, in order that she might be in a position to widen the sphere of her jurisdiction and infuse Christian ideas into the masses of the people. Ecclesiastics, who spent their days in the contemplation of things human and divine, seemed at least as well qualified to administer justice intelligently and impartially'- as persons who had passed their lives in the profession of arms ; and the more so as they alone possessed all the knowledge and cul- ture of the age. Hence — 1. In Spain, Reccared commanded the judges to attend the ecclesiastical synods, in order that they might there learn the laiv;^ while, on the other hand, he in- structed the bishops to watch over the administration of ecclesiastici canones decreverunt et lex Romana constituit. (Harduin, T. II., p. 1009). The principle is enforced: Ecclesia vivit lege Romana (Leg. Ripiiar. tit. LVIII. 1); see Maassen, lex Rom. canonice compta, Vienna, 1800. Friedberg, de finium inter et ecclesiam et civitatem judicio, qui medii aevi doctores et leges statuerint, Leips. 1801. ^ Concil. Toletan. III. a. 589, capital. 18: Judices vero locorum, vel actores fiscalium patrimoniorum ex decreto gloriosissimi domini nostri simul cum sacer- dotali concilio — in unum conveniant, ut discant, quam pie et juste cum populis Bgere debeant. — Sunt enim prospectores Episcopi secundum regiam admoni- tionem, qualiter judices cum populis agant, ita ut ipsos praemonitos corrigant, aut insolentias eorum auditibus principis innotesoant. {Harduin, T. III., p. 482.) The Prankish ordinance by Chlotar: Si judex aliquem contra legem injusta damnaverit, in nostri absentia ab Episcopia castigetur, ut quod perpere judi- cavit, versatim melius discussioue habita emendare procuret. (Baluz, T. I., p. 7.) § 161. The Church and Germanic States — Alliance, etc. 127 justice. Bimilar provisions were made in the Frankisla king- dom in the year 585. 2. To render judgment in all matrimo- nial causes was regarded among tlie Burgundian Germans more positively even than among the ancient Eomans, as a distinct and peculiar office of the priesthood, inasmuch as these were considered as belonging to the category of things sacred. 3. Last luills and testaments, especially when there was question of goods bequeathed to the Church, wei-e always submitted to the bishops. 4. Under the Frankish, as under the Roman law,^ ecclesiastics enjoyed certain privileges and immunities ; for example, they were considered as wholly under the jurisdiction of the bishop, and not within the competence of civil tribunals, unless when guilty of atrocious crimes; and then only after they had been degraded from their dignity and office.^ It is clear, therefore, that there were circum- stances in which the power of the Church and that of the State were in such harmonious accord that it was difficult to say precisely where one ended and the other commenced. The ceremony of the coronation of kings,^ which was at this ' The Druids likewise, as we learn from Caesar de bello Gallico, enjoyed im^ munUy: Druides a bello abesse consueverant, neque tributa cum reliquis pen- dant, militiae vacationom omniumque rerum habent immunitatem. (VI. 14.) 'Capitular., lib. VII., o. 422: Plaeuit, ut Clerici non distringantur vel dijudi- centur nisi a propriis Episcopis. Pas enim non est, ut diviui muneris ministri temporalium potestatum subdantur arbitrio. Nam si propriorum Episcoporum jussionibus inobedientes extiterint, tunc juxta canonicas sanctiones per potes- tates exteras adducantur, i. e. per judices saeculares. [Baluz. T. I.) 2 "The religious consecration of the new sovereign was introduced first into the Eastern Eoman Empire. The first known example is that of Thoodosius the Younger, who was crowned by the patriarch Proclus. In the following century, the Emperor .Justinus caused himself to be crowned by Pope .John I., although he had before received the crown from the hands of the patriarch John. Of the new German Christian kingdoms, the Spanish was the first that adopted this ceremony. (King Wamba was the first, a. d. 672. — Te.) In the first canon of the twelfth synod of Toledo, it is said of King Erwig that he received his regal power by the sacred unction. By the Merovingian kings of the Franks, the rite was not practiced. Pepin was the first. . . . After hia time, all the kings were crowned, and the rite was introduced by the East-Frar.ks into Germany, where Conrad I. 'was the first who was consecrated in this manner. The sovereign to be crowned read a profession of Catholic faith ; he then swore, at the desire of the bishops, to maintain to all prelates, and to the churches intrusted to them, their canonical privileges ; to protect and to defend, accord- ing to his power, every and each bishop and his church, and to preserve invio- 128 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. time being gradually introduced, is a most striking evidence of this coalition of the two powers. The Church inaparted to the State a divine blessing, and invested it with an author- ity which, bearing the sanction of religion, inspired both reverence and awe, and was alone capable of preserving civil order and restraining the pride and insolence of a barbarous people. There were many other instances of the coalition or harmonious action of the civil and ecclesiastical orders — such, for example, as the participation of the State in the election of bishops; in the holding of ecclesiastical synods, and the ratification of their decrees ; in the institution of ecclesias- tical circuit courts or diocesan visitations;^ and, particularly, in the readiness with which the civil authority lent its aid to the execution of that portion of ecclesiastical legislation which directly and immediately affected the Church's exter- nal relations with society. So intimate were the relations of Church and State, that they gave rise to legislative bodies, altogether without precedent in the history of the Church, known as Mixed Synods, bearing a very close resemblance to a difct,^ and composed of both clerical and lay persons, as- late the rights and laws of the people." DSllinger's Ch. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 166, 167, Eng. trans. In Britain, the Pontifical of Egbert, Archhishop of Canterbury, which dates back to the eighth century, contains a rite for the coronation of kings. This ceremony was usually accompanied with the more important and im- posing rite of anointing with oil, signifying a particular and special consecration of the anointed to the service of God. The term for consecration in the Saxon chronicle is "gehalgod," that is, hallowed or consecrated. A copy of one of the Gospels, on which the Saxon kings took the coronation oath, is still preserved in the British Museum. Cf. Phillips, C. L., Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 67 et sq . ; Hist. Follt. Papers, Vol. 20, p. 218-231. Chambers' Cyclop., art. Coronat. (Tr.) 1 Already in the ep. Synod. Aurelian. I. (a. 511) ad Clodoveum regem, it is said: Quia tanta ad religionis cathol. cultum gloriosae fidei cura vos excitat, ut sacerdotalis mentis affectu sacerdotes de rebus necessariis tractaturos in unum colligi jusseritis, secundum voluntatis vestrae consultationem, et titulos quos dedistis, ea quae vobis visum est definitione respondimus ; ita ut si ea, quae nos etatuimus, etiam vestro recta esse judicio comprobantur, tanti consensus regis ao domini majori auctoritate servandam tantorum firmet sententiam sacerdotum (Ilarduln, T. II., p. 1008.) Thus Charlemagne called five synods. The bishops assembled at Tours, at the conclusion of their proceedings, declared: ""We have noted down the chapters to be laid before the emperor." B'lnierim, Pt. I., p. 223. *The preface to the Synod of Mentz (813) may be taken as a particular § 161. The Church and Germanic States — Alliance, etc. 129 senxbled to provide for the good govei'nment of both orders. The institution of the Missi Dominici w as but the complement of the system of which the Mixed Synods were the legisla- tive branch. This was the Imperial Court of Judicature, formed on the model of the ecclesiastical circuit courts or diocesan visitations, and composed of clerics and laymen, who assembled four times a year to execute the laws, both ecclesiastical and civil.^ Thus, while, on the one hand, the reverence which necessarily attaches to the priestly office, and the learning and culture of the clergy, opened to them a wide sphere of action and usefulness ; on the other, the vul- gar and insolent pride of rude and barbarous princes, who, in their wild schemes of ambition and in their love of rule, entire!}' lose sight of religious principles and obligations, se- riously threatened the independence and impeded the progress and internal development of the Church. There were, how- ever, many well-disposed princes who reposed a loving and filial confidence in the Church, and contributed to bring about that beautiful harmony which shortly characterized the rela- tions of the two orders. Its results were particularly beneficial and manifest in the great empire of Charlemagne, where it formed the underlying and fundamental principle of all legis- lation. That these results were more evident here than else- instance in illustration of the harmonious action of Church and State : Inoipi- entes igitur in nomine Domini communi consensu et voluntate tractare pariter de statu verae religionis, ac de utilitate et profectu christianae plebis, convenit nobis, de nostro communi collegio clericorum seu laicorum tres facere turmas, sicut et feoimus. In prima autem turma consederunt Episcopi cum quibusdam notariis, legentes atque tractantes St. evangelium nee non epistolas et actus Apostolorum, canones quoque, etc. — diligenti studio perquirentes, quibus modis Btatum ecclesiae Dei et christianae plebis proficere et conscrvare potuissent. In alia vero turma consederunt Abbates, etc. — In tertia denique turma sederunt comites et judices, in mundanis legibus decertantes, vulgi jvistitias perquirentes omniumque advenientium causas diligenter esaminantes modis, quibus poterant, justitias terminantes. (Harzheim, Cone. Germ., T. I., p. 405.) Blnterlm^ Hist. of German Councils, Pt. I., p. 10-1 sq. "Nature of Mixed Synods," synodi snixtae. ^ The Capitularia reg. Franc, ed Baluz. Ven. contain at their head the tractatus de Missis Dominicis, Franc, de Roye Andcgavensis (T. I., p. L-CXLVIII) ; like- wise, Muratoril diss, de missis regiis (T. II., p. VI-XX), from ejusd. antiquit. Ital. med. aevi, T. I., p. 455 sq. VOL II — 9 130 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. where, is probablj' owing to the fact that, through the genius of Charl&raagne, the empire early recovered from the disas- ters consequent upon the invasion of the barbarians. § 162. Enlarged Possessions of the Church. Cf. § 127. In the early days of Christianity, the ancient and noble families of Eome, inspired by feelings of gratitude and love, ' had made large bequests to the churches of those countries now inhabited by German tribes ; but these possessions were, for the most part, lost during the shock aud convulsions which followed the migration of nations. The singular and excep- tional reverence which the Germans always entertained for their priests, and the facility with which, under the influence of Christianity, they assimilated the elements of Koman civ- ilization, seemed to indicate that this barbarous people, after it had reached some degree of civilization, would be still more generous in donations to the Church than even the early Eqmau Christians had been. This anticipation was fully realized; for, toward the close of the reign of Charle- magne, these regenerated and vigorous nations, grateful for the blessings and treasures which they had received through the Church, and, acting uuder the firm belief that such gifts would be meritorious in the sight of God,' contributed volun- tarily, abundantly, and with daily increasing generosity,^ to the maintenance of ecclesiastical institutions. But, for all this, the bulk of the clergy, as well as schools and monasteries, were frequently in great need of assistance, and the synods of Tours (a. d. 560) and 3Ia eon (a. d. 586) en- ergetically exhorted the faithful to pay the tithes ordained by Ood. Charlemagne made their payment obligatory on his subjects by a royal ordinance of the year 779, with the require- ments of which he himself faithfully complied.* But, aa many bishops and abbots began, about this time, to hold Jiefs from the crown, they acquired large possessions, and became comparatively wealthy, and also, in a measure, dependent 1 Eom. XV. 27. »Conf. Thomassini, 1. c, Pt. III., lib. I., c. 19-23. ■• Thomasstni, 1. c, Pt. III., lib. I., c. 6-^7. § 162. Enlarged Possessions of the Church. 131 upon the civil power. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that there were to be found among them ava- ricious persons who were not, at times, over-honest in the administi'ation and disposition of ecclesiastical prop- erty, and, in consequence, many synods held during the course of the seventh and eighth centuries revived ear- lier decrees of the Church, requiring that the inferior clergy should be exactly informed as to the condition of the estates of the Church, and the uses to which their reve- nues were applied. Among the Germans, as among the Greeks and Romans, it was customary for the bishops to appoint stewards or j)ro- curators,^ -to look after the administration of the ecclesias- tical domains. As the people advanced in civilization, and political governments became more stable, the administration of ecclesiastical property, whether belonging to bishops or to monasteries, was intrusted to laymen (advocati togati, armati), and, in the year 802, Charlemagne prescribed the qualifica- tions and defined the duties of these agents.^ Those who had founded churches frequently reserved to themselves and to their heirs tlie right of administering the temporal concerns of such foundations. But, while the faithful provided gen- erously for the maintenance of the Church and her clergy, from motives of piety and gratitude, warlike princes, such as Charles Martel, robbed her of lier possessions and distributed ^ Thomassini, 1. c, Pt. Ill , lib. II., c. 1 and 5-9. ^ The Eoman Prof, de Ccmiillli, in his Institutes of Canon Law, says on the subject : " Saeculo VI. and V'll., deficiente advocatia imperiali et regali, Eomani Pontifloes ex se coeperunt constituere Ecclesiarum defensores, atque idipsum cmnes ecclesiae praestiterunt. Qni defensores ex suhcliaconls plerumque assume- bantiir, pluribus aucti sunt honoribus, eisque annuus census a singulis ecclesiis persolutus est; nee eorum tantum pereonis, sed familiae ipsorum boo advocaiiae munus videbatur concessum, ita ut filii patribus in eo succederent. Atque baeo disciplina medio praesertim aevo obtinuit. — Sed rebus compositis, supremi im- perar.teb illud advocatiae munus sibi vindicarunt ; et utinam bona fide id prae- Btitissent ita ut sub praetextu tuendi Ecclesiam ejus jura non invasissent, sibique iisurpassent. En historia juris advocatiae." Hence the emperor obtained, although not the order, yet the oflSce,- of subdeaconship, at the Pope's solemn mass, and the ^^dalniailca 'imperialist^ with the fisrafiopcpuaig rov nvpiov stitched on it by Byzantine skill, is still shown in the sacristy of St. Peter's, Rome, as a relic of the times and person of Charlemagne. (Te.) 132 Period 2. IJjwch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. them among his soldiers;' and needy sovereigns, like Pepin, took the same raeang to refill the coffers that had been emp- tied by the extravagance of Merovingians. § 163. Increased Dependence of the Church upon the State — Administration of Metropolitan and Diocesan Sees. The peculiar position acenpied by the Church, Avhen brought full}' into contact with the German nations, necessarily pro- duced a very marked influence upon the episcopal office and dignity, in so far as these were connected with the merely ex- ternal aspects of social and political life. Bishops and ahhois became gradually identified with the institutions of the feudal system. As a knowledge of this system is essential to a cor- rect judgment and just appreciation of the Middle i^ges, it will be necessary to study the history of the .Franks in Gaul, where it was more fully developed than among any other people. "While it is undoubtedly true that many bishops and abbots, desirous of coming into possession of allodial estates, acted from purely sordid motives, still it can not be denied that the spiritual seed which had been so>vn among these rude people, and was now bursting into life, would never have reached its full development and maturity, had not the clergy succeeded in establishing themselves permanently in the country. This, however, could be effected only by entering into close alliance and maintaining intimate relations with the great and power- ful, who commanded the respect and obedience of the lower orders. Hence, in order that bishops and abbots might be regarded with similar feelings, it was necessary that they should become, in some sort, the equals of the nobility, and, like them, be qualified to take their places in the diet of the empire. But the only available way of rising to such distinction and consideration among a coarse and semi-civilized people was to follow the example of the lay lords of France and acquire large landed possessions, held either m freehold or in fief.^ 1 Both, Secularization (apportionment) of the estates of the Churcli under the Carlovingians (Munich Historical Annuaries, year 1865, p. 277 sq.) ^ A freehold, or allodium, was possessed in absolute independence of the lord § 163. Dependence of the Church upon the State. 133 The system of letting lands out in fief was the basis and underlying principle of the Frankish kingdom,' That bishops and abbots administered their estates with a due regard to the rights of those who dwelt upon them, seems evident, from the fact that the people always preferred to see lands pass into the possession of religious rather than eecular liege-lords. They were incomparably more happy and i;ontented under the rule of the crozier than under that of the sword. Such as held lands in fief from religious were called '' saMctuarii," or "those of the house of God." They were much better to do, obtained freedom more readily than those holding of secular lords, and were frequently promoted to the highest dignities. Hence the origin of the proverb: ^' It is good to live under the crook." Had not the Church broken through this system of brute force, filled the mind of man with high ideas, generous im- pulses, and a consciousness of his noble destiny, it would have been impossible for any merely temporal power to have led the German nation from the darkness of barbarism to the ihll light of civilization. It was with this view that bishops, ivho were truly such, used all the advantages that feudalism jilaced within their reach. They had a great and responsible mission, and they labored faithfully to accomplish it. They simeliorated the condition of the slave, gradually abolished tilavery itself, and broke down the barriers which had sepa- I'ated bondmen from free. The evil which came upon the Church by reason of her con- nection with the feudal system, will more than balance the good. The distinction between things sacred and profane was gradual!}' lost sight of ; ecclesiastics became the vassals. of kings, and, as such, mingled with the worldly, aud shared their dissipations. Then were sown the seeds of the long and terrible struggle between the throne and the altar, the Church and the Enapire. paramount; while a fief, or beneficium, "was held oa certain stated ooniUtions, generally a duty of military service. (Tk.) iConf. Luden, German Hist., Book VII., chap. 4, 5 (Pt. III., p. 285-309). Phillips, German Hist., Vol. I., J 25, p. 495 sq.; Vol. II., p. 454 sq., and the Dis- sertation, quoted on p. 407, by Lau. 131 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. Even the appointments to bishoprics, which, according to ecclesiastical canons, should have been the result of the con- current choice of the bishops of the province, and of the clergy and laity of each diocese, were wholly dependent upon the arbitrary will of princes. Whatever qualifications men s(i appointed may have jDossessed, they were not, at any rate, such as would recommend them as fit persons to preside over the destinies of the Church. They were courtiers, and not ecclesiastics. Having received their appointments, they were hastily promoted to holy orders, without regard to the rule of the Church, requiring an observance of the interstices. Moreover, as those who held land in fief became, by this very fact, the vassals of princes, such, when appointed to bishop- rics and abbotships, were required to take an oath, not only of personal, but also of feudal, fealty (the vassalagium or homa- gium) to their liege lord, by which they bound themselves to serve the king in war, to appear at court when commanded to do so, to assist at his tribunals, and to remain subject to his jurisdiction. Again, since every free-born man among the Germans was liable to military duty, and could not enter either the clerical or monastic state ^ without the permission of the government, it was necessary to recruit the ranks of the clergy from among those who, formerly serfs, bad been set free by the Church. Owing to their former inferior con- dition, they were often kept in a humiliating state of depend- ence by bishops who owed their appointments to the favor of princes, and who were naturally proud of their rank and fortune. Finally, as the duty of taking the field in time of ^Conc. Aurel. I., under Clovis, A. d. 511, prescribes, can. 4: Ut nullus saeou- larium ad clericatus oiEoium praesumatur, nisi aut cum regis jnssione aut cum judicis voluntate. (Harduln, T. II., p. 1009.) Likewise, Caroli M. capitularoa. 80P, c. 15: De liberis hominibus, qui ad servitium Dei se tradere volunt, ut prius lioc non faciant, quam a nobis licentiam postulent. (Baluz, T. I., p. 298.) It ia therefore, too, that the Oonc. Toletan. IV., A. D. 633, c. 74, permits to appoint serfs priests and deacons ; De famulis ecclesiao constituere presbyteros et dia- conos per parochias licet : qvios tamen vitae rectitude et probitas morum com- niendat ; ea tamen ratlone, ut aniea mamanissi llbertatem status sui peixiptant, et denuo ad occlesiasticos honores succedant; irreligiosum est enim obligates existere servituti, qui sacri ordinis suscipiunt dignitatem. {Ilarduin, T. III., p. 592.) § 163. Dependence of the Church upon the State. 135 war created among the clergy a taste for the j^rofession of arms, it was found necessary to enact many laws, both eccle- siastical and civil, by which all ecclesiastics were strictly for- bidden to become soldiers, to bear arms, or to engage m battle. So distasteful were such .prohibitions, that it was thought pru- dent to add a declaration totally disclaiming any intention of putting a slight upon the priesthood or the Church, by thus disqualifying ecclesiastics to bear arms.^ The Church protested against the interference of the State in the appointment of bishops, and made au eflbrt to correct the abuse, by threatening to refuse to recognize any bishop appointed by royal decree, unless he sliould also have been canonically elected by the bishops of the province.^ This 1 Cone, auctor. Bonif. a. 743, can. 2 : Servis Dei per omnia armaturam portare, vol pugnare, aut in esercitum ct in hostem pergere, omnino prohibuimus : nisi illis tantum, qui propter divinum Mysterium, missarum scilicet solemnia adim- plenda et Sanctorum patrocinia portanda ad hoc electi sunt: i. e. unum vel duos Episcopos cum capellanis et presbyteris eorum princeps secum habeat, etc. [Har-dielm, cone. Germ., T. I., p. 40. liiniertm-, Hist, of the German Councils, Vol. II., p. 117 sq.) It was, however, only when the wounding and killing of several ecclesiastics on the field of battle had produced a terrible impression, that Charlemagne opposed this abuse in a positive manner by his capitulare VIII. a. 803 : Volumus, ut nullus sacerdos in hostem pergat, nisi duo vel tres tantum Episcopi, electione caeterorum, propter benedictionem et praedicationem populique reconciliationem et cum illis electi sacerdotes, qui bene sciant populis poenitentias dare, Missas celebrare, de inflrmis curam habere, sacratique olei cum sacris precibus unctionem impendere ct hoc maxime praevidere, ne sine viatico quis de saeculo reeedat. Hi vero nee arma ferant, nee ad pugnam per- gant, — sed tantum Sanctorum pignora et sacra ministeria ferant et orationibus pro viribus insistant. (Baiuz., T. I., p. 287.) Yet it was added : Quod honores sacordotum et res ecclesiarum auferre vel minuere eis noluissernus I (1. c, p. 288.) '^Already Gregory of Tours complains of arbitrariness in conferring and acquiring ecclesiastical dignities : Jam tunc germen illud iniquum coeperat pullulare, ut sacerdotium aut venderctur a regibus aut compararetur a cleriois. (Vitae Patrum, o. 4, de St. Gallo Episc. max. bibl., T. XI., p. 989.) Likewise, Grer/or. Hist. Eranc. IV. 15, VIII. 39, IX. 23. See Phillips, Vol. I., p. 673 sq. Against such abuses, Cone. Arvei-n. a. 535, can. 2 ; Diligenter itaque (in eligendis Bacerdotibus) quisque inspiciat pretium dominiei gregis, ut soiat, quod meritum constituendi deceat esse pastoris. Episcopatum ergo desiderans, electione cleri- corura vel civium, consensu etiam metropolitan! ejusdem provineiae, pontifex ordinetur. K on patrocinia potentum adhibeat, non calliditate subdola ad con- soribcndum decretum alios hortetur praemiis, alios timore compellat. (Ilarduin, T. II., p. 1181.) Cone. Aurel. V. a. 549, can. 10: Ut nulli episcopatum praemiis 136 Period 2. E-poeh 1. PaH 1. Chapter 2, threat was, however, frequently disregarded by such as, had power to enforce their demands. Freedom of ecclesiastical elections was restored through the efforts of St. Boniface and by the decrees of Charle- macfne. The exercise of the royal sanction, a right similar to that exercised by the Graeco-Roman emperors, was looked upon as a thing of course, and no one ever thought of challeng- ing it. After St. Boniface had fully organized the hierarchy in the East-Frankish kindgom, metropolitans frequently asserted and claimed the rights belonging to their sees; but, though these rights were admitted and confirmed, the exercise of them was frequently obstructed by the anomalous political position of certain bishops. The practice of holding provincial councils annually had been almost entirely neglected, and ecclesiastical administration, morals, and discipline had suffered in conse- quence. St. Boniface therefore exerted himself to revive the practice, and, though his efforts were in a measure successful,* these synods never rose to their former importance. The aut comparatione liceat adipisci, sed cum voluntate regis juxta electionem cleri et plebis, sicut in antiquis canonibus tenetur scriptum, a metropolitano, etc. [Har- duin, T. II,, p. 1445.) Cone. Paris. III., a. 557, can. 8. {Harduin, T. III., p. 339.) Repeatedly Co7ic. Paris. V., a. 615, can. I. [Harduin, T. III., p. 551.) Gregorii M. epp. lib. XI. ep. 61. ad Chlotar. Francor. regem: Pervenit ad nos, quodsacri illic ordines cum datione pecuniae conferantur. Et vehementer affligimur, si ad Dei dona non meritis acceditur, sed praemiis prosilitur. Et quia haec simon- iaca haeresls (!) prima in ecclesia surgens, Apostolorum est auctoritate damnata, petimus, ut pro mercede vestra congregari Synodum faciatis, etc. (0pp. T. II., p. 1147 sq.) Charlemagne^ capitulare I. a. 803, c. 2: Sacrorum canonum non ignari, ut in Dei nomine sancta ecclesia suo liberius potiretur bonore, adsensum ordini ecclesiastico praebuimus, ut Episcopi per electionem cleri et populi secun- ' duni statuta canonum de propria dioecesi, remota personarum et munerum acceptione, ob vitae meritum et sapientiae donum eliganiur, ut exemplo et verbo sibi subjectis usquequaque prodesse valeant. (Baluz. T. I., p. 269.) Accord- ingly, the report of Sigebert of Gemblours, that Charles, at a Lateran synod of 163 bishops, obtained authority to fill the papal chair, and to invest all the archbishops and bishops, is a manifest forgery, occasioned by the contest on investitures. Conf. Ilefele, Hist, of Couijcils, Vol. III., p. 579. 1 Conf. Bintertm, Hist, of German Councils, Vol. II., p. 1 sq. Already Greg- ory the Great had repeatedly urged the convocation of synods in the Prankish Empire. Epp. lib. XI., ep. 55-61, ep. 63. § 163. Dependence of the Church upon the State. 137 reason of this is not far to seek. In the first place, the con- vocation of them was dependent upon the pleasure of the prince;^ and secondly, they gradually lost their strictly eccle- siastical character and became of the nature of a diet, and hence were called " Mixed Synods." Moreover, the gradually but steadily increasing authority of the popes, and the ex- tensive claims put forward and exercised bj^ papal legates, checked the growth and limited the influence of metropolitan institutions. Each bishop was strictl3' required to make an annual visitation of his diocese, and such visitations were called Synodal Courts. To facilitate the transaction, of busi- ness in these courts, dioceses were divided into districts, over each of which an areJideaeon'' presided. Instead of one arch- deacon, who had been formerly vicar-general to the bishop, there were now many — the number sometimes reaching as high as seven, as in the case of the diocese of Strasburg. Heddo, the bishop of this see, obtained the consent of Pope 1 Grerjor. Turon. hist. 3?rancor. VIII. 20. Interim dies placiti advenit et Epis- copi exjussu Regis Gunthramni apud Matescensem urbem coUecti sunt. — Sige- , bertt Kegis epist. ad Desiderium Episc. (about 050) : Nobis cum nostris proceribus convenit, ut sine nostra scientia synodale concilium in regno nostro non agatur, nee ad Istas Kal. Septemb. nulla conjunetio saccrdotum ex his, qui ad nostram ditionem pertinero noscuntur, non fiat. (Baluz. T. I., p. 101.) 'Bishops divided their dioceses into several districts {capitula ruralia), over each of which an archdeacon (archpriest? — Tk ) presided. He subsequently became subordinate to the archdeacon of the cathedral church, who, though only a deacon, and, in many instances, only a layman, exercised a more extensive and superior authority. Hence, the many protests against his encroachments and arrogance. Cone. Toletan. J.Y . a. 633, can. 39: NonnuUi diacones in tantam erumpunt superbiam, ut se anteponant atque in prime loco ipsi priores stare praesumant presbyteris in secundo choro constitutis. (llarduin, T. Ill , p. 587.) Cone. Emeritense a. 666, can. 5 : Ad suam personam (episcop.) non aliter nisi aut archipresbyterum suum diriget (in concilium); aut si archipresbytero impossi- bilitas fuerit, presbyterum utilem — a tergo Episcoporum inter presbyteros sedere, et quaeque in eo concilio fuerint acta, scire et subscribere. [llarduin, T. III., p. 1000.) Cone. Eememe (about 630), can. 19: Ut in parochiis nullus laicorum archipresbyter praeponatur. (llarduin, T. III., p. 573.) Capitulars IV., Caroli M., a. 803, c. 2: Ut laici non sint praepositi monachorum in monas- terio, nee Arehidiaconi sint laici. [Baluz. T. I., p. 303.) At the synod, held by Boniface, A. d. 745, it was decreed: Praevideant episcopi, ne cupiditas archidia- conorum suorum culpas nutriat, quia multis modis mentitur iniquitas sibi. (Bonifac. epp. ed. Wurdtwein, p. 161.) Likewise, T/iomassini 1. c, P. I., lib. II., c. 4, 5. 138 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. awpter 2. Hadrian I. to the system (a. d. 774), and was the first to organ- ize it and put it into complete working order.^ The func- tions of the chorepiscopus,^ an office which had passed into Germany from the Graeco-Eoman Empire, were early re- stricted to the ordinary duties of priests.^ § 164. The Primacy — Spiritual Power of the Popes. The respect nniversally entertained for the Head of the Church by the German people must unquestionably he ascribed to the fact that a great majority of the missionaries who came among them to preach the Gospel had been either approved or sent directly by the Holy See, and, during their stay, uni- formly consulted it on all matters affecting the religious and social condition of the faithful. Hence they knew the Bishop of Rome 07ily as the Head of the Catholic world, a preroga- tive which the popes of every age have claimed, and which the most enlightened men of this epoch constantly, distinctly, and emphatically maintained.* It is an undeniable fact that, since the days of Siricius and Leo the Great, vicars-apostolic exercised supreme jurisdiction in almost every Christian coun- ■ 'Cf. Grandtdier, Hist, de I'eglise de Strasb., Vol. I., pp. 176, 291; Vol.11., Document nro. 66. Planck, Hist, of the Organization of Eccl. Society, Vol. II., p. 584 sq. 2 See Vol. I., p. 394. ' Capit. a. 799 : Placuit, ne Chorepiscopi a quibusquam deinceps fiant, quoniam hactenus a nescientibus sanctorum Patrum et maxime Apostolicorum deoreta suisque qviietibus ac delectation! bus inhaerentibus facti sunt — a. 803: Ut hi, qui a Chorepiscopis presbyteri vel diaconi aut subdiaconi sunt ordinati, nullatenus in presbyteratus vel diaconatus aut subdiaconatus officio ministrare praesumant. {Baluz. T. I., pp. 233, 746.) Migne, ser. lat.. Vol. 97, p. 764 and p. 830. (Tk.) * Hadrian I. said of the Eoman episcopate : Sedes apostolica caput totius mundi et omnium Dei ecclesiarum — cujus sollicitudo delegata divinitus cunctis debetur ecclesiis; — a qua si quis se abscidit, fit christianae religionis extorris. — Quae de omnibus ecclesiis fas habet judicandi, neque cuiquam licet de ejus judicare judi- cio, quorumlibet sententiis ligata pontificum jus habebit, solvendi, per quos ad . unam Petri sedem universalis ecclesiae cura confluit. Cod. Carolin. ed. Cevni, Parmae, 1519. — Beda Venerabilis: Quis nesciat, beatissimum Petrum omnium Apostolorum principem luisse'f (Comment, in Joan., c. 13.) Alcuin, the great- est scholar of his age, writes, ep. 20. ad Leon. III. : Princeps ecclesiae, hujus inmiaculatae columbae, nutritor — vere dignum esse fateor, omnem illius grigis multitudinem suo pastori licet in diversis terrarum pascuis commorantem una caritatis fide subjectam esse. § 164. The Primacy — Spiritual Power of the Poises. 139 try; as, for example, in Spain, during the pontificate of Greg- cry the Great. The question submitted to the judgment of Pope Zachary by Burlvliard, bishop of Strasburg, and Fulrad, a priest of St. Denys, when they asked, in the case of Pepin, the mayor of the pahiee, and King Childeric, "if it «-ere not just that one who possessed the royal authoi'ity should also enjoy the tide of king,"' is a most striking and significant example of the e^jercise of the plenitude of power centered in the Head of tlie Church. The Pope, in giving bis decision in favor of Pepin,^ did so with strict regard to the legal aspects of the question, alleging, as his reasons, that the electoral vote of the nobles of the Germanic kingdoms should be respected, and the fact that Pepin had, in reality, if not in name, possessed and exercised the royal authoritj^ in the Prankish kingdom for years. Thns did the Pope strengthen the authority and consecrate the temporal power of Pepin by imparting to them a divine sanction, and giving orders to Boniface to crown him king, at Soissons (a. d. 752). The ceremony of coronation was performed for Charlemagne about a half a century later. Speaking of the relations of this prince to the Holy See, even Voltaire says: "If, at this time, the kingdom of Charlemagne alone possessed some measure of culture, this is probably to bo ascribed to the fact that the emperor had made a journey to Rome." The bishops assembled at the first German Synod, held in the year 742, promised, under oath, to render eanoniccd obe- dience to the Fope:^ aild those summoned by Charlemagne to examine into the charges brought against Leo III. promptly 1 It is a remarkable and significant fact, that no writer of that ago challenged the validity or legality of this decision. Cf Phillips, Hist, of Germ., Vol. I., p. 522-527. 2 Bonifacii ep. 105, in Serarius (max. hibl. T. XIII., p. 113) : Decrevimus autem ill nostro synodali conventii et confessi sumus fidem catholicam et unitatem, et subjectionem Eomanae ecclesiae, fine' tenus vitae nostrao, velle sorvare: fclt. Petro et vicario ejus velle subjici: synodum per omnes annos congregare: Metropolitanos pallia ab ilia sede quaerere: et per omnia praecopta Petri cano- nice sequi desiderare, ut inter oves sibi commendatas numeremur. Cf WUrcU- wein, ep. 7?., p. 179. Mansi, T. XII., p. 365. See the oath taken by Boniface above, on p. 114. 140 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Cha.jpter 2. and emphatically declared that "it was the right of the Pojpe to judge them, but not theirs to judge him."^ Even the Prankish Capitularies recognized the right of the Bishop of Rome to examine and approve or reject the decrees of provincial synods.^ The metropolitans of the Frankish Empire, like those of the Graeco-Roman, regularly received the pallium from the Pope ; and here, also, bishops suffering from the oppression of ambitious metropolitans, and priests unjustly persecuted by their bishops, sent their complaints and made known their griefs to the common father of the faithful, from whom they uniformly obtained justice.^ The emperor Constantiue Pogonatus (a. d. 668-685) granted the Roman clergy and people full freedom in the election of popes, and Leo II. (a. d. 682-683) and Beiiedict II. (f a. d. 685), who ascended the papal throne in his reign, were consecrated without even having been confirmed by either the emperor himself or the exarch of Ravenna. It would appear, how- ever, that this privilege was withdi-awn, under succeeding popes, on account of the determined resistance which they, during the reign of Justinian II. (a. d. 685-695, when he was expelled, and after his return, in the year 705, he reigned till A. D. 711), offered to the decrees of the Trullan Synod of 692. Leo the Isaurian, who, besides being an iconoclast, was also a despot, showed still less favor to Rome, and endeavored, by every instrument of power at his command, to enslave the Church, because the popes Gregory' II. (a. d. 715-731) and Gregory III. (a. d. 731-741) firmly resisted his decrees requir- ing the destruction of statues and images. Neither is it probable that freedom of election was permitted in the choice of the six succeeding popes, all of whom, from Conon (fA. d. 1 Gonf. Bardutn, T. IV., p. 936. Mamt,, T. XIII., p. 1044. Alcutni ep. 92. 2 Capitular, lib. VII., cap. 349 : Ut comprovincialis synodus retractetur per vicarios urbis Komao Episcopi, si ipse deoreverit. [Baluz. T. I., p. 735, from capit. Angilramni, c. 42, at the end of tbe eighth century ; cf. Baluz. T. I., p 195.) Boniface likewise sent the acts of the councils held by him, for examina- tion and approbation, to Kome. = 3ueh appeals had been recognized by the Council of Sardl-a. held A. D. 343. See Vol. I., p. 671, note 1. § 165. Temporal Power of Popes — States of the Church. 141 687) to Constautiue (a. d. 708-715), were either Greeks or Syrians. Even after the Popes had rid tliemselves of the yoke of the Greek Empire, and escaped tlie still more de- grading bondage of the Lombards; and after they had, at a critical moment, asserted and maintained their political inde- pendence, still the electio.i. of a pope was liable to dangers of no ordinary magnitude. The people and the clergy now enjoyed perfect freedom, but their interests seem to have clashed; for, while the former regarded only the political, the latter looked chiefly to the ecclesiastical qualifications of the candidates. In this unsettled condition of the Roman Church, the jjolil;- ical and religious importance of which was daily on the in- crease, a system of election was required, which, while moie eonfoi^mable to the genius of her constitution, would be a pledge of future peace and security. § 165. Temporal Power of the Popes — Establishment of the States of the Church. I. Monumenta dominationis Pontifioiae seu cudex Carolinused. Cenni, Eomae, 1760, 2 T. 4to. (i. e. epp. Greg. III. usque ad Hadrian I., ad Carol. Martell., Pipin., Carlmann. et Carol. M.) ''•Theiner, Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis St. Sedis, Eomae, 1861 sq., 3 T. fol. II. V'Orsi, deir origine del dominio e della sovranita dei Eomani Ponteflci sopra gli Stati lore temporalmente soggetti, llom. 1754. Muzzarelli, Dominio temporale del Papa, 1789. '^Phillips, Hist, of Germ., Vol. II., p. 239-253. Sa- vlgny, Hist, of Eoman Civil Law during the Middle Ages, 2d ed. Heidelberg, 1834, Vol. I., p. 357-396, "Eavenna and Eome under the Popes and the Empe- rors." Leo, Hist, of Italy, Vol. I., p. 187-189. ■\''> Scharj>ff, Origin of tlie States of the Church, Preiburg, 1860. '\Brandes, The world-wide Importance of the Creation of the States of the Church (Tiibg. Quart. 1848, nro. 2). \Schrodl, The Vote of the Catholic World on the Necessity of the Temporal Power and Sovereignty of the Holy See, together with a Hist, of the Else of the States of the Church, Preiburg, 1867. Grcgorovius, Hist, of the City of Eome, etc., Vol, II., p. 304 sq. Reumont, ibid. Vol. II., p. 127 sq. Tk. Adds.: DoUlnrjer, in th« Mimich Historical Anuuary of 1865, p. 300 sq. Card. Soglia, Institutionea Juris publici et privati. Eccl. ed. 10, Boscoduci (Herzogenbusch.), Vol. I., I 42, p. 257-284. Scharpff, who has treated the establishment of the States of the Church with great clearness and fidelity, divides the sub- ject into three sections, corresponding to its three leading 142 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. historical aspects. In the first of these, he treats of the grad- ually' increasing extent of the estates of the Koman Church, or the Patrimoniam Petri, down to the time of Gregory the Great; in the second, of the Papacy as the protecting power of Rome and of several of the Greek provinces in Italy; in the third, of the de facto sovereignty of the Popes, which, he says, was, under the circumstances, a legitimate title to su- preme civil authority, into which it shortly developed. "We shall confine ourselves principally to a consideratioa of the questions involved in the last two sections. ^o countrj' sufiercd as much as Italy from the devastating incursions of the barbarians. In seasons of greatest danger and distress, the inhabitants, forsaken by the Greek Emperors and the Exarchs at Ravenyia, naturally turned to the Popes for comfort and assistance; and, in matter of fact, Rome herself was saved by their coui'ageous interference. It was Leo the Great who stopped and turned hack Attila, at the head of the Huns, and Genseric, at the head of the Vandals. Again, it was Pope Zachary who confronted the Lombard kings Luit- prand and Rachis (a. d. 74:1 and 750), and saved Rome from the terror of their arms. " If," says John von Muller, " the ques- tion be decided by natural justice, then- is the Pope the right- ful Lord of Rome ; for, without him, Rome would not now exist." As time went on, the Lombards of Upper Italy, having ex- tended their conquests and taken possession of the duchies of Bericventum and Spoleto, spread a sense of insecurity and danger throughout the city of Rome. Hence Gregory the Great, while acting as a mediator between the Lombard Kings and the Exarchs of Ravenna, who were at war with each other, was careful to avert, as far as possible, all danger from Rome, and to provide for the prosperity of her temporal interests. By this policy of careful mfinagement, the city of Rome increased in political importance, till, with the patri- mony of St. Peter, consisting of cities and towus scattered over Italy and the island of Sicily, it became a sort of principality u::der the suzerainty of Byzantium. But, when the popes Greg- ory II. and Gregory III. opposed the decrees of the iconoclastic emperors, the latter seized such of the papal estates as were § 165. Temporal Power of Popes — States of the Church. 143 situated in Southern Italy and Sicily, and even made an at- tempt to arrest the Pope himself. In the meantime, great dis- orders broke out in Rome and in the provinces of Italy belong- ing to the emperor, which the Lombard kings made every effort to turn to their own advantage. Luitprand and Rachis, after having made many conquests, marclied on Rome, and were prevented from taking the city onh' by the energy, tact, and eloquence of Pope Zachary (a. d. 743-750), with whom they entered into a treaty of peace. The peace was of short.dura- tion. After the treaty had been broken by King Aistulf (Aistulphus), Pope Stephen III. (a. d. 752-757), weak and in- iirm, and regardless of the danger that might befall him in the country of the Lombards, set out, amid the tears of all Rome, to implore for Italy the aid and p)rotection of Pepin. Some years previously (a. d. 741), Gregory III. had crossed the Alps on a similar mission to Charles Martel, the father of Pepin; but this prince, who governed the French mon- archy uuder the modest title of Mayor, was too much occu- pied at home to think of any foreign enterprise, and while he received the Pope with respectful reverence, dismissed liira without acceding to his wishes.' Pepin was not un- mindful that Childeric III. had been deposed and he himself raised to the royal dignity by the authority of Pope Zachary (a. d. 752), and felt that it was now his duty to espouse the cause of the Father of Christendom. He received Pope Stephen with every demonstration of respect, assured him of his good will, and promised to march at the head of an army to his assistance. The Pope in turn appointed Pepin pro- tector of the Church of Rome, under the title of Patricius of Rome, and anointed his son King. Pepin crossed the Alps with his army, in the company of Stephen, and having, in this and a second expedition undertaken in the year following (a. d. 755), completely overcome Aistulphus and forced him to restore the possessions and respect the rights of the Church of Rome, " donated to St. Peter, to the Church, and to the Roman Republic," the cities that had formerly belonged to ' Cf. John von Miiller, Journeys of the Popes, and Papencordt, Hist, of the City of Kome, p. 80 sq. 144 Period 2. Epoch 1. PaH 1. Chapter 2. the Greek Exarchate and to the Pentapolis (a. d. 756).' This " Donatioa,"'which is meutioned only in a casual Avay and in general terms by the most trustworthy authors, is given in detail hy Anastasius the Librarian, who specifies the following places as included in the grant, viz : Ravenna, Ariminium (Rimini), Pisaurum (Pesaro), Concha (which has long since ceased to exist), Fanum (Fano), Cesinae (Cesena), Sinogallia (Siuigaglia), Aesium (Jesi), Forum Pompilii (Porumpopuli), Formn Livii (Forli) with the castle of Sassubium, Montefeltri, Acerres (not identified), Agiomonte (Monte Maggio, near San Mariuo), Mons Lucati (Monte Luco), Serra, Castrum St. Ma- rini, Bobium (Bobbio), Orbino, Gallis,{G&g\\), Lucioli (Lxxcerh), Fugubio (Gnhhio), Comiaclum (Comachio), and Civitas Narnien- sis (ISTarni). Anastasius also adds : " Fulrad, Abbot of St. Denys and Plenipotentiary of Pepin, visited all the cities enumerated, in the company of the Lombard deputies, from whom he received the keys of each place, and laid them on the tomb of St. Peter." ^ The Greek emperor, Coustantine Copronymus, a persecutor of the Church, desirous of turning the Prankish victories to his own profit, demanded, through his embassadors, the resti- tution of all the territory previously taken from him by the Lombards. But to this demand Pepin refused to accede. " The Franks," said he, " have not shed their blood for the Greeks, but for St. Peter and the salvation of their own souls. Neither will I break my word for any vjorldly consideration." The in- habitants of these countries, having been long accustomed to regard the Pope as their rightful sovereign and faithful guardian, considered that Pepin, in making this grant, had done no more than restore to the Pope what had been unlaw- ' Vido Theiner, "Codex diplomaticus dominii S. S. Komae, 1861, and Soglia, 1. 1., p. 258. (Tk.) 2 The deed of "Donation" is lost, but Anastasius states positively that he saw the document. The extent of territory included in the "Donation" is still greater according to Justiniis Fontani: Istoria del Dominio temporals della Sedo Apostolica del Duoato di Parma o Piacenza, Eome, 1720. Conf. Mura- tori, Annali d'ltalia, T. IV., p. 310 sq., ejusdem antiquitates Ital. med. aev., T. I., p. 64 sq., V. 790; Sabbathier, Essai hist. orit. sur I'origine de la puissance temporelle des Papes, a la Haye, 1765, 4tO/ § 165. Temporal Power of Popes — States of the Church. 145 fully taken from him.^ The Romans furthermore promised Pepin that for the future they would obey the Pope as their king.^ After the death of Pepin, Desiderius, king of the Lom hards, made another attempt to get possession of Rome and the Exarchate. To avert the threatened danger, an appeal for aid was made to Charlemagne hy Pope Hadrian I. (a. d. 772-795). This prince responded to the appeal of Hadrian with as much alacrity as his father had to that of Stephen, and, having ci'ossed the Alps and subdued the Lombards, marched to Rome, which he entered with the permission of the Pope, and confirmed the donation of Pepin, to which he added some 2^i"ovinces in Northern and Central Italy, among which were the island of Corsica and the duchies of Benevento and Spoleto? But of these additional gifts of Charlemagne, ' Gf. Siephan. III. ep. ad Domin. Pipinum Eegem an. 754 : Propria vestra vol- untate per donationls paginam beato Petro sanctaeque Dei eoclesiae et reipub- licae, civitates et \oca,restiUienda conflrmastis ( C'enni, 1. c, p. 75). Annal. Fuldens. Haistulfum — res St. Petri reddere Sacramento constrinxit. See 0?-s-i, 1. c, Cap. 6, p. 101 sq. ^ Ep. Populi Senatusque Eom. ad Domin. Pipin. Keg. : At vero in ipsis vestris mellifluis apicibus nos salutaris providentia vestra et avimonere praecellentia vestra siuduit, firmos nos ac Jideles permanere debere erga Beat. Peirum, principem Apostolorum, et sanctam Dei ecolesiam et circa beatissimum et evangelicum spiritalem patrem vestrum a Deo deoretum Dominum nostrmn Paulum Sum- mum Pontificem et universalem Papam, etc. (Cenni, 1. c, p. 141.) 'There is no positive proof tliat any addition was ever made to the first "Do- nation." The only documents bearing directly on the subject are the account given by Anastasius, -which was written a century after the transaction is said to have taken place, and Codex Carolinus; but these two instruments contradict each other. Cf. de Marca, de Concordia Sacerd. et Imper. III. 11. — Mock, de Donatione a Carolo M., etc., Monast. 1861. The words of Pope Hadrian I., which follow, are still more remarkable. They are addressed to Charlemagne, and some have maintained that they contain an appeal to a donation supposed to have been made by Constanitne the Great to Pope Sylvester: "Et sicut temporibus St. Sylvestri a piissimo Const. M. imp. per ejus largitaiem Rmnana JScclesia elevaia atque exaltata est, et potestatem in his Hesperiae partibus largiri dignatus est — ecce novus christianissimus Coustantinus imperator his temporibus surrexit, per quem omnia Deus sanetae eccles. Apos- tolorum principis Petri largiri dignatus est. Sed et cuncta alia, quae per diversos imperatores, Patricios etiam et alios Deum timentes pro eorum animae mercede ot Tenia delictorum in partibus Tusciae, Spoleto seu Benevento atque Corsica VOL. II — 10 1.46 Period 2. E'poch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. the Pope retained possession only of the Exarchate and the duchies of Rome and Spoleto.^ After the capture of Desid- — . ^5 Bimul ct Sabinensi patrimonia Petro Apostolo concessa sunt, et — vestris tempo- ribus restituantur." (Cod. Carolin., T. I., p. 352.) While Muraiori, in his History of Italy, only ventured to say that the words printed in italics seemingly contain an allufdon to a supposed donation of Con- stantine, later historians have boldly asserted that they express a plain and undeniable /aci!. Dollinger, referring to these words, in his Papal Fables, p. 76, says: "It is quite plain, and may be easily proven by comparison of analogous expressions, ' that these words were only intended to convey the idea that Constantine exalted the Roman Church by his rhunificence, and conferred upon her certain grants of power in these countries of the West." Cf. the Donation of Constantine; Keview of Dollinger' s Papal Pables of the Middle Ages, Civilta Cattolica, German translation, Mentz, 1866, p. 21 et sq. 1 Even down to the present day, many doubts of a very different and some- times ingenuous character have been raised as to the justice of this donation. Cf. Phillips, 1. c. Vol. II., p. 248. In addition to the words of John von Miiller, given in the text, we will add the remarkable and weighty passage from So- vigny, 1. c. Vol. I., p. 361 : " This affair can not be regarded as an usurpation of the rights of the Eastern Emperor, who was himself but an usurper in Italy. For it should not be for- gotten that the Greeks, instead of wishing to restore this half of the empire, which they had already lost, to its former condition, treated Italy as a conquered province and, with excessive harshness, refusing to recognize her ancient dig- nity, or to restore her former constitution and power. Such being the condition of affairs, the assertion that the Prankish king exercised a sort of suzerainty over this country is simply inadmissible. The truth is, the Pope was himself the representative of an authority which rested on an entirely independent title," etc. Charles A. Menzel, Hist, of the Germans, Book III., chap. 16, Vol. I., p. 448, Bays : " It is impossible either ti.. question the right or to doubt the justice of the donation. Por, from the time that Belisarius and Narses conquered Italy, this country had never been considered by the court of Constantinople as part of the empire, or one of the seats of government, but, on the contrary, had been regarded as a conquered province. On what ground, then, could the tyrants of the East claim back conquests which had already passed into other hands, and which they could neither govern nor defend ? Judging from the tone Df certain modern historians, it would seem that, by some Providential arrangO' ment, all the countries of Europe, as far as the Puhine and the Danube, should be forever subject to the Byzantine yoke, and that any attempt to get rid of this yoke would be an unpardonable sin. Home accomplished under her bishops what other nations accomplished under their kings. She seized a favorable mo- ment to shake off the yoke of a stranger, and sunder unnatural relations. There is neither a European prince nor people able to advance claims to the possession of territory stronger than those of Eome ; she had asserted her freedom, and § 166. Christian German or Roman Empire of the West. 147 erius, Charlemagne abolished the kingdom of the Lombai'da and assumed the title of King of the Franks and Lombards. In the year 800, during the pontificate of Leo III. (a. d. 796-816), Charlemagne came to Eome, and, on Christmas day, placed upon the tomb of St. Peter the ''Donation" made by his father and increased by himself, and received the im perial crown from the hands of the Pope. Thus was laid the foundation of an institution which has no parallel in history, but which was hinted at, centuries before, by Pope Gelasius.' § 166. Foundation of the Christian German or Restoration of the Roman Empire of the West. Phillips, Hist, of Germ., Vol. II., ?? 47, 48 : Eelation of the Pope with the Emperor, p. 253 sq. Giesehrecld, Hist, of the Times of the German Emperors, Vol. I., 2d ed., p. 121 sq. Ficker, The German Empire, in its Universal and National Eelations, Innsbr. 1861. Niehues, Hist, of the Eelations between the Empire and the Papacy, Miinster, 1863, Vol. I., p. 545-593. "What is the Ein- pire?" (Hist. Polit. Papers, Vol. 31, p. 665-704.) DSUinger, Exit of the Old Empire in the West (Munich Hist. Annuary, for 1865). tKampschulte, Hist, of the Middle Ages, Bonn, 1864. The establishment of the Germano-Roman Empire was not the result of any well-conceived plan devised by man, but maintained it for a century. Besides this unimpeachable title, there is still another, not indeed of equal importance, but still perfectly valid, viz., the title of retaliation. The Greek Emperor had seized the estates of the Church situ- iited in Lower Italy, and, having done so, the Pope could not refuse to accept them as an indemnification for what he had lost." The impartial testimony of Herder confirms the above: "Were all the empe- r:irs, kings, princes, and cavaliers of Christendom obliged to make good the claims by which they rose to power, then might the man (the Pope) wearing the triple crown and adored at Eome, borne aloft upon the shoulders of peace- able priests, bless them, and say : ' Without mo, you would not be what you are.' The Popes have preserved antiquity, and Eome should remain the peace- ful sanctuary of the precious treasures of the past." (Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind, Stuttg. 1827 et seq., in 16 Parts, Vol. IV., p. 108.) Even Napoleon I., when a prisoner on the island of St. Helena, said of the States of the Church : " Ages have called them into existence, and it is a blessing that they have done so." Pius IX., in a letter written lately to the Bishop of Wiirzburg, made this straightforward and irrefragable statement: "It is well known to all that the Bishops of Eome came into possession of their temporal power by disposition of Divine Providence, to the end that they might exercise the functions of their office more effectually, and without hindrance, in all countries." 'See Vol. I., p. 649. 148 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. rather the consequence of a series of providential circumstances. This view seems to be borne out by its subsequent history and the great and exceptional influence it exercised upon succeeding events. The assertion advanced by certain au- thors, that the establishment of this empire consisted in sim- ply transferring to the West the imperial dignity of the East, can not be sustained,^ because the rights and prerogatives of the Greek emperors were in no sense impaired by the eleva- tion of Charlemagne. It v^^as neither more nor less than a restoration of the Western Empire ; and, though a purely polit- ical institution^ possessed characteristics p>eculiar to itself. Pope Stephen had bestowed upon Pepin the title of Patri- ciiis or Protector of the Roman Church,^ but when the latter was once in the full exercise of the functions which that title implied, the transition to the more imposing name of " Em- peror" was easy and natural. Hence Leo III. actually he- stowed the imperial crown upon Charles, on Christmas day, in the year 800, amid the joyful acclamations of the people, who cried out: '^Long life and success to the good Charles Au- gustus, the pacific Emperor of the Romans, v)hom. God has crowned." The Pope, having anointed his forehead with holy oil, was the first to pay homage to the new emperor. The august ceremony did not, indeed, confer upon the em- peror any new grant of power, but it added a fresh lustre and a divine sanction to his authority. This act simply restored the relations which had existed between the Pope and the Emperor in the days of Theodosius. Although established on quite a diflt'erent basis, and with a very different scope,' ^ Bellarmlnus, S. J., De trauslatione (?) imperii a Graecis ad Francos advers. f lacium lilyr., libb. III., Antv. 1589, and in opp. omn. Even DolUnger, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 153, says : " The empire, the supreme autlaority of whicli was traivsferred to Charlemagne, was one which united the eastern and western parts of the Eoman Empire," etc. (Tk.) ''■ Pairievus, i. e. as Savigny says in his Hist, of Roman Law in the M. A., Vol. I., p. 360, a lieutenant or governor with an independent pov/sr, such as had hitherto been exercised by the exarch of Eavenna. See Palma, prael. h. e., T. II., c. VII., p. 59-68, "De Eomano Patriciatu." Gre^roroCT'iis, Hist, of Eome, Vol. II., p. 503-513. ' Of. Pagil critica in annal. Baronii ad a. 800, and ah Ekhwrt, Erancia orient, T. II., p. 7. 166. Christian German or Roman Empire of the West. 149 still everything — even the coins, seals, and inscriptions — pro- claimed that it was onl^'- a restoration of the Western Umpire (Renovatio Imperii). Charlemagne frequently and publicly avowed that this sudden elevation was a surprise to him, and that he was at a loss to account for it ; bnt he soon came to regard it as a providence of God, carried into eftect by the ibe visible Head of the Church.^ The establishment of the Western Empire put an end to the conflicts of the migratory Germanic tribes, and served as the keystone of the great political fabric into which the Ger- manic States were consolidated. Each of the Germanic na- tions, possessing individual and well-defined traits of charac- ter, and holding as a political axiom the principle that every commonwealth should be an outgrowth and expression of these distinctive traits, would consent to no system of cen- tralization, if the empire representing such did not itself recognize some superior and, universal piower, which might form a point of contact and a center of union for all. They all recognized the Church as such, and hence the Western Empire, being established on a thoi-otighly Christian basis, was called " The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation." The belief of the ancient Romans, that their eijipire was des- tined to endure for all time and bring all the nations of the world under one law, was analogous to the promise contained in the Gospel, that all the followers of Christ should be gath- ered into one fold and under 07ie Shepherd. The object, therefore, of the Church in establishing the empire, was to unite all nations by the one bond of Christian fellowship, and she impressed upon the mind of the Emperor the conviction that he was called of God to act as mediator and pacificator among all the States of Christendom. Hence, owing to the peculiar and intimate relations of the Emperor to the Church, and, in virtue of the command of Christ,^ he had, in a certain sense, a duty to bring the Pagan States' 'It 5s therefore Charles called himself Carolus, divino nutu coronatus, Eo- mantiin gerens Impermm, serenissimus Augustus. Capit. addit. ad leg. Longo- bard. [Balm., T. I., p. 247) ; again, a Deo Coronatus. [Baluz., T. I., pp. 341, 345.) '' Mat. xxviii 18. 150 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chajpter 2. of the West^ within the limits of his authority, that they might in this way be converted to Christianity. Charle- magne, too, seems to have been fully impressed with this great idea, and to have endeavored to carry it into effect by forming a family alliance with the imperial house of tho East, which he foresaw would bring all the kingdoms of the earth within the limits of his empire. It was never expected, however, that this universal empire (Imperium mundi) should confer upon him actual territorial jurisdiction, but only a supremacy of honor and authority over all other sovereigns. On the other hand, it was a duty incumbent on him, above all other princes, to honor and defend the Church, to main- tain her rights and prerogatives, and to set an example of fidel- ity to other sovereigns. Hence, Charlemagne, inspired with a thoroughly Christian sentiment, styled himself the devoted defender and humble protector of the Holy Church and of the Apostolic Roman See? Still, it should be borne in mind that neither was subject to the other, but that their relations were mutually co-ordinate, each rendering and receiving hom- age in his own sphere, and hence they gave each other the kiss on the mouth, an ancient form of salutation (adoration), expressive of -mutual homage. The oath o//m% (fidelitas), therefore, which the Emperor took to the Pope, as the Head of the Church, was simply a solemn expression of respect and reverence to his person, and was precisely the same in char- acter as that taken by the Pope to the Emperor. Moreover, the authority of the Pope over Rome and the States of the Church, as they had been established during the course of ' Conf. Elchhorn, Hist, of the German States and their Laws, Vol. I., | -36. 2 Ego Carolus gratia Dei ejusque misericordia donante Eex et rector rogni Francorum et demius sanctae ecclesiae defensor humilisque adjutor, in the prae- fatio Capitular., lib. I. [Baluz., T. I., p. 475.) In like manner do the bishops, assembled at Mentz (813), address him thus: Gloriosissimo et christianissimo • Imp. Carol. Aug. verae religmnis rectori ac defensoriSi. Dei ecclesiae, etc. (Man- heim., T. I., p. 405.) Of. capitulum de honoranda' sede apostolica a. 801 : Id memoriam beaii Petri Apostx>li honoremus sanciam Rom. et apostol. sedem, ut V"" nobis saeerdotalis mater est dignitatis, esse debeat magistra ecclesiasticae rationis. Quare servanda est cum mansuetudine humilitas, ut licet vix ferendum ab ilia sancta sede imponatur jugum, feramus et pia devotione toleremus. (Balm., T. I., p. 255.) ^ ' § 166. Christian German or Roman JSm.pire of the West. 151 the eighth century, remained, after the coronation of Charle- magne, just what it had been before — neither greater nor less. But the Pope, having acknowledged Charlemagne as supreme temporal ruler, was obliged, as sovereign of the States of the Church, equally with all other secular princes, to recognize the imperial supremacy of the Emperor over Rome and the Ro- man States. Apart from this general supervision of the in- terests of the Church, there was still a more particular sense in which the Emperor might take upon him to look after her concerns; for, being Patricius of Rome, or defender and guardian of the Church's political and secular rights, he might exercise a certain immediate jurisdiction in Rome. Difficulties having shortly arisen between the two, in conse- quence of the excessive claims of each, it became necessary to define more precisely the limits of their respective rights. This, in fact, was no more than a dictate of prudence; for, being the representatives of divine authority, and commis- sioned to work in harmony, in parallel lines of action — the one for the corporal, the other for the spiritual welfare of Christian nations — mutually sustaining and aiding each other in the great work of leading mankind on to its appointed des- tiny, it was but natural that, before entering upon the duties of their respective offices,^ they should reciproccdly recognize and he ready to respect each others rights. ' The following are, the words of the Council of Paris, held A. D. 829, capitu- lar, lib. v., cap. 319 : Principaliter itaque St. Dei ecclesiae corpus in duas eximias personas: in sacerdotalem videlicet et regalem, sicut a SS. Patrihus traditum accepimus, divisum esse novimus. De qua re Gelasius, Eom. Sedis venerah. Episcopuri, ad Anastasium Imperat. ita soribit : duae sunt quippe imperatrices augustae, quibus principaliter mundus hie regitur : auctoritas sacrata Pontificum et regalis potestas, in quibus tanto gravius pondus est Sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis Eegibus hominum in divine reddituri sunt examine rationem. (Harduin, T. II., p. 893 Majzsi, T. VIII., p. 31. Cf. our Ch. H., Vol. I., p. 649.) Pul- gentius quoque in libro de veritate praedest. et gratiae ita scribit, lib. II., c. 22 . Quantum pcrtinet ad hujus temporis vitam, in ecclesia nemo Pontifice potior et in saeculo christiano Imperatore nemo celsior invenitur. (Max. bibl. T. IX., p. 247; also Baluz., T. I., p. 595, and T. II., p. 807 sq.) Although this passage, in its partial application, be in fact pseudo-Isidorian, still it contains nothing but what was then the generally received view. The words of the epitaph written by Charlemagne for Pope Hadrian are very significant : Nomina jungo simul tiUilis, Clarissimt., nostra : Hadrianns, Carolus, Hex ego, tuque Pater. 152 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 1. Chapter 2. The Pope, having invested Charlemagne with the imperial dignity, and sanctioned his universal supremacy in the eyes of the Christian world, reserved to himself, for the future, the right of crowning Christian emperors. The Emperor, on the other hand, in virtue of the alliance between the Church and the Empire, and, by the authority of precedents, obtained the privilege of confirming the election of the Head of the Church. CHAPTER in. EELIGIOUS LIFE — THE CLERGY DISCIPLINE. ^Ozanam, Establishment of Christianity in Germany, and the moral and spir- itual Education of the Germans. Transl. from the French into German, llunich, 1845; in his Oeuvres completes, 8 vols., Paris, 1855-1856, Vol. IV. (Te.) § 167. Religious Life. To give an idea of the perfection to wbich the evangelical counsels were carried during this epoch, it will be sufficient to enumerate a few of the glorious uames which history has enshrined and the Church holds in honor. These are Pat- rick, Columba, Augustine, Columbanus, Gall, Severin, Valen- tine, Kilian, Emmeram, Rupert, Corbinian, Boniface, Ludger, Willehad, Yiho, and Hadumar, among missionaries and na- tional apostles ; and among those holy monks and abbots who spent their lives in the retirement of their monasteries, train- ing up hosts of saintly and devoted souls, through whose labors and influence the spirit of true religious life and solid piety was infused into the masses of the people, the great names of Gregory of Utrecht, Sturm of Fulda, Venerable Bede, and many others, deserve honorable mention. But the corruption prevalent among men of every condi- tion and rank, from kings — and notably those of the Mero- vingian dynasty — down to the meanest of their subjects, forms a shocking and repulsive contrast, when placed side by side with this life of evangelical perfection. The account of it which has come down to us from the pen of Gregory of Tours is simply startling.^ But between these two extremes of perfection and profligacy, there is a third phase, representing the everj'-day life of the German people. These were still full of the strong vigor of youth, enthusiastic and warlike, ^Lobell, Gregory of Tours and his Age, Lps. 1839. Kries, de Gregorii Turou. vita et scriptis. Vratisl. 1848. (163) 154 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 3. passionately fond of the pleasures of Pagan feasts and given to idolatry, obstinately attached to their ancient customs and the votaries of magic, divination, necromancy, and other su- perstitious and inhuman practices. But the Church, in the meantime, not forgetting her holy mission, went about her work as became the Spouse of Christ, dispensing her treasures of divine grace, teaching her chil- dren to be virtuous, sending her missionaries into every land to instruct, to consecrate, and to direct, making herself all things to all men, that she might gain all and ennoble all. She alone was capable of preserving a sense of the true and the good in these barbarous people, so abruptly brought into contact with a corrupt and an eflete civilization. But, while possessing this strong but vague and undeveloped sense of the true, their mental habits were so out of harmony with the methods of Christian thought, that they were at first incapa- ble of receiving more than the most elementary and meager Gospel-teaching concerning the existence of God, the immortal- ity of the soul, the everlasting happiness of Heaven, and the end- less torments of hell. The great and essential truths of Chris- tianity, such as the doctrine of justification in Jesus Christ, the doctrine of grace, and the counsels of Christian perfection, were quite beyond and above the comprehension of the hulk of the people. The tendency in this people to set a great value on the things of earth, and to judge of everything as it appeared to the senses, will sufficiently account for their desire to see the Head of the Church and their bishops the equals of secular' princes, and for the sacrifices which they 1 There is a very characteristic example of this popular prejudice in favor of a showy exterior, even as late as the twelfth century. The Spanish priest Eemr hard, who had been sent as a missionary into Pomerania, was treated with great disrespect by the inhabitants because of his humble and unprepossessing exte- rior. They could not conceive why the Lord of Heaven and earth should be pleased to have a beggar as His representative. John von Miiller, speaking on the same subject, says very justly : " Barbarians are quite incapable of appreciating what does not fall within the province of the senses. Their bishops, therefore, should display a certain magnificence, and their solitaries be distinguished by deeds of extraordinary power, if they would exert any influence over them." (Hist, of Switzerland, Stuttg. 1832, 16mo, Pt I., p. 138.) § 167. Religious Life. 155 were willing to make to carry this desire into effect. The Church therefore saw herself obliged either to e.xercise a cer- tain condescension and forbearance in dealing with the deeply seated Pagan pi-ejudices of these rude people, or to give up altogether their education and their future. This considera- tion will also sufficiently explain why, in spite of many and emphatic remonstrances, the Church was unable to eradicate at once the Pagan trials by ordeal, or, as they were called, judgments of God. She at iirst exerted lier influence and au- thority to abolish such of the ordeals as could not be prac- ticed without imminent danger to the life of the contestants, by substituting the oath in their stead wherever possible. The ceremouy of taking the oath was surrounded with circum- stances at once impressive and solemn. It was performed in c/ittrcA^ and accompanied with religious rites; and the inno- cence of the person on trial was attested by seven sworn wit- nesses or compurgators (the " septima manus" or "conjura- tores"), taken from his immediate neighbors and bearing . reputations of unimpeachable honesty. But wherever it was impossible either to abolish ordeals or substitute in their stead other modes of trial, the Church as-, sumed the charge of conducting them, and, following the precedent of St. Peter,^ entered upon them only after having commended the cause of the accused to God in solemn prayer. So universal was the practice of trial by ordeal, that provis- ions for it were incorporated among the laws of Charle- magne — a circumstance which rendered its abolition a long and difficult task.' ' Omne saoramentum in ecclesia juretur, is enjoined by a capttulare of the year 744, c. 14. On the so-called cojurers as a means of proving anything in favor of the accused, see Harzheitn, Cone. Germ., T. I., p. 366. 2 Acts i. 24. 'These ordeals or judgments of God (from the ancient German or, great, and dele or daele, part, portion, lot, or deal, = German Urtheil) are to be found among all nations. They were practiced among the Greeks and Komans, in China, Japan, and East India, but particularly among the Germans, of whom Tacitus (German., c. 10) says; " Auspicia sortesque ut qui maxime observant," etc. These people were so attached to them tliat it seemed almost impossible to correct the abuse. Hence, Luitprand, King of Lombardy, declared: "Incorti sumus de judioiis Dei, et multos audivimus per puguam sine justitia causam 156 Period 2. E'poch 1. Part 1. Chapter 3. § 168. The Clergy— Their Canonical Life— The Monks. Thomassini Vet. et nova eocl. Disc, Pt. I., lib. III., c. 2-9. — ^August. Thetner, Hist, of Eccl. Educational Institutions, p. 20-49. Chrodegangl regula, in Mansl, T. XIV., p. 313 sq.; in Harzhelm, T. I., p. 96; in Walter, Pontes juris eccl., p 21-46. Conf. Pauli Mac. gesta episcopor. Metens. {Pertz, T. II., p. 267 sq.) FrU irich, Ch. H. of Germany, Vol. II., p. 114-147.. ■\Gimel, The Canonical Life of tlie Clergy, Katisb. 1851. To reform the coarse habits and vulgar manners of the Germans required a clergy at once able, learned, and faithful. Gregory the Great was the first to undertake the task of suam perdere ; sed propter consuetudinem gentts nostras legem Implam vttare non jjossumus." The judgments of God were undoubtedly based on the belief that there existed a moral order in the universe ; and on the conviction that God would interfere, if necessary, to declare the guilt or innocence of the one on trial. And the stronger the faith of individuals and of whole nations in the power and pres- ence of God, the more will they be inclined to appeal directly to Him to decide what can not be ascertained by any other means. The judgments of God gave rise to tnany abuses and superstitions ; but undoubtedly the most dangerous of th(!se was the practice of presumptuously challenging or trying God, by calling upon Him to manifest Himself by some external sign, and to decide in the ' most trivial affairs, simply because it was the will of man that He should do so. Cf. Isaias vii. 12. Neither is it unlikely that the Germans may have appealed to — 1. Holy Writ, in defense of their Pagan practice, as there are certain passages, both of the Old and New Testaments, which seemingly countenance it. Such are those in which God is represented as iramediately declaring His judgment, manifesting His pleasure or displeasure, conferring reward or inflicting punishment, when the circumstances are of sufficient importance to warrant this gracious inter- ference. There are, for example, the passages which relate to the sacrifice of Abel and Cain (Gen. iv. 4); to the Flood (Gen. vii.); to the destruction of Sodom (Gen. xix.); to the sudden punishment of Core, Dathan, and Abiron (Numb. xvi.), and of Ananias and Saphira (Acts v. 1) ; — or in which the decision of God is asked in prayer, as, for example, where instructions are given to apply the so-called water of jealousy (Numb. v. 12, 31); in the election of an Apostle to take the place of Judas (Acts i. 15-25; ; and many similar passages. Again, 2. The great number of miracles, which always accompany the preaching of the Gospel and the introduction of Christianity into heathen lands, and which were of great frequency during the agitated period of the migrations, tended to familiarize men's minds with the manifestations of Divine power, and to give them a sort of assurance that God would interfere to make known the guilt or innocence of those who appealed to Him in the ordeal. They failed, however, to observe an important distinction between the mode of Divine manifestations as related in Holy Writ, and as shown forth in mira- § 168. The Clergy— Their Canonical Life— The Monks. 157 training a clergy of this character and standard. Having so changed and adapted his ancestral palace as to make it serve at once the purpose of a monastery and a seminary, he gath- ered about him a number of generous souls — some of whom were still in the flower of youth, and longed for the happiness, of serving the altar of God ; while others, already grown gray in the service of the Church, desired to close their lives under a religious rule, and divide their last days between intel- lectual labors, watching, and the exercises of a religious life. From this nursery of learning and piety came forth, among others, Augustine and Mellitus, the apostles of Great Britain, who founded in that island institutions closely resembling that of Gregory. These monastic institutions, which rapidly cles, and that, according to •which He was supposed to act in ordeals. In ttie first instance, He made known his pleasure, not hccause it was inaris will that He should do so, but His own, or because He graciously deigned to hear aid answer a fervejit prayer; in the second, He was expected to render a decisicn, not in answer to a prayer, or because it pleased Him to do so, but simply at the adding of man. As has been said above, the Church did now and then tolerate trial by ordeal, but always in humble submission to the will of God, and in the sense just stated. She would not have tolerated this manner of trial at all, had it not been impos- sible to abolish the practice at once. Pope Gregory the Great and Nicholas I., Agobard (Arohbishoji of Lyons), and Atto of Vercelli, and many councils, made most strenuous, but ineffectual, exertions to have the judgments of God discontinued. So general was the practice of settling the question of guilt or innocence by this method, that we find it recommended in a Prankish Capitu- lary of the year 809: " Ot omnes judicio Dei credant absque dubitatione." {Baluz, T. I., p. 332.) The forms of ordeal tolerated were those of lots, of hot and cold water, and of the cross ; the walking barefoot over a number of red-hot plowshares, and the carrying of a red-hot iron in the hands; the taking of the blessed morsel, and the reception of the Eucharist; the judgment of the bier, etc. (Cf. du Fresne, Glossarium, s. v. Sors Sanctorum, Campiones, etc.) The Synod of Valence, a. d. 855, c. 12, reprobates in emphatic language the duel as a form of ordeal: "Iniquissima ac detestabilis quarundam saecularium legum." The rules of the Church, setting forth the permissible forms of trial by ordeal, may be found in the "Ordo diSusior probandi homines de crimine suspectos pei ignites vomeres, oandens ferrum, aquam ferventem seu frigidam, in Fez, The saurus anecdotorum, T. II., p. 2, and in Mansi, T. XVIII., p. 353. Their vin- dication by Hincmar of Kheims, in his opp. T. II., p. 676. Conf. Fhillips, Hist, of Germ., Vol. I., p. 246-267. Dasu, Studies on the Hist, of the German Ordeals, Munich, 1857. 158 Feriod 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 3.. spread throughout Englmid,^ diffused the light of learning and holiness among the inhabitants of the districts in which they were set up, and, gradually extending their influence, were instrumental in bringing the same blessings upon the continent of Europe. At the request of many bishops, and in obedience to a number o^ synodal decrees, many seminaries were estab- lished in Spain during the course of the sixth century. Those of Prance and Germany were established by English missionaries, of whom St. Boniface was, beyond all question, the most active, energetic, and efficient. The biographer of St. Solus (c. A. D. 970) says that it is the peculiar happiness of the College of St. Boniface to have been the nursery "whence went forth the flower of the episcopacy, the priest- hood and the diaconate." These efibrts toward the formation of a good clergy were fully entered into and ably seconded by Chrodegavg, Bishop of Metz (c. a. d. 760). In order to exercise a more direct influence upon the studies and moi'als of his clergy, this bishop, following the example of St. Au- gustine, and in obedience to the instructions of the fourth Council of Toledo, assembled them about his cathedral church and subjected them to the rules and observances of canonical life. Ecclesiastics who led this sort of life, and who were on this account called canonici, were under the immediate su- pervision of the bishops, recited the office in choir, devoted themselves to the study of science, ate in the same dining- room, and slept in a common dormitory. As a rule, the bishop alone provided for their support. This manner of life spread rapidly throughout France, Germany, and Italy, where it was adopted, not alone by the clergy of cathedral churches, but by those of the larger parishes also — a fact which accounts for the origin of collegiate churches. But the clergy, in spite of these noble efforts and auspicious be- ginnings, continued, in many instances, the slaves of the coarse morals of the age. Bishops and priests, instead of de- voting themselves to the duties of their state and looking 1 Of all the monasteries in England, Veneraile Sede (His. Eccl. Anglor., lib. III., c. 2) liestows special praise on that of Bangor, which, at the opening of the seventh century, contained twelve hundred monks. § 168. The Clergy— Their Canonical Life— The Monks. 159 after the salvation of their floclcs, might be seen engaged in the profession of arms, indulging in the pleasures of the chase, and lending the authority of their presence to undig- nified farces and unbecoming spectacles. Complaints grew more frequent, prohibitions more numerous and of less avail. The ordinationes absolutae, or the taking of orders with the understanding that an ecclesiastical benefice, or a place at some church, would not be required-^a practice contrary to the letter and spirit of the ancient canons — now gave occasion to the most deplorable scandals. A portion of the clergy, in some countries, were so utterly destitute of the very elements of learning and general culture that it was found necessary to reduce the standard of fitness for taking orders to the low- est possible requirements. The standard had fallen so loio, at one time, that the candidate for orders was only required to recite from memory the "Apostles' Creed," the " Our Father," and the formulae used in the administration of the Sacra- ments, and to be able to give a translation and an explanation of these prayers in the vulgar tongue.^ Some, destitute of every qualification which could recom- mend them as fit candidates for the ecclesiastical state, and still desirous of coming into possession of the lucrative posi- tions within the gift of the Church, had recourse to more dishonorable means to accomplish their ends, and purchased by briber}'" what they could not reach by merit. Having risen to wealth arid position by simony,^ their after-life was of a piece with this sacrilegeous dishonesty, and stained with the sins of immorality and concubinage.^ The theory main- 1 Cone. Cloveshov. a. 747, can. 10 (Harduin, T. IIJ!., p. 1455; Mansi, T. XII., p. 398) capitul. a. 789, c. 68 (Baluz., T. I., p. 172). Conf. responsa Stephan. II. in Barduin, T. III., p. 1987, can. 13, 14. ^ Even Gregory the Great had occasion to take measures for the suppression of this practice, epp. lib. XI., ep. 60, Theodeherto regi Frauc.rum: Itaque Excellentia vestra Dei nostri mandatis inhaerens, studium ad congregandam Synodum pro sua mercede adhibere dignetur, ut omne a sacerdotibus corpcrale vitium et simoniaca haeresis, quae prima in eoclesiis iniqua ambitione suriy the further circumstance that many of her canons, enacted at this time, protest, again aud again, that external practices do not constitute the essential elements of true jyenance, and that almsgiving is not more effective. The Council of Cloveshove stated, in replj'- to a wealthy person who applied for absolution from a great sin on the ground that he had given abundant alms, that if divine justice could be so propitiated, it would be in the power of the wealthy to do what Christ alone, and a participation in the work of liis redemption, could effect,' 1 Capitulare Carlom. Princ. a. 742, c. 5, and Capitul. a. 7G9, c. G, pouf. Cap'tnl lib. VI., c. 19C, 197, 215; oonf. P/dUtjis, Gorm. Hist. Vol. II., p. 3i2 sq. ^Conc. Cloveshove, A. D. 747, can. 2G. See above, p. 1G5, aoto 2. CHAPTER rV. SCIENTIFIC LABORS OP THE GERMANS. The works of Du Fin, Ceillier, Cave, Oudinus, T. I.; see Vol. I., p. 24, note 1, ^Hock, Gerbert, or Pope Sylvester II., Vienna, 1887, p. 17-22. Siaudenmaier, Scotus Erigena, Pt. I., p. 295-298. Alzog's Patrology, 2d ed., p. 413 sq. § 170. General Character of Science during This Epoch. Daring the period comprised within the present epoch of the Middle Ages, when attempts were being made to adjast and consolidate what had been previously cast into confusion and to draw order from chaos, science, like every other branch of ecclesiastical life, exhibited no marks, either of stability or consistency. It was in a state of preparation ; all the ele- ments were indeed at hand, though they had not yet com- bined ; and the result, it was clear, would largely depend on the action of external influences. Later on, we shall see the fathers and schoolmen of the twelfth and thirteenth centu- ries, like the philosophers of Athens and the prophets of Judea, bearing up under oppression and persecution, conflicts and wars, such as would have terrified and subdued souls less courageous or hearts less dauntless. In the present epoch, as in the earlier day of Alexandria and Rome, mental activity and literary culture were accelerated or retarded by the in- fluence of events which seemed the result of chance rather than the consequence of design. § 171. Progress of Science in Italy, Spain, and the British Isles. Bahr, Christian Eoman Theology, being a Literary and Historical Eeview. Carlsruhe, 1837. In Italy, even amid the shock -and convulsions attending the migration of the barbarians,, some traces of the former literature of that land were preserved in the writings of the (167) 168 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Cha'pter 4. ScytEian Denys the Little (f before a. d. 536) ; of Primasius,^ Bishop of Adrumet (f c. a. d. 550), who collected the most ancient of the commentaries on the Bible; but particularly in the works of Boethius^ (f a. d. 524) and Cassiodorus^ (f c, A. D. 565), both of whom were statesmen and philosophers. In Gregory the Great were revived the nobility of mind and grandeur of character which had distinguished the old Fath- ers of the Church. The last three contributed, each in his own way, to introduce the treasures of ancient Christian and Pagan classic literature among the Germans. The first of the Germans who entered upon the field of scientific studies, and excited a noble emulation among their countrymen in the same direction, destined in succeeding years to produce the most important results, were Ulfilas (fA. D. 383), the historian Jornandes (c. a. d. 550), and Greg- ory of Tours (t A. D. 594) ; while the most distinguished of the Spaniards were Isidore, Archbishop of Seville (f a. d. 636), who wrote many excellent works, and in his various treatises on eccesiastical subjects,^ evinced a remarkable de- ' Primasii episc. African!, divi Augustini quondam discipuli, in univers. divi Pauli epist. commentarius (max. bibl. T. X., p. 142 sq. ; in Migne, ser. lat., T. 68.) 2 0pp. omn. ed. Rota, Basil. 1570 f. ; in Migne' s ser. lat., T. 63-64. Commen- tary on and translation of Aristotle; de duabus naturis et una persona; quod Trinitas sit unus Deus; de consolatione philosophiae, libb. Y. ed. Olbarius, ■Tenae, 1843. Against the doubts raised by Hand (Cyclopaedia by Erscb and Gruber, s. v. Boethius) and by Obbarius, in his Prolegomena 1. c, as to whether the treatise, de consolatione philosophiae, could be attributed to tlie author of the dogmatic treatises just quoted, because Boethius did not, so it is said, show him- self there as a Christian, nor as a Christian philosopher, conf. Baur, de Boethio, christianae doctrinae assertore, Darmstadt, 1841; Gfrorer, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 948 sq., and Teipel, Studies on the Hist, of the Primitive Christian Ages, 2d ed., § 50. According to Riiter, Hist, of Christ. Philos., Vol. II., p. 580 sq., and Nitzf^-.h, The System of Boethius and the Theological "Writings attributed to him, Berlin, 1860, the decision inclines even more against the identity of the author of all these writings. Conf. Alzog's Patrology, p. 413. ^ 0pp. omn. ed. Garetius, Rothomag. 1079, Yen. 1729, 2 T. f., and in Migne, ser. lat., T. 69-70, De artib. ac discipl. liberal. litt. ; Institutio ad divin. lection., libb. II. ; Hist. eccl. tripartita. Variar. epp., libb. XII.; historia Gothorum in Ahog, p. 416. ^Isidori Hispal. opp. ed. Paust. Arevalus. Eom. 1797, 7 T.4., in Migne, ser. lat., T. 81-84. His principal works are: •■■Originum seu Etymologiarum, libb. XX.: A summary of the science of his Ago, set forth in a cyclopaedical and historical manner (edited separately in Corpus grammatioorum latinorum by Otto, T. III). Bontentiarum seu de sumrao bono, libb. III,(the foundation of the later sententi- § 171. Science in Italy, Spain, and British Isles. 169 gree of originality and independence of thought; and his disciple, Ildephonse, Archbishop of Toledo (f a. d. 667), who, amid the onerous duties of a long and holy life in the episco- pate, managed to find time to devote to deep and scientifi 3 studies. The Roman missionaries who came to evangelize the Brit- ish Isles retained their love of study, and were the first to diffuse a taste for literature among the inhabitants. Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury (a. d. 668-690), a native of Tarsus, in Cilicia, and Abbot Hadrian, in whom were combined the genius of Eoman civilization and the language and culture of Greece, founded many schools in England, from which, in succeeding years, a great number of classical scholars came forth. It was from the monasteries of Ireland and Britain, where knowledge was cultivated and fostered with an ardor and love such as religion alone can impart to intellectual pur- suits, that those great moral heroes issued, who, from time to time, crossed over to the continent of Europe to revive an extinct or to preserve a decaying civilization. Venerable Bede early brought science in England to a surprising degree of perfection.^ When seven years of age, he entered the school attached to the monastery of Wearmouth, and, after having passed thirteen years here, under the care of Abbot Benedict Biscop and his successor, Ceolfrid, he was removed to the sister monastei'y of Jarrow, situated, like the former, in' B'orthumbria, where he was admitted to deacon's orders, and, when in his thirtieth year, ordained priest by John of Bev- erly, then Bishop oP Hexham. Sheltered, in this retreat of quiet and holiness, from the storms of barbaric strife that raged with so much violence in the outer world, he earnestly arii). Histovia Gothorum, Vandal, et Suevor. in Hispania. Collectio Canon. Concilior. et cpp. decretal., after\tard, probably wrongly, attributed to him: de scriptoribus eccles.; de ecclesiasticis offioiis, lib. II. ^Bedae Venerab. opp. omn., Paris, 1521, 1544-15-5-1, 3 T. fol.; Basil. 1563; pirated impression, Cologne, 1612 and 1688, ed. Giles, London, 1843 sq, 8vo, in Migne, T. 90-95. — English versions of his Ecclesiastical History were published by Stapleton, in 1565; by Stevens, in 1723; by Hurst, in 1814; by Wilcock, in 1818; and by Giles, in 1840. (Tr.) The Vita Bedae Ven. by Cuihbertus, placed at the head of his works. Cf. also Gehle, De Bedae Venerab. vita et scriptis, Lugd. Batavor. 1838. 170 Period. 2. Ejjoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. applied himself to study, and spent his days in acquiring a knowledge of such literature as was accessible to a student of that age and country. He was well acquainted with Latin and Greek, and partially with Hebrew, medicine, astronomy, and prosody. After having gone through his ordinary exer- cises of piety, said Mass, recited his divine office, and devoted some time to the study of Holy Scripture, he found his great- est pleasure in adding something to his store of secular knowl- edge, in teaching and in composing. Among his writings are homilies, lives of saints, hymns, epigrams, treatises on chronology and grammar, and commentaries on the books of the Old and New Testaments. His calm and gentle disposi- tion, the humanizing character of his pursuits, his benevo- lence and holiness of life, are in striking contrast with the din of battle and the savage fury of the tempest that raged at this time over the fair face of all England. He was truly a light shining out in the midst of darkness. His writings have secured for him the distinction of an unquestionable pre-eminence in the ancient literature of Britain, and the rep- utation of having been, in all probability, the most learned man of the world in his age. The death of this great scholar and saint of the Church was of a piece with his preceding life. During the fourteen days previous to this sad event, and while enduring the pain of a malignant disease, he was employed in translating the Gospel of St. John into the Anglo-Saxon tongue, and in teaching youth. Even when his disease grew so violent that he could breathe only with great difficulty, he still continued to teach during the whole day ; and, on the very day of his death, dictated to an amanuensis, and urged his scholars to learn quickly, saying : "Make haste and learn; I know not how long I shall be with you, or whether God will not shortly take me to himself." He died May 26, a. d. 735, while sing- ing the words of the doxology, Gloria Patri et Filio ct Spir- itui Sancto, and surrounded by his disciples and the priests of the monastery, to the latter of whom his last words were an earnest entreaty to say the Holy Mass devoutly, and to pray for his soul. He was buried in the monastery of Jarrow, § 172. Labors of Charlemagne for Diffusion of Knowledge. 171 whence his bones were removed, in the middle of the elev- enth centnry, to Durham.^ § 172. Labors of Charlemagne for the Diffusion of Knowledge. Thomassini 1. c, Pt. II., lib. I., c. OG-100. F. Lorentz, Life of Alcuin, Halle, 1829. ScliuUe, de Ciiroli Til. in litorarum studia meritis, Slonast. 1826. Bdhr, de literarum studiis a Carolo M. revocatis ac schola Palatina inataurata, Heidel- berg, 1850. By the same author; Hist, of Eoman Literature in the Carlovin- gian Age, Carlsruhe, 1840. Altli^ngh St. Boniface has the honor of having been the first to awaken a desire and cultivate a taste for scientific studies in the inhabitants of the Frankish Empire, still the rapid and general difi'usion of knowledge was especially due to the generous encouragement and intelligent elibrts of Charlemagne. He gathered about him, in his own court, a second band of distinguished scholars, who, unlike those in England, and formerly in France, were neither Eomans nor Greeks, but for the most part Germans. Charlemagne had acquired a taste for letters and intellectual pursuits during his stay in Italy, but being now at an advanced age, and having passed his life in the profession of arms, lie realized with pain that i\\Q hand which had wiekled the sword with so much vigor was but ill adapted to the exercises of the pen. But, while unable himself to make any considerable progress in learning, he zealously stimulated the desire in others, and seized every opportunity to promote its advancement. He induced Peter of Fisa, and Faulinus, Patriarch of Aquileia (t A. D. 804), to leave Italy and take up their residence at his court. At the request of Desiderius, King of the Lombards, Paid Warncfried,^ ov Paulus Diaconus, of the abbey of Monte Cassino, became his master of Greek, won his confidence, and, with only temporary interruptions, retained his friendship until his own death, which occurred a. d. 799. But, of all those learned men whom Charlemagne had attracted to his ■ Sec Chambers' Cyclopaedia, art. Boda or Bede. — Bishop Vllathorne, of Bir- mingham, stoutly maintains that the bones of Venerable Bede are still resting at Durham; while the Benedictine monks of Subiaco no less stoutly maintain that his relies were, after the Reformation, first brought to Gibraltar, and wera subsequently transferred to Subiaco, where they are actually venerated. (Tr.) 172 Period 2. JSpoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. court, none possessed nearly so much influence over his mind as the English monk Alcuin, formerly the head master of the school of York, and incomparably the greatest scholar of his age. Prudentlj^ availing himself of the influence which, as friend and counselor, he possessed with the Emperor, he re- organized the Sehola Palatina, established in the vicinity of the imperial palace, for the education of the youth of the higher ranks, upon a new basis, and established others at all the cathedrals and cloisters of the empire, in which a com- plete curriculum of studies, embracing the so-calle^ seven liberal arts, was adopted. This consisted of the Trivium, com- prehending grammar, dialectics, and rhetoric, and the Qua- drivium, comprehending arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. The disquisitions of Martianus Capella and Cas- iiodorus, based upon models left by the educators who had preceded them, exercised no inconsiderable influence upon the organization of schools of learning.^ Toward the close of his life, Alcuin wished to withdraw from the bustle of court and the distraction of temporal concerns to prepare, in quiet, for his departure from this world. But, though the ]ilmperor acceded to his request in so far as to release him from immediate and laborious service, he still wished him to aid, by his advice, the work to which so many days of his life had been consecrated. The abbotship of the monastery of St. Martin, at Tours, having become vacant, in the year 796, it was conferred upon Alcuin, who, however, shortly after, conscious of the approacli of death, and desiring to be free frotn all care, resigned it in favor of one of his disciples. He had often expressed a wish, during the last years of his life, to die on the feast of Pentecost, which God, whom he had so faithfully served, was graciously pleased to grant. He departed this life May 19, a. d. 804. Alcuin, after he had become abbot of St. Martin's, estab- ' A resumd, containing substantially everything of importance relating to tbo teven liberal arts, is to be found in TcrenUus Varro, Cicero's friend; more defi- nitely in St. Augustine, viz., in his works de ordine et doctrina Christiana, and likewise in the fantastic treatise of another African, Martianus Capella, de nup- tiis Philologiae et Mercurii, de septem artibus liberalibus, libb. IX., ed iTqjip, Prof. 1836; ed. Eissenhardt, Lips. 1866. § 172. Labors of Charlemagne for Diffusion of Knowledge. 173 lished a school at Tours,' whence issued such men as Amala- rius of Treves; Rabanus of Mentz; Hetto, Abbot of Fulda; Ilaimon, Bishop of Halberstadt, and Samuel of Worms. Besides the schools already mentioned, there were many others in a flourishing condition at this period, or shortly after. Such were those of Orleans, Toulouse, Lyons, Rheims, Corbie, Aniane, Saint-Germain-d'Auxerre, Saint-Qall, Heich- enau, Hirsau, Fulda, Utrecht, Mentz, New-Corbie (Corvey on the Aller), Treves, and others. In these retreats of learning, where the reason was severely exercised, the intellectual faculties trained to quick apprehen- sion and subtle distinction, and the heart fed and warmed by the writings attributed to Denys the Areopagite, which were now coming into general favor, might be discerned — faintly, indeed, but unmistakably — the elements which produced that long race of laborious Schoolmen and 31ystics who became so prominent during the Middle Ages. • A tolerably correct idea of the degree of excellence reached in scientific studies and literature, in this epoch, may be had from the various treatises, writings, and ecclesiastical hymns that have come down to us from the scholars and poets of that age.^ There can be no doubt that the primary motive which stimulated Charlemagne to found and protect schools was the formation of a learned and efficient body of clergy. This, however, need excite no surprise, as religion was then the center of all that constituted intellectual and spiritual life. But the education of the people was by no means neg- lected, as is proved by the ease of Theodidph, Bishop of Or- ^Alcuini opp. ed. JTrobenius, Katisb. 1776 sq., 2 T. f., in Migne's ser. lat., T. 99-101. They contain 232 important letters, lives of saints, poems, treatises, and extend over almost all branches of human knowledge. 'We remind the reader but of the following: Prayer to God, "Bex Deus immensi quo constat," hj Eugenius of Toledo (1637); "Crudelis Herodes, Deum regem venire quid times," and "Ad regias Agni dapes," by SeduUus (Sheii, an Irishman. — Tk.); of the Holy Innocents, "Hymnum canentes martyrum," "by Beda the Venerable; Hymn on St. John B., "XJt queant laxis resonare fibris," \>j Paulus Diaconus: to God, "Te homo laudet,"by /Itoa'n; "Veni creator spir- itus," preiendedly by Charlemagne; the anthem for Palm Sunday, "Gloria, laus et honor," by Tlieodulph of Orleans. 174 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. leans (f a. d. 821), a zealous co-laborer of Charlemagne in the cause of learning, who founded primary schools^ in his dio- cese for the benefit of his flock, and it was not long before many followed his example.^ § 173. First Heresies — Adelbert and Clement — Adojitionism. I. Elipandi cpp. ad Pidelem abbatem; ad Carol um M. (in Florez, Espana Sagrada, T. V., an. 1751 and again 1859); ad Alcuinum; ad Felicem (nuper conversum). Beaii et Eiherii de adoptiono Filii Doi advers. Elipand., libb. II. (Canisii lectt. antiq., T. II., Pt. I., p. 279 sq., and Galland. bibl., T. XIII., p. 290 sq. Miync, ser. lat., T. 96.) Alcuini liboll. advers. haeres. Felicis; ep. ad Policem;' advers. Folic., lib. VII.; advers. Elipand., lib. IV". (opp. ed. Froien., T. II.) Paulini Aquilejensis sacrosyllabus et cont. Felic, libb. III. (opp. ed. Madrisius. Vonet. 1787 fol.) Ar/obardi archiep. Lugdun. advers. dogma Felic. (opp. ed. Baluzius, Paris. 16G6.) in hibl. max. Lugd. T. XIII. ot XIV.; in Migne, sei'. lat. T. 99-101. Letters and Documents in Mansi, T. XIII. Harduin, T. 1\., p. 863 sq. German in Bosler's Librarj' of tbe Fathers of the Churcli, Pt. X., p. 569-590. Hefele, Hist, of Councils, Vol. III., p. COl-654. Werner, Hist, of Apolog. and Polem. Literat., Vol. II., p. 433 sq. II. Madrisii dissert, de Felicis et Elipandi haeresi, in his cd. opp. Paulini. Fr. Walch, Hist. Adoptianor., Gotting. 1755. Frobenil dissert, do haeres. Elip. et Felic. (opp. Alcuijii, T. I.) Eelatio historica de ortu et progressu haerosium, praesertim vero Augusto-Vindelicor., Ingolst. 165-4. WalcJi, Hist, of Heretics, Pt. IX., p. G67 sq. Against him, Enhueber, dissertat. dogmat. hist, quae contra Christ. Walc/dum adoptionis in Christo homino assortores, Felicem et Elip. merito ab Alcuino Nestorianismi fuisse petitos ostenditur [in Alcuini O'p'p., T. I., etc.; in Migne, T. 101, p. 337-438). Seiiers, Boniface, p. 418 sq. Helffericli, ^'isigothic Arianism, Hist, of Spanish Heretics, Berlin, 1860, p. 86-151. About the year 744, when St. Boniface was in the very midst of his labors and the full tide of success, ho encoun- tered a most formidable opponent in a Frank by the name of Adelbert. ' His indefatigable activity is most conspicuous in his capitularo ad parochiae suae saoerdotes, A. D. 797, in Harduin, T. IV., p. 913 sq. Mansi, T. XIII., p. 995 sq. 2 A circular of Charlemagne, addressed to all the bishops and abbots in 788, recommends the erection of these schools, "constitutio de scholis per singula Kpiscopia et monasteria instituendis." Capitul. Aquisgr. a. 789, c. 70: Non eolum servilis conditionis infantes, sed etiam ingenuorum Alios adgregent (oan- onici et monachi) sibique soeient. Et ut scholae legentium puerprum fiant, Psalmos, notas, cantus, computum, grammaticam per singula monasteria vel episoopia discant. Sed et libros catholioos bene emendatos habeant, quia saepo dum bene aliquid Deum rogare cupiunt, per inemendatos libros male rogant. {Baluz., T. I., p. 173.) § 173. First Heresies — Adoptionism. 175 This enthusiast assembled the people for divine worship in the field and in the open air, and imposed upon their credul- ity by pretending to have received relics from the hands of an angel, and distributed among them copies of a letter which, as he said, had fallen from heaven and alighted in the center of the city of Jerusalem. With empty vanity he com- pared himself to the apostles, vs^hose equal he pretended to be; caused houses of prayer to be dedicated to his honor, be- cause, as he claimed, God wonld infallibly grant a request made in his name; and assorted that, as he knew by intuitive vision the secrets of every man's conscience, confession was wholly useless. Confession was therefore abolished by him, veneration of saints reprobated, and pilgrimages to holy shrines discontinued. Boniface made use of every available means to counteract the influence of this visionary. lie preached against him, drew the attention of the first Council of Soissous (a. d. 74-1:), and of a council held at Rome in the succeeding year, to his doctrines, and finally caused his imprisonment at Fnlda. Having escaped from this place of confinement, he was seized by shepherds, robbed, and murdered. Clement, an Irish bishop, whose case had occupied tbe at- tention of the last-named council, was also among the adver- saries of Boniface. He assailed some of the teachings and practices of the Church with great vigor and pretentious dis- play, but with little, if any, real ability. He objected to the Judaico-theocratic constitution of the Church, denied that the canons of councils aiid the writings of the Fathers are a safe rule of faith, and, drifting still further from the true spirit of Catholic teaching, held erroneous opinions on some fundamental doctrines of the Church, such as predestination. He also held that, when Christ descended into the regions of the dead. He set free all those who had been confined in hell, whether believers, infidels, or idolaters. He advocated and practiced lax principles of morality, rejected celibacy, and continued to exercise episcopal functions, Hhough living with ^Bonifacii ep. ad Zachariam, in Serarius, 135 (Max. Bibl., T. XIII., p. 126 aq.), in Wurdtwein, ep. 67. Conf. JSarduin, T. III., p. 1935 sq. Mansi. T. XII., p. 176 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. a concubine, by whom he had two sons. He was condemned to a life of confinement, by order of the Synod of Rome (a. d. 745). These were but trifling errors, when compared with the magnitude of Adoptionism, and the vital consequences it in- volved. This heresy was little more than a revival of the old Greek controversies on the nature of Christ, but particularly of ITestorianism, according to which the Hypostatic Union' was denied, and so wide a distinction drawn between the di- vine and human natures in Christ, as to amount to a separa- tion of them into two persons. The heresy of Ifestorius grew out of an attempt to give a rational explanation of the doc- trine of two natures in one person, and to make it clearly in- telligible to the understanding.^ The distinctive doctrine of the adoptionists was that Jesus Christ, inasmuch as He was man, was the Son of God by adoption. If the accounts that have come down to us may be trusted, the first traces of this heresy in the West were to be found in Spain, where it gave evidence of its presence as early as the sixth century. Isidore of Seville (fA. d. 636) states that Jus- tinian, Bishop of Valencia (a. d. 535), wrote against some who had adopted the ancient error of the Bonosians,^ asserting that Christ was not the Son of God in any proper sense (pro- prium), but by adoption. The error spread with great rapid- 373 sq. Natal. Alex. h. e. saec. VIII., c. II., art. 2. Walch, Hist, of Heret., Pt. X., p. 3-65. 1 See Vol. I., p. 594. 2 Although Adoptionism was, in a certain sense, a revival of Nestorianism, it should not be regarded as embracing precisely the same doctrines as the latter. The following are the chief points of difference between the two : 1. The Adop- tionists did not object to the term Qeo-dicnq as applied to the Blessed Virgin, while the denial of such application of this term was the very basis of the Nes- torian heresy. 2. The Adoptionists admitted, and the Nestorians denied, that there was but one Person in Christ. But the former, while admitting this, explained their meaning, by saying that the two Persons were so closely allied as to practically amount to but one Person, though there was no absorption of the human personality into the divine. 3. The Adoptionists taught that Christ assumed humanity, while the Nestorians, inverting this order, said that Christ had exalted Himself by his virtue. (Te.) Cf Blunts Diet, of Heresies, art Adoptionists. 8 See Vol. I., p. 761. § 173. First Heresies — Adoptionism. 177 ity, and the eleventh Council of Toledo (a. d. 675), taking up the question, declared : " This Son of God is His Son by nature, not by adoption" — "Hie etiam iilius Dei natura, uon adoptione." Notwithstanding the vigorous measures taken to repress and extinguish it, the error again reappeared two cen- turies later, when the Church of Spain was languisliing un- der the oppressive yoke of the Saracens. Some historians have conjectured that this fresh attempt to revive an old error by endeavoring to satisfactorily explain the mystery of two Natures and one Person in Christ by the lights of reason, was prompted by a desire to render the doctrine of the Incarna- tion less oflensive to the Mahommedans of Spain. Be this as it may, certain it is that the theory was received wath uni- versal applause, and found numerous advocates. Among its foremost champions were Mipandus, Archbishop of Toledo, a man of advanced age, but haughty and passionate ; and Felix, Bishop of Urgel, who, though still young, was more moder- ate, more prudent, and more learned than the former, and, possessing a naturally acute intellect, was a skillful dialecti- cian. They both flourished toward the close of the eighth century. Elipandus was the first to develop the doctrine. He was refuting one lligetius, who, in treating of the Trinity, had explained it, in a Sabellian sense, to mean a triple mani- festation of the Godhead: first, as the Father in the person of David; second, as the Son in the person of Christ, and, third, as the Holy Ghost in the person of St. Paul.^ Mige- tius made a further distinction between the Word (y^-o-^-oc) and the Son of God (mb^ deou), maintaining that the Word became the Son of God only in the Incarnation; that He became a Person only when He became man ; that the humanity of Christ was a condition of His personality in the same sense that St. Paul was a condition of the per.sonality of the Holy Ghost. Elipandus, in replying to him, declared that the Word had been truly and properly the Son of God prior to the time when Christ became man, but that Christ as man was called the Son of God only in an allegorical or improper sense. ^Hefele, Hist, of tho Migatians, Tubg. Quart. 1858, p. 86-96. VOL 11 — 12 178 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. Felix, on the other hand, being desirous, while combating Mohammedanism, to reconcile, in as far as possible, its teach- ings with those of Christianity, went too far, and fell into the Nestorian heresy, which partially expressed Mohammed's idea of Christ as a prophet of God. Entertaining this view him- self, Felix at once approved the theory of Archbishop Eli- pandua, who had submitted it to his judgment (a. d. 783). Having thns compared and harmonized their views, both came forward, openly and boldly proclaiming the doctrine " that, as to His divinitij, Christ was by nature and truly the Son of God (iilius Dei natura sen genere); but that, as man, He was the Son of God in name and by adoption (voluntate, beneplacito, gratia, susceptione) ; that, as to His divinity. He was truly God, bat that, as to His humanity, He was not, but only called so by metonymy, or figure of speech, as men are sometimes called the children of God. It is evident, there- fore, that the two prelates advocated the JS"estorian theory of a complete separation of the two natures in Christ, denied the hypostatic union, and, as a consequence, repudiated the mys- tery of the Incarnation. ■ In defense of thoir teaching, they appealed to the writings of some of the old Fathers of the Latin Church, such as Hil- ary, Marias Mercator, and particularly to Isidore of Seville. They also cited some passages from the Mozarabic Liturgy,^ in which they maintained the term adoptio was used. It was indeed true that such expressions as Christ "adopted man- hood" and "adopted flesh" were to be found in the passages quoted, but in the active sense, meaning that Christ took upon Him our manhood and assumed our iiesh, and not in the passive sense, as if the meaning were, Christ was adopted as Son. Christus sibi adoptavit carnem seu homiuem; not, ^ Isidor. Hispal. "(Christus) Unigenitus autom voeatur secundum divinitatis exoellentiam, quia sine fratribus; primogcnitus secundum susoeptionem homi- nis, in qua per adoptionem gratiae fratros habere dignatus est, de quibus essef primogenitus." Etymologg. VII. 2. Of the Mozarabic Liturgy, these passages were urged: "Qui per adopUvi hotninis passioneni, dum suo non indulsit ccrpori, nostro demum — peperoit. — In missa de ascens. Domini : " Hodie Salvator noster TpuT adoptionem carnis sedcm repetit Deitatis." — In missa defunctorum: "Quos feeisti adoptionis participes, jubeas haereditatis tuae esse consortes." Conf. Li- turgia Mozarab. ed. Alex. Lesle. Eom. 1755. 4. § 173. First Heresies — Adoptionisni. 179 as the Adoptionists said, Christus secundum hominem a Patre adoptatus est. In defending his theory, Felix drew his arguments chiefly irom those which had heen furnished by ISTestorius. He spoke of the Word (/?o;'oc) as dwelling in the humanity of Christ as m a temple; said that Christ was a man bearing a Divinity within Ilim; that He resembled other men in all things ex- cept sin; that he was adopted into Sonship by God in the same sense as men loved of God become His children ; that the difference between the two cases was one of degree, and not of kind; that this solemn act of adoption took place at the moment of baptism in the Jordan, when God the Father uttered these words : " This is my beloved Son ;" and that, as man may be both a natural and an adopted son, so also waa Christ by nature the son of David, and by grace or adoption the Son of God. As Elipandus availed himself of the influence which he possessed as archbishop to spread his errors, while he at the same time branded the teaching of the Church as heresy, there was a twofold reason for taking energetic measures to oppose him and refute his doctrine. The first to undertake this task were Beatus of Libana, abbot of the monastery of Valliscava, and Etherius, Bishop of Osma, both Asturians, who, in the year 785, wrote exhaustive treatises in refutation of the heresy. They began by appealing to the aulhoriiative decisions af the Church concerning the Hypostatic Union of the two JSTatures in Christ, and then went on to show that Christ, as man, was also truly the Son of God, and that the Adoptionists, in separating the two natures, had made two Christs instead of one — a thing which necessitated a Quad- nnity, instead of a Trinity, in the Deity. Pope Hadrian I., hearing of the dangerous nature of the heresy, wiote (a. d. 785?) a letter to the orthodox bishops of Spain, in which be warns them against the "blasphemy" of Elipandus, " which," he goes on to say, " no previous heretics have dared to enounce, except Nestorius, who confessed the Son of God to be mere man." Felix, who, as Bishop of Urgel, a city belonging to the Frankish kingdom, was utider the jurisdiction of the metro- 180 Period 2. JEpoeh 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. politan see of JSTarboniie, was commanded by Charlemagne to appear at the Council of Ratisbon (a. d. 792), to explain and defend his doctrine. Felix abjured and anathematized his errors before the council, but, being still suspected, lie was sent to lionie, under charge of a certain Augilbertus, where he made frequent recantations, both in writing and by word of mouth, of his former errors, and finally swore, before the Blessed Sacrament on St. Peter's tomb, to give them up for- ever. Pope Adrian, satisfied with this solemn asseveration of his orthodoxy, permitted him to return to his diocese, where, coming into contact wnth his former friends, who were still Adoptionists, he again fell into his old errors and denounced his adversaries. Alcuin, who had, in the meantime, returned from England and taken up his residence at the Prankish court, wrote, at the request of Charlemagne, a formal refutation of Adoption- ism (Liber adv. haeresin Pelicis). In the hope of inducing Pelix to give up his error, he sent to that prelate a copy of his refutation, accompanied with a letter filled with such ex- pressions of good-will and kindness as might best soothe the pride and win the affection of a ^vounded and humiliated spirit. This measure having failed, Charlemagne summoned a council to convene at Franhfort (a. d. 794), to consider the question. It was very numerously attended, there being present, besides the papal legates, three hundred bishops from Germany, Gaul, Aquitaine, Britain, and Italy; tiut neither Felix nor any one of his party appeared. The fathers took up the question relative to the veneration to be paid to pic- tures and images, but that which chiefly occupied their atten- tion Avas the heresy of the Adoptionists, which they again condemned, and reasserted the orthodox doctrine in these words : " That holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of God ; not an adopted and strange son, but a true and proper" (non adoptivus sed verus ; non alienus sed proprius). Pope Hadrian called a synod at Rome, in the same year, in which the decree of Frankfort was confirmed. After these condemnations, Felix wrote a defense of his doctrine in detail, to which Alcuin replied in a work (Adv. Felicem, libb. vii.), which justly holds the first place among § 173. First Heresies — Adoptionism. 181 his writings. At the request of Alcuin, Charlemagne sent this work to Pope Adrian, and the Frankish prelates, Paulinus, Patriarch of Aquileia, lUchhod, Archbishop of Treves, .and Theodidph, Bishop of Orleans, accompanied with a request that they would also take part in the controversy, in defense of the orthodox faith, and against the errors of Felix. The most important of all the writings which this request called forth was the treatise of the Patriarch of Aquileia, who, pur- suing a line of argumentation similar to that adopted l)y St. CyriP against ISTestorius, proved, as Alcuin had already done, that the heresy of the Adoptionists was but a revival of Nes- iorianism. But even these eiforts, though energetic and well directed, were far from subduing the pride and overcoming the obsti- nacy of Felix and Elipandus. Measures were, however, at once taken to check the pro- gress of their errors and prevent them from spreading further among the faithful. Charlemagne sent Leidrad, Archbishop of L3'^ons; Nefrid, Archbishop of ifarbonne, and the ahhot Bene- dict of Aniane, to TJrgel, and their labors were so completely successful that they succeeded in bringing twenty thousand souls, including clergy and lait}^, back to the bosom of the Church, and prevailed upon Felix to again submit his cause to the judgment of a council lield at Aix-la-Cha])ellc, a. d. 799. Hei-e Felix sustained a six-days controversy with Al- cuin, after which he again acknowledged and retracted his error, but was not allowed to return and take charge of his diocese. In the year 800, the same missionaries were sent a second time, by Charlemagne, into the districts infected with the ''^Alcidn. contra Folic, lib. I., c. 11 : Sicut Nestoriana impictas in duas Christus divisit personas propter duas naturas ; — ita ct vestra indoctra temoritas in duos cum dividit filios, unum propriuni, alterum adopiivum. Si voro Christus est proprius filius Doi Patris et adoptivus : ergo est alter ct alter. And in another plaee: Hoc velim ccrtissime vos oognoscere, o viri fratres hujus adoptionis in Christo assortores, quod quidquid beatus Cijrillun, Alexandr. ecclcs. pontifex, synodali auctoritato impio respondit Nestorio, vobis responsurum esse absque dubio sciatis; quia ejusdem erroris impictas ejusdem veritatis responsionibus dostrui debet. 182 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. heresy, and, by their labors and preaching, brought ten thou- sand more of those who had gone astray into the Church. Elipandus alone held out. Living in that part of Spain occupied by the Saracens, he was beyond the reach of either the authority of Charlemagne or the efforts of Alcuin. He therefore retained possession of his see till his death, which occurred a. d. 810. The errors of the Adoptionists perished witli their chief representatives. Like every other evil that has afflicted the Church, this also effected a measure of good. The Franlcish bishops were brought face to face with a strictly dogmatical subject, with which they were forced to deal in its purely speculative aspects, and this necessitated a deep and extensive study of ancient dogmatical literature. The writings of Alcuin amjaly prove that this study embraced wide scope, and was conscientious and thorough. § 174. Charlemagne. « I. Codex Carolinus (cont. annales, capitularia, and epp.") '^Jaffe, Monumenta Carolina (Bibl. ror. Germ., T. IV.) Ei.nhardi (Charles' Secretary, t844) vita Caroli ; Monachiis Sangallensis, de gestis C. M. ; Poeto Saxo, Annal. de gest. Carol. {Pertz, T. I. and II.) II. StoLberg-Kerz, Vol. 2-5, especially p. 45.5-486. PUllipn, Vol. II., p. 32-87 and 359 sq. Einhard, Life of Charlemagne, Introd. Original text, Explanar tions, and Documents, by Ideler, Hamburg, 1839, 2 vols. '"Sporschil, Charle- magne, his Empire and House, Brunswick, 1846; Charlemagne's character is given briefly and masterly, in GiesebrecJit' s Hist, of Emperors, 2d od., p. 121- 143. Alb. Tk!jm, Charlemagne and his Age, revised German ed., Miinster, 1868. That Charlemagne played a very important part in the ex- ternal organization of the Church, and particularly within the limits of the Frauliish Empire, can not be questioned, lie had conceived the design of establishing a Germanic or Frank- ish Empire on the model of that of ancient Rome, whose un- derlying principles of legislation and government should be, not national merely, but Christian also. He had caught the • idea of founding such an empire as this from that incompara- ble work of St. Augustine, the City of God, which constituted his favorite reading. This religious tendency was always up- permost in the mind of Charlemagne. It is conspicuous iu the magnificent disccurse which he delivered at Aix-la-Cha- § 174. Charlemagne. 183 pelle, in the month of March, a. d. 802 ; it is the one pervad- ing idea whicli cliaracterized all his Capitidaj-ies, notably that of the year 789\ and introdneed a new element into the legis- lation of his empire. In examining the wonderful and com- plex structure of this empire, one is struck at every turn with its decidedly religious character. The conviction was strong upon the mind of Charlemagne, that without religion, legis- 1 Tho Capitulary is given in Pertz's Monumenta. T. III., p. 53 sq., and in Wal- ier's Pontes Juris EccL. p. 40-75. It says, among other things : "Let peace and harmony and concord roign throughout Christendom, among bishops and ahliots, counts and judges, among men of all conditions and in all places; for without peace, it is impossible to please God." This Adinonitio dnmni Caroli imperaiovis reads : Audito fratres dileetissimi, pro salute vestra hue missi sumus, ut admo- neamus vos, quomodo secundum Dcuni juste et bene vivatis et secundum hoc saeculum cum justitia et cum misericordia convertamini. Admoneo vos inpri- mis, ut credamus in unum Ueum, omnipotentem Patremet Filium, ct Spiritum sanctum. Hie est unus Dcus et vcrus, perfecta Trinitas et vera Unitas, Deus creator omnium visibilium ct invisihilium, in quo est salus nostra, et auctor omnium bonorum nostrorum. Credito Filium Dei pro salute mundi hominem factum. Credite unam ecclesiam, i. e. congregationem bonorum hominum ■ per totum orbem terrae ; ct scitote quia isti soli salvi esse poterunt et illi soli ad regnum Dei pertinent, qui in istius ecclesiae fide et communione et caritate per- severe]it usque in finem; qui vero pro peccatis suis excommunicantur ab ista ecclesia et non convcrtuntur ad cam per poenitentiam, non possunt ab saeculo aliquid Deo acceptabilo faccrc. Haec est ergo fides nostra, per quam salvi critis, si cam firmiter tenetis ct bonis ojDoribus adimpletis, quia fides sine operi- bus mortua est et opera sine fide etiamsi bona Deo placere non possunt. Primum ergo diUgUe Deiini omnipotentcni ex toto corde et e.x omnibus viri- bus vestris. DiligUe proxunos vesiros sicut vos ipsos et eleemosj'nas facite pauperibus secundum vires vestras. Peregrines suscipite in domes vcstras, infirmos visitate, in cos, qui in carceribus sunt, miserieordiam praebete. Dimittite vobis invicem dolicta vestra, sicut vultis, quod vobis Deus dimittat peccata vestra, Eedimite captives, adjuvate injusto oppresses, defendite viduas Ot orphanos; juste judicate, in iniqua non consentite, iram longam non teneatis, cbrietates et commossationes superfluas fiigite. Eeconciliato citius ac pacem inter vos, quia humanum est peccare, angclicum emendare, diabolieum est per- severare in peccato. Ecclesiam Dei defendite et causam ejus adjuvate, ut possint orare sacerdotes Dei. Quod Deo promisistis in baptismo recordamini ; abrenun- ciastis diabolo et operibus ejus. Unusquisque in eo ordine Deo serviat fldeliter, in quo ille est. Mulieres sint subjectae viris suis in omni bonitate et pudicitia, custodiant se a fornieatione et venofieiis et avaritiis, quoniam qui haec faciunt, Deo repugnant. Nutriant Alios BUGS in- Dei timore ot faciant eleemosynas ex tantum quantum habent hilarcm mentem et bonam voluntatom. Vlrl diligant uxores suas et inhonesta verba non dicant eis; gubernent domos suas; in bonitate eonveniant ad ecclesiam frequontius. Eeddant hominibus, quae debent sine murmuratione et Deo, quae 184 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. lation would be destitute of any adequate sanction, and pos- sessed of neither authority nor true influence. This is also plain from the fact that the Emperor, while engaged in carry- ing on war in distant countries, never relaxed his energy in establishing religious houses at home; and from the further fact, that he took great pleasure in listening to the homilies of the Fathers of the Church,^ which he had read while taking his meals ; and manifested a lively interest in discussions on theological questions, as in the controversy relative to Adop- tionism and Images. "Would to God," he was wont to say, "that I possessed twelve men such as St. Augustine." To which Alcuin would promptly reply : " The Creator of heaven and earth was content with one." The enlightened love entertained by Charlemagne for scien- tific studies ; the zeal displayed by him in attracting to his court learned men from every nation, and in establisJiing Dei sunt cum bona voluntate. Filu diligaiit parentes suos et honorent illos. Non sint illis iuobedientcs, caveant se a furtis et homicidiis et fornicationibus; quando ad legitimam aetatem veniunt, legitimam ducant uxorem, nisiforte iUis plus placeat in Dei servitium intraro. Clerici canonic i episcoporum suorumdili- gentcr obediant mandatis ; gyri non sint de loco ad locum. ISTegotiis saeculari- bus se non implicent. In castitate permaneant, lectioni sanctax'um scripturai'um frequenter amorc Dei intendant, ecolesiastica diligenter exerceant. Monachl, quod Deo promiserunt, custodiant, nihil extra abbatis sui praeceptum faoiant, turpe ludrum non faciant. Eegulam memoriter teneant et firmiter custodiant, soientes praeceptum, quod multis melius votuni non vovere, quam post votum non roddere. Duces, coiniles aijudlces justitiam faciant populis, misericordiam in pauperes, pro pecunia non mutent aoquitatem, per odia non damnent inno- centes. ilia apostolica semper in corde teneantur, quae ajunt ; Omnes nos stare oportet ante tribvnal Christi, ut recipiat unusquisque prout gessit, sive bonum, sive malum. Quod Dominus ipse ait : In quo judicio judicabitis, judicabitur de vobis, i. e. misericorditer agite, ut misericordiam rccipiatis a Deo. Nihil occul- turn, quod non sciatur, ncque opertum, quod non revcleiur; ctpro omni ottoso verba rcddimufs rationem in diejudicit. Quanto magis faoiamus omnes cum adjutorio, ut cum Deo placere possimus in omnibus operibus nostris et post banc vitam praosentem gaudere mereamus cum Sanctis Dei in aeternum. Brovis est ista vita et incertum est tempus mortis ; quid aliud agendum est, nisi ut semper parati simus? Cogitemus, quam terribile est ineidere in manum Dei. Cum confessione et poenitentia et cleemosynis misericors est Dominus et Clemens; si viderit iios ex toto oordo ad se convortere, statim miserebitur nos- tri. — • — (Pcriz, T. Ill,, p. 101-103.) The very incorrect wording and construc- tion have been corrected. 'Inter ooenandum, say.i Ecjinhard, deleotabatur et libris St. Augustini, prae- cipue his, qui de civitate Dei praetitulati sunt. § 174. Charlemagne. 185 schools and institutions of learning as a means of civilizing his subjects ; and his solicitude that whatever he did should be based upon thoroughly religious piincijoles, prove that he was intellectually far in advance of his age, and not unworthy of the high mission to which he was called. The esteem in which Charlemagne held everything connected with religion, and the recognition of its necessity in the fonc'ions of gov- ernment, will aftbrd a sufficient explanation of his reverence for the Head of the Church, and of the enthusiasm with which the subjects of his vast empire hailed the news of his coro- nation as Emperor of the Romans, and of the alacrity they man- ifested in yielding obedience to his authority. But, while recognizing the necessity of a close intercourse between Church and State, and of their need of each other's support, and while careful not to encroach upon the rights of the former,^ he was by no means blind to the importance of rigor- ously defining the respective limits of the authority of both? An ecclesiastical sanction had already added fresh luster to the imperial dignity; but in order to still further strengthen the authority and consolidate the power of the State, the Emperor appointed imperial commissioners or deputies (missi dominici), whose office and functions have been described above. The court consisting of these commissioners also protected the personal liberty of the subjects, so frequently hazarded in the Frankish Empire by the concentration in the hands of one person of both the judicial and executive au- thority. While the dukes and counts still retained and exercised the executive authority and power, the legislative branch was given into the hands of tlje Court of Imperial Commissions (missio dominica), consisting of persons selected by the Em- ^Soo p. 160. ' Conf. capitul. I. Interrogandi sunt, in quibua rebus vel locis ecolesiastici laicis aut laici ecclesiasticis ministerium suum impediant. In hoc loco discuti- endum est atque interveniendum, in quantum so episcopus aut abbas rebus saeeularibus debeat inserere, vel in quantum comes vel alter laicus in ccclesi- astica nogotia. Hie interrogandum est acutissime, quid sit quod Apostolus ait: Nemo militans Deo implicat se negotiis saecularibus (2 Tim. ii. 4) vel ad quoa Bermo iste pertineat. (Baluz., T. I., p. 328.) Cf. tX>r. Braun, Carolo M. reg- nanto quae inter ecclesiam et imperium ratio interoesserit, Priburgi, 18G3. 186 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4l. peror himself, and distinguished by intellectual strength, su- perior cultivation, tact, and perseverance in investigating facts, skill and judicial temper in deciding upon their merits and bearing, and by all those qualifications which specially fit men to be dispensers of justice. " The good and gracious Emperor, solicitous for the welfare of the poor, the Avidows, and the orphans of his Empire,^ desired to provide for them and for the entire people, without cost or trouble, a tribunal at which they might at all times obtain the justice which had hitherto been denied them." The inaugural address delivered by Charlemagne at Aix- la-Chapelle, in the year 802, breathes the same religious spirit as pervades that delivered at the diet held in the same city in the year 813, when he bestowed the crown and other emblems of royalty ujson his son, Louis the Mild, "with," as he expressed it, " Christ's consent." And, pitching his voice in a higher key, he exhorted the prince before all things to love and honor God ; to keep His commandments ; to protect the Church ; to love her bishops as his own children ; to show kindness to the princes of his own blood ; to regard his sub- jects with the same parental feeling that he would his own oiTspring; to provide for the poor; to raise to oflice and posi- tions of trust only such as were distinguished by integrity and holiness of life ; to chastise oft'enders with a view to draw them from their evil ways and insure their eternal welfare; and to be the protector of the religious and the comforter of the poor. The prince, upon being asked by his venerable father if he were prepared to comply with these injunctions, answered that, "with the help of God's grace," he would. The untiring energy displayed by Charlemagne, and felt in every corner of his wide empire, laid the foundation of all that is noble and beautiful and useful in the history of the Middle Ages. For centuries after he had passed away, his memory was cherished by a loving and grateful people, who pointed with pride to their magnificent institutions as the 1 Such are the dispositions of the emperor at the Synod of Ais-la-Chapelle, in 802. [HarrJicim, T. I., p. 365. "| Conf. "Charlemagne's laws and legislation for widows and orphans, the poor and travelers" (Hist. Polit. Papers, hy Phillips and Gorres, Vol. I., p. 406-413. § 174. Charlemagne. 187 heritage of the illustrious founder of the Germanic Empire.' But, amid all this {greatness and g\oYj, the mind of Charle- magne was not exempt from sad forebodings of the future. Evidences of the coming storm were already above the hori- zon of Europe. Standing upon the battlements of one of the strongholds on the shores of the North Sea, and gazing away into the distance, where the sails of the piratical vessels of the Northmen were disappearing from view, his features as- sumed an expression of sadness and his ej'es filled with tears. Upon being asked the cause of this unusual depression, he replied: "Alas! if these men are so audaciously aggressive in my own lifetime, what will not my people have to suffer when I am no more !" It were well for the memory of Charlemagne if there were fewer blemishes upon his domestic life. Then, too, would the prayer which this brave warrior was accustomed to pour forth from the fullness of his heart, in the silence of tiio night, have ascended purer and pleaded with more eflicacy at Throne of Grace. But, notwithstanding these ineffaceable spots upon his character, Pascal the Autipope, during the time of Alexander III., acting on the suggestion of Frederic Barharossa, placed him on the calendar of the saints. Though succeeding pontiffs neglected to cancel his name, his many derelictions of conjugal fidelity and the scandal Avhich nec- essarily attached to him because of his having had three natural sons, viz., Drogo, Theoderic, and Hugh, called from many persons the most emphatic protests against such action. Hence his name has never been entered upon cither the Eo- man or the Benedictine calendar, notwithstanding that the Benedictine order was the especial object of his favor and bounty.^ All, however, have concurred in conferring upon him the title of ^"^ Great;" nor would it be possible to deny it to him, when we take into account all the institutions which he called into existence for the promotion of science, art, and ' Coiif. Caniii, Universal History, German by BrUld, Vol. V., Preface, p. Ixiv. 2 The Congr. of Eitos lately, under Pi as IX., limited the celebration of hia Anniversary to the city of Ai.x-la-Chapelle. The Officium do St. Carolo in Cani- stus-Basnarje lectt. antiq., T. III., Pt. II., p. 205 sq. Conf. Walch, Historia canoni- sationis Caroli M., Jonae, 1750. Moser, Hist, of Osnabriick, Pt. I., p. S20. 188 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 4. good government, and compared the condition of the Frank- ish Empire, at the time of his accessioji, with the prosperity and glory whicli it reached at the close of his life. He died January 28, a. d. 814, in the imperial palace at Aix-la-Chapelle, in the seventy-s'^cond year of his age and forty-sixth of his reign, and was buried in the cathedral which he had himself built. Seated upon a throne of gold, with head erect, bearing a sword at his side, his loins girt about with the cord of a pil- grim, and holding in his hand the Book of Gospels, Charle- magne seems still, in death, the presiding genius of his people and the inspirer of those great conceptions which he realized in his own life. Paulus Diaconus, the son of Warnefried, inspired by mo- tives of love and gratitude, said truly of him : " One knows not which to admire more in this great man — his bravery in war or his wisdom in peace, the glory of his military achieve- ments or the splendor of his triumphs in the liberal arts." CHAPTER V. THE GKEEK CHURCH. § 175. General View. Conf. Fred, von Schler/el, Philosophy of Hist., Vol. II., pp. C9-91. The Church had barely succeeded in arresting the tide of bai'baric invasion by creating and organizing the Holy Koman Germanic Empire, when she was again threatened by the warlike fanaticism of Islamism. The violence and persecut- ing spirit of the ancient Romans seemed again revived, not now, as then, sustained and directed by prudent counsels and the dictates of cool reason, which distinguished every measure of that kingly people, but roused into action, and fanned into a glowing flame by the wild excesses of an over- heated Oriental imagination. The powers of Darkness, which had been brought under control by Christianity, again broke forth fresh against the Church, and cheeked the progress of her pacific pursuits. Islamism, instead of drawing a sharp line of distinction between the external polity of the Church and that of the State, and uniting the two internally by strong and intimate bonds, adopted a less intelligent, if more summary, mode of proceeding, by forcing the two into a sort of mechanical union. Mohammed totally ignored the traditionary and his- torical union which Christianity had effected between Church and State, and, in the recklessness of blind rage and ignorant stupidity, snapped this connecting link betweeo the ancient world of Paganism and the degenerated world of Christian- ity. The new commandment which he gave to the worhl was vengeance; the new purpose of life, the iudulgence of the carnal appetites ; and pride the new motive of action. His teaching inculcated the most brutal despotism, and what he advocated in theory he carried out in practice. (189) 190 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 1. Chapter 5. Was it possible that the invasion of these Arabs, a people so widely clifFerent in origin and character from the Germans, and professing a religion so antagonistic to Christianity, could have the effect of restoring fresh life, youthful vigor, and full manhood to the people of the ancient world ? Islara- ism migljt, indeed, in virtue of some elements of good which it possessed, have curbed the wild excesses of these rude and savage liordos, and imparted to them a certain degree of civ- ilization, but it could have done no more. The enervating sensuality which was its essential element and characteristic, would inevitablj' have bred future troubles aud sown the seeds of moral decay. If there was ever a time in the history of the Chui'ch when she shouhl have been prompt in decision, energetic in action, and prepared to tiirn to practical account all lier strength and power, it was now, when she was brought face to face in deadly conflict with the blind fury of Islamism. These qual- ities have ever been characteristic of the Church in her su- preme hour, nor was she wanting in them now. But, though this be said of the Church as identical with Christianity, it is far from true as relates to the Eastern Church, which, at the time of which Ave are speaking, Avas totally destitute of these qualities, torn with distraction audi, rent into yiumerous sects. Weakened and exhausted by internal disorders, she gradually fell a victim to vain speculations, idle questions, petty disputes, futile and refined theories. It was not long before all religious life, in any true sense, almost entirely died out amid this seeming intellectual activity. If anything more was necessary to Avholly extinguish it, this soon came in the shape oi^ religious tyranny and imperial dogmatism and assumption. The emperors, by arbitrarily nominating to epis- copal sees men whose chief title to merit was their readiness to comply with the imperial pleasure, excluded others who would have made worthy and enlightened pastors. This pol- icy of excluding men of character and ability from the high- est and most responsible offices in the Church, and admitting others Avho possessed neither, opened a wide door to the enemy of the Christian name. Accordingly, the Eastern Church, thus enfeebled and rapidly going to decay, though § 176. Mohamyned — His Doctrine — Its Bajnd Progress. 191 she still bore upon her the tokens of life, was incapable of opposing either moral authority or material strength to the encroachments of Mohammedanism, then in the full vigor of youth, drunk with the blood of conquest, and ready to en- force its claims with great and victorious armies. § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Rapid Progress. Aloorani textus universus, aratice et latine, ed. Marraciuf!. Patav. 1G98 fol., Lips. 1834. German by i3o2/seK, Halle, 1773; by irc/ii, Halle, 1828; by Ullmann, Crofeld, 1841. — Abulfeda (saec. XIV.), annales Muslemici, arabice et latine, ed. Reiske. Havn. 1780 sq., 5 T. 4to.; cjusdem, historia anteislamica, arab. et lat., ed. Fleischer, Lps. 1831 ; the vita Motiammedis, arab. et lat., ed. GagnUr., Oxon. 1723, fol. Tr. Adds.: — Eds. of the Koran, by Fliiyel, 1834, and Redslob, 1837. Engl, transl. by &/e, 1734; J. M. Bodwell, London, 1861. French transl. by /fasimirsAi, Paris, 1840. Gagnter, la vie de Mahom., Amst. 1732, 2 T. ''Dollinger, The Muhammedan Eeligion, Its Interior Development and Influence on the lives of Nations, Ea- tisb. 1838. Well, Muhammed the Prophet, his Life and his Doctrine, Stuttg. 1843. By the same, Hist, of the Ismaelian Nations, given in a Synopsis, 186G. Sprenger, The Life and Doctrine of Muhammed, Berlin, 1861 sq., 3 vols. Kre- mer, Hist of the leading Ideas of Islamism, Lps. 1868. "-Noldeke, ^' MuJiammed" in Herzog's Encyclopaedia, Vol. XVIIL, p. 767 sq. At the opening of the seventh century, no country of the world piresented more striking features and extraordinary contrasts than Arabia, whether in regard to its soil, its cli- mate, or the civilization of its. inhabitants. The Ichthyophagi, or Fish-eaters, who dwelt upon the shores of the Persian Gulf, were, of all the classes composing its motley population, the most ignorant and degraded; next, but a degree higher, came the Beduins, who, possessing a warm imagination and lively temperament, led a pleasant and happy life, tending their flocks in the interior of the country; finally, the inhabitants of the cities, who formed a third class, were highly cultivated, of agreeable manners and pleasing address. Owing to the geographical isolation of Arabia, it afforded an easy and secure retreat to such as were threatened with persecution in Asia; and thither, from the earliest times, men holding every shade of opinion and professing every sort of religious belief had sought and foufid an asylum, and -now composed the heterogeneous mass of its inhabitants. But this people, so various in origin, so seemingly antago- 192 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. uistic in religious profession, and so widely separated, both by education and calling, possessed in common one central place of worship, viz., the Kaaba, or Holy House of Mecca. Within this sanctuary was a great shapeless black stone of the highest antiquity, to which divine honors were paid. A tradition existed, according to which this stone had been first placed there by Abraham, and was intended to symbolize the One God ; and that, having been once displaced, it was again restored by the Amalekites. By and by it came to be sur- rounded with numerous idols, said to be three hundred and sixty in number; and to the Holy House, sanctified in their minds by the presence of so many gods, the Arabs went an- nually, in great troops, on pilgrimages. Sabeism was indeed the most prominent feature of this superstitious and idola- trous worship; but, notwithstanding the absurdity and gro- tesqueness of the various forms which religious belief as- sumed throughout all Arabia, the primitive idea of one God and one religion was never entirely lost sight of.' The large communities of Jews settled in every part of the peninsula, and a considerable number of Christians of the humbler and illiterate class preserved it where it had not been lost, and re- vived it where it had. It was such influences as these that induced Mohammed (from hammada, meaning "one to be praised," or the "desired," his real name being Abul Kasem Ibn Abdallah) to reject the worship of idols and return to the primitive religion of mon- otheism. But the sensual element so characteristic of his race was predominant in Mohammed's new system, was always a prolific source of trouble, and eventually effected its ruin. Mohammed, who was the only son of Abdallah, a Pagan,, and Amina, a Jewess, and was descended from the noble but impoverished family of Hashim, of the priestly tribe of Kore- ■ The prayer addressed by the ancient Arabs to Allah Taala, the Most High God, ran as follows : Cultul tuo mo dodo, o Deus, cultui tuo me dedo. Non est tibi socius, nisi sooius, quern tu possides, et una, quidquid ille possidet. Even the known symbolum, "There is no God but the one God," was in use among the Arabians when Mohammed rose up as its herald. See Dollinger, Ch. H., p. 250 ; V. Malizan, Pilgrimage to Mecca. § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Sapid Progress. 193 ish, who were the chiefs and keepers of the national sanctuary of the Kaaba, and pretended to trace their origin to Isma'el, the son of Abraham and Hagar, was born at Mecca, August 20, A. D. 570. His father died two months before his birth, and his mother when he was six years of age. He then passed under the care of his grandfather, who died two years later, when his uncle, Abu-Talib, who, though poor and having a large family, took charge of him and treated him with much kindness. While a boy, he earned his living as a shepherd ; but little is known, with certainty, of his early life. Grave in his exterior deportment, of imposing address and agree- able manners, he was entirely destitute of the early training and literary accomplishments so necessary to soften the nat- ural asperities of his character and check the impetuosity of his temper. According to his own admission, he could neither read nor ivriie. Though naturally inclined to a contemplative life, he was forced, in consequence of his poverty, to have recourse to commerce for a livelihood. In the course of his commercial travels, he spent some time in a ISTestorian monastery at Bozrah — a circumstance which, while increasing his love of contemplation, failed to produce upon his mind a favorable impression of Christianity.' "When, in the twenty-iifth year of his age, he married a wealthy Meccan widow, Khadijali by name, then in .her thirty-eighth year, who had intrusted to him the care of her Syrian trade and was pleased with his capacity for business, and perhaps still more with, his hand- some person and courtly address. Mohammed had, from his earliest years, manifested a de- cided inclination for solitude, and it was his custom to put aside mercantile affairs and withdraw to a cave in a moun- tain near Mecca, where he would shut himself up, for a month together, every year. When in the fortieth year of his age (a. d. 610), he pretended to have had visions. He said that, while sleeping in a cave in Mount liira, the Angel Ga- ' According to the account of Paulus Diaconus, Zonaras (twelfth century), and other historians. VOL. II — 13 194 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. briel appeared to hiin, and, calling him tPirice, bade him "cry." This was his first revelation, after which he fancied himself possessed of devils, and would have put an end to his life bad be not received a second revelation, iu which he was bidden to "arise and preach." These pretended visions were continued till the end of his life. He at first communi- 'cated them only to Khadijab, bis wife ; Ali, bis cousin ; Zeid, bis freedman and adopted son; Abu-Bekr, his attached friend and prudent counselor; Othman, who, as well as Abu- Bekr, afterward became Caliph, and a few others. After having passed a long retreat in the cave of Mount Hira, he appeared as a public teacher, in the year 611, declaring that "tke7'e is but one God, and Mohammed is Hi's prophet." Having been, in early life, subject to epileptic fits, be at first regarded these visions as the work of evil spirits; but, having been re- assured by the repetition of them, and encouraged by his friends, be finally brought himself to believe, or to affect to believe, that they were divine messages, communicated to him through the agency of the archangel Gabriel. In the pretended revelations which took place at a later period of his life, it is not difficult to discover that he was at times both deceiving himself and consciously deceiving others. It is not at all improbable, that, from the very beginning of bis career, be entertained the vain hope that the Jews would eventually recognize him as the long looked-for Mes- siah, and the Christian sects of Arabia as the promised Para- clete. But when the youthful Ali, his cousin, speaking in his defense, declared that he would break the teeth, pluck out the eyes, rip open the bodies, and cut off the legs of such as would dare oppose the Prophet of God, the people of Mo- hammed's own tribe of Koreish rose up in indignation as^ainst him, and threatened to take bis life. Eejected and persecuted by the Koreishites, he fled from Mecca, July 15, a. d. 622, and, after a three-day's journey, reached the city of Hatshreb, or Yathrib, aftprward called Medina, an abbreviation for Medinat- al-Nabi, or the City of the Prophet. This event is called the Hegira (Iledshra), or Flight, and marks an epoch in the life of Mohammed. Henceforth, Islam and its founder will take their place in the history of the world. § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Rapid Progress. 195 He was received by the inhabitants of Medina with every demonstration of respect, and was conducted into the city in triumph. He had, up to this time, led a comparatively ob- scure life, but he was now to come forth as the prophet and founder of a new political and religious system, destined to make a hitherto insignificant people play a most important part in the history of the world. He at once commenced a war against the Koreishites, which, at first, consisted of pred- atory attacks upon caravans, but soon assumed the dimensions and acquired the importance of a great and organized sti'ug- gle. After many successes and some reverses, be finally marched on Mecca (a. d. 630), and encountered but shght opposition before getting possession of the place. The Prophet, entering the city, went directly to the Kaaba, and saying, " Truth is come, let lies depart," ordered all the idols to be broken before his eyes. Having thus purified the na- tional sanctuary, hallowed by the presence and memory of Abraham and Ismael, of all abominations, he made it the chief temple of the new worship. The religious belief^ of Mohammed, which he professed to 1 The ICordn and the Sonna are the authoritative sources of Doctrine. The Koran consists of the revelations which Mohammed professed to receive from time to time, either directly from God or through the Angel Gabriel. The name Kordn (lit. "that which is read," or "that which ought to be read,") is applied both to the whole wort and to any part of it. It has manj' other titles with the Mohammedans: Al Porkan, "Liberation," "Deliverance," hence "Illu- mination," "Kevelation;" Al Moshaf, "The Volume;" Al Kitab, "The Book;" Al Dhikr, "The Admonition." It is divided in 114 chapters ("Suras," "row-s, primarily of bricks in a wall," thence "a line" of writing). Each chapter is divided into verses (Ayat, "signs," "wonders"), which vary slightly in different editions. Both suras and verses are of very different lengths, the suras having from three to two hundred and eighty-six verses, the verses being from one to nearly twenty lines. Each sura has its title, taken either from some subject treated or some person mentioned in it, or from some important word, often in the middle or near the end of the sura. Some suras have two titles; some verses have also titles of their own. Next to the title comes the mention of the place whore, according to tradition, the sura was revealed — Mecca, Medina, or partly at Mecca, partly at Medina. To every sura but the ninth is prefixed thu form of blessing, "In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful." This blessing is called "Bismillah," from the first w.ord in the Arabic. It is used at the beginning of all books and public documents, before meals and other actions, and is constantly on the lips of Mohammedans. . . . The Koran is composed absolutely without any arrangement or system what- 196 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. have received from time to time, either directly froo: God or through the Augel Gabriel, and which, after his death, had been collected from the palm-leaves, bits of leather, stones, mutton-bones, and other materials on which the several reve- lations had been written, and arranged into one book, known as the Kor&n^ is little more than an incongruous mixture of Parseeism, Judaism.; and Christianity. Mohammed's knowledge of the two last does not appear to have been derived from the Old and ISTew Testaments, but rather from apocryphal Jewish and Christian legends.^ It was soever. It has neither beginning, middle, nor end; it is a gathering of irregu- lar scraps, indiscriminately put together. ... Three stages may be recognized in the composition of the Koran: 1. The period of early struggles, marked by a higher poetical spirit, an appreciation of the beauties of nature, more intense feeling and earnestness. 2. The period of controversy and the formation of doctrine, showing a more prosaic and didactic style, -with frequent repetitions of histories and legends. 3. Period of power, of legislation, moral and ecclesiastical, indicated by a more dogmatic and commanding tone, and comparative freedom from histories and legends. The Sonna (lit. "custom"). The second authoritative source of doctrine is an amplification and explanation of the Koran. It consists of the sayings and doings of the Prophet, as handed down by tradition, put into writing, at the earliest, at the end of the first century after the Hegira. The original purpose of the collectors of traditions was to supply materials for the decision of ques- tions of doctrine, morals, law, and even of habits and customs when the Koran is silent. The Sonna, therefore, chiefly deals with matters of practice. . . . The traditions are all cast in the same form. They are seldom more than ten lines long. Each relates usually only to one fact, in the same style, and in the form of a dialogue. At the head of each is put the chain of witnesses (Isnad), on whose authority the tradition rests, beginning with the writer, and going up to some companion of the Prophet. This is of great importance, and is, with the Mohammedans, a test of the "soundness" of a tradition. They are on all possible subjects. (Blunts Sects and Heresies, art. Mohammedans. — Tk.) iThe Koran is composed of 114 Suras (capita), each of which opens with the words, written in cyphers; "Be smilahi raehmani rachimi, i. e. In the name of the All-merciful, of the All-bountiful." Every Sura (tradition) is again divided into Ayats, or verses. As to the subject-matter, the doctrine of the Koran, or the Islam (from salama, to be safe; fourth conjug., to devote one's self to God), is divided into the Iina7i (doctrine ot faith) and Din (ju.'-tico, or moral doctrine). Of the expounders of the Koran, the orthodox party are called Sunnites (traditionalists); the heterodox are caMe<\. Shiites. Conf. Well, Hist. Crit. Intr. to the Koran, Bielefeld, 1844. (Te.) "^Holder, On the relation in which, according to the Koran, Christ stands to Muhammed, and the Gospel to the Islam {complete worlcs, Vol. I., p. 318-402); Qeiger, What has Muhammed plagiarized from Judaism, Bonn, 1833. '\Maier, § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Rapid Progress. 197 said, even by the contemporaries of Mohammed, that Abdal- lah Ebn Salam, a Jeio; Salam, a convert from Parseeism to Christianity, and Sergius, a ISTestorian monk, had aided him in compiling his religious system. Such were the heteroge- neous constituents of Islam (Submission to God) — a simple, but incomplete system, the one essential element of which is hatred and execration of every other religion. The followers of Islam and descendants of Abraham, like their forefather, adored but one God, and in this they were equally opposed to both the Polytheism of the Pagans and the Trinitarian dogma of the Christians. Their faith as re- gards God was embodied in the motto of the Koran : " la illah ill 'Allah" — i. e. "-there is no God beside God.'' As God has no Son, there can be no Incarnation, and, as the name in- dicates,' Mohammed is His promised Paraclete. Abraham, Moyses, and Christ were sent by God to announce an imper- fect and partial Divine revelation, the completion and perfec- tion (chocraa) of which was reserved to Mohammed. The chief of the attributes ascribed to God, and insisted upon with special emphasis as those most frequently called into exercise, are omnipoteJice, omniscience, and, above all, mercy. Hence, every public document commenced with the woi'ds, "In the name of the All-merciful." Angels, created before man, and consisting of an ethereal fire or light, hover about the throne of God, and never weary of serving and praising Him. The four most important angels are Gabriel, the angel of revelation, declared to be identical with the Holy Ghost; Michael, the protector of youth and friend of the Jews ; Azrael, the angel of death ; and Izrafil, who shall sound the trumpet on the day of judgment. The Koran speaks also of an angel guardian, and of another, once culled Azazil, but who, refusing to comply with God's com- mand and worship Adam at his creation, was cursed for his pride, fell from his high estate, and became Eblis, or Satan. Christian Elements of the Koran (Preibg. Journal of Theology, Vol. II., p. 34-97). Conf Orosse, Essay of a Christology of the Koran, Gotha, 1840. ' This pretension is without foundation, because " Mohammed," though synony- mous with irtfUiilvrdQ, far-famed, is not with 7rapdicA!?rof. 198 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. He has no power over believers, but is constantly engaged in seducing others. God created man out of dust to be His representative on earth. Some He made white, some black, and others of a color resulting from a mixture of the two. His soul is part of the Divine Being, and his body God commanded to be cir- cumcised, like that of Ismael, the patriarch of the Arabs, in the thirteenth year after birth. He is subject by irreversible decree to a Divine and irrevocable law, according to which his actions and his destiny are foreordained and predeter- mined. Islam repudiates redemption, justification, grace and its influence as a means of salvation. But in all that regai-ds eschatology, or the end of man and his condition after death, it is especially full, depicting in glowing words and endless variety of expression the grossly sensual pleasures of Para- dise, and giving, by way of contrast, a frightful account of the tortures of Hell. On the Last Day, the bodies shall me from their resting-place, and all men go to judgment. After judg- ment, all men will pass over the bridge Al-Sirat, which ex- tends over themidst of hell, is finer than a hair, sharper than a sword's edge, and beset on both sides by briars and thorns. The good will pass, with Mohammed and the prophets, in safety into paradise ; the wicked will fall into hell, where they will endure tortures of fire and other punishments. Their bodies will be ever fresh for the fiame ; for their flesh, though constantly consumed, will be constantly renewed. Paradise is a place flowing with milk and honey, and abounding in every delight for the enjoyment of the good. They will feast on the most delicious meats, and drink water which never becomes impure ; each shall enjoy the society of his own wives and of the charming and incontaminable black- eyed houries, or girls of paradise. The Koran is filled with protests against the Christian dog- mas of the Dimriity of Christ and the Trinity, and against the ceneraiion oi images. Speaking of the divinity of Christ, Mo- hammed says : " There is no cause for marvel if, in the pro- mulgation of such a doctrine, the heavens opened, the earth was rent, and the mountains fell in." "If," said he, -'yoa § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Eapid Progress. 199 aiBrm that God has a Son, you must also admit that He has a wife." Mohammed arrived at this conclusion in the follow- ing way : The Arabs believed all angels to be females, and Mohammed held that the angel Gabriel, being the supreme angel, was identical with the Holy Ghost. He therefore con- cluded that the Christians had raised this angel to the dignity of wife of God, and that he was consequently a female Divin- it3\ This being once established, there was no difficulty in allowing that a third Divinity, or Jesus, was the fruit of this union. And in matter of fact, there is an apocryphal writing, in which Jesus is represented as addressing the Jloly Ghost as His mother. With regai-d to morality, the Koran may be said to concern itself only about external practices, paying little, if any, atten- tion to the purity of interior motives, or to the conditions of true sanctifcation. The principal branches of practice are three — prayer, fasting, and alms-giving. I. Prayer. In praying, the worshiper turns toward Mecca, where the Kaaba is situated, this being the du-ection which leads along the way to God. Prayer is ordered to be made five times daily: 1. Before sunrise; 2. Just afternoon, when the sun begins to decline; 3. Midway between noon and night- fall ; 4. A little after sunset ; and 5. When the evening has just set in. The times of prayer are proclaimed by Muezzins from the minarets of the mosque, in a sort of chant. This relig- ious service consists of inclinations, frequent ejaculations of the form, " God is great," and prayers and recitations taken from the Koran. Public worship takes place in the mosque every Friday at noon. This day is called "the day of assem- bly," and the service is the same as that of private devotions, with the addition of a sermon. Women are not admitted into the mosque, or allowed to attend public service, except on festivals. H. Fasting is a means of gaining heaven, and is both obligatory and optional. The obligatory fast takes place yearly, during the month of Ramadhan, because the Koran was given in that month. It commences with the new moon and continues to the next new moon. The Moslem is bidden to fast every day, from the time it is light enough to distin- 200 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. guish between a black and white thread until sunset, from eating and drinking, from smoking and perfume, and from all sensual indulgence. Of the optional fasts, the most im- portant is that of the Ashura, the tenth day of Moharram, or the first month. It was instituted and made obligatory by Mohammed, shortly after the Hegira, when he was trying tc win over the Jews, but was afterward left to the option of each believer. III. Alms-giving was at first prescribed, but afterward made voluntary, and is regarded as eflectual in opening the gates of Heaven to the worshiper. In the early days of Moslem- ism, the alms were collected by officers appointed by the sovereign, and were applied to pious uses. Their payment was afterward left to the conscience, and their application determined by the wish, of the giver. Both men and women were each expected to make at least one 'pilgrimage to Mecca and Mt. Arafat in the course of their lives. Each one may either go himself or send another, whose expenses he pays.' But the most meritorious of all actions, according to the Prophet, was to co-operate with the saints in efforts to propa- gate the new religion by force of arms. Female chastity con- sisted in loyal fidelity to husbands and in shunning whatever might tend to excite their jealousy. In men, on the other hand, it consisted in having no illicit intercourse with strange women or female slaves other than those of one's own house- hold. Besides as many female slaves as one might choose to possess, he was also allowed to have /owr wives. One who had not a sufficiently ample fortune to marry free women was advised to content himself with slaves. In its relations to woman, Islam is in every sense far inferior to Paganism. On the other hand, the use of wine and all spirituous liquors was forbidden. 1 This pilgrimage takes place in the month of Dzul-hajji. The ceremonies to be performed by the pilgrims are very numerous and complicated ; the chief of th;m are the wearing of the Ihram, or sacred garment, consisting of two sim- pb pieces of cloth wrapped round the loins and over the shoulder; going three times round the Kaaba or Holy House of Mecca, kissing or touching sach time the black stone, said to have fallen from heaven ; making a journey to Mount Arafat, about ten miles distant from Mecca, and offering victims, either goati sheep, kine, or camels, BUmis Sects and Heresies, art. Mahometanism. (Tk.) § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Hapid Progress. 201 A religious system such as this, so congenial to the tem- perament and national character of the Arabs, and whose fundamental principles may be comprised under these two heads, viz: 1. As to faith and the intellectual domain, exclusive and prescribed unity; and, 2. As to practice, unbounded and un- limited enjoyment, would naturall}^ have a greater hold over, and exercise a deeper influence upon, the children of the desert than the exalted teaching and moral requirements of Christianity. Still, the terrible doctrine representing God as absolutely preordaining man, and man as iri'evocably predestined, to an eternity of either happiness or misery, early met with a most decided opposition. Those who refused to accept its more harsh and repulsive features formed themselves into one of the numerous sects'- into which this religious system, appar- ently so simple, was eventually split, and professed the doc- trine in a modified form. The Moslem form of government is an absolute despotism,^ and seems an essential element of the system; though, judg- ing from the examples of Hindoo kings and Chinese empe- rors, there would not appear to be any necessary connection between it and the genius of the Asiatic people. It is there- fore peculiar to Moslemism — a peculiarity which may be suf- ficiently accounted for by bearing in mind that in the Moslem system there is a thorough amalgamation and complete iden- tification of the spii'itual with the temporal power, and that the latter is, moreover, simply a military domination, based upon the right of conquest. This being the case, there will be no difficulty in understanding the drift of Mohammed's politi- cal axiom: "Two religions can not co-exist in the same State." ^DolUnger's work, entitled "The Keligion of Mohammed," may he consulted for an account of the Moslem sects, pp. 79-134. Between the sects of the Kadris and Dshabaris and the orthodox helievers of Islam, there was an opposition somewhat analogous to that which the PredeHi- iiarians and Pelagians manifested toward orthodox Christianity. Neither are the hopeful anticipations of the Mehdi, in their relations to Islam, unlike the wild chiliastic reveries of the Christian Millenarians. There were also some mystic sects among the Moslems, the chief of which was that of the Sufis, who somewhat resemhled the Pantheists and Quietists. L. c, p. 105 sq. ' Conf. DoUinger, 1. o., p. 38 sq. 202 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chaipter 5. Islam is little more than a bald and superficial imitation of Judaism, without, however, its expiatory and vicarious sacri- fices. Neither does the Koran make any mention of a hier- archy or teaching body of religious men. Mohammed and his successors themselves officiated as prayer-leaders, and ex- horted the believers. Still, though it was soon found neces- sary to appoint certain persons with specific religious duties, these do not bear the most remote resemblance, either in character or ofiice, to anything in the Christian hierarchy. l>rone of them are regarded in the light of ordained priests— neither the Sheiks, who preaclied ; nor the Khatibs, who read the Koran ; nor the Imans, Avho presided at the daily prayers ; nor the Muezzins, who proclaimed the times of prayer from the minarets; nor the Kayim, who had the cus- tody of the mosques. The functions of all these may be discharged equally well, and just as lawfully, by any ordi- nary Moslem. Even the Ulemds, a college of men composed of three orders, of which that of the Muftis, or Doctors of Law and Theology, is the highest and most respected, resem- ble the Christian clergy only in external appearance, holding about the same relation to them as the Moslem dervishes to the Christian monks. As a natural result and logical conse- quence of such a ministry, the worship of Islam is barren and empty, and an enemy to all symbolism and pictorial representation. ITor are the two chief but meaningless festi- vals of Islam, called Ids, and by the Turks Beirams — the greater intended to commemorate the sacrifice oft'ered by Abraham, and the lesser the termination of the fast of Kamadhan ; nor Friday, the sacred day of Islam — intended to commemorate the creation of the world, and consequently a day, not of rest, but of labor and general activity — at all calculated to give the Moslems a correct idea of divine things, or to inspire them with high and holy thoughts, and lift their hearts heavenward, like the solemn fasts of Chris- tianity, which have naturally, and as if by a law of neces- sity, grown out of the great facts connected with the redemp- tion of mankind. Mohammedanism spread rapidly. Its progress was partly due to the personal qualities and efforts of Mohammed him- § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Rapid Progress. 203 self, who, being affable in his address and simple in bis man- ners, liberal and beneficent, daring and sensual, and, when occasion required, harsh and cruel, propagated the religion of Islam sword in hand; combating, with terrible energy and indomitable resolution, whoever dared to resist his command, and holding out to such as espoused and took up arms in de- fense of his cause eternal happiness and perpetual and ever- renewing delights amid the cooling and refreshing shades of Paradise; but partly, also, to the discords of the Christians, which prevented them from combining and successfully re- sisting the neAv enemy, and to the sympathy of the ISTestorians and Mouophysites of Syria and Egypt, who were discontented with Byzantine rule. The latter were for a time favored by the ambitious and fanatical Moslem, who encoui'aged them to secretly aid and abet the war which they themselves were openly to undertake against the Lower Empire. So rapid were their conquests, that on the death of Mohammed, who was attacked by tertian fever and carried off, June 8, a. d. 632, nearly the whole of Arabia had been subjected to the faith of Islam; and, during the course of the first century after the Hegira, these lately converted and fanatical Arabs went forth under the leadership of the immediate successors to Mohammed, the Caliphs (Khalif, "Successor"), Abu-Bekr, and Omar I., and, before the close of the year 639, had sub- dued all Syria and Palestine. After the deplorable capitula- tion of Jerusalem (a. d. 637), SophroJiius, the Patriarch of the city, conducted Omar into the Church of the Resurrection, crying out, as he passed through the bewildered people who had gathered there: "Behold the abomination of desolation in the Holy Place, foretold by Daniel the Prophet." Egypt was subdued by Othman in a. d. 640, and Persia in a. d. 651. The Church of the East, split up into rival sects and weak- ened by internal dissensions, was incapable of unity, either of purpose or action, and entirely destitute of the vigor and courage characteristic of the ages of faith, which opposed arms to arms, repelled force by force, and gloried in defend- ing the Cross of Christ. During the caliphate of the Ommiads, the entire coast of Northern Africa (a. d. 707), with its once flourishing churches, 204 Period 2. E'poch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. and even Spain itself (a. d. 711), were subdued by the Sara- cens. Constantinople alone still held out, after having suc- cessfully sustained two long and obstinate sieges (a. d. 669- 676, 717-718). There can be do doubt that Islam, with its terrible genius for destruction and its hundred millions of believers, has, like all the great events which take place in this world by the inscrutable decrees of Providence, a determinate influence and special office in the moral government of mankind. It is not, however, permitted us to fathom the depths of the Di\'ine Councils, or to do more than venture, with becoming reverence, a vague guess and doubtful forecast as to the ul- timate purpose of the Supreme Disposer of all things. As Mohammed commenced by combating Paganism, it is not unlikely that the monotheism of the Moslems was intended to be for those idolaters who embraced it, one of the stages in their passage to Christianity. And, judging from the rig- orous character of the then prevailing rationalism, it should seem that it would be a very eflacient means of leading such Mohammedans, and even Jews, as had acquired any consid- erable degree of mental and moral culture, to the knowledge and acceptance of Christianity. When it is borne in mind that idolatry was prevalent in Africa, and pantheism in Asia, the propagation of the faith of Islam, and the consequent author- ity which it exercised over men's minds, may be regarded as constituting a sort of breakwater, or spiritual quarantine, pro- tecting the already degenerate Christianity^ of the Eastern nations from any further mutilation and perversion that might come from those quarters. "Were proof needed that the danger of a wide-spread and complete corruption was really approaching and imminent, it might be furnished, not only in the tendency then so de- cided and prevalent among the Christians of the East, to split into innumerable heretical and discordant sects, but also in the fact that the immoral, corrupting, and extravagant doctrine of the Paulicians and Bogomiles was received with universal favor. ITay, more, the schismatical Greeks had • Dollmger, The Keligion of Mohammed, p. 140 sq. § 176. Mohammed — His Doctrine — Its Eapld Progress. 205 become so degraded that even the Mohammedans, when re- ferring to them as compared with themselves, were accus- tomed to speak of them in terms of contempt. "When Islam is considered in its relations to Western Chris- tendom, its mission is still more apparent. The Moslems, being in a sense the representatives and inheritors of the Old Law, became instruments in the hands of God for the chas- tisement of the enfranchised and free nations of the West, thus at once checking their downward course and punishing their de- generacy, rousing them from their inactivity, and calling into life their slumbering energies. When chastisement had been administered, their work was accomplished ; the scourge was arrested, and the spirit of wrath and vengeance disappeared. The Church had indeed been violently shaken by the terrible convulsions by which South, and Southwestern Europe was visited ; but, when these had passed away, the world beheld the old edifice, though somewhat damaged by the mighty tempest that had swept over her, still as firmly seated as ever upon her immovable foundations, and rising in more than her ancient strength and beauty from the surrounding ruins. Notwithstanding the vast power and wide dominion exer- cised by the Moslems, they have for centuries been disquieted by a prophecy,^ according to which " the Ottoman Empire is one day to he destroyed by the Christians." While considering these events from our point of view, we should not forget the pecular position of Christians under the domination of Mohammed and the Caliphs. While de- claring Christ to be a mere man, Mohammed professed the greatest respect for both Him and His Gospel. He at times treated the Christians with remarkable lenity; thus acting a part strangely inconsistent with his own professed revelations. Even the Caliphs were at first tolerant of the Christians, probably from political motives, imposing no heavier burden than a capitation tax on either them or the Jews. Moreover, many educated Christians wrote apologies, in which they de- fended their own faith, demonstrated the inadmissibility of ^Ltidov. Domenichi makes mention of these prophesies in his Profetie dei Ma- ometani, Firenze, 1548. 206 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. the interpretations put upon certain texts of the Old Testa- ment by which they were made applicable to Islam/ main- tained the divinity of Christ and the free will of man, refuted with unassailable arguments the doctrine of fatalism and of unconditional predestination, and the assertion that God is the author of evil. But the Caliphs soon put an end to such inconsiderate con- troversy. Elated by their success and numerous victories, they carried into practical effect the political axiom of Mo- hammed which had hitherto been held in abeyance : " Two religions can not co-exist in the same State." They replied with the sword to the arguments of Christian apologists, treated the Christians themselves as an obnoxious sect, and gave them the alternative of apostasy or death. § 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts in the East and in the Prankish Empire. ^.— BYZAJSTTINE ICONOCLASTS. I. Mansi, T. XII-XIV. Harduin, T. III. and IV. Of the Byzantines, the Cnronicle of Theophanes Confess, (f before 820), and the Breviar. hist, of iWce- phorus, Patr. of Const. (t828) in Ang. Mai Nov. PP. Bibl., V. I. 146. (Tb.) Theodori Studitae (t826) opp. ed. Sirmond. opp. var. 1. Georgii Hamartoli, Chron. ed. E. do Muralto, Petersbvirg, 1865. Ada S. Andreae in Act. SS. Bol- land. Oct. VIII., p. 124 sq. — Goldasl, imperialia decreta de cultu imaginum in iitro- que imperio promulgata, Prancofurti, 1608. Joannis Damasceni Adyot aTro7j>yriTuml 'npuQ rovQ dia^aXkovTac^ rac^ dyiac; elicovat; (Opp. ed. Ic Qide7ij T. I., p. 305. sq.) The principal documents, in Rosier' s Patristic Library, Pt. X., p. 474-568. II. Maimhourg, Hist, de I'htjresie des Iconoclastes, 2 vols., Paris, 1679. Natal. Alex, dissert, adv. vet. novosque ioonomachos ac praesertim contra, libh. IV. ' (Carolin.) (hist. eccl. saec. VIII.) Schlosser; Hist, of the Iconoclast Emperors of the Eastern Empire, Prkft. 1812. Kaierkamp, Ch. H., V. IV., p. 40-96. ' S ach a passage is Deuteron. xxxiii. 2 : " The Lord came from Sinai, and from Seir he rose up to us : He hath appeared from mount Pharan." It was pre- tended that these words foretold the revelation by Moses, that by Christ (since it is said that Seir is a mountain of Galilee), and by Mohammed. But the mountain Pharan is altogether too far away from Hcdshaz and Mecca to bo considered as in any way connected with Mohammed. See Dollinger, Man'l of Ch. H., Vol. I., Pt. II., p. 313. Nay, the Mohammedans even accused the Christians of having erased the name of Mohammed from the Bible, and in- sisted that Christ said : " I announce to you that a prophet shall come after me whose name is Muomeih." See Phrazes in his oorp. script, hist. Byzant., Bonn. 1838, p. 340. § 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 207 '{Marx, The Iconoclasm of the Byzantine Emperors, Treves, 1809. ITefele, Hist, of Councils, Vol. III., p. 335-457. Palma, Praeleot. hist, eccl., T. II., Pt. II., p. 3-43. While the Moslems were living peaceably, side by sidt?- with the Christians, and both were, to all appearance, dally cnltivating more friendly relations with each other, there was no concealing the fact that the followers of Mohammed had taken deep offense at the prevailing and growing use of im- ages in the Christian churches — a practice which the law- giver of Mecca had emphaticalh^ condemned from the very ontset of his career. The aversion to the use of imasres, manifested by the first Christians, was early overcome by the decided taste for the fine ai'ts innate in the character of the Greeks and still strong among them, and by the requirements of popular devotion, of which visible signs and symbols are the natural expression. It can not, however, be denied that the use of images, in itself so perfectly legitimate, had grad- ually given rise to many and glaring abuses, such as the practice of employing them as sponsors for children and decking them in all sorts of unbecoming adornments. These abuses were at once the cause and occasion of a turbulent reaction, which, as is usual in such cases, defeated its own purpose by going beyond the limits of legitimate protest and condemning even a rational use of images, and led to a contest more sanguinary and violent than any which the dog- matic controversies had excited in the East. ISTay, more ; so terrific was the iconoclastic struggle, while it lasted, that it destroyed the peace of the Church and threatened the de- struction of the State. The origin of this deplorable controversy is usually ascribed to Leo the Isaurian, a rade and ignorant soldier, who, rising from the humblest walks of life, finally succeeded, by the aid of the army, in reaching the imperial throne (a. d. 717). Having already employed violent measures to compel the Jews to receive baptism, and driven the Montauists to such, a degree of desperation that they frequently resorted to sui- cide to escape his tyranny, he next turned his attention to the task of suppressing the use of images. He brought to the contest the fierce spirit of the law-giver of Mecca rather 208 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. than the moderation of the one of Sinai, declaring "he could not endure that Christ should be represented under the form of a dumb and senseless figure, made of coarse material and bedaubed with vulgar colors, and that such representations would shock both Jews and Mohammedans and repel them from Christianity."^ He therefore assumed the oflice of a self-constituted reformer of the Church, and set about putting an end to this superstition. He commenced by ordering Pope Gregory II. to have the images and paintings on the walls of the churches raised sufiiciently high to be beyond the reach of the embraces and kisses of the devout multi- tude, thus, as he thought, preventing profanation and remov- ing the occasion of sin. Finding that his order was ineffectual, he published, in the year 726, in spite of the representations and protests of Ger- manus, Patriarch of Constantinople, and other theologians of the capital, an edict forbidding the veneration of statues, images, and mosaics, and branding the jjractice as idolatrous. This edict was shortly followed hj a second (c. A; D. 730) of a far more severe aiid sweeping character, ordering the complete destruction of all images throughout the "Western Empire. ISTo words can convey an adequate idea of the agi- tation and tumult which followed its promulgation. The question, unlike any abstruse definition of a dogma, or au- iThe use of images, besides being a stumbling-block to Mohammedans, as was maintained, was objectionable to the Iconoclastic emperors for other rea- sons. They insisted — 1. That images had been forbidden in the Old Law; 2. That painting and sculpture were eminently Pagan arts ; 3. That it was entirely unbecoming and sinful to represent Christ and his Saints by lifeless matter; 4. That to represent Christ under human form was to give rise to a iertium quid, inasmuch as, though the human attributes might, the Divine attributes could not, be limited by forms of sense, and consequently the image would be some- thing giving no adequate or correct representation of the Person of Christ, thus leading to the Eutychian or Monophysite errors; or that, if this conclu- sion were rejected, the only alternative left was to take refuge in Nestorianism, and, by maintaining that Christ could be represented under human and sensible ■ forms, admit that the Persons might be separated in Him, and His Humanity have a self-subsistent existence of its own. The true solution of the whole difficulty, and the motive which prompted imperial action, arc to be sought in the meddlesomeness of those emperors who, like their predecessors in regard to the earlier dogmatic controversies, were always interfering in ecclesiastical legislation. § 177. TJie Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 209 thoritative solution of a subtle point of metaphysics, was within the comprehension of the multitude, and bore di- rectly upon their religious life and devotional habits. It has been said that if an order were issued at the present day, commanding the breaking and destroying of all the statues and images of the Blessed Virgin set up along the country highways and metropolitan thoroughfares of any Catholic country of Europe, no such revulsion of feeling would take place as that which followed the promulgation of Leo's edict. The soldiers charged with its execution were treated with every sort of indignity, and frequently lost their lives in en- deavoring to carry its instructions into effect. Above the bronze portal of the imperial palace stood a magnificent image of Christ,' which was held in great rever- ence by the people. According to Theophanes and Cedrenus, the destroying of this was the occasion of a popular tumult, in which many of the participants paid with their lives the penalty of their devotion. When a soldier of the imperial guard had placed a ladder against the gateway, for the pur- pose of taking down the image, a number of ladies collected around begged him to spare it for their^sakes. But, instead of heeding their remonstrances and acceding to their wishes, he struck the face of the image a blow with his ax — an act which so wounded the religious sensibilities, and so excited the indignation of the ladies, that, forgetting for a time the gentleness of their sex, and yielding to the fierce impulse of the moment, they drew the ladder from under the soldier's feet, precipitated him to the ground, set upon and murdered him. The chief opposition came from the monks who supplied the images and the bulk of the people who entertained great reverence for them. The Emperor's anger was still more inflamed against the iconolaters by the conduct of one Kosmos, who, taking ad- vantage of the popular indignation against the Emperor, ' Tho 60-oalled avTupuyviiTTi^ = warrantor, because, as the legend went, it had, on one occasion, given security for the payment of money borrowed by a pious sailor. VOL. II — 14 210 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 1. Chapter 5. raised the standard of rebellion in Greece. The insurrection was speedily suppressed, and Kosnios apprehended and exe- cuted ; but the event itself aflbrded Leo a plausible excuse for pursuing his iconoclastic policy with greater energy. In the year 730, ho entered upon a systematic warfare against images (shovoxXaano:;), which he carried on with un- remitting severity till the day of his death, a. d. 741. Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, who had already reached the venerable age of ninety-six, having refused to comply with the Emperor's wishes, was deposed and super- seded by Anastasins, the secretary and compliant tool of Leo. But, if he could thus dispose of Germanus, he had no such power over John of Damascus, the greatest theologian of his day, and who, living under the government of the Caliphs, and having no reason to fear the anger of Leo, publisLed three exceedingly able discourses in defense of the proper use of images. Both Gregory II. and Gregory III. protested cm- phaticalh^ against the imputation cast upon the Church by the Emperor, of having for eight hundred years tolerated and favored an idolatrous worship. Tliey stated that no Chris- tian could be persuaded to believe that there was anything divine in the material statue or picture itself, or that any divine virtue resided in it, and that consequently they could not Avorship it; that the most illiterate person and the feeblest intellect could distinguish between the downright adoration of images and the relative homage that might be paid to them because of the originals which they represented; and that the prohibitions formerly laid upon the Jews were not applicable to the Christians, because, since Christ, the second Person of the Adorable Trinity, had become incarnate and assunred the form of man. His representation as such was both possible and admissible. Sucli churches as might defy the power and escape the re- sentment of Leo, at once cut' the Iconoclasts ofi' from theii' communion. In the j-ear 731, Gregory III. convoked a council at Pome, attended by ninety-three bishops, in which sentence of excommunication was passed upon all enemies of holy images. The Emperor, now under sentence of exeommuui- cation, determined to take revenge upon the Pope, and sent § 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 211 a fleet against Rome, which was dispersed by a storm, and wrecked in the Adriatic Gnlf. After this failure, he con- tented himself with confiscating those portions of the Patri- mony of St. Peter situated in Calabria and Sicily, and trans- ferring Greece and lilyricum from the Roman to the Byzantine patriarchate. Leo labored for a period of twelve years in the vain attempt to root out a religions principle deeply seated in the minds of earnest Christians, and at his death (a. d. 741) beheld his empire distracted in both East and West, and his purpose as far from its accomplishment as at the commence- ment of his reign. His son and successor, Constantine Co- 2)ronyjnus^ (a. d. 741-775), surpassed even his father in the malignant hatred with which he pursued the defenders of images throughout his empire. The controversy had been heretofore mainly a religious one, but it now assumed a dif- ferent aspect, and took the character of a political contest. During the first year of Constantine's reign, and while he was absent on an expedition against the Saracens, a report of his death having got abroad, the advocates of the use of im- ages rose in revolt, aijd placed Artabasdus, the Emperor's brother-in-law, on the imperial throne. The usurper, who, to gain the affections of the people, proclaimed himself the protector of such as opposed Iconoclasm, was unable to retain possession of the throne, and having been defeated by Con- stantine, ISfovember 2, a. b. 743, paid dearly for his rashness and ambition. Constantine had both him and his son bound in chains, exposed in the hippodrome, and, after having put this indignity upon them, ordered their eyes to be plucked out. All the adherents of the usurper underwent a punish- ment equally cruel. His anger bore still more heavily upon the unfortunate and vacillating Anastasius, who, having been an iconoclast under Leo, changed sides under Artabasdus, and, after having suflered the most terrible cruelties in pun- ishment of his relapse, again veered about, and, upon his restoration to the patriarchate, became the submissive and subservient tool of Constantine. The unworthy patriarch did ? ' So called from Kciirpof, dirt, because, at his baptism, he defiled tlifi baptismal font. 212 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. all in his power to facilitate the carrying out of the em- peror's designs. He crowned his son, who was then asso- ciated with his father in the government of the empire— a measure intended to secure the permanency of Coustantine's dynasty. Constantine availed himself of a most opportune moment, when the Lombards were seriously threatening the Pope, 'to renew and add to the severity of his decrees against the use of images. In order to secure the good-will and co-operation of the bishops, he amused each in turn with the flattering hope or promise of the patriarchal throne of Constantinople, left vacant by the death of Anastasins (a. d. 753.) He also summoned, in the next year, the bishops to meet in council at the capital, to provide measures for the complete suppression of the use of images. This council afterward aspired to the more pretentious title of the Seventh Ecumen- ical. It assembled in the Hieria palace, opposite Constanti- nople, was attended by three hundred and thirty-eight bish- ops belonging to Asia Minor, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece ; and was presided over by Theodosius of Ephesus, but among its members there was not a single one of the Oriental patriarchs. The patriarchate of Constantinople was still vacant, and those of Antioeh, Alexandria, and Jerusalem wei-e under Moham- medan dominion. Although the great majority of the bishops condemned in their hearts the principles of Iconoclasm, yet they consented to become facile tools of the Emperor, and descended to the meanness of doing his bidding. They denounced the art of painting as accursed and blasphemous, and as the invention of the devil ; declared that such as should manufacture or pay reverence to images, or set them up either in churches or in private houses, should, if ecclesiastics, be deposed, and, if laymen, be cut oti' from the communion of the Church-, after which they were to be handed over to the civil autlior- ity, to be dealt with according to the ordinances of the impe- rial laws ; and iinally, as if to iill the measure of their ig- nominious abasement, they anathematized Germanus, the § 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 213 deceased Pati-iarch of Constaatinople, Gregory of Cyprus, and John of Damascus} The Pope, and the three Oriental patriarchs living under the Mohammedan government, condemned the decrees of this synod. This action was followed by a new and more decided opposition to the Emperor, on the one hand, and, on the other, by a more bloody and relentless persecution of the advocates of images. Monasteries were demolished, libraries destroyed, and monks given the alternative of marrying or quitting the country. Many of them were chucked into sacks, had stones tied about their necks, and were cast into the sea; others had their eyes plucked, and were dragged through the streets of the city. Among the most resolute of those who withstood the im- jjcrial tyranny was the famous abbot, Stephen the Younger, Avho dwelt in the grotto of Auxentius, on a lofty mountain near Constantinople. Pie inspired the monks, who flocked to him in great numbers, with his own courage and resolu- tion, but advised such as felt any diffidence of their fortitude to retire to distant districts in the East and "West. The Em- peror, conscious of the importance of having a man of such influence espouse his cause,dispatched a person of high rank to him with a present of dried figs, dates, and such other fruits as the monks subsisted on. Stephen rejected the in- sidious overture, declaring that he would not accept the gift of a heretic, nor deny his faith, aud that he Avas ready to die for the image of Christ. When summoned before the Em- peror, drawing from his cowl a piece of coin bearing the Emperor's effigy, he said : " What punishment shall I suffer if I trample this under my feetV" And, having thrown the coin down, he trod upon it, whereupon he was cast into prison for so insulting the imperial ef^gj; thus demonstrating, by an argumentum ad hominem, that reverence paid to an image might be transferred to the original. Upon entering the prison, he found there three hundred and forty-two monks, some with their hands, some with their • Conf. HefeU, Ch. H., V. III., p. 379-386. 214 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. CJiapter 5. ears, and some with their noses cut off; others whose eyes had heen bored out, and all awaiting sentence of death. Leo IV. (a. d. 775-780), who succeeded Constantiue, adopted the same principles and pursued the same policy as his father; and if his measures were somewhat less severe, it was, in a great measure, due to the influence of his wife, Irene, an Athenian lady and a devout advocate of the use of images. Discovering that the use of images had heen introduced into the imperial household, Leo severely punished such as were implicated in this act of disobedience to the existing edicts, and, during the remaining four years of his reign, enforced the obnoxious laws with greater rigor. Upon the death of the Enaperor, in the early part of the year 780, Irene, aided by the advocates of images, whom she had often befriended at great risk to herself, assumed the reins of gov- ernment during the minority of her infant sou, Constantine VI., surnamed Porphyrogenitus, a boy only ten years of age. She was also instrumental in convoking the Seventh Ecu- menical Council. Panl, the iconoclastic patriarch of Constantinople, pre- viously to bis death, expressed regret that he had consented to he set over a church separated from the communion of the Catholic world, and recommended as his successor Tarasius (a. d. 784j, the former private secretai'y of the empress Irene, a man of austere life and great learning, who would consent to accept the dignity only on condition that the unity of the Church should be restored, and that Pope Hadrian would con- voke an ecumenical council for that purpose. Pope Hadrian received Tarasius again into the Church, and wrote to the empress, who had sent a deputation of bishops to Eome, to request him to direct the action of the council. SEVEKTH ECUMENICAL COUXCIL, a. d. 787. This council held the first of its eight sessions at Constan- tinople, A. D. 786, hut owing to the disturbances raised by the troops, who were still attached to the memory of Leo and Constantine Copronymus, it was adjourned, and met again at Nice, A. D. 787. There were present, besides the two papal legates, Peter, § 177. Tlie Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 215 Archpriest of St. Potcr's, and another Feter, Abbot of St. Sabas, who presided over the council, more tlian three hun- dred bishops, cither in person or by representation, and a great number of monks and ecclesiastics not entitled to vote. The patriarch Tarasius, though occupying a position below the papal legates in the council, directed its proceedings. In accordance with the requirements of Pope Hadrian, the acts of the so-called council of 754 were rescinded. The teaching sot forth in his letter relative to the proper respect to be paid to images was accepted, first by Tarasius, and afterward by the whole council. After a full discussion of the point at issue, the council declared that a rational use of images was perfectly lawful. In the seventh session, a document was drawn up by Tara- sius, specifying what objects were included under the term images, and defining the kind of reverence due to them, a report of which was also sent to Constantino and Irene. It was here declared that not only the sign of the Cross, but also images of Christ, of the Virgin Mary, of angels, and of holy and devout men, drawn in color, composed of mosaic work, or made of other suitable material, might be placed in church, upon sacred vessels and vestments, on walls and tables, and be set up along the highways. The proper sense of the word rrpo^xui^ecu, as expressing the honor to be paid to men, was then fully stated and explained according to its biblical and patristic use. The council then went on to repudiate the imputation of idolatry in the use of images, in the following terras : " Bowing or prostrating oneself be- fore an image {u/r/jTixyj 7rpo!;xuuyj(Tc;), which is simply a token of love and a relative honor [ayzxr/.-q rpozy-uvfjac:;) rendered to the original, should not be confounded with the adoration {)M.Tps.ia) which is due to God alone. Christians," it continued, " do not call images gods, neither do they serve them as gods, nor place their hopes of salvation in them, nor expect future judgment at their hands; but, while refusing to pay them the honor due to God, they salute them out of respect to the memory of those they represent, and as a token of the love they entertain for the originals." At the close of the seventh session, the council was directed, 216 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 1. Cha-pter 5. by an imperial order, to repair in a body to Constantinople, where the eighth and last session was held, on the twenty- third day of October, in the imperial palace of Magnaura. The empress Irene and her son, Constantine, wei'e in attend- ance, surrounded by a vast concourse of people. The em- press ordered the decrees which had been passed to be pub- lically read, and, after having asked the bishops if these expressed the sense of the whole council and received au affirmative answer, accompanied with repeated acclama- tions, she had them placed before herself and her son, both of whom signed them. The council was then solemnly closed. Constantine VI. came of age A. D. 791. The next six years were passed in a contest with his mother to obtain the reins of government. Irene finally gained the upper hand, and enjoyed five years of sole rule, when she was dethroned in a rebellion, headed by her secretary, Mcephoros, and banished to the island of Lesbos, where she died in the following year. During his reign (a. d. 802-811) and that of his successor, Stauracius, which lasted only a few months, and of Michael I., Burnamed Ehangabes (a. d. 811-813), the controversy was carried on with less vehemence and bitterness. But when Michael, feeling himself unequal to the task of governing an empire, resigned in favor of Leo V. (a. d. 813-820), surnamed the Armenian, and retired into a monastery, it again broke out with increased violence. This emperor, nicknamed the Chameleon, because at his coronation he refused to make any pn'ofession of faith, permitted a number of synods to be held, the most notable of which is that of the year 816, pre- sided over by Theodorus Cassiteras, a layman of noble birth, but of iconoclastic antecedents, being a collateral descendant of Constantine Copronymus, and whom Leo had raised to the [latriarchal throne. This synod annulled the decisions of the Seventh Ecumenical Council (a. d. 787), and reasserted those of the synod held at Constantinople, a. d. 754. This action was followed by an imperial edict, said to have been inspired by John the Grammarian and Theodorus Cassiteras, the lead- ers of the Iconoclasts, who persuaded the emperor that the § 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 217 unhappy condition of his empire should be ascribed to tlie idolatry of his subjects, and i-egarded as a punishnient of God npon their infidelity. They also foretold that his reign would be long and glorious if he would follow out the x^olicy pur- sued by his predecessor, Leo the Isanriau. The emperor, acting upon the faith of this prophecy, ordered many monks and ecclesiastics who favored the use of images, to quit the country. Some of these were received into the monastery of St. Prazedis, at Eome, by the reigning Pope, Pascal, and others were consoled in their exile by letters written from his prison by the intrepid Theodore the Studite. Michael II., surnamed the Stammerer (a. d. 820-829), recalled the exiles in the early part of his reign, but, later on, adopted the persecuting policy of his predecessors. Theodore the Studite, who was allowed to return with the rest, still prov- ing intractable, was again banished, and died in exile, a. d. 826. Michael was succeeded by his son Theophihis (a. d. 829- 842), who had been educated by Theodoras Cassiteras, and had imbibed all his hatred against the use and veneration of images. He was the most bitter and cruel of all the icono- clastic emperors. Pie expressed his determination to sweep the whole tribe of monks from the face of the earth, and is said to have martyred the whole confraternity of Abrahamites on an island in the Euxine Sea. He scourged some, impris- oned others, and burnt the hands of Lazarus, a celebrated paiuter, with hot iron bars, to prevent him from ever again engaging in his hated art. He undertook a discussion with some of the Catholic party, among the most famous of whom were the two brothers, Theophanes the singer and Theodore the illuminator, upon whose faces he branded some ofiensive iambics composed by himself. But if he despised, his wife, Theodora, secretly favored, the iconolaters. Upon the death of her husband, a. d. 842, 31i- chael III., afterward known as The Drunkard, being still a minor, Theodora became regent. She recalled the banished monks, and summoned a synod to meet at Constantinople (a. d. 842), at which the decrees of the Second Council of 218 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. Nice (a. t>. 787) were reaffirmed, and the Iconoclasts (saovo- x/.affTai) anathematized. On the iiinetcCDtli of February of the same year, a solemn procession, headed by the patriarch, the clergy, the empress and her son, moved around the Church of St. Sophia, and the day has ever since been observed in the Eastern Church as the Feast of Orthodoxy, or thanksgiving for the final over- throw of the iconoclastic heresy (--J -/.uptax'q ri^c opdooo^iaq). The Eighth Ecumenical Council (a. d. 869) repeated the condemnation of the Iconoclasts. From a theolocjical point of view, there was an end of the controversy. The question, which had disturbed the Church for above one hundred and twenty years, had been set at rest forever by a clear and precise definition, after a thorough and candid examination of all the controverted points. But from a political point of view, the case was very differ- ent. From tlic breaking out of the controversy, there bad been a manifest and ever-growing alienation of the Western from the Eastern half of the Roman Empire, which ended in a complete separation of the two, under the respective names of the Byzantine and the Germano-FranJdsh Empires. 5.— THE ICONOCLASTIC CONTKOVEEST IN THE FEANKISH EMPIEE. Augusta cone. Nicaeni II. censura sen libri Carolini, anno 790, od. 1549. Eli Phili (pseudonymous; properly J. du T'dld, Ep. of St. Bricux, afterward of Meaux; lie is suspected of Calvinism), according to the slnylc Codex, now kept in the library of the Arsenal at Paris, which is either entirely or partly the ■work of a forger. The Codex, of which Archbishop Hincmar of Eheims availed himself, and the Codex Vaticanus, from which the Apostolic Librarian, Steuchits, made his quotations, have hitherto remained lost without a trace; cd. Heumann, Hanov. 1731 ; also in Goldastl Imperat. decrot., p. 07 sq., and in Migne, scr. lat., T. 08, printed from Fhilt's text. Conf. Claudius Taurin., do cultu imaginum (fragmenta), and Dunjali lib. respons. (>Iax. Bibl., T. XIV.; Bibl. Patrist. Colon., T. IS., Pt. II., p. 87.J sq.) Acts in Mansl, T. XIII.-XIV., aniRarduin, T. IV. Conf. Hefcle, Hist, of Councils, Vol. III., p. G51-673. Anterior to the breaking out of the present controversy, the Christians inhabiting tbe western provinces of the E.oman Empire had possessed a clear and intelligent knowledge of the use of images, according to the mind of the Church. Images bad been employed by them to adorn churches, to § 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 219 enhance the solemnity of public worship, and to awaken and quicken faith and devotion. The liveliness of Oriental im- agination, always liable to giddy flights and dangerous ex- cesses, was less to bo feared among the more phlegmatic populations of the West. The Germans, of all people, were the least in danger of being carried away by an unruly fancy, inasmuch as they had never worshiped their divinities under the form of pictorial representations, and but seldom a'i per' sonified in the objects and phenomona of nature. ISTo consid- erable trace of idolatrous worship appeared among them until much later; and when idolatry did make its appear- ance, it came associated with many other elements distinc- tively Pagan, and was difficult to root out. To banish it in the Frankish Empire required a vigorous and well-sustained effort. "When the decrees of the Greek councils were made known in the "West, they were but ill-received — .1. Because the people had not yet acquired a taste for the fine arts, and did not feel the want of rejDresenting persons and events by images; 2. Because the Germans, who had now become idol- aters, might excuse their own practice by appealing to the use of images among Christians; and, 3. Because the Ger- mans, who, unlike the Orientals, never fell prostrate before their kings as a mark of reverence, and humbled themselves to God alone, might not fully comprehend — nay, probably entirely misconceive — the meaning and import of the term Ttpo^xuvTiatz. A defective translation of the acts of the Second Council of Nice had been sent to Charlemagne by Pope Hadrian I., which, after having been further mutilated by ignorant and blundering copyists, was submitted to a number of theolo- gians. The worst apprehensions were verified. The acts of the council were severely and unjustly cen- sured in the so-called Caroline Books (Quatuor Libri Carolini), composed (a. d. 790) in part by Charlemagne, but chiefly by the English Alcuin and other ecclesiastics.' The natural 'The contents of these Books are, in substance, as follows; 1. Both Eastern synods, the Iconoclastic of 754 and the Iconolatric of Nice (787), are equally "infames" and " ineptissimae," and both transgress the boundaries of truth. 2. Adoration and ■worship are due only to God — Ho alono Is "adorandus" and 220 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. vehemence of the French theologians and the irritation of Charlemagne, whose proposed match between the princess Rothrud and Constantiue,the son of Irene, had been rejected by the latter, gave point and emphasis to this theological treatif-e. Owing either to the faulty translation of the Conciliar Acts or to the omission of a negative pai'ticle^ by an oversight of the copyist, the following blasphemous utterance was at- tributed to the Nicene Fathers : " I bestow service or adora- tion on images of the saints even as on the Divine Trinity;" whereas the council had been specially careful to distinguish between the reverence due to images and the adoration to be given to God alone (/; xar« larpuov Tzpozxlivriacq). Thus misled, the three hundred bishops who assembled at the Council of Frankfort, summoned by Charlemagne, a. d. 794, to consider the errors of Adoptionism, decided against the veneration, while allowing the use of images.^ " colendus," but not the creature. 3. The saints are but " venerandi," and only an "opportuna vencratio" must be rendered to them. 4. There do indeed occur instances of an ''adoratio" of men, consisting in a bow or a kiss; yet are these acts employed only " salutationis causa," and out of a sense of love or humility. 5. Even this kind of " adoratio " must not be paid to pictures, for they are with- out life, and the works of the hands of men. They may be retained — a. As an ornament of churches ; and, i. In commemoration of past events — but all " ado- ratio" and all "cultura" must be avoided. 6. It matters not whether they bo kept or not; they are not necessary, and it was wholly wrong in the ^Nicene synod to have threatened with anathema all those who do not revere images. 7. Images must not be put on a par with the cross of Christ, or with Holy Writ, the sacred vessels, and the relics of the bodies or garments of the saints. All these things, according to ancient tradition, are venerated in the West, but not images. 8. It is foolish to burn lights or incense before pictures. 9. If they be deemed sacred, then must they not be put in dirty places — e. g. by the roadside, as is done by the Greeks. Conf. the Analysis in Hejele's Hist, of Coun- cils, Vol. III., p. 655 sq. Piper, Introd. to Monumental Theol., p. 219 sq. 'They read there: "Suscipio venerandas imagines, et quae secundum scrvi- tium adorationis, quae substantiali et vivificae Trinitati emitto," wherefore the council is styled "synodus ineptissima, pseudosynodus;" while in the correct translation of Anastasius it is said: "Suscipio et amplector venerabiles imagines; adorationem autem, quae fit secundum ^arpeiav, tantummodo supersubstantiali et vivificae Trinitati conserve." ^Coneil. Prancfort. in Maiisl, T. XIII., p. 909. Special attention is here directed to the Second Canon, which, while approving the Libri Carolini, attributes views wholly false to the Second Council of Nice, or, as it is here § 177. The Controversies of the Iconoclasts. 221 In the 3'ear 824, tlio Greek emperor Michael the Stammerer dispatched an embassy to Louis the Mild, s4iccessor to Charle- magne, for the purpose of renewing bonds of confederation, and with a view of bringing him over to the principles of the Iconoclasts. Louis assembled a council at Paris (a. d. 825), which, owing to Greek influence and the powerful op- position of Claudius, Bishop of Turin, rejected the Council of Nice and charged Pope Hadrian with having favored the superstition of the Greeks. This action is all the more surprising, inasmuch as the ed- itor of the Caroline Books, probably Alcuiu, notwithstanding the bitterness with which he assails the Greeks and the Oriental ccnirt, accusing both of a lack of genuine dignity and manliness, declares repeatedly that while it is forbidden to adore (adorare), it is permitted to revere images; and that, while, guarding against any superstitious veneration of im- ages,' the faithful should not contemptuously despise such as serve for the adornment of churches or the ediiication of the faithful. After Pope Hadrian had become acquainted with the char- called, that of Constantinople: " Allata est in medium quaestio de nova Grao- corum synodo, quam do adorandis imaginibus Constantinopoli fecerunt, in qua Bcriptum liabebatur, ut qui imagiuibus Sanctorum, ita ut Ceiflcae Trinitati, ssr- vitiiim aut adorationcm non impenderent, anathema judicarentur. Qui supra sanctissimi Patres nostri adorationem et scrvitium renuentes contempserunt, atque eonsentiontes condemnaverunt." ■ The following passage in the Libri Carolini deserves special attention : " Permittimus imagines Sanctorum, quicunquo oas formaro voluerint, tarn in ccclesia quam extra ccclesiam propter amorcm Dei ct Sanctorum ejus; adorare vero oas nequaquam cogimus, qui noluerint." It will be noted that it is hero implied that the ISTicene Council wished to force (cogimus) persons to adore images, whereas, in matter of fact, it did the exact contrary. The canon then goes on; "frangere vero vel destruere eas, etiamsi quis voluerit, non permitti- mus" (ad act. IV. sub fin.) For a complete proof of the blundering — nay, even of the dishonesty — of the authors of these Books, see Ilejele, Hist, of the Councils, Vol. III., p. 655-G73. Their animus is frequently so apparent, that, lilce many others before him, Floss, in his Programme, " De suspeeta librorum Carolin. a Joanne Tilio editorum fide," Bonnao, 1860, adduces a number of arguments to support the conjecture, that the Caroline Books were again tampered with, and interpolated by the fierce Iconoclasts of the sixteenth century. Compare, however. Dr. Nolie's review of this Programme, in the Vienna Journal of Catholic Literature, year 1861, u. 80. 222 Period 2. Efoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 5. acter and contents of the Caroline Books, he composed and forwarded to the Emperor a calm and dignified refutation of them, in which, after reaffirming the teachings of Grerjorif the Great, he adds new arguments of his own to estahlish tho doctrine of tho veneration of iniages. The sophistical reasoning of Claudius, Bishop of Tnriu, and Afjobard, Archbishop of Lyons, was exposed and con- fnted by Jonas, Bishop of Orleans,' but still more ably by Dungal, an Irish monk of St. Denys. Some time subsequently, Walafried Strabo and Hincmar, Archbishop of E,heims, triumphantly asserted and vindicated the true doctrine relative to the veneration of images by showing the futility of the objections urged al^aiust the Council of ISTice. ' Jonae de cultu imaginum, libb. III. (max. bibl., T. XIV., p. 1G7, and bibL Patrum Colon., T. IX., Pt. I., p. 90 sq.) Agohard: lib. ctr. oorura supcrsti- tioncm, qui picturis ot imaginibus Sanctor. obsoquium defcrcndiim putant. (0pp. cd. Massoii., Par. 1005; castigatus a Stoph. Balia., Par. ICCO, 2 vols.; Galland. bibl., T. XIII.) PART SECOND. HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH FROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO THE PONTIFI- CATE OF GREGORY VII., 1073. § 178. Sov.rces. Works. Sources — I. Ada Concillor. in Mansi, Harduin, Ilar-Jieim ; besides, Binicrim, Philosophical Hist, of the German Councils, Vol. III. I-Iefelc, Hist, of Coun- cils, Vol. IV. Annales Fuldenscs, 830-901 ; Bcrtiniani, 835-882; ncgino, Abbot of Priim (t915) Chronic. 870-907, contin. to 907 {complete in Pcriz, T. I.) Anna- lisia Saxo, 741-1139 (Eccardi corp. hist., T. I.) Flodoard, Canon of Eheiras (tOCC), Chronieon, 919-960 {du Chesnc, T. II., in Bouijuct-Dom Br;al, T. V.) iMitpraiid!, opisc. Cremon., Hist. ror. ab Europ. imperat. et rcgib. gestar., libri VI. (Muratorii, Scriptor. Ital., T. II., Pt. I., and Fcrir., T. III.; also published separately, Hanov., 1839.) V/iiUc/dnd, Monk of Corvey (t 1000), Annal. do reb. Saxon, gestis (Meibom., T. I., p. 028. Conf. Leibnitz, T. I., p. 201 ; Periz, T. III.) Ditmari, Episc. Mcrseb. (tl018), Chronieon, 870-1028, ed. Waffner. Norimb., 1807, 4to; also in Leibnitz, T. II., and Pcrtz, T. IV. Ilei-manni Cotiiracti, Mo- nachi Augiens. (Ecichenau, tl054), Chronic, from Christ to 10-54 {Pistorius- Strave, T. I., witli the continuation by Bertholdiis of Reichcnau, and by Bcrnoldus of St. Blasius, in Ussermann, Monumenta res Aleman. illustrant., T. I., and in Pertz, T. VII.) Lamberii Hersfcldensis, Chronic, until 1077, transl. by Buch- holz, Frkft. 1819 (in Pertz, T. VII., and in a separate edition). Mariani Scott, Monachi Fuldens., Chronica down to 1083, and Siijebertus Gcmblaeens., Chronic, down to 1112 (in Periz, T. VII. and VIII.) Conf. '> Waiienhaeh, Germany's Sources of History. II. For the Greek Church. The Byzantines : Consiantinus Porphyrogennetes (t959) to 886; Jos. Genesius (about 940) from 813-867; Georgius, Monachus, to 959; Simeon Loffotheia, to d07; Leo Grammaiicus, to WIS; Georg. Ccdreyius uiado an extract therefrom, to 1057; Jo. Zonaras, to 1118. (See the editions of the Byzantines, in our Vol. I., p. 43, n. 1.) WoKKs: Baronii Annal. Fleury, Natalis Alex., Stolberg-Kcrz, Vol. 26-36. Bamberger, Synchronist. Hist., Vol. 3-0. Hoc/,; Gerhcri, or Pope Sylvester II., and HSflcr, The German Popes; Weiss, Hist, of Alfred the Great, Schaffhaa^on, 1852; Vogel, Piatherius of Verona, Jena, 1854, shed much light on the tenth and elcvuntli centuries, so little studied, and so very much misunderstood. For fur- ther literature, see above, p. 12, especially the Hist, of Home, by Fapencordt, Gregoro)>iits, and Remnont. (223) 224 Period 2. IJpoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 1. CHAPTER I. raOORESS of CHEISTIANITT among the GEKMANS — CONVERSION OF SLAVIC NATIONS. § 179. Christianity in Scandinavia. I. Adam. Brem. Hist, eoclesiast., libri IV., from Charlemagne to 1076, ed. I'dhriclus, Hamb. 1706, transl. into German, with notes, by Carsten Miser/aes, Bremen, 1825. Ejusdem de situ Daniae et reliquarum, quae trans Daniam sunt, I'egionura natura, morib. ot relig. cd. Fabricius, Hamb. 1700 fol. Bemberit, vita St. Anscharii [Periz, Monum., T. II., Bolland. ad I. m. Pebr.); German, with notes, by Carsten Misegaes, Bremen, 1826, by Drewes, Paderborn, 1864. An- clcarii St. pigments : St. Anscharius' prayers accompanying the psalms, com- municated by Lappenberg, Hamb. 1844. Saxonis GrammaUct Hist. Danioa, ed. Klotz, Lps. 1771, 4to. II. MUnter, Ch. H. of Denmark and Norway, Vol. I., p. 260 sq. Karvp, Hist, of the Oath. Church in Denmark, transl. fr. the Danish into German, Munster, 1803, p. 1-58. Biographies of Ansrjar, according to Eembertus, by Krummaeher, Bremen, 1828 ; by Reuierdald, transl. fr. the Swedish into Gorman by Mayerhoff, Berlin, 1837 ; by Kraft, narratio de Ansehario, Aquilonar. gentium Apostolo, Hamb. 1840; by Klippel, Bremen, 1844. . Bohrlngcr, Ch. H. in Biographies, Vol. II., Divis. 1, p. 170-228. '■■'Daniel, St. Ansgar, the Ideal of an Apostolic Mes- senger [TheoL Controversies, Halle, 1843); by t^'f/'/'e/iorn, Mimster, 1862. Conf. Gfrorer, Universal Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 797 sq. DahlTnami, Hist, of Donmarlc, Hamb. 1840 eq., 3 vols., whose chronological dates have been generally adopted, Christianity had been preached to the Saxons during the reign of Charlemagne, and a bishopric had been established at Bremen. The tree of faith thus planted on German soil ^ grew up and flourished till its wide-spread and life-giving branches east their shadow upon the neighboring country of Scandinavia. The Danish king Harold, having been expelled from his own country, sought an asylum at the court of Louis the Mild; and in the year 822, the latter sent an embassy into Denmark to compose the difficulty between the King and the other claimants to the throne. But the embassadors had, besides their political mission, another of quite a different character. They were charged with making arrangement for the establishment of a Christian mission in this Pagan' land. Hence the Council of Attigny, with the consent of Pope Pas- § 179. Christianity in Scandinavia. 225 cal I., sent thither, as missionaries, Ebbo, Archbishop of Eheims, and the monk Halitgar, who, it would seem, lacked the courage and perseverance necessary to contend success- fully against the difficulties which at every step beset apos- tles. In the year 826, Harold was again driven from his king- dom, and sought refuge with the Emperor at Metz, where he, his wife, and a numerous retinue received baptism. He now conceived the design of giving security and stability to his throne by converting his subjects to the Christian religion. But to undertake a task of such magnitude and difficulty with any hope of success required a missionary of no ordi- nary gifts, and such was found in the person of Anschar, or Ansgar, a pious and learned monk of Corbie, in the diocese of Amiens, in France — a man who equaled St. Boniface in active zeal and untiring energy. ANSGAR, THE APOSTLE OP THE NORTH Ansgar was born not far from Corbie, in the diocese of Amiens, a. d. 801. From his earliest youth, he had been re- ligiously inclined, and, after he had grown up, was placed by his parents with the monks of the monastery of Corbie. He was the favorite pupil of Paschasius Radbert, one of the most learned men of his age, and afterward became his as- sistant. In the year 822, he was removed to a monastery founded not far from Hoxter, on the Weser, and which from the parent house received the name of Corvey. He here un- dertook the direction of the monastic school, and preached to the people of the surrounding country. Ansgar had many visions, in one of which his future des- tiny was made known to him. Transported to the abode of the saints, a heavenly voice said to him : " Descend to earth, and again return hither crowned with martyrdom." Accom- panied by King Plarold and one monk, Autbert by name, who alone, of all the monks of the monastery, volunteered to share with him the perils and labors of the new mission, he set out for Denmark, a. d. 827. His first care was to estab- lish a school at Hadeby for the education of ransomed Pagan VOL. II — 15 226 Penod 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 1. slaves, who lie intended should be the future missionaries of their country. Harold, who had rendered himself obnoxious to his nation by embracing Christianity, was again expelled the country (a. d. 828), and his expulsion extinguished, for the time being, all hope of converting the people to the Christian faith, i But if one field of labor was thus closed against Ansgar, another was opened to him. An embassy which had been sent into Sweden by the emperor Louis, in the year 829, in- formed him, on their return, that there were many Christians in that countr}" desirous of being better informed as to their religion, and of obtaining priests to minister to them. Aut- bert, the companion of Ansgar, on his former mission, was compelled by sickness to return to Corvey, where he shortly died. Witmar, also a monk of Corvey, accompanied Ansgar on his second mission, and the two, embarking on a trading ves- sel, set out for Sweden, a. d. 829, taking with them many costly presents for the Swedish king Olaf, and a letter of recommendation, in which Ansgar is described by Louis as " the best and most faithful man he had ever known." Hav- ing obtained permission from the King to preach the Gospel and baptize such as were willing to embrace Christianity, Ansgar continued his labors for a year and a half, amid the most disheartening difficulties, and, at the close of that period, had the gratification of seeing his efforts crowned with unhoped-for success. He bad converted many of the inhabit- ants, and among them some of rank and importance, and had erected numerous churches. The favorable report which he brought back, of the prospects of Christianity in Sweden, induced the emperor Louis to carry into effect a noble and pious project of his father, Charlemagne. With the permis- sion and by the authoritj' of Pope Gregory TV., he founded the archbishopric of Hamburg (a. d. 831), whidi he intended to serve as a center of operations for the missions of tlie Xorth, and had Ansgar, though only in his twenty-ninth year, consecrated its first archbishop. He was also created Papal Legate for the countries of Denmark, Sweden, and Xorway (a. d. 834). § 179. Christianity in Scandinavia. 227 Owing to the increasing complications of the Frankish Empire, the efforts of Ansgar to propagate the Christian re- ligion in Denmark, whose king, Horic, was very hostile to any snch enterprise, met with but trifling success. In the year 845, Horic, at the head of a I^forman army, attacked and pillaged the city of Hamburg, laid the country waste with fire and sword, and scattered the little flock, some of whom were slain, and nearly all the others led away into captivity. It was only with considerable difficulty that Ans- gar succeeded in saving his life and his relics. He now took refuge in the monastery of Turholt, in Flanders, which had been assigned to him by the Emperor, as a source of revenue for his support, on taking the see of Hamburg. But he soon lost even this. After the treaty of Verdun, Turholt became the property of Charles the Bald, who disposed of it to one of his courtiers. The condition of things was somewhat im- proved, when, in the year 849, Pope Nicholas I., at the re- quest of King Louis the German, united the two sees of Bre- men and Hamburg into one archbishopric, over which Ansgar was set. Gunther, Archbishop of Cologne, under whose juris- diction the diocese of Bremen had formerly been, consented to this arrangement, and yielded all his former rights.^ From this time forward, Ansgar labored indefatigably for the con- version of Denmark and Sweden. By his address he ob- tained the permission oi Horic, the Pagan king of Denmark, to preach the Gospel and build churches. In the year 853, inspired with the zeal of an apostle, Ans- gar again visited Sweden, where the mission which he had established in 829 had been destroyed daring a |3opnlar tu- mult. B[is new efforts met with a protracted opposition, and were not received with favor by King Olaf till a fortunate cast of lots had reassured the royal mind that the preachinfj of the Gospel might be permitted without detriment to the State. To give security and permanence to his labors, Ans- gar established a new mission. He spent the closing days of his life, as he had those of his youth, in laborious missionar^^ ' D'Aix, de Ecclesiae metropolitanae Coloniensis in Bremenscm olim suffragiv- neam jure metropolitano primitivo, Bonnae, 1792. 228 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2.' Chu'pter 1. work — sometimes in his own archdiocese, but principally in eflorts to convert the Danes ; and, whether at home or abroad, always subject to the same trials and enduring the same hard- ships and privations which had been his portion from his early years. He wore a shirt of hair-cloth, earned his living by the toil of his hands, and, by close economy and self- sacrifice, managed to lay by something for the support of his missionary priests and for the. purchase of costly presents for Pagan princes whose minds it was necessary to soften and conciliate. After having spent above thirty-four years in laboring for the conversion of the Danes and Swedes, and, when in the sixty-fifth year of his age, he was prostrated bj a violent fever for four months, during which time he con- tinued cheerful and serene. He had, in his youth, longed to die the death of a martyr,^ but this blessing was not granted him. Having received Holy Communion, he repeated, as long as he could speak, the words, " Lord, be merciful to me, a sinner ; into Thy hands I commend my spirit;" and died, on the day revealed to him in a vision, viz., the day after the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Feb- ruary 3, A. D. 865.^ Sembert, the disciple and successor of Ansgar, inherited the apostolic spirit of his master. The Church of Denmark was again oppressed by cruel persecutions during the reign of Gorm, the Old, king of Lithra, in Zealand, who, in the year 900, became chief of all the Danish tribes ; and Hamburg was again taken and destroyed. But, in the year 934, the German emperor, Henry I., compelled Gorm to cease perse- cuting the Christians ; and f7nTO,who had been Archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen since 918, availing himself of this favor- able condition of affairs, made a missionary tour to the Xorth, and succeeded in obtaining from the old king the largest tol- eration for himself and for the Gospel which he preached. > Neander, Memorabilia, III. 2, p. 125 sq. StoVberg-Kerz, Pt. 26, p. 344-419. ^ AnBgar also left beiiind him some j«ri&» documents — a diarium, containiug the history of his mission, which was (a. d. 12G1) sent to Eome by Abbot Tijmo, but is now missing; moreover, the "pigmenia" adduced above, and the vitaS^ Willehadl, the preface of which might well be placed before every life of the Saints. § 179. Christianity in Scandinavia. 229 Harold, surnamed Blaatand (Blue Tooth), the son of Gorm, who reigned for fifty years (a. d. 936-986), had ah-eady been drawn to the Christian faith by the teachings of his mother, Thyra, the daughter of the first Christian Harold, but did not receive baptism until after the disastrous issue of a war with the emperor Otho I. (c. a. d. 965.) An ancient tradition widely difl^used among those Northern people, and which seems to he based on truth, states that Harold was brought to the determination of receiving baptism through the instru- mentality of a certain priest, Foppo by name, a missionary who had come into Denmark from North Friesland. One day, when Poppo was present at a royal banquet, the conver- sation chanced to turn upon the respective merits of the two religions. The missionary characterized the heathen divini- ties as evil spirits, and, upon being asked by the King to prove the truth of his assertion by miracle, willingly as- sented, saying that he would demonstrate, by ordeal, that Christ was God, and thereupon taking up a piece of glowing iron, carried it some distance without scorching his hands.^ The religious zeal of Harold soon excited against him the enmity of his Pagan subjects, and brought about his dethrone- ment. His son, Svend (a. d. 986-1014), favored the Pagan party, which had placed him on the throne, and threatened to' destroy the bishoprics of Odensee and Roskild; but, after returning from his conquest of England, he became more temperate in his opposition to Christianity in Denmark. His son Canute the Great (Knud) (a. d. 1014-1030), who had been brought up under Christian influences in England, acting from a motive of duty and at the instance of his consort, the English princess Emma, established Christianity upon a per- manent basis in his native land, and was himself drawn more closely to the center of unity by a visit which he made to Eome in the year 1026.^ ^Adam. Brem. Hist. Eccl., II. 36. Conf. Gfrorer, Univ. Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 1291 sq. 2.%,-Eo GrammaUcus (Provost of Eoskild? t about 1204) hist., libb. XVI., ed. Stephaniua. Sor. 1644, 2 T. fol., ed. Klotz. Hal. 1771. Pantoppidan. annal. eccl. Dan. diplomatici, Hafn. 1741 sq., T. I. Miinter, 1. 1. Vol. I., p. 214 sq. Dahl- mann. Vol. I., p. 99-112. 230 Period 2. E'poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 1. The conversion of this people, which was as yet only par- tial and lacking in thoroughness, was much improved by the influence of the new bishoprics of Lund, in Schonen, of Borg- lum, and of Viborg, in Jutland, established during the reign of Svend Estrithson, who died a. d. 1076. Paganism, however, was not at once abolished. Traces of it still survived, and continued to infect the manners of the people and to delile the whiteness of their baptismal robes. Moreover, Knud, surnamed the Holy,''- prompted doubtless by a holy but misguided zeal, collected the tithes with such rigorous exactness, that the people rose against him and put him to death, July 10, A. d. 1086. Urban II., at the request of King Eric, raised Lund to the dignity of a metropolitan see, to which the dioceses of both Denmark and Sweden were made sufiragan, and those of the latter country continued so until it had obtained a metropolitan of its own. The seed of faith, which had been sown in Sweden by Ans- gar, flourished, came to fullness of growth, and was now ready to be garnered into the storehouse of the Lord. Arch- bishop Unni, quitting his see of Hamburg, passed into Swe- den, where he labored during a year in consolidating the institutions of the Church, and, when about to return, died at Birka (c. a. d. 940). His successors in the see of Hamburg were equally zealous and energetic in prosecuting the same work, and sent many missionaries into that country, by whose labors those simple and vivacious sons of nature were attracted to Christianity, and their first king, Olaf Skotkonung, drawn into the fold of the one Pastor (a. d. 1008). The first bish- opric was established at Skara, in "West Gothland. King Jn(jre (a. d. 1075) destroyed the last remnants of heathenism.^ King Swerker (a. d. 1133-1155) set to work to promote the progress of the Church in a more Christian temper of mind. He in- vited the monks of St. Bernard into the country, founded monasteries for them, and had the gratification of seeing those noble sons of the Church achieve among his subjects > Conf. Dahlmann, Vol. I., p. 185-203. 2 Claudius Oernhjalm, Hist. Sueoorum Gothorumque eccl., libb. IV.. Stock- holm, 1689, 4to. R&hs, Hist, of the Swedes, Halle, 1803, 6 pts. § 179. Christianity in Scandinavia. 231 the splendid successes which had followed upon their labors in other lands. The bishopric of Upsal, which was estab- lished during the reign of St. Eric (a. d. 1155-1160), was intrusted to Henry, the Apostle of Finland. In the last- named country, the bishopric of Bandamecki had already been long established, but was transferred in 1200 to Abo. Pope Alexander III. made Upsal the metropolitan see of Sweden in 1163, with Skara, Linkoping, Strengnds, Westerds, and, at a later period, Wexio and Abo, as suffragan bish- oprics. It was during their hostile incursions^ into other lands, that the JSTorwegians (N^orwayans) obtained their first knowledge of Christianity. During the tenth century, several of the ITorwegian kings made efforts to introduce it among their subjects. Harold Haarfagr,^ or Harold of the Fair Hair, hav- ing made himself master of Sweden, over which he exercised a sort of suzerainty, took an oath in an assembly of the peo- ple to sacrifice only to the God of the Christians. His son Hacon the Good (a. d. 936 until about 951), who had been baptized, and received a Christian education in England, at the court of King Athelstau, returned to ITorway while still a young man, and full ot zeal for the spread of Christianity. For a time he practiced his devotions in secret, but having gained over to his side a number of the most influential of his subjects, he felt himself suflSiciently secure to propose, be- fore an assembly of the people, that the whole nation, without distinction of rank, age, or sex, should embrace the Christian religion. Their answer was prompt and decisive: "How," said they, " can a strange God put any trust in us, if we thus easily relinquish our fealty to the old ones?" The indigna- tion of the people against Hacon for having given up the belief of his ancestors, was so great that he gi'adually yielded to their demands, till finally his religious practice consisted of a mixture of heathen ceremonies and Christian rites. When dying of a wound received in battle (c. a. d. 960), the grief he felt for having denied his faith weighed so heavily upon his conscience that he declared, should he recover, he 1 Dahlmann, Vol. II., p. 91-97. 232 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 2. Cha-pter 1. would resign his kingdom, retire to a monastery, and pass the remainder of his daj's in works of penance. The cour- age displayed by Harold in battle, and the fact that he had lost his life in fighting for his country, produced a reaction in favor of the religion which he had professed and loved so dearly. Moreover, the people felt that as he had participated in their rites, they should treat his belief with toleration, if not with favor. Hence they were, in a measure, favorably disposed toward Christianity when Harold Blaatand, King of Denmark, having obtained possession of Norway by treach- ery, attempted to introduce it into the country (c. a. d. 960). But the powerful IsTorwegian, Yarl Hacon, by whose assist- ance Harold had obtained possession of Norway, and whom he had appointed Stadtholder, more intent on forwarding his own interests than on serving those of his master, sought to secure his own independence, and recommend himself to the favor of his countrymen by destroying all the Christian estab- lishments which had been set up during the Danish domina- tion. Hacon, having shortly rendered himself odious to the people by acts of oppression, was put aside to make room for Olaf Trygvesen (a. d. 996-1000), a ISTorwegian general, who had traveled in many lands, and gained a knowledge of Chris- tianity, which he embraced, and was baptized at the Scilly Isles, off the southwest coast of England. Olaf had fallen in with a Saxon priest, by name Thangbrand, whom he brought with him when returning to his own country, and the two set to work to introduce Christianity by force. The king went about overturning idols, destroying Pagan temples, impor- tuning some and compelling others to receive baptism, and declaring to all that the only purpose of eai'thly kingdoms is to form citizens for the kingdom of heaven. His reign came to a close in a war against the united powers of Denmark iinrl Sweden, in which he was defeated, and was obliged to leup into/the sea to escape the fury of his pursuers. Those who held the government after him, being but lieu- tenants of the kings of Denmark and Sweden, took little or no interest in religious affairs. When, however, St. Olaf be- came king of Norway (a. d. 1019), he at once set about estab- lishing the Church upon a firm basis. He at first experienced § 179. Christianity in Scandinavia. 233 much opposition, but being ably seconded in his work by the labors of some English and German missionaries, his efforts were finally crowned with success. He built the magnificent church of St. Clement, at Nidaros (Drontheim),the most splen- did specimen of architecture in the l*J"orth; made his subjects take an oath to observe a code of Christian laws, drawn up by Bishop Grinckel and the priests residing at his own court ; established schools all over his kingdom ; destroyed the colos- sal wooden figure of the god Thor; organized a crusade, into which he admitted none but Christians, against Canute the Great,^ King of Denmark and England; and fell mortally, wounded, fighting against his heathen subjects, who had allied themselves with the Danes (July 29, a. d. 1080). His tomb at ISTidaros was soon frequented by many pious Christians, by whom he was honored as a Martyr. The veneration in which his memory was universally held, produced a reaction of pub- lic sentiment in favor of Christianity. In the year 1148, ITida- ros was raised to the rank of an archbishopric, and the sees of Bergen, Hammer, and Stavanger made its sufi'ragans. Such of the Scandinavians as had quitted their native coun- try and settled among Christians, were, as a rule, quite will- ing to embrace the faith of Christ. They were no longer infiuenced by ancient traditions, which gradually lost their hold upon their minds, as distance, time, and new" surround- ings weakened old beliefs* and prejudices, and familiarized new rules of conduct and modes of thought. Thus, for ex- ample, the N"ormans who founded the Eastmannic kingdom of Dublin, in 948, were shortly afterward converted to Chris- tianity. So also Rollo, the powerful ISTorman sea-king, who had been the terror of France for above a quarter of a cen- tury, pledged himself by the treaty of Epte (a. d. 912) to become a Christian, and, in return, obtained as a fief that portion of northwestern Erance lying between the Epte and the sea, to which the name of ]N"ormandy was afterward given. Rollo, at his baptism, took the name of Robert. He wore his baptismal robes for seven days, on each of which he bestowed rich donations on churches. Under his rule, this portion of ^Dahlmann, Vol. II., p. 122-129. Conf. Vol. I., p. 112. 234 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 1. J^rance flourished and prospered. Old and ruined churches were repaired and restored, new ones built, cloisters erected, and on all sides might be seen evidences of peace and con- tentment. France had then no fairer province than ]S"or- mand3^ Iceland,^ that bleak and barren island of the North, was discovered by the Norwegians, in the year 861. Colonists settled there in 870, and founded a free state, which soon be- came the seat and center of the culture and literature of the Northern Germans. The Gospel was preached to the inhab- itants (a. d. 981) by Frederic, a Saxon priest, but with little or no success. Olof Trygvesen, King of Norway, also took a warm interest in the conversion of the Icelanders, and sent to them the missionaries Stefner, himself an Icelander, Thang- hrand, a Saxon, and many others. These zealous men an- nounced to the people of Iceland the glad tidings of the Gospel, and labored earnestly for their conversion. The number of Christians was gradually increased by migrations from Norwaj', and in the year 1000, at the proposal of Lag- mann Thorgeir, a Pagan priest, who dreaded a civil war, if the people should be divided into two opposing parties, Christianity was formally introduced under the following conditions: 1. That all the inhabitants of the island should receive baptism and profess the Christian religion; 2. That all temples containing idols, and all images exposed to public view, should be destroyed ; 3. That any one publicly sacri- ficing to idols or performing other heathen rites should be banished ; 4. That, owing to the barrenness of the island and the great number of its inhabitants, it should be permitted to expose infants and eat horse-flesh ; and, 5. That it should be permitted to practice heathen rites in private. It took time, patience, and prudence to entirely extinguish Paganism in the island, but it gradually yielded to the sub- duing influence of Christianity. English, Irish, and Saxon priests, and even bishops, labored zealously to firmly estab- lish the Church. In the year 1056, Adalbert, Archbishop of ^ Finnt Johannaei hist. eccl. Islandiae, Hafn. 1772 sq., 4 T. fol. Munier, Vol. I., p. 619 sq. Dahlmann, Vol. II., p. 106-122. § 180. The Slavonians and Their Mythology. 235 Bremen, consecrated Isleif first Bishop of Skalholt. He died, A. D. 1080, in the odor of sanctity. A second bishopric was established at Horlum, in 1107, and, from this time forward, Iceland could boast some authors of name and merit, such as Snorro Sturleson, who is well known, both for his capacity as a statesman and as the father of ISTorthern history.' The Faroes, the Orcades, and the Shetland islands are in- debted to the zeal of Olaf Trygvesen for their knowledge of Christianity. A bishopric was established in the Faroes in 1150, of which Matthias (f a. d. 1157) was the first incumbent. The Icelanders discovered Greenland in 982, and converted its inhabitants to Christianity about the year 1000. It is said that the first bishop of Greenland went thither from Bremen, and succeeding ones from 'Sov\^&y? The see was established at Gardar. The conversion of the Northern tribes was an event of the most vital importance to the progress and civilization of Europe f for, as long as these fierce and warlike seamen in- habited or skirted her coasts, her advancement and develop- ment were impossible. § 180. The Slavonians and Their Mythology. Mone, Hist, of Paganism in Northern Europe, Vol. I., p. Ill sq. ITanusch, Doctrine of Slavonic Mythology in its widest acceptation, comprising also ancient Prussian and Lithuanian myths, Lemberg, 1842. Schaffarik, Hist, of the Slavic Language and Literature, Buda (Ofen), 1826 ; the same, Origin of tie Slaves, Buda, 1828. Joh. Lasicki, de diis Samogitar,, Basil. 1615; idein, de Kus- sorum, Musoovitarum, etc., religione, Spirae, 1582. Frencel, de diis Sorabor. et alior. Slavor. (Hoffmann, seriptor. rer. Lusat., T. II.) Naruszewicz, historya narodu polskiego., T. II. (only nomenclature of Slavic gods"). Narbut, dziejo starozytne (on Lituania), Wilno, 4 T. Rettberg, Ch. H. of Germany, Vol. II., p. 545 sq. Mickieioicz's Lectures on the Slavic Literature, 4 vols., Lps. 1849. Among those nations which came prominently forward dur- ing the Middle Ages, the Slavonians are, in numbers and im- ^ Snorro Sturleson (tl241) Heimskringla, ed. Schoeninr/, Hafn. 1777 sq., 5 T. fol.; transl. into German, by Mohnike, Stralsund, 1885, nro. I., by Waehter, Lps. 1835 sq., Vols. I., II. Conf. Dahlmann, Vol. II., p. 77 sq. Gfrorer, Pope Gregory VII., Vol. II., p. 529 sq. ^ Torfaei Groenland. antiqua, Hafn. 1 706. MUnter, Vol. I., p. 555 sq. ' Adam. Bremens., de situ Dan., c. 96. 236 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 1. portanee, second only to the Germans. They occupied that tract of country lying between the river Saale and the Ural Mountains, and between the Baltic and the Adriatic Seaa. Their early history is but little known, being derived, for the most part, from legends of a later date, which are not unfre- quently disfigured by the hostile representations of the Ger- mans. They produced no native poet to transmit to future generations in popular song an account of their origin and early histoiy; neither were they fortunate enough to bave their chai'acter, manners, and customs described by another Tacitus. Slav (their real name being Slowene or Slowane), the gen- eric and distinctive appellation of this people, has, from the seventh century onward, been variously derived from slawa (fame), slowez (man or mankind), and perhaps more correctly frDm slowo (a word, whence Slovanians and Slavences), mean- ing "speaking" or "articulate," and hence a confederation embracin.g only nations of one tongue. This derivation is sup- ported by the fact that Slavonic tribes call such as do not be- long to them Niemetz, or Mutes (in Polish, ISTimiec) — a term in general use among all Slavonians, and implying that those designated by it do not enjoy community of language. The Slavonians first became known in history by their con- flicts with the Germans; but, even at this early period, they had ceased to be distinguished for sterling independence and nobility of character.* Of large and compact frame and well-formed head, they seemed incapable of fatigue and in- sensible to pain. Being by nature courageous and active, they opened an attack with gallantry and conducted it with skill. They were, in social life, frugal, good-natured, and hospitable; were uniformly cheerful, and gifted with an inex- haustible fund of gaiety, which, at their popular feasts, rose to hilarity and boisterousness. Their popular songs, which were numerous, were, at times, spirited and cheerful, and again, tender and mournful. Accustomed to live under Asiatic despots and tyrants, they were fully imbued with the ^Hefftner, The struggle of the Germans and Slavonians for the possession of a great part of the world, Hamburg, 1847. § 180. The Slavonians and Their Mythology. 237 spirit of passive obedience ; but what was still more astonish- ing was the wonderful capacity they possessed of adopting the manners and acquiring the language of any people among whom they chanced to live. Unlike the Germans, the Slavonians did not regard their ■women as companions and equals; but, like all Asiatic peo- ples, treated them with contempt, and looked upon their wives as no better than their slaves. Mothers were allowed to destroy their female infants immediately after birth; and a wife was frequently obliged to share the fate of her hus- band, and to cast herself into the fire that consumed his body. As there was a community of language, so was there also one of religious belief among all the branches of the Slavonic; family. It is probable that their religion consisted, at first, like that of the Germans, of a pure worship of nature; but it was not long before they acknowledged an extravagant number of deities which Christian annalists have designated by Roman names. They appear to have had only a vague idea of a " Being Supreme and Eternal," from whom, as was natural with a people of corrupt and unchastened imaginations, they derived, through Bielobog and Czernobog, the Black God and the White, a numerous progeny of inferior divinities belonging to either class, in which, as has been demonstrated by ITanush in his Slavic Mythology, it is easy to discover the prominent fea- tures of Persian Dualism. There was a community of re- ligious worship, not only in each of the several branches of the Slavonic family, but even among those nations which were under difl^erent and distinct governments. There were sanctuaries at which all worshiped, and which served as a bond of union among tribes having no political connection. Such were the temple at Arcona, on the island of Eiigen, where Swantewits, the four-headed idol, was adored ; that at Rhetra, and others. It is said that the chief-priest of 'Sc\\- gorod maintained an intercourse with the priests of Courlaiid and Semgallia. Among the more popular shrines were those oi Ferun, at Kiew and IJowgorod, who was honored among the Russians and Moravians as the God of Thunder; that of Swantewit, at Arcona ; that of Radegast, the God of Friend- 238 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. CAapfer 1. ship, at Rhetra; that of Shiva, the Goddess of Life; and that of Lado, the Goddess of Love and Beauty. Besides the universally honored gods and goddesses, the Poles had a great number of local divinities. A belief in ghosts was general and deep-seated. The elements, and every ibrm and aspect of nature, were regarded as the manifesta- tions and abodes of an equal number of inferior divinities, of good and evil genii. These were honored in the gloom of sacred groves and on the banks of rivers, but were not at first represented under any sensible form. The images of the gods, which were introduced at a later date, were entirely destitute of all artistic merit, frequently having many heads and m&nj faces. Thus the statues of Triglaw, at Stettin and at Julin, had each three heads, and that of Swantewit, at Arcona, four. Human beings were not unfrequently sacrificed tO' render the gods propitious. The priests who participated iu this sacrificial worshi]3 were highly honored and very influ- ential. They made their influence felt in the family and in nearly every department of social life. On every Monday, the day consecrated to Prowe, the Goddess of Justice, they held court and adjusted difficulties. This circumstance will, in a measure, account for the high honor in which the Christian priests were afterward held among the Slavonians, the vast in- fluence which they acquired, aud the title of Prince (Knez, Xiadz), by which they were known. Hence the title still in use, Xiadz Bisup, Xiadz Proboszez — i. e.. Prince Bishop, Prince Parish-priest — the title being usually indicated by X prefixed. The Slavonians believed that the future life would be no more than a continuation of the present one. § 181. Conversion of Some of the Slavonic Nations. Wittichindus, Diimarus Merseb., Adam. Bremens., at head of § 178. Selmoldi (Presbyter at Bosow, tll70), chronica Slavor., ed. Bangert., Lub. 1659, 410; in Leibn. script. Bruns., T. II._ p. 537 ; also in '-Periz, T. XXI. Assemanni, Kalen- doria ocolos. univ., Eom. 1755, 4to, T. I.-V. Fabricii salutaris lux evangelii, etc. Wegierski, Systoma historico-chronologicum ecolesiarum slavonioarum per pro- vincias varias, praecipue Poloniao, Bohomiae, Lithuaniae, Russiae, Prussiae, iioraviae, etc., distinotarum VIII., libb. IV. continens historiam eccles. a. Chr. ad a. 1650, Trajecti, 1652, 4to. Important: Epistola Episcopor. Germaniae ad .Joan, papain VIII. de Slavis ad fidem christ. conversis et eorum archiepiscopo § 181. Conversion of Some of the Slavonic Nations. 239 et episcopis (Mansi, T. XVII., p. 253 sq. liarduin, T. VI., P. I., p. 126 sq.) Conf. GfrSrer, Univ. Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 1276 sq. For details on particular bishoprics, see the Freiburg Eccl. Cyclopaedia, under the respective denominiir tions. The Croatians (Crowatians) were the first of the Slavonic nations to embrace Christianity. In the reign of Heraciius, they emigrated from Southern Russia and settled on that tract of land included between the Adriatic Sea and the Danube and Save rivers. Their prince, Porga, requested Constantine Pogonatus, to send him Christian missionai-ies. Constantine referred him to Rome, whence a number of mis- sionaries were obtained, who, in the year 670, baptized the prince and many of his people. The Pope then took this country under his immediate protection, and obliged the in- habitants to give up their habits of plunder and predatory warfare. ISTo positive mention is made of Croatian bishops before the year 879. The Servians, who inhabited ancient Dacia, Dardania, and the sea-coast of Albania, were prevailed upon by the emperor Heraciius to receive baptism shortly after they had come into these countries. JBut, in the year 827, when they sev- ered their connection with the Greek Empire, they at the same time rejected Christianity, and remained separated until the year 868, when they submitted to the authority of the emperor Basil, and were again converted. The Carantani, who, during the first half of the seventh century, took up their abode in the Windish March, a tract of country including Carinthia, Carnia, and Styria, were con- verted to Christianity in, the course of the eighth century. Their conversion was due, in a great measure, to their inter- course with the city of Salzburg, and to their condition of dependence upon the Prankish Empire. Two of their princes, Carost and Chetumar, the former the son and the latter the nephew of their chieftain Boruth, had, with his consent, received a Christian education in Bavaria. Chetumar, having succeeded to the supreme power in 743, entered into an alliance with the Bavarians. At his request, Virgilius, Archbishop of Salzburg, sent Bishop Modestus and a number of priests to undertake the conversion of the Carinthians ; and in the year 800, Arno, 240 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 1. his successor in the see of Salzburg, sent Bishop Dietrich to labor in this country and among the neighboring Slavonians. A controversy which broke out in 810 between Arno and Ursus, Patriarch of Aquileia, relative to the jurisdiction over Carinthia, was terminated by Charlemagne, who decided that the river Drave should form the boundary line of their re- spective dioceses. In the year 870, Carinthia, which had hith- erto been governed by regionary bishops or vicars, became subject to Adalwin, who then occupied the archiepiscopal see of Salzburg.^ The Moravians, a Slavonic people, who derived their name from that of the river called Morava, and inhabited the terri- tory of the ancient Quadi, which they took possession of in 534, became acquainted with Christianity through means of the military expeditions undertaken by Charlemagne for pur- poses of conquest. At his request, Virgilius, Archbishop of Salzburg, and Urolf, Bishop of Passau, sent missionaries into Moravia in the beginning of the ninth century. Urolf for- warded an account of his labors to the Pope, who conferred upon him (a. d. 824) the restored archiepiscopal see of Laure- acum, with four suffragan bishoprics, two of which were in Moravia. But whether it was that the papal decree was never carried into effect, or that both the suffragan bishoprics and the metropolitan see soon became extinct, it is certain, that, after the death of Urolf, no further mention was made of Laureacum, and that the former jurisdiction of the see of Passau reverted to it. There were many obstacles to retard the conversion of the Moravians. They detested Germans and German domination; were ill-disposed toward the mis- sionaries because the latter were ignorant of the Slavic lan- guage; and objected to the use of the Latin tongue, with which they were wholly unacquainted, in public service. But the condition of affairs was changed by the arrival of Cyril ^Anmiymi (priest of Salzburg at the end of the ninth century) de conver- aione Bojariorum et Careutanorum. {Oefele, Scriptor. rer. Boic, T. I., p. 280. Freher, Scriptor. rer. Bohemicar. and Hanslzii Germania sacra, T. II., p. 103 sq.) Conf. Kleinmayern, Accounts pf Juvavia. Salzburg, 1784 fol., Append., p. 10. Waiienbach, Contributions toward a Hist, of the Christian Church in Moravia and Bohemia, Vienna, 1849. Eeitberg, Vol. II., p. 557 sq. § 181. Conversion of Some of the Slavonic Nations. 241 (Constantine) and Methodius, the apostles of the Chazari and the Bulgarians, whom Wratislaw, a Moravian prince, had secured through the kind offices of the Greek emperor, Mi- chael. They arrived in Moravia in the year 863; baptized Frince Wratislaw and his nephew, Svatopluk; invented and brought into general use an alphabet of the Slavonic (Glago- litic) language; preached and held divine services in the ancient Slavonic tongue; and at the end of four and a half years were gratified to see their labors crowned with the most splendid success.^ At the close of this time (a. d. 868), both these missionaries set out for Rome, to give an account of their labors. Cyril retired to a monastery, where he died;, but Methodius, having been consecrated bishop by Pope Hadrian II., with jurisdiction over Pannonia and Moravia, but without any fixed see, returned to continue his mission- ary labors among the Slavonians. He now set about and completed the work of translating the Scriptures into the Slavonic tongue. After Methodius had returned home, some of the priests of the archdiocese of Salzburg questioned the motives which led him to use the Slavonic language in the liturgy, and sought to throw suspicion upon his conduct; but he successfully defended his course of action at Rome (a. d. 879), and, besides obtaining permission from Pope John VIII. to continue the practice, was invested with plenary jurisdic- tion over all the clergy of Moravia.^ Shortly after (a. d. ' Vita Constantini by a contemporary, in Bolland. mens. Mart., T. II., p. 19. Presbyteri Diodeatts (about 1161) regnum Slavor., c. 8 sq. [Schwandtner, Scriptor. rer. Hungario., T. III., p. 474.) Conf. Gimel, Hist, of Cyril and Methodius, Apostles of the Slavonians and of the Slavic Liturgy, Leitmeritz, 1857, with the literature incident to the subject, and an appendix, '^GlagoUtic (Moravian- Slavonic) Fragments." Dr. Dudik, O.S.B., General History of Moravia, Brunn, 18G0, Vol. I. Blhj, Hist, of the Apostles of the Slavonians, SS. Cyril and Me- thodius, Prague, 1863. '^Joannis VIII. ep. 195. ad Method. Arohiepisc. Pannoniens., a. 879: Audivi- mus, quod non ea, quae St. Eomana Ecclesia ab ipso Apostolorum principe didicit, et quotidie praedicat, tu docendo doceas, et ipsum populum in errorem mittas. Unilo his Apostolatus Nostri literis tibi jubomus, ut omni occasione postposita, ad JI'Tos de praesenti venire procures, ut ex ore tuo audiamus et cognoscamup, iitrum sic teneas et sic praedices, sicut verbis et literis te St. Komanae Ecclesiao credere promisisti, aut non, ut veraciter cognoscamus doctrinam tuam. Audi- VOL. II — 16 242 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 1. 881), ho again set out to Eome to submit some controverted -points to the judgment of the Apostolic See, after which his name disappears from history. He probably died about A. D. 885. Owing to the ill feeling and mutual jealousies which the Moravians entertained for the Germans, with whom they had carried on many wars, Moymar, a Moravian prince, requested and obtained from Pope John IX. a grant, by which the church of Moravia was made independent of that of Ger- many, with an archbishop and two sufi'ragan bishops. In the year 900, the archbishops of Mentz and Salzburg protested against this change. But, as the kingdom of Moravia ceased to exist in 908, when its territories were divided between Bohemia and Hungary, its ecclesiastical jurisdiction was, by order of Pope Agapetus II., restored (a. d. 952) to Gerhard^ then Bishop of Passau, who appointed Sylvester first Bishop of Moravia. In the year 973, and, after a short interruption, again in 981, Moravia was placed under the jurisdiction of the bish- vimus etiam, quod missas cantes in barbara, b, o. in slavina lingua; unde jam Uteris Nostris per Paulum Episcopum Anconitanum tibi directis probibuimus, ne in ea lingua sacra missarum solemnia celebrares ; sed vel in latina, vcl in graeea lingua, sicut Ecclesia Dei toto orbo terrarum diffusa et omnibus gentibus dilatata cantat. Praedioaro voro aut sermonem in populo facere tibi licet, quo- niam Psalmista (Ps. CXVI.) omnes admonet Dominum gentes laudare, ct Apos- tolus: omnis, inquit, lingua conflteatur, quia Dominus Jesus in gloria est Dei Patris. (Phil. ii. 11; Mansi, T. XVII., p. 133.) After coming to an agree- ment with Eome, the Pope wrote to Swatopluk (Conf. Joan. VIII. ep. 247, a. 880, ad Sfentopulcrum) : Literas Slavonicas a Constantino quodam (?) philosopho repertas, quibus Deo laudes debite resonant, jure laudamus, et in eadem lingua Christi Domini nostri praeconia et opera, ut enarrentur, jubemus. Nequo enim tribus tantum, sed omnibus Unguis Dominum omnes gentes, etc. (Ps. cxvi.; Act. ii.; Phil. ii. 11 ; 1 Cor., c. xiv.) Nee sane fidei vel doctrinae aliquid obstat, sive missas in eadem slavonica lingua canero, sive sacrum cvangclium, vcl lee- tiones divinas N. et V. T. bene translatas et intorprctatas Icgere, aut alia bora- rum offijia omnia psalloro; quoniam qui fecit tres linguas pvincipales, hobraoam, gi'accam ct latinam, ipso crcavit ct alias omnes ad laudem ct gloriam suam. Jubemus tamon, ut in omnibus Ecclcsiis terrac vcstrae propter majorem honori- ficontiam ovangelium latine legatur, et postmodum slavonica lingua translatum in auribus populi latina verba non intelligentis annuncietur: sicut in quibusdam ecclesiis fieri solet. [Maml, T. XVII., p. 182.) Conf. Joan. VIII. ep. 191, in Mans't, T. XVII., p. 132. See GlagolUica, on the Origin of the Eoman-Slavio Liturgy, 2d ed., Prague, 1832. •§ 181. Conversion of Some of the Slavonic Nations. 243 opric of Prague, to which it remained attached until the establishment of the bishopric of Olmiitz, in 1062. lu 844, many of the Czechs, who, in the course of the sixth century, had passed from Croatia into Bohemia, em- braced Christianity. They were baptized at Ratisbon (a. d. 845), whither they had gone for that purpose by order of the German king, Lewis. Subsequent eftbrts to propagate Chris- tianity in Bohemia were prosecuted with comparatively small difficulty from the neighboring country of Moravia.^ In order to repel the attacks of the Germans, Borziwoi, Duke of Bohemia, entered into an alliance with Swatopluk, King of Moravia, and, while engaged in this transaction, ob- tained a knowledge of Christianity, which he at once em- braced, he and his whole retinue receiving baptism at the hands of Methodius.^ Here again Methodius, owing to his partiality for a Slavonic liturgy, fell under suspicion of hetero- doxy, and accusation against him was sent to the Pope ; but the only efiect of such measure was a more complete under- standing and a closer alliance between the Church of Bohe- mia and the Holy See. Duke Borziwoi and his wife Ludmilla, the first of Bohe- mia's saints, acting under the prudent counsel of Methodius, labored most effectively, in the presence of innumerable dif- ficulties, for the propagation of Christianity and the estab- lishment of the Church throughout the length and breadth of their territories. The work which they had commenced was zealously taken up by their son, Duke Spitignew, who did not slacken his efforts till the daj- of his death, a. d. 915. But, after the death of his brother, Wratislaus (a. d. 925), Drahomira, the widow of the latter, took sides with the mal- 1 Casmas Prag. ( 11125), Chron. Bohemor. (Scriptt. rer. Bohem. Prag. 1784, T. I.) Vita St. Ladmjllae et St. Wenceslai auct. Christiano de Scala Monacho. (Bol^ land. Acta SS. m. Sept., T. V., p. 354; T. VII., p. 825.) Gelasil a St. Catharina (Dobner) Hajeki Annales Bohem. illustrati., Prag. 1701-1777, V. P. 4to. Bal- f'ini Miscellanea hist, boliem. and epitome hist. rer. hohemicar., Prag. 1G77, fol. I'alacky, Hist, of Bohemia, I. Pt. Frind, Church History of Bohemia, Prague, 1864-1866, 2 vols. Zeleny, do relig. christ. in Bohemia principiis, Prague, 1855. Conf. the articles '■^Bohemia" and ^'Prague," in the Freiburg Eccl. Cyclopaedia. ^In the year 894, according to Cosmos Prag.; but according to Domlrowsky, between 870 and 880. 244 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 1. contents; had Lndmilla, her mother-in-law, put to death; banished the clergy, and demolished the churches. Iler own son, Wenceslaus, who had been taught by his grandmother, Ludmilla, to walk in the ways of virtue, continued faithful to Christianity. After the death of Wenceslaus, who was slain in 938 by his unnatural and Pagan brother, Boleslaus, Paganism enjoyed a temporary triumph, which was checked by Otho I., who com- pelled (a. d. 950) Boleslaus to restore the Christian Church in Bohemia. His son and successor (a. d. 967-999), Boleslaus IL, surnamed the Pious, effected the complete triumph of the Christian Church. He had a bishopric established at Praguo in 973. Pope John XIII confirmed the establishment of this bishopric, but only on condition that the language of the liturgy should be, not Slavonic, but Latin} The new see was subject to the metropolitan of Mentz. Its first two bish- ops, Ditmur, a Saxon, and Adalbert (Woyciech), a Bohemian, who had been educated at Magdeburg, while endeavoring to make the manners of the people conform to Gospel purity, were obliged to contend against the strongest human passiou* and the most degraded of vices, such as polygamy, incestu- ous marriages, arbitrary divorces, and trafiic in captives. But what was still worse, Adalbert had the misfortune of possess- ing a dissolute clergy. On two different occasions he quitted his diocese and returned to his monastery, where having re- mained for a season, he would again go forth in the hope of being able to correct the morals and subdue the refractory spirit of his clergy; but, finding all his efforts unavailing, he gave np the task in despair, bade a last farewell to his flock, and withdrew to Pome, whence he went as a missionary to distant countries, and was finally martyred in Prussia, A, D. 997. 1 Joan. XIII. ep. ad Boleslaum, a. 967 (?) : Unde apostolica auctoritate et St. Petri Principis Apostolor. potestate . . . annuimus et collaudamus atqua incanonizamus, quod ad ecclesiam SS. Viti et Wenoeslai Martyrum fiat sedea Episcopalis. . . . Verumtamen non secundum rUua aui secias Bulrjariac gentis, v.l Russiae, aut Slavonicne linguae; sed mar/is sequens instituta et deer eta apoS' toliea, unum potiorem totius eeclesiae ad placUum eligas in hoc opus Clericum, latinis litteris apprime eruditum. [Cosmae Chronic, lib. in Dobnori ano. HajeJd., T. IV., p. 194.) § 181. Conversion of Some of the Slavonic Nations. 245 la the year 1347, and while Charles IV. was emperor, Prague was raised to the rank of a metropolitan see. The Slavic tribes of the Wends (the Serbs, between the Elbe and the Saal ; the Leutizians or Wilzians, between the Elbe and the Oder; and the Obotrites, in Mecklenberg) carried on an unceasing conflict against the Germans, and stubbornly maintained their independence until the reign of Henr}^ I. (a. d. 926.)^ And when they were finally subjugated, the event proved a new obstacle to the introduction of Christian- ity among them ; while, on the other hand, Otho I. regarded their conversion as essential to the security of Germany. "He luished to prove, in this instance, as in the cases of Denmark and Bohemia, that he had not been invested withthe title of Pro- tector of the Universal Church of Christ to no purpose." With ii view of carrying this idea into effect, he caused to be estab- lished among these subjugated tribes, the bishoprics of Havel- berg (a. d. 946), Brandenburg (a. d. 949), and the still more important sees of Meissen (a. d. 955), Merseburg, Zeitz (transferred to Naumburg in the year 1029), and Oldenburg, established about the year 968, and transferred to Liibeck in 1164. All these bishoprics, with the exception of the last- mentioned, still later on, passed under the jurisdiction of the the Archbishop of Magdeburg, whose see had been estab- lished in the year 968, and richly endowed. But these sees, being generally, besides the residences of bishops, also polit- ical centers and the strongholds of foreign power, led the people to include Christianity in the detestation which they entertained for their conquerors. Hence, in the year 983, the Obotrites and Leutizians rose in insurrection, under the lead- ership of their prince, Mistewoi, renounced Christianity, and martyred its priests. Afterward, however, Gottschalk, who had been brought up a Christian at Liineburg, united all the Wendish tribes into one powerful Slavic confederation, and labored with becoming zeal and earnestness to again intro- duce and establish Christianity among them. The bishopi'ics of Mecklenburg and Batzeburg are among the evidences of his ' Masch, Antiquities concerning the worship of tlie Obotrites, Berlin, 1771. Gebhardi, Hist, of all the Wendo-Slavic States, Halle, 1790, 2 vols. 4to. 246 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 1. success. These sees, as well as that of Oldenburg, were made suffragan to the metropolitan see of Hamburg. In 1066, the inhabitants again rose in insurrection; murdered Gottschalk at Lentzen ; martyred close upon sixty priests ; demolished the churches; and even went so far as to offer John, Bishop of Mecklenburg, as a sacrifice upon the altar of the idol Eadegast, at lihetra. The persecution of the Christians Avhich followed this popular outburst, extended as far aa Hamburg and Slesvig. Still the good work went on. In the very year of the breaking out of this popular fury, Benno, Bishop of Meissen, began his labors among the Serbs, which he continued uninterruptedly for twenty years, and prose- cuted with such heroic zeal and splendid success that ho merited, and has been honored with, the title of Apostle of the Slavonians.* He died, a. d. 1100, in the ninety-sixth year of his age, after having endured and borne up under all man- ner of trials and persecutions heaped upon him by Henry IV. because of his attachment to Pope Gregory VII. § 182. Conversion of the Poles? Lengnich, Diss, de religion, christ. in Polonia initiis, 1734, 4to. Ejusdem Jus publicum regni Polonic, T. II., ed. alt. Gedani, 1735-1766. Henco the Polish evision, Lengnicha Prawo pospolitae Krolestwa Polskiego, Krakow, 1836, Vol. III., c. 5, p. 225. t<7. A. Zaluski, Conspectus novae coUectionis legum occlesiastioar. Poloniae (Synodicon Poloniae orthodoxae), Varsow, 1774, 4to. Leleioel, Introduction of Christianity in Poland, by OssoUnsM, Vincent. Kadlubek, German by Linde, Warsaw, 1822, p. 565-570. Friese, Ch. H. of the Kingdom of Poland, 2 Pts., Breslau, 1786. ^Ostrowski, Dzieje i prawa kosciola polskiego, Warszawa, 1793, ' Oonf. Buitler, Lives of the Saints, German by Rass and Weiss, Vol. VIII., p. 205-216. He was canonized, on the authority of early processes, by Popo Hadrian VI., who hoped in this way to bring the Saxons back to the Church. 2 The most celebrated Polish historians are: Martini Galli {ahovA 1130), to- gether with Vine. Kadlubek, ed. Gedani, 1749: ed. Bandtkio, Varsow, 1824; ed. lUitnes, ad cod. saec. XIII. Teplens., Prag. 1859. Dhigosz [Longinus, Canonic. Cracov. postea episc. Leopoliens. 1 1480, interesting and reliable as to what ho has written on his own age, i. e. since 1413, but neither very critical nor very reliable as to former ages), Historia Poloniae ed. Huyssen, aux. Grodeckiiis, Frcf. 1711, II. T. f. Cromcri Varmiens. episc. (tl589) Polonia, sive de origine et reb. gestis Polon., Basil. 1554. Naruszewicz, Historia narodu polskiego (until 1386), new ed.. Lips. 1836; Ropell, Hist, of Poland, I. Pt., Hamb. 1840 (down trotcctor I f tho Church.^ The Emperor, on his part, published a constitution,^ consist- ing of nine articles, in which the mutual relations of the imperial to the papal power iu Kome were clearly marked out and accurately defined. By this instrument it was or- dained that no one should punish with death snch persons as enjoyed the special protection of either the Pope or the Em- peror ; that all should render obedience to the Pope, and to the dukes and judges of his appointment; that a commis- sioner appointed conjointly by the Pope and the Emperor, should inquire into the administration of justice and the ob- servance of the constitution, and report to the Emperor; that all complaints against dukes and judges should be submitted to the Pope, who might either return an immediate answer to them, by his nuncios, or refer them to the Emperor; that all property unjustly taken from the Apostolic Sec should be restored; and that all dukes and judges should repair to ^ Eugenit vita et docreta, in Manst, T. XIV., p. 411 sq. JETarduin, T. IV., p. 125 sq. Cf. Baluz. capitul., T. I., p. 435 sq. ''The Constitutio Hlotliarii imperator. in Mnnsi, 1. c, p. 479. Uarduin, p. 1261. "We extract from it what follows : Constituimus ut omnes, qui sub spcciali defen- siono domni Apostolici sou nostra fuerint suscepti, impetrata inviolabiterutantur dofensione. Quod si quis in quocvimquo violaro pracsumpsorit, sciat se periculum vitae suae ineur^urum. — In clcctione auiem Romani Poni'ftcis nullus sive libc.'" sivo scrvus praesumat aliquoJ impcdimontum fticero. Sod illi solummodo Ko- mani, quibiis antiquitus concossum est constitutiono SS. Patruni, sibi eligaiit Pontificem. Quod .si quis contra banc nostram constitutionem faccro pracsump- sorit, cxilio tradatur. — Volumus ctiam, ut Missi constituantur a domno Apos- tolico et a nobis : qui annuatim nobis rcnuntient, qualitcr singuli duces ot judicca justitiam populo faciant, ct quomodo nostra constitutio servctur. — l)e rebus autem coolesiarum injusto rctentis sub occasiono quasi licentia acoepta a Ponti- fico, volumus, ut a Icgatis nostris in potcstateni Pontificis ct Eomanao occlcsiae colerius redigantur. — Novissimo praocipimus ct moncmus, ut omnis homo, sicut Dei gratiam et nostram habere desiderat, ita praestel in omnibus obedientiam atque r^verentiam Eomano Pontifioi. § 185. Under Louis tfie Mild and his Sons. 259 Rome, to give the Pope an opportunity to leai'u their names and number, and to instruct them on the various duties of their offices. Finally, the duty of obeying the Pope was made obligatory upon all persons. From the above it will be seen that while the Emperor, as protector of the Komau Church, enjoyed, in some sort, a lim- ited jurisdiction, the Pope was practically sovereign of Pome and the Roman State. And, in matter of fact, the Pope could not have got on amid the conflicts of factions, or escaped falling a victim to the machinations of some one of the contending parties within the city, unless be had been sustained by the authority and protection of the Emperor.^ After the iconoclastic heresy had broken out afresh in the East, during the reign of Michael the Stammerer, this Empe- ror made an effort to gain over Louis to his side. The latter, having obtained the consent of Pope Eugene, assembled a synod at Paris, a. d. 825, whose judgment was, for well- known reasons, unfavorable to the mission of the Greek em- bassy. Louis, after having removed from the acts of this synod whatever seemed offensive or objectionable, had a copy of them made and sent to the Pope. It still remains to be stated, before closing this pontificate, that, during it, the archbishopric of Lorch, which had been destroyed by the mi- gratory tribes, was restored. The conditions agreed to, in the compact between Lothaire and Eugene, were carried out at the elections of the popes Valentine and Gregory IV. — the former of whom reigned only forty days, and the latter from the year 827 to 844.- Neither of them was consecrated until after the imperial em- bassadors had arrived. Ansgar, the apostle of tbc Swedes and ITorwegians, came to Eome during the pontificate of Gregory, and the latter conferred upon him the pallium, and created him Legate Apostolic of all the llTorthern nations. It was also during the pontificate of Gregory that the sons of Louis the Mild rose in arras against their father. They ' rido Dollingcr, Cli. Hist., Vol. III., p. 121 sq., Cox's trnns. (Tr.) ■ Grcgorii IV. vita, opistolao ct decreta, in Mansi, T. XIV., p. 503 sq. Har- duin, T. IV., p. 1269 sq. 260 Period 2. Epoch 1: Part 2. Chapter 2. were apprehensive that Judith, coming forth from the clois- ter of the convent, would again set on foot fresh intrigues for the overthrow of the sons of Lftuis by his first wife, and the aggrandisement of her own son, Charles. It was now that Gregory, feeling that he was called upon, by his direct rela- lations to the Emperor and his duty to the whole Christiaii world, to act a decisive and energetic part, hastily quit Italy, in the hope of preventing so unnatural a conflict. His char- acter of mediator and his presence in the camp of the three brothers placed him in a position which filled him with anx- iety and a sense of danger. Moreover, Lothaire, who well 'knew that the presence of the Pope would lend a sanction to his criminal designs in the eyes of those who were enlisted under his father's standard, forcibly and perfidiously I'etained Grregory in his camp. In this way the Holy Father was made the abettor of the infamous treason of the sons of Louis, caused the latter to be abandoned by his troops, and was, though unwillingly, instrumental in making him the prisoner of his unnatural children. The scene of this action was the plain of Eothfeld (Redfield), between Strasburg and Basle, and has ever since been called, by a sort of sponta- neous and popular instinct, " the Faithless Field." The Pope, indignant at this disgraceful act of treachery, and deeply grieved that so great a misfortune should have befallen Louis, set out at once for Italy. But the Emperor, though thus humbled and dishonored, had not yet experienced to the full the bitterness of his humiliation. He was arraigned, in October of this same year (a. d. 833), before an assembly of bishops and nobles at CompiSgne, presided over by Ebbo, Archbishop of Eheims, and there, prostrate upon sackcloth, read aloud a confession, by which he acknowledged himself guilty of homicide, sacrilege, tyranny, and misgovernment. And, as if this act were still insufiicient to complete his dis- grace, the unfortunate Emperor, with tears in his eyes, him- self performed the ceremony of degradation upon his own person, while the bishops, as is usual on such occasions, im- posed hands and enjoined the penitential prayers. The three sons, now feeling themselves secure, made no secret of the satisfaction with which they regarded the disgrace of their § 185. Under Louis the Mild and his Sojrs. 261 afflicted father, whose only oiFense was that his paternal au- Ihority had been intolerable to his unnatural children. But the bulk of the people were far from sharing their senti- ments. That a sovereign who had been uniformly kind and considerate, and whose goodness of heart had made him uni- versally respected, should be thus humbled and dishonored by those who owed him but love and reverence, was shocking to every noble impulse and manly instinct, and popular indig- nation was soon turned against the perpetrators of the foul deed. The punishment of Lothaire was hastened by his ar- rogant bearing toward his two brothers. The generous- hearted Louis the Younger, keenly alive to the disgrace that had been put upon his father, made an appeal to arms, in ^^'hich he was shortly joined by his brother Pepin. Lothaire, hearing of this hostile movement, taking his father with him, hastily quitted Aix-la-Chapelle, but being closely pressed, he released the Emperor at St. Denys and at once withdrew to his kingdom of Italy. No sooner had the lords, bishops, and military officers felt themselves safe from the anger and re- sentment of Lothaire than they hastened in a body to St. Denys, threw themselves at the feet of Louis and begged him to again take upon him the office and insignia of Emperor. Louis and Pepin humblj^ sought and obtained their father's forgiveness ; and even Lothaire, now forsaken and despised, came craving pardon for his treachery and impiety. The conduct of the Emperor Louis was in keeping with the sur- name which he bore. He forgave all those who had betrayed him, and, as far as possible, forgot the outrages they had put upon him. Forty-seven bishops, assembled at Thionville (a. d. 835) de- clared the acts of the Synod of CompiSgne null and void; received the resignation of Ebbo, Archbishop of liheims, which was submitted to the Pope and accepted; released Louis from the penance which had been laid upon him, and solemnly restored him to the imperial dignity.' It should seem that so bitter an experience would have taught Louis important lessons as to his future conduct ; but ' Vide Darras, Gen'l Ch. Hist., Vol. II,, p. 452 sq., Eng. transl. (Te.) 262 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. sncli was not the case — it was entirely lost upon the wcaL.- minded Emperor. The Empire was threatened by the Nor- mans and Arabians from without, while the peoplkj were groaning under the oppression of the imperial comriissiou- ers, whose duty it was to protect them against the aibitrarj exactions of the counts. But neitlier external dangers nor internal abuses seemed to have any claim upon the time and consideration of Louis, who was wholly engaged in schemes to gratify the ambition of his wife, Judith, by promotin,^' the interests of her youngest son, Charles. -tTot content wiih the considerable portion he had already marked out as the inher- itance of the young prince, including a great part of Austra- sia and Weustria, situated between the Meuse and tLo Seine, several counties of Burgundy, lying beyond the Jura, and the country between the Seine and the Loire, he proposed, after the death of Pepin, to divide his kingdom of Aqui- taine, between Charles and Lothaire, the latter of whom had been gained over to the project by the insinuating address of Judith. Louis of Bavaria, to whom the Emperor owed his deliver- ance from his enemies, was naturally indignant at these ar- rangements, and once more drew the sword against his father. But the two armies had scarcely come up with each other when the aged Emperor was taken suddenly ill, and died od an island in the Ehine (a. d. 840). It was but the dread of the Erankish name, with which Charlemagne had inspired foreign nations, that kept them ia check during the troubled reign of Louis the Mild. The quarrels within the imperial family were a source of much sorrow and disquietude to the Church. The well- established power of the Empire within its own territorial limits, and its authority abroad, had enabled the Church to lay the foundations of the social fabric, and to undertake, conjointly with the civil power, the education of so many na- tions still groping in barbarism. But this great work was" now to be given up— at least for a time and in part. When the Church beheld the unnatural sight of sons contending in bat- tle against their august father, and then, again, armed and struggling with equal fury against each other, she wisely Hadrlani II. vita, epist. et decreta, in Jlfanst, T. XV., p. 805 sq. Sardnin, T, v., p. 691 sq Hlncmari Rem. opuso. 55. capitulor. advers. Hincmar. Laudu- nens., anno 870 (opp. T. II., p. 377 sq.) An acquaintance with the commotions and discussions stirred up by Hincmar in the Frankish Kingdom, is most im- portant for a thorough insight into the history of the church of that kingdom, at that epoch. Natalis Alexander, Hist. Eccl. saec. IS., dissert. VI. and VII.; § 186. Power of the Popes — False Decretals of Isidore. "285 to the Pope on the question of succession to the crown of Lorraine, says : " The Pope would do well to remember the inglorious flight of Gregory IV., in the j'ear 834;" and in reference to the threatened excommunication: "The king- doms of this world are not obtained by the anathemas of either Pope or bishops, but are contended for in war, and are the reward of victory. Hence, at the last assembly of the /ords, secular and ecclesiastical, the announcement of threat- ened excommunication was received with manifestations of indignation and anger." And, speaking of himself, in con- nection with the lords temporal, he says : " When I drew out in words an argument based upon the text of James, iv : 1, 10, by which I showed that a neglect to keep down the sinful desires of the heart and a thirst of earthly glory were among the fruitful causes of war, and insisted on the necessity of earnest prayer, the lords temporal made reply: ' If what you say be true, go you and defend, by j^our prayers, this realm against the N"ormans and other enemies, and come not to us to seek protection. This you do not, but when there is ques- tion of your own defense, you come and ask us to defend you by force of arms. This being the case, say to the Pope that he should not command us to take a king who, being at a distance from us, can afford us no protection, and whose bondsmen the Franks will never become.' " The language of Charles the Bald, in which it is not diffi- cult to detect the pen of Hincraar, is still more aggressive : "The Pope should bear in mind that the Prankish kings have ever been held to be the lords of their country, not the vice-gerents of bishops. But what hell," he goes on to say, "is that which has originated a law by which it is declared that the King appointed of God, and armed by Him with a two-edged sword, should not be allowed to punish a criminal in his own State, but must send him to Pome ?" Before his death, Hadrian had the joy of learning that the Gess, Memorabilia of tlie Life and the Writings of Hincmar, Arolibishop of Eheims, Gotting. 1806; Katerhamp, Ch. H., Pt. IV., p. 254 sq.; Mattes in the Aschbach and Hefele in the Freiburg Cyclopaedia ; and Noorden, Hincmar, Arch- bishop of Eheims, Bonn, 1863, (cf. Tiibg. Quart., 1865, nro. 3,) have well pre- BentBd it. 286 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. Eighth Ecumenical Council had reinstated Ignatius in place of the intruded Photius, as Patriarch of Constantinople, and that the Greek and Latin branches of the Church had agaiu united. The position of his successor, John VIII. (a. d. 872-882), who was obliged to decide between the conflicting claims of two rivals for the imperial crown,^ was embarrassing in the extreme. Never, since the establishment, in the person of Pepin, of the Carlovingian dynasty by Pope Zachary, had a similar duty fallen to any pope. Of the two claimants, Louis the German, the brother, and Charles the Bald, the uncle, of Louis IL, who died a. d. 875, the latter-named was more ac- ceptable to Pope John. Charles the Bald, anticipating the movements of the unsuspecting German monarch, had crossed the Alps, marched down through Italy at the head of a pow- erful army, and was crowned at Eome on the feast of Christ- mas, in the year 875. Charles IL, in his turn, relinquished his claims to the suzerainty of Italy, much to the detriment of the public peace and prosperity of that country, and ac- knowledged the force and validity of many important syn- odal decrees, making bishops independent of the temporal power.^ IS&j, more; he made no objection when the Pope appointed Ansegis, Archbishop of Sens, Primate of the French Church and Apostolic Vicar, whose right and duty it was to convoke synods, to make known papal instructions to other bishops, and to report ecclesiastical causes to Eome. It was to no purpose that the bishops generally, and Einc- mar in particular, protested against this appointment as an invasion of the rights of metropolitans.^ But the gratitude of Charies ended here. He gave little or no attention to the other duties to which he was obliged in consequence of having 1 Joannis VIII. vita et epist., in Manst, T. XVII., p. 1 sq. Harduin, T. VI., P. I., p. 1 sq. ■'Synod. Ravemi., a. 877, in Mansi, T. XVII., p. 337. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 186 sq. S7/nod. Tricassina, a. 878 (capitul. Lud. II., in Baluz., T. II., p. 187). Harduiii, 1. c, p. 191 sq. Mansi, 1. c, p. 345 sq. * Hinomar, seizing this opportunity, wrote de jure metropolitanorum, a trea- tise that most perfectly characterizes the position and tendency of this Bossuei of the ninth century. § 186. Power of the Popes — P\lse Decretals of Isidore. 287 assuued the imperial crown. He made no attempt either to check the boldness of the enterprising Saracens or to put an end to the existing civil discords which were so detrimental to the well-being of the empire. Under the circumstances, the Pope did all in his power to repel the Saracens, who had now approached the very walls of Rome, and were laying waste the surrounding countr3'; but, finding that his effox'ts were fruitless and his resources unequal to so great an under- taking, he dispatched an embassy to France to beseech Charles the Bald to hasten to his aid. Charles crossed the Alps at the head of a large army, and was rapidly followed by Carlo- man, the eldest son of Louis of Germany, who was bent upon avenging the wrong his father had suffered in the loss of the imperial crown. Charles fled in terror before his enraged kinsman, and, being taken with a fever on his journey, lay down at the foot of Mt. Cenis to die October 13, 877. Pope John, deprived, by the defeat and death of Charles, of all hope of assistance, was forced to purchase the safety of Rome by the payment of an annual tribute of 25,000 marks of silver to the Saracens.^ According to the principle which was now universally re- ceived and acted upon, it belonged to the Poye, in contested cases, to choose and crown the Emperor f and hence it now became his duty to select, from among the claimants of the Carlovin- gian dynasty, the one he might think most fit to assume and support the name and authority of Emperor. When, at the Council of Troyes (a. d. 878), the Pope seemed inclined to favor the claims of Louis the Stammerer, the son ' One mark of silver or gold, = to eight ounces of twenty-four carats. (Tr.) 2 The words of Louis II., in a letter to the Emperor Basil, are most remarka- ble. He there places the pre-eminence of the Emperor of the West in his being crowned hyihe Pope: Praesertim cum et ipsi patrui nostri gloriosi Eeges absque invidia Imperatorem nos vocitent, et Imperatorem esse procul dubio fatentur, non profecto ad aetatem, qua nobis majores sunt, attendentes, sed ad uncUonem et sacraiionem, qua per summi Poniificls 7nanus impositionem dieimtus sumus ad hoc culmen provecti, et ad Eomani prinoipatus Imperium, quo supernc nutu poti- mur, aspicientes, — quod jam ab avo nostro non usurpante, ut perhibes, sed Dei nutu et Ecelesiae judicio summique PontCfiels per impositionem et unctionem Tnanus obtinuit. (Baronli ann. ad a. 871, nr. 54 sq. Muratori, Script., T. 11, Pt. 2, p. 243.) 288 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. of Charles the Bald ; he next gave the preference to Boso, Duke of Lombardy, and brother-in-law of Charles the Bald; but he finally settled upon Charles the Fat, or the Third, King of Alemannia, and youngest son of Louis the German (f a. d. 876). He was led to make this selection because of the deplorable condition of Italy, which now, more than ever before, was likely to succumb to the terrible energy of the Saracens. Charles the Fat was crowned Emperor by Pope John, in the year 881. As most of the members of the Carlovingian dy- nasty followed one another in quick succession to the grave, shortly after the coronation of Charles, and as he became the natural protector and guardian of the survivors, he was ena,- bled to once more unite, under one rule, nearly all the coun- tries which had formerly belonged to the Frankish m.onarchy, as it had existed wider Charleviagne and Louis the Mild. But, notwithstanding these powerful resources, he was unable to make head against either his own enemies or those of the Pope. The last days of the Holy Father were embittered by the knowledge that the Saracens had made successful incur- sions into Italy, and were laying waste its fair fields. The letters of this Pope, which have been brought together into one collection, are a standing memorial of his untiring energy. It is true that he pronounced sentence of excommu- nication against bishops and powerful lay persons more fre- quently than any of his predecessors, and was less inclined than they to settle his difficulties by the methods of diplo- macy; but a sufficient explanation and justification of this course may be found in the prevailing depravity of the age, and in the deplorable condition to which the See of Rome was then reduced. This unfortunate Pope, after having reigned ten years, and devoted, during that period, his entire energies to the liberation of Italy from Saracen invasion, died, without seeing his hopes fulfilled, or his effbrtscrowned with success, December 15, a. d. 882. With the close of his reign, the short period of princely authority, to which the Papacy had risen simultaneously with the establishment of the temporal power of the Church under the Carlovingian dynasty, came, for the time being, to an end. Marinus I. (a. d. 882-884) was the first Pope who had § 186. Power of the Fopes — False Decretals of Isidore. 289 been consecrated bishop previously to his elevation to the Papal throne. He met Charles the Fat at Modena, in 883, but the interview had no important result. The Saracens, regardless of the compact they had entered into with Pope John VIII., overran the territories of Benevento and Spoleto, and pushed their incursions as far as the walls of Rome. The religious of St. Vincent's, on the Volturno, were put to the sword, and their monasteiy, as well as that of Monte Cassino, destroyed (a. d. 884). Hadrian III., who was elected in the year 884, died the year following while on his way to the Diet of Worms, whither he was going at the invitation of Charles the Fat, for the purpose of anointing Bernard, the natural son of the Emperor and heir-presumptive to the crown. Stephen V. (VI.) was consecrated immediately after his elec- tion, and without having first obtained the approbation of the Emperor.^ The latter, on this account, wished to depose him; but when Stephen had forwarded to Charles the deed of his election, to which were appended the names of the elector^, and by which it was shown that the election had been ap- proved by John, Bishop of Pavia, and the Imperial embassa- dors,^ no further complaint was made. But the inability of Charles either to defend the Empire against the invasions of the Normans and Saracens, or to quell the intestine disorders from which it was suffering, became daily more apparent. The bishops complained bitterly^ of the absence of all order, the laxity of discipline, and the corrup- tion of morals. " Everywhere," say they, " have we to de- plore the sack of cities, the pillaging and burning of monas- teries, wasted fields, and depopulated plains." Duke Henry had been the chief support of Charles the Fat, and when the latter lost him, he was not long permit- ' Stephani V. vita et epist., in Mamt, T. XVIII., p. 6 sq. Barduin, T. VI., Pt. 1., p. 365 sq. ' Conf. Muratori, Hist, of Italy down to the year 885, German transl., Pt. V., p. 198 sq. » Concil. Troslejan., in Mansi, T. SVIII., p. 265. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., f. 605. VOL, n — 19 290 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. ted to enjoy the honor, or retain the authority of Emperor. Too weak to assert his rights, and too incapable to maintain them, he was deposed by an assembly of piinces at Tribur, at the solicitation of Arnulfh, the natural son of Carloman, who had himself raised to the Imperial throne (a. d. 888-899). Charles survived this disgrace only two months, and died A. D. 888. Among the immediate consequences of the fall of the Car- lovingian dynasty was the assertion of independence by the dukes of Italy and the margraves or governors of the border territories of France, each of whom, acknowledging no supe- rior, and ambitious of the imperial dignity, necessarily in- volved the Popes in their quarrels. The most conspicuous of those who contended for the honor of becoming Emperor were Guide, or Guy, Duke of Spoleto, and P er en gar ius, Duke of Fri- uli. The former, after having gained two important victo- ries — the one on the banks of the Trebia, and the other near the town of Brixen — called an assembly of the Lombard bish- ops at Pavia. Here certain conditions were prescribed, which the bishops thought requisite to the right and lawful govern- ment of the Empire, and to these Guido subscribed, after which he was crowned Emfcror. This ceremony was per- formed first by the bishops, and afterward (a. d. 891) by Pope Stephen, at Rome. Stephen died shortly after, universally revered for his zeal and boundless charity. He was succeeded by Formosus (a. d. 891-896), who was obliged to crown (a. d. 892) Lambert, the son of Guido, who, though still a minor, shared with his father the government of the Empire. After the death of Guido (a. d. 894), Lambert governed con- jointly with his mother Agiltrude, a woman of excessive am- bition, whose power shortly degenerated into tyranny. A portion of Upper Italy was still in the hands of Berengarius, who had not given up the hope of placing the imperial crown upon his own head. He now took advantage of the disturbed state of society, and the feelings of indignation entertained against Lambert and Agiltrude on account of the oppressive- ness of their government, to assert his claims. War was ac- cordingly declared, and the whole of Italy, not excepting § 186. Power of the Popes — False Decretals of Isidore. 291 E,ome, was divided into two conflicting parties, eacli equally zealous in defense of its champion. To pvit an end to this condition of things, the Pope called to his assistance the Ger- man King Arnulph, who, being a prince of the Carlovingian house, declared his intention to make good his right to the government of Italy.* He marched into Italy at the head of an army of Germans ; took Rome, where Lambert's mother had sought refuge, by storm ; liberated the Pope from con- finement, and was crowned by him amid the joyful acclama- tions of the people (a. d. 896). The Eomans took the oath of fealty to the new Emperor, with the condition, however, that their obligations to him should, in no way, interfere with the honor and loyalty which they owed to the Pope? Arnulph was quite equal to the task of maintaining himself in his new dignity, notwithstanding that Lambert, of Spoleto, and Al- bert, Duke of Tuscany, had formed a powerful league against him, with the purpose of putting an end to German dominion i:a Italy. Unfortunately he died in the third year after his coronation, and his son and heir, Louis the Child, was unable, owing to his extreme youth and the terrible inroads of the Hun- garians into Germany, to successfully compete for the impe- rial crown." Here a lamentable and disastrous era opens upon the Apostolic See and the Koman Church. Boniface VI., having been borne to the Pontifical throne by a disorderly assemblj^, made up chiefly of the partisans of the late Pope Formosus, survived his elevation only fifteen days. Upon his death, the opposite party succeeded in electing Ste- phen VI. (VII.) (A. D. 896-897), who, unmindful of the dignity ^Formosi II. vita, epist. et decreta, in Mansi, T. XVIII., p. 99 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 423 sq. Cf. AuxlUi litb. II., de ordinat. Formosi. (max. bibl., T. 5VII., p. 1 sq.) and dialog, super causa et negot. Form. [MabUlon, Annal., T. II., p. 28 sq.) 'The oath is given in Muratort, Hist, of Italy, Vol. V., p. 254 : Jure per haec omnia Dei mysteria, quod salvo honore et lege mea atque fidelitaie Domini For- mosi Papae, fidelis sum et ero omnibus diebus vitae meae Arnulfo Imperatori, «t nunquam me ad illius infidelitatem cum aliquo homine sociabo. Et Lam- berto, filio Agildrudae, et ipsi matri suae ad saecularem honorem numquam adjutorium praebebo. / ^Dammeri, Hatto I., Archbishop of Mentz, and Louis the Child, Freiburg, 1865 (Programme.) 292 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 2. of his office, and yielding to the instincts of hatred, called an assembly of bishops to give judgment upon the dead Pope Formosus, who, it was alleged, had violated the Canons in accepting the See of Rome. The ground of this charge was, that Formosus had, contrary to the discipline of the West, been transferred from the see of Porto to that of Rome. Accordingly, the body of Formosus was exhumed, robed in pontifical attire, set up in the hall of the assembly, and an advocate given him to plead his cause. Then Stephen VI. (VII.), addressing the lifeless form, said: "Bishop of Porto, why did thy ambition lead thee to usurp the See of Rome?" Sentence of deposition was then pronounced upon him; his election to the Papacy declared contrary to the canons, and his official Pontifical acts null and void. The body was then divested of the Pontifical robes ; the three fingers of the right hand, which had been the instruments of his supposed per- jury, cut off; and, after other indignities had been put upon the corpse, it was cast into the Tiber. Finally, all those upon whom he had conferred H0I3' Oi'ders, were deposed. Some of them were afterward banished, and others re-ordained by Stephen. These proceedings so exasperated the party hostile to Ste- phen, that they seized him, and, baving loaded him with chains, cast him into a dungeon, where he was strangled, in the month of August, a. d. 897.^ It is also probable that the two succeeding Popes — the pious Momanus and the upright Theodore (a. b. 897 and 898) — were murdered by the party friendly to Stephen, for having declared in favor of Formosus. B.— DEPLOEABLE CONDITION OE THE PAPACY IN THE TENTH CENTURY. § 187. The Boman Pontificate during its Disgraceful Depend- ence upon Tuscan Domination. LuUprandi Historia rer. ah Europ., etc. (unreliable and harshly exaggerating.) Olaber Radulf. Hist. Pranoor., libri V. Flodoardi Chronicon, cf. § 178. Mura- * ^Stephanl VI. vita et epist., in Marisi, T. XVIII., p. 173 sq. B:ardu{n,T.Yl., Pt. I., p. 461 sq. Muratori; Hist, of Italy, year 897, Pt. V., p. 263. Bonn Peri- odical of Philos. and Cath. Theolog., 1847, n. 3. § 187. The lioman Pontificate and l\iscan Domination. 293 tm-i, Annali d'ltalia, T. V. (Germ, transl., Vol. V., p. 266 sq.) Hardwtn, T. VI., Pt. I p. 467 sq. Mansi, T. XVIII., p. 190 sq. DUmmler, Auxilius, and Vul- garius Sources and Eesearohes on the Hist, of the Papacy at the opening of the tenth century, Lps. 1866. '''Hefele, The Popes and Emperors in the Darkest Ages of the Church (Contributions toward Ch. H., etc., Vol. I., p. 227-278). Hergenrother, Contributions toward a Hist, of the Popes of the tenth century (Wiirzburg Cath. Weekly, nros. 1 and 2, year 1865). Darras, Oh. H., Vol. II. After the death of Lambert (a. d. 897), and of Arniilph (a. d. 899), the supremacy of Italy was contended for with varying success by Berengarius of Priuli, and Louis III., sur- named the Blind, King of Provence.^ But, as if these strug- gles were not sufiicient to fill the measure of the country's misery, the Magyars again burst in upon its fair fields and spread devastation wherever they went. To increase, if pos- sible, this condition of afiairs, the party of the margrave, Albert of Tuscany, of the infamous courtesan, Theodora the elder, and of her no less infamous daughters, Marozia and Theodora the younger, was all-powerful at Rome. Benedict J77. was elected to the papal throne in the year 900. He was succeeded, three years later (903), by Leo V., who was, in the Eiame year, dethroned by Christopher and cast into prison. Through the influence of Marozia, the sister of Theodora, Sergius III., her favorite, who, six or seven- years previously, had been set up as anti-Pope against Romanus and John IX., was recalled from exile and placed upon the Papal throne (a. d. 904-911). Much has been said, upon the authority of Luitpraud, against the moral character of this Pope ; but, before assenting to the grave accusations of this writer, we should bear in mind that his testimony is, if not nullified, at least greatly impaired by that of two contemporaries, viz., Deacon John and Plodoard, both of whom are witnesses to the unexceptionable life, to the virtues, the piety, and the zeal of Sergius. And their testimony is borne out by the words of his epitaph, which represents him as an "excellent pastor, beloved by all classes." He reigned seven years, during which time he conferred the pallium upon the archbishops 'Those desirous of avoiding confusion of the personages of this age, would do -well to consult HSfler's genealogical tables (German Popes, Pt. I., App. 5), where the descent of Berengarius, Theodora, and others, is given. 294 Period 2. Upoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2, of Hamburg and Cologne, and placed the bisliopric of Bre- men definitely under the jurisdiction of the former. The last-named measure did much toward spreading the Gospel among the heathens of the Forth. It was during iis pontificate also that the Council of Trosly, near Soissons, was held, the canons of which have more the character of exhortations than rules of discipline. Harvey, Archbishop of Rheims, presided, and in the opening discourse, which he delivered, gives a frightful picture of the general relaxation of discipline and depravity of morals in those times. St. Bernou contributed not a little to the restoration of monastic discipline and public morals by the foundation of the famous abbey of Clugny, whose light cheered and whose benigu influ- ence comforted the hearts of many in that age of tyranny and darkness. Sergius III. died December 6, a. d. 911, and, with the exception of approving the acts of Stephen VI. (VII.) against Pope Formosus, is probably guiltless of the other charges which have been brought against him by such writers as Luitprand. It should be borne in mind, when speaking of these times, and of the prevailing corruption, that many of those who filled the papal chair were distinguished for purity of life and disinterested zeal in God's cause. Such were John IX. (a. d. 898-900), Benedict IV. (a. d. 900-903), Anastasius III. (a. d. 911-913), and Leo VI. (a. d. 928, 929). It is well not to lose sight of this fact, for persons are inclined, judging from the accounts they read of those times, to condemn, indiscrimi- nately, all the occupants of the Holy See as equally unworthy and selfish. Again, it is well known that the picture of John of Ra- venna, the relative of Theodora the Elder, who ascended the papal throne under the name of John X. (a. d. 914-928), as drawn by Luitprand, is not pleasant to look upon, whereas modern writers have drawn it, if not in bright, at least in less offensive and more harmonious colors. This Pope had proved himself a man of good parts and capacity while still Archbishop of Ravenna ; and even the panegyrist of Beren- garius, who will assuredly not be suspected of any partiality for him, speaks of him as follows : § 187. The Roman Pontificate and Tuscan Domination. 295 "Summus erat Pastor tunc temporis urbe Johannes, Officio affatim clarus sophiaque repletus." ' The first care of John X. was to put things to right in Italy. As a preliminary step toward the accomplishment of this purpose, he consecrated Berengarius of Friuli, Emperor (a. d. 915). He next secured an alliance for him with the Greek Emperor and with the princes of Italy. Having thus established friendly relations among all the princes, he united their forces for a desperate assault upon the Saracens, who were again overrunning Italy. Placing himself at the head of the combined army, he went forth to meet the enemy, and came up with him on the banks of the Garigliano. The Saracens fought with their characteristic daring and gal- lantry ; but, being unable to withstand the resolute courage of the Christian army, were forced to give way on all sides. Their army was annihalated, their stronghold on the banks of the Garigliano taken and destroyed (a. d. 916), and their power in Italy broken. The remaining days of this Pope were spent in consulting and providing for the interests of the Church. His answer to Harvey, Archbishop of Rheims, who, in the year 916, asked his advice as to how such of the newly-converted (a. d. 912) IsTormans as had lapsed into idolatrous practices should be treated, is characteristic of the man. He instructed the Archbishop not to enforce the rigor of the canons, as they,' being young in the faith, could not bear what those of more mature years would joyfully accept, but to use forbear- ance, lest excessive strictness might entirely drive away these neophytes from the Church. Upon the death of Theodora, John manifested a disposition to free himself from the degrading dependence to which he had been subjected. But Marozia, who was still powerful and in possession of the Castle of St. Angelo, had him cast into prison and put to death (a. d. 928). This woman had mai'ried Guido, Margrave of Tuscany, the conqueror of her former husband, Alberic, Duke of Camerino. She was led 'Conf. Dicret, in Kopp's Hist. Papers of Luzerne, Vol. I., n. 3, year 1854. Jjivranl, Giovanni da Tosaignano (X), Macerata, 1859. 296 " Period 2. Epoch 1. PaH 2. Chapter 2. to take the life of Pope John, because he had entered into negotiations with Hugh of Provence, in the year 926, for the liberation of Italy, and especially of the Romans, who were groaning under the shanaeful servitude of thesie vicious women. At the close of the short pontificate of Leo VI. (f a. d. 929), a man distinguished for his energy in enforcing ecclesi- astical discipline and for his earnest efforts to raise the stan- dard of morality, the papal throne was filled, for a brief period, by Stephen VII. (VIII.), who was probably the crea- ture of Marozia. Upon his death, this woman had her son by her first husband, Alberic, elected Pope. He is known by the name of John XL (a. d. 931-936), and was, throughout his whole reign, subject to the baneful influence of either his mother or brother. In the year 932, after the death of Guide, the wily Marozia became the wife of Hugh of Provence, upon whose head she succeeded in placing the crown of Italy. Hugh, after a time, fancied that his power was sufficiently established to warrant him in aspiring to the imperial crown. The Pope had, indeed, requested him to accept it ; but Al- beric the Younger, a brother of Pope John, protested against this assumption as an infringement upon his patrimonial rights, took up arms in his own defense, defeated his step- father, Hugh, and shut his mother up in prison. Having thus established his power (a. d. 932-954) as " Princeps Poviae," or Prince and Senator of Pome, he cast the Pope, his brother, into prison, in the Castle of St. Angelo, where he kept him shut up for three years together, and, during this time, assumed and exercised all authority, both temporal and spiritual. The popes who reigned under him were nearly all men of integrity' and blameless lives. Such were Leo VIL, Stephen VIII. (IX.) (a. d. 939), Marinus II. (a. d. 943- 946), and Agapetus II. (a. d. 946-955). But, notwithstanding their personal worth, they were, all the same, obliged to sub- mit to a degrading and vexatious dependence. A change in the political condition of Upper Italy finally gave hope that the papacy might again rise to its pristine authority and honor. The vassals of Hugh, but particularly Berengarius, Mar- § 187. The Roman Pontificate and Tuscan Domination. 297 grave of Tvrea, grew daily more impatient of his rule, till finally their protests became so urgent and imperative that he thought it best to again retire to his hereditary kingdom of Provence (a. d. 946). Before going, however, he conferred the crown of Italy upon his son, Lothaire, who, though only eighteen years of age, had already been associated with hia father in the government of the kingdom, and was espoused to Adelaide, daughter of Kudolph II. of Burgundy. Lothaire did not live long to enjoy the honors and bear the burdens of royalty. He died in 950, and was succeeded by Berengarius and his son, Adalbert, both of whom were elected and crowned Kings of Italy at Pavia. The young widow of Lothaire took refuge in the Castle of Canossa to escape the hard treatment of Berengarius, who tried every means to force her to accept the offer of his son's hand. From the beginning of the reign of Henry I. of Saxony, sui'named the Fowler, the affairs of Germany, whether in the political or ecclesiastical domain, had been in a most satisfac- tory condition ; and the accession of Otko I. gave still better promise for the future. Having been invited by Adelaide, who was still shut up in the Castle of Canossa, to come to her rescue, he crossed the Alps (a. d. 951), at the head of an army, raised the seige of Canossa, drove Berengarius out of Italy, assumed the government of the kingdom of Lombardy, and sued and won the fair Adelaide (January 6, 952). At the Diet of Augsburg, held in the year 952, Berengarius con- sented to accept Italy from Otho as a fief of the German Em- pire ; but having, on his return, raised the standard of revolt, he was shortly overcome and taken prisoner to Bamberg, in Bavaria, where he died (a. d. 966). Otho was acknowledged King of Italy by a diet held at Milan, and was crowned with the Iron Crown of Lombardy. He was then invited to Rome by the Pope, declared Emperor, and again crowned (a. d. 962) and anointed. In the year 956, Octavian, a youth only eighteen years of age, the son of Alberic, Duke of Tuscany, the husband of Marozia, succeeded, through the influence of his faction, in having himself raised to the papal throne. The custom, now 298 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. common with popes, of changing their baptismal name upon their accession, into one more ecclesiastical in form, was first introduced by John XII. His pontificate lasted till the year 964.1 Though young in years, this unworthy occupant of the papal chair was old in profligacy, and brought disgrace upon his exalted office by his many vices and shameful excesses. Put the Church, then in a 'most humiliating state of bondage, can not be made responsible for the outrageous conduct of this young debauchee. It is a little singular that one who, by his wicked life, had done all in his power to bring dis- credit upon the Church and Holy See, should have been him- self the unconscious instrument in restoring the honor of both. C— THE PAPACY AFTEE THE EESTORATIOlSr OF THE EMPIEE § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors. (BOTH SAXON AKD FEANKISH BMPBKOES PEBQUBNTLY CLAIMED THE EIGHT OF TAKING PAET IN THE ELECTION OP POPES.) tContzen, The Historiographers of the Saxon Emperors, their Lives, and "Works, Eatisbon, 1837. '■' Giesebrecht, Hist, of the German Emperors, Vol. I., p. 189 sq. Hofler, German Popes. Hoclc, Gerbert, or Pope Sylvester II., Vi- enna, 1837. Hefele, Contributions, etc., Vol. I., p. 253 sq. 'fDamberger, Syn- chronistical Hist., Vol. V. tFloss, Papal Elections under the Othos, Freiburg, 1858. Zoppfel, Papal Elections from the 11th to the 14th cent., Gottg. 1872. In the very midst of those clouds which overhung the Christian world, and had brought on so deep a night of dark- ness, both Church and State took the first steps toward an amelioration of their condition. Charles IV., surnamed the Simple (f a. d. 923), King of the West Frankish Empire, made over to Eollo, the most skillful and daring of all the N"orman chiefs, the province of Neus- tria (ever since called ISTormandy), in fee-simple, and that of Britany conditionally. Rollo bound himself by treaty (a. d. 911) to embrace, together with his countrymen, the Christian religion on becoming the vassal of Charles. He was bap- tized under the name of Robert, by Franco, Archbishop of ' Conf. Aschbach's Eccl. Cyclopaedia, Vol. IV., p. 294-296. § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors. 299 E-onen, who had formerly gone on an embassy of peace to his court, and shortly after married the royal princess Gisela. The country which he had conquered was indeed wild and desolate, but this did not prevent him from giving his utmost care to its government; and the wisdom and efliciency wliich he exhibited in the execution of his trust merited for him tlie love and gratitude of the inhabitants. Prom this time for- ward, llobert and his successors protected the frontiers of the West-Frankish Empire from invasion by the Normans. Thus protected from external enemies, religion flourished within its borders, and there shortly arose the great and learned congre- gation of Clugny, destined in future time to do so much for the glory of the Church. Christianity beautified and ennobled all that was strong and energetic in the Norman character; and it was to the efforts of the Normans, who became the most zealous propa- gators of the Gospel, that every country of Europe, in that age, owed the revival of the Christian religion and the spread of Christian sentiments. They carried the weight of their influence and the power of their example into France, with which they constantly maintained intimate relations; into Italy, where a descendant of Rollo established a colony of Normans ; into England, where William the Conqueror as- cended the throne ; and even into distant Hussia, which owes not only its religious and political characteristics to their genius and zeal, but even its, very name to one of their leaders. It was called Hiiriscia, or Russia, from Eurick, the bold Varan- gian chief, who came originally from Scandinavia.^ In Germany, the power of the nobles was constantl}^ on the increase, and that of the King on the decline. What was lost by the latter was gained by the former, and so powerful did they become that even the royal commissioners, from fear of ' Rurik, having boen invited by the Slaves of Novgorod to come and rule over them, crossed over the Baltic from Scandinavia, accompanied by his brothers Sindf and Truvor, at the head of a small army, took possession of the country to the south of the Gulf of Finland, Lakes Ladoga, Onega, and Beloe, in 861 or 862, and laid the foundation of a monarchy. His brothers dying without issue, their principalities were united to jSTovgorod by Eurik. See Canius Uni- versal History, and the art. Rurik, in Chambers' Cyclopaedia. (Te.) goo Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. them, dared not carry out their iustructions, and were not unfrequently induced to make common cause with them. It required a strong arm to defend the country against the con- tinual aggressions of external enemies, and, as a consequence, liereditary dukedoms grew up, little by little, to supply this need. The Saxons were the first who possessed a duke of their own nation, but it was not long before the Franks, the Suabians, and the Bavarians, the three principal tribes of Southern Germany, enjoyed a similar distinction. By the death of Louis the Child, the race of Charlemagne became extinct^in Germany, and the Germans again asserted and exercised their ancient rights. Their kings were^again elected, not indeed as formerly, by the voice of the whole people, but by the suflrages of the hereditary dukes of the four principal tribes. Otho of Saxony, having refused the offer of the crown, rec ommended Conrad of Franconia as a fit person to wear it. This prince was descended from Charlemagne by the female line, and was a nephew of Arnulph of Bavaria. Pious, chiv- alric, and brave, but withal unfortunate, he was unequal to the task, either of repelling the devastating invasions of the Hungarians, or of suppressing the sanguinary feuds of the German princes. He closed his reign of six years (a. d. 911- 918) by an act of magnanimity and patriotism worthy of a great prince, for which his memory is still held in honor by the German people. Conscious that the powerful Saxons, who had heretofore shown some hostility to the unity of the Empire, could alone successfully cope with the enemies of the German nation, and secure for it peace at home and respect abroad, he generously passed over the claims of his own House, and advised that his enemy, Henry, Duke of Saxony, a man already distinguished for bravery in war and prudence in counsel, should be elected his successor. Summoning his brother Eberhard to his side when on his death-bed, he gave him the following commission : "When I shall have passed away," said he, '"bear the insignia of roy- alty, the crown and the scepter, to Henry of Saxony, a man truly deserving of them." The commission was all the more trying to Eberhard, inasmuch as he himself would have been § 188. The Po-pes under the Saxon Emperors. 301 the Datnral heir to the roj'al crown, for Conrad died with- out issue ; but he showed a magnanimity equal to that of his brother, by faithfully executing the will of the latter. Henry was hunting when the messenger reached him, and from this circumstance he has been surnamed the Fowler. Henry the Fowler (a. d. 919-936), also called the Builder, fully realized the promise of his youth. He placed the army on a more efficient footing, and thus repelled the attacks of the Hungarians and Danes ;. introduced tournaments ; built strongholds; fortified cities; drove back the Slaves and l^Tor- mans from the German frontier; and established the three margravates of Slesvig, Brandenburg, and Meissen, for the pro- tection of the border countries. After he had completed these preparations, he met and totally routed the Hungarians, near Merseburg, a. d. 933. Before engaging in this battle, he made a vow, that, if he should be victorious, he would em- ploy every means in his power to put an end to the vice of simony. The genius of Henry I. was felt throughout the whole Empire, and gave a fresh impulse to religion, politics, literature, and art. His example was closely followed by his more illustrious son Otho I. (a. d. 936-973), who, like Charlemagne, again assumed and faithfully executed the office of protector of the Church.^ He was, in consequence, frequently called to Italy to put an end to the dissensions of the two contending fac- tions at Rome. Berengai'ius II. and his son Adelbert were especially notorious for their abuse of power, and the tyranny they exercised, not only over the Pope, but all Italy. Otho I. was in consequence invited to come into Italy by Pope John XII., and by the bishops and nobles.^ lie entered Rome at the head of his victorious army, January 1, 962, and made the following declaration before the Pope : " I swear to thee, Pope John, in the name of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, that having, by the Divine mercy, reached Rome in safety, / shall do all that in me lies to exalt the Church of Rome and her Pastor.^ E'ever shalt thou, by my 1 Conf. Oiesebrecht, in 1. c, p. 241-567. 'Joannis XII. vita et epist., Mansi, T. XVIII., p. 447. » Gratiani Decret., Pt. I., diet. LXIII., c. 33. Watterich, T. I., p. 45. Conf, 302 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. will or consent, or at my instigation, lose life, or limb, or what- ever of diguit}'^ belongs to thee. ISTever shall I, without hav- ing first obtained thy permission, pass judgment, or issue an ordinance relative to whatever concerns either the Romans or thyself, and should any portion of the Patrimony of St. Peter fall into my hands, I shall at once restore it to thee. And sliould I ever transfer the Kingdom of Italy to another, I shall oblige such one to promise under oath to his new lord that he will do all in his power-to uphold thy authority and de- fend the Patrimony of St. Peter." Then both the Pope and the Eomans swore upon the. tomb of St. Peter "never to give either aid or encouragement to Berengarius and Adelbert, the enemies of Otho." Otho — who, as has been stated, had already received the iron crown of Lombardy — was anointed and crowned Emperor, February 2, a. d. 962 — the first, for forty-six years, to wear the imperial crown} A few days after, February 13th, the Emperor published his celebrated diploma,^ by which he confirmed to the Holy See all the donations that had been made to it by Pepin and Charlemagne. He therein specified by name all the provinces, cities, towns, boroughs, castles, and localities that belonged of right to the Patrimony of St. Peter. Moreover, in order to put an end to the scenes of violence which had hitherto been of common occurrence on the occasion oi papal elections, he ordered that these should be conducted with i\iQ fullest liberty, and that the Pope-elect should promise, previously to his consecration, and in pres- ence of the imperial embassadors, to govern according to law, and with the strictest regard to justice. Muraiori, Hist, of Italy in the year 962, Pt. V., p. 492. Gfrorer, Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 1242 sq., vindicates the genuineness of this oath, unjustly doubted of. Giesebrecht, Hist, of the Period of the Emperors, Vol. I., p. 456. Conf. Sefele, Vol. I., p. 254. ^Darras, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 592. (Tr.) ^ Diploma Ottonis imperatoris de confirmatione jurium Eom. Bocl., in Mansi, T. XVIII., p. 451 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 623 , in Hofler, German Popes, Pt I , p. 38-42. This public document is written on violet parchment, in let- tors nf gold, and is still extant. It has often been questioned whether this beau- tiful copy be the original text. Some critics go still further, and call its very authenUcitji in doubt, as well as that of the oath of Otho to Pope John. This manuscript is probably a copy of the original diploma. Conf. Hefele's Contrib., Vol. I., p. 255. § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Enqjerors. 303 "When Otho was informed, upon the authority of the lead- ing citizens of Rome, that John XII. was stained witli the guilt of immorality, simony, and other vices equally heinous, he dismissed the charges with the remark : " He is still young, and may, with the example of good men before him, and un- der the influence of their counsel, grow better as he grows older." But while the Emperor was still at Pavia, he learned that John had entered into an alliance oifensive and defensive with Adelbert, and had endeavored to persuade the Greeks and Hungarians to invade Italy, and drive the Germans be- yond the Alps. Otho turned back, and laid siege to the town of Montefeltro, where Adelbert had taken refuge. After hav- ing reduced this place, he set out for Eome, where he arrived IsTovember 2, a. d. 962 ; but John and Adelbert, not daring to await his coming, had already fled, taking with them the treasure of St. Peter's Church. The Romans took the oath of fealty to Otho, promising never to permit any one to take possession of the See of Rome who had not first obtained his consent, or that of his son Otho II.' Thus far no fault could bo found with either the conduct or policy of Otho ; but now, acting under the advice of the Ger- man bishops, who, though they were justly incensed at the scandalous life of John XIL, were but indifferent canonists, he ventured upon a step, the evil consequences of which were I'elt long afterward, and involved results well-nigh fatal. He convoked (a. d. 963) a synod, to meet in St. Peter's Church, at which forty bishops and sixteen cardinals were present, for the purpose of deposing the Pope. Luitprand, Bishop of Cre- mona, who afterward wrote the history of his times, acted as interpreter to the Emperor, who was acquainted with no lan- guage but the Saxon. This so-called Synod indicted the Pope on the -charges of incest, perjury, blasphemy, murder, and others equally enormous, and cited him to appear before its tribunal,^ to answer to the impeachment. ' Imitprand, Lib. VI., c. 6. Gives vero Sanctum Imperatorem cum suis omni- bus in urbe suscipiunt, fidelitatemque promittunt: baec addentes et firmiter jurantes, nunquam se Papam electuros aut ordinaturos praeter consensum alque electionem domini Imperatorts Oihonis. 2 Conciliabulum Eomanum (Pseudo-synodus) out oi LuUprand,YIl.. p. 0-11, 304 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. The Pope, instead of complyiDg with this demand, wrote a sharp letter to the bishops, in the conrse of which he said: "It has come to our knowledge that it is your intention to elect another Pope. Should you presume to carry this inten- tion into effect, know that, in such an event, we, of our Apos- tolic authority, and in the name of Almighty God, do pro- nounce you excommunicated, and forbid you to confer orders or celebrate the Divine Mysteries." This letter and warning produced no effect. The bishops proceeded against him all the same, and he was accordingly deposed. The transaction was wholly illegal, and in direct violation of the canons of the Church, according to which a pope can be deposed only on two counts, viz., apostasy from the faith and obstinate per- sistence in heresy; and by only one tribunal, viz., an ecumen- ical council. Hence the bishops introduced into the sentence of deposition a clause embodying an axiom which might serve as a principle to justify their course. "An unprece- dented evil," said they, " demands an unprecedented remedy." Two days after the so-called deposition of John, Leo, a layman, and previously chancellor of the Roman Church, was, by the influence of the Emperor, elected Pope, and, after taking orders without observing the interstices, ascended the papal throne under the name of Leo Vlll. After the departure of Otho, John, who had still quite a party devoted to his interests, returned to Rome, retaliated on his enemies, and drove out the antipope. He next assembled a synod, at which sixteen bishops and twelve cardinal priests were pres- ent, the majority of whom had already taken part in the for- mer synod, declared the acts of the latter body null and of no effect, deposed and excommunicated Leo, and pronounced his ordination invalid. No sooner had John gained this triumph over his enemies than ho again went back to his former licentious habits and unseemly excesses. But, though God may tolerate such things for a time, his vengeance usually overtakes one in the end. John was suddenly stricken down with cerebral apo- in Mansi, T. XVII I., p. 466 sq. liarduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 627. Conf. Baro- nius ad a. 962 and Natnl. Alex. h. e. ad saec. IX. et X., diss. XVI. § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors. 305 plexy, and died, at the end of eight days, without being able to receive the Holy Viaticum (May 14, a. d. 964). Notwithstanding that the Eomaus had taken the oath of fidelity to Otho, they hated the Germans cordially; and when John had died, instead of closing the old and preventing a new schism by choosing Leo VIII. to succeed to him, thoy elected (a. d. 964) Benedict V., whom they swore to defend, even against the Emperor himself. Even German historians concede that this Pope was both learned and virtuous — recom- mendations not very common in that age. No sooner had Otho been informed of these events than he again set out for Eome. He besieged the city with a power- ful army, and the inhabitants, yielding to famine rather than the sword, opened the gates to him, June 23, a. d. 964. Otho immediately convoked a synod, at which the bishops of Lorraine, Italy, and Saxony were present. Benedict was summoned before this body, and was forced, to go through the farce of having himself deposed and degraded, after which he was sent into exile to Hamburg. It must be conceded that, whatever other faults Leo VIII. may have had, ingratitude to his imperial benefactor was not one of them. It is said that he published a decree " granting to Otho and his successors, forever, the privilege of naming whom they liked to succeed to them in the kingdom of Italy; of appointing the incumbent of the Holy See, and of investing archbishops and bishops." Should any refuse to acknowl- edge the propriety of placing such plenary powers in the hands of this temporal prince, he was threatened with "ex- communication, perpetual banishment, or death." ' Whether 'The pretended Constitutio Leon. VIII., in an abridged form, in Gratian., P. I., dist. LXIII., c. 23 : In synodo congregata Eomae in ecclesia S. Salvatoris. Ad exemplum B. Hadriani — qui domino Carolo — ^patriciatus dignitatem ac ordi- nationem apostolicae sedis et investituram Episcoporum concessit (see above, p. 185, n, 2), ego quoque Leo Episcopus — cum toto clero a^ ilomano populo con- stituimus et confirmamus atque largimurdom.Ottoni primo, Eegi Teutonicorum, ejusquo suceessoribus hujus regni Italiae in perpetvium facultatem eligendi suc- cessorem, atque summae sedis apostolicae Pontifleem ordinandi, ac per lioc arcbi- epif copos sive episcopos, ut ipsi ab eo investituram accipiant, et consecrationem unde debent, etc. But Barordits and Fagi justly declare this document to be VOL. II — 20 306 Period 2. Efoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 2. all this be true or not, it is certain that, from this time for- ward, the Emperors interfered more than they had previously done in the election of popes, to the great detriment of the Church and the Holy See. On the death of Leo VIIL, in the beginning of April, a. d. 9f)5, the Romans requested the Emperor to restore Benedict; l)nt, while the matter was still under consideration, the latter died (July 5, a. d. 965). The Roman clergy and people now assembled in presence of the imperial embassadors, Lnitpraud, Bishop of Cremona, and Otgar, Bishop of Spire, and chose John, Bishop of E'arui (a. d. 965-972), a protege of the powerful family of the Cres- centians, which was then, for the first time, coming into prominence in Italy, to succeed to Benedict. At his conse- cration he took the name of John XIII. A party of discontented Roman nobles, who had taken offense at the boldness with which the new Pope asserted and maintained his royal prerogatives, stirred up an insurrection within the city, seized upon John, and cast him into prison. He was shortly delivered by the opposite party of the Cres- centians, after which he took refuge at the court of Pandolf, Prince of Capua. Otho, hearing of the indignity that had been put upon the Pope, again marched into Italy, for the third time, and inflicted summary punishment on the authors of this insurrection. Of thirteen who had taken a principal part in it, some were beheaded, some hanged, and some de- prived of sight (a. d. 967). The Emperor caused synods to be held at Rome and Ravenna, and, at the latter, restored to interpolated. Muratori (Hist, of Ital., Pt. V., p. 510) says that it is an invention cf a later age; but Pcrir. (Monum. Germ., T. IV., Pt. II., p. IGO sq.), Donniges, Giesebrccid, Pertz, Gfrorer, and Floss (see Eraus' Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 261) defend it .IS autbcntic; their position, however, is scarcely tenable. Cf. Diinniges. Ad- Hilary of German Law, cd. by P.ankc, Vol. I., Pt. III., p. 102. The so-called "Privilegiiim of Leo VIII.," conferred upon Otho I., recently published by Floss in an altered and cnlarrjcd form, is certainly a fabrication, dating from tho epoch of the ppntest concerning Investitures. The very manuscript is not older than the clpyanth century. No less spurious is Leonis VIII. ccssio donationum I^om. Eccl., in FcrU, T. IV., Pt. II., p. 1G8 sq. For particulars concerning the various /orHis and the contents of this Dinloma, consult Hefele's Contrib., Vol. I., p. 268-273. § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors. 307 the Pope the city itself, and all those portions of the exerchate that had been seized by the last kings of Italy. But these can not have remained long in the power of the Holy See, for shortljf afterward we find the Venetians in possession of Ferrara, Comacchio, Kavenna, and other cities of the ex- archate. The Pope now crowned Otho II., a youth only fourteen years of age, who, throughout the whole course of his life, proclaimed, both by word and deed, and by the adoption of the symbolical Imperial Globe^ surmounted by a cross, which his father had already impressed upon all his own seals, the great principle that an alliance between Charch and State is essential. For long after he had passed away, a grateful people held his memory in benediction ; and it was a common saying among them that, after Charlemagne, no one had worn the imperial crown with more honor, or had had the conversion of Pagan nations, the restoi-ation of order, and the progress and glory of the Church more at heart. And this, it was said, should be ascribed to the fact that he sought not his own glory, but that of his Savior. He therefore justly mer- ited the title of " Great," which posterity has willingly be- stowed upon him. Some modern authors have attempted to show that Otho II. respected neither the freedom nor the pos- sessions of the Church, but the proofs brought forward in fiupport of the charge are not sufficient to establish it. The epitaph upon his sarcophagus is probably nearer the truth: "A Christian and a King indeed was he, Who here within this marble lies enshrined; His country's glory and an Empire's pride, Whose loss a grieved and grateful world deplores." On the death of Otho I. (a. d. 973), a fresh insurrection broke out in Rorae.^ Crescentius, the grandson of Theodora, - It is commonly, hut erroneously, asserted, that this so-called JSIondc, or Globus Imperialis, was first presented by Benedict VIII to the Emperor Henry II.. in the year 1014. The Monde consisted of a globe of gold, around the center of which ran a zone. To cither side of this was attached a quad- rant, both of which met on top, and held the gold cross, that surmounted the globe, in position. ■'On Otho II., see Giesebrecht, Vol. II., p. 567-607. 308 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. roused the indignation of the people against foreign domina- tion, and, to avenge themselves, they seized Pope Benedict VI., whose election had taken place in presence of the em- bassadors oi Othj II. (a. d. 973-983), cast him into prison, and murdered him. Cardinal Boniface Franco, who had been at the bottom of this plot, was then placed upon the papal throne, under the name of Boniface VII., by the party of the Crescentians ; but, after having with difficulty main- tained himself for one month and twelve days, he was forced to seek safety in flight. , He fled to Constantinople, taking with him a large quantity of the treasure of St. Peter's Church. Donus II. was then elected Pope, but survived his election only four days. It was now the wish of Otho II. to place upon the papal throne Majolus, Al'>bot of Clugny ; but this holy man, believ- ing that it would be difficult for one of his pacifle habits of life to rule an insubordinate people like the Pomans, declined the distinguished honor. The choice then fell upon the Bishop of Sutri, who took the name of Benedict VII. (a. d. 974-983). Ilis election was approved by the Emperor, Otho II., and, during his pontificate, the Church was governed with vigor and discretion. He was succeeded by Peter, Bishop of Pavia and chancellor to Otho, who took the name of John XIV. By the death of Otho, which happened December 7, a. d. 983, John was deprived of the only person powerful enough to enable him to maintain his position in Rome. Boniface now returned from Constantinople, and, supported by a powerful party within the city, seized the Pope, and shut him up in the Castle of St. Angelo, where he died of hunger, in the year 984. Happily, Cardinal Boniface was not long permitted to exercise his arbitrary authority. He died a few months later on, in the same year, and the indignities which the populace put upon his dead body may be taken as an index of the hatred which they entertained for him. He was sncceeded by John XV., who, finding the exactions of Cres- eontius JSTumentanus (Cencius), the self-styled Patrician and Consul of Rome, intolerable, invited Otho III. (a. d. 983-1002) to come to his aid. Otho set out for Italy in the year 990; but, before his departure, he greatly oflended the Germans, § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors. 309 by giving expression to a design of transferring the seat of his (jreat Empire to Borne. When he had reached Eavenua, learn- ing that John XV. had died, he instructed the Eoman em- bassy which had come to consult him, though he was not yet Emperor, on the choice of a Pope, to bestow the office upon his nephew Bruno, the aulic chaplain, who, though only twenty-four years of age, was an accomplished linguist and a respectable scholar. The Koman people and clergy, acting on the advice of the Emperor, raised Bruno to the Papal Chair — the first German upon whom that honor was ever bestowed. He took the name of Gregory V. (a. d. 996-999), and, in his turn, crowned Otho III. Emperor and Protector of the Holy Roman Church. Harmony was once more re- stored between the Church and the Empire, and both Pope and Emperor, when adopting measures for the good of the Cliurch,^ wisely mistrusted their youth and inexperience, and took counsel of such prudent and distinguished men as Wil- ligis, Archbishop of Mentz ; Bernward, Bishop of Hildesheim ; Adalbert, Bishop of Prague ; Abo, Abbot of Flenry ; Notker, oj' Liege, and Gerbert, the most illustrious and learned of tli.em all. During the reigns of Louis Outre-Mer, Lothaire (a. d. 954- 986), and his grandson Louis V. (jA. d. 987), the last kings of the Carlovingian line, the West-Prankish Empii-e had passed completely under the control of Hugh the Great, Count of Paris, and, after their death, his son Hugh Capet' was elected king. "With him begins the Bj jurbon dynast}'-, and from the year 987, the date of his ascension to the throne, the name of " France" has been in use. The country was then divided into a number of fiefs, of which those immediately dependent on the crown, were the four dukedoms of Francia, Normandy (including Bretagne), Aquitaine or Guieune, and Burgundy; and the three counties of Toulouse, Flanders, and Vermandois. There was also a distinction made at the same time between Northern and Southern France, founded on ' Orerjorii V. vita et epist., in Mansi, T. XIV., p. 109 sq. Hardidn, T. VI.,. Pt. I., p. 739 sq. Of. Bofler, German Popes, Pt. I., p. 97-195. '■*Giesehrediif Vol. II., p. 607-770. 'So called from Cappa, or the robe which he wore as lay abbot. (Tk.) 310 Period 2. EiMch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. the difl'ereiice of language (langue d'oui, Franpaise and the langue d'oe or Provenjal), manners, and legal codes} Hugh also renewed the friendly relations which had for- merly subsisted between these countries and the Holy See. During the reign of Hugh Capet, Arnulph, Archbishop of Rheims, had been deposed, and his see given to Gerbert, the tutor of the young prince Robert; but when the latter came to the throne, Arnulph was, by the authority of Pope Greg- ory v., restored to his archbishopric (a. d. 996). Robert was also finally persuaded to separate from Bertha, the daughter of Conrad I., Duke of Burgundy, and his owx\ fourth cousin, whom he had married without having first obtained a dispen- sation from the Holy See. But the separation was not effected at once, or without difficulty. Eobert, though a very relig- ious man, was so devoted to his relative, that he could not bring himself to give her up on the first warning, but having been excommunicated, he at last yielded, in order to avoid the consequences that would follow having his kingdom laid under interdict.^ Scarcely had the Emperor, Otho III., quitted Rome, and returned to Germany, when Crescentius stirred up a fresh insurrection, drove Pope Gregory from Rome, and placed the usurper Philagathos, Bishop of Piacenza, a Greek from Cala- bria, upon the Papal throne (a. d. 997). But Gregory, though young, showed a becoming firmness in this crisis, and pro- nounced sentence of excommunication on Crescentius. Learn- ing what had taken place, Otho hastened across the Alps, entered Rome in company with Gregory, and captured and beheaded Crescentius and twelve of his principal adherents. The antipope John XVI. was punished after the fashion of his country. His nose was cut ofl", 14s tongue wrenched from his mouth, and his eyes burnt out; and in this condition he ^PUtz, Mediaeval Hist., p. 72. (Tr.) 2 "We find in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 103 sq., the acts concerning the relations in which Gerbert and Arnulf stood to each other. Cf. p. 173 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 723. Cf. the notae Severini Binii, in Mansi, 1. c. On Robert's marriage, conf. Mansi, T. XIX., p. 225. HelgaUlus Floriacens. monach., vita Roberti, c. 17 {Bouquet, T. X., p. 107). § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors. 311 was cast into a dungeon, where he was left to repent of his ambition, and to die a miserable death. Gregory labored zecdously and unceasingly for the restoration of ecclesiastical life, luhich had now well-nigh become extinct. When at Rome, he preached in three languages, and it was his custom to feed twelve poor men every Sunday. While in the very thickest of his labors, his life of usefulness was cut short by premature death (a. d. 999). Through the influence of Otho, Gerbert, his second tutor, was elected to succeed to Gregory, and ascended the Papal throne under the name of Sylvester II. (a. d. 999-1003). He was the first French Pope. Born of humble parents, at Auril- lac, in Auvergne, he entered the monastery of that place, and, after remaining there for a time, went to Cordova to complete his scientific studies. He was a man of great talents, which ho put to the best account, and his proficiency was such in all branches of knowledge, that he was not only abreast, but in advance of his age. Having already filled with honor, suc- cessively, the archiepiscopal sees of Eheims and Ravenna under trying and difiicult circumstances, he now exercised the pontifical authority with prudence and moderation.* After his accession, Otho, by a new diploma, added eight counties to the patrimony of St. Peter.^ Sylvester II. has the honor of having been the first who conceived and put forth the idea of arming Christendom for the purpose of delivering the Holy Sepulchre from the hands of the infidel.^ In the year 1002, the Emperor Otho III. died suddenly, without issue, at Ravenna, when he was only twenty-two years old.* Though a young man of good parts and strong ' Sylvesiri II. vita et epist., in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 240 sq. Harduin, T. VI , Pt. I., p. 759 sq. Conf. Hock, Gerbert or Pope Sylvester II. and his Ag3, Vienna, 1837. Biidinger, Gerbert's place in Science and Politics, Cassel, 1851. Olleris, Oeuvres de Gerbert, Paris, 1867, in 4to.; ejusdem, Vie de Gerbert, Paris, 1867, in 12mo. On the accusation of Magic, with which popular superstition charged Sylvester II., see the apology of an ancient author, in Hod:, p. 165. ^ Gfrorer and Pertz defend the authenticity of this diploma. ^ Sylvesiri II. ep., A. D. 999, " Ex persona Hierosolymae devastatae ad univer- sftlem ecclesiam." (Muraiori, Script., T. III., p. 400. Bouquet., T. X., p. 426.) < It is asserted that he was poisoned by Stephania, the widow of Crescentiua, 312 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. character, he was not wholly exempt from the influences of his age. There was a' tingle of asceticism in his nature, and he frequently withdrew, for a time, from the hustle and dis- traction of public life, to give himself up to prayer and med- itation. His mind was filled with chimerical and extravagant plans, which the shortness of his life prevented him from at- tempting to carry into efiect. The idea, then prevalent, that the end of the world was at hand, was not without its influ- ence on his mind; and, as people had given up to unseemly fear at the appi'oaeh of the dreaded year 1000, so, after it had passed and the world went on as before, they indulged in feel- ings and expressions of unwonted joy. Educated under the supervision of three female relatives — Theophania, his mother; his grandmother, Adelheid; and liis aunt, Mathlda,Abhess of Quedlinhurg — he had conceived a taste for foreign customs and the splendid court-ceremonial of Byzantium. Moreover, acting under the counsel of G-er- bert, St. Romualdus of Vallombrosa, St. Odilo of Clugny, and Bernward, Bishop of Hildesheim, Avhose fine schemes had a great fascination for his youthful imagination, he made plans, and proceeded to carry them into execution, for the re- establishment of the Roman Empire. The design was not looked upon with favor by the Romans, who did not care to see the Rome of the Popes changed into the Rome of the Caesars of the Western Empire, and they consequently did all in their power to throw obstacles in the way of the Em- peror. ]!^or were they the only persons who opposed it. In Germany a strong party of loyalists, headed by Willigis, Archbishop of Mentz, offered the most determined resistiftice to this attempt to transfer the capital of the empire to Rome. This afi'air was the occasion of another controversy, which would seem petty and despicable were it not for the high character of the persons engaged in it. It related to the jurisdiction over the aristocratic nunnery of Gandersheim, presided over by the haughty Sophia, daughter of Otho 11. who deliberately set herself to win the affections of the young emperor, that she might have an opportunity of avenging the death of her husband, whom the former had beheaded for participation in the conspiracy against Greg- ory V. (Te.) § 188. The Popes under the Saxon Emperors. 313 and Theophania, who refusexl to allow her church to be conse- crated by the bishop of the diocese, and insisted on having a me- tropolitan to perform the function.* The German party sided with her in opposition to Pope Sylvester II. and Bishop Bern- ward. There are not wanting those who confidently assert that the revival of the Empire and its incorporation with the kingdom of Germany has been a positive injury and source of weakness to the latter. But if, on the one hand, it be true that the Popes, while always the faithful allies of the German Emperors when there was question of opposing and putting down a third power, have, when such a contingency did not exist, been the steady enemies of imperialism ; and that to retain German domination in Italy necessitated the carry- ing on of an uninterrupted war, which taxed the greatest ener- gies of the German people f it is, on the other hand, equally true that the papacy owed its rise from the corruption which sur- rounded it, and its liberation from the oppressive yoke of the Italian nobles, to the revival of the empire; and that the gov- ernment of theOthos never could have acquired the influence which it wielded in European afi^airs, had the conviction not been strong upon men's minds, throughout the whole West, that no political unity, in the highest sense of these words, was pos- sible, which in its constitution ignored the Universal Church.^ Sylvester did not long survive Otho III. He died in the year following (a. d. 1003), and with him perished, for the time, the hopes of the German party in Eome. The parti- sans of the Count of Tusculum and of the house of the Cres- centians again regained the ascendancy and controlled the papal elections. The first occupant of the Roman See, after the death of Sylvester, was John XVII. (a. d. 1003), of the Tusculan family, and the next two, John XVIII. (a. d. 1003- 1009), and Sergius IV. (a. d. 1009-1012), of the Crescentian family. The former family now gained the upperhand, and. 1 Conf. Freiburg's Eccl. Cyclopaedia, Vol. XI., p. 1105.-1107; Pr. tr., Vol. EX., p. 281. •^Syhel, The German Nation and the Empire, Dusseldorf, 1862, p. 48. (Tk.) "Some considerable additions have here been made from Kraui Oh. Hist., Vol. II., pp. 261, 262. (Te.) 314 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. for some years, raised whom they would to the See of St. J'ctcr. Benedict VIII. (a. d. 1012-1024) was indeed a mem- ber of the liouse of Tnsculum ; bnt, for all that, did his best to serve the Church faithfully, until he was driven from Rome bj the Crescentians, who set up in his place a certain Gregory. Benry II. of Bavaria, a grandson of Henry the Fowler, had, chiefly through the exertion of Archhishop Willigis, been elected Emperor (a. d. 1002-1024), and upon him Benedict, in his distress, called for assistance. He set out for Rome in the year 1013, and arrived the year following. Having prom- ised to defend the Church of Rome, and to be faithful to the Pope and his successors, both he and bis queen, Cunigunde, were invested with the imperial dignity.' Benedict displayed considerable energy in his contests with the Saracens, whom he defeated, and, with the aid of the Pisans and Genoese, ex- pelled from the island of Sardinia. Henry II., besides being a brave and chivalrous, was also an extremely religious man. It was his custom, ou visiting a city for the first time, to repair at once to a church dedicated to the Mother of God, and there pour out his soul in prayer. He at times grew so weary of the world that, on one occa- sion, while visiting the abbey of Verdun, he desired to lay aside his impei'ial robes and put on the habit of a monk, but was dissuaded by the Prior from carrying out his purpose. He kept up the most intimate relations with the Pope, to whom he secured by diploma all the grants that had been formerly made to the Holy See in Italy, and in Germany the abbey of Fulda and such other cloisters as had been under the immediate jurisdiction of Rome.^ In the year 1019, Benedict made a second visit to Germany, to consecrate the beautiful cathedral which the Emperor had built at Bamberg. A new bishopric was also established at this city, the revenues of which the Emperor gave to the Pope. lAntequam induceretur ab eodem (papa) interrogatus : si fdeHa esse vellet Romanac patronus et defensor eeclesiae; sibi autem suisque successoribus per omnia fldelis respondit. Et tune ab eodem unctionem et coronam — suscepit.' ' Hofler, German Popes, Pt. II., p. 8G7, gives a list of the churches and clois- ters tributary to the Holy See. § 189. The Popes under the Franconia'ii Emperors. 815 Another evidence of the harmonious relations which ex- isted between these two princes is to be found in the fact that Henry gave the force of imperial laws to the decrees enacted by Benedict, at the Synod of JPavia (a. d. 1018), for the re- pression of the vices of simony and concubinage, so common in that age. But, before a thorough reformation could be effected, Henry II. was carried to the grave. He died July 13, A. D. 1024, at Grona, near Qottingeu. "Let Europe mourn," writes a contemporary author, "for she has suffered the loss of her chief; let Home lament, for she has been de- prived of a i^rotector ; let the whole world deplore the death of Henry II., the defender of Europe, the terror of the dis- turbers of the public peace, and the foe of every form of despotism." ' He was, according to his own wish, interred in the cathe- dral of Bamberg, where, nine years later on, his holy wife, Cunigunde, who, upon her husband's death, had entered a Benedictine convent, was laid by his side. Heniy was the last of the line of Saxon Emperors, who, beginning with Henry I., had reigned for a century. The States Ecclesiastical and Secular met and elected Con- rad of Franconia, Emperor. § 189. The Popes under the Franconian Mmperors. TMeiinar, Chron., in Periz, Y. Olaher Radulph. (monach. Cluniac, about 1046), Hist, stii temp, [du Chesne, T. IV.) Wippo (capellan. Conrad, et Henr. III.), de vita Conradi Salic. (Pistorius, T. III.) Bonizo (Episc. Sutrien. 1 1039), lib. ad amic, seu de persecut. eccl. m(OerfeUi Script, rer. Boioar., T. II.) Migne, T. CXLII.; Desiderii, Abb. Casin. (Victoris III. tl086), Dialogi, libb. III. (Max. bibl., T. XVIII.) Jaffi, Bibl. rer. Germ! II., Berl. 1865. Stejizel, Hist, of Germ, under the Franconian Emperors, Lps. 1827 sq., 2 vols. Giesehrecht, Vol. II., p. 213-336, concerning Conrad; V. II., p. 337 sq., on Henry III. Cf. Bamberger, Synchronist. Hist., Vol. VI. Ofrorer, Ch. H., Vol. IV., p. 209-G27. Hijflcr, German Popes, 2 vols., Eatisb. 1839. Cf. Will, The Beginning of tha Restoration of the Church from the Eleventh Century, Marburg, 1859-1864. Benedict VIII., who died in the same year as the Emperor Henry, was succeeded by his brother, under the name of 1 Damierger, Vol. V., p. 889-890, and Gfrorer, Ch. H., Vol. IV.,' p. 1-209. (Mesebreeht, Hist, of the Period of the German Emperors, Vol. II., p. 13-210, Loger, Henry II. and Joseph II. in their relation to the Church, Vienna, 1869. 316 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Cha'pter 2. John XIX. (a. d. 1024). This Pope placed the imperial crown {k. D. 1027) upon the head of the German King, Conrad II. (a. d. 1024-1039), the first representative of the Franco-Salic line, who had already conquered the kingdom of Lombardy. Contemporary writers of every shade of opinion represent John XIX. as zealous in the administration of ecclesiastical affairs and relentless in the pursuit and punishment of bri- gands. But the Emperor, who was by no means indifferent to the abuses which then existed, did not, like his predecessor, co-operate with the Pope in carrying out the decrees for the reformation of morals and the enforcement of ecclesiastical discipline. Conrad looked carefully after the interests of his subjects, and, in the course of his reign, made a journey through Germany, for the purpose of obtaining a knowledge of their condition, administering justice, and removing such grievances and hardships as might exist. In order the better to eff'ect these ends, he established the Truce of God (Treuga Dei), by which the right of feud for the redress of private wrongs was suspended during the seasons of Advent and Lent, and on week days especially consecrated to the Passion and Resurrection of our Lord, or during the time interven- ing between the sunset of Wednesday and the sunrise of Monday. The abbey church at Limburg, in the Hardt, and the unfin- ished cathedral of Spire, with its immense vaults in Byzan- tine style, as well as many other churches and monasteries, prove that Henry w^as possessed of taste and generosity rival- ing, if not surpassing, any similar qualities in his predecessors. Six members of the house of Tusculumhad already been forced upon the papal throne, and now Count Alberic, the brother of Benedict VIII. and John XIX., succeeded, by means of un- bounded bi'ibery, in having his son, Theophylactus, a young man of only eighteen (12?), but far more proficient in vice than became one of his age, elected Pope, under the name of Benedict IX. (a. d. 1033-1044). For eleven years did this young profligate disgrace the chair of St. Peter. One of his suci essors,' in. speaking of him, said " that it was only with ' Destderim, Abbot of Monte Cassino, as Pope Victor III. (Te.) § 189. The Popes under the Franconian Emperors. 317 feelings of horror he could bring himself to relate how dis- graceful, outrageous, and execrable was the conduct of this man after he had taken priest's orders." The Romans put up with his misconduct and vices for a time; but, seeing that he grew worse instead of better, from day to day, they finally- lost all patience with him, and drove him from the city. The Emperor Conrad had, in the meantime, come into Italy to suppress a revolt that had broken out at Milan, and was at this time at Cremona, whither Benedict went in order to obtain his assistance. He represented to the Emperor that he was an innocent and an injured person, and, to further recommend himself to the latter, excommunicated the Arch- bishop of Milan, who had taken part in the revolt. Conrad then conducted him back to Rome and reinstated him in his office (a. d. 1038); but, on the death of the former, Benedict was again forced to leave the city, and his enemies, by mak- ing liberal distributions of money among the people, recon- ciled public opinion to the election of an antipope in the person of John, Bishop of Sabina, who took the name of Sylvester III. (a. d. 1044.) After an absence of a few months, Benedict was brought back by the members of the powerful family to which he belonged ; but he had scarcely been fairly seated on his throne when he gave fresh offense to the people by proposing a marriage between himself and his cousin. The father of the young lady refused to give his consent to the proposed union, unless Benedict would first resign the papacy, and the archpriest John, a man of piety and rectitude of life, fearing the consequences so great a scandal would bring upon the Church, also offered him a great sum of money if he would withdraw to private life. Benedict, who longed for privacy, that he might the more fully indulge his passions, listened with pleasure to these suggestions, and finally con- sented to resign and retire to live as a private citizen, in one of the castles belonging to his family. It was the honest purpose of the archpriest John to raise the Holy See from the degradation to which it had been sunk by the tyranny and bribery of the nobles ; but, at the same time, conscious that the only way to defeat them was to outbid them in the purchase of the venal populace, he distributed 818 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. money lavishly, but judiciously, and thus secured his own election. He took the name of Gregory VI. But the love of power and notoriety soon grew upon Benedict. He repented of the step he had taken, and, coming forth from the privacy which had now lost its fascination, and supported by his powerful relatives, he again put forth his claims to the papacy. The^-e were now three persons clainaing the same dignity. This condition of afi'airs brought grief to the hearts of the well-disposed of all parties, and they coming together, invited Plenry III. of Grermany, the successor to Conrad (a. d. 1039-1056), to put an end to the confusion and restore order. On his arrival in Italy, he caused a synod to be convened at Pavia (a. d. 1046); but, as the bishops refused to condemn the Pope without having first heard him in his own defense, the Emperor caused a second one to be held at Sutri,^ at which Sylvester III. was condemned and ordered to retire to cloister, and there pass the remainder of his days. Benedict's claims, owing to his resignation, were not taken into account,^ and Gregory came forward, and, on his own motion, declared that, though he had had the best intentions in aiming at the papacy, there could be no question that his election had been secured "by disgraceful bribery and accompanied by simoni- acal heresy,' and that, in consequence, he should of right be deprived of the papal throne, and did hereby resign it." Ac- companied by his disciple, liildebrand, he afterward retired to the monastery of Clugny. It is evident that the respect and reverence of the people for the dignity and authority of the Head of the Church must have been deep-seated, and the result of a complete and overwhelming conviction, when they were not impaired by the disgraceful circumstances just related. The words of Leo the Great were verified then, if ever. " The dignity of St. Peter" said he, ''does not lose iThe Acts, in Mansi, T. SIX;, p. 617 sq. Hardiiin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 921 sq. Conf. Engelhardt, Observationes de Synod. Sutrionsi., Erlang. 1834, 4to. Olcse- hrecht, Vol. II., p. 399 sq. «' Watierich, T. I., p. 71-82, whero also the Laus Ue'irici III. imperatoris, by Peter Damlan. ' Ddllinger, Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 144. (Tk.) 3 A dangerous or bad practice whiob might be traced back to an herdicd principle, was, in the Middle Ages, called a heresy. (Tk.) § 189. The Popes under the Frayiconian Emperors. 319 that character even when lodged m an unworthy successor to his office." The Romans had sworn that they would not choose another Pope during the lifetime of Gregory, and they therefore begged Henry III., as he with his successors enjoyed the title of Pa- trician of Rome, to make choice of one. Henry selected foi the office Suidger, Bishop of Bamherg, who took the name of Clement II.' (a. d. 1046-1047.) The newly elected Pope now placed the imperial crown upon Henry and his consort.' At a synod, held in Rome in the year 1047, at which the Em- peror also assisted, decrees were passed, declaring that any one who should purchase a benefice, or procure ordination by bribery, was thereby excommunicated ; and that such as should accept orders from a simoniaeal bishop, should un- dergo an ecclesiastical penance of forty days. This energetic work, at the beginning of his reign, gave promise that had Clement lived, he would have pursued the abuses which then existed in the Church, and particularly that of simony, until he had fully corrected them. But unfortunately he was not spared. Upon the representation of Peter Damian that the clergy, and notably those of the Roraagna, were frightfully degenerate and corrupt, he set out to try, by personal influ- ence, to bring them back to a sense of their obligations and the dignity of their office; and, while engaged in this work of love, took sick and died, at the monastery of St. Thomas, at Aposella, October 9, 1047. Hearing of his death, Benedict IX. again contrived, with the aid of his powerful relatives, to gain possession of the Holy See, which he retained for eight months. On the death of Clement, an embassy at once set out from Rome to bring the intelligence to the Emperor, and request him to appoint as pope, Alinard, Archbishop of Lyons ; but the latter having declined, they settled upon Poppo, Bishop of Brixen, who took the name of Dam.asus II? On the very day on whii;h Damasus ascended the Papal throne, Benedict, seized with ^ Clemeniis II. vita ot epist., in Mansi, T. XIX,, p. 619 sq.; in Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 923. Conf. Hojler, German Popes, Pt. I., p. 199-268. 'Vamasi IL vita, in Mans!, T. XIX., p. 629. Conf. Hojler, in 1. 1., Pt. I., p. 269-273. 320 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 2. remorse, and desiring to do penance for the irregularities of his past life, withdrew to the monastery of Crypta, or Grotta Ferrata, near Frascati, where he spent the remainder of his days, and died A. D. 1065. The newly elected Pope died at Palestrina, twenty-three days after his elevation. His sudden death gave occasion to the rumor that he had come to his end by poison. This, together with the fact that the Church now seemed to be, if anything, worse off than ever, made the Papacy an object of little attraction to a German. § 190. Continuation — Popes Elected through the Influence of Hildebrand. Leo Osiiens. (bibliotheoar. at Monteoassino, and later Cardinal Bishop of Os- tia), Chronic. Casin. (Muraiori, Script., T. IV.) Petri Damiani, Epist. et opusc. ed. Cajetani, Eomae, 1606 sq.; Bassani, 1783, 4 T. in fol. Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 144-145. Bonizo in 1. c. Desiderius, 1. 1. "■ Voir/i, Hildebrand as Gregory VII. and his Age (Weimar, 1815) ; Vienna, 1819, 2d ed., 1846, at the beginning ; especially, Hofler, 1. c. On the German Popes, Leo IX., Victor II., Stephen IX., Nicholas II. Gieseirecht, Vol. II., p. 445 sq. Gfrorer, Pope Gregory VII., Vol. I., p. 560 sq. ■•■■• Will, The Begin- nings of the Eestoration of the Church in the Eleventh Century, Marburg, 1859-1864, 2 pts. The delegates who had set out from Eome on the death of Damasus II., met the Emperor at the great Diet of Worms (a. d. 1048). The latter conferred the Papal dignity upon Bruno, Bishop of Toul, his own uncle, a man universally be- loved, and indefatigable in his efforts to do good, who was with difficulty prevailed upon to bear so heavy a burden. The monk Hildebrand, who had been selected as his compan- ion, refused to accompany him, partly because he. loved the peace and quiet of his monastery, but chiefly because he be- lieved that it was the purpose of Bruno to govern the Church according to the principles of worldly wisdom and expedience, rather than ecclesiastical law.* Bruno, after his appointment, 1 Leonis IX. vita et epist., in Manst, T. XIX., p. 633 sq. Harduln, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 927 sq. Watterich, Pt. I., p. 93-177. Wiberius, Bruno's archdeacon at Toul, vita Leon. (Muratorl, T. III., Pt. I.) Brunon. episc. Segn. Vita Leon, (ibid,, T. III., Pt. II., and in Watterich, 1. c.) Hofler, 1. c, Pt. II., p. 1-213. Uanlder, Leo IX. and his Age, Mentz, 1851. § 190. Popes Elected through Influence of Hildebrand. 321 set out for Rome in the garb of a pilgrim, in order to receive the suffrages of the Roman clergy and people. Having been unanimously elected Father of the Christian world, he took the name of Leo IX. (a. d. 1049-1054.) He immediately or- dained Hildebrand subdeacon, and appointed him adminis- trator of the Patrimony of St. Peter, at that time not a very acceptable office, as there was not a penny in the Papal treas- ury, and no sources to draw from. Henry III. had arbitrarily disposed of the estates of the Holy See to the Roman nobility and to the Normans, and it was now in such an impover- ished condition, that for two years Leo had only the slender revenues of the bishopric of Toul upon which to maintain the dignity of his court, and, in consequence, many of those who had followed him from Germany forsook him, and re- turned to their own country. He labored with unceasing energy to root out from the clergy the vices of imm.orality and simony,^ which were then so prevalent, and so detrimental to the interests of the Church, and which Peter Damian has painted in colors, if not too lurid, certainly not a shade brighter than the reality, in his work entitled " Liber Gomor- rhianus." A great synod was held in Rome in the year 1049, after the close of which Leo put every appliance to work to accomplish his purpose. He held national councils, made journeys in person through Italy and into France and Germany, and where he was not able to go himself, he sent his legates. The great majority of the clergy were found guilty of the charges that had been imputed to them; many of them were de- prived of their benefices and prohibited from officiating, but ' Leo Ostiens. : Perrarus inveniretur, qui non esset uxoraius vel concuMnatus. De stmonia quid dicam? omnes paene ecclesiasticos ordines haeo mortifera bel- lua devoraverat, ut qui ejus morsum evaserit, rarus inveniretur. Vita kSt. .loan. Gualb. So likewise Desiderii de mirao. St. Bened. dialog., lib. III., at the begin- ning : In tantum mala consuetudo adolevit, ut saorae legis auctoritate postposita, divina humanaque omnia miscerentur: adeo ut populus electionem et sacerdotes consecrationem donumque Spiritus Sancti, quod gratis accipere et dare divina auctoritate statutum fuerat, data acceptaque per manus pecunia, ducti avaritia venderent, ita ut vix aliquanti invenirentur, qui non hujus simoniacae pestis contagione foedati — existerent. VOL. II — 21 322 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Cha'pter 2. by far the greater number were only condemned to undergo severe penance. It would seem that Heaven itself was visibly allied with the Pope in this great struggle, for more than one culprit was overtaken by Divine justice, and suffered what was generally regarded as a signal punishment of God.^ The Pope endeavored to rouse and direct the courage of the sluggish Pisans against the Saracens, who, under the lead of their chief, Mugottus, had already subdued the island of Sardinia; and to this end he sent them the standard of St. Peter, hoping that the sight of it might inspire them to un- dertake a crusade against these daring and aggressive infidels. Leo also put himself at the head of an inconsiderable army and marched against the ITormans, who, since the year 1017, had been steadily gaining possession of the territories belong- ing to the Saracens and Greeks in Lower Italy. These con- querors acted with merciless rigor toward the inhabitants of the conquered territory, sacked their cities, and plundered and destroyed their churches and cloisters, and, still pursuing their conquests, finally seized upon portions of the patrimony of St. Peter, situated in Calabria and Apulia. Leo was indeed defeated by an unexpected attack of the ISTormans ; but, for all that, he had shortly the happiness of seeing Robert Guis- carcl, the notorious chief, at his feet suing for pardon for past deeds and begging, a blessing on his future undertakings. The Normans also accepted in fief, from the Holy Father, the lands they had already conquered, and such as they might in fu- ture conquer, from the Saracens in Lower Italy and Sicily. Al- though thus busily engaged at home, Leo watched with equal care and sol_itude(pver every other country of the Christian world. He maintained the most friendly relations with Ed- ward, King of England, and advanced the interests of the English Church in every way in his power; labored to unite the Chnrch of Spain more closely to the Holy See; ofiTered his mediation and kind offices to put an end to the seditious aud schismatical movement at Constantinople, of which Mi- chael Cerularius was the head ; and, in short, did -whatever ' Conf. Bofler, 1. c, Ft. II., p. 57 et passim. § 190. Popes Elected through Influence of Hildebrand. 323 might in any way conduce to the prosperity of the State or the interests of the Church. His death occurred April 19, A. D. 1054, and the loss which the Church then sustained is beautifully expressed by a legend, according to which all the bells of Christendom tolled spontaneously as soon as he had passed out of this world. After the death of Leo, Hildebrand, as plenipotentiary of the Roman clergy and people, set out for Germany to request Henry III. to name a German for the office of Pope. The Emperor reluctantly consented to part with his relative and counselor, Gebhard, Bishop of Eichstadt, whom he desig- nated as his choice, and who, having been elected at E,ome, ascended the papal throne under the name of Victor II. (a. d. 1055-1057.)' Victor, being a man of superior virtue, and now possessed of supreme authority, fully realized the hopes that Hildebrand had entertained of him. He continued, on both sides of the Alps, the combat against the vices of simony and immorality, which his predecessor, acting under the ad- vice of Hildebrand, had prosecuted with so much vigor. He entered upon the work of reformation by holding a synod at Florence in May, 1055, the month after his election, in which canons were enacted against the prevailing vices. Hilde- brand was sent into France, as legate, to complete there the ecclesiastical reform commenced by St. Leo, and at Lyons de- posed six bishops who had been accused and found guilty of simony. The Archbishops of Aix and Aries were also invested with legatine authority for the correction of abuses in the south of France. In order to combat successfully clerical concubinage and simony, this Pope was obliged to go a step beyond what had heretofore been done by his predecessors, and demand not only the possession, but also the full administration of all estates belonging to the Church. He went resolutely to work to improve the almost hopeless condition of the Church in Italy, France, and Germany. If proof were needed to show that his administration was conducted on sound principles and 1 Vlctoris H. vita et epist., in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 833 eq. Harduln, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1037. Waiierich, T. I., p. 177-188. Cf. Hofler, 1. c, Pt. II., p. 217-268. Will, Victor II. as Pope and Administrator of the Empire (Tiibg. Quart. 1862 p. 185 sq.) 324 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. directed by enlightened zeal, it might be found in the wise enactments of the synods of France and Eorae held during his pontificate. He summoned Berengarius before a synod held at Tours, to give an explanation of the errors into which he had relapsed. He also sent his legates to Constantinople, who, by a public and solemn declaration made in the Church of Saint Sophia, disclaimed all connection with the Grreek Church. The Emperor tienry, apprehending that his days were drawing to a close, called the Pope into Germany, and, dying shortly after the arrival of the latter, recommended the empress Agnes, and his young son, now only five years of age, to the protection of the Father of Christendom. Victor proved himself worthy of the confidence that had been re- posed in him. By the influence which he exercised in virtue of his apostolic authority, he composed the difficulties exist- ing between the empress and the discontented princes of the empire, regulated the affairs of State, and insured the succession of the young prince, Henry IV. He quitted Ger- many shortly after, and, on his way to Rome, passed through Tuscany, and while at Florence, where a number of Italian bishops had come to consult with him, fell sick and died, still in the prime of life (a. d. 1057). Fortunately, the Church gained a powerful ally in Italy by the marriage of Godfrey of Lorraine to Beatrice, the widow of the Margrave of Tuscany. Frederic, the brother of God- frey, who had been appointed Abbot of Monte Cassino by the last Pope, was now forcibly, and much against his own will, elected and at once consecrated under the name of Stephen IX. {X.) (a. d. 1057, 1058.) He continued the measures of reform which bad already been undertaken by his two immediate predecessors, and, in addition, promulgated severe ordinances against the concubinage of ecclesiastics and the marriage of persons nearly related by blood.^ The elevation of Peter Damian to the cardinalate, under the title of Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, a title which placed him at the head of the Sacred College, was, as it were, the signal for ' Siephani IX. vita et epist., in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 861 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1051 sq. Watterich, T. I., p. 188-202. Bojler, 1. c, Pt. II., p. 269 sq, Gfrorer, Gregory VII., Vol. I., p. 562 sq. § 190. Popes Elected through Influence of Hildehrand. 325 the undertaking of an implacable war against the vices of simony and clerogamy. As there was then no representa- tive of the imperial dignity, the confirmation of the new Pope by the German regency was not sought, nor could it be required. Still, lest this exercise of the right of free election should be the source of an}' future complications, Pope Ste- phen sent the prudent Plildebrand into Germany to offer an explanation to the regent Agnes, and to consult with her on other ecclesiastical affairs. But the early death of the Pope, in 1058, prevented him from bringing these negotiations to a close. Before the setting out of the embassy. Pope Stephen liad the Romans to promise under oath that, in case he him- self should die during Hildebrand's absence, they would not proceed to a new election until after his return. Disregard- ing this engagement, the Roman nobility and the laxer among the clergy, supported by the powerful influence of the Tusculan party, got together and elected John, Bishop of Velletri,who took the name of Benedict X. Peter Damian, and the more conscientious among the cardinals, taught by the experience of former scandals to expect naught but evil from such a proceeding, protested against the irregularity, and were in consequence compelled to leave the city. The intrigues of the new factions determined the majority of the cardinals to send a deputation at once into Germany to con- sult upon the choice of a fit person to be Head of the Church. Henry IV. being still a minor, the empress Agnes designated Gerard, Bishop of Florence, a Burgundian by birth, and a man enjoying a wide reputation for ability, learning, purity of life, and charitableness, and equally acceptable to Germans and Italians. His election was secured by Cardinal Hilde- brand, in an assembly of the exiled cardinals at Siena. When Gerard, accompanied by Duke Godfrey and the better class of Italian nobles, had approached within a short distance of Rome, Benedict, laying aside the papal insignia, withdrew to his church of Velletri. Having ascended the papal throne under the name of Nicholas II., he placed. the antipope under ban, and deprived him of bis-sacerdotal faculties, but the lat- ter soon submitted, and received absolution. Recent events had amply demonstrated that a change must S26 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. be made in the mode of holding elections, if the baneful in- fluence of the Eoman nobles in the appointment of popes was to be counteracted. Accordingly, in a synod held at Rome, in the Lateran Palace (a. d. 1059), at which one hun- dred and thirteen bishops assisted, a decree was passed which ran as follows: " Upon the death of the Pontiff of the Universal Eoman Church,^ it shall, in the first instance (imprimis), he the duty of the Cardinal BisJuyps to come together, and take the election (of a successor) seriously in hand; they ?hall next take joint action with tlie Cardinal Clercs, and, finally, obtain the consent of the other dergy, as well as of the people, to their choice ; guarding in ad- vance against whatever may, in any way, he an occasion of bribery. If a fit person be found in the Eoman Church, he is to be taken ; if not, one may be sought elsewhere ; ' provided, always, thai the honor and reverence due to our beloved son Henry, at present reigning, or to any future Emperor who shall have personally obtained the privilege from the Holy See,^ shall, in no way, be impaired. But if, owing to the perversity of bad and wicked men, an honest, fair, and free election can not be had in the city (Eome), the Cardinal Bishops, together with such of the clergy and Catholic laity as have a conscientious 1 Decretum de electione Eomani Pontificis, in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 903 ; in Har- duin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1064 sq.; Muratori, Script., T. II., Pt. II.; revised, in Gratian, Pt. I., dist. XXIII., c. 1. The often extravagant variations are not material. Cf. Gieseler, Text-book of Ch. H., 4th ed., Vol. II., p. 236, note 10, and Cunitz, de Nicolai II. decreto de electione Pontifl. Kom. diss. hist, crit., Argentorati, 1837, and Softer, Vol. II., p. 302. The text, contained in the Vatican Codex, nro. 1984 (in Pertz, Monum. Leges, T. II., in the Appendix, p. 176; in Watierich, Vitae Pontif. Eom., T. I., p. 229-232), has passed as correct. Conf. Uefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. IV., p. 757, and Vol. V., p. 4; here the author corrects his former exposition in the Freiburg Eccl. Cyclop., Vol. VII., pp. 580, 581. Even this text has, most recently, been combated as interpolated by the royalist party. This is the opinion of Waitz, Will, Saur, and Oiesebrecht. Conf the latter. Hist, of the Period of the Germ. Emp., Vol. III., p. 1053, par- ticularly '■■" Will, in the Bonn Journal of Theol. Literat., year 1868, p. 438 sq. The attempts made to restore the text of the supposed original form are, as yet, too problematical to be able to command our assent. ^ This restriction is deemed necessary, because the Bishop of Eome, being at once Pope and Sovereign of the States of the Church, could not, as experience has shown, command the confidence of his temporal subjects, if he were a foreigner. Conf. Freiburg Periodical of Theol.. Vol. III., p. 207-212 ^ According to Anselm, Bp. of Lucca (contra Wibert. antipapam II.), the cleri- cals understood by this "due respect" a simple notification: Ut obeunte Apos- tolico Pontifice successor eligeretur et electio ejus Eegi notifioaretur. Pacta vero electione et — regi notificata, ita demum pontifex consecraretur {Canisii lect. ant. ed. Basnage, T. III., p. 382) ; while, on the contrary, the imperialists interpreted it as implying consent, confirmation. § 190. Popes Elected through Influence of Hildehrand. 327 regard to duty, though few in number, may assemble where they conveniently can, and proceed to elect the Bishop of the Apostolic See. " Should, however, any one acting in opposition to this our decree, promul- gated with the concurrence of the Synod, secure his election, or his consecra- tion, or his coronation, by an uprising of the people, or by anj' unfair mean; whatever, he and his aiders and abettors shall be placed under perpetual anath- ema, cuj^ off from the Church, and he himself be regarded as an antichrist, an invader, and devourer of Christ's flock." This synod also renewed all the decrees passed against simony and the concubinage of ecclesiastics since the pontificate of Leo IX. A decree was even passed forbidding any one to assist at the llass of a priest known to keep a concubine or hold criminal intercourse with a woman} The same synod obliged Berengarius to take an oath, formulated in the most precise terms, by Cardinal Humbert, which effectually put an end to all further shifts and subterfuges on the part of the former. The paternal solicitude and indefatigable labors of Nicholas II. for the restoration and maintenance of the unity of the Church, not in theory onlj'^, but in practice as well, met with unlooked-for success even in the distant countries of Den- mark, Norway, Sweden, and Iceland. In Milan, Peter Da- mian, who had been sent thither by the Pope as papal legate, by the dignity, prudence, and firmness of his conduct, dealt a decisive blow against the heresy of simony and of theNicolaitanes (the marriage of priests). Guido, Archbishop of Milan, repented of his former life, cast himself at the feet of Peter Daraian, and humbly be- sought the legate to impose a penance upon him. The other clergy did the same, and for a time these terrible evils were checked and prevented from spreading. Nicholas was quite as successful in withstanding the ag- gressions of the Normans as Leo had been. By the famous treaty of Melfi, Robert Quiscard (wiseacre) became the Pope's vassal, under the title of the Duke of Calabria and Apulia. These territories were transferred to him, together with the 1 Concilium Komanum (a. 1059), can. III.: Ut nuUus Missam audiat presby- teri, qaem scit, ooncubinam indubitanter habere, aut subintroductam mulierem {Mansi, T. XIX., p. 897; Sarduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1062); in Watterich, T. I., p. 233. 328 Penod 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. island of Sicily, when he should have conquered it from the Saracens, on condition of his paying a yearly tribute and taking an oath of fealty to the Holy See. He also ■promised to protect the Roman Church and secure the freedom of the election of popes} And, in matter of fact, Robert sent so large a body of troops to protect the Holy See that the power of the Counts of Tusculum, those inveterate and dangerous enemies of the Popes, was broken, and their fortresses of Palestrina and Galora taken and destroyed. While these events wei'e taking place in Italy, Henry IV. was still a minor, and the aspect of political and ecclesiastical affairs in Germany was not encouraging. A general breaking up of the old condition of things seemed imminent, and sur- face indications began to appear of designs hostile to the Holy See. In the absence of bishops distinguished for firm- ness of character and holiness of life, princes exercised an arbitrary and despotic power in the conduct of ecclesiastical affairs, and their interference, instead of being a protection, became an oppressive tyranny. The Pope, ajjprehensive that his days might be drawing to a close, and fully alive to the dangers which threatened the Church, the Holy See, and the independence so necessary to the exercise of its rights and prerogatives, added, probably at the Synod of Rome, held al Eastertide (a. d. 1061), the following to his previous decrees concerning the mode of proceeding in the election of popes :^ ' The two formularies of the oath, in Baronius ad a. 1059, nros. 70 and 71. The first is couched in the following terms: Ego Bohertus Dei gratia et St. Petri dux Apuliae et Calabriae, et utroque subveniente futurus Siciliae, ad con- firmationem traditionis et ad recognitionem fidelitatis de omni terra, quam ego proprie sub dominio teneo, et quam adhuc nulli Ultramontanorum unquam con- cessi, ut teneat, promitto me annualiter pro unoquoque jugo boum pensionem scilicet XII. denarios Papiensis monetae persoluturum beato Petro et tibi Dom- ino meo Nicolao Papae et omnibus successoribus tuis, aut tuis, aut tuorum sue- cessorum nuntiis. From the second, more ample formula, we quote : Sanctae Eomanae ecclesiae ubique adjutor ero ad tenendum et acquirendum regalia St. Petri ejusque possessiones pro meo posse contra omnes homines ; et adjuvabo to, ut secure et honorifice teneas Papatum Romanum terramque St. Petri et prin- cipatum, etc. Conf. Ofrorer, Gregory VII., Vol. I., p. 614 sq. 2 In Mansl (T. XIX., p. 899) and Harduin, this last ordinance concerning papal elections is like the one above, in the Deoretum contra simoniacos, added to the Eoman Council of 1059; yet, as already assumed by Hojler, Vol. II, pp § 190. Popes Elected through Injluence of Hildebrand. 329 " Should any one be placed upon the Holy See by intrigue, bribery, or the favor of man, or by an uprising of either the people or the soldiery; or who has not been canonically and unanimously elected, and has not received the blessing of the Cardinal Bishops and inferior clergy, such- one shall be regarded as an apostate, and not as Pope. The Cardinal Bishops, aided by the inferior clergy and religiously minded laics, may make use of anathema and of every human means to drive the intruder from the Holy See, and put in his place one. who, in their judgment, is worthy of the dignity. Should they be unable to hold the election within the city, they have our apostolic authority to assemble where they list, and proceed to elect the candidate, who, besides being the mi)st worthy, will also give promise of being the most useful to the Holy See. The Pope-elect shall at once enjoy plenary apostolic authority, in the same sense as if he had already come into possession of the throne ; to govern the Church, and provide for her interests, as he may deem best, in view of the time and circumstances in which he is placed." By this decree, all rights of the future Emperor to partici- pate in the election of popes was withdrawn. ■ Recent events had already proved that any future attempts of the German Emperors to interfere in the election of popes would be fraught with evil. Moreover, this decree did not deny to the German nation any right which might not at any former time have been withdrawn from it, for the Emperors who came to Eome to aflbrd protection to the Holy See in its seasons of distress, and to put an end to the quarrels attending con- tested elections, acquired no greater or more inalienable right by the performance of these kind offices than did the Popes to a permanent voice in the election of emperors, because they had, in exceptional circumstances, when there were many claimants to the imperial crown, decided to whom it justly belonged. Notwithstanding that this was obviously the cor- rect view of the matter, " the bare announcement of this modi- fied decree on papal election created so great an excitement in Germany' that the bishops, acting together under the lead 305, 356, they probably belong to the Lateran Synod of 1061. Besides intrinsic reasons, there is in favor of this assumption the circumstance, that, in this de- cree, mention is made of former assemblies, said to have been held by Nicho- las II. See Mansi, T. XIX., p. 938 ; see also Watierieh, T. I., p. 238 : " Nihilomiuus auctoritate Apostolica deoernimus, quod in aZiis conventibus nosiris decrevimas." The fact of an amendment of the decree in the above sense, is furthermore established by the commotion which it excited in Germany. 1 Hefele (Hist, of Counc, Vol. II., p. 787 sq.) puts forward a new view con- cerning these two decrees of election, and also assigns a different motive for the 330 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. of Hanno, Archbishop of Cologne, took the matter in hand and sent a threatening letter on the. subject to the Pojie, and when the latter- rebuked them for their pains, they declared " he had forfeited the papacy." Things were bad enough now, but they grew immeasurably worse when, after the death of Nicholas II. (July 22, a. d. 1061), the cardinals, uflder the direction of Cardinal Hilde- brand, came together and elected Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, under the name of Alexander II. (a. d. 1061-1073), with an utter disregard of what the Germans might think of it.' Cardinal Stephen, who had been dispatched to the court of the young Henry with an account of the election, was denied an audience, and obliged to return without having had the seal on his official documents broken. A party of discon- tented nobles, headed by the count of Tusculum, together with such of the clergy as were hostile to a reformation of morals and disciplinary abuses, prevailed upon the empress to order a new election, under pretext that the former had been invalid, because the consent of the imperial court had not been asked. The empress, who was displeased that the Holy See had entered into an alliance with the ISTormans, and was glad of an opportunity to revenge herself, yielded to their request, and called an assembly of the German and Ital- ian nobles at Basle. Thither, too, under the lead of the chancellor "Wibert, came the bishops of Normandy, a country then distinguished above all others for the prevalence of the vices of simony and clerical incontinence. The assembly of Basle presented to Henry the insignia of Patrician ; revoked excitement which they caused in Germany. The latter, however, is not fully nor even clearly stated. He simply aays : " It is impossible to fix on what was the fault of Archbishop Hanno which called for papal interference." We have been at some pains to look into this view, but, after a close examination, we can not say it is entirely satisfactory. For our own part, we prefer the theory based upon the meager hints contained in the works of Anselm the Younger of Lucca and of Bonizo, which is also adopted by Eofler (Vol. II., p. 357 sq.) and Gfrorer (Grog. VII., Vol. I., p. 633 sq.), and defended against Hefele by Will',\n his work entitled " The Commencement of the Restoration of the Church in the Eleventh Century," Pt. II., Marburg, 1864, p. 172. 1 Alexander 11. vita et epist., Mansi, T. XIX., p. 639. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1077 sq. Watterich, T. I., p. 235-290. I 190. Popes Elected through Influence of Hildebrand. 33] the decree of Pope JSTicliolas II. concerning the freedom of papal elections ; annulled the election of Alexander, and ele- vated to the papal chair Cadaloiis, Bishop of Parma, formerly chancellor of Henry III., a wealthy and vicious man, whose licentious life was a sufficient guaranty to his party that no reformation would be undertaken or pushed by him. He took the title of Honorius 11. (October 28, a. d. 1061.) After having obtained the approval of the empress, he assembled an army about him, marched toward Rome, encountered and overcame the army of Alexander, and entered the city, where he made a prodigal use of the great quantity of money he had brought with him. His stay was but short. Godfrey, Duke of Tuscany, and the N^ormans had taken up arms to defend the rights of Alexander, and Honorius, fearing their vengeance, took alarm and fled, at their appi'oach, to his see of Parma (A. D. 1062). In Germany, during the minority of Henry, either Pope was recognized, according to the princi- ples and policy of the party which for the moment was in the ascendant and held the reigns of government. This condition of aft'airs continued until Hanno, Arch- bishop of Cologne, secured for himself the tutorship of the young prince and took the administration of the government into his own hands. He then called a synod at Wiirzburg, at which the election of Cadaloiis was declared null; the chancellor Wibert, who was the soul of his party, condemned, and Alexander II. proclaimed the lawful Pope. Alexander, not content with what had already been done for the reformation of morals and discipline, sent Peter Da- mian into France with plenary authority to correct the abuses existing there. In England, also. Archbishop Lanfranc of Canterbury, ably seconded the exertions of the Pope, and set himself firmly against the sale of ecclesiastical benefices and the unchastity of the clergy. At the Council of Mantua (a. d. 1064), Alexander repelled the charges that had been brought against him, and declared them to be slander.^ In answer to those who asserted that 1 On the Council, compare Gfrorer, Gregory VII., Vol. II., p. 44-86, and Will, Benzo's Panegyric of Henry IV., with special reference . . . totheCounci) of Mantua, Marhurg, 1856. Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. IV., p. 793 sq. 332 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. he had violated the rights and prerogatives of the German king, he said that the privilege of contirming papal elections, which the Emperors had enjoyed, was not of such a character that, if it Avere withheld, the election would be invalid; that it had been granted, in the first instance, for no other reason than to prevent disorders ; and that, moreover, -^what was now claimed was not such a privilege, but a license to oppress the CMirch." The relations of Church and State had already been clearly and accurately mapped out in a paper which Peter Damian sent to the Council of Osbor (Augsburg, A. D. 1062). He stated there that the two organ izations, though both of Divine institution, were entirelj different and distinct from each other, and hence each should be left perfectly free to work out its own development, and in this way the two would go on in peace and harmony, mu- tually aiding and supporting each other.^ The energy, firmness, and resolution displayed by Alexan- der II. made his authority so respected that he was now in a position to indignantly reject the demands of the young Henry IV., who, tiring of his good and amiable wife, Bertha, and yielding to the solicitations of sensual desire, petitioned the Pope for a separation. The King had already induced Siegfried, Archbishop of Mentz, to espouse his cause, by a promise to send a body of troops to assist him to- collect the tithes which the Thurin- gians had refused to pay. As soon as the Archbishop had reported the matter to the Pope, the latter sent Peter Damian into Germany, who, at the Synod of Mentz, threatened the servile bishops with the censures of the Church, and declared to them that the Pope would never consent to the separation. Again, at the Diet of Princes, held at Frankfort (a. d. 1069), he made a bold and fearless speech in presence of the King, in which he laid open to him the turpitude of his demand, and warned him that if he should persist in his purpose and liave a sentence of separation pronounced in defiance of papal 1 Petri Damiani disoeptatio synodalis inter regis advooatum et Eomanae eocle- siae defensorem, in Baron, ann. ad a. 1062, nr. 68, in 3Ians!, T. XIX., p. 1001 sq. Eardnln, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1119 sq. The words quoted here are the clausula die- ticnis. § 190. Popes Elected through Ivfluence of liildebrand. 333 prohibitions, the imperial crown would be withheld from him. The princes present also besought him to give over his inten- tion; and thus pressed on all sides, Heury replied: "Very good, then ; I shall try to govern myself, and bear the burden which 1 can not lay aside." It was not long before the Saxons made an appeal to the Pope, as the recognized head of religious and moral order, and the divinely appointed avenger of wrong, in which they represented that the conduct of Heniy was so oppressive and tyrannous that they could no longer put up with it; and that those about him had sold ecclesiastical benefices and dignities in order to procure money to pay troops which werfl to be sent against his own people. The counselors who had advised this policy were excom- municated, and Henry himself threatened with sentence of anathema by Pope Alexander. He was also required to come to Rome and justify his conduct, but in the meantime the Pope died (a. d. 1073). The Emperor Charlemagne had, upon one occasion, called an assembly of the bishops at Pome, to sit in judgment upon Pope Leo IH. ; and now, after a little more than two cen- turies have gone by, a pope cites an emperor to appear before him and give an account of his conduct. The proceeding, though a novel one, was not without precedent. Even in the ninth century, after the bishops of the empire had set aside the claims of Louis the Mild, they became arbitrators in the quarrels of his sons, and deposed Lothaire at the Synod of Aix-la-Chapelle. That Eildebrand was the soul of this movement, which began when the Church was covered with shame and sunk in the depths of degradation, and ended only when she was again raised to her former high estate and held in honor everywhere, there can be no doubt. But bj^ his side, sharing his toils and cheering him in his moments of dis couragement, was his faithful friend, Peter Damian^ (f \. d. 'He thus wrote to Hildebrand: Tuis coeptis tuisque conatibus semper obtem- perare contendi et in omnibus tuis certaminibus atque viotoriis ego me non commilitonem sive pedissequum, sed quasi fulmen injeci. Quod enim certamen unquam coepisti, ubi protinus ego non essem litigator et judex? XJbi scilicet non aliam auotoritatem canonum, nisi solum tuae voluntatis sequebar arbitrium. 334 Period 2. 3poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. 1072). This sai'nt used to call Hildebrand his Holy Satan (adversary), and declare that he was more a ruler-i,n Rome than the Pope himself.' § 191. Retrospect. The one great purpose which those had in view who first contemplated the establishment of a Christian Empire, and advocated its close alliance with the Papacy, Avas to lav, by the harmonious action of the temporal and spiritual powers, the tempests which the migration of nations had evoked ; to subdue the fierce passions of the barbarous German tribes; to watch over the peace of Christendom ; and in this way to lift the people up to the generous and noble sentiments which Christianity and Christian civilization inspire. In pursuing this common end, both princes and people readily yielded precedence to the Pope. All recognized in the symbolical ceremony of the coronation and transfer of the sword, the principle that both the imperial dignity and the temporal power were but emanations from the fullness of spiritual author- ity. Moreover, the Emperor, in regard of his moral conduct (ratione peccati), was, in the full and strict sense of the word, subject to the Pope, and this because the latter is, by virtue of his office, the divinely appointed censor of morals and cus- todian of justice. With him, there is, in this regard, no dis- tinction of persons. He will be called upon to give an account to Grod of the conduct of an Emperor as well as of the most obscure in the humblest walks of life. ISTeither did the Emperor pay deference to the Pope as man, or from personal considera- et mera tua voluntas mihi canonum erat auctoritas. Nee unquam judicavi, quod visum est mihi, sed quod plaeuit tibi. Transferred from Kraus' Ch H ' Vol. II., p. 265. (Te.) ' Th:s was the belief of the whole party at Rome in favor of reform. Peter uamian, indignant at the excessive influence of Hildebrand, gives expression to bis feelings in the following caustic epigrams : Vivc-ro Yjs Koniae, clara dopiomito toob: Plus domiuo papae, qiiam domuo part'o papae. The following refers to the relations of Hildebrand to the Pope: Papam rito colo, sed to prostvatus adoro: Tu facis hiinc Dominum, to facit isto Beum. in Baron, ad an. 1061, nros. 34 and 35. 191. Betrospect. 335 tions, but because he recognized in him the representative of God. Again, the two powers were believed to be based on the same principles, and to flow from the same Source. Pope and Emperor held their power of the King of Heaven, and exercised it in His name and by His sanction. Working in different and distinct spheres, their efforts were directed to the same end. Hence the Emperor was frequently called, without qualification, the Viear of Christ (Vicarius Christi). Henry III., who had been ordained a cleric,' is an example of this usage. From these considerations, it will be seen that as long as Pope and Emperor were faithful to their respective missions, neither trenching upon the domain of the other, no dispute could arise between them, and no rupture separate them ; and that such an antagonism was possible only when one or both acted from selfish and personal, instead of gen- erous and politic motives. The relations of co-ordination or subordination between the Papacy and the Empire had been frequently set forth, and the necessity of mutual harmonious action had been expressed by the symbol of the Imperial Globe; but perhaps no one brought out the idea more beautifully and clearly than Peter Damian. " Both Pope and Emperor," says he, " should exert themselves to maintain an intimate union be- tween the Papacy and the Empire, to the end that the human race, exercising its religious and civil faculties (iu utraque substantia), under the direction of these two supreme powers (per hos duos apices), may in future live in harmony, and never be again rent by divisions. These two dignitaries, in- asmuch as they are the highest representatives of authority on earth, should vie with each other in acts of loving friend- ship, that those who are under them may learn from tlieir example to cultivate charity. For inasmuch as the Empire and the Priesthood have, by Divine dispensation, been united ^Wippo, in his Life of Conrad the Salic, calls this prince vicarium Del, arul the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle, A. D. 862, says to King Lothaire II.: Prineipi ad memoriam reduximus, ut non imraemor vocationis suae, quod nomine cense- tur opere compleat, ut Eex Kegum Christus, qui sui nominis vicem ilU coniulit ■t?i terris, dispensationis sibi creditae dignam remunerationem reddat in coelis. {Harzheim, T. II., p. 266.) Cf. HSfier, German Popes, Pt. I., p. 241. 336 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 2. through the one Mediator between God and man, so should these two exalted personages be so closely united by the in-., dissoluble bond of charity, that the interests of the one would be as dear to the other as his own, and that the only distinc- tion between them should consist in those prerogatives granted to the Pope in person, andwhich none other can take upon himself to exercise." Owing to the critical circnmstances of this age, when every- thing was in a state of disorder, it not unfrequently Lappened that one power was permitted to trench upon the domain of the other, and was at times invited to do so. For example, the deposition of John XII. by Otho I., notwithstanding that it was clearly uncanonical, was very generally praised as a measure affording a remedy to the evils of the age, and on this account deserving the gratitude of mankind. Again, the high-handed interference of Otho's son and grandson, and, still later on, of Henry III., in papal elections, met with an equally grateful recognition ; because their conduct was inspired and sustained by Christian sentiments and a feeling of loyalty to the Church, and was required by the exceptional circumstances of the times. But when it had become apparent that the emperors wished to claim as rights, for the purpose of enslaving and tyran- nizing over the Church, powers which were, of their very nature, transitory and abnormal, but which had grown out of the special exigencies of the age, and had been granted from a feeling of confidence, then the Head of the Church conceived it to be his imperative duty to lay down precise and comprehensive principles defining the relations between Pope and Emperor, Church and State. And to this work, as we shall see presently, did the successors of Alexander II. apply themselves. CHAPTEE m. HISTOKT OP THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. § 192. The Church in Her lielations to the State. ^Thomassini Vetus and Nova Ecclesiae Disciplina, Pt. III., lib. I., c. 26-30 (de Temporabilibus Ecclesiae concessis) ; Pt. II., lib. II., c. 48, 49 (de Sacramento fidolitatis, quae summis principibus persolvere Episcopi et Abbates, etc.) Phil- lips, C. L., Vol. III., Pt. I. The relations of the Church to the various Germanic na- tions somewhat resembled those which the papacy experienced in its intercourse with princes. As has been stated above, the bishops were unavoidably drawn into the meshes of feu- dalism. The system had come into existence in the course of the migration of nations, increased in strength and per- fected its organization as years went on, and reached its fullest development amid the storms which swept over Europe in the ninth and tenth centuries. The German people, whose first business was war, now became freeholders of the soil, and ended by falling into a system and submitting to restrictions entirely at variance with the traditions and habits of life of their ancestors. In the wars of the Carlovingian princes, the bishops were the most trusty allies of the crown, and, on this account, ob- tained a large portion of the"crown-lands, which had formerly belonged to vassals, on condition that they should maintain a contingent of troops. It was especially during these years that churchmen acquired an importance in the feudal system. Even kings and emperors, particularly Otho I., conferred upon them whole dukedoms, in the belief that they were thus rais- ing up for themselves faithful allies who would enable them to withstand the growing power of the princes of the empire. Coming into possession of their fiefs by the law of hereditary descent, some of these princes grew so powerful as seriously VOL. u— 22 (337) 338 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 3. to threaten the authority of the emperor or king himself. It was therefore important for them to secure allies on whose fidelity they could rely, and of whose ambition they might not be suspicious. The bishops, in order to maintain a con- siderable body of troops, were under the necessity of again granting a large portion of their estates in fief to others. But no sooner had they come into the possession of these great fiefs and the exercise of secular authority than they surrendered their independence as churchmen and grew ar- rogant as rulers. IsTotwithstanding that they were dispensed from rendering personal service, on the one hand, and, on the other, threatened with the censures of the Church against those who bear arms in time of war, instead of endeavoring to appease the anger of God, they as well as abbots not un- frequently took part in the sti'uggles of the Carlovingian family, some from a natural taste for war, and others because they were obliged by the relations in which they stood to the king and the nobility. A large portion of episcopal and monastic possessions hav- ing in this way become identified with the feudal system, gave an opportunity to kings and princes to gradually assume an attitude dangerous at once to the liberties and estates of the Church. There can be no question that freedom in the choice of bishops is among the most essential conditions to the prosperity of the Church. This great principle of eccle- siastical polity, which had been guaranteed by Charlemagne and Louis the Mild, and rigorously enforced by the Council of Valence (a. d. 855), was now beginning to be either silently ignored or openly violated. The grantors of fiefs, fancying that they and their heirs had also the disposal of the ecclesiastical dignities attached to them, generally conferred them., without regard to other qualifications, upon persons of whose personal fidelity they were assured, or loho were nearly allied to them by ties of blood. And yet, by the principles of the feudal system, the election of bishops and the conferring of ecclesiastical benefices should have been left entirely to the Church. This was her protection, as the right of inheritance was the protection of those fami- lies which held their lands by feudal tenure. Notwith- § 192. The Church in Her Relations to the State. 339 standing this obvious right, Charles the Bald and other princes did not hesitate to appoint court-chaplains to bish- oprics, and to send them to metropolitans to receive con- secration. Hence, during the tenth century, many of the creatures of the crown and striplings of vicious habits were set over important sees, and even placed upon the pontifical throne. But apart from these abuses, and in spite of them, many of the appointments made in Germany and Italy by the best kings and emperors of this epoch were beneficial to the Church; and this notwithstanding that their primary and chief qualifications consisted in being related to the royal family to which they owed their elevation. Thus, for ex- ample, in the reign of Otho I., the three Rhenish archbish- oprics were in the hands of his son, his brother, and his cousin. There was still another consequence of the feudal system, no less dangerous in its results than the former. The newly elected bishops were obliged to take, besides the oath of per- sonal fidelity, another of feudal fealty or homage (homagium), by which they bound themselves to serve the king in war, to appear at his court when required, to assist at his tribunals, and to be subject to his jurisdiction. After the oath, which was taken while the vassal held bis hands within those of his liege lord, the bishops-elect received their investiture of the temporalities of the Church.^ The transfer of the ring and ' It is not certain when bishops were first required to take the feudal oath. The bishops, assembled in the Synod of Quiercy (Crecy), in 858, protested against taking the oath to the German king, Louis, declaring that they could not, like laics, become the vassals of any man, and that it was not lawful for them, after their ordination, to place their consecrated hands upon a secular oath. Et nos episcopi, Domino consecrati, non sumus hujusmodi homines, ut sicut homines saeculares in Vassallatico debeamus nos cuilibet commendare, sen ad defensio- nem et adjutorium gubernationis in ecclesiastico regimine nos ecclesiasque nos- tras committere; aut jurationis sacramentum, quod nos evangelica et apostolica ittque canonica auctoritas vetat, debeamus quoquo modo facere. Manus enim charismate sacro peruncta, quae de pane et vino aqua mixto per orationem et erucis signum conficit corpus Christi et sanguinis sacramentum, abominabile est, quidquid ante ordinationem fecerit, ut post ordinationem episcopatus saecu- lare tangat ullo modo sacramentum (Sarduin, T. V., p. 475). Though not cer- tain, it is very probable, that Bishop Hincmar of Laon took such an oath, or 340 Period 2. E:poch 1. Fart 2. Cha'pter 3. crosier, the symbols of episcopal power and dignity, was a circamstance which rendered this ceremony of investiture still more significant and perilous.^ It was absolutely necessary for the Church to liberate her- self from this degrading servitude, and no sooner was she in a position to make the attempt than all her efforts were di- rected to this end. In the first year of the pontificate of Leo IX., there was a decree passed in the Synod of Tiheims (a. d. 1049), enacting that, for the future, no one should be permit- ted to receive episcopal consecration who had not first been elected by the clergy and the peoj>le? It is a consolation to know that, even in these evil days, when the Church was oppressed and in a state of dependence, there were still those who were courageous and bold enougli to utter a protest against the encroachments of the civil power, and to remind princes of the words of Charlemagne. "/ am." said he, "6«i the defender and dutiful servant of the Church." " There is," says the Council of St. Macra (a. d. 881), "a wide distinction between the sacerdotal and the homaffium, to King Charles tlie Bald, to whom he promised fidelity, "sicut homo sua seniori." ' Even Clevis had said (Diplom. an. 508j : " Quidquid est fisoi nostri per annulum tradimus." (In Bouquet, T. IV., p. 616.) Of Olovis II. (a. d. 623), it is said in Vita S. Eomani Eppi. Bothomag.: "Baculum illi contulit pastoralem." In Germany, kings claimed the right of nominating to bishoprics in virtue of foundations, eyidowments, extensive granU, ixnd privileffes, for which the episco- pal sees were wholly indebted to the munificence and liberality of either them or thetr predecessors. Eor this reason, even when it happened that the king did not appoint, the representatives of the clergy and of the lay vassals brought the ri?ir/ and crosier of the deceased bishop to him, and requested him to confirm the election. Not unfrequently the king was directly asked to nominate a bishop. The ring and crosier were first employed in the tenth century as the distinctive symbols of episcopal investiture, their use being analogous to that of the sword and lance in the creation of civil or military functionaries. (Nat. Alex. Hist. Eccl. saec, XI. et XII., diss. IV.) ' Cone. Remense., can. I.-III. : Ne quis sine electione cleri et populi ad regime i ecclesiastioum proveheretur. — Ne quis sacros ordines, aut ministeria ecclesias- tioa vel altaria emeret aut venderet. — Et si quis Clericorum emisset, id cum digna satisfaotione suo Episcopo reddoret. — Ne quis laicorum eoclesiasticum ministerium vel altaria teneret, nee episcoporum quibus consentirent. {Manss\ T. XIX., p. 741. Ilarduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1006.) § 192. The Church in Her Relations to the State. 341 royal power.' The dignity of bishops is superior to that of kings, inasmuch as bishops anoint kings and answer for their conduct before God." Of course, a complete separation of Church and State, under the then existing constitution of the of the Christian States of Germany, would have been impos- sible ; nor was anything of this character contemplated by the council. And, in matter of fact, the bishops exercised a very great, and, at times, decisive and sovereign, influence in the most important secular affairs; as, for example, when there was question of the right of succession. Again, the coronation of kings'^ deeply impressed the minds of the people with the importance of those to whom it be- longed to perform the ceremony. Theodosius the Younger was the first instance, in the East Roman Empire, of royal iCap. I., in MaTisi, T. XVII., p. 538. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 350 sq.; likewise, Cone, Troslejan., a. 909, cap. II., in Manst, T. XVIII., p. 267. Har- duin, 1. c., p. 507. Constant reference was made to the words of Pope Gelasius, Vol. I., p. 650, note 1. It is a very significant fact, that Archbishop Hinc- mar of Eheims, who, while acknowledging and defending the relative indepe-nd- ence of Church and State within their reso^^B^pheres of action, maintained the spiritual superiority of the ecelesiasticalKKKe civil power. "The sixth Council of Paris, addressing^Higs, uses the following forcible language : " Eex a recte agendo vocatur. Si enim pie et juste et misericorditer regit, merito rex appellatur : si his caruerit, non rex, sed tyrannus est. Antiqui autem omnes reges tyrannos vocabant: sed postea pie et juste et misericorditer regentes regis nomen sunt adepti : impie vero, injuste crudeliterque principanti- bus non regis, sed tyrannicum aptatum est nomen. — Eegale ministerium spe- cialiter est populum Dei gubernare, et regere cum aequitate et justitia, et ut pacem et concordiam habeant studere. Ipse enim debet primo defensor esse ecclesiarum et servorum Dei, viduarum, orphanorum caeterorumque pauperum, neo non et omnium indigentium.' (^ansi, T. XIV., pp. 574, 577. Harduin, T. IV., pp. 1332, 1334.) After Lothaire had been deposed by the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle (a. d. 842), the bishops refused to give his brothers possession of his realm until they had promised to rule according to the will of God, and not arbitrarily, as their brother had done. "Verumtamen," says Nithard, "haudquaquam illis banc licentiam dedere (regendi regni), donee palam illos percontati sunt, utrum illud pe'r vestigia frairis ejecti, an secundum Dei voluntatem regere voluissent. Eespon- dentibus autem, in quantum nosse ac posse Deus illis concederet, secundum suarc voluntatem, se et suos gubernare et regere velle, ajunt : Et aiictoriiate divina, et illud suscijnatis, et secundum Dei voluntatem illud regatis, monemus, hortamur atque praecipimus." Cf. also Hb'fler, The German Popes, Pt. II., p. 327. A later formulary of coronation contains the following words: "Bene eat ut te prius de onere, ad quod destinaris, moneamus. Eegiam hodie suscipis 342 Period 2. Ej)Och 1. Part 2. Chapter -S. coronation by a bishop, and in the Germano-Christian States, the Visigoth kings of Spain, "Wamba and Ervig.^ Before receiving the crown, the king made a profession of Catholic faith, and promised to defend the rights of the Church and maintain her liberties, after which the bishop transferred to him the sword, the crown, and the scepter, the symbols of royal authority, explaining the symbolical meaning of each in turn, and exhorting the recipient to faithfully perform the duties which they implied. Thus, for example, Eugene II., in speak- ing of this matter, warns Christian princes not to draw the sword against each other, but to use it only against barbarous nations, and against the Saracens and Normans. In France, the right of anointing kings was confined to the Archbishop of Kheims, and in Germany to one of the Rhenish archbishops. It was not long before the custom of anointing queens was introduced. The first to receive this distinction were Irmen- trude, the queen of Charles the Bald (a. d. 866), and Judith, his daughter, who had married the Anglo-Saxon king Eth- elwolf (a. d. 856). § 193. Ecdeswt^^^upremacy of the Fopes. At no time in the previous history of the Church was more ecclesiastical authority conqentrated in the Supreme Head at Rome, and at no time were 'the bishops more free in the exer- cise of theirs. The latter was a consequence of the former, for the greater the authority of the Pope, the more ready and able he is to protect the rights of bishops. Thus, for exam- ple, Ariald and Landulf woul difea .ve had no chance of achiev- ing a victory in their conflict against the immoral priests of Milan, had they not maintained intimate relations with the Holy See. Wherever the authority of the Holy See did not dignitatam, praeclarum sane inter mortales locum, sed discriminis, laboris et anxietatis plenum. Verum si consideraveris, quod omnis potestas e domino Deo est, per quem reges regnant, tu quoque de grege tibi commisso ipsi Deo rationem es redditurus." See Philiips, C. L., Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 68. ' Conf. Cquc Toletan. XII., a. 681, cap. I.: Etenim sub qua pace vel ordine serenissimus Ervigius prinoeps regni conscenderit culmen, regnandique per sacrosanotam unctionem susceperit potestatem, etc. Harduin, T. III., p. 1718, § 193. Ecclesiastical Supremacy of the Popes. 343 reach, and its influence was not felt, morals decayed and dis- cipline relaxed. That the authority of the Popes, in itself intrinsically necessary and required to meet the wants of the people, and which increased and became more and more a blessing to the Church as time went on, was in truth supreme, is established by the following facts: 1. The Popes promulgated general laws in ecclesiastical government and -discipliue, and made them binding upon the universal Church.^ Further- more, it was conceded that these possessed this universal binding force by the fact that they were accepted as au- thoritative before they had been admitted into any of the more ancient and recognized collections of canon law, or into that of the pseudo-Isidore, or the Deacon of Mentz, or Ben- edict the Levite, or Abbot Regino of Priim, or Burkhard, Bishop of "Worms,^ all of which were then in general use. 2. They exercised judiciary powers over bishops, notably when appeals were made to Rome. 3. They called bishops, particularly those of the Prankish Empire, to attend councils held in Rome — a usage derived from the patriarchs of an earlier age. 4. They established new dioceses and introduced changes into old ones. 5. They conferred the pallium and permitted the exercise of the metropolitan rights of which it was symbol- ical. 6. They frequently gave their definite approval to the resignations of bishops, although these might have been pre- viously accepted in provincial councils. 7. They granted exceptional -privileges to churches and monasteries.' 8. They sent Vicars Apostolic, clothed with extensive powers, on em- ' Cone. Poniigonense, a. 876. Ut quoties utilitas ecclesiastica dictaverit, sive in evooanda synodo, sive in aliis negotiis exeroendis, per Gallias et Germaniaa Apostolica vice fruatnr, et decreta sedis Apostolioae per ipsum episcopia mani- festa efficiantur: et rursus qua gesta fuerint ejus relatione, si necesse fuerit Apostolioae sedi pandantur, et majora negotia ao difficiliora quaeque sugges- tions ipsius a sede Apostolica disponenda et enucleanda quaerantur. Mansi, T. XVII., p. 308. Harduin, T. VI., Ft. I., p. 167. Of. also StepJiani V. decretum, in GraUan., Pt. I., dist. XIX., o. 4. ^Cf. Wassersch^sbe^i, Hist, of the Sources of Law before Gratianus, Berlin, 1839. ' See a summary of such privileges granted by Pope Leo IX.', in Hofler, Ger- man Popes, Pt. II., p. 866. S44 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 3. bassies to the bishops of various countries. A bishop of the country was frequently appointed to this dignity ; but, later on, it was more common to send legates extraordinary. Dur- ing and after the pontificate of Mcholas I., papal legates con- voked and presided over national councils. This fullness of ecclesiastical authority was, if possible, still further increased by the respect which the people con- ceived for the Popes when they heard of them crowning empe- rors, and receiving, yearly, thousands oi pilgrims at the Tomb of the Apostles. Every one regarded Rome as the capital of Christendom, whither princes and people flocked, and where devotion was kindled and crimes expiated. The coronation of the Popes was the completion and seal of this external consideration, in which they were everywhere held. § 194. The College of Cardinals. Thomasslni Vetus et Nova Ecclcsiae Disciplina, Pt. I., lib. II., c. 113 sq. Muratori, de Oardin. Institutione (Antiq. Italiae medii aevi, T. IV., p. 152). Onuphrii Panvini, Liber de Cardin. Origine. (Ang. Mai, Spicileg. Eom., T. IX.) Binierim, Memorabilia, Vol. II., Pt. II. Hist. Folit. Papers, Vol. IV., p. 193- 204, especially full details and conscientious research, in Phillips, Canon Law, Vol. VI., p. 65-296. Added bt thb Te.: Tamagna, Origine, e prerogative de' Cardinal!, Pt. I., c. 3 ; /. Devoti, Instit. Canon., Eomae, 1818, Vol. I., p. 186-199; Ferranie, Elem. J. C, Eomae, 1854,, p. 55-58. The title of Cardinal (cardinales, xapSvjvdXoc or xapdrjvdpcoc) was first applied in the eleventh s.entury to the bishops imme- diately around Rome (episcopi collaterales Papae), who were in a sense of the Pope's diocese, and to the clergy of the Roman Church proper.^ In early times, the title was applied 1 Pope Leo IX. says, concerning the designation of cardo totius ecclesiae, transferred to the clergy of Eome, epist. ad Michaelem Cerularium, nro. 32: "Sicut oardine totum regitur ostium, ita Petro, et successoribus ejus totiua eccle- siae disponitur emolumentum. . . . Unde clerici ejus cardinales dicuntur, cardini utique illi, quo oaetera moventur, vicinius adhaerentes." (Mansi^ T. XIX., p. 653. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 944.) Yet, as Ferrante, the Koman canonist, says in his Institutes, p. 55, they used to be called, from most ancient times, to assist with the Koman clergy at all deliberations of moment, and to form with the Koman priests the Pope's senate, yet their formal and definitive incorporation of the seven suburbicarian bishops with the S. College dates from the eighth century. (Tk.) § 194. The College of Cardinals. 346 to such of the clergy as had received permanent appointments to certain churches; but it was pre-eminently the designation of the ecclesiastics attached to cathedrals, because the bish- op's church was regarded as the pivot on which all the others hinged (cardo). Hence, by the fact of belonging to the epis- copal church or hinge (cardo) of the diocese, they were des- ignated cardinals. The history of this title is analogous to that of Pope. For, as in the early days of the Church, all bishops were called Pajpae^ an appellation which, later on, was restricted to the Bishop of Home, so also did the title of cardinal, originally applied to the canons of all cathedral chapters, become, little by little (and in proportion as their in^uence and authority increased), the special and distinctive designation of the car- dinals at Rome. It would, however, be a mistake to infer that the ofSce of Roman cardinals underwent any change in the lapse of cen- turies. Although great and numerous changes may have been introduced as to the number, distinctions, prerogatives, privileges, and mode of creating them, their office has under- gone no such modification, and is to-day precisely what it was in early times. It is an undeniable fact, that their two most important pre- rogatives — viz., to elect Popes, and assist them by their coun- sel in the government of the Church — wei'e exercised by them in the early ages, as well as at present. Even Pope Siricius, speaking in his seventh epistle of the condemnation of Jovin- ian and his associates, says that he gave the judgment by the advice of the Eomau clergy (facto presbyterio). Hence, St. Bernard calls cardinals the counselors and coadjutors of the Roman Pontiff"; and the Council of Trent prescribes that the Sacred College shall be composed of representatives from all ' ITaTraf, or Trcnnrag^ a o papa = ttcttip, father. /Inscr. 2664. Eusi. 565, 14, 15. Secondly. Papa, father, a title given to bishops in general, and to those of Alex- andria and Eome in particular. Oriff. I. 85 D. ; II. 995 C. Greg. Th. 1020 A . Dion. Alex, apud Euseb. II. 648 C. Arius apud Epiph. II. 213 A. Aihanas. I. 355 B., 869 A.; II. 708 D. Basil. IV., 540 B., 541 A., 952 A. Hieron. I,, 754 (535). Garth. 1255 A. Ephes. 872 C. Chron. 516. Nia. C. P., Histor 7 14 = TTflTraf, priest. (Tk.1 346 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 3. Christian nations, thus constituting a kind of Western Synod, and that their qualifications shall be the same as those required by canons in bishops. In the eai'ly days of the Church, the mode of electing Popes was similar to that followed in the case of bishops. The can- didate was first settled upon by the concurrent voice of the general body of the Eoman clergy, by the laity, and the neighboring bishops, after which the clergy and the bishops assembled alone, and either approved or rejected the choice made. It is true that the cardinals did not exercise the exclusive right of electing Popes until the eleventh century, when Pope Mcholas II. (a. d. 1059) published a bull confining this duty to them, and allowing to the general body of the clergy only the privilege of approving their choice. But it is equally true that they then obtained by that bull only the formal con- firmation of a right which they had always virtually exer- cised. Hence, from being invested with so high a prerogative, they were at all times much esteemed, and commanded the greatest consideration. Although possessing no local jurisdiction, they gradually came to be considered as persons of more importance than even bishops and patriarchs. Nor need this excite surprise. The same principle runs through political society also; for those who have the choosing of a supreme ruler, and are min- isters of State, are persons of greater consideration than the governors of cities and provinces situate within the same realm. ^ The cardinals being princes of the Church, and next in. dignity to the Pope himself, wore a dress and bore insignia' corresponding to the character of their ofB.ce. The red hat was given to them by Innocent IV., and was intended to remind them that they should at all times be ready to shed their blood, if necessary, in defense of the Church and her rights, and the scarlet cape, or "la sacra porpora," was added by Pope Paul IL, in 1460. In 1567, Pius V. forbade all clergymen who had not been 1 Vide Ferrante, 1. c. (Te.) § 194. The College of Cardinals. Ml created cardinals by the Pope to assume the title. Their official appellation of Eminence was conferred upon them by Urban VIII., A. r.. 1630. Cardinals are frequently sent on embassies by the Holy See, and, while engaged on such missions, are called Legates a Latere. When the cardinals assemble to take counsel with the Pope on any matter of importance relating to either Church or State, such assembly is called a Consistory (consistorium). The College of Cardinals consisted, in the twelfth century, of seven cardinal bishops, whose sees lay, and still lie, in tho immediate neighborhood of Eome, and who were called on this account episcopi suburbicarii, and took their titles from the names of their episcopal sees — namely, Ostia, Porto, Santa Rufina (Silva Candida), Albano, Sabina, Tusculum (Frascati), Praeneste (Palestrina) — but Santa Bufina was afterward added to the bishopric of Porto ; of twenty-eight (originally twelve) cardinal-pnesfe, who held titular churches within the city of Rome; and of eighteen cskrdinal-deacons. The number of these last, at first only seven, was afterward raised to eigh- teen, fourteen of whom were called Deacons of the City, and four Deacons of the Palace — one of the duties of the latter being to assist the Pope when he officiates at the Church of St. John Lateran. In the year 1586, Sixtus V. fixed the number of the College of Cardinals at seventy, of whom six were cardinal-bishops (suburbicarii), fifty cardinal- priests, and fourteen cardinal- deacons. This arrangement has remained unchanged in any particular down to our own day, althoagh the college has rarely, if ever, its full complement of members, as the Pope always leaves some vacancies, which may be filled under ex- traordinary circumstances, and it has not unfrequently hap- pened that the number has been very much below seventy. As the cardinal-bishops were obliged, besides taking part in all important deliberations, to officiate, each in his turn, for a week together (hebdomadarii), at the Lateran Church, they became gradually identified with the Eoman clergy. The Cardinal- bishop of Ostia, whose see has been united to that of Velletri, has always retained the privilege of conse- 348 Period 2. Bfoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 3. crating the Pope-elect, having as his assistants the bishops of Porto and Albano. § 195. Metropolitans, Bishops, and Their Dioceses. Thomassini Vetus et Nova Ecclesiae Diaciplina, Pt. I., lib. I., c. 43, 56 (de Metropolit. et Episc.) ; Pt. I., lib. II., c. 5 sq. (de Archipresbyteris.) Through the efforts of St. Boniface' and Pepin, the ■power of metropolitans had long since been considerably increased. This may also be shown from the work of Hincmar, Arch- bishop of Eheims, entitled "De Jure Metropolitanorum," and from a letter addressed to his cousin, Hincmar, Bishop of Laon, in which their prerogatives are enumerated.^ As there was danger of powers so extensive becoming detrimental to the true interests of the Church, when placed in the hand? of ambitious prelates, the Pope interposed, either directly or through his legates, to check this exercise of them. He at first limited their extension by his own direct legislation as Head of the Church, but, later on, obliged the metropolitans to conform to the requirements of ecclesiastical law, as set forth in the pseudo-Isidorian decretals. Owing to their ex- alted rank, the metropolitans still retained many of their political rights, while they lost, in a great measure, the ex- cessive ecclesiastical jurisdiction which they had been in the habit of exercising over their .suffragan bishops. Instead of holding provincial synods at stated times, and establishing their authority on the basis of law, they attempted, during iViae§163. ''Dr. Dollinger, in referring to this same letter, thus summarizes its contents:! " The metropolitan examined, confirmed, and consecrated the bishops of hia j province ; he summoned them to synods, at which each one was bound to ap- pear; to him were to be referred all complaints against a bishop, and all dis- putes of the bishops among themselves; ho appointed administrators of churches that had lost their bishops; no bishop could appeal to Eome against the will of the metropolitan, nor, without his permission, travel beyond the province, send messengers, or alienate the goods of his church. Upon the archbishops devolved the care of the entire province ; in all ecclesiastical affairs he could be consulted; to him appeals might be made from the judgment of the bishop, and he was empowered, even without convening a synod, of his own authority, to correct the errors or the crimes of a bishop." Ch. Hist., Cox's Eng. trans., Vol. III. pp. 180, 181. (Tk.) § 195. Metropolitans, Bishops, and Thei?' Deacons. 349 the course of the tenth century, to govern the dioceses of their provinces directly and by a sort of personal jurisdiction, and thus excited the enmity and opposition of bishops and provoked the interference of popes. By entering into close relations with the Head of the Church and submitting fully to his authority, the bishops acquired at once a greater influence among the bulk of the people, and greater freedom from the restraints of princes. Their relations to the clergy of their several dioceses re- mained unchanged. If a priest chanced to be removed with- out sufficient cause, he might appeal from the action of the bishop to the judgment of either a provincial synod, the metropolitan, or the Pope. The right of the bishop to appoint to all ecclesiastical posi- tions in his diocese was limited by the privileges of patron- age^ legally acquired by laymen who had founded churches or benefices.^ But, still worse, many of the patrons, who had succeeded in getting possession, either by force or royal grant, of nearly all the churches of some districts, so far transgressed their rights as to arbitrarily depose ecclesiastics and appro- priate to their own use the tithes and the offerings of the faithful. Again, the great increase in the number of private chapels and oratories gave rise to a class of priests, who, liv- ing constantly either at the courts of princes or in the palaces of the uobles, were withdrawn from the watchful care of the bishop, to the great detriment of episcopal authority and ecclesiastical discipline. The great lords claimed, strangely enough, that these ecclesiastics formed part of their house- hold (de familia domini), and accordingly had them engaged in worldly pursuits, and sometimes employed in the most menial services, such as waiting at table, grooming horses, and caring hounds. On the other hand, these ecclesiastics, feeling that their position gave them a certain security from punishment, ceased to trouble themselves about episcopal au- thority, and led most disgraceful lives. ' Kight of presentation to a churcli or ecclesiastical benefice. (Tk.) The syn- ods of Orleans, 541 (Harduin, T. II., p. 1437) ; Toledo, 655 (Harduin, T. III., p 973 sq.); then, a capitulary of 816, already grant privileges of this kind. 'See Yol. I., p. 663. 350 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 3. But the Church would not consent to quietly submit to the assumption of the seigneurs, or to relinquish her authority over ecclesiastics. She pertinaciously insisted that these lat- ter were of her own household (de familia ecclesiae), and should order their lives according to her laws. Still another great evil of these times was what were called ordinationes absolutae, or the ordaining of ecclesiastics without previously appointing them to serve at any particular church — an exceptional practice first introduced in favor of such priests as were going into missionary countries. It was not long be- fore complaints were brought forward, in several councils, of the great number of such priests, who were going about, ex- empt, apparently, from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction (acephali, cleriei vagantes). In spite of all former' and present^ efforts to suppress the class of ecclesiastics known as chorepiscopi, or rural bishops, there still existed quite a number of them, who were gen- erally employed by bishops as vicars or auxiliaries, were sometimes independent in the exercise of their functions, and were not unfrequently set over vacant sees by kings who were desirous of retaining the revenues. They disappeared almost entirely, during the course of the tenth century, and were replaced by bishops-vicar, or, as they are now called, coad- jutor bishops (vicarii in pontificalibus). According to Bin- terim, the first instance of this class is one Leo, who is men- tioned in a letter of Pope John XV. as " vice-episcopus St.. Treverensis ecclesiae."^ They were subsequently consecrated under the title of a diocese, which, although actually iii the hands of infidels, was still cherished in the memory of the Church, and on this account they were called episcopi in partibus (sc. infidelium), or episcopi titulares. The cathedral iSeep. 138. ^ Weizsacker, The Struggle against the Chorepiscopacy of the Frankish Em- pire, in the Ninth Century, Tubg. 1859. Cf. IValter's C. L., 13th ed., p. 336, note 8. ' Blnterim, Memorab., Vol. I., Pt. II., p. 384. On the other hand, the ecclesi- astic sent, in 1036, by Pope Benedict IX. to Archbishop Poppo, was, properly speaking, a coadjutor. Conf. Hoher, de Proepiscopis Trevirensibus, who demon- strates that the existence in tlie diocese of Treves of ihe institution of vice- bishops, before the twelfth century, can not be proved. § 195. Metropolitans, Bishops, and Their Deacons. 351 canons, who, up to the present time, had led a community life,^ formed the bishop's council, and assisted him by their advice in affairs of moment, began now to feel this quasi- monastic discipline growing irksome. Wot content with the distribution of the property ordered by Giinther, Archbishop of Cologne (a. d. 873), into foundations for cathedral and col- legiate chapters, under one of which two heads the canons might class themselves, according as they had belonged to cathedral or other churches,^ they insisted, in the tenth cen- tury, that such a division should be made as would secure to each his individual revenue or prebend. It was in vain that good, holy bishops exerted themselves to prevent this division and restore the ancient mode of canonical life. Their efforts being but poorly seconded, their only effect was to beget a protracted struggle between the two parties of the canons, secular and regular (canonici saeculares et regulares).^ Two circumstances at this time contributed to secure a greater freedom of action to cathedral canons, and to increase their influence in the administration of the diocese ; for while, on the one hand, the right of electing bishops was vested in them, on the other, the bishops were so mixed up in secular affairs that they omitted holding diocesan synods and synodal iSeep. 161. 2 Condi. Colon., anno 873, in Mansi, T. XVII., p. 275. Barduin, T. IV., Pt. I., p. 137. ' Complaints on the decay of canonical life, in Yves, Bishop of Chartres (about 1092), epist. 215: Quod vero communis vita in omnibus Ecclesiis pene defecit, tam civilibus quam dioecesanis, nee auctoritati, sed desuetudini et defeetui adscribendum est, refrigescente charitate, quae omnia vult habere communia, et regnante cupiditate, quae non quaerit ea, quae Dei sunt et proximi, sed tan- tum quae sunt propria. See, likewise, Tetthem. Chronic. Hirsaug. ad a. 975, on the canons of Treves: Canonici majoris eccl. St. .Petri Trevirorum, qui sub certa regula in communi usque in hoc tempus vixerunt, abjecta pristinae con- versationis norma desierunt esse regulares, distributionibus inter se factis prae- ' bendarum: et qui prius more Apostolorum omnia habuere communia, coeperuiit jam deinceps singuli possidere propria. Quorum exemplura secuti plures Cano. nici in Wormatia et Spira, quod ideo fieri potuit, quia in multis temporibus muUa Tnutantur. The ineffectual attempts at reestablishing it, Cone. Rom., a. 1059, can. IV., and Cone. Rom., a. 1068, c. 4, in Hardnin, T. VI., Pt. I., pp. 1062, llr'ig. Mami, T. XIX., pp. 908, 1025. Cf Thomaasini 1. c, Pt. I., lib. III., c. 11 ; Pt III., lib. II., c. 23, nro. 2. HSfl&r, 1. c, Pt. II., p. 308 sq. 352 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Cha'pter 3. courts, which they were obliged by the canons to convoke an- nually.^ During and after the lifetime of Heddo, Archbishop of Strasburg, many dioceses were divided into several arch- deaconries, presided over by an equal number of archdeacons,^ who could not be deprived of their office except by canonical sentence. They possessed great influence in the administra- tion of the diocese, and, in case of a vacancy, took the direc- tion of affairs into their own hands.' The Great Archdeacon (archidiaconus magnus) of the cathedral, who was usually the Dean (praepositus) of the canons, frequently formed with the other archdeacons of the diocese, or rural archdeacons, a chapter or college, which by degrees acquired, in its collective capacity, an ordinary (propria, ordinaria) and extensive juris- diction, while its several members, now, as formerly, the representatives of the bishop, enjoyed singly only a delegated authority (jurisdictio delegata). Subordinate to the archdeaconries were the so-called rural chapters, over which a.rchpriests or deans presided, and the establishment of which was frequently pressed upon the bish- ops as a duty. In order to kindle and keep alive the zeal of the clergy in the great work of saving souls, pastoral conferences were estab- ' The ordinances of St. Bmiiface on this head are numerous, and adapted to almost every exigency. Ep. 105 : Statuimus, ut per annos singulos unusquisque presbyter episcopo suo in quadragesima rationem ministerii sui reddat, sive de fide catholica, sive de baptismo, sive de omni ordine ministerii sui. — Et moneat metropolitanus, ut episcopi a synodo venientes in propria paroohia cum presby- teris et abbatibus conventum habentes, praecepta synodi servare insinuando praecipiant. This ordinance was incorporated into the Capitularies of the Erankish kings. According to later ordinances, the diocesan synod was to be hold even twice a year, but this was seldom carried into effect. For a thorough knowle.lge of this institution, originating in that age, it is highly important to read the admonitio, or sermo synodalis, qui in singulis Synodis parochianis presbyteris annuntiandus est, which is ascribed to various authors. See in Sar- duin, Coll. Concil., T. VI., Pt. I., p. 873-879 ; in MaTisi and Hofler, p. 471. Of. Phillips, The Diocesan Synod, p. 44-62. 2Seep. 137. ' Cf. Thomasslni 1. c, Pt. I., lib. II., c. 19 and 20. Planch, Constitution of Christian Society, Vol. III., p. 708 sq. Pertsch, Origin of Archdeacons, Hildes- hcim, 1743. Binterim, Memorab., Vol. I., Pt. I., p. 386 sq. Freiburg, EccL Cyol., Vol. I., p. 405 sq. | Erench transl., Vol. I., p. 503. § 195. Metropolitans, Bishops, and Their Deacons. 350 lished, under the name of " Calendae" — so called because tliej were held on the first day of every month, except when that happened to be a Sunday or holy day.^ The calendae were at first intended to supply the place of provincial and dio- cesan synods, which had now ceased to be held. In some countries the bishops prescribed the holding of them as early as the ninth century, and, from this time onward, they con- tinued to be pretty well kept up until the thirteenth, after which we hear no more of them until the time of St. Charles Borromeo. It was the duty of the archpriest or dean to call the priests together, and to indicate the place of meeting, which was always the residence of some one of those composing the rural chapter. Each member had a right to speak on the subject brought before the chapter, and to vote for or against the acceptance of any measure. The subject to be submitted was selected by the bishop, and, after action had beeq taken, sent back to him for final judgment. 'So priests except such as had the care of souls, whether secular or religious, were admitted into these conferences ; and should any one of those whose duty it was to be present absent himself without a valid reason, he was condemned to pay a fine. But, notwithstanding the undoubted utility which priests derived from coming together in these conferences, and dis- cussing practical issues and solving knotty questions, it was found next to impossible to keep them up regularly, or to have them frequent enough to do any considerable good. Bishops endeavored to force attendance, first by admonitions, and then by penalties, but with indifferent success ; and were at last obliged to limit the number of yearly conferences to ' Conf. Binterim, Diocesan Synods, p. 101-108. Such conferences, according to Thomasstni, Pt. II., lib. III., c. 74; Regino, lib. I., c. 216; Harduin, T. VI., p. 420; Acta Concil. Mediolan., and other authorities, were prescribed at various times. Thus, by Charlemagne, in his Capitularies; by Herardus, Bp. of Tours; Hincmar, Abp. of Kheims; Eiculf, Bp. of Sitten; Ulrich, Bp. of Augsburg; Atto, Bp. of Vercelli; in England, by the Council of Exeter (1131), and of London (1237). Frethurg, Eccl. Cyclop., art. Conference, Er. trans., Vol. V., p. 152. (Tk.) VOL. II — 23 354 Period 2. Eiwcli 1. Part 2. Chapter 3. three, then to two, and finally to one, which was -equivalent to discontinuing them entirely. What the circumstances were which conspired to interfere with the holding of these conferences, it is not to our purpose to inquire ; hut probahly a sufficient one may be supplied by the fact that, while they are desirable and may be made use- ful, they are not absolutely necessary, and have never beeu prescribed either by a general council or a papal decree. Moreover, unlike any other institution of general acceptance in the Church, they came into existence, not in a regular order of development, but, as it were, fortuitously, at certain times and in particular countries. At first, they were held in some of the districts of France, Germany, and England; later on, in Italy and Belgium ; and at the present day, in Ireland. They are, then, more dependent on fortuitous circumstances, and on the action of individuals, than upon any great prin- ciple aiad recognized law. It is, however, very true that their introduction is usually preceded by a decay of morals, laxity of discipline, and neglect of study among the clergy; and, though not absolutely and universally necessary, they may be very useful under certain circumstances and in given localities. But of their utility or necessity the bishops are the judges. Parish rights were not defined before the middle of the eleventh century, and then only in episcopal cities.' Popes Eugene II. (a. d. 826) and John IX. (a. d. 904) issued ordi- nances forbidding bishops to apply to their own use any of the land or other immovable property belonging to the estates of the Church.^ § 196. Church Property. Thomassini Vet. et Nov. Eccl. Disoip., Pt. III., lib. I., c. 7, 14, 22, 28, and 29. Piety has always been the motive which has inspired Chris- tians to give generously to the Church, whether in the form ' The Council of Limoges, in the year 1031, decides, in spite of the opposition of the oanon.s of cathedrals, that baptism and preaching may be performed in these city parishes. See Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 886 sq. ; Mans!., T. XIX., p. 543, ^Eugene, at the Synod of Eome, can. 16, and John, at a Synod of Kavenna, can. 10. § 196. Church Property. 355 of donations or bequests, and has consequently been the un- failing source of her wealth. This was abundantly exempli- fied toward the close of the tenth century, when Christians were anticipating the end of the world, getting i-id of their property, and making pilgrimages to the Ploly Land. The most extensive of the possessions of the Church were held in fief, but those which did her most honor were the desert lands that had been reclaimed by the energy and the toil of her monks. People soon began to cry out that the Church was growing excessively wealthy, and to these the Synod of Paris (a. d. 829) replied that "she could never come into possession of too mucA property if she administered it well and put it to proper use." Moreover, people were willing to see wealth in possession of an institution which distributed the proceeds of it with such prodigality among the poor. Henceforth the tithes, which had long since legally belonged to the Church, were regularly paid, and a synod held in the year 909 wished to impose their payment upon every branch of industry. The Jura Stolae, as they are called, belonged to the priests. As every ecclesiastical function is of itself absolutely free and gratuitous, the "'perquisites" were always regarded as voluntary gifts. The Church has, in every age, looked with suspicion upon the practice of accepting State grants to pay her clergy, inas- much as it impairs her dignity and jeopardizes her liberty. .^though the Church had always claimed and the State al- ■p/ays granted the exemption of ecclesiastical property from taxation, still both Church and clergy were at times heavily burdened. Men of coarse instincts and violent tempers, dis- regarding every legal restriction, plundered her property, and, sheltering themselves under the iniquitous and barbar- ous usage known as the right of spoliation (jus spolii sen jus rapite capita), not unfrequently made attempts upon the lives of clergymen in order to come at their possessions.' ' Bonn, Philosophical and Theological Sevue, nros. 23-25, in "Scientific Dis- cussions." 356 Period 2. Ejjoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 3. § 197. Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction — Immunities of the Clergy. Following the precedent of the Eoman emperors,' Charle- magne and Louis the Mild permitted the bishops to exercise considerable jurisdiction in such matters as marriages, last wills, oaths, usury, and the like. When necessary, they were authorized to call upon the nobles of the empire to assist them in bringing before their tribunals sinners who had been condemned to public penance. They alone had authority to try and pass judgment upon ecclesiastics. In extreme cases, clergymen were sentenced to imprisonment for life in some monastery. It seldom happened that they were_ deprived of their dignity and handed over to the secular authority. Hincmar of Rheims,^ though a warm defender of the priv- ileges and immunities of ecclesiastics, still held, that, in liti- gation with laics in suits involving real estate, they should send persons to represent them in the secular courts. If the accused were a bishop, he had the privilege of being tried by a court of bishops — a privilege conceded by princes, even when the charges brought forward were of a purely political nature; such, for example, as high treason. It would also seem that this was the court of judicature, where charges were made by a bishop against a prince. 'Seep. 127. ^Htncmar wrote a special treatise on this subject when his cousin, the Bishop of Laon, who had been deprived of the temporalities of his see by Charles the Bald, refused to appear before the King's court. CHAPTER IV. RELIGIOUS LIFE — WORSHIP — DISCIPLINE. Ratherii Veronensis de Conlemptu Canonum ; Discordia inter ipsum et cleri- CDs; Apologia sui ipsius; Itinerarium et epist. (opp. ed. Ballerini, Veron. 1765, fol. Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 13G; also in dAchiry, Spicilegium, T. I. Atto Vercd- hmsis, de Pressuris Ecclesiasticis, libb. VIII., and epist. d Achiry^ Spieileg., T. I. Fitri Damiani epist., libri VIII. Of special importance for this are the written instructions on the life of priests and laics, from the time of Pope Gregory V., in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 174-199; in German, in nsflcr's German Popes, Vol. I., p. 185-195. § 198. The Morals of the Clergy. Tou are tlie salt of the earth ; but if the salt lose its savor, wherewith shall it be salted ? Matt. T. 13. The bishops of this period were more concerned in main- taining their position as secular princes than in saving souls and looking after the interests of the Church over which they were set. It was not an unusual thing for them to wield the sword in the contests of factions. In proportion as the empire declined and wars multiplied, the lower clergy grew daily more dissolute. Their total dis- regard of discipline and depravity of morals were unprece- dented in any former age of the Church; and their ignorance was such that the questions which they were required to answer, before being permitted to go up for orders, were of the most elementary character.^ Was it possible for such a ^ Batherius — who, however, is more or less given to the use of harsh lan- guage — when speaking of these times, says in his Uinera,rium : " Sciscitatus itaque de fide illorum (Glericorum Veronensium) inveni plurimos neque ipsum sapere symbolum, quod fuisse creditur Apostolorum. Hac occasione Synodicam scribere omnibus Presbyteris sum compulsus," etc. In this Synodica, it is said, among other things: "Ipsam fidem — trifarie parare memoriae festinetis h. e. secundum symbolum — Apostolorum — et illam, quae ad Missam canitur, et illam S. Athanasii, quae ita incipit: 'Quicumque vult salvus esse.' Quicumque vult ergo Sacerdos in nostra parochia esse, aut fieri, aut permanere, ilia, fratres, memoriter nobis recitet, cum proximo a nobis hue vocatus fuerit. — • Moneo et (357) 358 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 2. Chajpter 4. clergy to exert any, influence for good upon the people? But it was not until the latter half of the tenth century that the clergy reached the lowest depth of degradation. Unchastity and simony were the prevailing vices. In many places the rule of celibacy was wholly ignored, and so great was the extent of the evil, and so deep the disgrace which attached to ecclesiastics, that those of them who lived an honorable married life were accounted virtuous, and dreaded either to give their own daughters in marriage to clergj^men, or to permit their sons to take orders and become their successors. Although the condition of the clergy, when taken at its best, was bad enough, it is also true that the accounts that have come down are a trifle overdrawn, and of too general a character to command full credence when the charges are so grave. But if some of the clergy were stained with the vices, others were adorned with the virtues of their age ; for, if a large class of them had not lived virtuous and holy lives, it would be impossible to account for the fact that they steadily grew in the esteem and reverence of the people. For what could insure the good opinion of others in their regard, if it were not fidelity to the virtues of their state? The zeal- ous, but at times imprudent, Eatherius of Verona lifted up his voice, in the tenth century, to vindicate the honor of the priest- hood. "When dying, he composed this characteristic epitaph for himself : " Wayfarer, trample under foot the salt which has lost its savor." The efforts ofAtto, Bishop of Vercelli (f c. a. d. jam vos de die dominica ut cogitetis, aut si cogitare nescitis, interrogetis, quare ita voootur. — Ut unusquisque vestrum, si fieri potest, expositionem Symboli et orationis Dominicae juxta traditionem Orthodoxorum penes se scriptam habeat, et earn pleniter intelligat, et inde, si novit, praedicando populum sibi commissum sedulo instruat ; si non, saltern teneat vel credat. Orationes Missae et Canonem bene intelligat, et si non, saltern memoriter ac distincte proferre valeat: Episto- 1am et Evangelium bene legere possit, et utinam saltern ad litteram ejus seusum posset manifestare," etc. {D'AcMri/, Spioileg., T. I., pp. 381, 376 and 378.) We may obtain a more accurate knowledge of the degree of learning among the clergy, at the beginning of the latter half of the present epoch, from HetH, A.rohbishop of Treves (a. d. 820-847), Ivryppoyanaveg quas suis proposuit audi- loribus (an unpublished manuscript belonging to the monastery of St. Maxi- min, at Treves), from which it appears that clerics were made to undergo a close and thorough examination, not only on the Pater Noster and Credo, but also on the mystery of the Trinity. § 199. Religions Orders of this Epoch. 359 960), and of Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury (a. d. 990), to have their clergy observe the rule of celibacy, were more prudent and moderate, and, on this account, much more s-uc- cessful. The clergy, and even the secular power itself, yielded to the firm and inflexible will and authority of Dunstan. "When, in the eleventh century, beginning with Pope Leo IX. (a. d. 1048), papal elections ceased to be under the re- straints of secular interference, and men of austere morals, chastened zeal, and prudent solicitude for the true interests of the Church ascended the chair of St. Peter, the clergy, finding no encouragement for their evil-doing in the lives of the Popes, commenced to reform their own and regain some- thing of the honor they had lost. In restoring the dignity and maintaining the holiness of the priesthood,^ Peter Damian, Cardinal-Bishoj) of Ostia, and Deacon Hildebrand played a conspicuous part, laboring unceasinglj', and at times having recourse to unusual means to effect their purpose. Their efforts were ably seconded by the Fatarian Confederation- in Upper Italy. The zeal of Damian was at times not entirely under con- trol, and, yielding to its promptings, he wrote a manifestly exaggerated account of the state of morality among th6 clergy, which Alexander II. suppressed, because he believed that its publication would do more harm than good. The result of the labors of these champions of the faith, supplemented by those of the monastic ord,ers, which had a large share in the work of clerical reformation, began to ap- pear in the revival of spiritual life among the clergy, of which there were now many tokens. § 199. Religious Orders of this Epoch. Cf. §§ 142 and 168. Bibliotheca Cluniaoensis in qua SS. PP. abbatum vitae, miracula, scripta rec, cura M. Marrier et Andr. Quercetani, Par. 1614, fol. Ordo Clun., written in the eleventh century (Vet. discipl. monastioa, ed. HerrgoU., Par. 1726, p. 133). Antiquiores consuett. Clun. monast., libb. III., by Vlricus Cluniacens., written for Hirsau, 1070 {cHAchiry, Spicileg., T. I., p. 641-703). The vitae Bernon., Odon., Odilon., Romicaldi, by Peter Damian, Joan. Gualberti {Maiillon, Acta, SS. Ord. St. Bened. saec. V., T. I.) tLorratn, Essai historique sur I'abbaye da 1 See § 190. 360 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. Clugny, Dijon, 1839; Germ, ed., Tubg. 1857. Vita S. Wilhelmi, Constt. Hir- Baug. [Herrgoii. 1. c, p. 375.) Silyoi, Hist, des Convents et des Ordres de Ohe.valerie, T. V. Henrion, Hist, des Ordres Eeligieux. In convents of both men and women, there had also been a relaxation of discipline during this epoch, but it was quickly checked, and the severity of monas tic life^restored. By a decree of a council of the year 742, the Rule of St. Benedict was made obligatory upon all the monasteries of the Frank- ish Empire. Boniface, by his zeal and labors, greatly in- creased the number of cloisters, over which he watched with assiduous care — always on the alert to preserve the integrity of discipline, and to restore it where it had become relaxed. To this holy bishop did the great monasteries of Fulda, Hers- feld,^ and others in Germany, owe their origip. These were important as centers of ecclesiastical training and general culture; but scarcely less so were those of St. Gall, Reichenau, St.- Blaise in the Black Forest, Rheinau on an island of the Rhine below Schafl'hausen, Prum in the diocese of Treves; and, still later on, those of Corvey in Saxony, Tegemsee in Bavaria, and many others. But, unfortunately, excessive /wealth, exemption from episcopal jurisdiction,^ and the gov- ernment of lay abbots, brought on the usual results, and these monasteries, whose members had at one time been distin- iguished for their observance of rule, their piety, and their learning, became prominent for their absence of discipline and disregard of the moral law. The zealous and holy Bene- dict of Aniane (f a. d. 821), with the co-operation of Louis the Mild, set about reforming his monks, and, in a short time, made them models of order and piety for the whole Frankish Empire.^ Religious life and letters owe much to this revival of the Benedictine order by a reformer bearing the name of the illustrious founder; but, unfortunately, the reforms thua auspiciously begun were not generally taken up, nor did they I iSee§168. 2 The complete rule, explained in MabUl. ann. Bened., T. II., p. 435. Manst, T. XIV., p. 394 sq. Benedict. Anian. Codex Kegularum (of tlie East and West) and Concordia Eegulai-um, in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 103. Conf. tNicolai, St. Bene- dict, Founder of Aniane, and CornelimUmter (Inda, near Aix-la-Chapelle) Cologne, 1865. § 199. ileligious Orders of this Epoch. 361 exert any permanent influence. Again, while, on the one hand, little attention was paid to the decrees of the Council of Rome (a. d. 827) prohibiting the election of lay abbots, on the other, the monks were dispersed and their monasteries pillaged during the disorders consequent upon the strife of parties within the Frankish Empire, and the attacks of the !N"ormans on the western, and of the Hungarians on the east- ern frontiers; and, when they again returned to their former mode of life, they brought with them the spirit and vicious habits of men of the world, and could not, without difficulty, bring themselves to give up the opportunities and means of enjoyment which their great wealth placed within their reach, and live in the spirit of their vow of poverty. The accounts furnished us by the councils of Metz and Trosly (a. d. 909), of the life led by the monks of this time, are startling.' But in the midst of so much that was distressing, there were not wanting tokens of better things. Through the zeal and the labors of William of Aquitaine, a monk of the Abbey of Clugny, in the diocese of M^con, spiritual life began to revive, and it became evident that the libei'ty of the Church,^ though delayed for a time, would eventually be obtained. The splen- did reputation of this abbey was, in great measure, owing to the exertions of the pious Berno (a. d. 910), its first abbot. 'Capit. III.: De monasteriorum vero non statu, sed lapsu quid dicere vel agere debeamus, jam pene ambigimus. Dum enim mole criminum exigente, et judicium a domo Domini incipiente, quaedam a Paganis succensa vel destructa, quaedam rebus spoliata et ad nihilum prope sint redacta, si tamen quorumdam adhuc videntur superesse vestigia, nulla in eis regularis formae servantur insti- tuta. Sive namque monaohorum seu canonicorum seu sint sanctimonialium, propriis et sibi jure competentibus carent reotoribus, et dum contra omnem eoclesiae auctoritatem praelatis utuntur extraneis, in eis degentes partim indi- gentia, partim malevolentia, maximeque inliabilium sibi praepositorum faciente inconvenientia, moribus vivunt incompositis ; et qui sanctitati religionique cae- lesti intenti esse debuerant, sui velut propositi immemores, terrenis negotiis vacant; quidam etiam, necessitate cogente, monasteriorum septa derelinquunt, et volentes nolentesque saeoularibus juncti saeoulariii exercent, cum e contra dicat Apostolus: Nemo milUans Deo implicat se negotiis saecularibus. (ilansi, T. XVIII., p. 270. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. 1., p. 510.) ^ Clarus, William, Duke of Aquitaine, one of the great men of the world, and one of the Saints of the Church, Miinster, 1864. 362 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. St. Odo, a man of still greater ability than St. Berno, his mas- ter in the spiritual life, and successor as abbot (a. d. 924-941), knew how to conciliate the good will of men, and governed his monastery with such firmness and prudence as to com- mand the respect and elicit the admiration of all. Under Aymar, Maiolus, and particularly under Odilo (a. d. 994-1048), and Hugh, the successor to Odo, this asylum of holiness and learning went on steadily increasing in importance and in- fluence till finally, toward the close of this epoch, there were to be found many monasteries even in Spain and far-ofi Poland, which recognized the jurisdiction of the Abbot oj Clugny. William, the worthy disciple of Maiolus, labored effectuallj for the reformation of monasteries, and the establishment of schools in Normandy and I^Torthern France; and Richard, Abbot of Vannes, at Verdun, was equally successful in cor- recting the abuses which had crept into the monasteries of Belgium. The monks of Clugny kept the Rule of St. Bene- dict in all its primitive severity, observing perpetual silence, making public confession of their sins, working at manual labor, and leaving it only when called to perform some other duty, or to engage in prayer and the singing of the Psalter.' For two centuries, the monks of the great abbey of Clugny, and those who went forth from it to labor in distant lands, sustained by their influence and example the spiritual life of Christendom, were the guardians and fosterers of science and I learning, made a life of asceticism honorable, and, down to the days of St. Bernard, had a share in nearly every impor- tant affair of the Church.^ In Germany, the monastery of Hirschau, founded by Erla- fried. Count of Calw, in the year 838, had, upon the death of Abbot Conrad (a. d. 1000), been deserted, and now stood greatly in need of repair. At the instance of Pope Leo IX., ^ Antiqq. consuet., lib. II., c. 3 : Silentium in ecclesia, dormitorio, refeotorio et coquina— novitius opus habet, ut signa diligenter addiscat, quibua taoens quodammodo loquatur, c. 4. A description of the signa loquendi, in Stolberg- Kerz, Pt. XXXI., p. 386-431. '*Kerkcr, Blessed William, Abbot of Hirschau, etc., the restorer of South German Monastioism in the age of Gregoi-y VII. Vol. I. § 199. Religious Orders of this Epoch. 363 it was restored by Adelbert II., also Count of Calw (since the year 1059), and put into the possession of a colony of monks from the monastery of Our Lady of Hermits. It rap- idly rose in importance under William^ formerly Prior of St. Emmerara, at Ratisbon, who became its abbot a. d. 1071, and reorganized it after the model of Clugny.' It soon acquired an extensive reputation, and from it went forth, during the abbacy of William, fresh colonies of monks to make new foundations, of which the best known are those of Reichen- bach, in the valley of the Murg; St. George, at the sources of the Danube ; Weilheim, under the Teck, which was some time later transferred to Brisgovia, under the name of St. Peters; besides many others. When the abbot William had com- pleted these labors, besides others of a literary character, bn died, full of years and honor, July 5, a. d. 1091. During the terrible conflict of parties whicli raged in Italy, the monks of the Benedictine convent of Monte Cassino were the only religious of that country who carried out in practice the holy traditions of their order ; and though their influence was not sufficiently powerful to efiect the reformation of other monasteries into which the spirit of worldliness had entered,^ it was nevertheless sufficiently attractive to draw out of the very hurry and bustle of life a number of generous souls, who had grown weary of the world and its sinfulness, and yearned for a retreat where they might find quiet and peace of soul. Such was Romuald, a member of the ducal family of Ea^ venna. When in the thirty-second year of his age, he was present at a duel, in which his father was one of the parties engaged, and seeing the latter plunge a knife into his adver- sary, he was so shocked at the deed, that he at once withdrew to the monastery of Monte Cassino, and gave himself up to a life of penance and prayer. After having passed many years among the mountains and in the depths of the forests, he made his appearance in Upper Italy, and began to preach penance to immoral and simoniacal priests; and so irresisti- ^Oreeven, Activity of the Monks of Clugny during the eleventh century, in Church and State, Wesel, 1870. Gfrorer, Pope Gregory VII., Vol. I. ' Tosti, Storia della Badia di Montecassino, Napoli, 1842 sq. Freiburg, Eccl Cyclopaedia, Vol. VII., p. 277 sq.; French trans., Vol. 15, p. 279. 364 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. ble was his speech, and so subduing his glance,' that the most abandoned and obstinate of them, when appealed to by him, at once entered upon a change of life, and the most tepid grew active and energetic. As his life drew near its close, he gathered about him a number of souls similar in tastes and dispositions to his own, and retiring to Camaldoli, a desert place among the Apennines, not far distant from Arezzo, in Tuscany, he laid the founda- tion of a new order (a. d. 1018), the members of which were clothed in a white habit,^ and were known, from the place where they originated, as Camaldolites. They were composec partly of hermits and partly of cenobites : never spoke t(i each other, and abstained entirely from flesh -meat, and wine The order was approved by Pope Alexander II., and it wae not long until the Prior-General of Camaldoli had nine mon- asteries under his direction. The order of Vallombrosa, in Tuscany, founded in the year 1038 by St. John Gualbert, a member of a noble Tuscan fam- ily, was, if anything, still more austere than that of the Camaldolites. John had had an experience somewhat simi- lar to that passed through by Romuald. Pie was charged by his father to take a bloody vengeance upon the murderer of his brother Hugh, and, coming up with the object of his search on Good Friday, in a narrow defile, where escape was impossible, he made directly for him. The murderer threw himself upon his knees, and, arranging his arms in the form of a cross, besought his antagonist to show mercy out of love of Him who that day suffered for all. From respect for the symbol of salvation, and touched with the beauty of the ap- peal, John not only granted the prayer of the murderer, but took him to bis bosom and adopted him in place of the brother he had lost. He then withdrew to pray in the neigh- boring monastery of San Miniate, and, while kneeling there before a crucifix, saw the figure of our Savior incline its head 1 His biographer, Poter Damian, relates that a certain great lord said of him (hat, "No look of an emperor, or of any other mortal, filled him with such terror, as the look of Komuald. He was at a loss what to say, or how to exouso himself." Life of Romuald, § 66. (Tr.) 2 The rule of the order, in Holstenii Cod. regul. Monast., T. II., p. 194 sq. § 199. Religious Orders of this Epoch. 365 toward him. Accepting this as a token of Divine approval of what he had done, he at once entered npon an ascetical life, commenced the practice of great austerities, aud ended by founding an order,^ whose members were clothed in an ash-colored garment and observed the Rule of St. Benedict^ in its more severe form. It was the original intention that the members of these, two orders should lead an eremitical life, but this design was afterward given up, aud they came together in monasteries, where each endeavored, by the holi- ness of his life, to contribute to the profit and edification of all the rest, and to their advancement in the spiritual perfec- tion. So great and beneficial was the influence exercised by monastic houses during the eighth and ninth centuries, that kings and bishops willingly accorded them the right of freely electing their abbots and administering their temporal affairs. Freedom from restraint in the election of abbots was claimed as an ordinary and natural right by the Rule of St. Benedict, and was recognized by civil and ecclesiastical law. The monks were confirmed in their natural rights hy popes, and sometimes protected against the arbitrary measures of bish- ops. The popes also exercised a direct jurisdiction over some monasteries, without, however, coming into conflict with the ordinary jurisdiction of bishops. But, as time went on, matters changed. In the eleventh century, the prepon- derance of papal power, and the ambition, avarice, and ty- ranny of the bishops,^ both co-operated, each in its own way, to withdraw the monasteries, in a measure, from the juris- diction of bishops, and to obtain for them extensive privi- leges. Thus, for example, some monasteries were exempted from episcopal visitation, and neither could a bishop depose their abbots. The only right left to the bishop was to bless the abbot, to ordain the monks, and to consecrate the churches and altars of the monastery. Clugny, which possessed more extensive privileges than any other abbey, had also the right ' We have preferred to foHow the Eoman Breviary. (Te.) ■'" Vallia TJmbrosae Congregationis statuta adhuo nanoisci nobis non contigit,' is said in Holsientus-Brockie, T. II., p. 303. »See i 200, and also Bollinger, Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 196 sq. (Tk.) 366 Period 2. EiMch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. of choosing the bishop to perform these functions. These grants, made by Alexander II. to Cliigny, were confirmed by the Council of Ch^lon,^ held a. d. 1063. § 200. Condition of the Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. Conf. DolUnger, Hist, of the Church, Eng. trans;, Vol. III. (Period III., o. 5), p. 203-271. The religious life of the bulk of the people, during the early half of the present epoch, was a faithful copy of that of the Koman pontiff's. The contrasts presented by different countries, in the course of the ninth, tenth, and eleventh cen- turies, are so marked that it is impossible to speak of them in general terms, or to bring them under one head. It is therefore necessary to take up the most important kingdoms of Europe in turn, and give a brief sketch of the condition of the Church in each. The Frankish Empire} — The unhappy dissensions and civil wars which broke out under Louis the Mild and his sons not only disturbed the peace of the great empire, but also se- riously interfered with the development of the Church, re- tarded the growth of ecclesiastical discipline, and relaxed the bonds of Christian morality. The councils of Coulaines, Thionville, Loire, Beauvais, and Meaux, held during the reign of Charles the Bald, could do but little to check the prevailing disorders. Their decrees were unheeded amid the ceaseless din of civil strife ; and the constantly renewed in- vasions of the ISTormans, who plundered the monasteries and pulled down the churches, completed the wreck of civil order and ecclesiastical discipline. The great scholars who had given celebrity to the schools of Charlemagne had all passed away by the year 875, leaving none able to take their places. ■ Cone. Cabillomnse, in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 1025 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1139 sq. Mabillm, Annal. Bened., lib. LXII., Num. 12. Conf. GfrBrer, Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 1487 sq. ^Flodoardi Historia Eocl. Eemensis., see Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 135. Glaher Radulpkus, Hist. Erancor. (Bouquet, T. X.) Le Cointe, Annal. Ecclesiastic! Francor., Par. 1668, f., T. IV.-VIII. Longueval, Histoire de I'eglise Gallicane, Par. 1732, T. IV.-VII., nouv. ed. par Jaeger. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 367 So great was the ignorance of the clergy, that Frotier, Bishop of Poitiers, and Fulrad, Bishop of Paris, requested (a. d. 910) Abbo, a monk of the monastery of St. G-ermain, to compose a Book of Homilies (Homiliariam), from which priests might gain sufficient knowledge of the Christian religion to enable them to instruct the people in fundamental truths; and the fathers of the Council of Trosly (a. d. 909), speaking on the same subject, complained that many Christians had grown old without having learned the Our Father or the Creed. It was not long before the Carlovingian dynasty, weakened by the incessant encroachment of the powerful vassals of the empire, tottered to its ruin, and with it disappeared the re- spect and reverence that the people had hitherto manifested toward the Church. Daring the continuance of this political chaos it was impossible for the bishops of the Church to as- semble in council and provide measures against existing and coming evils ; and so universal and thrQatening were the dis- orders, that both civil and ecclesiastical society seemed on the point of a general break-up. As an example, it will b,e suf- ficient to instance the conduct of the powerful Herbert, Count of Vermandois, who (c. A. D. 925) had his son Hugh, a child of five years of age, appointed Archbishop of Pheims. But he was probably not so culpable as Pope John X., who had the assurance' to confirm the appointment, and to intrust the spiritual administration of the archdiocese to Abbo, Bishop of Soissons.* It was about this time that that band of devoted men, gathered together in the monastery of Clugny^ gave promise of better things, not only to the Prankish Empire, but to every other Christian country as well. This auspicious be- ginning was supplemented by the restoration of political affairs in the Prankish Empire, under the new dynasty, of which Hugh Capet was the first representative (a. d. 987). It was also at this time that the Church, strongly impressed with the conviction that royal power could not make head against the encroachments of ignorant, insolent, powerful ' Flodoardi Hist. Bcol. Ehem., lib. IV., o. 20. 368 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. vassals, resolved to do what she could for the maiutenance of law and order, and accordingly introduced the Truce of God and punished all infractions of it with ecclesiastical censures. These constantly increased in severity, till, in the course of the tenth century, they included the Interdict, which was so much the more dreaded, in that it went beyond the person of the offender and affected his possessions also. At times, whole countries, which had passed under the sway of some unscru- pulous and powerful tyrant, were laid under interdict; but when such an exceptional state of things existed, provision was always made to enable the innocent to avail themselves of the means of sanctification. Bishops believed themselves justified in inflicting these censures out of a regard for the public welfare and from an instinct of self-preservation. But a weapon so powerful in those times, and one which should have been appealed to only on extraordinary occasions and for exceptional purposes, and then only by men of the great- est prudence, could not fail, at times, to become an instru- ment' of mischief and danger, when placed in the hands of unworthy and worldly minded bishops. We have an exam- ple in point, in Eobert, Archbishop of Eouen, who, because he was engaged in a quarrel with Duke Robert, placed the whole province of Normany under interdict. The Church made many efforts at this time to restore ec- clesiastical discipline and purity of life, but the clergy, who had gone on, from day to day, violating their vow of chastity and securing benefices by simoniacal means, refused to listen to her admonitions and give up their habits of sin. There were eighty councils held in France during the elev- enth century, and of these there was not a single one in which a protest of the fathers was not directed against the lawless- ness and brigandage of the laity and the unchastity and simony of the clergy. But when these disorders were at their height; when bishops presumed to settle the estates of the Church as dowers upon their daughters ; when dukes and counts put on public sale the bishoprics and abbacies lying within their respective territories; when the weak had no rights that the strong were bound to respect, a reaction set in, good sprang from excess of evil, and new life from a dissolution of the § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 369 old. This reformation, destined to raise the clergy from the depths to which they had fallen to their former purity of life, honor, and prestige, commenced with the chair of St. Peter, in the person of Gregory F., and notably Leo IX. The re- formatory decrees of the Council of Rheims (a. d. 1049) are framed in language of unusual severity. It is refreshing to call to mind that, in the midst of the disorders, lawlessness, and anarchy of this age, there existed flourishing cathedral-schools at Rheims, Chartres, and Tours, conducted respectively by the distinguished masters, Gerbert (c. A. D. 970), Fulbert (f a. d. 1028),^ and Berengarius (f a. d. 1088) ; and cloister-schools, not less flourishing, in the abbey of Marmoutiers (Majus monasterium), near Tours, which had been reformed by St. Majolus of Clugny, and in that of St. Benignus, at Dijon. But these schools, though excellent of their kind, could not compare with those of Normandy, dur- ing the eleventh century, as prosperous seats of learning. Such were those of the abbey of Fecamp and the monastery of Bee, under the direction of Lanfranc, the great theologian of his day, and of his still more illustrious disciple, Anselm. Both of these became afterward Archbishops of Canterbury. The German Empire.^ — This empire, formed after the death of Charles the Fat (a. d. 888), embraced the five nations of the East Franks, the Suabians, the Bavarians, the Thurin- gians, and the Saxons, and, after the time of St. Boniface, recognized the metropolitan church of Mentz as its ecclesias- tical center. The sufiragan sees of Mentz were Strasburg, "Worms, Spire, Constance, Chur, Augsburg, Eichstadt, and Wiirzburg. This number was afterward increased to twelve by the addition of the Saxon sees of Paderborn, Halberstadt, Hildesheim, and Verden. Prague was added in the year 973, and Olmiitz^ in 1063. ' Of. on Fulbert of Chartres, Siolberg-Kerz, Pt. XXXIII., p. 492 sq. -Cf. the Chronicles of Regino, Ditmar of Mersehurg, Adam of Bremen, and Lambert of Hersfeld. Wittichindi monach. Corhej. Annales (to 957). Adelboldi Vita Henrici II. Wvpponis Vita Oonradi Saliei. Sigm. Calles, S.J., Annales Eccles. Germ., T. IV., c. 5. ' See Freiburg, Ecol. Cycl., art. Olmiitz. (Tb.) VOL. II — 24 370 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. Cologne was next made a metropolitan see, having as its suffragans the sees of Liege (formerly that of Tongres, and, until the year 708, called Maestricht), Utrecht, Miinster, Min- den, and Osnabriick. The metropolitan see of Treves was established at a very early date, and comprised the bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun. In the year 798, Salzburg became the metropolitan see of the Bavarian bishoprics of Saben (called Brixen since the tenth century), Ereysing, Eatisbon, and Passau. The suffra- gan sees of the archiepiscopal see of Magdeburg, established A. D. 968, were Zeitz (called Naumburg since the year 1029), Merseburg, Meissen, Havelberg, and Brandenburg. The me- tropolitan see of Bremen and Hamburg had under it Olden- burg (since called Lubec), established in 952, and in 1052 divided into the two bishoprics of Mecklenburg (afterward called Schwerin), and Eatzeburg. When Burgundy passed by inheritance to the kingdom of Germany, so also did the metropolitan see of Besangon, with its two suffragan bishop- rics of Basle and Lausanne, the former of which, however, had belonged to Germany since 888, and the archbishoprics of Lyons and Aries} In the first German council that can be properly so called, held in the year 894, during the reign of King Arnulph, at the royal villa of Tribur, decrees were passed, providing for the restoration of discipline and the strengthening of eccle- siastical authority. But scarcely had some degree of order been restored in the Church of Germany, when it vi'as again destroyed by the devastating incursions of the Hungarians, which commenced during the minority of Louis, the sou and successor of Arnulph. Otho I. (a. d. 936-973) engaged and totally defeated the Hungarians on the plain of Lech,^ and thus put an end to their depredations, saved the Church of Ger- many from the fate which had come upon that of France, and raised it to such a state of prosperity that it was far in ad- 1 mUinger, Ch. H., Vol. III., pp. 218, 219. (Tr.) ^Brunner, O.S.B., The Incursions of the Hungarians into Germany. Pro- gramme of St. Stephen, at xVugsburg, 1854. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 371 vanee of every church of European Christendom at that time. It is indeed true that during his reign Otho usually appointed the bishops of his kingdom, but in this instance there was some compensation made to the Church for the loss of her prerogative. The Saxon king was zealous, conscien- tious, and prudent, and rarely ever appointed a man to the office of bishop who was not distinguished by piety and learning. Hence the large number of great names that make his reign illustrious ; men who, whether considered in their character of temporal rulers or spiritual guides, were truly the protectors and fathers of the people. Such were TJl- rich, Bishop of Augsburg; Bruno, Archbishop of Cologne, and brother of Otho I.; Adalbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg; and Frederic, Archbishop of Mentz, who, notwithstanding his doubtful course as a politician, is worthy of being ranked with the great prelates of this reign. Then among the mon- asteries which gained a high reputation were those of Corvey, where Wittekind, the historian, resided, and of St. Gall, where ITotker and Ekkehard were abbots. Giesebrecht, writ- ing of this age, lays aside, for a time, his habitual prejudice, and gives utterance to the following words :^ "It is, in- deed, very true that the opening of the tenth century, which has been called, without limitation, a century of barbarism, was distinguished by a decline from the perfection in the arts and sciences reached at the close of the Carlovingian era. But about the middle of the century a new impulse was given to civilization in Gerjnany, and then, for the first time, were the more northern countries penetrated with its true spirit. . . . The Eoman Church has enrolled many of the bishops of that age among her saints, and to these does our German Fatherland owe a deep debt of gratitude." Piligrim, Bishop of Passau, who, on three occasions, made pilgrimages to the Holy Land, also exercised a most beneficial influence upon the church of Germany; but the assertion that he obtained from Pope Leo VII. the metropolitan dig- 1 Giesebrecht, Hist, of the Times of the German Emperors, 2d ed., Vol. I. pp. 329, 330. Also, Schefel, in his novel, Ekkehard, Prankft. 1864, etc., based or, profound historical studies, furnishes an interesting picture of those times. 372 Period 2. Upoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 4. nity of Lorch, and maintained it despite tlie efforts of the Archbishop of Salzburg, rests on the authority of entirely fictitious documents.' Under the two succeeding Othos, the son and grandson of Otho the Great, to whose zeal and energy the Church is in- debted for the choice of the two Roman pontiffs, Gregory V. and Sylvester II., the election of bishops was left compara- tively free, and in consequence the bishoprics of G-ermanj were filled by men worthy of their high oflace. Such was the powerful chancellor of the empire, Willigis, Archbishop of Mentz; St. Wolfgang, Bishop of Eatisbon; St. Gerhard, Bishop of Toul ; St. Conrad, Bishop of Constance ; Piligrim, Bishop of Passau; Bernward, Bishop of Hildesheim (a. d. 993-1022), the tutor of Otho III., a man whose learning, abil- ity, and artistic tastes placed him in the very front rank of his age ; and his successor, Godehard (a. d. 1022-1038), distin- guished by his gift of prophecy and for the adrtiirable discipline which he maintained in his cathedral church.^ The bishopric of Merseburg was restored, and, with the approbation of Pope John XVIIL, another see established at Bamberg in the reign of Henry II., and conferred upon Eberhard, the chancellor of the empire. The establishment of this see called forth all the solicitous zeal of this pious Emperor. He appeared at the Council of Frankfort (a. d. 1006), and, casting himself upon his knees, besought the Fathers to consent to its erec- tion. In the following year he succeeded in putting an end to the controversy concerning the jurisdiction of the convent 1 Cf. Diimmler, Piligrim of Passau and the Archbishopric of Lorch, Lps. 1834 and Miitermuller, "Was Piligrim a Forger of Documents? in the Periodical, The Catholic, 1867, Vol. 47, p. 333 sq. Waitenbach, Hist. Sources of Germany, p. 39. 2 The latest researches concerning this age have developed rich materials for monographies, among which are the following: Archbishop Bruno of Cologne, hy Pieler, Arnsberg, 1851; by Mej/er, Berl. 1867; hj Sckulze, Halle, 1867; St. Ulrich of Augsburg, by Raffer, Augsbg. 1866; St. Wolfgang, by Sulzieck, Ra- tisb. 1844; St. MatiMa, Queen of Henry I., by Claries, Qucdlinbg. 1867; St. Adelaide, Queen of Otho I., by Hiijfer, Berl. 1856; SS. Bernwa'd and Gode- hard, by Krcdz, Hildeshm. 1840, being the 3d part of " The Caihedral of Jllhles- heim," with illustrations. SuUbec/c, O.S.B., Life of St. Godehard, Bishop and Patron Saint of the Diocese of Hildesheim, Eatisb. 1867. Ofrorer, The Services rendered to the Empire by the German Clergy at the Beginning of the Tenth Century [Freiburg Review, Vol. XIX., n. 1). § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 373 of nuns at Gandersheim, which had been carried on for some time, with considerable temper, by Archbishop WilUffis and a large following of German bishops, on the one hand, and on the other bj' Bernward of Hildesheim and Pope Sylves- ter II. Although Henry II., in appointing to bishoprics, frequently conducted himself as arbitrarily as ever Otho I. had done, still it is but simple justice to him to say that he never se- lected one for the episcopal office who was unworthy of the dignity. The great number of bishops equally eminent for virtue and zeal, who occupied the sees of Germany during his reign, afford proof of this statement. To instance a few out of many, there were Meimverk of Paderborn, St. Walbodo of Liege, Burkhard of Worms, and Ditmar of Merseburg, who is superior to any of the German historians who lived before the days of Lambert of Ilersfeld. Among the scliools of that age which acquired the greatest name and celebrity were the cathedral-school of Liege, founded by Bishop ITotker (f a. d. 1008), and those of Fulda, Hildesheim, and Paderborn, the last of which was founded by Bishop Meinwerk. The royal house of Saxony became extinct on the death of Henry II., and it was only by the wisdom, energy, and una- nimity of the bishops in choosing his successor, that civil war, with all its direful consequences, was averted. Conrad, Duke of Franconia, the Salic, was elected without opposition, and by the wisdom of his administration fully verified the fore- sight of those who had raised him to the head of the German Empire. His episcopal appointments were excellent, as is proven by the fact, that, during his reign, flourished such men as Poppo of Strasburg, Reginald of Spire, the great bib- lical scholar Bruno of Wiirzburg, and St. Bardo, Archbishop of Mentz, who, as Abbot of Hersfeld, gained such considera- tion for his convent that the monastery of Fulda relinquished for a time in its favor the ancient right of appointing every alternate archbishop of Mentz. In the reign of Conrad II. are also to be found the names of Altman of Passau (a. d. 1065-1090) and Unwan of Bremen, well known as the zealous apostle of !f[orthern Scandinavia, whose prudence 374 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. won for him the friendship of IsTorthern kings and Slavic princes. Henry III. — who, in wisdom, purity of purpose, and single- ness of mind, was not inferior to Charlemagne— deserves well of the Church for the share he had in raising to the Chair of St. Peter the Popes Clement II., Damasus II., Leo IX., and Victor 11. He regarded clerical incontinency and simony as the most dangerous evils that could come upon the Church, and exerted himself to correct the one and suppress the other. St. Peter Damian, who will not be suspected of any undue partiality, in speaking of Henry in connection with the vice of simony, says that, after God, he was the means of destroy- ing the hydra-headed monster. The Emperor's efforts were ably seconded by Luitpold, the excellent Archbishop of Mentz. If the Pope was at this time in a position to exercise a legiti- mate influence on the Church of Germany ^ it was entirely due to the policy of Henry, by whose exertions the Holy See regained its ancient authority and consideration. And that the 'Holy See did, in matter of fact, wield such influence, is shown from the words of Wazon, Bishop of Liege, to the Emperor : "As," says he, " we owe obedience to the Pope, so do we owe fidel- ity to you." But unfortunately, during the minority of his son, Henry IV., a greater part of which was spent under the evil influ- ence of Adalbert, Archbishop of Bremen, simony, the prolific source of nearly all the evils that then afflicted the Church, again revived, and became more menacing than ever before. To it may be traced the origin of that fierce and pernicious controversy between the Papacy and the Empire, which was not brought to a close until after it had lasted through two centuries, and entailed the most disastrous results. Italy} — This country suffered perhaps more than any other from the migrations of the barbarians. Besides the general collapse of the established order of things, the inhabitants, being orthodox Christians, were treated with great violence by these fierce defenders of Arianism. But the Church did ' See the writings of Atto, Bishop of Veroelli, RatMrius of Verona, Luiiprand of Cremona, and those of Peier Damian, further down, Ch. V. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 375 not lose heart. Chastened and strengthened by the trials through which she passed, she went forth with the vigor of new life, and the energy that comes of conflict, to the work of subduing these savage hordes, and bringing them within the bosom of the Church. And her efforts were not in vain. Arianism was vanquished, and, from the moment of its dis- appearance, a deep and earnest religious feeling pervaded the whole nation. Churches and cloisters arose in great num- bers, and were amply endowed by munificent kings. Anselm, Duke of Friuli, brother-in-law of the Lombard king Aistolphus, and founder and first abbot of the famous abbey of Nonantula, in the province of Modena, had, under his direction, scattered about in various convents, eleven hun- dred and forty-four monks. But as the Lombard power ap- proached its decline, so also did this flourishing church cease to be what it once had been. Paul Warnefried, the national historian, complains that in his time the once honored church of St. John, at Monza, had come into the possession of incon- tinent and simoniacal priests. Matters were somewhat improved during the domination of the Franks, and might have gone on well enough, had not the archbishops of Ravenna, and particularly Archbishop John (a. d. 850-878), persisted in asserting their independence, and refusing to obey the Holy See. The influence of the Ger- man emperors was too frequently interrupted to produce any permanent result. The Council of Pavia (a. d. 1022), presided over by Pope Benedict VIII., passed a number of decrees against the unchastity of ecclesiastics, but to little purpose. The clergy felt reassured by the evil example of Guido, Arch- bishop of Milan, and refused to leave ofF the practices of simony and their incontinent habits. . The inhabitants of Milan were divided into two opposing parties — the one com- posed of worldly ecclesiastics and vicious seculars, represent- ing the aristocracy, and powerful by reason of rank, wealth, and a community of interests ; and the other of those who represented the bulk of the people, and were under the lead- ership of the two priests Ariald and Landidf, who, prompted by zeal for holy purity, and strengthened by the buoyant enthusiasm which the consciousness of laboring in a good 376 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. catise always inspires, assaulted the defenders of simony and concubinage with uncommon vigor and determination. Those composing the popular party were at first treated with ridi- cule and contempt by their supercilious and aristoci'atic oppo- nents, and were opprobriously called Patarini,^ or fools ; but thej'- accepted and appropriated the name, and, like the epi- thet Gueux^ of a later age, from having been a term of re- proach and insult, became a title of distinction and honor. By the year 1057 they had so increased in numbers and in- fluence that they compelled the body of the clergy to sub- scribe a document requiring the universal enforcement of the rule of celibacj'. They also prevailed upon the people not to receive tDjj sacraments at the hands of the married clergy. The party of the Patarini continued to be augmented by fresh recruits in harmony with its principles, and, extending its ramifications over the whole of Lombardy, assumed the character and proportions of a vast confederation, under the name of the Pataria, which, in the Milanese dialect, signi- fies a popular faction. In the year 1061, Ariald, gathering about him a number of followers as generous, as zealous, and as enthusiastic as him- self, introduced the canonical mode of community-life into the city of Milan, where it had never before been practiced. On the death of Landulf, his place was filled by his brother, Ilerlembalcl, a knight and a captain, who had just returned from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He thought of with- drawing from the world and entering a monastery, but from this purpose he was dissuaded by Ariald, who besought him to defend the cause of God by aruis, while he himself would do battle with spiritual weapons. Herlembald set out for 1 Either from the city of Patara, in Lycia, or from the Pater Noster, their only prayer, or more probably from the Milanese word pataria. (Tr.) 2 A name taken by the insurgents in the Netherlands. whO; during the six- teenth century, rebelled against the Spanish government. When they had, on one occasion, forced themselves into the presence of the regent Margaret, sue was seen to turn pale through fright; when the Count de Barlaimont whis- pered to her, in Prench, "Let not a troop of beggars [Gueiuc) alarm you." The words were heard by some of those present, and the title given to them by the count was afterward adopted by the rebels in one of their drinking parties. See Schiller's treschichte des Abfalls der vereinigten Niederlande. (Tk.) § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 377 Rome, to present himself to the Pope, before entering upon his task, and, while there, received the consecrated banner of St. Peter,-which was to be unfurled, if necessary; was ap- pointed standard-bearer of the Roman and Universal Church' (vexillifer Romanae et Universalis Ecclesiae), and, just be- fore his return, in 1066, was handed a bull to take back with him, containing an excommunication of Guido, Archbishop of Milan. The promulgation of the sentence was the signal for the breaking out of a popular tumult among the fickle Milanese (a. d. 1067), in which Ariald fell a victim to his im- petuous zeal. His body was not found till ten months later but, even after that lapse of time, there were no indications of decay. Both people and clergy, recognizing in this cir cumstance an incontestable proof of his sanctity, now vied with each other in paying him the honors of a martyr. Alex ander II., coming to Milan shortly after, took his cause in hand, and, after the necessary preliminaries, placed him ort the roll of the saints of the Church. The origin of this popular movement, which was the occasion of so much good to the Church and of so complete a reforma- tion of the clergy, may be directly traced to the silent cells of the Camaldolites and Vallombrosians.^ The gravity of man- ner, moderation, and firmness of character displayed by the papal legate, Peter Damian, had no small share in bringing back the clergy to a better temper of mind, and in inspiring ^Arnulphi J^Iediolan. gesta Mediolanensium, in Pertz, T. VIII. Landulfi seni- oris Hist. Mediolan. (Muraiori, Seriptt., T. IV.; Pertz, T. VIII.) Bonizonis Sutrien. Episo. lib. ad amicum [Oefele, Seriptt. rer. Boicar., T. II.) B. Andreae (disciple of Ariald) Vita St. Arialdi and Landulfi de St. Paulo (his contempo- raries), Vita- St. Arialdi [PuricelU de St. martyrib. Arialdo et Herlembaldo., Mediol. 1657; also in BoUand. Acta SS. ad d. 27. m. Junii). Andrew gives the following description of the Milanese clergy: "Alii cum oanibus et accipitribus hue illucque pervagantes, alii vero tabernarii, alii usurarii existebant, cuncti fere cum publiois uxoribus sive scortis suam ignominiose ducebant vitam." Cf. also Baron, ad a. 1061, n. 48. Muratori, Hist, of Italy, Pt. VI., p. 335. ®Acta Ecoles ITediolan., a Carolo Cardinal! S. Praxedis archiepiscopo condita, etc., ed. nova, Mediol. 1844, T. I. *The Pataria of Milan {New Sion, 1845, uros. 60-63, May). Will, The Beginnings of the Restoration, Pt. II., p. 100 so. Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. IV., p. 749 sq. »Seetheendof §198. ilB Period 2. jSpoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. many of them with sentiments of sincere sorrow and repent- ance for their past lives. Finally, the success of the test of ordeal by fire, which Peter, a Vallambrosian monk, called from this circumstance Peiero/ the Fire (Petrus Igneus), undertook for the purpose of proving the guilt of Guido, Archbishop of Milan, contributed much to raise the credit and strengthen the influence of the Pataria. In recounting the causes which brought on the deplorable condition of the clergy during the tenth and eleventh centu- ries, it should be constantly borne in mind, that one of tho most potent was the almost total neglect of theological stud ies. It is indeed true, that there were two schools of philoso phy at Milan, and three training schools for ecclesiastics art mentioned as then existing at Parma, Bologna, and Eaenza but they were all of little importance, and it is not clear thai the course of studies in any of them included more than the Trivium and the Quadrivium. The Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy} — The institution of the paro- chial system by Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, had earlj consolidated Christianity in England. A clergy distinguished for moral elevation'of character and purity of life, trained in the numerous cloister-schools — all of which, but particularly that of Glastonbury, "the nursery of Saints," were then in a flourishing condition — hastened, by their example, their labors, and their single-minded earnestness, the work of spiritual re- generation. Here, as elsewhere, the important and disinter- ested labors rendered to society by these men, procured for Church property an exemption from all burdens and taxes, with the one exception of the '^rinoda necessitas," or the levyi for the maintenance of the army, and the repair of roads,' bridges, and fortresses. The Church of England entertaining forEome, whence came her first missionaries, the grateful affec- tion of a daughter for a mother, always maintained the closest ' Beda, Chronicon Anglo-Saxonicum, ed. Ingram., Lond. 1823, 4to. Guilielmi Malmesburtensis de gestis regum Anglor., libb. V. (to 1126) ; de gest. pontificum Anglor. {Savile, rer. Anglic, scriptt., Lond. 1596, f.) Ingulphi Abbatis Croy- landensis descriptio compilata until 1066, in Savile. Alfordi Annal. Ecol. Brit., Leod. 1663, T. II. and III. Lingard, Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, Newcastle, 1806, 2 vela. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 379 union with the See of Peter. Eight of the Anglo-Saxon kings, inspired by the holiest motives, went on pilgrimages to the shrine of the apostles. It was also one of England's kings — probably either Ina of Wessex (a. d. 725), or OfFa of Mercia (a. d. 790) — who first introduced the custom of paying Ptter's Pence (Rome-Scot), with the design of creating a permanent fund to support English ecclesiastical schools at Eome. The head of every family, having a yearly income of thirty solidi, paid to the bishop of the diocese, in which he resided, one silver penny toward the fund. There sprung up, around the great metropolitan sees of Can- terbury and York, a number of suffragan bishoprics, which were soon in a flourishing condition. At the Synod of Oloveshove (a. d. 803), twelve bishops rec- ognized Ethelhard, Archbishop of Canterbury, as their metro- politan. The Archbishop of York had three suffragans.^ If, on the one hand, the young Church of England possessed in the quality of her hierarchy a safe pledge of stability and vigorous life, she was, on the other, equally sure that the close relations and frequent intercourse kept up between her clergy and the Church of Ireland would be a guaranty for their proficiency in scientific and theological knowledge. It was thus that Venerable £ede,^ of ITorthumbria, acquired in his own day the title of teacher of his people, and has been recognized as such by every succeeding age down to our own time. Egbert, his dis- ciple, the son of a king. Archbishop of York, and, as an inde- fatigable student, the rival of his master, was the educator of the celebrated Alcuin, to whom the school of York owed its European reputation. But here, as on the continent, the 'The suflFragans of the Archbishop of Canterbury were: Kochester, in Kent; London, in Essex ; Dunwich and Helmham (afterward Norwich), in East An- glia; Dorchester, Winchester, and Sherburne (afterward Salisbury), in Wessex; Selsey (afterward Chichester), in Sussex ; Litchfield (afterward Coventry), Here- ford, Worcester, and Lincoln, in Mercia. The suffragans of the Archbishop of York were: Sydnacester (formerly Lindisfarne, and afterward Durham), Hex- ham (which was destroyed in the devastations of the Danes), and Withern (Casa Candida), the bishopric founded by Ninian for the Southern Picts in Gal- loway. DoUinger, Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 255. (Tb.) ■'See 2 171. 380 Period 2. E-pock 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. progress of the Church was for a time interrupted by the in- vasions of the Barbarians. England was then blessed in pos sessing iu Alfred the Great^ a king equal to the emergency who, not content with having liberated his country from the yoke of the Danes (a. d. 880), forced these now vanquished conquerors to embrace the Christian faith. After having dis- pelled the danger with which the invaders threatened tho nation, he set to work to prevent or correct an evil of a dif- ferent nature, but not less formidable. Lawlessness had in- creased and ignorance become general, and, to provide a rem- edy for both, Alfred framed and published a new code of laws, gathered about him a number of scholars from France either founded or restored the celebrated School of Oxford translated into English the ecclesiastical histories of Orosim and Venerable Bede, the celebrated treatise of Boethius " Ori the Consolation of Philosophy" the " Pastoral Rule " of St Grregory, a portion of the Psalms, and extracts from the works of St. Augustine. In these undertakings he was aided by Phlegmund, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Werfrith, Bishop of Worcester. But even labors so extensive, entered upon from the highest motives, and prosecuted by Alfred at a cost of so much personal toil and painstaking, were found inade- quate to remove the ignorance and correct the immorality which had followed upon the destruction of all educational establishments and monastic retreats by the Danes. Any one who presented himself for ordination was accepted without question, and the more unworthy he was, the more likely was he to prove a successful candidate. In the year 860, the English clergy were openly reproached for keeping concubines, a charge which had never before been brought against them ; and so general and notorious did the vice become among them, that the Council of London, held 1 AsserU Menevensis Annales rer. gest. Alfredi, Oxon. 1722. Stolberg, The Life of Alfred the Great, King of England, Miinster, 1815, Weiss, Hist, of Alfred the Gteat, Sohaffhausen, 1852. Malmesbury relates: "Inter stridores lituorum, inter fremitus armorum leges tulit (Alfred rex), quihus sui et divino cuHui et disciplinae militari assuescerent." On the scientific impulse imparted by Alfred, of. Stolberg, 1. 1., p. 271-287. Staudenmaier, Scotus Erigena, Vol. I., p. 115 sq, 128 sq. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 381 A. D. 944, during the reign of King Edmund, reminded them, in emphatic language, that they were obliged by their state of life to observe the rule of celibacy. The once flourishing and thronged monasteries of England were now deserted and going to ruin, and, in order to find persons to fill them, it was necessary to cross the channel and invite them from France. Among those who had been educated in that country and now passed over to England to restore ecclesiastical life, were Dunstan, Oswald, and others, besides many more in succeed- ing years. It would seem that France was now paying off a debt of gratitude which she owed to England for services of a similar kind, rendered in by-gone ages. Bat it was not from foreign lands that the chief aid came to England at this time. Of her own sons God graciously deigned to raise up instruments of his mercy. Daring the reign of King Edred, the third son of Edward and the successor to Alfred, Turketul, the chancellor of state, and Dunstan, who held the same office after him, embraced monastic life. The latter was shortly after elected abbot of the monastery of Glastonbury, and the former of that of Croyland, which, being badly out of repair, was restored by him. Dunstan was called from his monastery to be set over the see of "Winchester, whence he was soon transferred to the archbishopric of Canterbury.^ As he rose in dignity, his mind expanded, and he at once de- termined to undertake a thorough reformation of the corrupt and dissolute clergy. The enterprise was taken up with enthusiasm hj Oswald, Bishop of Worcester, and Ethelwold, Bishop of Winchester,^ and powerfully seconded by King Edgar. " Consider," said this exemplary king at the Council of London (a. d. 969), to the venerable Dunstan, " that my father looks down upon 1 The biographies of St. Dunstan, by BrUforth and Osborn {BoUand. m. Maji, T. IV., p. 344); by Osbert (Surius, vitae SS., T. III., p. 309, and Wharton, Aug], sacra, T. II., p. 211-226, under the name of Eadmer; then follows scrutiniuni do corpore St. Dunstani, p. 227-233). See Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 675, legos ctr. clerioos conjugatos. '^Kaierkamp, Ch. H., Vol. IV., p. 516-522. ^Eadmeri Vita St. Oswald! ( Wharton, T. II., p. 191-210). Wolstani Vita St. Ethelwoldi [Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. St. Ben. saeo. V.) Cf WilUns, Concilia Magnae Britan. et Hibern., Lond. 1737, T. I. Stolherg-Eerg, Pt. XXXI., p. 367-386. 382 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. you from high Heaveu. Heed the words of grief in which he complains of the ruin of monasteries and churches which it gave him so much pleasure to build while on earth. Your warnings have been set at naught, and it now behooves you to have recourse to more severe measures for the chastise- ment of ofl'enders. Go forward with the work, and the royal authority will sustain your judgments and enforce your com- mands. Drive the unworthy from ecclesiastic offices, and fill their places with men of virtue and ability:" Finally, Pope John XIII. gave the sanction of his author- ity to the work Of the servant of God, and now a determined and uncompromising war was carried on against the vices of a rebellious and corrupt clergy, on the one hand, while, on the other, the reformation of monasteries went on simulta- neously, and thus were emissaries provided for training the rising generation of ecclesiastics. Qj a conciliar enactment, the clergy in major orders were obliged either to observe the rule of celibacy or surrender their benefices. Bishop Oswald of Worcester, anxious to introduce a re- formation in his diocese, but unable to displace the corrupt clergy who occupied the old cathedral church, built another at a short distance from it, which was served by the regular clergy, and where he himself said Mass. jMany of the canons attached to the old cathedral, seeing themselves abandoned by the people, became monks, and after a time the church reverted to the bishop, who handed it over to the Benedic- tines. While the example of Oswald was followed in many in- stances, Dunstan enforced in numerous synods the canonical rule of celibacy, and King Edgar saw to it that these synodal enactments were carried into effect. With the death of Edgar and Dunstan (a. d. 988) ended the last period of glory of the Anglo-Saxon Church. Conflicts again broke out between the Anglo-Saxons and the Danes, who had settled in the island since the reign of King Alfred, and culminated, on ISTovember 13, a. d. 1002, in the frightful massacre of such of the latter as had taken up their abode in Saxon provinces. By the accession of Edward the Confessor (a. d. 1042-1066), 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. SSc the scepter was restored to the ancient royal house of Britain ; the island again enjoyed an interval of peace, and the bonds uniting the Church of England to the Apostolic See of Rome were strengthened. Ireland. — The Irish Church, founded and firmly established by the labors of St. Patrick, early reached a high degree of perfection and enjoyed a large measure of prosperity. There went forth annually from her cloister-schools numbers of learned and pious ecclesiastics, both native and foreign, the latter being chiefly Anglo-Saxons, who labored successfully, both in England and on the continent. But, after the year 795, Ireland shared the ravages which at that time were deso- lating England. Both Danes and Normans made descents upon the island, and, true to their bai'barous instincts, carried desolation wherever they went — pulled down churches and destroyed many of the most flourishing seats of ecclesiastical learning. As a co^nsequeuce, many Irish bishops, priests, and monks sought an asylum either in England or on the conti- nent. A naturally restless disposition and an inclination to travel were thus quickened and sharpened by actual expe- rience, and it was no unusual thing to see Irish priests quit- ting their own land and immigrating to foreign countries, by way of preference and from love of variety. Fortunately, about the year 800, the Irish clergy were re- leased from the duty of following their princes to the field of battle; but their old martial spirit again revived during the ceaseless conflicts which they were obliged to carry on against the Danes, and priests and abbots were to be seen in the thick of the fight. At the opening of the ninth century, the jurisdiction, or "Law of St. Patrick," as it was called, of the metropolitan see of Armagh, was extended over the whole island. One of the most striking phenomena in the history of the Irisli Church of these times, was the practice of uniting the epis- copal and royal authority in one person, of which the case of Olchobair Mac Kennedy, who was both Bishop of Emly and King of Cashel (a. d. 846), was the first instance. The most famous of these royal bishops was the warlike Cormac Mac Callinan, Bishop of Cashel and King of Munster, who was 384 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Ghafter 4. slain in battle in the year 908. He was as scholarly as war- like, and is the author of the famous book known as the Psalter of Cashel. About the year 927, the metropolitan see of Armagh passed into the hands of a powerful family, by whom it was retained for two hundred years. The representatives of this family being temporal princes, were called the lords of Armagh, and succeeded each other on the archiepiscopal throne, thus unit- ing in their several persons the civil and ecclesiastical juris- diction. Out of this abuse sprang another and far worse one. These men, though they were married, and had never taken orders, or received episcopal consecration, assumed the title, rights, and prerogatives attached to the office of an arch- bishop, in all things except purely spiritual functions, which they left to bishops to perform. About the middle of the eleventh century, the bulk of the Danes, who had settled in Ireland, had been converted to Christianity, and in the year 1040, or thereabout, obtained a bishop for themselves, with his see at Dublin. The first to oc- cnpy this see was Donatus, and the nest Patrick, who, though an Irishman, was consecrated (1074) in England by Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, to whom, as well as to his suc- cessors, he promised canonical obedience. It would appear from this that the see of Dublin was a sufi:ragan of that of Canterbury, but as no other Irish church ever stood in the same relation to an English see, it is more than probable that the Danes of Dublin sought this alliance because of the ties of relationship and common descent subsisting between them and the ISTormans, who were then supreme in England. Besides the great number of Irish monks who were scat- tered here and there in the various monasteries of the conti- nent, there were others who possessed their own cloisters, and lived by themselves. These Irish cloisters were espe- <;ially numerous in Germany, where they were erected by the people out of gratitude for the great part taken by Irish monks in the work of their conversion. They served as schools for the German youth, and as hospices for Irish pil- grims traveling to Rome. Charles the Bald, in a capitulary of 845, speaks of the Hospices [Hospitia Scotorum), which § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 385 Irishmen had founded in E^rance for the convenience of their countrymen. Among the Irish monasteries in France were those of St. Symphorian at Metz, of St. Vannes at Verdun, and of St. Martin at Cologne. Both Greek and Irish monks dwelt in the same monastery in the diocese of Toul, and sang the divine office together in the Greek language. An Irisli monastery was founded at Erfurt, in the year 1036, and about the same time quite a number of Irishmen entered the abbc}' of Fulda.i The Scotch monastery at Ratisbon existed until very re- cently, and that of Vienna, founded in 1155, and chartered in 1158 by Henry Jasomirgott, first Duke of Austria, for the Scotch or Ii'isli Benedictines, is still in a flourishing condi- tion, but has now passed out of the hands of those for whom it was originally founded.^ By the word Scoti, which is used so frequently in the eccle- siastical history of Germany, Italy, and France during this period, we are to understand, not natives of JSTorthern Brit- ain or the present Scotland — -a greater part of which at the time of which we are speaking belonged to the kingdom of l^orthumbria, and was consequently under the dominion ol the Anglo-Saxons — but Irish monks, who were then univer- sally known as Scoti. Those who were correctly called Scots, inhabited the country of Argyle and the adjoining territory, and were comparatively few in number. ITeither had they schools of such a character as to be able to send out evangel- izers and learned monks, capable of gaining eminent distinc- tion in other lauds. ^ Many Irish scholars during this period rose to eminence, and became famous for works on theology and science. Among the best known of these is Virgilius (Feargil or Ver- egil), who became bishop of Salzburg in 756. Previously to this time, he had been engaged in controversy with St. Boni- face, first regarding a formula of baptism, which ran, "i?i ' Soe Dolllnge-r, Ch. H., Eng. trans., Vol. III., p. 265 sq., London, 1841. (Tk.) "■ Geschichte der Stadt Wien, by Fr. Tschischka, Stuttgart, 1847, p. 65. (Tr.) » DoUinger, Ch. Hist., 1. c. (Tk.) VOL. II — 25 380 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. nomine. Patria et Filia et Spiritua Sancta," and was used by some ignorant persons in conferring the Sacrament, which, Boniface asserted, was invalid, and Virgilius denied; and next regarding tlie existence of antipodes, which Virgilius affirmed and Boniface denied. Virgilius was right in hoih instances. The two questions were referred to Pope Zachary, who decided that the formula was valid, but denied the pos- sibility of the existence of antipodes,^ because, as he argued, the admission would imply the existence of another world, inhabited by a race of men entirely different in origin from ourselves. Another eminent Irish scholar of this period is Sedulius (Sheil), Abbot of Kildare, who is the author of a commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew (entitled Colleda- neum in liatthaeum), and probably of another on the Epistles of St. Paul, which now goes nnder his name.^ Dungal, his contemporary, lectured at Pavia, and was the opponent of Claudius of Tui'iu, in the controversy concerning the use of images. Some time later lived John Scofus Erigena,^ Marianiis Scotus, who, in the year 1056, quitted the cloister of Clonard, and took up his i-esidence in the Irish monastery at Cologne, whence he went to Eulda, and was afterward ordained priest at Salzburg. In 1073 he founded the monastery of St. Peter, at Eatisbon. Among his writings is a, Chronicle, containing much valuable information on the history of the Irish, and of their settlements on the continent. Scotland. — The monastery founded by St. Columba on the island of Hy, contained nearly all Irish monks, and continued for a long time to be the nursery of those missionaries who preached the Gospel in North Britain. Previously to the year 843, when the Picts and Scots united and became one nation, there was no established bishopric in Caledonia. In the year 849, King Kenneth, the conqueror of the Picts, built an episcopal church at Dunkeld, dedicated to St. Columba, and a house for ecclesiastics, where the bishop resided. It I Kraus, Ch. Hist., Vol. II., p. 228. (Tk.) 'Dixon, Introd. to the S. Script., Vol. II., p. 216. (Tr.) ^ He styled himself Jerugena, i. e. iepobyeva — a native of the Itpof wjcof — In- sula Sanctorum ; but it is alsp probable that the word Jerugena may be derived from Erin (The Green, i. e, Island), the Celtic name for Ireland. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of EurojK. 387 would appear that the Bishop of Dunkeld enjoyed a primacy over the whole Scottish Church until the close of the ninth century, when the metropolitan see was transferred to St. j^ndrew's.^ The clergy were chiefly monks and Culdees, so ^alled from Keledei (in Celtic, Ceile De), signifying, according to one interpretation, "servants of God," and according to another, those living in a community, but who were evi- dently only canons, who had adopted the rule of life given by Chrodegang of Metz. They are first mentioned in the history of Scotland, in the latter half of the ninth century.^ In every diocese where there existed a community of Cul- dees, they always claimed the right of choosing one of their own number to fill the episcopal see when a vacancy occurred ; and those of the meti'opolitan see of St. Andrew, besides claiming a precedence before every other Scottish religious community, also maintained that their consent was necessary to the appointment of a bishop to any see in the country. About the close of this epoch, there were altogether thirteen communities of them in Scotland. But their number, after this time, sensibly decreased — some withdrawing from com- munity life to live in separate dwellings, and others to marry. Efforts were made by the bishops to reform them, but to little purpose, and their houses and churches were in consequence put in possession of regular canons, the greater part of whom came from England. King David I. gave the Kuldee cloister of Dunfermline to a colony of thirteen canons from Canter- bury. In the metropolitan see of St. Andrew's there existed, in the thirteenth century, a community of Culdees, who held places by inheritance from their relatives, side by side with a community of regular canons. The former disputed the right of the latter to elect the archbishop, and the case hav- ing been sent to Eorne for settlement, was decided by Pope Boniface Vlli. (a. d. 1297) in favor of the regular canons. ' Cf. the small Chronicles, in Junes, Critical Essay, London, 1729, 4to, 2 vols., and in Plnkerton, Inquiry into the Ancient History of Scotland, London, 1789, 2 vols. '' Braun, de Culdeis commentatio historico-eccles., Bonnae, 1840, 4to. 388 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. The Culdees are first mentioned as existing in Ireland, at Armagh, in the year 921, and, though not numerous, always lived according to the ancient practice followed by the priests who served the cathedral, in community life, after the manner of monks. Eesides this community, there were seven otl:ers scattered through Ireland, viz., those of Clonmacnois, Cloii- ilalkin, Devenish, Clones, Popull, Monanincha, and Sligo. About the year 936, and for some time after, there was a community of Culdees at the Cathedral of York, in Eng- land.i Spain. — The Spanish Church, which had been placed upon a permanent footing during the reign of the Visigoth king Eeccared, derived very great advantage frorci the wise ordi- nances of the plenary councils of Toledo, which, in the latter half of the present epoch, were quite numerous, and held within short intervals of each oiher.^ Another beneficial effect of these measures was to put an end to secular interference in spiritual matters, and to secure to the Church — but for the good and in the interest of the State — a share in the administration of civil afi"airs.^ The seventeenth Council of Toledo (a. d. 694) directed that civil affairs should not be taken up for discussion until after the close of the first three days during which ec- clesiastical questions were determined, and none but clerics were admitted. The kings of Spain being at this time elec- tive, the bishops, by the superior number of suffrages within their control, exercised a preponderating influence in choos- ing them; and as they had the power o± placing the king on the throne, so were they his firmest support after he had reached it. ' DolUnger, Ch. Hist., Engl, trans., Vol. III., p. 267 sq. (Tr.) '^Eulogii Cordubens. memoriale sanotor.; apologeticus pro martyr.; adhor- tatio ad martyr., and epp. (max. bibl., T. XV., and SchoUi Hlspania illustrata, T. IV.) Pauli Alvari indiculus lumlnosus, Samsonis Abbat. Cordub. apologeti- cus (Espafia sagrada, ed. III., Matrit. 1792, T. XI.) Cf. Stolberg-Kerz, Ft. XXVIII., p. 380-432. 3 The numerous councils of Toledo : Toletanura IV. in the year 633 ; Tolet V 636; Tolet. VI. 638; Tolet. VII. 646; Tolet. VIII. 653; Tolet. IX. 655; Tolet. X. 656; Gone. Emesitense, 666; Cone. Augustodun. 670; Tolet, XI. 373; Bra- carense III. 675; Tolet. XII. 681; Tolet. XIII.-XVII. 683, 684, 688, 093, 694; Caesar-Augustan. III. 691. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Edrope. 389 Witiza (a. d. 701-710), one of these kings, by his disorderly and incontinent life, not only gave a most pernicious example to the clergy, Avho were still under the influence of the vices of the age, and more or less inclined to imitate the royal profligate, but also declared that the decretals of popes en- joining the I'ule of celibacy were not binding upon priests, and thereby broke ofi:' the harmonious relations which had heretofore existed between Spain and the Apostolic See, ab- ruptly checked the prosperous course of the Spanish Chui-ch, and paved the way to its almost total destruction during the period of the Saracen invasions (a. d. 711 sq.) "While the Mohammedans bore sway in Spain, the Church enjoyed al times a partial toleration, but, as a rule, was the victim of tyrannous oppression. The Goths, under their king, Pela- gius, withdrew to the fastnesses of the mountains of Asturias, where they gallantly defended for some years their faith and the practice of its worship, till, encouraged by some success- ful encounters, they came forth from the mountain defiles, descended into the plains, and assaulted and captured the cities of Oviedo, Tuy, Leon, and Astorga (a. d. 795-842). Oviedo became an episcopal see, and Leon the residence of the Chris- tian kings. About the middle of the ninth century, Eneco Arista, Count of Borgia, encouraged by these brilliant suc- cesses, laid the foundation of the kingdom of Navarre, and, two centuries later, the adjoining Christian kingdoms oi Ara- gon and Castile came into existence. The Christians of Spain, who lived in the midst of Arabs and under Mohammedan rule, though enjoying only a precarious toleration of worship, retained, all through these years of trial and conflict, their ancient ecclesiastical organization, consisting of twenty-nine episcopal and three archiepiscopal sees ; and, notwithstanding that they were compelled to pay a heavy monthly capitation tax, they not unfrequently filled important government offices. But, apart from all this, the fiery fanaticism of the Moham- medans, while constantly interfering with the toleration of Christian practices, frequently took a more offensive form and broke out into violent expressions of contempt for everything connected with the Catholic faith. The sign of the Cross was reviled and outraged, the ringing of bells ridiculed, and •390 'Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. priests insulted. The Christians, irritated beyond human en- durance, refused to submit to such indignities, and their pro- test was seized upon as a pretext for the terrible persecutions against them during the caliphate of Abd-er-Rhaman II., Mohammed 7., and Abd-er-Iihaman III. (a. d. 850-960.) It will be remembered that, during the continuance of the per- secutions by the Eoman emperors, many Christians, either from a lack of moral courage or because they dreaded the terrible ci'uelties to which they would be subjected, lost heart and gave up their faith. The same thing took place in Spain under the Mohammedans; and, as if to leave no escape to the Christians, the very silence of such as were dragged be- fore the tribunal was accepted by their judges as sufficient evidence of their guilt. But if there were some deplorable acts of apostasy, there were others of heroic courage. There was a long line of martyrs, who met death calmly indeed, but intrepidly, rather than deny their God. At their head was the Priest {Perfectus) of Cordova, then the seat of the caliphate; and, besides many other persons of rank and distinction, JEulogius, the Archbishop-elect of Toledo; Au- relius, who was quite young, and Sabigotha, his wife, who was still younger. The desire for martyrdom in time grew to be uselessly eager, and the Council of Cordova (a. d. 852) accordingly cautioned pei'sons against unnecessarily putting themselves in the way of it. When the monk John, from the monastery of St. Gorze, near Metz, went to Spain on an embassy from Otho I., he had some intention of interfering in behalf of the Christians, but they besought him to take no such step, as its only efi'ect would be to render their con- dition worse, and hints of similar import were addressed to liim by the Saracens.^ One of the bishops, speaking to him on the same subject, said : " "We have passed under the do- minion of a stranger because of our sins, and it is not lawful, :is St. Paul says,^ to resist those whom God has set over us ; but in our trials the consolation of living according to the principles of our faith is still left us." ' Vita Abbatis Gorziensis (Bollandus, Acta SS. ad diem 27, mens. Febr., § 122. Fcriz, T. VI., p. 872. ' Eom. xiii. 2. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 391 This condition of affairs necessarily relaxed the bonds that united the Spanish Church to the Apostolic See ; but more intimate relations were restored by Pope Leo IX., as we learn from the acts of the Council of Tolosa, held a. d. 1055, during the pontificate of Victor II. N"ot long after, the nine bish- ops of Aragon, assembled (a. d. 1060) at Jacca, in the province of Biscay, by a unanimous vote, resolved to give up the Gothic and adopt the Roman liturgy. Notwithstanding tlic action of these bishops, it was not until the pontificate of Gregory VII., and after many eflbrts had 'been made by Pope Alexander II., that the Mozarabic liturgy, which had been frequently defended by ordeals of fire and sword, was alto- gether given up (1080). It will be seen, from the above statement of the condition of the Church in the various countries of Europe, that the religious life of the people depended, in a large measure, upon circumstances of time, place, and national character- istics, and that at the close of the ninth century and the open- ing of the tenth, the Church, notably in Italy and in some portions of the former Frankish Empire, had fallen from the high position to which she had been raised by Charlemagne to as low a depth as she could well reach, chiefly because the authority of her Head, the source of her life, strength, and energy, wa.s paralyzed in its action and influence upon the body ecclesiastic. In the midst of the turmoil and conflict of parties, it was but natural that the clergy should be distinguished by igno- rance rather than learning; and, this being the case, it was equally natural that the bulk of the people should grow up vi^ithout the necessary religious instruction and information. Such was, in matter of fact, the condition of things. People grew worldly and sensual ; religion was, in many instances, little better than a gross and degrading superstition ; the ven- eration paid to the saints was but a few removes from Pagan- ism ; the reverence given to images was excessively exag- gerated ; and so complete was the reliance placed upon the 392 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. issue of every sort of ordeals^ that the voice of bishops and the decrees of councils were powerless against them. The powerful nobles of the empire indulged in acts of reckless violence, and, there being no secular power capable of either restraining or suppressing them, there was an imx^erative call upon the Church to interpose her spiritual authority, if not in a domain, certainly in a manner unknown to her previous history. The belief, then prevalent throughout the whole West, that the year oue thousand would bring with it the end of the world and the general judgment,^ while it greatly in- creased the existing evils, was not without its beneficial re- sults. Such as regarded the dreaded catastrophe from a religious point of view set about putting their consciences in order, and great numbers them went on pilgrimages to Eome and the Holy Land.^ Baronius, who in his ^^ Annals" gives a somewhat exag- gerated account of the rudeness and moral depravity of this "Age of Iron," is at some pains, before entering upon the history of the tenth century, to warn his readers in advance against taking scandal from what follows. " Let not the weak," he saj's, "be scandalized when they behold the abomination of desolation seated in the temple ; but let them rather marvel and give thanks to God, who watches over the Church and and has her in His keeping, in that He did not visit upon her, in the midst of these abominations, the desolation that came upon the Temple of old." "And," he goes on to say, after a few sentences, " what was the cause of all these evils, whence so violent and destructive a storm ?" " They are plainly," he answers, " from a cause such as no one could either suspect or believe, unless he should, so to speak, see it with his eyes ' See ? 167 sub fin. - Many documents of this epoch open thus : Appropinquante mundi termino; then also were made the greatest number of donations for the endowment of Ciiurches. Glaber Radulph., lib. III., c. 4, relates: Infra millesimum tertiojam fere imrninente anno contigit in universe paene terrarum orbe, praecipue tamen in Italia et in Galliis, innovari ecclesiarura basilicas, licet pleraeque decenter locatae minime indiguisseut, etc. ■' Glaber Radulph., lib. IV., c. (J : Per idem tempus (about 1033) ex universo orbe tam innumerabilis multitudo coepit confluere ad sepulcrum Salvatoria HieroBolymis, quantam nullus hominum prius sperare poterat. § 200. The Church in the Leading Countries of Europe. 393 and touch it with his hands, viz., the unspeakable indignities which were put upon the Apostolic See by princes calling themselves Christians, but, in this instance, certainly the most wicked of tyrants. When they took into their own hands the right of electing pontiffs to fill the Apostolic See, which even the angels of Heaven revere, such were the monsters whom they intruded into the chair of Peter that the very thought of them weighs the heart down with sadness."' But, even in the midst of darkness so intense and of wick- edness so astounding, the Holy Ghost was still at work in the Church and giving visible tokens of His presence in the holy lives and apostolic zeal of some fathers of the tenth century. Many of them, like Elias and John the Baptist of old, boldly and oj)enly rebuked the vices of the world, while others cul- tivated virtue in silence and retirement, and advanced daily in well-doing and perfection. The number of holy personages and flourishing institutions Avhich there has been occasion to mention while setting forth the condition of the Church in the Trankish and German Empires, in Italy, the British Islands, and Spain,^ will afford suflicient proof of the culture of the tenth century to pre- vent one from hastily concluding that it was wholly barbar- ous and immoral. From the middle of the eleventh century, when the Holy See began gradually to regain its former dignity and author- ity, and to be filled with men whose virtues added a fresh luster to its ancient glory, a new life-stream broke forth from that fountain-head of the hierarchy, and infused fresh vigor into the entire body of the Church. The character of the times underwent a corresponding change; people grew more honorable, more pure, more earnest, and the improvement in public morals became still more marked and general after the introduction of the Truce of God. ' Cf. Palma, Prasl. Hiat. Eocl., Yol. II., p. 108 sq. ; Billuart, Vol. IS., p. 287, and Baronius, Ann. Ecol., T. X., pp. 629, 630. (Te.) ■'Siolberg-Kerz, Pt. XXXI., p. 444-504; Pt. XXXII., p. 426 sq.; Pt. XXXIII. p. 439-525. 394 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. § 201. Beligious Worship during This Epoch. Ordo Eomanus do divin. ofBciis per totius anni circul. (eightli century.) Amiu larii, Chorepiso. Metens., de divin. officiis, libb. IV., ad Ludov. imperat. (819- 827.) Rabani Mauri de Clericor. Institutione et Ceremon. Eccl., libb. III. (819), and de Sacris Ordinib., Sacramentis Divin. et Vestimentis Sacerdot. Walafried Straio (t849), de Exordiis et Increment, rer. Ecclesiastic, seu de Officiis Divinis. Ivo Carnoten. (tlll5), de Ecclesiast. Sacramentis et offic. ao praecipuis per an- num Festis Sermones (XXI.), collected in de Divin. Cath. Eool. Officiis varii vett. Patrum ac Scriptt. libri., ed. Hittorpius (Col. 1568, Eom. 1591), Paris, 1624; on the Feasts: £inierim, Memorabilia, Vol. V., Pt. I., and especially the Acta Sanctorum, by BoUandus, on the respective feasts, -where their origin and progress are carefully traced. As the Gernians are fond of noise and display, a public worship, to be acceptable to them, must be accompanied with a certain pomp and magnificence. This outward display had a higher office than the mere gratification of the senses. It spoke to an ignorant and sensuous people, in a language that was perfectly intelligible, of the great mysteries and the deep symbolism of the Christian religion. The cupolas and arches of the Romans were transferred to Germany, to be made sub- Bervient to the honor and glory of the God of Heaven and Earth ; and the graceful columns, the rich ornamentation, and the crypts and raised choirs of the Pomanesque style of architecture, found admirers and imitators among the inhab- itants of these recently converted countries. Pells, which were now swung in bell-towers detached from the churches, or in steeples artistically finished, were consecrated, or, as it was generally called, baptized ; and from this usage arose the custom of giving to each of them the name of some saint. Some of the churches were constructed of stone, but as a rule they were of wood ; and, of those in France, one of the handsomest was the church of the abbey of St. George, at Rocheville ; but even this was surpassed by the magnificent church of Clugny. In Germany, the most notable churches were those of St. Michael, at liildesheim, built by Bishop Bernward ; of Bamberg, built by Henry II. ; and of Goslar, built by Henry III. § 201. Religious Worship during This Epoch. 395 Architects, painters, and sculptors were as yet all ecclesias- tics or lay-brothers belonging to the monasteries.' ISTevv feasts were added, and pretty geyierally accepted,^ to those which had been long observed in the Graeco-Eoman Empire.^ Such were the feasts of the Annunciation (March 25th), and of the Purification (February 2d), which in the West- ern Church took the place of the feast of the Presentation of Christ in the Temple, celebi*ated in the Eastern. To add still more to the honor of the Mother of Christ, two more feasts having special reference to her, and sanctioned by the tradi- tion of the first three centuries, were introduced, viz., the Assumption*' (Assumptio B. M. V., August 15th) and the Nativ- ity (September 8th) of the Blessed Virgin. The origin and general adoption of the feast of St. Michael (dedicatio St. Michaelis, September 29th) were due to a celebrated appari- tion of the archangel in one of the churches of Rome.^ It 1 Kreuser, Christian. Arcliitecture, Vol. I., p. 265-328. Laib and Sohwarz, For- malism of the Romanesque and Gothic Styles of Architecture, 2d ed., Stuttgart, 1858. 2 The enumeration of the customary feasts, Cone. Agathon., a. 506, can. 21 (Harduin, T. II., p. 1000) ; Capitular., lib. I., c. 158. Cone. Mogunt., a. 813, can. 36 : Pestos dies in anno celebrare sancimus. Hoc est, diem Dominicam Pasehae cum omni honore et sobrietate venerari, simili modo totam hebdomadem illam observari decrevimus. Diem Ascenslon-ls Domini pleniter celebrare. Item Pen- teeosten similiter, ut in Pascha. In Natali Apostolorum Petri et Paul!, diem unum. Nativiiatem S. Joannis BapUstae, Assumpttonem. S. Mariae, Dedicationem S. Miehaelis, Natalem S. Retnigii, S. Martini, S. Andreae. In NataVt Domini dies quatuor, Octavas Domini, Epiplianlam Domini, Purifieationem S. Mariae. Et illas Festivitaies Martyrum, vel Gonfessorum observare decrevimus, quorum in una- quaque Parochia sancta corpora requiescunt. Similiter etiam Dedleationem templi. 'See Vol. I., 5? 93 and 134. ■•The account given by Epip}ian. baeres. 78, nr. 11; more positive, in Oregor. Tiiron. de glor. Mart., lib. I., c. 4; Andreas Cretensis (about 650), Homil. in dor- mitionem Mariae [Galland. bibl., T. XIII., p. 147) ; still more so in Joan. Damas- ecri. X6yoL y' eif Tf/v icolfiT/aiv — iJeo-d/iou. According to Nieephor. Galltsti Hist. Eccl. II., 21 sq., XV. 14, and ibid. XVII. 28, Emperor Mauritius ordered the celebration of the Koi/irjei-g Tyq -SEordicov on the 15th of August. Cf. Bolland. Acta Uanctor. ad 15. Aug. If the tradition of the assumption of Mary into heaven be likewise found in apocryphal books, this is no proof that these are the only sources of our information, and that the respective liturgical prayers are derived therefrom. Butler, Lives of the Saints, Vol. VII. Binterim, Memor., Pt. V., p. 425-439. See Vol. I., p. 185. ° See Vol. I., p. 705. Some moderns say, an angel (the archangel Michael, aa Piazza has it,) was 396 Period 2. Upoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. aerved to bring vividly before the mind of the people the ex- istence of a world of spirits and to impress upon them the truth that a constant intercourse is kept up between the ChurcVi militant upon earth and the Church triumphant in Heaven. It was also in admirable accord with the warlike character and traditions of the Germans, who placed their arms and their fatherland under the protection of heavenly hosts Special honor was paid in France to St. Remigius of Rheims and St. Martin of Tours. The writings- of Denys the Areo- pagite, coming into the possession of Pepin, revived the memory of a Christian hero who had borne martyrdom for the faith in the Decian persecution ;' and as there had been a bishop of Paris, named Denys, who had also suffered martyr- dom, people soon began to confound him with the contem- porary of the apostles. The memory of St. James the Greater was held in special honor in Spain, the scene of his apostolic labors, particularly after the supposed finding of his body at Compostella (a. d. 791-842). His reputed remains were highly venerated, and he himself chosen by the Spaniards as their patron in war. St. Arnulph was very much revered by the Germans, and the church dedicated to his honor at Metz gradually assumed the importance of a national shrine. But, lest the number of saints should become too numerous by the admission of such as did not deserve the title, the royal capitularies recom- mended great caution in the selection.^ Prom the close of seen sheathing his sword on the stately pile of Adrian's sepuloher on the cessa- tion of the pestilence, shortly before Pope Gregory I.'s elevation. But no such circumstance is mentioned by St. Gregory of Tours, Bede, Paul, or John. But- ler's Lives of the SS., 12th of March. (Te.) > Saeberlin, Selecta de Mich. Archangelo, Helmst. 1758, 4to. Bolland. ad 29. Sept. 2 Acts xvii. 34. ^ Capital, a. 794, c. 40: Ut null! novi Sancti colantur aut invocentur, ne me- moriae eorum per vias erigantur; sed ii soli in ecclesia venerandi sint, qui ex auctoritate passionum aut vitae merito electi sint. (Baluz, T. I., p. 194.) Capit. a. 805, c 17: De ecclesiis seu Sanctis noviter sine auctoritate inventis, nisi Epts- copo probanle minime venerentur. Salva etiam et de hoc et de omnibus eccle- »iae canonim auctoritate. .[Baluz, T. I., p. 299.) § 201. Religious Worship durivg This Epoch. 397 the tenth century onward, the duty of watching over and regulating the veneration to be paid to the saints devolved entii'ely upon the Holy See, and Pope Alexander III. (a. d. 1170) foi'mally reserved this right to the Eoman pontiffs. The first instance of a process of "canonization" regularly insti- tuted and decreed by the Pope was that of St. Ulrich, Bishop of Augsburg, who died a. d. 973, and was declared a saint, A. D. 993, by John XV.^ The capitularies also enjoined the celebration of the feasts of the Church as a solemn duty, and ordered the closing of all courts of judicature upon such days.^ Finally, the feast of All Saints, instituted by Boniface IV. (ISTovember 1st), was very genei-ally introduced among the Germans in the ninth century. There is a pious tradition, according to which Odilo, Abbot of Clugnij, connected with this feast a commemoration of the soids of the faithful departed, and ordered it to be made in all the monasteries of his order (a. d. 998). This holy practice was soon taken up, and gen- erally accepted as an expression of the Catholic belief in Purgatory, and of the close intercourse between the living and the dead ; and eventually a special day (November 2d) was set apart for this devotion, and classed among the days of devotion of the Church.^ The feasts instituted in honor of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the numerous and exquisite hymns composed in her praise, are so many tokens of the abundance of Christian love that went out to her, and an evidence that the venera- tion in which she was held by the Catholic Church grew in 1 Concll. Roman, a. 993, in Mansl, T. SIX., p. 169. Barduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 727 (pro canonizatione St. Udalrioi Augustani). Cf. MabiU. Praef. ad Acta SS. Ord. Ben. saeo. V., num. 99 sq. Benedicius XIV., de Beatificat. et Canoniz., lib. I., 0. 7, 8. Cf. the art. Canonization, in tlie Freiburg Ecel. Cyclopaed. 'Capitulaie III. a. 789, o. 18: Ut in dominicis diebus conventus et placita publica non faciant, nisi forte pro magna necessitate, aut hostilitate cogeute, sed omnes ad Eoclesiam recurrant ad audiendum verbum Dei, et orationibus vel justis operibus vaoent. Similiter et in festivitatibus praeclaris Deo et Ecclesiao conventui deserviant, et saeoularia placita dimittant. ^ Mabill. Acta SS. Ord. Ben. saec. VI., Pt. I., p. 584. Peir. Damiani, Vita Odilon, c. 10. (Bolland. Acta SS. m. Jan., T. I., p. 74 sq.); Siegebert. Oemblac, ad a. 998. 398 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. beauty and intensity as years went oii.^ The whole hnman family took up the words of the angelical salutation — " Hail, Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women" — and went on repeating them, with increas- ing warmth and devotion, till their very souls mounted up to the throne of the glorious Queen who reigns triumphantly in Heaven. The whole body of the faithful thus gave ex- pression to their joy, their confidence, and their love in a prayer at once concise and full of meaning, comprehending, within the compass of a few words, stupendous mysteries of faith and the most important facts in the history of Redemp- tion. Again putting together this prayer a certain number of times, and wreathing it into a crown of living roses, they presented the garland to the Mother of God as a token of their tender love and child-like confidence. It has been very erroneously asserted that this mode of prayer, called the liosary (corona Mariana, rosarium, psalterium St. Virginis), was introduced, after the age of the (Jrusades, from the East, where it was in use among the Arabs ; whereas the ti'uth is, it had existed, though not iu so elaborate a form, in the West, centuries before, and was probably first used in the fourth century by the monk Macarius the Younger, whose whole life was one continuous prayer.^ It was his wont to say three hundred prayers daily, and, in order that he might know when he had got to the end of his task, he put three hundred pebbles into his lap before starting, and cast one of them 1 Those well-known hymns of the Church, "Salve regina," "Ave maris Stella," "Alma redemptoris mater," (but not "Omni die die Mariae,") etc., all owe their origin to this part of our epoch, included between the ninth to the eleventh century. Cf. -\ Hergenroether, The Veneration of Mary during the first ten cen- turies of the Church, Miinster, 1870. 2 This office was first composed of canticles, as may be seen in the chapter of St. Ulrich of Augsburg (924). Cf. Mabillon, Annal. Bened., lib. XLII., nro. 71 ; Saturday was consecrated to Mary, according to St. Peter Damian, Opusc. XXXIII., c. 3. Urban II. made this office obligatory on the clergy at the 'Council of Clermont, 1095. The addition of the Angelical salutation to' the ■ Our Father" was made first in the English monasteries. Cf. Mahillon, 1. c, lib. LVIII., nros. 69, 70, ad annum 1044. Concerning the Eosary, as developed in its present form by St. Dominic in the thirteenth century, cf . Binterim, Mem., T. VI., Pt. I., p. 89-136. The Devotion of the Rosanj, a Religious Meditation, Tiibg. 1842. § 201. .Religious Worship during This Epoch. 399 away after reciting each prayer. Palladius states that the abbot Paul, of the desert of Ferme, had a similar custom. Even in the Penitentiary-books used in the West, twenty or thirty "Our Fathers" are frequently' assigned as a penance.' In England, the inventiveness of piety suggested the ar- rangement of a number of Pater Nosters into a sort of circle or belt (beltidum, cingulum, girdle), which, little by little, was transformed into a Rosari/ in honor of the Blessed Virgin Mary. In the absence of devotional works, this mode of prayer furnished the people an easy and eiEcacious means of edification',- suited to their wants and within their capacity. The devotion to the Blessed Virgin became still more general after the opening of the eleventh century. Saturday was especially dedicated to her honor. Peter Damian composed a particular office (Officium Mariae), which he had introduced into many of the monasteries of Italy; and the "Angelical Salutation" was combined with the "Lord's Prayer," though the use of this form of prayer did not become general till later on. The Germans received the Christian faith with reverence, and conscientiously preserved it in its integrity as it came to them from the Greeks and Romans. And if there was any portion of it which appealed to them with more force, and of which they were more sensitive than another, it was that which comprehended the seven Saerameids and their symbol- ism and ceremonies. Amalarius of Metz, whose name is given at the head of this paragraph, gave the people a course of instructions upon the meaning of ecclesiastical ceremonies and the Sacred Liturgy. With regard to the administration of the sacrament of baptism, the rule of the early ages of tlie Church was followed, and it was ordained that it should be conferred only on the great feasts of Easter and Pentecost, and that the primitive ceremonies should be observed.^ It was unfortunately necessary to enact many decrees against such as put off the baptism of their children beyond a twelve- ^Du Fi-esne, Glossarium med. and inf. Latinit. sub verb. Capellina, wants to lind the origin of the Rosary in the penitential boolis. ^Capitulare an. 804, o. 10: Ut nullus baptizare praesumat nisi in Pascha ot Pentecoste, excepto infirmo {Baluz., T. I., p. 294), and oftener. 400 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. month.^ There were also marij' complaints against such as neglected to call in the priest at the approach of death and receive the Sacrament of Extreme Unction. Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, imposed upon all persons dangerously ill the duty of calling in the priest and receiving the Sacred Unction at his hands, as recommended by the words of the apostle; and the Council of Pavia (a. d. 850) is still more instant on this point. Such of the sick as were unworthy of receiving Holy Communion were to be deprived of Extreme Unction also.^ In the matter of marriages between persons nearly related, the Church maintained a most determined attitude, refusing to those who contracted such marriages the benediction of the 'priest, and threatening the refractory with sentence of excom- munication. The secular power co-operated with the Church in this affair, and prohibited all incestuous unions. Eelation- shrp within the seventh degree^ was constituted an invalidating impediment of matrimony; but the Council of Lateran (a. d. 1215) cut ofl" three degrees, thus restricting impediments within the fourth. The Holy Eucharist has always been, from the earliest ages down to our own, as it were, the meridian sun of Christian worship — the beginning and end, the source and center of every religious aspiration, thought, word, and act. ' Capit. a. 789, c. XIX. : Similiter placuit his decretis inserere, quod omnes infantes infra annum baptizontur. Et hoc statuimus, ut si quis infantem intra oirculum annl ad baptismum offere contempserit sine consilio vel licentia sacer- dotis, si de nobili genere fuerit, centum viginti solidos fisco componat; si inge- nuus, sexaginta; si libertus, triginta. [Baluz, T. I., p. 183.) 2 Already, Boniface prescribed: Omnes presbyteri oleum infirmorum ab epis- copo exspectent secumque habeant et admoneant fideles infirmos, illud exquirere, ut eodem oleo peruncti a presbyteris sanentur. ( WUrdtwein, epp. Bonif., p. 142.) Jonas, de Institutione Laicali, lib. III., c. 14. Synodus regia.Ticina, a. 850, can. 8. {Hardicin, T. V., p. 27. Mand, T. XIV., p. 932 sq.) ■ ^ Gapitul., lib. VII., c. 432 : NuUus fidelium usque adfinitatis lineam, id est, usque in sepUmam progeniem consanguineam suam ducat uxorem, vel earn quo- quo modo incestus macula polluat. Cf. lib. VII., c. 436; lib. VI., o. 130. Peirt Damiani Traotatus de parentelae et cognationis gradibus. Cf. von Moy, The Marriage Code of the Christians in the churches of the East and West, Vol. I., p. 361. Walter, Canon Law, § 304, 13th ed., p. 599 sq. Zhismann, The Mar- -iage Code of the Eastern Church, Vienna, 1864. § 201. Religious Worship during This Epoch. 401 Unleavened bread was generally used at the altar; the accom- panying ceremonies increased in numher, elaborateness, and significance, and were more worthy of giving expression to the stupendous mystery of which they are the form and sym- bols, and of bringing out into fuller relief the points of dis- cussion on which Paschasius Radhertus and Berengarius were at issue. A timid fear, lest some drops of the Sacred Blood might be spilt, led to the use of tubes in drinking the Species, and to the practice of steeping the Host in the chalice. The Council of Clermont (a. d. 1095) prescribed' that the Body and Blood of Christ should be taken separately, except in eases where necessity required that they should be taken to- gether. The national churches, in order to express their close union with the Mother Church of Rome, used the Latin language in the liturgy and all religious rites and ceremonies, with the one exception of the sermon. It was, however, found neces- sary to correct an impression then gaining ground, to the effect that prayer could be addressed to God in only three languages, by the direct and emphatic declaration that prayer addressed to him in the proper spirit, in any language what- ever, would be heard and answered.^ Again, private Masses (missae privatae, or rather, solitariae) celebrated by the priest, without the presence and participa- tion of the faithful, were frequently and severely censured. How, it was asked, could a priest so celebrating truthfully say ■} Sursum corda, or Dominus vobiscum ? The religious instruction of the people was pressed upon ^Conc. Claromont, a. 1095, can. ^8: Ne aliquia communicet de altari, nisi corpus separatim, et sanguinem similiter, nisi per necessitatem et cautelam. {Harduin, T. VI., Pt. II. 1719. Mansi, T. XX., p. 818.) According to Mansi, the canon was decreed ob recens damnatam haeresim Berengarianam (?). Of. J. Vogt, Historia Pistulae Euoharisticae, Brem. 1772. 'Seep. 241, n. 2. , ^Conc. Mogunt., a. 813, can. 43: Nullus presbyter, ut nobis videtur, solus mis- sam cantare valet recte. Quomodo enim dicet : Dominus vobiscum vel sursum corda- admonebit habere, et alia multa his similia, cum alius nemo cum eo sit? (Harzheim, T. I., p. 412.) VOL. II — 26 402 Feriod 2. Efoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. the clergy^ with great urgeiacy by both bishops and councils, but the standard of education was so low among them that little, if anything, could be expected from thera in this re- spect. To remedy this condition of things somewhat, the bishops, following the example of Charlemagne, commis- sioned Abbo, a monk of St. Germain, to compose a new Book of Homilies (liorailarium) of such a character as might answer the needs of the clergy and serve them in instructing the faithful. The Roman litui'gy had now superseded every other, and was in general use in the churches of nearly every nation. In Spain alone the Mozarabic liturgy^ was used by the Christians, subject to the dominion of the Arabs. Its chief peculiarities are the following : 1. Though written in Latin, its character is essentially Greek ; 2. It never adopted either the Gregorian or Ambrosian chant, and in this respect differed from all ancient Gaulish liturgies; 3. It implied or presupposed daily frequentation of Holy Communion and distribution of the chalice by the deacon ; 4. It prescribed that the Host shall be elevated in sight of the people, after which it was to be broken into nine pieces, symbolizing the nine mysteries of Christ, viz., the Incarnation, JS'ativity, Cir- ' Ibidem., can. 45: Symbolum, quod est signaculiim fidei, et orationem Domi- nicam discere semper admoneant sacerdotes populum Christianum. Volumus- que, ut disciplinam condignam habeant, qui haec discere negligunt, sive in jejunio sive in alia eastigatione emendentur. Propterea dignum est, ut filios suos donent ad scholam, sive ad monasteria, sive foras presbyteris, ut fidem catholicam recte discant et orationem Dominicam, ut domi alios edocere vale- ant. Et qui aliter non potuerit, vel in sua lingua hoc discat. -The denomination ^^ Mozarabic" given to the liturgy, is derived from the Mozarahs themselves. Rodqgic, Archbishop of Toledo (11245), derives this name, in his Hist. Hispan. III., c. 22, from Mixtiarabes, eo quod mixti Arabi- bus eonvivebant; but better from Arabi Mustaraba, i. e. insititii, or naturalized Arabians, in contradistinction to Arabi Araba, or native Arabians. Cf. Ed. Pocockii, Spec. hist. Arabum, Oxon. 1650, p. 39. It is wrong to attribute the Mozarabic liturgy to St. Isidore. Cardinal Ximenes founded at Toledo a chapel, in which the divine service was performed according to the Mozarabic rite, and had the Missal printed at Toledo, *500 — the Breviary, 1502. Leslet Missala mixtum dictum Mozarabes, Komae, 1755, 2 T. 4to, in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 85, 86. Cf. Praefationes, tractatus, etc., in the BoUandists, T. III., p. 405-538, and Acta SS. mens. Julii, T. VI. Martbnc, de Antiquis Eeclosiae Ritibus, lib. I., c. IV., art. XII. (T. I., p. 168-173.) Hefele, Cardinal Ximenes, p. 158 sq. (2d ed., p. 147 sq.) Gams, Ch. H. of Spain, Vol. I., p. 103-117. § 201. Religious Worship during This Epoch. 403 cumcisioQ, Epiphany, Passion, Death, Eesurrection, Ascen- sion, and Glorification ; 5. Instead of the " Jile, missa est," at the end of the Mass, it prescribes the following: " Solemnia completa sunt in nomine Dom. nostri Jesu Christi," or some such brief form of words. In order to add to the irapressiveness and grandeur of ]>ivine worship, Charlemagne caused the Roman liturgy to be substituted for that of ancient Gaul, which was bnt poorly adapted to the splendid effects of Gregorian chant. That the success of this noble church-song might be put beyond all question, competent choristers were brought from Eome;' " for," as the deacon John says, " the coarse German was as yet too rude and barbarous to undertake to render those grand old Roman melodies." On the other hand, the Romans said that the singing of the Germans resembled the howling of wild beasts. Singing -schools were established by Charlemagne at Metz and Soissons. The organ (organum) which the Greek Em- peror, Constantine Copronymus, had given to Pepin, the father of Charlemagne, was used for sustaining the voices. The singing -schools of St. Gall, and that conducted by Guido of Arezzo in the monastery of Pomposa, became specially famous, which, in the case of the latter, is to be chiefly ascribed to the invention of musical notation (after a. d. 1024) by its master, who thus became the second founder of ecclesiastical music, as Gregory the Great had been the first.^ 'Monach. Engolism., additamentum ad An. Lauriss. a. 787: — JVIox petit domnus rex Carolus ab Adrian o papa can tores, qui Franciam corrigeront de cantu. {Pertz, T. I., p. 171.) Cf. Varin, des Alterations de la Liturgie Grego- rienne en Prance avant le XIII. siecle, Paris, 1852. ^ Schubiger, The Singing-sohool of St. Gall, Einsiedeln, 1858. Guido once, while chanting with the monastery choir a hymn in honor of St. John, was struck with the gradual and regularly ascending tones of the opening syllabic sounds of each hemistich, in the three first verses : Vt queant laxis re-sonare fibris iWi-ra gestorum /a-muli tuorum Sol-Ye polluti la-hii reatum, etc. And with the intuitive foresight of genius, he instantly comprehended the fitness of these sounds to form a new and perfect system of solfeggio. Cham- bers' Gyclopaed. (Tk.) Guido explains his new theory most fully in his Micro- 404 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. Great reverence and religious feeling, both in public wor- ship and private devotions, were shown to relics of Christ and of the apostles and famous saints. The public sentiment in their favor went on increasing till it became necessary to check it^ and put the faithful on their guard against persons who now, as on a former occasion, carried on a traffic in false relics. Properly authenticated ones rose to an enormous price,^ and were frequently purchased at great sacrifices. Thus, for example, Henry I., by prayers, threats, and finallji by the cession of a portion of Suabia, obtained from Rudolph of Burgundy a lance of exquisite workmanship, into which one of the nails of the Cross bad been ingeniously wrought. Again, the merchants of Venice paid an exorbitant sum for the body of St. Mark (a. d. 327). These relics were placed under altars and in costly shrines, or preserved in elaborately and artistically wrought cases, called Peliquiaries. They were carried in public processions, exposed when devotions were held to obtain some blessing or avert some calamity, and used in the administration of oaths. An analogous feeling in favor of pilgrimages was developed among all orders of society. Troops of pilgrims set out from every quarter for Jerusalem, and Home, for Tours in France, Compostella in Spain, and St. Gall in Switzerland, either to expiate past and grievous sins, to beg new and spe- cial graces of God, or to stir up their faith and set their de- votion aglow. logus de Discipliua Artis Musicae. See Freiburg Eoel. Cyclopaed., Vol. IV., p. 817-819. French transl., Vol. 10., p. 193-195. 1 At VencUme, a holy tear of Christ was venerated. Cf. Thiers, Dissertation sur la sainte larme da Vendome, Paris, 1699, 12mo. MahtUon, Oeuvres Pos- thumes, T. II., p. 361 sq.; at Reichenau, sanguis Christi (of. Herman. Contract. ad an. 92S. The account given in Mom's Collections of the sources of the his- tory of the Grand Duchy of Baden, Vol. I., p. 67-77, is a faithful reprint, according to MabiUon, Annal. III. 699, and Peris, T. VI., p. 146 sq.) ; the Sacred Blood is also preserved at Bruges, in West Flanders, and in the monastery of Weingarten, in Wiirtemberg. On the trial of fire for the relics, see MabiUon, de prohatione reliquiarum per ignem, after his liber de cultu SS. ignotorum, and the Analect., ed. II., p. 668 sq. ' Cf. Sigbert. Oemblac. ad. an. 929. § 202. Ecclesiastical Discipline. 405 § 202. Ecclesiastical Discipline. Regino Abbas. Prumien., de Diaciplina Ecoles. Veterum praesertim Germonor., libb. II., see above, § 139. Libri Poeniteniiales, in Muratori, Antiq. Ital. Medii Aevi, T v., p. 719. Also partly in Marikne, de Antiquis Eccl. Eitibus, lib. I., c. VI.: "De ritibus ad sacrament, poenit. spectantibus " (ed. Bassani, 1788, T. I., p. 259 sq.) Waaserschleben, Penitentiary Ordinances, etc., see above, p. 162. During the three centuries whose history we are relating everything was upheaved and in confusion. There were but faint traces of science, religion, and morality; human works and institutions had gone to ruin; the Gospel and the Church were indeed still what they had always been, but they stood solitary amid the wreck of a former civilization, and, to again resume their sway over the minds of men and make good the claims of their authority upon the obedience of so- ciety, required a stern discipline and the application of potent and extraordinary remedies. The Church could not hold the same language in speaking to these rude, untutored, and stubborn barbarians that she had formerly addressed to the polished Greek and law-abiding Roman. But, in speaking of these times, care should be taken not to condemn in the same terms all ages and countries. The ninth century was unlike the tenth, and this, again, unlike the eleventh; and so with the different States of Europe. For example, during the reign of Louis the Mild,' the spiritual and temporal powers, though not identical, were in some instances in ac- cord — the two mutually assisting and supporting each other. Like his father, Charlemagne, Louis the Mild commanded counts to render assistance to bishops, and bishops to lend the weight of their authority to counts — the two orders, as the Emperor goes on to explain, being equally sharers in the 1 Capitulars, ann. 823, c. 6 : Vobis vero comitibus dicimus vosque commone- mus, quia ad vestrum ministerium maxime pertinet, ut reverentiam et honorem sanctae Dei Ecclesiae exhibeatis, et cum Episcopis vestris concorditer vivatis, et eis adjutorium ad suum ministerium peragendum praebeatis, et ut vos ipsi in ministeriis vestris pacem et justitiam faciatis, etc. C. 9: Episcopis iterum, abbatibus et vassis nostris et omnibus fidelibus laicis dicimus, ut comitibus ad justitias faciendas adjutores sitis. C. 10 ; Episcopi vero vel comites et ad invi- eem et cum caeteris fidelibus concorditer vivant et ad sua ministeria peragenda vicissim sibi adjutorium ferant. 406 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. governing office (miuisterium) committed by Divine appoint- ment to the kings of the earth. The later Carlovingians made frequent attempts to carrj out in practice the theory of the mutual interdependence of the two orders, but with indifferent success. Bishops 30uld not now, as formerly, count upon the adoption of their enact- ments, and the kings of the countries embraced by the old Frankish Empire no longer possessed either consideration or authority. Hence, if the Church was not to allow the rich harvest now ready for the sickle to pass through her hands without housing it, there was need of quick and energetic work. In the presence of a dissolute clergy and a lawless laity, such as then stood ranged against her, there was a call upon her, if she would combat with any hope of success, for more serious earnestness and a more determined resolutioTi than she had ever before displayed, and for such vigilant and comprehensive legislation as would map out and include within its range every important interest at stake. Neither did the Church mistake the times nor misappre- hend her mission. While popes at times carried themselves as dictators in their dealings with bishops and laymen, bish- ops, on the other hand, pursued and punished offenders and criminals beyond the reach of civil justice. What bishops did in the case of laymen of inferior degree, the Church did in regard of those who put in practice what is now called the " religion of force ;" who asserted the right of the stronger; whom no secular power dared oppose, and who, if permitted to go on, would coufnse all order and destroy all security. The bishops of Southern France, seizing upon a most op- portune moment (a. d. 1031), when the country, having passed through several years (a. d. 1029-1031) of famine, was in the enjoyment of a year of plenty, as extraordinary under the circumstances as it was unexpected, and when the people were in a frame of mind to make atonement for past sins, and return thanks for present blessings, made a successful effort to suppress the violent disorders which had now be- come universal. Many councils, held at this time, appealed to the people at large to observe the peace. The cry of " Peace ! Peace ! " was caught up and borne from mouth to § 202. Ecclesiastical Discipline. 407 month, till the whole nation rang with its echo ; and such was the transport of the people, in this outburst of religious enthusiasm, that many entertained the hope that the age of war and violence was passing away, and that peace would reign forever. All arms were put aside, and enemies sought out each other to forgive and be forgiven. People laid upon themselves the obligation of fasting on Fridays and Satur- days, and promised under oath to be always faithful to this practice. But such rigor, introduced so suddenly, was beyond the strength and far in advance of the intelligence of the age, and, consequently, the most that could be done under the cir- cumstances was to insist on the observance of the canonical 'I'ruee of God, which extended from Wednesday evening of one week to Monday morning of the next.^ On the interven- ing days, which were commemorative of the Passion and Resurrection of Jesus Christ, all violence was prohibited, and ' Several bishops made the first attempt to suppress private feuds, at the Coun- cil of Limoges, 994. {Bouquet, T. X., p. 147 ; of. \Tl, 227, 379.) King Kobert at the Council of Aries (1016), de pace componenda. {Fulberti Carnot ep. 21 ad Eobert. Bouquet, T. X., p. 454.) The bishops of Aquitaine, at the second Courts cil of Limoges, in the year 1031. (Mansi, T. XIX., p. 530 sq. Ilarduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 853 sq.) While here were heard, but in general, the words "peace, peace," it was, according to Glaber Radulph., lib. V., c. 1, only in 1041, that the peace of God was instituted. Anno 1041 contigit, inspirante divina gratia, pri- mitus in partibus Aquitanicis, deinde paulatim per uuiversum Galliarum terri- torium, firmari pactum propter timorem Dei pariter et amorem; taliter ut nemo mortalium a feriae quartae vespere usque ad secundam feriam incipiente luce, ausu temerario praesumeret quippiam alicui hominum per vim auferre, neque ultionis vindictam a quocunque inimico exigere, nee etiam a fidejussore vadi- monium sumere : quod si ab aliquo contigisset contra hoc decretum publicum, aut de vita componeret, aut a Christianorum consortio expulsus patria pellere- tur. Hoc insuper placuit universis, veluti vulgo dicitur, ut Treuga Domini vooaretur: quae videlicet non solum humanis fulta praesidiis, verum etiam multotiens divinis suft'ragata terroribus. Contigit enim, ut dum pene per totas Gallias hoc statutum firmiter custodiretur, Neustriae gens illud suscipere recu- saret.. — Deinde quoque occulto Dei judicio coepit desaevire in ipsorum plebi- bus divina ultio: consumsit enim mortifer ardor mnltos, etc. {Bouquet, T. X., p. 59.) ICluckliohn, Hist, of the Peace of God, Lps. 1857. Semichon, la Paix et la Trdve de Dieu, Paris, 1857. ■\ Fehr, The Peace of God and the Cath. Church p the M. A., Augsburg, 1861. Gieselrecht, Hist, of the Period of German Em- perors, Vol. II., p. 305 sq. Hefele, Hist, of Couno., Vol. IV., in several plaeea Of. Eegister, sub verbo, Treuga Dei. 408 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. the proceedings of the courts of judicature suspended. This Avas a great point gained, inasmuch as it prepared public opin- ion for the introduction (a. d. 1041) of the Peace of God {treuga or trevia Dei), which was in force in the interval of every week, between Thursday and Sunday; during Advent and (Christmas-tide, until after the octave of the Epiphany; dur- ing Lent and the Easter-cycle, until after the octave of Pen- tecost, and on every fast-day throughout the year.^ Whoever refused to submit to the restrictions of the Peace, incurred the ban of the Church. That a true Christian could have recourse to violence, or indulge in acts of vindictive enmity, on feast-days, or in holy seasons sacred to the memory of the Redemption, was regarded as something beyond the limits of possibility. But in order that the Peace of God might hence- forth have the force of law, and be religiously observed, those who broke it, or became guilty of other grave crimes, were, besides incurring former excommunications, laid under inter- dict. This not only affected the individual person of the offender, but was frequently extended to particular districts and whole provinces. The first example we have of the declaration and execution of an interdict was in the case of the county of Limoges (a. d. 1031), where the knights re- fused to observe the restrictions of the Peace of God.^ The condition of a country laid under interdict was most distressing. None but ecclesiastics, beggars, and children under the age of two years, were entitled to Christian burial; Holy Communion was permitted only to those in danger of death ; the divine offices were performed with closed doors and on naked altars; marriages could not be blessed; the use of flesh meat was prohibited ; both ecclesiastics and laics were forbidden to trim their hair; in a word, everything, ' Gone. Olaromont, a. 1095, can. 14 ; Quod ab adventu Domini usque ad ootavaa Epiphaniae, et a septuagesima usque ad octavas Penteoostes, et a quarta feria ocoidente sole omni tempore usque ad secundam feriam oriente sole, trevia Dei cuatodiatur. (Mansi, T. XX., p. 904. Cf. below can. 8-10, p. 913; Harduin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1737.) 2 At the second Council of Limoges, in the year 1031. [Mansi, T. XIX., p. 541. Sarduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 884.) Hefele, Hist, of Councils, Vol. IV^ pp 662, 663 1 cf. p. 606. § 202. J^cclesiastical iXscivtine. 409 down to the minutest articles of dress, betokened a season of mourning and penance. As regards penitential discipline, in the strictest sense of tlie terms, public penance had long since^ been discontinued, ex- cept in the case of public crimes.^ The ancient penitential rules had ceased to be observed, except in such places as still tetained the synodal courts of judicature, and even here they were so modified as to meet and provide for cases occurring under the changed circumstances of the age. Eriarth, a monk who had killed a priest, was condemned by the Pope to twelve years of penance; during the first three of which he was obliged to stand with the weepers at the door of the church; during the fifth and sixth, he was admitted among the hear- ers, but forbidden to receive Holy Communion; and during the remaining seven, he was allowed to approach the Holy Table, but denied the privilege of presenting an offering. The Eighth Ecumenical Council enacted that the adherents of Photius should undergo the following public penance: They were to spend two years outside the church-door, among the weepers ; two years among the class of catechumens admitted as hearers; and through all these years they were not permit- ted the use of flesh-meat or wine, except on Christmas-day and Sundays. The three subsequent years, they were to spend among the stauders (consistentes), fast three days in the week, and approach the Holy Table only on the feasts of our Savior. Guido, Archbishop of Ililan, was condemned by Peter Da- >See Vol. I., p. 729, and §169- ^ As to the necessity of a particular confession of sins, we but remind the reader of the Cone. CabiUon. II., can. 32 : Quia constat hominem ex duabus esse Bubstantiis, anima videlicet et oorpore, — solerti indagatione debent inquiri ipsa pcccata, ut ex utrisque plena sit confessio : sc. ut ea confiteantur, quae per cor- pus gesta sunt, et ea, quibus in sola cogitations delinquitur. (Harduin, T. IV., p. 1037. Maind, T. XIV., p. 99.) Cf. can. 25 on public penance : Poenitentiam agere juxta antiquam canonum constitutionem in plerisque locis ab usu reces- sit: — ut a domino imperatore impetretur adjutorium, qualiter si quis publico peccat, publica mulctetur poenitentia et secundum ordinem canonum merito suo excommunicetur et reconoilietur. Of like import is Cone. Morjuni. a. 847, can. 31: Modus tempusque poenitentiae peccata sua confitentibus aut per anti- quorum canonum institutionera, aut per sanotarum soripturarum auotoritatem, aut per ecclesiasticam oonsuetudinem imponi debet a saoerdotibus, etc. 410 Period 2. ^poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 4. mian to a penance of one hundred years/ with the privHege, however, of commuting each year into a certain sum of money, to be spent for the benefit of either the Church or the poor. But these severe penances gradually gave way to the use of indulgences and the doing of good works ; and pilgrimages were, little by little, suhstituted instead of the harsh and protracted penitential exercises of earlier years.^ While the penitential code was thus being relaxed, quite a contrary tendency, which often carried those under its influence be- yond all reasonable severity, was setting in. A class of penitents, who kept up long ivatches and flogged themselvei' mercilessly, was under the lead of Peter Damian and his dis ciple Dominic Loricatus (" clad in a cuirass," f A. d. 1062), who inspired them with the desire of expiating the sins oi' the world.' Such of the Christians as were not inclined to the side of severity went to Rome to obtain from the Pope u release from the heavy penances laid upon them by their bishops. The bishops, on the other hand, and several coun- cils,* protested against this practice, and insisted that peni- ^ Petri Damian. ep. ad Hildebr.: Centum itaque annorum sibi poenitentiam indidi redemptionemque ejus taxatam per unumquemque annum pecuniae quan- titate praefisi. {Manai, T. XIX., p. 893.) ''Petri Damian. ep. ad V. Episc, in Baron, ad a. 105-5, nr. 6: Non ignoras, quia cum a poenitentibus terras, possessiones agrorum videlicet accipimus, juxta mensuram muneris eis de quantitate poenitentiae relaxamus, sicut soriptum est: "Divitiae hominis redemptio ejus;" and already in iJe^tmo de Disc. Eccl., lib. II., c. 438, it is said : De redemptionis pretio : Si quis forte non potuerit jejunare et habuerit, unde possit redimere ; si dives fuerit, pro VII. hebdomadis det soli- dos XX., si non habuerit tantum, unde dare possit, det solidos X. ,Sed attendat unusquisque, cui dare debeat, sive pro redemptione captivorum, sive supra St. altare, sive Dei servis, seu pauperibus in eleemosyna. 3 Already in Regino, 1. c, lib. II., c. 443, it is said : Quidam dixerunt, triduanas agere in verberibus et vigiliis insistendo triduum ; c. 45, pro uno die in autumno, hieme, vel verno C. percussiones vel psalmos L., in aestate psalterium vel per- cussiones. As a voluntary acceptance of such a penance, we read in Petrus DamiUn. ep. ad Blancam comitissam, concerning Dominic Loricatus : Hujus st. eenis exemplo faciendae diseiplinae mos in nostris partibus inolevit, ut non modo viri, sed et nobiles mulieres hoc purgatorii genus inhianter arriperent. Petr. Damian. de laudibus flagellorum. (Epp. T. III., lib. IV., ep. 21 ; lib. VI., ep. 33.) Cf. Boileau, Hist, flagellantium. *Ahito, episc. Basil, in capitular, a. 820, c. 18: Et hoc omnibus fidelibus denuntiandum, ut qui causa orationis ad limina beatorum Apostolorum pergere § 202. Ecclesiastical Discipline. 411 tents, before setting out upon a pilgrimage to Eome, should have performed the penances laid upon them by priests, and that, in any event, permission to go to Home should be ob- tained from the bishop. Owing to tlie fuller development of ecclesiastical discipline, the following censures and punishments had now passed into general use : 1. Excommunication, which might entail, ac- cording to circumstances, either partial or entire exclusion from ecclesiastical communion and civil society, and was hence divided into the greater and lesser (excommunicatio major et minor) ; 2. Anathema, which was specially directed against heretics formally declared to be such ; and, 3. Inter- dict, which was either local or personal, general or particular. The effect in that age of the greater excommunication may be seen from the instance of King Robert, who, after sentence had been passed upon him, was deserted by every one, with the exception of two servants. Like St. Paul,* the Church tempered severity with indulgence; and like him, too, she would " that the sinner should be delivered up to Satan, to mortify his flesh and to save his soul in the day of judg- ment," until he should be prepared to do penance and make satisfaction to the Church of God for having outraged her majesty. cupiunt, domi confiteantur peccata sua et sic proficiscantur, qui a proprio epis- copo aut sacerdote ligandi aut exsolvendi sunt, non ab extraneo. Cone. Salis- lad. a. 1022, c. 18. Gerhert wrote in the name of Adalbero, Archbishop of Eheims, to the noble Baldwin, who had been excommunicated for having aban- doned his wife, and who therefore turned his steps toward Eome: Nihil tibi profuerit, Eomam adiisse, Dominum papam mendaciis delusisse, cum Paulus dicat ; Si quis vobis aliud evangelizaverit praeter id quod accepistis, anathema. Estote ergo vobiscum divinarum legum defensores. n Cor. V. 6. CHAPTER V. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND HERESIES. § 203. Theological Literature — Works and Their Authors. tLaunoji de Scholia celebriorib. sub Carolo M. et post eundem Carol, per Occi. dentem instauratis liber., Par. 1672, -with Mahlllonii iter Germ. ed. Fabriciiu Hamb. 1718. Thomassinl Vet. et Nova Eccl. Disciplina, Pt. II., lib. I., c. 96- 100. Braun, O.S.B., de pristinis Benedictorum Scholis, Monach. 1845 (Pro gramme). Haase, de ITedii Aevi studiis philologicis, Yratisl. 1856 (Programme). Hoc?,:, Gerbert or Sylvester II., p. 24-59. Hefele, Scientific state of South- western Germany and Northern Switzerland during the ninth, tenth, and elev- enth centuries, Tiibg. Quart., year 1838, nro. 2, with many additions in his Contrib. to Ch. H., Vol. I., p. 279-315. Bahr, Hist, of the Eoman Liturgy in the Carlovingian age, Carlsruhe, 1840. The works of Du Pin, Biblioth. des auteurs ecelds. des IXeme, Xeme and Xleme siecles. Cave, Hist. Script. Eccles. (hidimis, Commentar. de Script. Eccles., T. II. ; Hist. litt. de la France, T. IV.- VI. Also, The works of Busse and CeilUer. So complete and thorough had been the labors of Charle- magne for the advancement of science that, when he had passed away, they continued to bear abundant fruit, which neither the wars of his children and grandchildren, nor the still more disastrous dissensions of the succeeding generation, nor the incursions of ISTormans, Slaves, and Saracens, could wholly destroy. But, even after his death, efficient measures were adopted to insure the advancement and success of shools. Bishops were obliged by conciliar enactments to erect schools, and give a statement of their quality and efficiency to their] metropolitans in provincial synods.* The cause was ably ' Capitul. a. 823, c. 5 : Scholae sane ad Alios et ministros ecclesiae inetruen- dos vel edocendos, sieut nobis praeterito tempore ad Attiniaoum promisistis et vobis injunximus, in congruis locis, ubi necdum perfectum est, ad multorum utilitatem et profectum a vobis ordinari non negligantur. {Baluz, T. I., p. 430.) Cona. Paris. VI. a. 829, lib. I., o. 30: Sed super hoc ejusdem principis (Ludovici) admonitione, immo jussione a nonnullis rectoribus tepide et desidiose hactenus actum est. Unde omnibus nobis visum est, ut abhinc postposita totius corporis negligentia, ab omnibus diligentior in educaudis et erudiendis militibus Christi (412) §203. Theological Literature — Works and Their Authors. 413 supported by Pope Leo IV. in Central, and by Lothaire, in Frankish Italy. Kmg Alfred of England (a. d. 871-901) sent to France (a. d. 883) to obtain scholars to aid him in his work of education. His country, which had formerly abounded in flourishing schools, had been laid waste by the ravages of the Danes, and he was now forced to look abroad for men pos- sessing the requisite qualifications to undertake the work of teaching. John, the Old Saxon, came from the monastery of Cor- vey, and the provost Grinibald from Rheims. "With their assistance, Alfred founded, or rather restored, the famous school of Oxford. Favored by the interval of peace that followed the treaty of Verdun, and encouraged by the literary tastes of Charles the Bald, the sciences revived for a season' in France, and the schools mentioned in a preceding paragraph^ again flour- ished. A great cluster of brilliant scholars threw a halo of glory about the Frankish Empire in the days of its de- cline. Agohard, Archbishop of Lyons (f a. d. 841), attacked every sort of superstition — sometimes, indeed, in unmeasured terms, but always with point and energy. He was remarkable for breadth of view, boldness in expressing and clearness in set- ting forth his views and opinions, and for the strength and vigor of his style. But he was withal a hard-headed man and a severe reasoner, impatient of whatever was simply ideal et vigilantior adhibeatur diligentia; et quando ad provinciale Episcoporum concilium conventum fuerit, unusquisque rectorum, slcut jam in praecedentibus memoratum est, scholasticos saos eidem concilio adesse faciat, ut suum solers studium circa divinum cultum omnibus manifestum fiat. (Hardutn, T. IV., p. 1316; Mansi, T. XIV., p. 588 sq.). And lib. III., c. 12, it is said in tbe ep. ad LudoT. Imperat. : Similiter obnixe ac suppliciter vestrae celsitudini suggerimus, ut raorem paternum sequentes, saltern in tribus congruentissimis imperii vestri locis scholae publicae (higher institutions of learning) et vestra auctoritate fiant: ut labor patris vestri et vester per incuriam, quod absit, labefactando non poreat, quoniam ex hoc facto et magna utilitas et honor st. Dei ecclesiae et vobis mag- num mercedis emolumentum et memoria sempiterna accrescet. [Harduin, IV- p. 1356; Mansi, T. IV., p. 599.) ^ Staudenmaier, Scot. Erigena, Vol. I., p. 151-159. ' 2See2172, sub fine. 414 Period 2. E'poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. or a matter of feeling.' Claudius of Turin was of a charac- ter still more bold and aggressive.^ Babanus Maurus, Abbot of Falda, and, after the year 847, Archbishop of Mentz (f February 4, a. d. 856), a man of uni- versal information and as rigorous in pursuing scientific re- searches as he was severe in his moral conduct and mode of life, was the creator of the scholastic institutions of Ger- many .^ Yet his purpose was not so much to give to the world the results of original investigation and research as to promote the cause of education and coutribute to the diffusion of knowledge, by placing before his contemporaries whatever was of importance or interest in antiquity. An idea of the degree of scientific culture then existing among the clergy, and of their method of viewing and treating scientific sub- jects, may be had from his tripartite work entitled "i)e Insti- tutione Clericorum." The first two parts contain, in an abridged form, the liturgical, pastoral, biblical, literary, and artistic information requisite for a priest in the discharge of the offices of his ministry ; while the third part treats the ques- tion of clerical education at length, explains the " seven liberal arts" in very nearly the same words used by St. Augustine, and concludes with some observations on the value of ancient philosophy. That this work, written by its author originally " for the instruction of his own scholars and their pupils," exercised a great and beneficial influence upon all the cloister- schools of the Frankish Empire, there can be no doubt. He ^Agohardi opuscula (Galland., T. XIII., p. 405 aq.; mar. bibl., T. IX., p. 234 sq.), ed. Baluz., Par. 1666, 2 v. 8. Migne, Ser. Lat.. T. 104. Cf. Hundeshagen, de Agobardi vita et scriptis, Giss. 1832. ^Claudii Tam-in. fragm.; complete commentar. in ep. St. Pauli ad Galatas (max. bibl., T. XIV., p. 139 sq. Mig-ne, Ser. Lat., T. 104. Cf. thereon the pre- ceding observationa, ibid., p. 134 sq. MabiUon, Vet. Analecta, p. 90.) RndeU bach, Claudii inedit. opp. specimina, Havn. 1824. ^ Rabani MuuH opp. Commentaries on many parts of the Bible, homilies; de Clericor. institutione «t ceremoniis eccl., libb. III.; de sacria ordinib.; de uni- verso; de sacramentis divinis et vestimentis sacerdot. ; de disciplina eccl., libb. III.), ed. Colvenerius, Colon. 1627, 6 T., f., with Joh. Trithemii vita Eabani; in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 107-112. Conf. Kitnstmann, Eabanus Magnentius Maurus, Mentz, 1841. Bach, On Rabanus Jlaurus, Creator of the scholastic Institutions of Germany (Programme), Fulda, 185-5. Spengler, The Life of St. Ehab. Maur. for his millenary jubilee, Eatisbon, 1856. §203. Theological Literature — Works and Their Authors. 415 also gave in his work, "Z)e Universo," a sort of universal en- cj'clopaedia of the knowledge of his age. He richly deserved the fine eulogium of Trithemius, who said " that no German who went before Maurus could at all approach him in finished scholarship." His disciple, Walafried Strabo, Abbot of Reichenau (f a. d. 849), is the author of some good Latin poems, a work on lit- urgy, lives of some of the saints, written in a pleasing and graceful style, and numerous exegetical writings of much ser- vice to his own and succeeding generations.' Hayyno, Bishop of Halberstadt (f a. d. 853), well known as the author of a Church History, left also some works on exegetics character- ized by considerable independence of thought.^ Druthraar, " the Grammarian," a monk of the monastery of Corbie, who had gained some reputation as a Greek and Hebrew scholar (c. A. D. 850), and Angelomus, a Benedictine of Lux- euil, both wrote commentaries on the Scriptures, of consider- able merit for that age.* These exegetical studies, though pursued in the Latin lan- guage, were not without their influence upon German litera- ture. Poetical works based upon the Scripture narrative, and drawing their inspiration from it, soon began to make their appearance. The first and most important of these ' De exordiia et incrementis rerum ecclesiasticar. (Hittorp. scriptt. de divin. ofBciis); commentar. in Psalmos; glossa ordinaria interlinearis in biblia, vitae St. Galli, Othmari, et alior., in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 113-115. Cf. Konig, Wala- fried Strabo, see above, p. 104, n. 3. Hefele, 1. c., p. 229-232. ''■ Haymon. opp., in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 116-118. Cf. Derling, de Haymone, Helmst. 1747, 4to; Hist. lit. de la France, T. V., p. 111-126; L-iverani, Spicile- gium Liberian., Plorent. 1865, p. 207-534. ^Druthmarii expositio in Matthaeum, Lucam et Joannem. (Max. bibl., T. XV.; Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 106.) Druthmar says tliat he wrote this "Exposi- tio" because St. Jerome had omitted to explain many terms, deeming them easy of comprehension, whereas, in matter of fact, they were not. The samti writer gives the following explanation of his method of exegesis : Studui pl-.u' historicum sensum quam spiritualem, quia irrationabile mihi videtur spiritualcm intelligentiam in libro aliquo quaerere et historicam penitus ignorare, cum his- toria fundamentum omnis intelligentiae sit, et ipsa primitus quaerenila et amplexanda et sine ipsa perfecte ad alia non possit transiri. Angelomi com- ment, in Genesin; enarratioiies in IV. libros regum, in Cautiea canticorum. (Max. bibl., T. XV.) 416 Period 2. Epoeh 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. is the Gospel epic entitled the " Heliand " (Heiland, or Savior), written in the reign of Louis the Mild. It is a life of Christ, based on the history of the four Gospels, and written in the elevated language of the epic so familiar to the Anglo-Saxons, and in the form of alliteration. Christ is represented as a great and powerful Prince, the King and Ruler of many peoples, to whom, as becomes his high estate, He graciously distributes the wealth and treasures of Heaven. This is the only truly Christian epic ever written, and is still without a rival in sublimity of conception and elevated religious senti- ment. It is, as it were, the outcome and expression of ^^Chris- tianity transformed into the blood and life of the Germans." In Upper Germany, about thirty years later, Otfried, a monk of the monastery of Weissenburg in Alsace (a. d. 865), wrote a poetical paraphrase of the Gospels, which, wjaile inferior in grandeur of conception to the Heliand, is in other respects very similar to its "thaz wir Kriste sungun in unsera Zungun."' Hincmar,^ Archbishop of Eheims (a. d. 882), who was an excellent canonist, has left many controversial writings and letters, chiefly local in character, and put forth as occasion required, but valuable as contributions to the history of his age. Paschasius Radbertus (f a. d. 865) wrote commentaries on various portions of the Holy Scriptures,^ and is the author of an exposition of the Blessed Eucharist, in which he sets forth the doctrine of its connection with the Incarnation and its legitimate consequences with great accuracy and precis- '^ Heliand, an ancient Saxon Harmony of the Gospels, edited hy Schmeller, Munich, 1830; by Kone, in its original text, with translation, annotations, and index of words, Miinster, 1855; transl. by Simrock, Elberfeld, 1856; by M. Heyne, Paderborn, 1866. Of Vilmar, Hist, of Germ. Nat. Lit., Vol. I., at the beginning. — Otfried! s Christ, ed. by Graff\ Kbnigsberg, 1856; by J. Kelle, Eatis- bim. 1856-1857, 2 vols. Of. Behringer, Krist and Heliand, Berl. 1870. ''Hincmari liber de praedestinatione ; de divortio Lotharii; de jure metro- politanorum; de presbyteris criminosis; opusculum ss. oapitulorum adv. Hinc- mar. Laudun., etc., in opp. ed. Sirmond., Par. 1645, 2 T., f. Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 125 126. Cf. Flodoard., Hist. Eem., lib. III., c. 15-29, and Hist, litter, de la France T. V., p. 455 sq. 'Paschasii Itadb. Commentar. in evang. Matth., lib. SII. (Max. bibl., T. XIV.), expositio in Ps. 44. (Max. bibl., T. XIV. j Migne's Ser. Lat., T. 127-129.) § 203. TJieological Literature — Works and Their Authors, ill ion, but in terms unfamiliar to theologians. He was bitterly assailed by many of the disciples of Alcuin for this departure from accepted philological usage. Ariastasius the Librarian, a lioman priest (f a. d. 886), compiled the lives of a number of Popes, to which he added others of his own composition.^ Halitgar,^ Archbishop of Cambrai and Arras, had acquired a well-earned reputation, years before any of the writers whom we have thus far mentioned, by his admirable treatise on the administration of the Sacrament of Penance. Passing by the numerous annalists and chroniclers, we rihall mention only the celebrated historian Theganus, chore- piscopus of Hectus, Archbishop of Treves (f a. d. 849), Ein- hard (f after a. d. 848), Bapert of St. Gall (f before a. d. 880), the author who goes under the name of Monachus Sangal- leusis (]!Totker?) (c. a. d. 884), and finally, one who excites a greater interest than most any other man of his age. We mean the illustrious and learned head of the Palatine School of Charles the Bald. JOHN SCOTUS EBIGBNA.' Little is known of the personal history of this man ; neither the place of his birth (England, Ireland, or Scotland?), nor 'See Vol. I., p. 40, note 3. '' Halitgaril de vitiis et virtutib. et ordine Poenitentium, lib. V. (Max. bibl., T. XIV., p. 906 sq. Canisii Lectt. Antiq., T. II., Pt. II., p. 81 sq.) ^Scotl Erigen. lib. de divina praedestinatione ctr. Godeschalcum, ed. Mati- gidn., Par. 1600, 4to. His principal work, De Divisione Naturae, ed. Gale., Oxon. 1081, ed. SchlUter, Monast. 1838, was condemned by Leo IX. (1050) and Hono- rius III. (1225) as heretical. Honorius characterizes it as librum scatentem vermibus haereticae pravitatis); de Eucharistia is lost. Translation of the Ethics of Aristotle and of the writings of Denys the Areopagite, on the demand of Charles the Bald; Erigena's commentary on Denys the Areopagite' s Ilie- rarcliia Coelestis, discovered by Doctor Greitk, and published in Joan. Scot!, Opera omnia, ed. Floss, in Migne's Se^. Lat., T. 122, Paris, 185Z.~Peder Hyort, Johannes Scotus Erigena, Copenhagen, 1823. Staudenmaier, Joh. Scot. Erigenii and the science of his time, but 1 vol., Frcft. 1834. The same. Philosophy of (,'liristianity, T. I., p. 536-G32. Hock, Joh. gcot. Erigena, Supplement to the Hist, of Christian Philosophy (Bonn Review, nro. 16, p. 33 sq.) Taillandier, Scote Erigone et la Philosophic Scholastique, Paris, 1843. '\Moller, Joh. Scot. Erigena and his Errors, Mentz, 1844. De vita et praeceptis Joan. Scoti Erig., Bonnae, 1845, and in Floss, 1. c. Exhaustive treatises by Ohriestlieb, The Life and Doc- VOL. II — 27 418 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. the master who trained him, nor the disciples formed by him, nor what mannei' of death brought his days to a close — ■ whether murdered by a band of infuriated students at Oxford or Malmesbury (c. a. d. 883), or whether he came to his end in some less violent way — all is equally an enigma that hae stimulated the curiosity and baffled the researches of scholars. He was the first man in the "West, and the only one in any country for three centuries, who, traveling beyond the tradi- tionary limits of logic and dialectics, built up a strictly co- herent system of metaphysics. But he was also fortunatelj' the only writer of those times who was so far carried away by the beauty and charm of ancient Pagan learning as to lose sight of the fundamental truths of Christianity. The essen- tial difference between Creator and creature, between mind and matter, was to his intellect hazy and uncertain. Haber and Stocld, after a careful analysis of his work, "De Divisione Naturae," have pronounced it to be little more than an exposition of the idealistic Pantheism of the l^eo-Platonists, with consequences equally far-reaching and startling.' The process by which everything is created and exists is emana- tion. This principle runs through everything. It is the trino of John Scot. Erig., Gotlia, 1860. Euher, John Scot. Erig., Munich, 1861 Stlichl, Hist, of the Philos. of the Middle Ages, Mcntz, 1864, Vol. I., p. 31-128 'The titles of the four sections of the work, "jDe Divisions Naturae" arc: "I. The substance that creates, and is not created; II. That which creates, and is created; III. That which is created, and creates not; IV. That which is neither created nor creates." "He (Erigena) classifies all things as 'things that are' and 'things that are not,' the whole being included in the term nature. This nature is divided into four species, as: 1. The nature that creates, and is uncreate; 2. The nature that creates, and is create; 3. The nature that creates not, and is create; 4. The nature that creates not, and is uncreate. (1) is the Divine Being, whoso rela- tion to the universe is so described as to lead straight to Pantheism; (2) is the world of prototypal ideas, having its principle of unity in the Logos, agree- ably to the s3-stcms of Plato, Philo, and the Pseudo-Dionysius; (8) is tliu world of sense and its concentration in man, from whence Kcalism was after- ward developed; (4) return to God, by predestined decree, 'all things,' as proceeding forth from the Divide existence, and returning into it, may ho termed uncreate, as subsisting in the Absolute. . . . The germs of nearly .every school of modern philosophy are foreshadowed in the writings of Eri- gena." Blunt, Diet, of Doct. and Hist. Theol., art. Pantheism, and Sects and Heresies, art. Schoolmen. (Tk.) § 203. Theological Literature — Works and Their Authors. 410 basis of both cosmogony and theogony. "All is God and God is all." The universal principle of Divinity is compared to a mighty river, which, flowing from its source, quickens all things in its course, and is returned to the fountain-head by exhalation and condensation, to be again poured forth in freaV and life-giving streams. The diffusion of the quicken- ing principle throughout all things is called resolution. The gathering up of these scattered vital forces and the returning of them to their source is called deification. Hence, if man has fallen from his primitive condition and strayed from God, it is but one phase of the universal economy of existences — one development of a transitionary state that will eventual!} terminate in his return to God ; and this law, running through all things, gradually works out the perfection of the Divinity. The law thus exemplified in the fall of man is equally appli- cable to the theogonic process, as is shown' in the work of redemption. Erigena is at great pains to strengthen his theory by quota- tions from the writings of Origen, Gregory of ISTyssa, Denys the Areopagite, and Maximus among the Greeks, and from those of Ambrose and Augustine among the Latins. The words of these great authors are ingeniously worked up to suit his purpose and fit into his system. Erigena was the forerunner of the Pantheism of the Middle Ages, and of the heresy of Berengarius on the Eucharist; and his writings indirectly led the way to false theories on the relation of faith to science, on the nature of evil, and on predestination. From what has been said, it will scarcely be a matter of surprise mat his works were in subsequent years frequently condemned. Bat, in justice to Erigena, it must be said that his writings possess a certain elevation and grandeur, a freshness and originality, and a brilliancy that dazzle and please. He was an elegant Greek scholar; was perfectly familiar with the writings and systems of Greek philosophers, and with the works of the Fatl\ers of the Church, both Greek and Latin ; combined skill in method with a luminous exposition; and was frerjucutly so full of his subject that he resorted to the foi m of '^olil jquy to give it adequate expression. He waa 420 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. also the forerunner of the mysticism , of the Schoolmen, or the union of contemplative piety with scientific theology, and led off in the controversy on Universals. Mannon, the trans- lator of Plato's Timaeus, was also engaged in furthering the work of Erigeua. Many Greeks and Englishmen, driven from their country — the former by the persecutions of the Iconoclasts, and the latter by the devastating incursions of the Danes — gathered about these two learned and zealous scholars. After the death of Charles the Bald (a. d. 876), the influ- ence of Charlemagne was no longer felt; and, until the ac- cession of Otho I., Germany was the theater of scenes of devastation and horror such as have never been witnessed from that age to our own. Science, driven from the courts of kings and the palaces of bishops, took refuge in the mon- asteries. Many of the Scots, fleeing from the old seats of learning, were hospitably received at the monastery of St. Grail, whose mountainous position secured it at once against the hostile attacks of enemies and the moral depravity of the age. Their presence and energy gave an impulse to the earnest efforts on behalf of science and art, to which so much prominence was given under the abbots Solomon I. (a. d. 839- 871) and Solomon III. (a. d. 890-920). The reputation which the monastery thus acquired drew to its walls numerous schol- ars desirous of gaining the knowledge that was there im- parted.^ Similar spirit and energy in the cause of science were displayed at the neighboring monasteries of Peiehenau and Eirschauf but, for all that, the bulk of the writers of name during the tenth century belonged to St. (?all. Such were Eccehard I., who received special marks of recognition from the Emperor Otho I. and Pope John XII. for his excel- lent religious canticles ; Eccehard II., whom Otho, upon the recommendation of Hedwig, the widow of Burkhard, Duke of Suabia, a lady equally remarkable for austerity of life and 'Of. Diimmhr, The Formalary of B. Solomon III., Lps. 1857; tlie same, Me- morials of St. Gall, from the times of the Carlovingiaris, Lps. 1859. ^Por details concerning all the following writers, see Hefele's Supplem. toCh. H., where particulars may also he found on the brandies iaugkt, the method of teaching, and the libraries used. § 203. Theological Literature — Works and Their Authors. 421 cultivation of mind, invited to court to direct tlie studies of his sou, Otho II. ; and finally, the learned Eceehard III., a relative of the preceding Eceehard, and Dean of St. Gall. The fame of the monastery of St. Gall was greatly increased by the vast and varied acquirement and splendid reputation of two of its scholars. These were the two Notkers — the one a physician [Physicus), an author of sacred hymns, a painter, and a musician ; the other (Labeo), the most learned German of the tenth century, was gifted with a versatility of talent, and was equally eminent as a theologian, a musi- cian, a poet, a mathematician, an astronomer, and a philolo- gist. One of the songs composed by ITotker Balbulus, entitled "Media Vita," became very popular, and his work "De Inter- pretibus Divinarum Scripturarum" long remained a valuable guide to the students of theology. A large debt of gratitude is also due to him for having in a measure cast his mother- tongue into scientific form, for he was the first to employ it in the treatment of scientific subjects (f A. D. 1022). At the close of the tenth and the opening of the eleventh century, the fame formerly enjoyed by the monastery of Reichenau as a seat of learning was again restored by the monks Burkhard and Rupert, both poets, and by Herman the Decrepit. Eegino of Pruvi (f A. D. 915) and Burkhard, Bishop of Worms (f a. d. 1025), made new collections of decretals. In the year 910 was founded the monastery of Clugny, which became for a time the custodian, and, later on, the fosterer of learning in France. Among the causes which mainly contributed at this time to the progress of learning were the labors of the monasteries of Germany ; the efforts of the Saxon Emperors in its behalf and their taste for the creations of classical antiquity, which had been awakened and cultivated by their intercourse with Constantinople; and the zeal of many holy bishops. To these must be added the in- fluence of the Arabian schools at Cordova (after the year 980), where special attention was given to the study of the natural sciences. Both Hock and Hefele have shown, not by general asser- tions or doubtful inferences, but by actual citation of facts 422 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. and names, that the tenth century, so often called the Age of Iron, the Age of Lead, and the Dark Age, is far from being as black as it is usually represented. They have shown that it is very important to make a distinction between the first and second half of the century, and that to form a judg- ment of the whole from the character of either of its parta would be to commit a grave historical blunder.' Some idea of the mental culture of this century may be had from what we are told of the accomplished Hroswitha (Helena of Eos- sow, t A. D. 984), a nun of Gandersheim, who was an elegant Latin scholar — a languag«\which, as she herself informs us, had been taught her by ladies — knew Greek moderately well, sang the exploits of Otho the Great in rhyming hexametei's and wrote comedies in the style of Terence.^ We should not here omit mention of the School of Liege, founded by Bishop Notker (f A. d. 1007), and by him placed under the direction of Wazon, a man in every way worthy ol the charge, who afterward became Bishop of Liege. Thia school was styled by contemporaries the nursery of learning, because of the number of bishops and scholais who were trained within its walls.' ISTeither was Italy destitute of scholars during the tenth century. There was Ratherius, the austere Bishop of Verona and Liege (f A. D. 974), who in his writings pursued the dissolute clergy of the age with vehe- 1 Angelus Politianus, Laurentius Valla, and even Baronius, judging the whole Church by the deplorable condition of the Apostolic See, have unquestionably drawn too dark a picture of the tenth century. A more enlightened and favor- able judgment has been passed upon these years by Du Pin, Biblioth. des auteurs Cecils., in the avertissement du siecle X. ■'Carraina Ottonis I.: Comoediae sacrae VI. (opp. ed. Schurzfieisch, Vit. 1794, 4to, ed. Barack, Norimb. 1858 ; Comoed. VI., ed. J. Bcndixen, Lubec. 1857. The letter alleged in Mabillon, Annal. Bened., T. III., p. 547, and in Steivjel, Laud, jjcnod., p. 169, says of Hroswitha : Graece et Latine dootissima, oratores dicendi iu-te supergressa, poetarum sui temporis nuUi inferior, etc. Asclibach, Eoswitha iind Conrad Celtes, Vienna, 1867, strangely questioned the genuineness of the works of Hroswitha, pretending that they were the fabrication of Conrad Celtes who lived in the sixteenth century. As to the victorious refutation of Barack, IluLund, and Kopke, see Reusch, Bonn Theol. Eevue, nro. 23, year 1869. Hros- witha's works in Mir/ne's Scr. Lat., Vol. 137. "Cf. Gesta episoopor. Leodiens. {ilariine IV., p. 865.) '*Alb. Thijm, Vazon, ^vequo de Liege et son temps, Brux. 1862 (revue Beige ot 6trangere). Hofier Gorman Popes, Pt. II.j p. 381 sq. § 203. Theological Literature — Works and Their Authors. 423 ment and relentless severity ;' Atto, Bishop of Vercelli (from A. D. 945), who constantly lamented the relaxation of disci- pline;^ and Luitmand, Bishop of Cremona (after a. d. 970), the author of a history containing a frightful picture of the depravity of the age ; but the truthfulness of the statements given in this work is very much shaken by the looseness of his own life and his courtly servility.^ Among the French writers of this century was Canon Flodoard, the author of a histoiy of the Church of Eheims.'' Et is with feelings of pride that the historian mentions the name of Gerbert. In learning and finished scholarship, for which he was partly indebted to the Arabs, he was far in ad- vance of his age.° A copious, original, and elegant writer, he was equally conversant with mathematics, astronomy, and the natural sciences, and with the Bible, the Fathers, and the Sa.cred Canons. These latter were the sources whence he drew the principles of his dogmatical, moral, and disciplinary teaching. He was so enamored of philosophy that he deemed it, equally with faith, a Divine gift. He was also a close student of rhetoric, and published a text-book on the subject. The fame of his marvelous leai-ning reached the remotest corners of France and Germany, and raised the School of Rheims to a height of reputation which it was unable to sus- tain when he had passed away, and was never again able to reach. His name, his labors, and his zeal gave a fresh im- pulse to study and drew to his side a numerous and enthusi- ''■ Ratherius, de contemptu canonum; apologia sui ipsius; de discordia inter ipsum et clericos ; meditationum cordis s. praeloquior., libb. VI. and epp. IV. (0pp. odd. Ballerini, Veron. 1756, f.) Cf. Engelhardt, on Eatherius (Treatisa of Churcli History, nro. 5). Vogel, Eatherius of Verona and the tenth Century, .Jena, 1854. ^Atio VercelL, de pressuris ecclesiast., libb. III.; colleotio canonum; epp. XI. {cCAchdry, Spieileg. ed. II., T. I., in Mignes Ser. Lat., T. 134.) ' Cf. Wattenbach, Sources of the Hist, of Germ., 2d ed., p. 2G4. Gregorovius, Hist, of the City of Eome, Vol. III., pp. 273, 274. * Flodoardi Historia Ecclesiao Ehemensis (in 948), ed. Colvenenus, Duaci, 1617. He also wrote a chronicon sive annales, from 877 to 966. [Bouquet, T. V., and in Migne, Ber. Lat., T. 136.) *Por editions of his works, see above, p. 311, note 1. Conf Histoire LitiSr.aira de la France, T. VI., p. 677. Hock, Gerbert, or Pope Sylvester II. and bis Age, Vienna, 1837. Hofler, German Popes, Pt. I., p. 85-88. 424 Period 2. JEJpoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. astic band of disciples (f A. d. 1003). The most illustrious of these was Fulbert of Chartres (f a. d. 1029), who, if he con- tributed little to science and literature by his own writings, has the honor and merit of having trained talented and ac- complished scholars who contributed much. Another of the disciples of Gerbert was Berengarius of Tours, whom we shall again have occasion to mention when, we come to speak of his discussion with Lanfranc (who became Archbishop of Canterbury, a. d. 1070) in the second controversy on the Eucharist. We have already seen how powerful an influence was exercised in Italy by Peter Damian in restoring the mor- als and discipline of the clergy. Trained in the austere dis- cipline of the monastery of Fonte-Avellana, and in its severe and exact course of studies, he was specially fitted for this difficult task. His writings, which are chiefly directed against the simony and immorality of the priesthood, and are grave and ascctical in character, show an extensive knowledge of Holy Scriptures, of the writings of the Fathers, and of the Canons of the Church (f a. d. 1072).' Side by side with the cloister-schools of Fulda and Jlildes- heim, there flourished in ISTorthern Germany, during the first half of the eleventh century, the celebrated school of Pader- born, founded by Bishop Meinwerk^ (a. d. 1009-1036). Her- 7aan of Eeichenau, surnamed Contractus, on account of bodily deformity, is praised by Trithemius, a writer usually well in- formed, as a philosopher, an astronomer, a poet,^ an orator, a musician, and a theologian of merit, and bore the reputation I Opera, Eom. 1606-1640; Venet. 1744, fol. ; in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 144 and 145. ^In the vita Meinwercl., cap. XI., the busy, studious life there is poetically described thus : "Studiorum multiplicia sub eo floruere exercitia; quando ibi musici fuerunt et dialectic! enituerunt, rhetorici clarique grammatici, quando magistri artium ibi exercebant trivium, quibus omne studium erat circa qua- drivium. Ubi mathematici claruerunt et astronomici, habebantur physici atquo geometrici. Viguit Horathis magnus atque Virgilius, Crispus Sallusiius et urba- iius Statius. ludusque fuit omnibus, insudare versibus et dictaminibus juoundisque c;iiitibus." {Bolland. Acta SS. m. Junii, T. I., p. 637.) Cf. [Ecelt, Supplem. to tlie History of the state of the Studies and Instruction in the German and French Church of the eleventh century, Paderborn, 1856 sq. (Two Pro- grammes.) 3 Author of the Salve regina and Alma redemptoris mater. § 204. New Controversy on Predestination — Gottschalk. 425 of being the greatest biblical scholar of bis age — a reputation to which his knowledge of the Greek and Arabic languages contributed not a little.' After the death of the Emperor Henry III. (a. d. 1056), and Iinitpold, Archbishop of Mentz (a. d. 1059), things took a tarn for the Avorse. Study was neglected, law and equity violated, and morality outraged. But, in spite of such draw- backs, there were distinguished scholars in Germany during the second half of the eleventh century. There was the cel- ebrated historian, Lambert of Hersfeld, who imitated success- fully the classic elegance and purity of the great Latin authors. He brought his narrative down to the election of anti-king Rudolph, "in order," as he says, "that any one wishing to take up the subject after him may have a convenient point from Avhich to start out." There was also Otklo, a Benedictine monk of the monastery of St. Emmeram, at Eatisbon (a. d. 1062), who, looking away off into the future, foretold the peculiar form which certain minds would give to mysticism as time went on.^ § 204. New Controversy on Predestination, Occasioned by the Teachings of Gottschalk. (See Vol. L, p. 589.) The writings of Eatramnus, Scot. Erigena, Lupus, Florus, Eemigius, Pruden- tius, and confess. Gotteschalki. {Mauguin.,Yett. auctor. qui saec. 15. de prae- dest. et grat. scripserunt opp. et fragm., Par. 1650, 2 vol. 4to.) Mansi, T. XIV. et XV. Harduin, T. V. Kunstmann, The letters written by Eabanus Maurus in the controversy on Predestination (Hist. Polit. Kevue, Vol. 52, p. 254 sq.) Usserius, Gotteschalki et praedest. controv. hist., Dubl. 1631, 4to, Han. 1662. Cellot, Hist. Gotteschalki praedestinatiani. Par. 1665, f. Mauguin, Gotteschalki controv. hist, et chron. synops., Par. 1650, 4to. Natalis Alex. H. E. saec. IX. et X., diss. V. '^Befele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. IV., p. 124-213. Kunstmann, Eaba- nua Maurus, p. 119 sq. Weizsacker, The dogma of Divine Predestination (An- nuary of German Theology, 1859). The monk Gottschalk, like the Gallic priest Lucidus, in a I'ormer age, misinterpreting the writings of St. Augustine and Fulgentius, put forth the most extravagant views on predes- '' Trtthem. de Scriptor. Ecc, cap. 321. Cf. Hefele, Supplem., Vol. I., pp. 312, 313. ^Othlonis lib. visionum, de cursu spiritual!; de trib. quaeat. (Pes. Thesaur., T. III., in Miffnc, Ser. Lat., T. 146.) 426 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. tiriation. He was the son of Berno, a Saxou count, and liad been from his earliest years destined bj^ his parents to a clois- tered life. Acting npon the authority of the teaching laid down by a council of Toledo, that one became a monk either by personal profession or by the promise of his parents {mon- achum facil aiit propria confessio aut paterna devotio), they forced him against his will to take the inonastic vows in pres- ence of Eabanus Maurus, abbot of the monastery of Fulda. In the year 829, a synod held at Mentz under the presi- dency of Archbishop Otgar took bis case under consideration and released him from the obligations he had taken npon himself; but the abbot Rabanus Maurus appealed to the En:i- peror, Louis the Mild, who decided that Gottschalk should keep to his former engagement. These circumstances made a residence at Fulda in many ways disagreeable to the young Saxon, and, passing across to France, he entered the monas- tery of Orbais, in the diocese of Soissons. Ill at ease in a mode of life not of his own choosing and at variance with his tastes and disposition, and smarting under the I'ecollec- tiou of the harsh treatment he had received from Rabanus Maurus, he sought distraction from his own thoughts by plunging into the study of SS. Augustine and Fnlgentius. He soon built up a system of predestination, which, though entirely at variance with the spirit aud drift of St. Augus- tine's teachings, was nevertheless supported by some of his boldest utterances. According to Gottschalk, there is a twofold predestination (gemina praedestinatio), by virtue of which God foreordains some to eternal life and others to etei-nal death. It is not, said he, the will of God that all should be saved, but only the elect, who alone are the objects of His merciful redemption. As the elect can not but be saved, so neither can the repro- bate help being damned. For these latter the Sacraments tire but empty forms and idle ceremonies. Baptism is power- less to unite them in fellowship with Christ, or to make them of the body of His Church. Since the Fall, man enjoys only the liberty of doing evil and committing sin. While the language of Gottschalk, which is at times harsh and aggressive, sufficiently bears out the scheme of predea- § 204. New Controversy on Predestination — Gottschalk. 427 tination imputed to bim by bis opponents, it is still qnite possible tbat he was moi'O ortbodox in tbougbt tban expres- sion. Wbile retuiming, in tbe year 847, from a pilijriniago to Home, Gottscbalk stopped at a bospice erected by Eber- bard, Count of Friuli, for tbe accommodation of piigrims, and Tyhile bere proposed and explained bis new system to hi.? liosts, to tbe count, and to Noting, tbe newly elected Bishop of Verona. Not long after. Bishop I>roting met Ilabanus Maurus, who had recently been elected Archbishop of Mentz (a. d. 847), at the court of Louis the Mild, and told him of tbe doctrines of Gottschalk, and bow be himself had been startled by their novelty and boldness. Rabanus promised to write a refutation of them at once, which he did in two tracts — tbe one addressed to Bishop ISToting, and tbe other to Count Eberhard. In these answers be draws a broad and clear dis- tinction between God's foreknovjledge and His loredestina- tion — between those predestined to eternal life and those whom God foreknows will not be saved. He constantly in- sists on this distinction, and maintains that the relation of God to the reprobate is properly expressed by tbe word " fore- knowledge:" i. e., tbat they are themselves the instruments of their own perdition, and tbat God, foreknowing that they would be wicked, predestined everlasting punishment to them, not them to everlasting punishment. And, appealing to Prosper as authority for the statement, be says : " God did not predestine nor withdraw from tbe number of the repro- bate those whom He foreknew would be sinners." Gottschalk, after reading the letter of Rabanus to Bishop Noting, expressed surprise that he should be accused of er- roneous teaching, and, in a reply, retorted upon Eabanus by charging him with holding the errors of semi-Pelagianism. He returned to Germany, and assisted at a great synod con- voked at Mentz (a. d. 848) by the archbishop, to consider the question in the presence of King Louis. The synod, after having taken up and discussed the teachings of Gottschalk and Rabanus, declared those of the former heretical and those of the latter clear of an^' such taint. As Gottschalk refused to give up and retract his errors, he was sent back to his metropolitan. Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims, with a 428 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. letter from the synod, drawn up by Archbishop Eabanus. Hincmar treated him with considerable severity. As Gott- schalk, on being summoned before the Council of Chiersy (Quiercy, or Crecy on the Oise), held in the year 849, not only refused to retract his doctrines, but boldly and obsti- )aately defended them, he was himself adjudged guilty of contempt of his lawful superiors and of obstinate adherence to his errors, and his teachings condemned as heretical. He was sentenced to corporal punishment and to confinement for life in the monastery of Hautvilliers, in the diocese of Rheims. Dui'ing this confinement Gottschalk drew up two confessions of faith in defense of his system of predestination, to which he steadily adhered, to the last hour of his life, and died {a. d. 868) without becoming reconciled to the Church. But his teachings lived after him, and the history of his life excited both interest and sympathy. Some said that tho treatment of him had been unnecessarily and excessively harsh,^ while others attacked both Rabanus Maurus and Hincmar for having done violence to the teaching of St. Augustine and for having favored semi-Pelagianism. Q-ott- schalk had accused Hincmar of rashness for taking exception to the expression " Te trina Deitas" in the hymn of the Church belonging to the office common to martyrs.^ The new doctrines were taken up and warmly defended by Ratramnus, a monk of Coi'bie; Remigius, Archbishop of Lyons; Pruden- tius, Bishop of Troyes; and Lufus, Abbot of Ferri^res, one of the ablest and most elegant writers of his age. They were combated with equal warmth and energy by Rabanus, Pardulus, Bishop of Laon, and Hincmar. The last-named persuaded ScotusErigena to take part in the controversy; but ' Hincmar, in a defense of hia conduct, could cite only the rule of St. Bene- dict, where it said : " Indisciplinatos et inquietos durius arguendos — vel corporis castigatione — coeroendos esse." And again, can. 3 of the Council of Agde: "In monachis quoque par praesentis sententiae forma servetur, quodsi verbcrum in- crepatio non etnendaverit, etiam verberibus statuimus coercert." ^Hincmar took deitas as expressing divine substance or essence, which indeed is but o7ie, while trinitas refers simply to the persons. His idea, then, was m-tho- dox; but he overlooked the circumstance, that Delias was usually taken as iden- tical with Deu$ (not sensu strictiori ^ substantia divina), wherefore tho ahovo expression was not open to reprehension. § 204. New Controversy on Predestination — Gottsehalk. 429 this bold and reckless thinker, by attacking the system of Gottsehalk in its philosophical rather than in its theological bearings, opened up a wide and dangerous field of contro- versy, and was himself hotly assailed by Arnold, Archbishop of Lyons, and by Florus, the master of the cathedral-schools in the same city.' Hincmar, perceiving that his opponents were growing daily more numerous and violent, resolved to end the controversy by an appeal to ecclesiastical authority. Accordingly he laid the matter before the second Synod of Chiersy (a. d. 853), which taking the four propositions of the archbishop (4 Ca- pitula Carisiacensia) as a basis, decreed — 1. That there is but one predestination ; 2. That the free will of man, before it is capable of doing good, requires preventing or antecedent and assisting grace; 3. That God will have all men to be saved; and, 4. That Christ died for all men.^ ' He was "Magister" at the Cathedral school of Lyons (t about 860), and first animadverted upon the false theological views of Scotus : Qui velut de praesci- entia et de praedestinatione divina humanis, et ut ipse gloriatur, phUosop/nc'is argumentationibus disputans, nulla ratione reddita sive scripturarum sive St. Patrum auotoritate praelata velut sequenda et tenenda, sua sola jiraesumptione deflnire ausus est. (Bibl. max., T. XV.) In matter of fact, Erigena was still reproached with the following errors: 1. Praescientiam et praedestinationem Dei unum et idem esse; 2. Praedestinationem et praescientiam Dei esse essen- tiam sicuti voluntatem, sapientiam, etc. 3. The definition .- Praedestinatio divina est lex omnium naturarum aeterna et immutabilis disciplina. 4. That, as sin was but a /lij 6v (a nonentity), God could not predestinate the sinner to hell, or positively punish him; that, therefore, damnation consisted only in the tortur- ing consciousness of having missed one's destination. ^Deus elegit ex massa perditionis, secundum praescientiam suam, quos per gratiam praedestinavit ad vitam; et vitam illis praedestinavit aeternam. Cae- teros autem, quos justitiae judicio in massa perditionis Te\iqn\t, perititros 2»'ae- scivii, sed non, ut perirent, praedestinavit. Poenam autem illis, quia Justus est, praedestinavit aeternam. Ac per hoc unam Dei praedestinationem tantLim- modo dicimus, quae aut ad donum pertinet gratiae, aut ad retributionem justi- tiae. Habemus liberum arbitrium ad bonum, praeventum et adjutum gratia; ot habemus liberum arbitrium ad malum, desertum gratia. Liberum autem habemus arbitrium, quia gratia liberatum et gratia de corrupto sanatum. Deus omnes homines sine exceptione vult salvos fieri, licet non omnes salventur : quod autem quidam salvantur, salvantis est donum; quod autem quidam pere- unt, pereuntium est meritum. — NuUus est, fuit vel erit homo, pro quo ^ChTis- tus) passus non fuerit, licet non omnes passionis ejus mysterio redimantur. Quod vero omnes passionis ejus mysterio non redimuntur, non respicit ad mag- 430 Feriod 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. The controversy continued some time longer, but was con- fined chiefly to the use of terms. At the Councils of Valence. (a. b. 855) and Langres (a. d. 859) an attempt was made by Kemegius, Archbishop of Lyons, and other defenders of the (Irottschalkian system, to have the doctrine of double predes- tination made a dogma of faith ; and, as a part of the plan, the Four Capitula were entirely misrepresented, and the M-rit- ings of Erigena condemned as containing absurd and foolish errors. The decrees of this synod were sent to Pope Nicholas I. for his approval, which be declined to give, and prudently kept aloof from the quarrel. The controversy was finally brought to a close at the na- tional Synod of Tousy (a. d. 860), in the diocese of Toul, composed of fifty-seven bishops from the fourteen French provinces, by the adoption, without much debate, of the con- clusions of the second and larger work of Hincmar, entitled "-De Praedestinatione," as the basis of settlement. § 205. First Controversy on the Eucharist — Pasehasius Badbert. Pnschasius Radberius, do corp. et sang. Domini s. de sacrament., first edition, 1831, revised cd. 1844 (Martene et Durand, Coll. ampl., T. IX.), Epist. ad Frude- gard. et ad Carol. Calv. and Expositio in Matt. xxvi. 26, and in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 120. Eabani Mauri ep. ad Heribald. s. poenitentiale, cap. 33. {Mabill. vett. Anaclet., ed. II., p. 17, and Canisil Lect. Ant , T. II., Pt. II., p. 311, in Mignils Ser. Lat., T. 112.) Dicta cjijiisd. sapient, (according to Mabillon Rah. Mauri) do Corp. ot sang. Dom. (Mablll. Acta SS. O. St. Ben. saec. IV., T. I., p. 591.) Ratramnus, de corp. et sang. Dom. ad Carol. Keg. ed. Boileau, Par. 1712. Migm, Ser. Lat., T. 121. Anonymus Cellotianus [Gerbertus), de corp. et sang. Domini (Pcz, Anecdot., T. I., Pt. II., p. 131-146). Histoire literaire do France, T. V., p. 287, and Natal. Alex. H. E. saec. IX. ct 5., diss. X. Hauslierr, S.J., St. Pasehasius Eadbertus, Mentz, 1862. See Tiibg. Quart. 1863, p. 359 sq. Renter, de Erroribus, qui aetate media doctrinam Chris- tianam de st. Eucharistia turbaverunt, Berol. 1840. The doctrine of the Eeal Presence and of Transubstantia- lion in the Sacrament of the Eucharist had been the universal u-ii.! unvarying belief of the Catholic Church from the ear- nitudincm et pretii copiositatem, sed ad infidelium et ad non credentium oafido, quae per dlleotionem operatur, respicit partem. Mansl, T. XIV., p. 920. Ear- duin, T. v., p. 18. § 205. First Controversy on the Eucharist — Radbert. 401 liest day of her foundation. Othei* doctrines were called in question; this never. It had never been a subject of contro- versy, because the steady and uniform faith with which it was held had never been disturbed. This, and other reasons equally obvious,' will account for the absence of a.nj special controversial reference to the doctrine in the Fathers of the Church and ecclesiastical writers anterior to the ninth cen- tury. They did not make it a particular subject of discus- sion, because there was no call upon them to defend it against the objections of adversaries. Paschasius Radbert, a monk, and, after the year 844, the abbot of the monastery of Corbie (f a. d. 865), was the first to write (a. d. 831) a specific and comprehensive treatise on the Eucharist, intended for the use of the students of the monastery of ISTew-Corvey, recently founded in Saxony. His only object in this woi'k was to lay before his readers a sim- ple statement of the faith of the universal Church on the Eucharist. Eadbert got out a second edition of the work in 844, which was considerably enlarged by the addition of some startling views advanced \>j Haymo of Halberstadt and J.ma- larius of Metz, and in this form dedicated it to Charles the Bald. In order the better to understand the drift of the contro- versy to which the publication of Paschasius' treatise gave occasion, it will be necessary to state briefly in advance the teachings of the earlier Doctors of the Church, as gathered from their occasional utterances concerning the doctrine of the Euchar- ist, that we may thus be .in a better position to judge whether Radbert was in accord or disagreement with them on the question. Their opinions may be classified as follows : I. Some viewed the Sacrament of the Eucharist as imme- diately and intimately connected with the Incarnation. They call it the Body of Christ, which luas born of Mary, and Avhicli suftered and died for us. They take these words in their lit- eral sense, and reject any sort of symbolical or figurative ex- planation of them. Adopting the language of the Apostolic Father, St. Ignatius, they brand such as deny the actual Pres- 1 See Vol. I., p. 726. 432 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. ence of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Eucharist as out-and-out heretics. II. Others draw a distinction between the external forms and appearances of bread and wine and the internal substance or essence. They use, in drawing out this distinction, such terms as image, figure, and sign (imago, figura, signum). III. Others give special prominence to the spiritual sense in which the Body and Blood are eaten and drunk ; speak of Christ as being present in the Sacrament in some mysterious way or manner, and refer, as an instance of their meaning, to the example of Christ, who, when instituting the Sacrament of the Last Supper, held Himself in His hands. Paschasius based his exposition of the Eucharist on the teaching of these early Fathers, but particularly on that of St. John Damascene^ and St. Ambrose.^ He drew out the doc- trine of the Church with accuracy and fullness, but in terms which have now passed out of use and are liable to be mis- understood,* insisting particularly on the following points : ^Joan. Damasc. de Fide orthod. IV. 13: XCi/xa Eanv akriSoiq r/DU/ihov -St&rrin TO EK T^g dyiag irap^hov uf^fia^ ovx Sri avrh to ava7i7j(p'&EV aufia e^ ovpavov KaTcpxETac, a\X' OTL avTOQ 6 apTug nal 6 olvog ficTa-jrowiivTat. elg aufia aal alfia -Qeov. (0pp. ed. le quien., Ven. 1734, T. I., p. 269 sq.) 'Amhros. de Mysteriis, lib. I., c. 9, n. 53: Si ordinem quaerimua, viro mixta fomina generare consuevit. Liquet igitur, quod praeter naturae ordinem virgo generavit. Et lioc quod conficimus corpus ex Virgine est: quid liic quaeris naturae ordinem in Cbristi corpore, cum praeter naturam sit ipse dominus Jesus partus ex Maria virgine? Vera utique caro Cliristi, quae crucifixa est, quae sepulta est; vere ergo carnis illius sacramentum est. (0pp. ed. Bmed., T. II., p. 339.) ^ NuUus moveatur de hoc corpore Christi et sanguine, quod in mystioo vera sit caro et verus sit sanguis, dum sic voluit ille qui creavit. Omnia enim quae- cunque voluit fecit in coelo et in terra : et quia voluit, licet in figura panis et vini maneat, hSec sic esse omnino, nihilque aliud quam caro Christi et sanguis post oonsecrationem credenda sunt: et ut mirabilius loquar, non alia plane (caro), quam quae nata est de Maria et passa in cruce, ei resurrexit de sepulcro, cap. I. Quia Christum vorarifas dentibus non est, voluit in mysterio huno panem ct ' inum vere carnem suam et sanguinem consecratione spiriius st. potentialtter creari, creando vere quotidie inysilce imtnolari : ut sicut de virgine per spiritum ,t. vera caro sine coitu creatur, ita per eundem ex substantia panis et vini mys- tiae idem Christi corpus et sanguis consecretur, cap. IV. — In hoc Christi verbo "hoc est corpus meum" creatur illud corpus, qvria divinum vorbum est. In hoc verbo "hie est calix sanguinis mei" sanguis efficitwr, quod antea vinum et aqua fuerat, cap. XV. — Ideo haec mysteria non carnalla, licet caro et sanguis sint, § 205. First Controversy on the Eucharist — Radbert. 433 1. The Presence of the true Body and Blood of Christ iu the Sacrament of the altar. 2. The firm belief that the bread and Avine, after the act of consecration, though still retaining the forms and appear- ances of bread and wine, are in very truth the Flesh and Blooa of Christ. 3. The fact, which, as he said, must seem still more mai-- velous, that this Flesh is none other than that which Christ took in the womb of the Virgin Mary, which was born of her, in which He svffered for us on the Cross, and in which Me rose again from the dead. Paschasius states, in his Explanation of Matthew xxvi. 26, that one great object of his treatise on the Eucharist was to bring home to the minds of the boys studying in the monas- tery the truth of the Real Presence of Christ in the Sacra- ment of the altar; that, with this object steadily before his thoughts, he had been at special pains to bring prominently forward the truth that the Body of Christ in the Eucharist was identical with that which was born of Mary, and was cruci- fied and rose again from the dead; that, though the substance (Veritas) and the form (figura) exist together in the Eucharist, he had no intention of ignoring, much less denying, that there were formal difierences between them, or of asserting that the form and appearance of the natural Body of Christ were the same as the form and appearance of His Body in the Eucharist. He explicitly rejected the grossly carnal doc- trine of the Capharnaites,^ which had been uujustly imputed to him. The adversaries of Paschasius, while accusing him of teach- ing that the recipient apprehended the Body and Blood of Christ by the carnal sense of taste, endeavored to show that there were properties special to the Body of Christ in the Eucharist not possessed by the natural Body of Christ while on earth. They appealed to the writings of St. Jei^ome and Eod spiritualia jure intelliguntur. Frivolum est ergo, sicut in apoorypho libro legitur, cogitare de stercore, ne commisoeatur digestione alterius oibi, cap. XX. 'The name of a sect, who, reasoning from John vi. 52, 59, put a gross and material interpretation upon the doctrine of Transubstantiation. (Tb.) VOL. II — 28 434 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. St. Augustine to establish a distinction between the saera- mentul, the natural, and the mystical Body (the Church) of Christ. The Body of Christ in the Eucharist, said they, is in substance (naturaliter) identical with the Body taken^from the womb of Mary, but different in form and appearance (spccialiter). These views were advocated by certain anony- mous writers and by Eabanus Maurus, Archbishop of Mcntz. But Radbert's most determined opponent was a monk of his own monastery, by name Eatramnus (f a. d. 866), vt^ho re- mained for a long time unknown. He maintained that a dis- tinction should be made between the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament and the presence which came within the do- main of the senses; that the Sacrament consisted of two parts, viz., the hgure or form (Jigura, imago) and that to which the figure or form belongs, or the substance of the Sacrament {ceritas, res sacramenti). Hence he insisted that there was a difference of form and appearance between the nat- ural and the Eucharistic Body of Christ, and that the form by which the latter is apprehended through the senses is not not its own, but that of bread and wine. With the exception of the above points, Ratramnus, in his treatment of the question, is very obscure; and this obscurity clings to him, whether engaged in refuting an adversary or establishing his own position. He accuses his opponents of maintaining that there is no distinction whatever between the outward appearance of the Sacrament, or that which falls under the senses, and its essence; that it appears to the senses as it is in fact, and is not hidden under any outward veil; that that which is visible to sense is identical with that which is visible to faith ; and that conse([uently there is no call for an exercise of faith in the Sacrament of the Eu- charist.^ 'lUo pan is, qui par sacordotis ixiinistoi'iiim Christ! corpus cScitiu-, aliucl ccte- rius liumanis scnsibus ostoiidit, ct uliud inicrius fidolium mcntibus clamat. Pariis illo vinumqup ligurato Christi corpus et sanguis existit. — Christi cdrpua et sanguis noii sunt idem, quod cernuniur ot quod creduniur. Secundum oiiim quod cernuntur, corpus pascunt corruptibile, ipsa oorruptibilia ; secundum vuro quod creduntur, sjnimas pascunt in aeternum vieturas, ipsa immortalia. — Dlffe- runt autem a se species et Veritas. Quapropter corpus et sanguis, quod in ecclesia § 205. First Controversy ov the Eucharist — Hadbert. 435 In attempting to explain the constituents of the Sacrament, liatranmus appears at times to admit that the substance of the bread is changed into the Body of Christ by the words of c(jnsecration ; but he also appears to maintain that the Divine Word or Logos takes the place of the Body of Christ in the Sacrament and nourishes the soul; and even goes the lengtli of asserting that the Israelites received the Body of Christ in the manna — a view explicitly condemned by Christ Himself (John vi.) In presence of such facts as these, the efforts of Boileau and Natalis Alexander to prove that the work of Batramnus contains no dogmatical errors can not be regarded as satisfactory.' geritur, differt ab illo corporo ot sanguine, quod in Christi corpore^er resurrec- tionem jam glorijicatum cognoscitur. Et hoc corpus pignus est ct Veritas, illud vero ipsa Veritas. — Videmus itaque multa differentia separari mysteriiim san- guinis ct corporis Cliristi, quod nunc a lidelibus sumitur in ccclesia, et illud quod natum est de Maria virgine, quod passum, quod scpultum, quod surrexit, quod coelos ascondit, quod ad dexteram Patris sedet. — But Eatramn argued further; Dicunt, quod nulla sub llgura, nulla sub elevatione fiat, sed ipsius Veritas nuda manifestatione peragatur. (Sed) si figurato nihil hie accipiatur, sed totum in veritato conspiciatur : nihil hie fides operahir. Nam si videres, diceres, video, non diceres, eredo, corpus sanguinemquc esse Christi. Nunc autem quia fides totum, quidquid illud est, aspicit, ct oculus carnis nihil apprehendit, intcllige, quod non in specie, sed in vlrtuie corpus nt sanguis Christi cxistant, quae cernuntur. — Et sicut non corporaliter, sed sptrltuallter panis ille credcn- tium corpus dicitur: sic quoquo Christi corpus non corporaliter, sod spiritualiter necesse est intelligatur. — Igitur si vinum illud sanctifieatum per ministrorum officium in Christi sanguinem corporaliter eonvertitur: aqua quoquo, quae pari- ter admista est, in sanguinem populi credentis necesse est corporaliter convorta- tur. — At videmus in aqua secundum corpus nihil esse eonvcrsum. Consequentor ergo ot in vino nihil corporaliter ostensum. Aecipitur spiritualiter, quidquid in aqua de populi corporo significatur. Aceipiatiir ergo necesse est spiritualiier, quidquid in vino de Ghristi sanguine intimatur. Notwithstanding the efforts of Natalis Alexander to put an orthodox interpretation upon the words, of this author, his meaning is still very doubtful, and may be understood as implying no more than a Presence, which, dependent on ilie faitli of the individual, is still a means of bringing him to the knowledge of Christ Jesus in the Eucha- rist. Still, the Magdeburg Ccnturiators held that the work of Eatramnus Iranssubstantiaiionis habet semina; utitur enim vocabulis commutationis ct con- versionis. ' See the history of this work, edited by Boileaa, Par. 1712, in Mabillcn, Acta ordin. St. Bened. saec. IV., Pt. II., p. 8 sq.; in Du Pin, Bibl., sieelo IX., and in the B )k of Eatramn, etc., Oxford, 1888. The author, at the request of Charle.^ the Bald, answers two questions : utrum aliquid secreti contineat, quod oeulis 436 Period 2. Epoch 1. PaH 2. Chapter 5. Servatus Lupus, after examining the doctrine of Eatraninus, pronounced many things in it to be of doubtful orthodoxy; Moms, Master of the School of Lyons, made an attempt t(/ clear up the difficulties, and, whei'e that was not possible, 1o explain them away; and Scotus Erigena, at the request of Charles the Bald, unfortunately engaged in the controversy, and, yielding to his tendency for the allegorizing method, ex- plained everything in a superficial and rationalistic sense, and so attenuated the dogma of the Eucharist that in his hands it ceased to be more than a holy symbol and solemn memorial' fidei solummodo pateat — et utrum ipsum corpus sit, quod de Maria natum est et passum ? ''■Scoti Erig. de Euchar., lib. (?), attacked already in the year 870 by Adreval- dus, monk of Eleury, in liis work, De corpore et sanguine Cbristi ctr. ineptiaa Joan. Scoti {dAchiry, Spicileg., T. I., p. 150). Hincmar. de Praedest., c. 31, accuses him: "Quod sacramenta altaris non verum corpus et verus sanguis sit Domini, sed tantum memoria veri corporis et sanguinis ejus," etc., and in the ep. Ascelini ad Bereng. : ".loan. Scotum toto nisu totaque mente ad hoc solum ten- dere video, ut mihi persuadeat, hoc videlicet, quod in altari consecratur, neque vere corpus, neque vere sanguinem esse," etc., in Mansi, T. XIX., p. 775. The treatise of Erigena, to vfhich Berengarius referred, was condemned by a synod of Paris, and by the councils of Vercelli (a. d. 1050) and Rome (a. d. 1059), and having been burnt in consequence, has not come down to us. But, since the publication of Erigena's commentary on the work of Dionysius the Areopa^ gite, entitled liierarchia Coelestls, edited by Floss, there is no longer any ques- tion as to the views of Erigena on the Eucharist [Joan. Scoti opera, ed. Floss, pp. 140, 141). Sequitur "et in unum prineipationis ipsam divinissimae eucha/- ristiae assumptionem." Intuere quam pulcre, quam expresse asserit: visibilem banc eucharistiam, quam quotidie sacerdotes ecclesiae in altari conficiunt ex sensibili materia panis et vini, quamque confectam et sanctificatam corporaliter accipiunt: typicam esse siTrdliiudinem spiritualis principatio^iis Jesu, quam fideli- ter solo intellectu gustamus, h. e. intelligimus inque nostrae naturae interiora viscera sumimus ad nostram salutem et spirituale incrementum et ineffahilem deificatiojiem,. Oportet ergo, inquit, humanum animum ex sensibilibus rebus in coelestfum virtutum similitudinem et aequalitatem ascendentem arbitrari, divin- issimam eucharistiam visibilem in ecclesia conformatam maximo typum esse participationis ipsius, qua et nunc participamus Jesum per fidem et in futurd participabimus per speciem, eique adunabimur per caritatem. Quid ergo ad banc magni theologi Dionysii praeclarissimam tubam respondent, qui visibilem eucliaristiam nihil aliud significare praeter se ipsam volunt asserere, dum claris- sima tuba praefata clamat, non ilia sacramenta vis'ibilia colenda neque pro leritaie amplexanda, quia signiflcativa veritatis sunt, neque propter se ipsa inventa, quo- niam in ipsis intelligentiae finis non est, sed propter incomprehensibilem veri- tatis virtutem, quae Christus est, in unitate humanae divinaeque suae substantiao ultra omue, quod sensu sentifur corporeo, super omne, quod virtute percipitur § 205. First Controversy on th: Eucharist — Radbert. 4:17 (memoria corporis et sanguinis Christi) of the Body and Blood i)f Christ. Amalarius, a priest of Mertz, gave still greater offense by his treatment of the question. Starting ^Yith a proposition, which is in itself true and not of unfrequent occurrence in the writings of the Fathers of the Church, to the effect that the Body of our Lord in the Eucharist is food and uourish- 7nent, not alone for the soul of man, but for the body also, he went on to deduce from this that the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist, when received by man, is subject to the same laws of decomposition, assimilation, and excretion as other food taken into the human system. A doctrine so revolting outraged the religious feelings of Christians, and was branded with the opprobrious name of Stercoranism} But, revolting as it was, even Eabanus Maurus, toward the close of his life, was accused of favoring it.^ intelligentiae Deus invisibilia in utraque sua natura." An attempt has been made to show, by the quotations from the Areopagite, made by Erigena, and, above all, by the expression, "ineft'abilis deificatio," that Erigena, notwithstand- ing his equivocal expressions, saw incomparably much more in the Eucharist than the later heretics, Berengarius, Zwinglius, and Calvin. But as to Eri- genu's appeal to the Areopagite, Hurjo a St. Victors (opp. ed. Kothom., T. I., p. 482) says : Sane hoc notandum, quod 'quidam et hoc loco (the words quoted from the Areop.) munimentum erroris sui ducere putaverunt dioentes, in sacrameuto altaris voritatem corporis et sanguinis Christi non esse, sed iniaglnem illius tan- tum et firjuram. Hence, not much capital can he made of the expression, "inef' fabitis deificatio," as against the positive testimony of Bincmar and the Epist. Ascelini ad Berengarium. 1 Matth. Pfaff. diss, de Stercoranistis med. aevi tam Latin, quam Graec, Tiib. 1750, 4to. (The author is rather too liberal with his accusations of Stercoran- ism.) ^Viz., in his weak and obscure answer to a question on this subject, proposed to him by Herihald, Bishop of Auxerre: "Quod interrogastis, utrum eucharistia postquam consumitur, et in secesaum emitiitur, more aliorum oiborum iterum redeat in naturam pristinam, quam hahuerat, antequam in altari consecraretur? " To this llobanus made the following answer: "Superflua est hujusmodi quaestio, cum ipse salvator dixerit in evangijlio: omne quod intrat in os, in ventrem \ adit, et in secessum emittitur" (Matt. xv. 17). "Sacramentum corporis et san- guinis, i. e. ex rebus visibilibus et corporalibus conficitur; sed invisibilem tam corporis quani animae efficit sanctiflcationem et salutem. Quae est enim ratio, ut hoc, quod stomacho, digeritur et in secessum emittitur, iterum in statum pristinum redeat, cum nullus hoc unquam fieri asseruerif" [Cm:.:Kii I.cct. An- tiq., T. II., Pt. II., p. 311.) Eabanus might indeed have expressed hir, thought 438 Penod 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. A want of clearuess, an indistinctness of ideas, and an in- definiteness in terms, are faults common to the writers on both sides of this controversy, fuom its rise to its close ; but, notwithstanding this vagueness, it is certainly somewhat re- markable that no controversialist on either side impugned either the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the altar or the doctrine of Transsubstantiation. The scope of the dis- cussion was strictly confined to the mode of Christ's Presence and the manner in which the change of substance loas brought about. On these points, however, the writers on both sides went to extremes, or were, rather, led to them when their re- spective lines of reasoning were carried on to their logical conclusions; and the results at which they arrived prove how hazy and uns<;ientific were their views on the Blessed Sacra- ment. One party, of which Amalarins may be taken as Lhe representative, gave such prominence to the material elements of the Body of Christ in the Eucharist as to totally destroy its spirituality; while the other, whose representative was Scotus Erigena, so spiritualized the Body of Christ that the matter of the Sacrament {res saeramenti) was reasoned away till all that was left was but an outward appearance or shadr/.v destitute of all reality. Gerbert, who afterward ascended the papal throne under the name of Sylvester II., summing up this controversy, in his work on the Eucharist, classifies the difl'erent parties to which it gave rise under the following heads: 1. The Stercoranists, whose position was wholly un- tenable ; 2. Those who held, with Radhertus, that the Body of Christ received in the Eucharist is identical with that boi'n of the Virgin Mary ; 3. The opponents of Radbert, who held that the Body of Christ in the Euchnrist is not in all respects identical with His natural Body. Gerbert himself taught that there is no essential difference between the last two opinions; for, said he, the Body of Christ in the Sacrament :uid that born of the Virgin Mary are essentially (naturaliter) one and the same; while, on the other hand, there may be in u more simple and, at the same time, more correct way, if he had said: Only common food — as Christ already said in St. Matt. xv. 17 — is subject to tht laws of nature. Hero, there is no common food ; hence, there can be no question of the consequences of the natural laws. § 205. First Controversy on the Eucharist — Eadbert. 439 modes of existence {modus existcndi) special (specialiter) to one and not to the other; so that, being identical in essence, there may nevertheless be aspects in which they differ. To those who found fault with Paschasius for applying the words figure (iigura) and truth (veritas) to the Sacrament of the altar, he replied that the words were quite appropriate — figure signifying that which falls under the senses, and truth that which is apprehended by faith. To the third charge brought against Paschasius, viz., that Christ is cruciiied again as often as Mass is said {totievs Christum jpati quotiens missas contingat eotidie celebrari), he re- plied that no such words were to be found in the writings of Paschasius; that his adversaries had drawn the inference from words used by him to express the identity of the Body of Christ on Ihc altar with that on the Cross {in altari et in cnicc), and that Paschasius himself had protested against such an imputation.' Gorbert adds these words ■} " It would be wrong to imagine that there is anything false, deceptive, or of little account in the Mystery of the Body and Blood of Christ, since there bread and wine are changed into what they were not, by the Divine blessing and the power of the Word of God." The words of Lessing, whose work is referred to at the head of the following paragraph, contain an admirable argu- ment against the constant and persistent assertion of Protest- ants, that Transubstantiation was not a doctrine of the Church until after the time of Paschasius, by whose labors it be- came so. " If it be true," says he, " as Zwinglius asserts, that the ' In the cpist. ad Fruclogard., Paschasius says : Haec victima nohis mortem TJnigeniti per mystcri.um roparat, qui licot surgcns a mortuia jam non morihcr tamen, in scipso immorialUcr atque incorruptibiUtcr vcvens, pro nobis iterum in hoc mysterio sacrao oblationis immolatur. Hinc pensemus, quale sit pro nobis sacriflcium, quod pro absolutione nostra passionem TJnigeniti filii semper imiictur. '' His expressions are : Fiyura est, (him. panis ct vinum extra videtur, verilas autera, dum et sanguis Christi in veritate interius croditur. — In mysterio cor- poris ot sanguinis Christi, quod virtuto coelestis benedictionis et verbi divini in id, qnod non erat, oonsecratur. nihil falsimi, nihil frivolum, nihil infidum senti- amus. Of. Hocl-^ Gerbert, p. 16&-169. 440 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. doctrine of merely external signs was the primitive and original doctrine of the Church, how was it possible that it should sud- denly have given rise to the doctrine of Transubstantiation ? Would not this have been a dangerous leap in the dark, such as the human reason never takes, even in its most unaccount- able wanderings from the truth? And, in order to avoid taking it, should we not in our own case have approached the doctrine of Transubstantiation by a more consistent, if less direct course ? Should we not have gone on from merely external signs to pregnant signs, as we will call them for the sake of brevity, or to such as are full of meaning and hidden virtue ? And, having assumed this much, we should then have passed from signs to reality. The process would then be this: Mrst came the belief in merely external signs; next, the belief in signs possessing a virtue; and finally, a substituting for any sign whatever the reality or the thing itself. ISTow the question arises, how did it come about that the transition was made from the first to the second stage without exciting comment or being the occasion of a controversy, while the transition from the second to the third, effected, as we are told, by Paschasius, was the occasion of much trouble and quarreling? This is tjie more remarkable, since the former would have been more offensive than the latter to the faith and religious feelings of the people. 'Sow, as it is absolutely certain that the first leap in this supposed course of intellectual gymnastics was not the occasion of either protest or controversy, it is but nat- ural to infer that no such course ever took place at all, and that the doctrine of the Chui-ch was from the beginning what it is to-day." This reasoning will acquire the full force of positive proof when it is recollected that there are historical facts which go to show that if there was one thing of which the faithful were more suspicious than of another, it was the introduction of any new dogma or teaching. Thus, for example, they in- dignantly protested against those who denied the divinity of Christ; rose in tumult when an attempt was made at Constantinople to abolish the use of the expression '■'Mother of Grod;'" and obstinately resisted the substitution of the § 206- Second Controversy on Eucharist — Berengarius. 4l41 word hedera for cucurbita, the one to which they were accus- tomed, in a new translation of Jonas iv. 6. § 206. Second Controversy on the Eucharist, Occasioned by the Writings of Berengarius of Tours. I. Lanfranci lib. de Euohar. sacr. ctr. Berengar. (1063-1070), Baa. 1528, and oftener (0pp. ed. (CAcUry, Par. 1684, f., ed. Giles, Oxon. 1844 sq., 2 V., and in Ml!)ne, Sor. Lat., T. 1-50). Hugo, Episcop. Lingonens. (Langrcs), Tractatns de corpore et sanguine Christi. Deoduinus, Episcop. Leodiens. ep. ad Eegem. Durandu.t, Abb. Troarnens., de corp. et sang. Christi. Ckdtmundi, Archiep. Aversani, de corp. et sang. Christi veritate in Eucharistia, lib. VIII. (collected in Max. Bibl. SS. PP., T. XVIII.; Bibl. Patr. Col., T. XI.) Berengar. lib. de s. coena ctr. Lanfranc. lib. posterior, (edition announced by Stdudlin, and partly published in six programmes. Getting. 1820 sq.), complete, but very incorrect, edition by A. F. and T. Th. Visclier, Berol. 1834 ; fit for use only with the Ap- pendix by Grotefend, written down already by Sclionemann, head librarian of the ducal library at Wolfenbiittel. The Acts in Mansi, T. XIX. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I. Adelmanni de Verit. corp. et sanguin. Dom. ep. ad Bereng. (Bibl. PP. Colon., T. XI., p. 848; Max. Bibl., T. XVIII., p. 438), most complete ed., G. A. Schmidt, Brunsv. 1770. Bernaldus Constant. (1088), de Bereng. multipl. condemnation e. (Matlh. Riberer, Eaccolta Eerrarese di opuscoli scientifici, Ve- nez. 1789, T. XXI.) Sudendorf, Berengarius Turonensis, a collection of letters (22) referring to him, Hamb. 1850. II. Roye, Vita, haeresis et poenitentia Bereng., Andegavi, 1656. MabiUon, de Multipljci Ber. damnat. (Analect,, T. II.) Lessing, Berengarius of Tours, Bruns- viak, 1770. (Lessing, complete works, ed. by Lachmann, Vol. VIII., p. 814 sq.) Stdudlin, Berengarius of Tours (Staudlin and Tzschirner, Archives, Vol. III., p. 1); see Renter, de Erroribus, etc. See above, p. 570. IFiW, Eestoration of the Church, nro. 2. Sefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. IV., p. 703 sq. The view of the Eucharist set forth and defended in the eleventh century by Berengarius was an out-and-out heresy. Berengarius was born at Tours, was educated by Fulbert of Charters, and, after quitting school, taught secular branches for a time in his native city. A skillful dialectician, and pos- sessing considerable knowledge of the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers of the Church, he soon rose to eminence, and became, in the year 1031, Scholasticus, or Director of the Cathedral- school of Tours, and in 1041 was appointed Archdeacon at Augers.^ On the fundamental doctrine of the Christian re- ligion, he adopted the teaching of Scotus Erigena, to whose ' On the life of Berengarius, Hist, litteraire de la Prance, T. VIII., p. 197 sq. 442 Period 2. Efoeh 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. anthority lie openly appealod,' and pursuing the rationalistic toiulcncy^ of bis mind, which had early developed itself, ho pronounced, still more distinctly and emphatically tljan his master, against the doctrine of Transubstantiation. He held that no change Avbatever, in the strict and proper sense of the word,^ was efl'eeted in the material elements of the Eucharist, and that the only change they underwent was precisely the same as that which takes place in the matter of the other Sacraments through the form of prayer used in each. Thus, for example, as a Divine virtue or influence is imparted to water or oil by the sacramental form, and operates through them, so also in the Sacrament of the Eucharist the bread and wine become the medium or channel of this virtue, but in themselves are essentially what they were before the sacra- mental act was performed. It is true, Berengarius admitted in words that a change takes place in the Sacrament of the Eucharist ; that the true Body of Christ is present, and that there is an oblation of the Body of Christ in the Mass; but bis only purpose in doiug so was to give an orthodox color- ^Borongarius Jo.imiis Scoti loctiono ad banc nofariam dovolutus est soctam. (Flor. Pi-anc. hist, fragm.) But Berengarius himself aclcnowlcdgcd that ho was a partisan of Erigena: Si haeretieum habes Joanncm, cujus sontontias do euoha- ristia probamus, habendus tibi est hacretious Ambrosius, Hieronj-mus, Augus- tinus, ut do caeteris taceam. (Ep. ad Lanfrane., in Harduiii, T. VI., Ft. VI., p. 1010.) Cf. Pagi ad Baron, annal. a. 1050, nr. VII. Berengarius also made u'so of the same false method, in treating positive doctrines of the Church, that bad been used by Erigena. For Lanfrano, do Eucharistia, c. 7, addressing liim, says: Kelictis sacris auctoritatibus ad dialocticam confugium facis. Et quidem do mysterio fldei auditurus ao responsurus, quao ad rem dobeant pertinero, mallom audire ao respondero sacras auctoritates, quam dialcctieas rationes. Thorcforo, exactly as magister Elorus had complained of Seotus Erigena, see p. 429, n. 1. ''Bp. Guitinund thus refers to the studies of Berengarius : Cum juveniles adhuo in scholis ageret annos, ut ajuni, qui cum tunc iiovcrant, elatus ingenii levitate, ipsius magistri sensum non adeo ourabat, libros insuper artium contemnebat. And, further down, ho goes on to say ; Cum per se attingero philosophiao alti- oris secreta non posset, neque onim homo ita acutus orat, sod ut tunc tomporis liberales artes intra Gallias peuo obsoleverant, novis saltern verborum interpre- tationibus, quibus ctiam nunc nimium gaudet, singularis scientiae sibi laudom arrogare et cujusdam excellentiae gloriam venari qualitercunquc poterat afiec- tabat. ' Guitinund says, 1. c: Nam Berengariani omnes quidem in hoc convoniunt, 5«iff panis et vinum essentiaXiter non mutantur. § 206. Second Controversy on Eucharist— Berengarius. 443 ing to his innovations, to give them a Catholic exterior, and to avoid openly assailing the received doctrine of the Church. Hence he clothed his errors in the accepted language of Catholic theology, and proposed openly what in his heart he denied. Eor, while using an orthodox phraseology, ho really meant only that Christ is spiritually present in the elements, and that a certain efficacy or virtue is imparted to them by the faith oj the individual} That this was in truth the opinion of Eeren 'Owing to tho vacillating character of Berongarius and liis frequent changes of mind, there is some doubt as to what was precisely his doctrine on the Eucharist. Two different opinions are ascribed to him: 1. That he denied Transsubstantiation, but admitted tho Eeal Presence in tho Eucharist ; in other words, that he hold a doctrine similar to that of Lutheran impanation. 2. That ho denied the Eeal Presence, and, like Zwingllus at a later day, put a figurative interpretation upon tho form of consecration. Eelative to tho first opinion, wo have tho words of Maribne and Durand (Thesaur. noT. anocdotor., T. IV., p. 99): "Ex hoc loco ct ex suporius dictis patet, Berengarium realem, ut ajunt, Christi praesentiam admisisse in Eucharistia, sed transsubstantiationcm praeser- tim cum ncgasso, id quod probat multisque oxemplis demonstrat noster jVIabil- lonius in praefat. ad saccul. VI. ord. Boned." And Guiimund relates : "JVIultum in hoc differunt (Borcngariani), quod alii nihil omnino do corporc et sanguine Domini sacramentis istis inesso, sed tantummodo umbras haec et flguras esse dicunt. Alii vero dicunt, ibi corpus et sanguinem Domini revera, sed latenter contineri, ct ut sumi possint, quodammodo, ut ita dixerim iwpanari. Et hano ipsius Bercngarii subtiliorcm esse sententiam ajunt." But Adelmann (Director of the School of Liege, and in 1048 Bishop of Brescia), 1. c. that the second opinion contains tho true doctrine of Berengarius, who, ho says, hold only a figura quaedam ct similiUido. But tho following words of his own prove the true position of Berongarius: "Non minus ircrptca locuiione dioitur: panis, qui ponitur in altari, post conseerationem est corpus Christi, et vinum sanguis, quam dioitur, Christus est leo, Christus est agnus, Christus est summus angu- laris lapis." But tho following words of Berengarius, taken from the third fragment of his epist. ad Adelmannum, are still more significant. Ho had already said in his treatise, Dc sacra Cocna, that the whole Body of Christ was delivered up to death, ita habeas totum, intcgrumque Christi corpus accipi (per sacramentum altaris), and that sinee the Body of Christ, being now in Heaven, in a condi- tion of invisible unity, no visible manifestation of it can take place, and con- sequently, when the eating of His Body is spoken of, it should be understood in a spii-iiual sense to mean that the participant raises his mind and heart up to tho Body of Christ in Heaven. He adds: Since, according to the words of Holy Writ, tho Body and Blood will remain in Heaven until the end of the world, none of the faithful can presume to say, "so ad refectionem animae suae flccipere nisi totam et integram Dei sui carmen, non autem coelo devocatani, sed in coeU> manenicm, quod ore corporis fieri ratio nulla permittit, cordis, ad 444 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. garius is still further proved by his assertion that the Body of Christ, after His resurrection, could not possibly pass through the closed doors of the apartment in which the apostles were assembled ; thus showing that he was either ignorant of or denied the properties of the spiritualized and glorified body. The immediate occasion of the breaking out of this contro- versy was a correspondence between Berengarius and his for- mer friend, Lanfranc, then Scholasticus of the cloister of Bee, in JSTormandy, and afterward Archbishop of Canterbury. Berengarius had hoped to find Lanfranc favorable to his own views; but, learning the contrary, he reproached him for having rejected the doctrine of Scotus Erigena as heretical, and for defending that of Paschasius Radbert, and closed his letter by inviting the monk of Bee to discuss the subject with him before a number of judges. Lanfranc was then absent in Rome, and Leo LX., having received intelligence of the contents of the letter, called two synods (a. d. 1050) — the one at Rome, and the other at Vercelli — at both of which Lanfranc was present, to consider the teach- ings of Berengarius. After a careful examination, they were condemned, and the .works of Scotus Erigena burnt. As Lan- franc had become suspected of favoring the views of Beren- garius, he availed himself of the opportunity presented in these two synods to clear himself of the suspicion. He wrote, besides a refutation of the condemned errors, a history of the origin and purpose of this correspondence, and explained his other relations with Berengarius. He takes occasion in this work to give a clear and forcible exposition of the Church's teaching on the Sacrament of the altar ; and, in reply to the objection of Berengarius, that some of the early Fathers of the Church frequently called the Eucharist specks, similitudo, figura, says very appositely in the twentieth chapter, "that no one could even now adequately describe the Sacrament yidendum Deura mundati, devotione spatiosissima, nulla indignitate, nullis fieri prohibetur angustiis." It ia Impossible also, says he, and most unworthy of tbo Divine majesty, to receive Christ entire ore corporU, ao per hoc Christi corpus totum constat, accipi ab interiori homiue, fldelium corde, non ore. Of. Bellar- r;',f.nu% de sacra Eucharistia, lib. III., c. 18. § 206. Second Controversy on Eucharist — Berengarias. 445 without employing these terms." lie then goes on to show that the Doctors of the Cliureh, while employing these terms, called the Eucharist '■'the true Body and the true Blood of Christ" (verum corpus et verus sanguis Christi). The contro- versy was spreading rapidly ; the minds of men were much disturbed by it; and Berengarius himself, by his writings and addresses, was daily drawing to his side a greater numbei' of followers. His teachings were again examined, and con- demned, at a synod held at Paris, A. D. 1051. But the con- troversy grew only more and more heated and general as days went on. In the year 1055, Hildebrand, the Papal legate, who had come into France on other business, presided at the Council of Tours, convened for the settlement of this question, and, having granted Berengarius a fair hearing, expressed himself satisfied with a confession of faith which the latter was willing to make publicly before the assembled Fathers. The wording of this formula was in exact conform- ity with the doctrine of the Church, but Berengarius had no intention of making a profession of faith in the orthodox sense. Some of the Fathers suspicious of his honest}', and aware of bis sophistical arts and his method of equivocating, where an equivocation would serve his purpose, insisted that his confession should be made more explicit, and that, while professing in words that bread and wine are changed into the Body and Blood of Christ by the form of consecration, he should add that he received this doctrine with internal absent. He made the confession with this additional binding clause, solemnly and under oath, while he did not believe, as he after- ward confessed, a single word he was saying, in the sense in which his auditors understood, and in which he knew they understood him. In this way he deceived the Papal legate, who had all along treated him with marked kindness, and whose whole thoughts were now occupied with the reforma- tion of the abuses that had crept into the Church, rather than with the more subtle questions of theology. When the artifice had been detected, Berengarius was cited before 'a council of one hundred and thirteen bishops, con- voked at Rome (a. d. 1059) by Pope Mcholas II., and there obliged to commit his own writings to the flames, and to sub- 446 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. scribe, under oath, to a confession of faitli drawn up by Car- dinal Humbert, in terms so precise and emphatic as to exclude any possibility of an equivocal interpretation. The expres- sions used in this document may seem harsh,^ but it was nec- essary to employ them, this being the only possible way of preventing this wily sophist from appearing before the world as one having the sanction of the Church while engaged in assailing the very central dogma of her faith. He had barely quitted Eomo when he rejected the formula subscribed to before the council, as he said, from the fear of death. The duplicity of Bereugarius, his submission and cowardice in the face of danger, and his arrogance and per- jury when at a distance from it, are not attractive traits of character or proofs of exceptional manliness. l^Tor is our ad- miration for him much increased by the method he took to justify his conduct and compound with his conscience. He now appealed to the example of Aaron, who from fear bad made a golden calf, and again to that of St. Peter, who from a like motive had denied his Master. Like a true precursor of more modern heretics, he assailed Pope Leo IX. in violent language, calling him, not Pontifcx, but Pompifex, and called the Church of Rome, not the Apostolic See, but the See of Satan. As he still continued to attack the doctrines of the Church, and to excite considerable disturbance throughout France by his teachings. Cardinal Hildebrand, who had in the meantime ascended the papal throne under the tile of Gregory VII., summoned him once more to Rome. At a synod convened hero (a. d. 1078), Berengarius was again required to declare, under oath, that "the bread of the altar is, after consecration, the true Body of Christ, which was born of the Virgin Mary, ' "Panom et vinum, quae in altari ponuntur, post consecrationem non solum saeramentum, sod etiam voruni corpus ot sanguinem Domini nostri Jesu Chr. ■^sso, ct sensualitcr non solum saeramento, seel otiam in veritato manibus sacer- duium iractari, franpi cijiddlum deniibus aiteri, jurans per sanctam ct honicu- siijn Trinitatem et per haeo sacrosancta Christi cvangolia." It was not intended to e£t:>blisli a profession of faith for the whole Church by this formula, but sim- ply to compel this shifty dialectician to profess, without subterfuge, that the substance of the Body of Christ was truly eaten in the Eucharist, or to say he would not. § 206. Second Controversy on Eucharist — Berengarius. 447 died on the Cross, and is now seated at the right hand of the Father in Heaven; and that the wine of the altar ia, in lilce manner, after consecration, the true Blood wliich flowed from the side of Christ." And, in order to cut off any possible way to a subterfuge, ho was required, at a synod held at Home in the following year, to subscribe to a formula which, in speaking of the change of bread and wine in the Eucharist, contained, instead of the simple word " converti" or " changed" '' substantialiter converti" or." changed substantially" witli the antithesis "wore tantum per signum et virtutem Sacramend sed in proprietafe naturae et veritate substantiae." But this proud dialectician was obliged to submit to a still greater humiliation. Gregory ordered him to prostrate him- self on the ground, and confess that he had been all along in error in his views on the mystery of the Eucharist. Fearing, as he says, that the Pope would pronounce sentence of excom- munication upon him, and that the populace would in conse- quence hurry him off to the worst of deaths, he lost heart and yielded to the fresh demand. But, once he had quitted Eome, he was true to his old character, and drew up an ac- count of the two Eoman synods, in which he indulges in bit- ter taunts against such as opposed him, and wholly misrepre- sents the conduct of Pope Gregory, whom he accuses of wavering, inconstancy, and of hesitating as to which side he would take in the controversy. Berengarius again endeavored to defend himself before a synod assembled at Bordeaux, a. d. 1080. . His opponent was Guitmund, one of Lanfranc's disciples, who wrote a learned and able work^ against him. Bent under the weight of years, and broken with affliction, Berengarius withdrew, toward the close of his life, to the island of St. Cosmas, near Tours, where he spent his last days in retirement and comparative quiet. Chastened by the in- fluence of a penitential and solitary life, he gradually gained the mastery over his pride, and became convinced of the truth of the Catholic doctrine in the Eucharist. He passed 'Cf. G/rorer, Univ. Ch. H., Vol. IV., Pt. I., p. 513. Dolllnger, Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 81. 448 Period 2. E'poch 1. Part 2. Chapter 5. away in the year 1088, at peace with the Chorch, and mani- festing in his last moment the most sincere sentiments of penitence, to the great edification of his many friends. His last words were : " To-day will my Lord Jesns Christ be made manifest to me, for my glory, as I humbly hope, in virtue of the penance I have done, or for my punishment, as the great number of souls whom I have led astray gives me cause to fear." CHAPTER VI. MEMORABLE EVENTS IN THE GREEK CnUKCH. § 207. Eastern Schism. — Photius— Eighth Ecumenical Council. I. Photii ep. od. Monta.cuUas, Lond. 1651, f., in Mignc, Sor. Gr.. T. 102. Niceiae Davidis Vita s. certaraen S. Ignatii {Mansi, T. XVI., p. 209), epp. Eoman. Pon- tif. et Acta Synod. ( Marts,, T. XV., XVI.; Harduin, T. V.) II. Leo AUaUus (about 1640), de Eccl. Occident, et orient, perpetua consens., Col. 1048, 4to, and concerning his still unprinted worlvS, cf. Lammer, de Leonis Allat. codicibus, Friburgi, 1864. Maimboiirg, S.J., Hist, du scliism des Grecs., Paris, 1077; German, by Meuscr, Aix-la-Chapelle, 1841; second ed. contin. down to most recent times, 1853. Piisipios-Beij, I'eglisc orientale, expose liist. de sa separation et de sa reunion avee celle de Rome, Paris, 1855, 4 vols.; German, Vienna, 1857, ■' Katcrkamp, Ch. H., Vol. IV., p. 359-448. -^Jager, Hist, de Pliotius, ed. II., Paris, 1845; '\Tosti, Storia dell' origine dello scisma Greeo, Pirenze, 1850, 2 vols. Fielder, Hist, of the ecclesiastical separation between the East and the West, Munich, 1861, Vol. I., censured by reason of excessive par- tiality. Hergenrotlier, Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, his life, his writ- ings, and the Greek schism, Katisbon, 1867, sq., 3 vols. Palma, Prael. H. E., T. II., Pt. II., p. 82-124. Hefele, Hist, of Councils, Vol. IV., p. 218 sq. Apart fi-om the many points of ecclesiastical discipline which had been gradually sundering the Greek frona the Eoman Church in the interval between the Council of Sardica aud the Iconoclast controversy, tt^e cause of greatest offense to the Emperors and patriarchs of Constantinople, and that which estranged them entirely from the interests of Rome, was the close alliance between the Papacy and the Empire of the West. During the reign of Michael III., surnamed the Drunkard, Bardas the Caesar, the uncle and tutor of the Emperor, made an attempt to gain possession of supreme power. But Bardas, though an ambitious and immoral man, had some commend- able qualities, and was particularly distinguished as a munifi- cent patron of literature and the sciences. Here praise must end. The most scandalous profanation of sacred things was VOL. 11—29 (449) 450 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. ^\~. . — : ■ permitted at the imperial court, and the most impious acts openly performed.^ Ignatius, the saintly patriarch, if unable to put a stop to these outrages upon decency and the sanctity of religion, was still in position, to offer a determined resistance to the scan- dalous conduct of Cardas, to whom he denied permission to go to Holy Communion unless he would promise to live in lawful wedlock with his own wife and break otf his iuces- tuous interconrse with his daughter-in-law. He was equally determined in his opposition to an attempt to force Theodora and her daughters, the mother and sisters of the Emperor, to enter a convent and take the veil of religion. Such resist- ance to their will provoked the indignation and excited the anger of both the Emperor and Bardas, and, in order to avenge themselves for the supposed affront, they had the patri- arch deposed, his adherents driven from places of influence and honor, and Photius, a layman, a relative and the first sec- retary of the Emperor, appointed to the patriarchal throne. Photius received ecclesiastical tonsure on the 20th of Decem- ber, A. D. 857, and the other orders on the live succeeding days. As a matter of form, ho was elected patriarch of Con- stantinople in the imperial palace, and was consecrated bishop on Christmas-day by Gregory, Archbishop of Syracuse, who had been previously excommunicated by the patriarch Meth- odius and deposed by Ignatius. A council held at Constan- tinople (a. d. 859) at first deposed Photius and declared him excommunicated, but the majority of the bishops being the servile tools of the court and sure of its protection, renewed the deposition of Ignatius and pronounced sentence of anath- ema upon him. He was next treated with every sort of ig- nominy, and finally driven to such extremes, by the violence of his persecutors, that he consented to put his name to an instrument of abdication. As a strong party at Constantinople still held out in faTor 1 The courtiers were made to play the parts of priests and Lishop in clerical attire. All the sacred rites of religion were, by order of the Emperor Michael, ridiculed and celebrated by buffoons as wicked as their master, with much pomp and at great expense. See Life of Ignatius, Harduin, V., f. 974, and Constant. Porphyrogenet. Continuat. lib. IV., c. 38. (Tk.) § 207. Eastern Schism — Photius — Eighth Ec. Council. 451 of Ignatius, the imperial court, in the hope of overcoming their opposition and closing the schism that divided the city, sent an embassy to Pope Nicholas ./., begging him to recog- nize Photius as the legitimate patriarch. Photius also sent a letter to the Pope, representing, in tones of feigned humility and simulated sorrow, how he had been forced, against his OWL -will, to assume the burdensorrie duties of the patriarch- ate, and how the Emperor, who was so considerate and kind to others, had been so harsh and precipitate to him. ISTich- olas, though a simple-minded man, could not be imposed on by so thin a disguise. Very much to the surprise of both Pho- tius and the Emperor, who, confident that he would not ven- ture upon such a step, had cunningly requested him to send embassadors to Constantinople "to put an end to the quarrels occasioned by the new appointment to the patriarchate, and to remove the last traces of iconoclasm," jSTicholas took them at their word, and in the year 860 sent thither, as his legates, Hhodoald, Bishop of Porto, and Zacharias, Btehop of Anagni. Unfortunately, these men were not faithful to their trust. On the one band, they were taken in charge by the jjarty of Photius, prevented from having access to others, and thus cut off from the only means of obtaining the information requisite to form a just judgment on the question at issue; and on the other, they permitted themselves to be bribed to take sides against Ignatius. After having Ijeen plied with all manner of promises and throats for above three months, they finally yielded, and at the so-called ecumenical council of Constanti- nople (a. d. 801), presided over by Photius and attended by three hundred and eighteen bishops, pronounced sentence of deposition on Ignatius and declared Photius the rightful patriarch. Ignatius at once drew ujd an appeal against this sentence, had it signed by the bishops and monks v/ho ad- hered to him, and sent it to Rome by the abbot Theognist. Pope IsTich'-'las, on a careful examination of the matter, found tl-at liis envoi's had accepted bribes and violated liis instruc- tions, and accordingly declared them excommunicated in a Ro- man synod hold a. d. 8C3, and, in the same assembly, deprived Photius of every sacerdotal office, honor, and prerogative, and recognized Ignatius as patriarch. When the Pope for- 452 Period 2. Efoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. warded these decrees to Constantinople, the Emperor Michael sent back a very violent and abusive letter to which the Pope replied with dignity and courteous civility.' The exasperation which the Pope's course in this matter had excited at Constantinople was considerably heightened when Bogoris, King of the Bulgarians, whose subjects had been converted to Christianity by the Greeks, entered into union with the Church of Rome (a. d. 866) as the only means of putting an end to the confusion reigning among the Chris- tian missionaries laboring in his kingdom. After ISTicholas I. had published his celebrated Eesponsa (in one hundred and six chapters), for the instruction and guidance of those mis- sionaries who went forth to carry the blessings of the Gospel and the light of civilization into distant lands, Photius issued a similar collection of instructions for the use of the Bulga- rian neophj^tes ; but, compared with that of the Pope, it was of little practical value. In the year 866, Bardas, to whom Photius owed his eleva- tion, was murdered by Basil the Macedonian, with the con- nivance and approbation of Michael. Basil was created Caesar, and took Photius under his protection. The latter now proceeded with increased violence against his opponents. He represented to the Emperor that, together with the seat of empire, the Primacy had also passed from Rome to Con- stantinople. He again revived all questions that had ever come up for discussion between the two Churches f but, of all these, as Archbishop Theophylactus very justly remarked, the only one of vital importance was the controversy on the Filioque. CONTROVEEST ON THE PILIOQTJE.s This controversy was of importance, chiefly because it in- volved a dogma of the Church, but partly also because the addition to the Symbol of Faith of the word Filioque (and Ularduln, V., 145. (Tk.) ''■PlioiU op. 2, in Moniacutlus, p. 247 sq.; in Mlgne's Ser. Gr., T. 102, p. 722 3q ■'•7/5 Qiden, Dissert, do processione Spiritus St. (witli his ed. opp. Joh. Damas- ceni, T. I.); Walch, Historia controvcrs. Graocor. ct Latinor. do procosj. Spiritus St., Jon. 1757; de Buc, Essai do conciliation sur lo dogmo do la procession dii t~t. Esprit, Paris, 1857; van der Moeren, Dissortatio theologica de processiono Spirit. St. ex Patro Filioque, Lovan. 1864. § 207. Eastern Schism — -Photius — Eighth Ec. Council. 453 from the Son) would uatarally excite the hostility of the Greeks against the Latins.' The Greeks said that they would abide by the words of the Second Ecumenical Council of Constantinople (a. d. 381), which ran, "-who proceeds from the Father (i. e., from the Substance of the Father), who is adored and gloriiied with the Father and the Son, who spoke by the prophets." The West was now far in advance of the East in the province of speculative theology, and the relations of the Father to the Son and iIo\j Ghost were far more lucidly and accurately explained than formerly. This was chiefly due to the luminous and profound writings of SS. Hilary, Ambrose, Augustine, and Leo the Great'' on the subject. These theologians, in explaining the relations of the Holy Ghost to the Father and the Son, said that He proceeds from the Father and from the Son. Between the Latins and the more imaginative Greeks there was not any substantial differ- ence^ as to the doctrine itself. The difficulty between them ^Pliotu Constantinop. liber de Spirit. Sti. mystagogia, quern notis variis illus- tratum ac theologiae crisi subjectum rwinc primum, ed. J. HergcnrStlicr, Eatisb. 1857; in Mir/ne's Ser. Gr., T. 102. Hergenrother, The Theological Polemics of Photius against the Latin Church [Tiibg. Cluarterly, 1858, p. 5.59-592). By the same, Photius, Vol. I., p. 084-711. '' See Vol. I., p. 503. Augusiin. de Trinit. IV. 20 : Nee possiimus dicere, quod Spir. St. et a Filio non proccdai, neque enim frustra idem Spiritus et Patris et Filii Spir- itus dicitur. Nee video, quid aliud significare voluerit, cum sufflans in faciom discipulorum ait: accipite Spiritum St. Neque enim flatus ille corporeus sub- stantia Spiritus St. fuit, sed demonstratio per congruam signiflcationem, non tantum a Patre, sed et a Filio procedere Spiritum St. Cf. V. 14 ; XV. 29, 47 : Si quidquid habet, de Patre habet Filius: de Patre habet utiquo, ut et de illo procedat Spiritus Sanctus. ^ 'H l^acLXaa) aya^6T7](; nal b /card t^vatv dyiaGfid(^ ical to f^actXtKov a^iofia ek ■narpo^ dca 70V /wvoyevovc £^l to TTvev/ia dtytiet. Basil, de Sp. S., c. 18. a^t6i-iaTc /lev yap devTspeiteLv tov vlov, Trap' avTov to elvai ex^'^'j '^^^ Trap' avTov ?iaf^f^dvov Kol avayyk\7.ov ijfuv ... id. adv. Eunom. III. 1. — ■ e/c tov TraTpoQ £K7rop£v6jiicvov icat tov viov Xafifiavd/ievov. Epiph. liaer. 79, nr. 18, 52, and in many other places. — ek TraTpii; iK-irop£v6p.evov^ ek tov viov ^Mjiftavdiievov. Greg. Nyss. de Sp. S. in Mai, Colleot. VIII. II., p. 15. There are also Greek Fathers who call the Son the source of the Holy Ghost, TtJjyy tov ayiov TrvevpaTo;, just as they call the Father the source of the Son, Treyi/ tov viov. Cf Petav. Theolog. dogmat. de Trinit., lib. VII., c. 3-7, and Hergenrother, Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, according to St. Gregory of Naz., llatisbon, 1850, and Freiburg Eocl. Cyclopaed., T. IV., p. 766. Very remarkable is the judgment on this controversy of Holdeii, Analysis Fidei: "Qui ox patro fllioque prooedit" haeo formula explicatior et magis exquisita 454 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 6. arose from the preference on the part of the latter for the fanltj' formula "the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father throurjh the Son " {dw. rou ulou). The word Filioque first came into use in the West about the ))eginning of the fifth century. It was first familiarized in Spain, and is to be found in the symbol of faith of the firnt council of Toledo (a. d. 400), convened to condemn the Pris- cillianists. It was found incorporated into the symbol of Nice, as enlarged at Constantinople, when the Visigoths were converted to Christianitj'. Its use must have become pretty general before the holding of the third council of Toledo (a. d. 589), by a decree of which the people were ordered to sing the whole symbol containing it during the celebration of the Divine Mysteries. The formula based on the words of St. John xvi. 15, ran thus : " Who proceeds from the Father and the Son.'"- The word passed from Spain into France and Germany in the course of the eighth century. The Greeks, always more or less disposed to take exception to the proceedings of the Latin Church, professed to find an error against faith in this formnla, notwithstanding the U7ia- nimity of the Western Church in receiving it. ISTor can the answer of Pope Leo III. to the -envoys sent by Charlemagne to consult him in relation to the proceedings of the synod of Aix-la-Chapellc (a. d. 809) be brought as an objection against this unanimity, for his words were directed against the ex- travagant interpretations put upon the formula by provincial synods, and not against the formula itself, which he fully ad- mitted.^ videbatur Concilii Patribus, quam Graecornra loquendi modus — qui a patreper filium pi'ocedit — tametsi forsitan haec discrepantia in verbis magis quam in re ipsa sita sit, seposita malevola haeretieorum intentione, qua Spiritus Scti. Dei- tatem impetere conati sunt, quod Patribus Concilii suspectum fortasse notum fult. ''■Cone. Told,. I. a. 400; Tolet. III. a 589. Credimus et in Spiritum Sanctum, Dominum et viviflcatorem, ex Fatrc et Filio proccdentem, cum Patro et Filio adorandum et conglorificaudum. [Harduin, T. III., p. 472; Mansl, T. IX., p. 981, and oftoner.) 2 The conference of Leo III. is gi%'en, witli full details, in Baron. Annal. ad an. 809, nros. 53 sq. After having read attentively the proofs brought on the § 207. Eastern Schism — Photius — Eighth Ec. Council. 455 Pliotius roused the suspicions of the Greeks by representing to them that the Latins were favoring the Maniohaean heresy hy admitting two principles in the Deity. It was this mis- representation of facts that constituted the greatest obstacle to the success of the subsequent endeavors to unite the two Churches at the Fourth (^Ecumenical) Council of Lateran, and at the councils of Lyons and Florence} As has been said, Photius managed to retain his influence at court after the accession to power of Basil, the murderer of his former patron, Bardas; and, confident of the sympathy of the Eastern bishops on the Bulgarian question, he deter- mined to take vengeance on Rome for having declared for Ignatius and against himself. In the year 867, he convoked a synod at Constantinople, at which pretended representatives of the three patriarchs were present, and endeavored to in- vest it with the authority of an ecumenical council. The Pope was falsely accused of certain ofi'enses, declared guilty, anathematized, and deposed.^ It appears now that only twenty-one bishops put their names to this ludicrous decree, and consequent]}^ Phorius must have forged the hundreds of others affixed to it, embracing bishops, priests, and deacons who had never so much as heard even of the existence of the synod. Photius, in order to flatter the vanity and gain the good-will of the Emperor Louis and his queen, Ingelberge, sent them, together with costly presents, an interpolated copy of the acts of this synod, in which they were addressed by the title of Imperial — an appellation which the Greeks had persistently refused to apply to the Western emperors. The Pope could well aftbrd to smile at these futile at- tempts to injure the Apostolic See, and, through it, the whole Church. They could deceive no one except such as wished to be deceived. But Photius now tried a bolder and more procession of tho Holy Ghost from the Father and the Son, he said: "Ita sentio, ita tcneo, ita cum his auctoribus et sacrae scripturac auctoritatibus. Si quis alitor do hac re sentire vel docere voluerit, dufendo: ct nisi con versus fuerit, et secundum hunc sensum tenere voluerit, contraria sentientem funditus abjicio." 1 See ?il 221, 224, and 272. ^ Ep. encycl. PlioUl 1. c. and ad episcop. Aquilej. ( Combefisii Auctuar. Bibl. PP. noviss., T. I., p. 527 ; Migne's Ser. Gr., T. 102, p. 722 so.) 456 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. dangerous game. Knowing well that there is no better way of securing success among any people, and especially among people like the Orientals, who, proud of their traditions, did not wish to be dictated to by Eome, than by appealing to their prejudices, he accordingly adopted a plan by which he could do the most injury to Rome with the least expenditure of labor. lu a circular letter' addressed to the three patri- archs and the more eminent bishops of the East, inviting them to take part in the synod of Constautinople, he took occasion to attack the Church of Rome. He represented her as teaching, through her missionaries in Bulgaria, new and erroneous doctrines. He said that these observed fast on Saturday, abridged the time of Lent by a week, took milk- food on fasting days, despised priests living virtuously in the married state, rejected confirmation administered by ^iriests, falsified confessions of faith sanctioned by ecumenical coun- cils by making additions to them, and, finally, taught that the Holy Ghost proceeds not from the Father only, but also from the Son, thus implying that there are two principles in the Trinity — the Father having the principle of the Son and the Holy Ghost, and the Son also the principle of the Holy Ghost.^ The Pope invited many eminent bishops, and among them Hincmar of Rheims, to take up the defense of the Western Church and refute the false and damaging accusations brought against her by Photius. The most important writings called forth by these invita- tions vv'ere the defenses of Aeneas, Bishop of Paris, and Eatramnus, a monk of Corbie. The latter is especially dis- tinguished by the judicial calmness and Christian temper with which he treats the subject, and all found it an easy task to repel and confute the false charges brought against the Latin Church. In the year 867 — the same in which the Synod of Constan- tinople was held — the despicable emperor, Michael, met with the punishment which his crimes richly deserved. His favor- ite and co-regent, Basil the Macedonian, contrived his destruc- lEpist. II. (Te.) 'DoUinger, Ch. Hist., Cox's trans., Vol. III., pp. 90, 91. (Tr.) § 207. Eastern Schism— Photius— Eighth Ec. Council. 457 tion, had himself proclaimed sole Emperor and crowned by Photins, whom, on the following daj', lie drove from the patriarchal tlirone. There were political reasons why Basil should do this. He felt the necessity of securing himself on the imperial throne by gaining the good-will of the people, who, for the most part, believed that Ignatius had beer, wronged, and longed to see him restored to his former dig- nity. Ignatius was accordingly reinstated, and, by his advice, the Emperor wrote to the Pope, advising him of what had taken place, and requesting him to convoke an ecumenical council to annul the decrees of the synod held under the presidency of Photius, and to put an end to his party — a re- quest to which ISTicholas cheerfully acceded. Nicholas died before this project could be carried into effect, but bis suc- cessor, Hadrian II. (a. d. 867-872), took it up after him. He held a council at Rome (a. d. 868), at which Photius was again deposed and sentence of anathema passed upon him, Ignatius declared the rightful patriarch, and the acts of the false synod of Constantinople committed to the flames. The Pope then gave his consent to the convocation of an ecumenical council at Constantinople. EIGHTH ECUMENICAL COUNCIL (a. d. 869). The bishops of the East were summoned to attend this council by the Emperor. That it required a special request, addressed by the Greek Emperor to the Saracens, to obtain a per- mit for the patriarchs of Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria to proceed to Constantinople, is a sad commentary on the position of the Greek Empire then, compared with what it had formerly been. . The council was opened in the Church of St. Sophia, Octo- ber 5, A. D. 869. The papal legates presided, and below them sat Ignatius and the representatives of the other patriarchs. The first question treated of by the council was the affair be- tween Ignatius and Photius. The latter was condemned fip an usurper, an author of schism, and a falsificator of synodal decrees; his partisan, Gregory of Syracuse, and the other ad- vocateH of his cause, were cut off from the communion of 458 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. the Church;^ the acts of the false synods held by him were burned; and sentence of anathema passed upon the contuma- cious Iconoclasts. After these afikirs had been gone through, there was an in- tcrru] tion of three months, and when the council again con- vened, February 12, a. d. 870, the false testimony against Ignatius was examined, the decrees of the Pope against Pho- tins and in favor of Ignatius confirmed, and the ordinations conferred by Photius declared unlawful. In conclusion, the Fathers drew up a capital decree {opo:;) embracing the twenty- seven canons passed by the council, to which all affixed their signatures, but the papal legates added the condition that the decrees should be still subject to revision by the Pope. This ended the main work of the council, to the satisfac- tion of both the Emperor and the papal legates, after which the legates, Ignatius, the representatives of the patriarchs, and the ambassadors of the Bulgarian king assembled in the imperial palace to discuss the supplementary question of juris- diction over the Bulgarians. The embassadors perfidiously asked to what Church (i. e., patriarchal) the church of their nation should be subject? The Orientals replied that, "since Bulgaria had formerly formed part of the Greek Empire, and since the Bulgarians, on taking possession of the territory, found there Greek and not Latin priests, it seemed quite clear that the (Church of Bulgaria should recognize the jurisdiction of the 'patriarchate of Constantinople." The papal legates answered to this, that "the jurisdiction of the Church is not circumscribed by territorial limits; that the bisho|)s of the two provinces of Epirus, and those of Thessaly and Dardania (Bulgaria), had been consecrated, either directly by the Roman Church or by her vicars, until these countries were withdrawn from her jurisdiction by the violence of Leo the Isaurian ; that the King of Bulgaria and his people had voluntarily passed to the obedience of Rome, and recognized in its bishop the successor of St. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles ; and ■ It is important here to consult Anastasius the Librarian, who, as envoy of the eraperor Louis II., was present at the tenth session, and assigns the reasons for the small number of subscriptions to the Council. BeJ'ele, Hist, of Councils, Vol. 7, pp. 369,413. § 207. Eastern Schism — Photius — Eighth Ec. Council. 459 that it was still their desire to receive from the Roman Pontiff their doctrine, their bishops, and their priests." The legates finally appealed to the superior jurisdiction of the Church of Home, which could not accept the decision of another. The discussion went on, and the Greeks continued obstinate. Ig- natius, who was under so many obligations of gratitude to the Church of Rome, was appealed to, but in vain, to interpose his influence aud end the quarrel. His answer was conveyed in general and evasive language, and he shortly after sent tlie learned Theophylactus as first metropolitan into Bulgaria. The dispute on either side grew daily more vehement and deter- mined, and now threatened to end in a violent division of the two churches. In the meantime, Hadrian II. had died, and his successor, John VIII. (a. d. 872-882), at the request of the Emperor, sent the bishops of Ostia and Ancona as legates to Constan- tinople. They were the bearers of letters to Ignatius, com- manding him to at once recall the Greek bishops and priests from Bulgaria, and, in case he should refuse to comply, threat- ening him with suspension, and, if he should still continue obstinate, with excommunication. Fortunately, a rupture was prevented by the death of Ignatius (a. d. 877 or 878). Photius, though deprived of the patriarchal throne, had neglected nothing which could bring him into favor at court. He took every occasion to flatter the Emi^eror, and, among other ingenious devices for this purpose, drew a family tree, on which the genealogy of Basil was traced back to the re- mote Arsacidae. A service which threw- the prestige and luster of antiquity and royalty about an obscure dynasty could not fail of bringing its author into positions of influ- ence and prominence, and Photius had accordingly been made tutor to the young prince and counselor to the Emperor; and, three days after the death of Ignatius, was again raised, to the patriarchal throne.^ At the prayer of the Emperor, the papal legates, and the Oriental bishops, Pope John VIII. consented to recognize the 'The facts of the Bulgarian difSculty have been taken chiefly from DdlUn- gcr, Ch. Hist., Eng. trans., Vol. III., p. 97 sq. (Tr.) 460 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. validity of Photius' claim to the patriarchate ; provided, how- ever, that he would apologize before a syuod for the evil he had already done, and enter npovi a better course of life: that the jurisdiction of Rome over the Bulgarians should be ac- knowledged; that no layman should henceforth be appointed bishop, and that those who had been ordained by Ignatius should be permitted to retain their positions.^ But Photius had no intention of keeping these promises, and, once oti the patriarchal throne, directly proceeded to carry out his schemes with increased violence and the mos't shameless dishonesty. In the first session of a great council held at Constantinople (a. d. 879), at which three hundred and eighty bishops were present, his friend, Zachary of Ephesus, made a spcedi, in which, after bestowing the most extravagant praise on Pho- tius — giving him, among other titles, that of "the Divine" — he went on to say that " there was no special need of this council ; that it had convened merely to save the honor of the Roman Church, and to remove from her the charge of hav- ing promoted discord and schism."^ lu the second and third sessions, Photius read the Pope's letter to himself and his in- structions to the legates in a mutilated and interpolated trans- lation, omitting whatever reflected upon his own conduct, and particularly the conditions required of him before taking .pos- session ot the patriarchal thi-one, and introducing a eulogy of himself and a repudiation of the Eighth Ecumenical Council. In the fourth session, the Pope's instructions with regard to the jurisdiction of Bulgaria and the appointment of a layman to the ofRce of bishop were entirely disregarded, and a proposal to condemn the synods that had declared against Photius met with general acceptance. In the sixth session, the symbol of Nice, with the Constantinopolitan ad- dition of 381, was read, accepted, and sentence of anathema pronounced against those who should add to it or take from it. This last clause was evidently directed against the addi- tion of the Filioque. ' JoK VI]. op. 199 and 253 [Mansi, T. XVI., p. 136 sq.; in Harduin, ep. 93, T. VI., Pt. 1., p. 03 sq.), in Baron, ad a 879. Hcfde, 1. c, p. 434 Bq. ■'Ilarduin, VI., p. 223. (Te.) § 207. Eastern Schism— Photius — Eighth Ee. Council, 461 In the seventh and last session, Procopins of (yaesarea made an address, containing an extravagant onlogy of both the Em- peror and Photius, the latter of whom he compared to Christ because of his efforts to unite all the fathers of the Church in one sheepfold and under one shepherd, and bestowed npou him the title of ecumenical patriarch. The council then closed with the profession, that the acts were the belief and the teacliing of all, and that whosoever did not so think and believe would not see the glory of God. The Papal legates being ignorant of the Greek language, and completelj' out- witted by the diplomatic astuteness and dishonesty of the Greeks, acted in good faith, and gave their assent to nearly every enactment of the council. When the letter of Photius accompanying the acts of the council reached the Pope, the latter replied, expressing his as- tonishment that many things had been done contrary to his in- structions, which, in some instances, had been entirely altered.' Pie closes this letter, which was conveyed to Constantinople by Bishop Marinus, with the declaration, that "he would not consider binding upon him, whatever his legates had done contrary to his instrnctions."^ AVheii Marinus had arrived at Constantinople, and proceeded to carry out his instructions from the Pope, the Emperor ordered him to be cast into prison, where he remained for a mouth. When the knowl- edge of this outrage came to Rome, Pope John, placing his hands upon the Book of Gospels, solemnly excommunicated Photius ai^d all who advocated his cause, or recognized the late council, held under his presidency. This sentence was repeated by the successors of John VIII. , Marinus I. and Hadrian III. But it was not till Leo VI., the Philosopher, the son of Basil, came to the throne (a. d. 886), that Photius was obliged to relinquish the patriarchate. Pie withdrew to a monastery, where he died, a. d. 891. The new En:peror appointed his youngest brother, Stephen, to the patriarchate, 'Miranduin valdo est, cur multa, quae nos statueramus, aut aliter habita, aut mutatii esse noscantur, et ncscimus, cujus studiis, vol neglectu variata monstren- tur, Epist. 108, Harduin, VI., p. 87. (Te.) ■ '' Si fortasso nostri legati in eadem synodo contra apostolicam praeceptionem egoi'int, nos nee rccipimus nee judicamus alieujus existere firmitatis, 1. c. (Tr.) 462 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 1. Chapter 6. . B and, together with the bishops then at Constantinople, wrote to the Pope, requesting him to confirm- the appointment. But while Pope Stei)hen (V.) VI. was still taking counsel, uncer- tain, amid the conflicting reports that reached him, how to proceed, the young patriarch died (a. d. 893). He was r,uc- oeeded by Anthony II. (a. d. 899), in whose behalf a number of bishops, headed by Stylianns of Caesarea, addressed a let- ter to Formosus, the then reigning Pope. The Pontiff replied, granting their prayer, but refusing at the same time to recog- nize the legality of the ordinations conferred by Photius ; for, it was argued, "Photius could not confer a dignity (the priesthood) wliich he did not himself (lawfully) possess." Compared with the treatment of the Meletians, ISTovatians, and Donatists, in a former ago, this decision was certainly harsh. § 208. Eedval of the Schism, by Michael Ccrularius. Epp. Nicolai Patriarch. (Bnron. ad a. 912.) LiMprnndl Legatio ad Nioophor. Phoc. (Corpus Scriptor. Hist. Byzant., Bonn., 18-28, Pt. XI.) Epp. Ccrularil ct alior, ( Canis.- Banna, r/c, Lectt. Antiq., T. III., Pt. I,, p. 281 sq.) Epp. Leonis IX. (in Mnii.n, T. XIX.; Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 927 sq.) Most complbtG oollec- tion of them in Acta et Scripta, quae de controversiis ecclos. Gr. ct Latin, saec. XI. composita extant, etc., ed. Corn. Will, Lips, et Marb. 1861, in 4to. The successors of the patriarch Anthony remained, during the tenth century, in communion with Rome, and the other patriarchs of the East continued to enter the names of the Eoman bishop upon their diptycha,and to commemorate them in the canon of the Mass. But for all this, the 'intercour.se between the two Churches was neither active nor cordial. When the Emperor Leo, in spite of the protests of the patri- arch, Nicholas the Mystic (a. d. 896, with an interruption till 925), and contrary to the usage of the Greek Church, con- tracted a fourth marriage (a. d. 905), lie was excommunicated. This display of firmness on the part of the Patriarch was the occasion of a transient rupture in the Byzantine Church. Nicholas refused to yield, even to the Papal legates, who had come to Constantinople at the request of the Emperor, and advised a milder policy, and was in consequence violently de- posed and cast into prison (a. d. 906). When on his death- § 208. Revival of the Schism by Michael Ceridarius. 463 bed, the Emperor repented of liis course, asked pardon of Nicholas, and restored liim to his former dignity. At a synod, lield a. d; 920, fourtli marriages were forbidden, and harmony was again restored between the two Churches. Bat the jealousy arising from the ambition and mutual recriminations of princes, again caused their separation. The occasion of this schism was the arrival of Papal le- gates at Constantinople, during a visit (a. d. 9G8) of Luitprand, Bishop of Cremona, as embassador of the Emperor Otho, bear- ing letters from Pope John XIII., in which Ph.ocas was styled "Emperor of the Greeks" and Otho ^'-Emperor of the Romans and Augustus." The Greeks were so indignant at this assump- tion, as they regarded it, that throughout the course of the eleventh century, though sorely in need of assistance from the West, they repelled every honest attempt at reconcilia- tion. Finally, the elevation of Micha.el Cerularius (a. d. 1043- 1059) to the patriarchal throne of Constantinople became the immediate occasion of the separation of the two Churches, for which so many circumstances had already cleared the way. In the year 1053, he and ieo of Achrida, the learned metropolitan of Bulgaria, composed a cii'cular letter, ad- dressed to JoAn, _Bis/io/? of T7xmi, in Apulia, Mn which they revived all the old objections against the Church of Rome, dwelling particularly upon the use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist, fasting on Saturdays, the drinking of blood and the eating of things strangled, and the omission of the Alleluja during the Lenten fast. This letter came in the way of Cardinal-bishop Humbert, who translated it, and forwarded a copy to Pope Leo IX. About the same time nevrs arrived at Rome that the patriarch Cerularius had deprived the ab- bots and monks of their churches and monasteries for relYisinfir to give up their own and adopt the usages of the Greek Cliurch, The Pope felt that, under the circumstances, there \\&& a call upon him to reply to the circular letter of the Greek patri- arch, which he did, in a letter addressed to both Cerularius and the metrojaolitan, Leo of Achrida, written with such ^ Baron, ad a. 1053, nr. 22. Leo Allat., lib. III.; c. 14, in Will, Acta ct Soripta, p. 51-64 464 Period 2. Epoch 1. Fart 2. Chapter 6. clearness and moderation that it produced a favorable im- pression upon the Emperor, who, on the one hand, requested Leo IX. to send legates to Constantinople, and, on the othei', compelled the patriarch to renew friendlj^ relations with the See of Rome. The Pope complied with this request, and in the year 1054 sent as his legates Cardinal Humbert, Peter (Archbishop of Amalti), and the Chancellor Frederic, who were tiie bearers of a letter to the emperor Constantine IX. (Monomachus), written with considerably more severity than the foi-mer one addressed to the patriarch, and containing animadversions on the pride of the latter for presuming to arrogate to himself the title of " JScumenieal patriarch."^ Con- stantino received the legates kindly, entertained them in his own ];)alace, and sought to mollify the wrath of the patriarch. But the latter, who had all along studiously avoided a meet- ing with the legates, complained that the Romans came to Constantino] lie not to be taught, but to teach,^ and accused the Emperor of being in collusion with them. The legates, after an angry correspondence,^ finding that it was impossible to come to terms with Cerularius, solemnly excommunicated him (July 16, a. d. 1054), and placed upon the altar of the Church of St. Sophia, in presence of clergy and people, the instrument of excommunication.'' They then returned to Rome, under a safe-conduct from the Emperor. But, on the other hand, Cerularius was not an idle specta- tor of events. He represented to the people that the Emperor was in league with the Latins to destroy the Greek Church, and left no means untried to excite public feeling against him. He also assembled a sjaiod at Constantinople^ (a. d. 1054), by an edict of which the Pope's name was erased from the liturgy. This spiteful ebullition, while both harmless and ^ Baron, ad im. 1054, nro. 10 sq. Both epistles in Will, p. 56-92. 2 See Vol. I., p. 675. ^ HumbertC Cardinalis dialogus, quo te.\tua praefatoTum sycophantarum expli- catur; Nicetae Presbyteri et monasterii Studii libellas contra Latinos editus; HumhcHi Responsio adv. Nicet. llbollum, in Will, 1. o., p. 93-150. ^ Baron, ad an. 10-54, nr. 19-43. The brovis et suecinota comraemoratio eorum, quae gessovunt Apoorisiarii — in regia urbe, in Will, p. 150-154. 5 In Will, ]. 0., p. 15-5-168. § 208. lievival of the Schism by Michael Cerulariiis. 465 ludicrous, shows to what lengths even men of parts may be driven by motives of pride and ambition. In a letter writ- ten to Peter, Patriarch of Antioch, Cerularins gave an increased catalogue of the scandals which he fancied he had discovered in the Roman Church. Among other things, he objects that bishops wore rings and engaged in war; that two brothers were permitted to marry two sisters ; that baptism was ad- ministered by a single immersion, and that the images and relics of saints were not honored. The eftbrts of Peter of Antioch and Theophylactus,^ Arch- bishop of Achrida, to prevent a formal schism, were to no purpose. The haughtj^ patriarch, Michael Cerularius, would listen to no terms of accommodation. His arrogance became so excessive, that he openly declared "there was but a very trifling difference between the priestly and imperial dignity," and assumed the insignia and emblems of royalty. So great was his influence, that, in the year 1057, he caused the depo- sition of the emperor, Michael Strationicus, and elevated Isaac Comnenus to the throne. But the latter, in the very year of his elevation, offended at the insolence of the patriarch, ex- iled him to the island of Proconnesus, in the Sea of Marmora, where he died, a. d. 1059. His death did not, however, change the relations of the two Churches. They regarded each other with suspicion and mu- tual distrust, and the schism, though not yet formal, was ^Cendarii ep. II. ad Petr. Antioch. {Cotelerii Eccl. Gr. Monumenta, T. II. Will, p. 172-20-1.) Among the reproaches made to the Latin Church are the following, viz : That the priests did not permit their beards to grow ; that the bishops wore rings, as if their churches were their brides; that two brothers might espouse two sisters; that the Latins did not honor relics, nor many among them images of the saints; and, finally, that they had falsiiicd the Sym- bols of Faith by the addition Jilioque. Peter, Patriarch of Antioch, wrote in defense of the Latin Church, in CoieUr, 1. c, p. 158; in Will, p. 189-204, and Theopliylactus, in his treatise, "Ilepi uv hyKalovvraL AarlvoL^^ [Mtnrjarelli, Fascicu- lus Anecdotor., Eomae, 1756), calls this reproach a caTaviitfi (rvicoijiavTia. Conf. Neander, Ch. H., Vol. IV., p. 645-649, English transl., by Torrcy; 11th Ameri- can ed., Boston, 1872, Vol. III., p. 584 sq., where it is also said : " Perhaps what had been heard concerning the principles of the older Frankish church fur- nished the occasion for the accusation of the neglect of relics and images of the Saints.'' (Tk.) VOL. II — 30 466 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. irreparable. N"o sooner had the Oriental Church been left to herself, cut off from Eorae, and deprived of the strong and unyielding antliority of the Papacy, than she became the slave of the State and the pliant tool of imperial power. § 209. Learning among the Greeks. Some of the emperors who occupied the throne of Byzan- tium during this epoch were themselves scholars and authors of merit. Such were Basil the Macedonian, Leo the Philos- opher, and Constantine VII. ; and others, again, were patrons of institutions of learning and of scientific and literary men. The period which passes under the name of "Byzantine" produced many indifferent and not a few excellent authors in almost every province of literature. Of the theologians, the patriarch Photius (fA. d. 891) is the most distinguished. Be- sides being a first-rate scholar himself, he was also a munifi- cent patron of institutions of learning. In his '■'■Bibllotheque"'^ have come down to us extracts from two hundred and seventy- niue works, both Christian and Pagan, all of which have per- ished in the lapse of ages; and his '■^ Nomocanon," '^ as a collection of laws, is superior in method and convenient arrangement to any preceding work of a similar character. The best known of the exegetical writers are Arethas, Bishop of Caesarea (c. a. d. 950); Oecumenius, Bishop of Tricca,' in Thessaly* (c. a. d.,990; Theophylactus,^ Archhishop of Bulgaria (f a. d. 1107) ; and JEuthymius Zigabenus,° a monk of Constantinople (f a. d. 1118). The prevailing tendency 1 MvptSptpXov s. Bibliotheca, ed. HoescheUus, Rothomagi, 165S, f. Imyn. BeMer., Berol. 1824, 2 T., 4to, in Mlgne, Ser. Gr., T. 103, 104. ^Pars I. c. schol. Zonarae et Balsalm. (Bevergii Synodieon s. pandectae cano- num., Oxon. 1672, 2 T., f.; Pars II. JustelU. Bibl., T. II., p. 785,, in Mif/iie., Ser Gr., T. 104. Pitra, Jus Graec, T. II.) * Comment, in act. Apost.; epp. Paulin. et oatli., ed. Morellus, Par. 1631. 'i T, f., in Migne, Ser. Qv. ■posterior, T. 118, 119. *Not Tlirace, as Neander says. (Te.) 5 Comment, in XII. prophet, minor.; IV. evang. ; acta Apost.; epp. Paulir (opp. od. Finetii de Rubeis, Ten. 1755, 4 T., f.), in Migne, Ser. Gr., T. 123-126. 'Comment, in Psalm, (opp. Theophyl.); in IV. evang., ed. MaWiaci, Lp.s 1792, 3 T., in Migne, Ser. Gr., T. 129-131. § 209. Learning among the Greeks. 467 among the Byzantines, in treating auy branch of theology, whether liistory, exegesis, or dogma, was to bring together and arrange, according to a fixed plan, a number of extracts from the most eminent writers of preceding ages, without any attempt to put them through a mental process, assimilate them, make them their own, and bring them forth fresh, in a new form, from the mold of their own minds. This method is specially characteristic of the later expounders of Holy Writ, whose interpretations are borrowed chiefly from St. John Chrysostom, Theodoret, and others nearly, if not quite, the equals of these in intellectual endowments. A great deal of the merit and utility of such collections, or, as they were sometimes called, '^golden chains," depended upon the perti- nenoj' of the selections to illustrate the subject in hand, and on their skillful arrangement. Hence there was a wide field left to the critical talent and judgment of- the compilers, some of whom, and notably Oecumenius, Theophylactus, and Euthymas Zigabenus, are reckoned among the best of the older exegetical writers. Simeon, surnamed " lletap/irastes," on account of the skill which he displaj'ed in working up and embellishing several old li%'es of saints and martyrs, gained quite a reputation, probably during the latter half of the tenth century, by the remarkable biographies which he published of one hundred and twenty-two saints.^ Some time in the course of the tenth or eleventh century, one Suidas, the circumstances of whose life are unknown, published a sort of cyclopaedia, called a Lexicon, containing definitions and explanations of words, notices of persons, histories of places, etc., arranged in alphabetical order. This work is of great value to the student of antiquity, inasmuch as it has preserved to posterity numerous extracts from an- cient Greek writers, both profane and ecclesiastic, from gram- marians, scholiasts, and lexicographers; in short, a whole ' These lives are scattered hero and there in the pages of Surius and Bollan- dun, Vitae (acta) Sanctorum; a list of eighty-eight, in Hambergcr, Authentic Traditions, Vol. IV., p. 140-142. Cf. Leo Allailus, de variis Simeonibus et Sime- onum scriptis, in Combefis manipul. Constantinop., Paris, 1664, 4to. 468 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. store of linguistic and literary information/ taken from a host of authors, most of whose works have long since per- ished. § 210. Conversion of the Chazari, Bulgarians, and Russians, by the Greeks. The Tartars, or, more properly, Tatars,' who, issuing from the country along the southwestern shores of the Caspian Sea and directing (heir course across the Caucasus, went north be- yond the river Volga, and thence went on till they reached the Danube, were of the same family as the Turks — i. e., iViongo- lian — and first became known to Europe under the names of Avari, Chazari, and Bulgarians. About the close of the sixth century, the "Western Avari, under their great leader, Khan Bajan, conquered Pannonia and the adjacent countries as far as Friuli and the rivers Enns and Elbe. In the course of the seventh and eighth centuries, their rule extended from the banks of the Dnieper over the countries of Ukraine, Molda- via, Wallachia, Hungary, Moravia, and Bohemia, as far as N"orgaw.' Those of them living further to the west were conquered by Charlemagne, and thereby converted to Chris- tianity. They were well-nigh extirpated by the Moravians, and, after the year 827, ceased to occupy a place in history. The religion of the Chazari, who never came farther west than Southern Russia, was for a long time a mixture of Pa- ganism, Islamism, Judaism, and Christianity. After the year 950, the Gospel was preached to them by Cyril. Of the Bulgarians, some settled along the banks of the Volga, and, in the ninth and tenth centuries, embraced Islam- ism; others settled in Moesia, and, uniting with the Slaves, founded European Bulgaria. Their frequent conflicts with the Byzantine Empire gave them an opportunity of gaining a knowledge of Christianity, which they were disposed to look upon with favor after having had their prayers answered lEd. Kihterus, Cantabr. 1703, 3 T., f.; ed. Gaisford, Oxon. 1834, 3 T., f.; ed. Bern/iardi/, IIul. 1834, 8 T., 4to. Cf. Chambers' Cyclop. (Tk.) 'Tims, for example, the Syrian historians have Tataroi. (Tr.) ^DiilUnger, Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 31. (Tb.) § 210. Conversion of Chazari, Bulgarians, and Russians. 469 by the God of the Christians, whom they called upon in a season of famine. At the request of their prince, Bogoris, the Emperor Michael sent the monk Methodius^ (a. d. 868) to preach the Gospel among them. The prince, being very fond of pic- tures, commissioned the missionary, who was quite au artist, to paint a chase on the walls of one of his palaces. Bat, in- stead of complying with this I'equest, Methodius represented the Last Judgment — a subject which gave him an opportunity of explaining the truths of Christianity. These ho impressed upon the minds and brought home to the hearts of his hear- ers with such eloquence and depth of feeling that Ihe prince and the great bulk of his people were converted to the faith of Christ. After bis conversion, Bogoris requested Pope Nicholas I. to send him Roman priests; but, strange to say, when Archbishop Sylvester, who had been sent by Hadrian II., the successor to Nicholas, arrived, the prince refused to re- ceive him, and, in spite of the Pope's protests, had another consecrated hy the patriarch Ignatius (between a. d. 867 and 874),^ thus furnishing a fresh subject of controversy between the Churches of Rome and Constantinople. The Waragian (ITorman) Ruric (a. d. 864-879) was the first to unite the Russians^ (or Ruriscians, so called from their leader) into a regularly organized kingdom. They soon ac- quired the habits of plunder, and shared the enterprising spirit of Ruric and his companions in arms. When engaged in predatory expeditions, or in search of new fields of con- quest, they frequently made their appearance oft" Constanti- ^Constantin. Porphyror/en. Continuator. IV. ID sq. (Bardunl Imper. Orient. I. 131 ) Phoili epp. in Canisii Lectt. Antiq., T. II., Pt. II., p. 379 sq. The letters of Popes Nicholas I., Hadrian II., and John VIII., in Mmisi, T. XV. and XVI.; Hardidn, T. V. and VI., pt. I. Cf. Stolbm-g-Kerz, Pt. XXVIII., p. 34G-375. ''Nicctas David., Ignat. vita (Mmisi, T. XVI., p. 245). Cf. FaUmcrayer, Hist, ot the peninsula of Morea during the Middle Ages, Stuttgart, 1830, Vol. I. ''Strahl, Hist, of the Kussian Church, Halle, 1830, T. I. isiolberg-Kerz, Pt. XXXII., p. 29-73. ''-Thciner, Eecent Situation of the Catholic Church of botL rites in Poland and llussia, Augsb. 1844., p. 1-33. Karamsin, Hist, of the Eus- sian Empire, in Germ., by IlauenschUd, Eiga, 1820, Vol. I. and II. Ustrtalow, Hist, of Eussia, 4 vols., transl. into Germ, by E. W., Stuttg. 1839. 470 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Cha-pter 6. nople. Their wars with the' Greeks brought them, for a second tim.e, to a knowledge of Christianity, which, according to an ancient tradition, had been preached on the banks of the Don, in the Cheronesus, and in the envifons of Kievv, by the apostle St. Andreio. Be this as it may, it is quite certain that Christiauity was known among the inhabitants of South- ern Russia at a very early day, for Tertidlian, Orir/en, and, still later, St. John C'hrysoslom, and many others, in speaking of the wonderful triumphs of the Cross, state that the word of the Gospel had, even in their time, been preached among the Scythians and Sarmatians, of whom, if we may trust the geography of Tacitus and Strabo, the Eussiaus and Roxolans formed a part. But Avhatever knowledge of Christianity they may have then possessed was entirely lost amid the uni- versal upheaval and chaos caused by the migrations, and the Gospel truths made no satisfactory or permanent impression upon them till the ninth century, when the patriarch Ignatius, while still at peace with the Holy See, sent missionaries into their country. The whole empire was converted during the tenth century, and just in that space of time which inter- vened between the patriarchates of Photius and Cerularius, and when the Churches of Rome and Constantinople were at least still united, if not in complete harmony. The work was commenced under Oleg (until a. d. 912), and progressed favorably under his successor, Igor (a. d. 912-945), wIjo was undoubtedly led to respect the Christians and appreciate their religion by the gentle influence of his good and pru- dent queen, Olga. On the death of Igor (a. d. 945), this princess took the reigns of government into her own hands and ruled the empire till her son, Swdtoslav, came of age (a. d. ^55). Having, while at the head of the government, had occasion to visit Constantinople, she received baptism from the patriarch Theophylactus, taking Helena as her Christian name. " This messenger of the Gospd," says Nestor, the annalist, on her return to Kiew, " like the morning-star going before the sun," announced the coming of the full light of Christianity. About the year 956, she had a church built at Kiew and dedicated to St. Nicholas : and, about the year § 210. Conversion ofChazari, Bulgarians, and Bussians. 471 961, asked and obtained Christian missionaries^ from the Ernperor Otho I. She closed her virtuous and holy life a. d. 900, without, however, having had the consolation of seeing her son, the then reigning monarch, and his people converted to Christianity. The conversion of the Russians was reserved to her grandson, W/ac/mz'r I. (a. d. 980-1014.) The extensive conquests of this prince had gained him the title of Great, and his name became famous among many nations, some of which ])rofessed Mohammedanism, some Judaism, and some Chiistianity, and each was desirous of having him embrace its own peculiar form of worship. But, after examining them all, he concluded to become a Christian, was baptized at the city of Cherson (a. d. 988), taking as a Christian the name of Wassily, and, by his labors in behalf of his new re- ligion, earned for himself the glorious title of the Apostolical. After his marriage to the Greek princess Anna, he set about converting his people to Christianity. He commanded all the idols at Kiew to be destroyed, and the statue of Pernn, the chief god of the Russians, to be overturned and cast into the Dnieper. He next ordered the inhabitants, J'oung and old and of both sexes, to appear, on the following ilay, on the banks of the same river, to receive baptism. Those who had the previous day lamented the destruction and loss of their idols, like true Slaves, came now in a body and submitted to be baptized as freely as if they had never bowed before sticks and stones, and like persons glad to be rid of them. Accord- ing to the narrative of Nestor, at the conclusion of the cere- mony, •'■ Wladimir, kneeling upon the bank of the river, re- turned thanks to God, the Creator of heaven and earth, and besought Him to bless these His new children, and to c(nilirm them in the faith." The work commenced and put under way by AYladimir Avas completed hy Jai'oslaw, his sou and successor (a. d. 1019- 1054). This church was under the spiritual government of the metropolitan of Kiew. This city, having within its limits not less than four hundred churches, and called, on '^X^Aschbach, The Mission Rent by Emperov Otho I. to the Grand Duohesa Olga. {Dieringer's Cath. Keview, 1844, Vol. 1., p. 82-94.) 472 Period 2. E-poch 1. Part 2. Chaj^ter 6. account of its importance, the second Constantinople, re- mained in close union with both the Eastern and Western Churches until the time of Cerularius. Michael I. (a. d. 988-992), Leontias (a d. 992-1008), Jovas (a. d. 1008-1035), Theopemptus (a. d. 1035-1051), and Hilarion (a. d. 1051-1072), succeeded eacli other as metropolitans of Kiew. The last-named was appointed without the approval of the Patriarch of Constantinople, and in obedience to an order of the Grand Prince, Jaroslaw, at a synod held at Kiew. Those who succeeded him remained always united to the Church of Rome in spite of the intrigues of Cerularius. As a proof of this opinion, we may mention the iustitutiou of a feast to commemorate the translation (May 9, a. d. 1087) of the relics of St. ISTicholas of Myra, in Lycia, to Bari, in Lower Italy, which was made obligatory upon the whole Eussian Church, in 1093, by the patriarch Ephra:%m (a. d. 1090-1096). Even the liturgical books in use in the Eussiau Church at the present day were all composed during the period when she still preserved friendly relations with the Church of Eome. These relations, notwithstanding the hier- archical subordination of the Eussian Church to that of Con- stantinople, were not seriously shaken until the fifteenth century, when they were entirely broken off. Erom the eleventh centurj'' onward, the Mojiastery of the Catacombs or of Peczera, at Kiew, became for Eussia the seat of learning, the home of literature, the seminary of the clergj', and the center of civilization. It was in this monaster}' that Nestor (a. d. 1056-1111) wrote his annals in the language of his country,' and this one fact would seeiii to indicate, that it" the Eussian Church had remained united to Eome, the counti-y would have seen an incomparably greater intellectual prog- ress, and a more abundant development of its material re- sources and elements of national prosperity, than its iiistory shows. 1 Annales uxitil 1110, Petersburg, 1767, sq., 5 T., 4to, transl., with annotations, by Schioezer, Getting. 1802, eq., 5 vols. § 211. Sects of the Eastern and Western Churches. 473 § 211. Sects of the Eastern and Western Churches. The errors of Gnosticism and Manichaeism were propa- gated in the countries lying beside those inhabited by Chazari and Bulgarians, and in the Crimea, by the old sect of the Paulicians.' These sectaries passed, in the eleventh century, into countries lying farther west, particularly into Upper Italy &n(\. France, where they were known as Manichaeans; from whom, however, they were distinguished" by a practical mys- ticism, an extravagant asceticism, and a determined opposi- tion to every form of ecclesiastical hierarchy. It is more than likely that Leiithard^ was of this class of Paolicians. He was an ignorant and illiterate man, and first made his appearance among the peasantry about Chalons-sur-Marne, preached against the use of images, destroyed all cruciiixes that came in his way, and ended by destroying himself We have fuller and more accurate knowledge of another sect which flourished, about the year 1022, in the country around Orleans,^ and professed to believe nothing except v^hat the Holy Ghost had written upon the heart of each individual. Lisoi and Stephen, the leaders of this heretical sect, together with a young ecclesiastic and disciple by the name of Heri- bert, were put to death by order of King Robert. I3ut the most peculiar of all these sects was that discovered by Gerard, Bishop of Cambrai, existing in the neighborhood of Arras (a. d. 1025), and founded by an Italian named Gon- dolfo.'^ He held that those alone possessed the true doctrine who renounced all earthly goods, subdued the passions, lived of the labor of their own hands, and embraced all men as brothers; but, in addition to all this, he held that the Sacra- 'Sue Vol. 1., p. 761 sq. 'Glaber Radulph., lib. II., c. 2. Leuthardus in pago Catalaunlco, in tliB year 1000. 'The accounts of the contemporaries, Ademari Chron. (Bouquet, T. X., p. ]f>l sq.) Qlab. Radulph., lib. III., c. 8 (ibid., p. S5J; Gesta synodalia Aurolian. a. 1017 (Mansi, T. XIX., p. 376; Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 821 sq., and d Achiry, Spicilegium, T. I., p. 604.) ' The source of this is Acta Synod. Atrebatem. a. 1025 (d'Achinj, Spieilcg., T. I., p. 607 sq.; Mansi, T. XIX., p. 423 sq.) 474 -Penod 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. ments of Baptism, Penance, and the Eucharist were unavailing, and empty ceremonies, and, in proof of the assertion, appealed to the vices of the clergy. It was also a doctrine of this sect, that the efficient principle of justification in man is wholly personal. Sectaries professing either the same or kindred doctrines, and known under the name of Patarini,^ appeared openly, later on, at the town of Monteforte, near Turin, and others, witlidrawing from public gaze, practiced their peculiar rites in the environs of Afilan. One of these latter, named Girard, disclosed the teachings of the sect to Ileribert, Archbishop of Milan (a. d. 1027-1046). The expression. Son of God, they said, has an allegorical meaning, and signifies the sonl after it has been enlightened by the Lord; so also the Iloly Ghost signifies the spiritual illumination of the mind, which enables it to penetrate the meaning of Holy Writ. Again, the con- ception of Jesus Christ by the Holy Ghost in the womb of the Virgin Mary and his birth are but figures of speech, to signify the birth of divine life in the soui, and the illumina- tion of the intellect to the understanding of the Sacred Scrip- tures. We have a priest, said they, still speaking in an allegorical sense, who daily visits his brethren dispersed over the earth ; when this one, who is sent of God, comes to us, we obtain from him, in virtue of our piety, the remission of our sins. We have no priest besides him. He wears no ton- sure, and is not a Roman. We know no more of such things than of the Sacraments, of which we allow only those of faith and prayer. It was also thought that the existence of a sect of Manichae- ans had been discovered at Goslar,^ about the year 1050, who held that the eating of any sort of animal food left the taint of impurity. In order to put a stop to the further propagation of their teachings, Ilenry III. had them all executed.^ This ' Source: LandulJ. Senior. Mediolan. Histor., lib. II., c. 27 (Muraiori, Scriptor., T. ly., p. 88j, Uncertain stutements in Glaber liadulf. IV. 2. ''Hermanni Coniriictl Chron. ad an. 1052 (Pertz, Monum. Germ., T. V.) 'This correlation with the ancient Paulicians, and thereby with the Mani- • chaoans, is pretty generally admitted, according to Muratort, Antiquitatum, T. v., p. 83 sq. Gibbon, Hist, of the Decline, etc., ch. 54. 212. Retrospect. 475 manner of punishment, which, in the case of the Prisciliian- ists, had already excited just and unanimous reprobation,' was assumed as a sort of political right, and constantly prac- ticed by all rulers during the Middle Ages, when heresy was regarded in the light of a civil offense, and punishable by the State. That the Church bad no hand in the infliction of the death-penalty in such cases, is clear enough, from the very difierent policy adopted by her in dealing with Gottschalk and Berengarius. Vazon., Bishop of Liege (tl048), protested, but in vain, against this policy of the State.^ § 212. Retrospect. Whole centuries had gone by since the Church of Christ was founded among the Germans, and still the masses of the people were not animated by that sober, earnest Christiaii spirit, which early sunk into the minds and hearts of the Greeks and Romans, and quickened those great nations into new and vigorous life. The difi'erence of result in the two peoples is undoubtedly to be sought for in their peculiar traits of character, and in the degree of civilization which each had reached before em- bracing Christianity. To these causes should be added the anomalous and disturbed condition of the various European States, occasioned by the invasions of the migrating nations, by the absence or inefiicieucy of all authority, and the conse- quent lawlessness reigning in the Frankish Empire; by the inroads of the Saracens, the ravages of the Normans and Hungarians, and by numerous civil wars. Once all these circumstances, and their necessary tendency to retard the spread of religion, are taken into account, the marvel will no longer be that the aspect of Christendom, at the close of this epoch, presented so few hopeful signs, but that it prc^ sented so many. On the one hand, the Church checked, if she did not fully restrain, the licentious morals of the age; ' See Vol. I., p. 757. '■'Gosta Episcopor. Leodiens., c. 59 {Mariene et Durand. Amplissima CoUectic^ T. IV., p. 898 sq.) Cf. on Vazon, Hist. litt. do la Prance, T. VII., p. 588 sq., and above, p. 422, note 3. 476 Period 2. Epoch 1. Part 2. Chapter 6. and oil the other, the people themselves combined, in self- defense, to suppress? the evils of the times. Every one was looking forward in the hope that some one, with the genius to set things in order and act the part of a deliverer, would appear. Princes alone, and the corrupt among the ciergy, dreaded his coming. Hence Christendom hailed the rising power of the Papacy with joy, and looked hopefully forward to the influence which it was shortly to exert. Every one believed that the Pope, and he alone, possessed the courage and strength necessary to grapple with and overcome the evils that menaced both Church aud State. Again, there were here and there evidences of a scientific tendency; and it soon became clear that a fuller aud more exact knowledge of Christian dogmas was needed. In the midst of these evils, there were not wanting men of piety aud solid worth who gave promise of a better condition of things. The controversies on Adoptionism, on Predestination, and the Eucharist, while rendering the perception of relig- ious truths more sensitive, strengthened and cultivated the reasoning powers of the mind, when exercised within the domain of theology. The spirit of the Church penetrated and permeated the laws of the State. We have proofs of this statement at a very early date, in the Lex Alemannica and the Lex Visifjothorum ; but its most complete verification is to be found in the Capitularies of the Erankish kings. As this epoch was drawing to a close, the relations of Church and State were coming to be satisfactorily adjusted, aud society was beiug gradually organized. SECOND EPOCH. FROM GREGORY VII. (a. d. 1073) TO THE OPENmG OF THE WESTERlSr SCHISM, AT THE BEGIIST- NHSTG OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. THE PAPACY IN THE MIDDLE AGES— HEIGHT AND DECLINE OF ITS POWER. PART FIRST. RISE AND HEIGHT OF THE PAPAL POWER IN THE MIDDLE AGES, FROM THE ACCESSION OP GREGORY VII. TO THE DEATH OF BONI- FACE vin. (A. D. 1073-1303.) The two grput lij^lits and the two swords. Genes, i. XG; Luko xxii. 38. § 213. Outline — Sources and Works Referring to Them. Whatever of civilization or mental culture is possessed by the Germans owes its origin to Christianity. Again, it is entirely clue to the authority and influence of the Popes that Christianity was preached to them at all, and that the Church was established in their midst. Rome was at a very early day the center and source of all religious and political life. When the various German tribes separated from each other and formed themselves into distinct nations, and every State and nearly every municipality manifested an inclination to break with every other State and municipality and set up independentlj' for themselves, the Popes, and they alone, started the idea of Catholic unity, organized this heteroge- neous mass of peoples into one great Christian confederation, capable of undertaking and successfully prosecuting vast and (477) 478 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. momentous enterprises. The practical development of this idea was greatly facilitated by the alliance between the Chnrch and the empire — between the Church of Christ and a thor- oughly Christian empire. So necessary and vital was this alliance, and so extensive its operation, that all Christian countries were affected by it, and their progress or decline depended upon either the union or the alienation of the two powers.^ Bat when the Emperor, in place of being the protector, became the oppressor oi' the Church; when the Chnrch, by reason of the fiefs she possessed, became the slave of princes and feudal lords; when these put on sale ecclesiastical rights and benefices, or used them to reward their own creatures; when they forced upon the Chnrch an unchaste and dissolute clergy, and assumed, without any title of right, the oflice of administering ecclesiastical affairs, thus paralyzing the Church's normal action and interfering with her legitimate influence; then, as if by a spontaneoufs outgrowth and issue of the times, the necessity of which was recognized by the greatest minds of the age, not only was all spiritual power little by little centered in the Pope, but the world acknowl- edged that in him resided the principle of spiritual supremacy ; that he was God's representative on earth, and, as a consequence, superior to every temporal authority and -power. He alone was equal to the task of lifting the Church from the depth of degradation into which she had been plunged, ot emanci- pating her from the servitude of princes and the insubordina- tion and simony of a dissolute clergy, and of restoring her to her former dignity and beneficent authority. He, too, was the protector of national liberties, the vindicator of th^rights of individuals, the enemy of every sort of tyranny and op- pression; the one, in fine, to whom every eye was turned in anticipation of the triumph of morality and the restoration of Christian civilization. The whole Christian hierarchy, from the Head of the Church down to the most humble and obscure of her mem- bers, were all inspired and animated by the true Christian 1 Of. 1 184. § 213. Outline — Sources and Works referring to Them. 479 spirit; and it is this earnest appreciation of religions influ- ences tliat impresses upon tlie second epoch of the Middle Ages the serious cast which is its special characteristic. It was from motives of duty, not ambition, that the great Popes of this epoch, such as Gregory VII., Alexandei' IFI., Innocent III., and others, contended for the fullness of power. The contest was for them a duty forced upon them hy the peculiar circumstances of their position, and, as such, it was in the event triumphant. They not only welcomed and sought to give practical expression to every noble thought and generous aspiration of their age, but, as a rule, had ihe marvelous good fortune to see their efforts crowned with complete success. The terra of years during which the Popes exercised a direct influence upon society constitutes a grand epoch, filled with events that will ever retain their hold on the memory of man. Such were the Crusades, the establishment of universities, the development of the science of theology, both scholastic and m^^stic, the formation of a national poetry based upon truly religious principles and inspired by religious feeling and sentiment, the exuberant growth of monastic life, and, Anally, the splendid achievements in every department of art. I. SouKdES. — Very important sources in the following collBctions: Canisii Lectt. antiquae, Ingolst. 1601, ed. Basnarje, Antv. 1725, 4 T., f. D'AcIidry, Vett. Scriptor. Spicileg., Par. 1653, ed. cle la Barre, 1723, 3 T., f. Baluzii Miscellanea^ Par. 1678, ed. Mansi, Luc. 1761, 4 T., f. Mabillon, Vett. Analocta, Par. 1723, f. Martene et Durand, Thes. novus anecdotorum. Par. 1717, 5 T-, f., and by the same authors: Vett. Scriptor. et Monura. coll. aniplissima, Par. 1721 sa.. T. f. Petz, Thesaur. Anecdot. Aug., Vind. 1721, 6 T., f. sPer-fe, Monumenta Germ , T. VII.-XIV. — Eegesta Eom. Pontificum until 1198, ed. Jafj^: Kesresta regum atque iiS^erat. Eom., Extracts and observations by Bohmer, Frankfort, 1831, in 4to. Bohmer, The Laws of the Empire, from 900-1400. The Chronicles, Hermann. Contract, continued by Berthoidus of Eeiclienau until 1080; epito- mized and continued by Bcrnoldm of St. Blaise until 1100. Ldmhertus Ilcmfcl- dcnsis; Marian. Seoins; Siegbert. Gemblac, Chronicon VrHpergense (Pars I. to 1126; Pt. II. to 1229), Argentor. 1609, f. AnnalMa Saxo, to 1139 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Aevi, T. I.; Pertz, T. VIII.-X.) OUo, Episc. Frii.jig. (t 1158). Chron., libb. VIII., to 1146, continued by Otto do St. Blasio to 1209 (Urstis., T. I.; Usserm., T. II. See Waitenbacli, Germany's Sources of History, 2d ed., p. 403). Alberii Stadens., Chron. to 12S6 (Schilteri Scriptt. rer. Germ.) Chronica regia s. Sti. Pantaleon. (Monastery of Cologne), continued by Godefridus to 1273 (Eccard., T. I.; Freher., T. I., p. 335). Alberlci, monk of Drubeck, in the 480 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. territory of Liege, Chron. to 1241, from 1106, original (Leibn. Accessionib. Hist., T. II.) Matthael Paris. (11259), Hist. Major., 1060-1259, continued to 127G, ed. "Wats., Lond. 1640, f. Martini Poloni (tl278), Chron. (in Schilter; con- tinued to 124-3, in Eccard., T. I.; see above, tbo beginning of g 182.) Vincent Bellmaceivi. (11264), Specul. ITistoriale, libb. XXXII. (Argentor. 1473, 4 vol., f.) Duaci, 1624, exclusively Cburch History. Adam Bremensis, from 1067, canon of Bremen, Hist. EccL, libb. IV. (in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 146.) Odorie. Vital., monk of St. Evrcuil (ta'fter 1142), H. E., libb. XIII., to 1142 (du Chesne, Scriptt. JSTormann.) Ptoleniaet de Fiadonib.,lL.'E.,to 1316 [Muratori, T. XI.) Ci.'^Wat- t^nbach, Germany's Sources of History, 2d ed., Brl. 1866, p. 203 sq. Greek Pli'dorians, the Byzantines. — Joh. Zonaras, see Vol. I., p. 43. Tbey are joined by Nicetas Acominatus, from 1117 to 1206; Georg. Acropoliia, 1204-1261, ed. Leo AUatius, Par. 1651, f , and in tbo Corp. Scriptt. Hist., Byzant., Bonn., 1828 sq. Georp. Pachymeres., 1258-1308, ed. Possinus, Eom. 1661, sq., 2 T., f. Imm. Bekker, Bonn. 1835. Niceph. Gregoras., 1204-1359, ed. Boivinus, Par. 1702, 2 T., f., and in the ed. Bonnens. II. WoKKS. — Baronil Annales, to 1198 and the continuators (see Vol. I., p. 45). Flcury, Hist. Ecclesiast. — The excellent Monographies of Gregory VII., Ijy Voigt and by GfrSrer, and by the Englishman, Bowden; of Innocent III., by Hurter; of Boniface VIII., by Tosti; also, the biographies of prominent men, authors, and poets. Among Profane Historians: ^Muratori, Hist, of Italy, T. VI.-VIII.; Moeller, Precis de I'histoire du moyen age, p. 273-414 (troisiema piiriode depuis S. Greg. VII. jusqu' a la mort de Boniface VIII., 1073-1303. Heeren- Ukert, Hist, of the European States. Schlosser-Kriegk, Univ. Hist., Vol. VI., p. 233 sq. Lniden, Hist, of the German People, Vol. VIII.-XII., p. 323. Damberger, Synchronistical History, Vol. VII.-XII. tCesare Cantij, Univ. Hist., Vol. VI. y Weiss, Text-book of Univ. Hist., Vol. II. § 214. Pope Gregory VII. 481 CHAPTEE I. HISTORY OF THE PAPACY. Among the Sources: Jaff^, Kegesta Eom. Pontif., p. 402 sq. Vitae Pontifi- cum Eomanor. — ab aequalibus conscriptae, ed. "Watierich, T. I., p. 291 sq.; T.. II., to Coelestinus III., 11198. — Among the Works: Principally those of Papencordi, Hist, of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages, p. 207 sq.; Grego- rovius, same title of work, Vols. IV. and V., and von Reumont, Hist, of Rome, Vol. II., p. 866 sq. Fleimj and DoiUnijer, Manual of Ch. H., Vol. II., p. 131- 276; Engl, transl.. Vol. III., p. 272 sq. Cf. Haas, Hist, of the Popes, Tiibg. 1860, p. 279-423; Groene, Hist, of the Popes, Vol. II., Pvatisb. 1866. ''Philltps, Canon Law, Vol. II., Pt. I. .4.— PPvOM GEEGOEY VII. TO CALIXTUS II.— EEOM THE BEGIN- NING OE THE CONTEST ON INVESTITURES UNTIL ITS TER- MINATION BY THE CONCORDAT OE WORMS (a. j>. 1122). § 214. Pope Gregory VII. (a. d. 1073-1085.)* GregorU VII. Registri s. epp., libb. XI. (lib. X. wanting), in Mansi, T. XX., p. 60-391. Ilarduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1195-1515, but compare Udalrici Baben- bergens. Codex Epistolar., collected about 1125 {Eccard. Corp. Hist., T. II.); ed. Jaffd, Berol. 1865 (Bibl. rerum Germ., T. II.) When Gregory VII. was grossly misrepresented and his memory shamefully insulted, his defense was taken up by the Protestants Gaab, Apology of Pope Gregory VII., Tiibg. 1792, and Vindication of Gregory VII., Presburg and Ereiburg, 1786, 2 vols. John von Mailer, Luden, Eiihs, Leo, Lectures on German History, Vol. II. Volgi, Hil- debrand as Pope Gregory VII. (Weimar, 1815), Vienna, 1819; 2d ed., Weimar, 1846, transl. into Erench by Abbe .laeger, 1837. Bowden, Life of Gregory VII., London, 1840, 2 vols. — very important. — ^Gfrorer, Pope Gregory VII. and his Age, Schaffhausen, 1859 sq., 7 vols. Giesebrecht, Hist, of the Period of German Emperors, Vol. III., Pts. I. and II. -\Davm, Gregoire VII., Tournai, 1867. ''Hefele, Hist, of Councils, Vol. V., p. 1-166. An ominous silence, such as precedes a storm, settled upon Rome when Alexander II. passed out of this world. His re- * Among contemporary writers roR Gregory, Bonizo (see Lit. heading of 'i 1 68) ; Paulus Bernridens., de Vita Gregorii VII. [Mahillon, Acta SS. Ord. S. B. saec. VII., Pt. II., and Muratori, Scriptor., T. II., Pt. I., with other defenders in Gretseri opp., T. VI.); Bruno, Hist. Belli Saxon., from 1073-1082 (Pertz, T. VII.) Bernoldus, Presbyt. Constant., Hist, sui temporis, 1054-1100, being a continuation of Hermann. Contract. ( Usserm. Monum., T. II.) Against Greg- VOL. II — 31 482 Period. 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. mains had hardly been laid in their resting-place when both clergy and people cried out with one accordant voice, "Hilde- brand! Hildebrand! He it is whom St. Peter has chosen to be his successor." To comply with an article of the decree of ISTicholas II. on papal elections, the cardinals and the Ro- man clergy confirmed the popular choice. Hildebrand had already filled high and responsible posi- tions in Rome, had frequently gone on distant and compli- cated missions, and knew well the difficulties that would beset one who should endeavor to govern the Church as became an upright and conscientious Popa Hence, dreading the re- sponsibility, he protested, but to no purpose, against his own elevation to the papal throne. He was invested with the purple and crowned with the tiara, April 22, a. d. 1073. Forced, against his own will, to accept the exalted position of the papacy, and, modestly shrinking from its onerous du- ties, Gregory thought he saw one way still open by which he might escape the burden. The last decree on papal elections contained an article requiring that the Pope-elect should re- ceive the approval of the Emperor of Germany. Gregory, who still assumed only the title of " Pis hop r elect of Borne," notified Henry TV., King of Germany and Eraperor-elect, of what had taken place, and begged him not to approve the action or confirm the choice of the Romans. " But should you," he went on to say, " deny my prayer, I beg to assure you that I shall most certainly not allow your scandalous and notorious excesses to go unpunished."' Several historians. ory, Benno, Cardinal of the Antipope Clement III., de vita et gestis Hildebrandi, '>ibri II. fa libel, bristling with contradictions) ; Benzo, Bishop of Alba, in Pio- mont, Panegyricus rhythmicus in Henricum IV. Imperatorem (^Menken, Scrip- tor, rer. German., T. I., p. 957; Menken's bad text materially improved in Pertz^ T. i;i., p. 507-568). Cf. Will, Benzo's Panegyric on Henry IV., etc., Marburg, 1856; Latin essay on Benzo, by Vorjel, Jena, 1850; hj Jlemies, Bonnae, 1865; by Krueger, Bonnae, 1865. Otbert, Bishop of Li^ge, de vita et obitu Henrici IV. {Ooldasti, Apolog. pro Henr. IV., Hannoveriae, 1611, 4to.) — Chroniclers: I,am- bert of Hersfeld, Marianus Scotus, Oiho of Freising; even Slegbert often acknowl- edges the worth of Gregory. Cf. Stenzel, Hist, of Germany under the Franl;ii!h Emperors, Vol. II., p. 55. ' Ne assensum praeberet, attentius exoravit. Quod si non faceret, certum sibi asset, quod graviores et manifestos ipsius excessus nullatenus impunitos tole- raret, in Barcm. ad a. 1073, nr. 27. Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 148, p. 114 sq. Cf. § 214. Pope Gregory VII. 483 putting this bold declaration beside the decree of Mcholas II. (a. d. 1059),' which went on the assumption that the King of Germany did not enjoy the right of approving the Pope- elect until after he had been crowned Emperor, and then, only by a concession made to himself personally, have pro- nounced it supposititious. But when it is recollected that its authenticity rests upon the combined testimonj^ of Bonizo. Bishop of Sutri, the friend of Hildebrand, and of William. abbot of Metz, as well as on the authority of the Acta Vati- cana, it is difficult to see how the objection can be sustained. Moi-eover, it will be remembered that Hildebrand himself had a hand in the framing and enactment of the statute on papal elections ; and hence, lest it should now be supposed that he had then purposely limited the scope of the imperial privilege of approval, in view of his own elevation at some future day to the papal throne, he now forewent a right on which he might have fairly insisted, and, in order to dissipate any suspicion of dishonest dealing, requested the ratification of the Emperor-elect. Again, Hildebrand thought it best to yield, for the present, for another reason. When the news of the decree on papal elections reached Germany, the current of popular feeling ran strong against the Popes ; and Hanno, Archbishop of Cologne, during his residence at Rome, in 1068, had repre- sented to the papal court the possible consequences of such irritation in strong and emphatic language. Under these cir- cumstances, it was deemed prudent not to evoke unnecessa- rily a storm which it might be difficult to allay. Henry IV., on receiving news of Hildebrand's election, sent Count Eberhard, of Nelleuburg, as his plenipotentiary to Rome to protest against the proceeding. The politic Hildebrand was careful not to be taken at a disadvantage. " I have in- deed," said he, " been elected by the people, but against my own will. I would not, however, allow myself to be forced to take priest's orders until my election should have been ratified by the king and the princes of Germany." Hefele, Hist, of Councils, Vol. V., p. 1-10, where there is full proof of the authenticity of this declaration. 'Seep. 326. 484 Feriocl 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. Lambert of Hersfeld informs us that Henry was so pleased with this manner of speech that he gave orders to allow the eoDsecratiou to go on, and the ceremony was accordingly per- formed on the Feast of the Purification in the following year (a. d. 1074). This is the last instance of a papal election being ratified by an emperor. Still, the great Catholic powers have continued to exercise a greater or less influence on papal elections down to our own day. Out of respect to the mem- ory of Gregory YI., his former friend and master, Hildebrand, on ascending the papal throne, took the ever illustrious name of Gregory VII. Once seated upon the pontifical throne, Gregory proceeded, with greater vigor than he had ever before exhibited, against such bishops and abbots as had obtained their appointments un- canonically from temporal princes, and against simonists and immoral ecclesiastics. Pie at once set himself to reform the abuses and scandals of the Church, the existence of which he constantly deplores in letters.' "Z have often," says he, besouaht God. either to take me out of this world or to make me useful to our common mother, the Church; but He has neither set me freefrora my great sufferings, nor has He, as I have besought Him, made me of use to the mother whom I so dearly love." He then goes on to describe the deplorable condition of the Church. " The Eastern Church has lost the true faith, and is now assailed on every side by infidels, hi lohatever direction one turns his eyes — to the West, to tke North, or to the South — everywhere are to be found bishops who have obtained the episcopal office in an irregular way ; lohose lives and conversation are out of harmony with their calling ; who go through their duties, not from love of Christ, but from motives of worldly ambition. There are nc longer princes nov) who set God's honor before their own selfist ends, or who allow justice to stand in the way of their ambition.' And, speaking of the men of his time, he says: " Thost among whom I live — Homans, Lombards, and Normans — are as I have often told them, worse than Jews and Pagans. And as for myself," he adds, " I am so weighed down loith the enormity ' G-regor. epp., libb. II., ep. 49. Meizler, The legislation and other efforts of Gregory VII. to purify the election of Bishops, Lps. 1868. § 214. Pope Gregory VII. 485 of mr sins that I can hope for pardon only from the abundant mercy of Christ. And did Inot live in the hope of one day lead- ing a more perfect life and serving our holy Church more faith- fully, I shoidd certainly not remairi in Borne, where, as God is my witness, 1 have lived these twenty years past only by constraint. Thus it comes to pass that I am placed, between fear and hope — fear daily renewed and hope indefinitely deferred — driven to and, fro by ceaseless storms, living in the midst of death, and dying in the fullness of life." Gregory, with admirable foresight, commenced his great work with the reformMion of the clergy. He first of all assem- bled a numerously attended synod at Eome (a. d. 1074), and revived all the old decrees against incontinenc}', enjoining their observance under the severest penalties. This he con- sidered the only efficient means of restoring and preserving among the clergy the moral purity of life which their state demanded. In no other way could they be so detached from the world and worldly afi'airs as to devote themselves wholly to the services of the Church or be completely independent of the State. The decrees of Clement II., Leo IX., Victor II., ISTicholas II., and Alexander II. had indeed called forth a stubborn resistance, but no such stormy opposition as this measure of Gregory. The reason is not far to seek. Greg- ory was in earnest, and meant to have the decree carried out to the letter; and, the better to put down any contumacious resistance, made the people in a measure the executors of his loill.'^ The married priests, of course, offered the most determined and pertinacious opposition.^ Archbishops, bishops, and ab- bots who undertook to enforce the decrees were assaulted, '^ Gregory says : Sed neo illi, qui in crimine fornicationis jacent, missas cele- brare aut secundum inferiores ordines ministrare altari debent. Statuimus etiam, ut si ipsi fuerint contemtores nostrarum, immo SS. Patrum constitutio- num (see ? %b), populi nulla tnodo illorum qfficta recipiant, ut qui amore Dei et officii dignitate non corrigantur, verecundia saeculi et ohjurgatione popuU resi- pisoant. (Ep. ad Otton. Episc. Const. See above, p. 327, n. 1.) ^Lambert. Eersfeld. ad a. 1074: Adversus hoc decretum infremuit tota factio clerioorum; hominem plane haereticum et vesani dogmatis esse clamitans, qui oblitus sermonis Domini qui ait: non omnes capiunt hoc verbum, etc. All manner of objections woi'e made against the obligation of the rule of colibaoj 486 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. and barely escaped with their lives from the fury of the as- sailants. But the only effect of measures so violent was to strengthen the determination of religiously minded men, and such as desired a more pure, a more intelligent, and a less worldly priesthood, to have nothing more to do with those by the synods of Erfurt, Passau, and Paris, held in the year 1074. Passages of Si. Paul were cited in support of their position, and against the Pope. Such were: "Melius est nubere quam uri" (1 Cor. vii. 2, 9); and "oportet episcopum irreprehensibilem esse, vnms uxoris virum" (1 Tim. iii. 2; cf. Matt. xix. 11). The case of Paphnutius, at the Council of Nice, was also appealed to (see Vol. I., p. 656). The opponents of the rule of celibacy told the Papal legate, at Niimherg (a. d. 1074), that "they would rather renounce the priesthood than their marriage contract, and that he for whom men were not good enough might go seek angels to preside over the churches" (in Lambert of Hersfeld). Sigebert of Gemblours says that many declared the prohibition against hearing the Mass of married priests an error of doctrine, inasmuch as the Church teaches that "the efficacy of the Sacraments is wholly independent of the worthiness of the minister." Such, however, was not the bearing of the pro- hibition, which was entirely disciplinary; and the Pope, while acknowledging the validity of such ministrations, simply wished to correct an abuse, by declar- ing them unlawful. The clergy of the dioceses of Cambrai and Noyon com- plained in two letters, written in the year 1076, both of Kome and of their own bishops, because their sons were not permitted to take holy orders. Cf. also Marikne, Thesaurus Aneodotor., T. I., p. 320 sq. But Gregory was decisive in the matter, and refused to depart a hair's breadth from what he conceived to be the true ideal of the priesthood. Hence he pub- lished in the same year the following imperative decree : " Si qui sunt presbyteri vel diaconi vel subdiaconi, qui in crimine fornicationis jaceant, inierdicimus eis ex Dei parte omnipotentis et sancti Petri auctoritate ecclesiae introitum, usque dum poeniteant et emendent. Si qui vero in peccato suo perseverare maluerint, nuUus vestrum eoruni audire praesumat officium: quia benedictio eorum vertitur in malediction em et oratio in peccatum, Domino testante per Prophetam : Male- _ dicam, inquit, benedictionibus vestris." {Mansi, T. XX., p. 433, Grat. decret. dist. 81, c. 15.) When occasion required, Gregory could also command words full of dignity and elevation of thought, and well calculated to call forth a noble enthusiasm among the priesthood. " Multum namque," says he in one of his epistles, " debet nobis videri pudendum, quod quilibet saeoulares milites quotidie pro terreno prinoipe suo in aoie oonsistunt, et necis perferre discrimina vix expavescunt: et nos, qui sacerdotes Domini dicimur, non pro illo nostro rege pugnemus, qui omnia fecit ex nihilo, quique non abhorruit mortis pro nobie subire dispendium, nobisque promittit meritum sine fine mansurum." {Greg. epp., libb. III., ep. 4; Mansi, T. XX., p. 190; Barduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1326 sq.) There were also bishops who shared with Gregory this high ideal of the priesthood. Such was Sanno, Archbishop of Cologne, who, on talking charge of the political affairs of Henry IV., is thus described by Lambert of Hersfeld: ■'Eo moderamine, ea industria atque auctoritate rem tractabat, ut profccto ambi- § 214. Pope Gregory VII. 487 priests who refused to yield obedience to the laws of the Church, or to strengthen the authority of the Pope.' Simony being closely connected with the sin of inconti- nency, Gregory felt that to efiectually correct the latter it was necessary to entirely eradicate the former. But to ac- complish this, it was further necessary'' to put an end to the practice of investiture, and to withdraw from the laity, once for all, the power of appointing to spiritual offices. Hence, in a second synod, held at Rome' (a. d. 1075), it was enacted that, " if any person should accept a bishopric or an abbacy from the hands of a layman, such one should not be regarded as a bishop or an abbot, nor should he enter a church until he had given up the place thus illegally obtamed." It was fLirther enacted that " saw in him the piromise of distinction, was elected successor to Urban, but made a long resistance before he could be prevailed upon to accept the office. He took the name of Paschal II. The new Pope p)ursued the same policy as Gregory VII., and was equally as energetic as his illustrious predecessor, but (lid not possess the same firmness of character or knowledge of the world. He was accustomed to say, that " v.'hen one wished to raise a fallen man, he should do so by I'eaching down for him as far as he could safely, without falling him.' self." , In a Ltiteran synod of the year 1101, he again renewed, in the most emphatic language, the prohibition of lay investi' 524 Period 2. Epoch 2. Fart 1. Chapter 1. ture;^ but iu his relations to Philip, king of France, who had already been twice excommunicated for his licentious ex- cesses, and whom, on his sworn promise to give np bis con- nection with Bertrada, Paschal bad freed from ecclesiastical censure (a. d. 1104), were not characterized by a similar dis- play of energy. Philip disregarded his oath, and the Pope allowed the perjury to pass without rebuke. Anselm of Canterbury was at this time also engaged in a vio- lent contest, in the Pope's name, against Henry I., king of England, the object of which was to secure the canonical freedom of episcopal elections, and to abolish the practice of lay investiture, by the transference of the ring and crosier. The king granted freedom of election in the case of bishops and abbots, and gave up all claim to investiture; but required, contrary to the prohibition of Urban,^that bishops and abbots- elect should take the usual oath of fidelity to the king ■pre- viously to their consecration? . This brought the conti-oversy to a close for the time being. The censures of the Church against Henry IV. had been again renewed. After the death of his son, Conrad, in battle (a. d. 1101), Henry had the mortification of seeing his younger son, Henry v., whom he had but a short time before appointed his successor, rise in arms against him (1104). Pope Paschal, being assured by an embassy from the J'oung king that their master was earnestly desirous of a reconciliation, and read}' to give every assurance and pledge of his future obedience to the Church, commissioned Gcbbard. Bishop of Constance, to free him from the ecclesiastical censures incurred by his participa- tion in schism, and to crown him king of Germany (a. d. 1106). Henry IV., after many fruitless etibrts to maintain himself, was finally obliged, at the diet of Ingelheim, to resign his kingdom in favor of his son. He managed to make his '^Cone. Rom. a.. 1101, in Mansi, T. XX., p. ll.So; the same repeated at the Sj-nod. Guastalens. (1106), Trecens. (1107), Benevent. (1108), Lateran. (1110). Of. Mansi, T. XX., p. 1209-12.U; T. XXI., p. 7. 2Cf. on this quarrel, Mohler, Anselm of Canterbury (Complete "Works, T. I., p. 07-121); Hasae, Anselm of Canterbury, Lps. 1813, Tt. I., p. 293-454; Remu- sai, Anselm do Onntorbery, Paris, 1804. Befele, Hist, of the Couno., Vol. V., p. 248 sq. § 217. Paschal II. — Gelasius II. — Calixtus II. 525 escape from confinement, and, finding a numerous and power- ful following along the Khine and in Belgium, was again about to fan into afresh flame the smoldering embers of civil war, when he died suddenly, at Liege, in August, 1106, with- out having effected his reconciliation to the Church. Such was the death of the unworthy son of the great Henry Iir., after a reign of half a century, during which time, according to the testimony of his contemporaries, he wasted his splendid natural gifts in bringing about his own ruin, desolating his kingdom, impoverishing his subjects, and in carryinti: on & vain and disastrous struggle against the Church of God." The conduct of Henry V. was anything but straightforward and honest. He continued uninterruptedly to invest bishops, and abbots by staff and ring, and to violate the decrees of councils on many other counts. The embassadors of Henry had invited Paschal to come into Germany, and adjust eccle- siastical matters; but the Pope prudently declined, and, in- stead, made a journey to France, where he called ujion Philip and his son to lend their aid against Henry and the enemies of the Church. The embassadors of Henry came up with the Pope at Chalons, and demanded that he should restore the practice of lay investiture. Paschal replied, through the bishop of Piacenza, that "the Church, which had been re- deemed and made free through the blood of Christ, should not be reduced to the condition of a servant; but that if her bishops were to deiyendfor their appoivtment on the pleasure of the king, to be invested by him with the symbols of their spirit- ual authority, and to be forced (in taking the homagium) to place their consecrated hands within the blood-stained hands of a layman, then indeed would she be in a condition of un- seemly and degrading servitude." The embassadors took Hieir leave of the Pope with the significant remark, that the sword would decide the contest in Eome. Henry was daily growing more aggressive. He not only invested bishops, but now proclaimed his purpose of appointing them also. He ^Dolllnger, Ch. H., Vol. III., p. 334. (Tu.) Cf. Du Clieme, T. IV., p. 289. Bouquet, T. XII., p. 20. 526 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. sent a message to this effect to Paschal, who was then en- gaged in enacting decrees, at the sjniod of Troyes (a. d. 1107), relative to the freedom of ecclesiastical elections. The Pope; then summoned Henry to appear at Rome within a twelve- month, and submit the whole matter to the decision of an ecumenical council. Henry, accompanied by a number of learned men, and at the head of a powerful army, crossed the Alps, in 1110, with tlie intention of deciding the contest hy an appeal to arms. King Henry sent a deputation to Sutri, where the Pope, who was b}- no means skilled in the art of diplomacy, "j-ielding to his threats, and more or less influenced by his early mon- astic education, signed a treaty which he thought would hel[i him out of his difficulties, but which he shortly learned compli- cated matters more than ever. The plenipotentiaries of King Henry and Pope Paschal met at Sutri in 1111, and agreed to the following articles of a treaty:^ The hivg, on his part, should relinquish the right of investiture, leave the Church in the possession and enjoyment of all goods not held by feudal tenure, and of all offerings made by the faithful, and should declare the oaths which he had obliged his subjects to take against the bishops not binding. The Pope, on his part, agreed to surrender to the king all fiefs belonging to the em- pire; to command the bishops to resign to the king such fiefs 1 Henrj''s account of the transaction in the ep. ad Parmenses, in XTdalrici Cod. epp., nro. 201, with the documents, nros. 262, 263, which must he filled up from the Vita Paschalis II., hy Card. Aragon. (Muro.tori. Scriptor., T. III., Pt. I., p. .300), and Baron, ad an. 1111, nro. 2 sq. Complete account in thoChron. Casin., lib. IV., c. 35 sq. (Pertz, T. IX., p. 778); more abridged in the Annalista Saxo ad an. 1111 (Eccard., T. I., p. 626). This strange idea of Paschal had, how- ever, already occupied many minds. Urban II., at the council of Melfi, in the year 1090, in the 11th can., demanded: "Xe gravamen aliquod sancta patiatur ecclesia, nullum jus laicis in clericos esse volumus et censemus. Undo cavon- dum est, no servilis conditionis aut curialium ofBciorum obnoxii ab episcopis promoveantur in clerum. — Quod si forte clericorum aliquis cujuslibet laici possessionihus usus fuerit, aut vicarium qui debitum reddet inveniat, aut posses- sione careai, ne gravamen eccleslae inferaiur." (Manst, T. XX., p. 723 ; JTarduin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1680.) Paschal, ep. 22 ad Henr. V. imperat. (Harduin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1790; Mansi, T. XX., p. 1007): "Ministri vero altaris ministri curiae facti sunt, etc. — • Oportet enim episcopos curis saeoularibus expedites curam Buorum agero populorum, nee eeclesiis suis abesse diutius." § 217. Paschal II.—Gelasius Il.— Calixtus II. 527 as had belonged to the empire at any time since the reign of Charles the Bald, and to forbid the bishops, under penalty of excommunication, from assumitu/ the rights of the empire, or from taking possession of cities, countships, or such other dignities as had attached to them regal rights and j^rcrogatires. Paschal had been trained according to the severe discipline Vif Clugny, and believed that it was far preferable to have the clergy poor and in the enjoyment of their liberty than enslaved and abounding in wealth; and, as he said in his letter to the king, he had rather have his priests serve the altar than the curia. The kinsj-, who well knew that no such sudden and com- plete separation of things spiritual an,d things temporal was possible in the then existing state of afi'airs in Germany, and that, if it were even practicable, the German prelates would not consent to it, agreed to accept the articles of the treaty, on condition that tliey should be ratiiied by the bishops. Ac- cordingly, when the Pope and King Henry met at Rome, later on in the same year, and published the articles of the treaty, the German bishops refused to give up the regalia, or rights and prerogatives held of the crown ; and there weve many who asserted that an instrument which would deprive the Church of what belonged to her by centuries of actual 130ssession was nothing short of sacrilegious in its character. The Pope, deterred by such opposition, declined to carry out the articles of the treaty, and at the same time refused to withdraw his prohibition of lay investiture. On the other hand, Henry, while refusing to give up the right of investi- ture, claimed that, as the Pope had refused to carry out his part of the treaty, there was no reason why he liimself should be refused imperial coronation; and, growing irritated at the determined opj>osition made by Paschal to his pretensions, threw him and a number of his cardinals into prison, llcrc King Henry plied the Pope with all manner of promises and threats, in the hope of bringing him to accede to his wishes. For a long time Paschal resisted every appeal, repulsed every threat; but fearing that, if he held out longer, a fresh schism might be the consequence, and wishing to alleviate the sufier- ings of the Eomans and to secure the liberty of a number of 528 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. laymen and ecclesiastics imprisoned by order of the king, after giving utterance to the following protest, " Cogor pro ecclesiae liberatione," signed a treaty (a. d. 1111), by which Henry was to enjoy the right of investing, by ring and crosier, before consecration, all bishops who had been freely elected, and of deciding between claimants in contested elec- tions. It was further stipulated that any whom the Emperor would refuse to invest should not be consecrated.' The Pope also promised, on oath, never to avenge on King Henry, or on any of his subjects, the outrages to wliich he and his car- dinals had been subjected, and never to interfere with either the king, or any one else in his kingdom, on account of the practice of investiture. The Pope, after having accepted these conditions, placed the imperial crown upon the head of Henry. The current of public opinion now turned against the Emperor. He was regarded as a tyrant, and the papal grant, or "Privilerjium," was condemned in unqualified terms as having been extorted from the Vicar of Christ by laying violent hands on his august person. The conduct of the Pope on this occasion was the subject of much contro- versy among men of different views — some censuring it severely, and others excusing it in part; but all condemning the practice of lay investiture, as sub- versive of the vital interests of the Church, and destructive of the freedom of eanonleal elections. Gerhoh, the distinguished provost of Keichersberg,^ was among the ablest and most energetic advocates of the freedom of ecclesiastical elections. This was precisely the point on which Henry IV. and Henry V. had ' Chronic. Casin., lib. IV., c. 40. The acts in TJdalrici Cod. epp., nr. 264, 265, and in Vita Paschalis, by Cardin. Aragon. {Muraiori, T. III., Pt. I., p. 362.) Extracts in Baron, ad a. 1111, nr. 18 sq. ''Ger/u)hus de statu ecclesiae, c. 22: "Spretis electionibus is apud eum dignior caeteris episcopatus honors habitus est, qui ei vol fainiliarior exstitisset, vel plus obsequii aut pecuniae obtulisset." The same author remarks on the freedom of ecclesiastical elections : " Haec sunt pia de .'^pirUu pictotls provenientia ftpeciacula, cujus operation! et hoc assignamus, quod in diobus istis magna est libertaa canonicis electionibus episcoporum, abbatum, etc., provehendorum in digni- tatibus, quas per multos annos paene a temporibus Ottonis I. imperatoris usque ad imperatorem Hcnricum IV. vendere solebant ipsi rcgcs vel imperatores reg- nante ubique Simonia." (Expos, in Ps. xxxix.) Cf. ^Bach, Gerhoh I., Provost of lieichersberg, a German Reformer of the twelfth century (Austr. Quart, of Oath. Theol., Year IV., 1865, n. 1), and Ratisbonne, Life of St. Bernard (Germ transl., p. L.X.} § 217. Paschal II. — Gelasius II. — Calixtus II. 529 most strenuously insisted, well aware that if they could succeed in destroying the freedom of canonical elections, they might set over bishoprics and monaste- ries persons entirely devoted to the interests of the crown. Moreover, royal sycophants and servile courtiers flattered them with the preposterous notion, that, 'in virtue of a spiritual power which they received when anointed kings^ they might dispose, according to their pleasure, of the bishoprics and mona.steries within their realm. Others again appealed to the ^^ Privilegium." which, it was pretended. Pope Hadrian had granted to Charlemagne and his successors,inveM!ng them with power to appoint to bishopries within the Frankish Empire ; ^ and cited instances, in which the appointments made by secular princes in times past had been tolerated. Still others held, that as the churches of the kingdom were the property of the king, and as he and his predecessors had 77iade them, what they were, they were unquestionably at his service, should be governed only by such persons as he should set over them, and consequently that he was perfectly free to dispose of them to whom he would. Such were the representations made by Adelbert of Bremen and servile courtiers to young King Henry. Gregory and the Church partj', on the other hand, rejected the claim of lay investiture, basing their action on a canon of the Eighth Ecumenical Council,'' which positively forbade all interference of the secular power in episcopal appointments, or any attempt whatever to impede the fullest freedom in canonical elections. They insisted that this had always been th,e rule and prac- tice of the Church, and that unless it could be again restored, it would be im- possible to eradicate the detestable vice of simony.' The advocates of the Church further remarked, that in the ceremony of investiture no distinction was made between the secular grant and spiritual jurisdiction. The formula did not run, "Receive the lands belonging to this Church" but '■^Receive tliis Church." The temporalities, therefore, as had already been pointed out by St. Peter Damian, could not be separated from the grant of spiritual jurisdiction. The two were necessarily connected, and should be conferred by the same per- son or authority. Moreover, the crosier and ring, which were the symbols used in the ceremony of investiture, were the recognized symbols of jurisdiction in the spiritual ministry and of pastoral authority. Hence, as the spiritual and temporal in the Church stand related to each other as soul and body in man, to separate them, or rend them asunder, is impossible, without destroying the con- stituent body of which they are tlie components. Again, lay investiture, as then practiced, was subversive both of freedom of canonical elections and of the undoubted rights of the Church. The bishop ' See above, p. 305. ^ Cane. Consiantinop. IV., can. 12 : Perlatum est ad nos, non posse sine prin- cipum praesentia concilium agi. Atqui nusquam sacri canones sanciunt, ut ad Bynodos saeculares principes cogantur, sed soli duntaxat episcopi. Quare nee alias reperimus eos aliis, nisi oecuraenicis conciliis, interfuisse. Neque enim fas est, ui saeculares principes rerum, quae Dei saeerdotibus contingunt, speciatores fiant. (Harduin, T. V., p. 1103.) ^Dollinger, Ch. H., p. 158-165; Cox's transl., Vol. III., p. 318-345. Neander, Ch. H., Vol. v., Pt. I., p. 170-183; Torrey's transl., Vol. IV., p. 132-143. (Tr.) VOL. II — 34 530 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. could not come into possession of tlie goods of the Church, except through appointment by a secular prince; and in appointing him, the prince conveyed to another that over which he had no manner of right. Such an act could be justified only on the supposition that the secular jjrince enjoyed a vested right over the goods of the Cliurch; but as tliey had been devotedirrevocably and for- ever to the Church as such, and not to the king, or personally to successive bishops, it was plain he had no possible claim to dispose of them. He might dispose of revocable feudal rights, but not of Church propertj'. This consisted of donations and allodial inheritances, and it required nothing short of an act of usurpation to subject it to the ordinary conditions of investi- ture. It was admitted that princes should have a voice in the appointment of bishops, but as sons, and not as sv.periors of the Cliurch. On the other hand, bishops and abbots should render obedience to princes, and be subject to them in matters of civil aller/lancc in so far as such were lawful, and in the same sense as others, not in a condition of vassalage, were subject to them. The conduct of Pope Paschal was severely reprehended ; and Godfrey, the zealous abbot of Venddme, in commenting upon it, contrasted it with the heroic resolution of the martyrs of old, and particularly with the example of SS. Peter and Paul, the founders of the Eoman Church. "If," said Godfrey, in a letter to Paschal, "if the successor of the Apostlef has disregarded their example, he should hasten, if he would not forfeit theii glorious crown, to undo and repair what he has done, and, like a second Peter expiate his fault with tears of repentance." Lay investiture, he added, whereby power was granted to laymen to convey possessions, and therewith a grant of jurisdiction in spiritual matters, was equivalent to a denial of faith, destructive of the liberty of the Church, and an out-and-out heresy. He stated plainly to Paschal, that whereas a vicious Pope might be borne with, any one loyal to his faith had a duty to openly protest against one stained with the guilt of heresy. Hildebert, Bishop of Mans (Cenomanensis), and Yves, Bishop of Cliartres (Car- notensis), although strenuous advocates of the principles of Gregory VII, and Urban II., and regarding lay investiture as entirely indefensible, judged more moderately of the conduct of Paschal. "The Pope," said the former, "hafr exposed his life in the cause of the Church, and his yielding was- only for a moment, to put an end to the shedding of blood and other miseries." The lat- ter, in a letter to John, Archbishop of Lyons, excused the Pope, by saying that "God had permitted the holiest of men ... to give way to such weak- nesses, that they might in this way gain a more intimate knowledge of their own hearts, learn to ascribe their faults to themselves, and be brought to hum- bly acknowledge that whatever of good was in them was entirely due to the grace of God." He said that while he opposed lay investiture, he could not ■ accept the extreme views of those who went the length of calling it a heresv. "3?or," said he, "heresy has reference to faith, and faith has its seat within ; but investiture is something external. . . . Should one claim, in connection with investiture, the power of conferring a sacrament, or a rem sacramenti, such one. would be a heretic, not by reason of the investiture itself, but of the implied usurpntion." To which Archbishop John replied that, "Heresies have indeed their seat in the heart; but since works are the witnesses of a believer's faith, so are they also of a heretic s ; , , , and, although the outward act of § 217. Paschal II. — Gelasius II. — Calixtus II. 531 investiture is of itself not heretical, still one who maintains and defends it nec- essarily bases his argument on heretical principles." But perhaps no writer of that age has set forth the views of the two parties with greater clearness, accuracy, and fairness, than Flacidus, Prior of Noncintula^ in a work which he wrote in defense of the Church. To those who objected that the Church was essentially spiritual in its constitution, and, as such, could lay claim to no earthly possessions, he replied: "The Church is indeed a spir- itual society, a community of believers, adorned with the gifts of the Holy Ghost. But her consecrated earthly gifts should also contribute to her honor; and to wrest from her what has once been given to her, is sacrilegious. And as the heart, while adoring God in spirit and in truth, requires some outward expression of this act of adoration, it is a necessity to erect visible temples to His honor. . . . As the soul can not subsist in the present life without the body, so neither can the spiritual without the corporeal. The latter is sanctified by its connection with the former. If the Church is possessed of abundance to-day, it belongs to her by the same title as her comparative poverty in times past. She has the same title to both — their consecration to God. The same Supreme Being, who of old constituted her in poverty, bestowed wealth at a later day as a means of adding to her earthly glory. . . . Princes should by no means be denied a voice in episcopal elections, but they should speak as members of the community; as sons, not as lords of the Church. . . . The emperor is anointed, not to rule the Church, but to faithfully govern the empire." And concerning the treaty entered into by the Pope and the Emperor, he says: "The Pope is not bound by the compact. . . . An oath requiring one to do a wicked thing, is not binding. On the contrary, whosoever has laid him- self under such obligations, should do penance for having taken the name of God in vain, inasmuch as he may not do what he has promised, even if he had never taken an oath." As there were many bishops ia Italy and France who con- demned the Primlegium, as the treat}' between Pope Paschal and Henry was called, maintaining that it compromised the rights of the Church, the Pope, in order to escape the com- plications in which he was involved resigned the papacy and retired to the island of Ponza, near Terraeina, but was again persuaded, by the prayers of the cardinals and the Roman people, to resume his ofSce and submit his case to the decision of a council to be held at the Lateran (a. d. 1112). The Pope here put aside the insignia of the pontificate, but, at the request of the fathers, consented to again receive them. He then stated, the circumstances of his difficulty — how owing to his oath, he could not proceed against the Emperor' — ' Of. Annalista Saxo ad a. 1112 ; from this source, extracts in Chronic. TJrsperg. and Vita Paschal, ex Cardin. Aragon. (Muratori, T. III., Pt, I., p. 363.) Aoccd 532 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. but went on to say that, his sanction of lay investiture being illegal, he would retract what he had done. As he had been suspected of heresy, he next read a profession of faith, and declared that he accepted, without qualification, the decrees of his predecessors, Gregory and Urban. The council then examined the Privilegium, and pronounced it to be contrary to ecclesiastical and divine law, but, oat of regard for the Pope's oath, abstained from passing any censure on Henry. The Synod of Vienne (September 16, a. d. 1112), composed of French and Burgundian bishops, and convoked by Arch- bishop Guido, the papal legate, was not so considerate in its treatment of the German Emperor. Investitures were con- demned as " heretical." It may be well to state here that, in those times, not only formal errors of faith, but also abuses referable to a principle or formulated into a law, were called heresies.^ The synod also pronounced sentence of excommu- nication against Henry for having laid violent hands on the Head of the Church.^ In the synods of Beauvais and Eheims, the papal legate, Cuno, Bishop of Praeneste, excommunicated the Emperor, and the sentence was confirmed by a council held (a. d. 1115) in the great city of Cologne, on German territory. A large majority of the bishops professed their adherence to the decrees of the Church, and were reconciled to the Holy See; a few only remained obstinate and continued to support the Emperor. When atfairs were in this condition, Henry, accompanied by five bishops, crossed the Alps a second time, for the pur- pjose of seizing upon the possessions which the margravine, Mathilda, had repeatedly conveyed to the Eoman Church. In 1117, Plenry went to Rome, under pretense of bringing ing to the latter, Paschal says: "Quamvis conditio juramentis praeposita ab ipso et suis minus observata sit; — ego tamen eum nunquam anathematizabo et nunquam de investituris inquietabo. — Habet judicem Deum." The acta of the council ex variis auctorib., collecta in iSIanst, T. XXI., p. 49-70; Harduin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1899-1914. Here is found even a profei-iion of faith made by the Pope. Cf. Planck, Acta inter Henr. V. et Pasehalem II., Getting. 1785. Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 284 sq. ^DolUnger (Engl, trans.), Vol. III., p. 340. (Tr.) 2 Cone. Viennen., in ManM, T. XXI., p. 73 sq. Hefele, 1. c, p. 286 sq. § 217. Paschal II. — Gelasius II. — Calixtus II. 533 atout an accommodation with the Pope, who, divining hia real intention, fled to BeneventuiTi. He wished to have him- self crowned at Rome with the imperial diadem; but, as none of the cardinals would consent to perform the cere- mony, he had it done hj Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga, but this being an invasion of the papal right, drew upon the ob- sequious prelate the sentence of excommunication. After the Emperor's depai'ture, Paschal again returned to Rome, but died after being back a few days (January 21, a. d. 1118), before the termination of the contest. To escape foreign interference, the cardinals proceeded at once to elect a successor, and their choice fell upon Cardinal John of Gaeta, chancellor of the Roman Church, who took the name of Gelasius II. The election was barely over, when Cencio Frangipani, a relative of the Pope-elect, but a partisan of Henry's, seized Gelasius and cast him into prison. Hav- ing been liberated by the indignant populace, he was obliged to seek refuge in Gaeta from the anger of Henry and his army of Germans. Here, in the presence, of a large number of cardinals, bishops, and princes of Southern Italy, Gelasius was solemnly consecrated. The Emperor next sent an embassy to the new Pope, re- quiring him, under menace of proceeding to extremities in ease of refusal, to confirm the Privilegium of Paschal. Gela- sius replied that he would submit the matter to the decision of a synod ; but Henry, apprehensive of the issue, and under the flimsy pretext of not having been consulted in the elec- tion of Gelasius, set up as antipope the deposed and excom- municated archbishop Burdinus, who took the name of Greg- ory VIII. Gelasius published, from Capua, sentence of excommunica- tion against both the Emperor and the antipope; but, being forced to take flight to escape imperial persecution, he sought refuge in the monastery of Clugny, where he died (January A. D. 1119). A new election was at once proceeded with at Clugny, and at the instance of Cardinal Cuno, whom Gelasius had recommended for the office, the cardinals gave their suf- frages to Guido, Archbishop of Vienne. Being descended 534 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Fart 1. Chapter 1. from the royal house of Burgundy, and related to the Emperor and to the kings of France, England, and Denmark, Guido had at his command the influence and material resources so necessary to the protection of the pontifical ofliee and dignity in those times.^ He took the name of Calixtus II., and was universally acknowledged as the lawful Head of the Church (1119-1124). The antipope, Gregory FJJJ..^ being supported only by the small party of the Emperor, was unable to hold out against the Normans and the Roman people, and died miserably in prison. After the conflict had continued for some time longer, and Germany and Italy had been overrun and laid waste, both countries demanded that Church and State should come to an understanding with each other and establish peace. This was the more acceptable to Henry, as his situation was daily becoming more critical. The disputes concerning lay investiture between the archhisliops of Canter- bury and the Norman princes of England were the occasion of a work, written by the monlc Hugo, of the monastery of Fleury, in which^ avoiding the excesses of either party, he advocates a middle course, and endeavors to reconcile Church and State, royal-ty and the priesthood. In opposition to those who depreciated the dignity of civil power, he appeals to the authority of St. Paul in proof of the divine instUution of kinffs; while, on the other hand, he maintains that kings should in no wise interfere with the freedom of canonical eleetixms, should approve the choice when made, and give up the practice of investing with staff and ring,"' The ahljot, Godfrey of VendSine, who, as we have stated above, severely cen- sured Pope Paschal for yielding to the demands and threats of Henry, now also assumed the office of mediator between Church and State> He drew a distinction between the investiiure, by which a hishr,p, as much, v;as installed in /lis office, and that by vihich prcnyision was made for his support; the former, he said, was of divine, the latter of human right. Following up- this distinction, he condemned the practice of lay investiture in spiritual matters, and with the symbols of staff and ring, as a heresy; while admitting, on the other hand, that, after a free canonical election and episcopal consecration, princes might, mithoru,t trenching on the spiritual domain, convey MCKular possessions to the bishop by royal investiture, employing in the ceremony ^Dollinger, 1. c, p. .343. (Tr.) ■•'Vita Burdini (Baluz. Miscell., Paris, 1680, T. III., p. 471 sq.) ^Sugo, Floriaeens., lib. II., de regia potestate et de sacerdotal! dignitate ad Henr. I. {Baluz. iliscellan., T. IV., Par. 1683.) * Godofred. Vindonic, opusc. III., de Simonia et investitura laicor. ad Calixt. II. and Tractatus de ordinatione episcopor. et de investitura laicor. ad Petr. Leon. Cardinal. (Max. Bibl., T. XXI.) § 217. Paschal II. — Gelasius II. — Calixtus II. 535 whatever instruments in their judgment would hest symbolize the conveyance. It was, ho argued, the intention of Christ that the civil authority should be in accord, and not at variance, with the spiritual, and that both should co-operate in defense of the Church. An antagonism between thepi gives rise to schism and strife, and is harmful to body and soul alilie. Church and State are both equally in danger when they run counter to each other. The Church, while defending her liberties, should be careful to guard against extremes. When persons, who might have been conciliated and won over by moderation, arc driven to madness and acts of rashness by unseemly severity, those who so deal with them are not inspired from above. These irenical investigations prepared the way for the solu- tion of this long and painful difficulty, and furnished a basis for an accommodation between the Pope and the Emperor. As a preliminary step, the papal legates presented themselves to Henry, at Strasburg, and assured him that the restoration of peace was conditional on his renunciation of the claim to investiture. Henry then agreed, as he said, out of love to Grod, His Holy Church, and to Pope Calixtus, to give up the practice, andat Mousson swore to observe the promises he had made to the papal legates at Strasburg. Calixtus II. was at this time attending a great synod at Eheims (a. d. 1119), at which Avere present four hundred and twenty-seven bishops and abbots, representing every country of the West ; but, when informed of the convention entered into between Henry and his legates, he set out at once to Mousson, where the Emperor then was, to ratify its articles. It soon became evident, from the shifts to which Henry had recourse in treating with the papal legates, that he had no intention of keeping his word, and in consequence the Pope, who came unattended, avoided him altogether, and hastily returned to Rheims, where, with the consent of the Fathers, he excommunicated both him and the antipope, and absolved the subjects of the former from their oath of allegiance until such time as a change should have come over the sentiment of the German Emperor. In the meantime, ati'airs in Germany wore a serious aspect. The people grew restless, and indications of an outbreak startled Henry, and warned him not to bring upon himself the fate of his father. Calixtus, in a letter dated February 19, 1122, spoke to him in the spirit of a father and a prudent 536 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. friend, admonishing him, solemnly and for the last time, that "the Church had not the least intention of trenching upon his rights." " We do not aspire," Calixtus went on to say, " to kingly or imperial splendor. Let the Church have what is Christ's, and let the Emperor retain what is his. If the Emperor take heed of our words, he shall not only rise to a height of dignity becoming his kingly and imperial rank, but he shall also secure for himself the crown of life eternal." After some preliminary diplomacy, Henry accepted the articles of the Concordat of Worms (September 23, 1122), by which an end was put to the contest on investitures, after it had lasted through fifty years. In order to secure the permanency of the alliance between the papacy and the empire, Calixtus II., now enjoying the fullest liberty of action, convoked the First Council of Lateran, or the NINTH ECUMENICAL COUNCIL (a. d. 1123). There were present at this council elose upon three hundred bishops and six hundred abbots, from every quarter of the Catholic world. It confirmed the Concordat of Worms, the articles of which were substantially as follows: The emperor shall resign to God, to Saints Peter and Paul, and to the Catholic Church, the practice of investiture with ring and crosier; he shall permit all the churches of the empire to exercise the fullest freedom in the election and consecration of bishops, as the laws of the Church require; the election of Ger- man bishops (i. e. exclusive of Italian and Burgundian) shall take place in presence of the emperor; bishops shall receive investiture of their fiefs, and the royal privileges and prerogatives attached to them by the imperial scepter, if Germans before, and if Italians after consecration, but, in any case, after the expiration of six months.' In return for these grants, bishops shall promise fidelity to the emperor; in case an election be contested, the claims of the con- testants shall be decided by a provincial synod, by whose judgment the emperor shall abide; and, finally, the emperor shaW restore to the Pioman Church all the possessions and regalia of St. Peter. The Council also renewed the grant of indulgences made to the ('rusa/lers by Urban II., and passed twenty-three canons, providing for the restoration of ecclesiastical discipline. These were chiefly directed against incontinent and simoniaeal ecclesiastics; contumacious adherents of the late antipope; inces- tuous marriages; unauthorized absolution from censures; violation of the Truce ' The emperor, enjoying by this clause a wider latitude in German than Ital- ian or Burgundian territory, might indefinitely prevent a German bishop elect, who was offensive to him, from entering upon his office, but could place no such obstacle in either Italy or Burgundy. Cf. Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 336. § 217. Paschal II. — Gdasius II. — Ualixtus II. 537 of God; laymen who forcibly seized the offerings made to Churches, and against forgers of ecclesiastical documents. The limits of parochial jurisdiction were also prescribed, and the rights of the ordinary over priests, whether secular or regular, having the care of souls, defined and sustained.' "When these conciliar acts had been gone through, the Fathers solemnly can- onized Conrad, Bishop of Constance, who died A. u. 976. The Concordat put an end to the traffic by laymen in eccle- siastical dignities, and opened a sort of via media to the moderate men of both parties. Hitherto, emperors, wholly ignoring the ecclesiastical character of the episcopal ofHce, had conferred investiture with the symbols of spiritual jurisdiction and authority, apparently implying that such jurisdiction and authority were the legitimate outgrowth of secular power, and entirely dependent upon it. The bishops, on the other hand, and notably after the time of Gregory VII., forgetting or overlooking the fact that the episcopal ofiice was in a sense political, not unfrequently attempted to entirely exclude sec- ular princes from a voice in the election of bishops. The Concordat therefore established a via media, marked out a middle course, satisfied both parties. It gave to Church and State what rightfully belonged to each, and refused to either what was not justly its due. But, in doing so much, it did more ; it sowed the seeds of mutual distrust betiiwen Church and State, and eventually brought about their estrangement. But these consequences were remote, and in no proper sense ap- preciated, if at all foreseen, at the time. Universal joy was expressed upon the publication of the peace, and many docu- ments, bearing the date of 1122, hailed the auspicious event as the dawn of a new and glorious era. Concerning the Homagium, against which Urban II. and. Paschal II. had so strenuously contended, the Concordat was silent, and seemed, from this fact, to countenance its continu- ance. There can be no doubt but that Calixtus II. was quite as keenly alive as his predecessors had been to the impro- 'Mmsi, T. XXI., p. 274-287; Harduin, T. VI., Pt. 11., p. 1109-1118; see also Muratori, T. III., Pt. I., p. 421. Walter, Pontes juris eccles., pp. 7-5, 76. Sup- plements taken by the Tb. from Palma, Vol. II., p. 196 sq. — Only some stiff zealots were not satisfied with this treaty, as the Archbp. Conrad of Salzburg, whose life see in Pez, Thesaurus anecdot., T. II., Pt. III., p. 227. Cf: Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 333-344. 538 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. priety of a bishop taking such an oath, and knew fully as well as they that the practice would jeopardize the liberty of the Church ; but, on the other hand, he well knew, also, that if he would insist upon its absolute and immediate discon- tinuance, he might again give occasion to a terrible war, and thus, without at all benefiting, bring innumerable evils upon the Church. The usual formula of the Homagium ran as follows : " I will from this day forward, according to the best of my knowledge and power, be faithful to the Empei'or; take no part in any plot against his life or limb, his empire, or his lawfully constituted authority; within the limits of his empire, I will support him, to the best of my ability and power, against any one who may attempt to rob him of his imperial rights." It was useless for the emperors to attempt to influence papal elections. All such attempts were quietly frustrated by the secrecy and dispatch with which the elections were conducted. £.— PROM HONORIUS TO THE DEATH OP EUGENE III. (a. d. 1153.) ITALIAN REPUBLICANISM — ARNOLD OF BRESCIA — SECOND CRUSADE — .ST. BER- NARD AND HIS WORK, "DE CON.SIDERATIONE." Sfaiisi, T. XXI., p. 319 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. II.. p. 1117; vita, epp. Eo- manor. Pontificum et acta Concilior. Watterich, T. II., p. 157-322, for Honorius II. — Eugenius III. — Neander, St. Bernard and His Age, Berlin (1813), 1848. t^Ratisbonne, Histoire de St. Bernard, ed. II., Paris, 1843, 2 T.; German, Ijy RcicMn^. Tiib. 1843; Eng. transl.. New York, 1855. Neander, Ch. H., Eng. transl.. Vol. V., p. 189-211. Katerkamp, Ch. H., Vol. V., p. 355-470. Jansen, Wilibald of Stablo, etc. § 218. Honorius II. (a. d. 112^1im)— Innocent II. (a. d. 1130-1143)— iitcfus II (A. D. 1144-1145)— ^%enws III (A. D. 1145-1153.) Upon the death of Calixtus II. (December 13, a. d. 1124), the sufirages of the electoral college were given to Cardinal Teobaldo ; but, as many favored Lambert, Bishop of Ostia, who had been set up as an opponent by the powerful Robert Frangipaui, Teobaldo resigned his claims, and Lambert, after having been formally elected, was universally recognized, and § 218. Honor. Il.—Innoc. II.— Luc. II.-^Eugen. III. 639 ascended the papal throne under the name of Ilonorius 11. Henry V., the last of the emperors of the Franconia-n} line, died May 23, 1125. The election of his successor, Lothaire II., Duke of Saxony, was chiefly due to the influence of Cardinal Gerhard, the papal legate. Lest the election of bishops might not be perfectly free, if conducted in his pres- ence, the newly elected Emperor abolished the practice; and further ordained that bishops, instead of the Ilomagium, should take simply an oath of fidelity, not before, but after consecration.^ The election of a successor to Honorius II. (f a. d. 1130) was the occasion of a fresh schism. Among the Cardinals was one Pier Leone, of a powerful Roman family, wealthy and ambitious, who aspired to the high dignity of the papacy. Hence those of the College of Cardinals who were solicitous for the Church's good and sensitive to her honor, knowing the designs of Pier Leone, hastened the election of Cardinal Gregory Papareschi, who took the name of Innocent II. Pier Leone, relying upon the influence of his family, the number and daring of the adherents who had been gained over to his side by a lavish distribution of money, had bim- self elected under the name of Anaclete II.' 'Not of the Saxon, as Abbe Darras incorrectly states (Vol. III., p. 201); neither did this dynasty rule for two hundred and seven j'ears, but only for one hundred and one (A. D. 1024-1125). Abbe Darras labors apparently under the impression that the Saxon and Franconian are one and the same line. (Te.) ''Anonymi Warratio de elect. Lotharii (Ec/chard. Quaternio vett. Monumentor., p. 46). Cf. in Plstorius-Struve, T. 1., p. 671 : " Goncordantibus itaque in electione regis universis regni principibus, quid juris regiae dignitatis imperium, quid libertatis reginae coelestis, i. e. ecclesiae sacerdotium habere deberet, stabili ratione praescribitur. — Habeat eoolesia liberam in spiritualibus electionem, nee regio metu extortam, nee praesentia prineipis ut antea coarctatam, vel ulla petitione restrictam; habeat Imperatoria dignitas- eleotum libere, consecratum canonice, regalibus per sceptrum, sine pretio tamen, investire solemniter, et in fidei suae ad justi favoris obsequium (salvo quidem ordinis sui proposito) sacra- raentis obligare stabiliter." Against any misrepresentations of this emperor's character, cf. Gervais, Polit. Hist, of Germany, Vol. II., Lps. 1842. Jafe, Hist, of the German Empire under Lothaire XI., Berlin, 1843, and 'f'^Jansen, Wili- bald of Stable and Corvey, the abbot, statesman, and scholar (mediator between State and Church, under Lothaire II., Conrad III., and Frederic I.), Miinster, 18.54. ^Arnulphi Sagiens. Archidiac. Tract, de Schism. Petr. Leon. (Muraiori, T. 540 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. As nearly all Eome favored Anaclete, InnoceDt withdrew from the city and retired into France. The schism was closed, after it had lasted eight years, by the exertions of the Venerable Peter of Clugny and St. Bernard of Clairvaux. They induced Philip VI. of France and the powerful and stub- born William of Aquitaine to recognize Innocent as lawful Pope. St. Bernard crossed the Alps in the cause of Innocent, was his great support at the synod of Pisa (a. d. 1134), and finally succeeded in bringing all the Lombard cities under his obe- dience. In 1136, Lothaire II. conducted Innocent in triumph to Rome, and in 1138 the antipope Anaclete died. His party elected a successor, who took the name of Victor IV. But the new antipope was easily persuaded by St. Bernard to submit to Pope Innocent, and this closed the schism. Lo- thaire II., who was called another Constantine, and who, during the schism, had gone twice to Rome to defend the cause of Innocent against Roger, whom the antipope had created King of Sicily, received as a vassal of the Pope all the allodial possessions given by the margravine Mathilda to the Holy Sec. The harmonious relations thus estab- lished between the papacy and the empire were frequently represented by writers as analogous to those of Christian mat- rimony. In nearly every bishopric of JSTorthern Italy there were at this time two incumbents of antagonistic principles on eccle- siastical and civil polity. While the one strenuously upheld the papal, the other was equally earnest in his advocacy of the imperial claims. Moreover, there were here and there clusters of the pop- ulation whose ancestors had lived under the old Roman government, and who had in consequence inherited its ven- erable traditions. They had, in spite of the Lombard con- quest, retained possession of their territories, and were still III., Pt. I.; cCAchdry, Spioileg., T. I.) Anacletl Epp. (Kecueil des historiens des Gaules, T. SV., p. 360.) — Retmhaldi Ep. de Schism, (ibid., p. 326.) Innoc n. Epp. ad Germ, in Cod. Udalrici [Eccard., T. II.) § 218. Honor. Il.—Innoc. II.— Luc. II.—Eugen. III. 541 ill the enjoyment of their ancient municijjal rights.^ Living in towns and cities, they formed a liind of third class, equally opposed to both clergy and nobility, and began to form them- selves into powerful republics. The bishops, being elected without interference from civil authority, relinquished, ou their part, rights formerly exercised by them over these cities, which grew little by little in wealth and importance, and eventually became very flourishing. Their example was followed by Rome, where the ceaseless contests on papal elec- tions favored the movement. The ancient senate was restored under Innocent,^ and under Lucius II. a patrician was elected to represent the ancient consular authority. The tide of republicanism set in with unusual violence, uprisings followed, and Pope Lucius, in endeavoring, during this popular ferment, to get possession of the Capitol, was mortally wounded by the blow of a stone- This republican spirit had been, if not enkindled, certainly fanned into flame by Arnold of Brescia,^ a young clergyman of irreproachable moral character, gifted with a fervid and impetuous eloquence, and who was at this time a lector in one of the churches of Brescia, and had been formerly a disciple of Abelard's. He sought to awaken in the breasts of the people the glorious memories of ancient Rome ; held up the Church of the apostolic age as the pattern for all time; and appealed to the poverty of those days when condemning the wealthy clergy of his own. He called upon the people to overturn the established order of things, and dazzled their imaginations with glowing visions of reforms never to be ^Savigny, Hist, of Civil Law during the Middle Ages, Vol. I., p. 409; Yol. III., p. 103 sq. Bethmann-Hollweff, Origin of the Lombard municipal rights. Bonn, 1816. Hegel, Hist, of the constitutions of Italian cities, Lps. 1847, 2 vols. Cf. Hist. Polit. Papers, Vol. 45, p. 988 sq. ' Otto Frising. Chron., lib. VII., c. 27. Muratori, Hist, of Italy, Vol. VII., p,£l. 'Otto Frising. de Eeb. gest. Pridcr., 1. II., c. 20. St. Bernard, ep. 195 ad Episc. Constant, a. 1140: Arnoldum loquor de Brixia, qui utinam tam sanae esset dootrinae, quam districtae est vitae. Et si vultis scire, homo est neque manducans neque bibens, solo cum diabolo esuriens et sitiens sanguinem ani- marum. Cf. Franlie, Arnold of Brescia and his Age, Zurich, 1825 Ravmer, Vol. VI., p. 34-38. 542 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part l. Chapter 1. carried out, and of ntopian systems impossible to realize. In the midst of all this republican glow and fever, Innocent II. convoked the Second Lateran, or TENTH ECUMENICAL COUNCIL (a. d. 1139). This council ooniii'med whatever liad been done to secure the peace of the Church. It was attended by nearly one thousand patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and abbots, representing the various countries of Christendom. Eoger was excommunicated for abetting schism and protecting the antipope, Anacleie II. All those who had been raised to ecclesiastical dignities by antipopes were deposed. Pricr of Brnix and Arnold of Ilresria were condemned; and simony, clerical incontinency, and otlier ci-ying evils of the times, were summed up in thirty canons, and prohibited under the severest censure.' Arnold of Bresciii was, in consequence of this conciliar condemnation, driven successively from Italy, Erance, and Switzerland, but he returned after the death of Innocent. The wild republican dreams of a universal dominion, which should rival the glories of ancient Rome, spread rapidly among the people. The Pope, according to the new programme, was to content himself with the tithes and the voluntary oti'erings of the people. " The Senate and Roman People " sent a pompous letter to Conrad III., inviting him to take up Iiis residence in Rome, "whence, like Constantine and Justinian of old, he might give laws to the whole world." ^ The_y said that, following the precept of Christ, they would render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto the priest the things that are the priest's.^ They invited Arnold of Brescia to return and help in restoring the republic and reforming the Church. In vain did Pope JEugene-III., formerly a monk of the monastery of Clairvaux, and afterward abbot of St. Anastasius, near Rome, and St. Bernard labor to induce the Romans to submit. The Pope was obliged to transfer his iCf. Mansi, T. XXI., p. 523-546. Hnrduin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1207-1218. Befeie, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 388 sq. ''Jaffe, Hist, of the German Empire under Conrad III., Hanover, 1845. 'On tliis occasion, the pretended donation of Constantine the Great to S.yl- vester was rejected as false: "Mendaciura vero illud et fabpla haeretica, in qua refertur, Constantinum Sylvestro imperialia simoniace conoessisse in Urbe, ita detecta est, ut etiam mercenarii et mulierculao quoslibet etiam doctissimos super hoc conoludant et dictus apostolicus cum suis cardinalibus in civitate prae pudore apparere non audeant." (Martkne et Durand, Collect, ampliss., T. II., ep. 384, p. 556.) § 218. Honor. Il.—Innoc. II.— Luc. Il.—Eugea. III. 543 residence to Viterbo, where he learned the sad news of the capture of Edessa by the Turks (a. d. 1144). He at once communicated the intelligence to Louis VII, King of France, and commissioned St. Bernard to preach a new crusade. It required but little persuasion to make Louis take the red cross of the Crusaders. He was already under obligation to do so by his brother's vow, but the stimulus of a guilty con- science furnished a still stronger motive. In a war with Theobald, Count of Champagne, he had set fire to a church in which thirteen hundred men, women, and children had taken refuge, and the sight of the burnt bodies filled his mind with such grief and despair that he determined to do what he could toward atoning for his crime by leading an army to the Holy Land. His remor&'e was quickened by the sweeping eloquence of St. Bernard, whose voice stirred to the depths the hearts of young and old of both sexes. It was determined that a second crusade should be at once set on foot (a. d. 1147). Co7irad III, Emperor of Germany, did not yield so readily to the infiuence of the monk of Citeaux. Bernard met him in the imperial diet at Spires,^ during Christmastide, and endeavored to impress upon him the vital importance of a fresh crasade. The Emperor promised to take the cross at Ratisbon, some time later. Adam, abbot of Eberbach, completed the work which Ber- , nard had begun, by prevailing on Conrad to take the' cress and embark in the enterprise. The French and German army got together on this occasion was incontestably better equipped, better disciplined, and in every way superior to that which went on the first crusade ; but it was on this very account over-confident, and put but little trust in Him who is the God of battles, and who weighs kings and people in His balance. What with the perfidy of the Greeks, the jeal- ousies of the European captains, and the inclemency of the season, the expedition turned out a disastrous failure; and 'Cf. Dr. KdsUe, St. Bernard of Clairvaux's Journey to and Sojourn in the Diooese of Constance (Freiburg Diocesan Archives, year 1868. Vol. III., p. 273-315). 544 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. when the poor remnants of the once magnificent army that had set ont from Europe were brought back from the East, a cry of reproach and indignation rose from all sides against St. Bernard, who had contributed so much toward the organ- ization of the crusade by his enthuBiasm, his personal mag- netism, and his glowing eloquence. But the faith of the great saint could not be shaken by the disastrous issue of the expedition. He protested that he acted on the authority of a heavenly commission; and, in writing to Pope Eugene on the subject, said that the counsels and ways of God are in- comprehensible ; and, referring to Moses, reminded the Pope that, although the work of the great lawgiver was, beyond all question, one bearing on its very face the divine sanction, still it was never given«to him to enter the Land of Pi-omise, because of the misconduct of the Jews. And then, appealing to the authorization of the Pope for what he had done, and to his miracles, of which Eugene had been himself a witness, he went on to say: "The testimony of my conscience is my vindication. If I must make a choice between murmurs di- rected against myself personally and those directed against my God, I much prefer the former to the latter. I had rather have whatever there is of blame laid to'my charge tlian to hear God's holy name profaned." He closes by boldly de- claring that the crusaders had none to blame but themselves for the disastrous issue of the expedition. They were un- worthy of their high mission and of the holy promise to which it led. They were foolhardy and presumptuous, had given rein to their passions, and filled their camps with de- bauchery and shameful disorders. In the meantime, Eugene III., aided by the people of Tivoli, re-entered Pome, whence he was again obliged to withdraw to escape the extravagant demands of the popu- lace. He retired to France, to the monastery of St. Bernard, his master in the spiritual life, with whom he proposed to take counsel in devising measures for the restoration of peace to the Church. But the jealousy of the cardinals, who charged him with being a dependent of a French abbot, de- termined him to return to Pome (a. d. 1149), w^here he was sustained, in spite of the painty of Arnold, by Roger, King § 218. Honor. II. — Innoc. II. — Luc. II. — Eugen. III. 545 of the Sicilies. Here he received from St. Bernard the cele- brated work "Oji Meditation" (De Consider atione),^ in four books, each of which was sent separately. In this work, St. Bernard lays aside all thoughts of the pontifical dignity, and addresses Eugene with the freedom and fraiikoess of a father speaking to a son, which, it must be admitted, is a liberty rarely taken with the gre-at of this workl, and an indubitable proof of the sincerity of the friend- ship wliich subsisted between these two great men. Bernard warns Eugene not to allow the multiplicity of external affairs consequent npou his office, to interfere with his regular habits of meditation, or to cool his love of divine things. He next draws the Pope's attention to his high position among Chris- tian nations; tells him that it is his duty to arbitrate their quarrels, and establish peace; and then goes on to sketch in outline the exalted duties of the successor of St. Peter, which, he says, are a heavy burden to be borne by poor weak linman nature. In this work, and in manj' private letters to Eugene, Bernard is equally frank in speaking of the abuses to which, in that age, those who wielded the power of the papacy, were liable. He instances the tendency to centralize ecclesiastical government; the numerous and un- necessary appeals to Rome, which were frequently prompted by dishonest motives; the increasing tendency of abbots to put themselves above or beyond the jurisdiction of bishops; the unwarrantable assumptions of papal legates; the insatia- ble greed of the Italians, and their extortions of money under false pretenses; the scandalous conduct of the Roman clergy, and the arrogance and lawlessness of the Roman people. While speaking of the tendency to centralize Church gov- ernment, he administers this reproof: "Perhaps the next 'De Consideratione, libb. IV., in Bernardi opp. ed. Venet., T. II., p. 413 sq., in Mlgne, Sor. Lat., T. 182-185; separate e^.hy Krabinger, Landshut, 1815, and !.>}■ Schneider, Berlin, 1850. Here also belongs Gerhohi (Rector of the Catlio- dnil-scbool and Canon of Augsburg) expositio in Psalm. Ixiv., sive liber de corrupto ecolesiae statu ad Eugen. III. [Galland. bibl., T. XIV., p. 549 sq.; Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 193.) VOL. II — 35 546 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. step will be to subject the Holy Angels to thy rule."' Aud again: "Episcopal jurisdiction may as well be abolished, since no bishop has it now in his power to punish offenses against God; he is no longer competent to give an independ- ent judgment in his own diocese."^ Once more: " Eemem- ber that the Holy Roman Church, over which thou presidest by the grace of God, is the Mother, and not the mistress, of all other churches; that thou art likewise, not the Lord of the bishops, but one of their number."^ We should not, how- ever, lose sight of the fact, that Bernard's habit of censuring his own age, and passing over what was good in it, not nn- frequently led him to mistake the true bearing of eeiiain phenomena inseparable from those times; hence, in liis later works, he often corrects former statements, and admits that it was the duty of the Pope to take upon himself the admin- istration of many things not strictly belonging to his office, but the neglect of which would be detrimental to his dig- nity.^ His earnest desire and the yearning of his soul is expressed to the Pope in the following language: " Would that I might have the happiness of seeing, before 1 die, the restora- tion of that glorious age of the Church when the Apostles cast out their nets, not in search of silver and gold, but to take hauls of pi'ecious souls." ^ Both Eugene and Bernard died (a. d. 1153) shortly after the completion of the work " On Meditation" — the former July 8th, and the latter August 20th, without seeing the end of the extravagant dreams of republicanism in Rome. lEp. 231. 2Ep. 178. 3 Lib. IV., c. 7. Cf. Vol. I., p. 676, and Vol. II., p. 38. *Lib. IV., c. 2, 3. 'Quis mihi det, antequam moriar, videre eoclesiam Dei sicut in diebus anti- quia? Ep. 238 ; ad Eugen. III., ep. I., nro. 6. (Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 182, p. 430.) § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander III. — Frederic I., etc. 547 a— THE HUNDRED TEAES STEUGGLE BETWEEN THE POPES AND THE HOHENSTATJFENS— FEEDEEIC I., HENEY VI., PKED- EEIC II., CONRAD IV., AND CONEADIN (t A. d. 12G8). Mami, T. XXI., p. 785 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1333 sq.: Vita, epp. Rom. Pontificum et acta Conciliar. Waiierich, T. II., p. 323-748, on Hadrian IV., Alexander III., etc., to Celestine III. Eaumer, Hist, of the Holienstau- fens, Lps. (1823) 1811, sq., 6 vola. Zimmermann, The Hohenstaufens; or, The S'.r ggle of the Monarchy against the Pope and Republican liberty, Stuttg. 1838, 2 ptf?. John von Muller, Journeys of Popes, nros. 6 and 7. ''Renter, Pope Alex- ander III. and the Church of his Age, 2d ed., Lps. 1860 sq., 3 vols. Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 409 sq. § 219. Hadrian IV. (a. d. lU^-iU^)— Alexander III (a. d. 1159-1181) — Frederic I. and Henry II., King of England — Thomas d, Becket. Hadrian IV. succeeded in suppressing the spirit of dema- gogism in Eome. Tlie Pope, whose familj- name was liichard Breaks-peare, was a native of England, and the only one of that nation that ever sat upon the papal throne. Driven from home by the harsh treatnoent of his father, who did menial service in the monastery of St. Alban's, he wandered up and down the country for some time, after which he passed over to France, and entered the monastery of St. Eufus, near Aries. As a monk, he was distinguished by close application to study, regularity of life, a noble and generous disposition, and eminent talents. These qualities soon raised him to the abbacy: but the monks shortly grew tired of him, aud falsely accused him to Pope Eugene III., who, divining the real motives of Breakspeare's enemies, called him to liome, and created him cardinal-bishop of- Albano. lie was next sent as papal legate to the kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, and while in this embassy showed such capacity for public business, and acquired so great a reputation as a diplomate, that on his return to Eome, whither an accouut of his labors had preceded him, he was unanimously called to the papal throne. Arnold of Brescia M'as at this time in Eome, devising plans for the revival of Pagan principles and the restoration of a republican form of government. To enter a contest, with any hope of successj 548 Period 2. Epoch 2. Parti. Chapter!. against popular passiou,on the one hand, and royal encroiich- ments on the other, was a task of no ordinary difficulty ; hnt the poor English exile, who bad been so providentially led, step by step,* to the most exalted dignity in Christendom, was quite equal to it, and, as the event proved, capable of main- taining the glorious traditions of the See of St. Peter. He at once employed the most vigorous measures for the restoration of order; and by laying Rome under interdict, struck an efleetive blow at those who were disturbing the peace of the city. The senators, yielding to the rei)resenta- tions and appeals of both clergy and people, broke oiF their connection with Arnold of Brescia, and made their submis- sion to the Pope. Arnold found refuge and protection with some Italian nobles; but Frederic Barbarossa, who had lately come into Ital}', and who, being imbued with the old ideas of absolute imperialism, detested the wild republican dreams of the Ro- mans, demanded the surrender of Arnold, and, having got possession of him, handed him over to the papal authorities.' The Prefect of liome sentenced him to be hung, after which he was burnt, and his ashes flung into the Tiber (a. d. 1155). "With Frederic commences the struggle between the Papacy and the house of Hohenstaufen, which continued for a whole century. The expedition against Rome, which Conrad III. had contemplated for the restoration of imperial rights and prerogatives now almost forgotten, was warmly taken up by Frederic, who had already led an army into Italy, and sys- tematically prosecuted until a final adjustment was reached. After having been crowned King of Lombardy, at Pavia, Frederic proceeded on his way to Rome ; but the Pope, sus- picious of his ulterior intentions, sent an embassy to meet him. They shortly returned, with assurances from Frederic that the Pope's person would be respected and his property protected. Hadrian immediately set out to meet him, and ©oming up witli him at Sutri, a difficulty was raised con- cerning a question of etiquette. According to a custom, 'Cf. tlio just npprooiation of Arnold by Raumer, in his Hist, of tlio Holien- staufeus, Vol. II., p. 31. § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander HI. — Frederic I., etc. 549 sanctioned by the usage of former emperors and kings, and prescribed by German law,' the king should have held the Pope's stirrnp, as a mark of respect to his dignity. This Frederic indignantly refused to do, and the Pope in conse- quence denied him the usual courtesy of the kiss of peace. After a short discussion on the matter, the king yielded, but would not listen to the extravagant pretensions of the Eoman nobles, who wished him to receive the imperial dig nity at their hands. Frederic was now crowned Emperor by the Pope. His professions were fair enough, but his ambitious designs did not escape the more penetrating of those who came in con- tact with him. It was evident that he intended to use the Pope to further his own projects, and to avail himself of the venerable prestige which attached to the Holy See, to estab- lish a imicersal political monarchy. When King William II., on the death of Roger (a. d. 1154), seized upon ihe kingdom of Sicily without consulting the Holy See, of which it was a fief, Hadrian wrote him a letter of remonstrance, in Nvhich he addressed William as "Lord." The latter taking offense at this manner of title, invaded the Papal States, shut the Pope up in Benevento, and compelled him to conclude an ignominious peace (a. d. 1156). By this treaty, the Pope absolved William from sentence of excom- munication which had been pronounced against him at the opening of the war, invested him with Sicily and Apulia, and acknowledged him as the lawful lord of all the provinces and cities that had fallen into his hands since the death of Eoger. William, on his part, prcnnised to remain at peace with the Holy See, and to pay tribute for cdl provinces held in firf; but he forbade any one to appeal to Rome without hav- ^Helmoldii Chronicon Slavor., lib. I., c. 80. Otto Prising. II. 21. — Baron, ad an. 115-5, nro. 4. Cf. Ranmer, Vol. II., p. 39 sq. We read ia the Suabian Mir- ror : "The Pope receives both swords from God; the spiritual he retains, and the temporal ho hands over to the emperor. When he mounts his white charger, the emperor shall hold his stirrup." Articles 9 and. 10 of the preface. The Saxon Mirror also says : " The Pope will also, on certain occasions, ride on a white horse, when ihe emperor shall hold his stirrup, that the saddle may not tarn over." 550 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. ing first obtained the royal permission, and claimed the right of confirming all bishops canonically elected} Frederic I. had contemplated subduing William, and was indignant that the Pope should have come to terms with him. A nnmber of discontented cardinals seized the occasion to still further exasperate him against the IIolj'- See, and, while in this frame of mind, he forbade his clergy to accept any benefice from the Pope, and, in direct violation of the Con- cordat of Worms, disposed of several bishoprics according to his pleasure, and bestowed investiture on the bishop of Verdun. Having, during a visit to Constantinople, in the company of his uncle, Conrad III.,^ gained a knowledge of the relations of the Greek emperors to the Church, he seemed to greatly prefer their despotic rule to the more enlightened policy of such emperors as Charlemagne, the Othos, and Henry II. In 1158 the Pope wrote Frederic a letter, which was car- ried by the papal envoys Roland and Bernard., complaining of these encroachments on the rights of the Holy See, and of the Emperor's conduct in the case of Eskyl, Archbishop of Lund, in Sweden, who, while returning from a pilgrimage to liome, had been robbed and taken captive by a body of German knights, near Thionville. The Emperor had not alone allowed the oftense to go unpunished, but had also omitted to do anything toward releasing the prisoner. In this letter, the Pope called to his mind the many obligations he was under to the Holy See, and mentioned, among other things, that he had received from it the imperial crown. He ' See document in Baron, ad an. 115G, n. i sq. ''John of Salisbury says, ep. 59: Scio quid Teutonicus moliatur. Eram onim Eomao praesidente b. Eugenio, quando prima legntione missa in regni sui initio tanti ausi inipudontiam tumor intolerabilis lingua incauta detexit. Promittebat enim, se totius orbis reformnturum imperium, urbi subjiciendum orbem, eventu- que facili omnia subacturum, si ei ad boc solius Eoinani pontificis favor adosset. Id enim agehai, ut in quemcujique de7nutails inlmicitiis materialemgladium imp&f' ator, in eundem Roinanus pontifex spiritualem glodium exercerei. If Frederic did not at once carry out such views, with the d°vico, "Quod principi placet, logis liabet vigorom," bo was certainly only prevented by Wibald of Stablo, a man of great merit, who died in the year 1158. Cf. Jansen, Wibald, etc., p. 176 sq., and '\Ficker, Rainald of Dassel, Cologne, 1850, p. 14. § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander III. — Frederic I., etc. 551 went on to say that it would have given him great pleasure, had he been able, to grant him other favors (beneticia) besides imperial coronation.^ This letter, which was read in the diet of Besanfoii, called forth indignant expressions of surprise. The most offensive interpretation was put upon the word " benejiciu7n," which, according to tire linguistic usage of that age, might signify a feoff'age — -a meaning which the context and grammatical con- struction would by no means bear out. But the papal legates, who were the bearers of this letter, were little fitted, by their tact or temper of mind, to correct any misapprehension that might arise from ambiguity of language, or to appease the angry passions of the assembly. One of them, Cardinal Ro- land of Siena, was imprudent enough to ask, when exception was taken to the language of the Pope's letter: "From whom then, if not from tlie Pope, did the Emperor receive his dig- nity?" The question was nearly costing the legate his life. The embassy was at once disgracefully dismissed, and com- manded to return directly to Pome. Intercourse between the bishops of the Empire and the Holy See was as far as possible interrupted, appeals were restricted, and pilgrimages prohibited. Erederic published a circular letter in justifica- tion of his conduct, in which he gave a statement of \vhat had been done, and explained his reasons for so acting.^ "Whereas," says he, "our right to govern comes from God alone, through the choice of the princes; and whereiis our Lord, at His passion, committed the government of the world to two swords;^ and whereas Feter the Apostle gave to the 'Cf. RadeviKus De gest. Frider., lib. I., c. 8-10 {Urdiatas, T. I., p. 480), in Mansi, T. XXI., p. 790: "Debes enim, gloriosissime Jili, ante oculos mentis rcducere, qiiani gratanter et quam jucunde alio anno mater tua St. Eom. eccle- sia te suseeperit, — quantam tibi et dignitatis plenitudinem contulerit et honoris et qualiter imperialis irmlgne coronae libentisslme confcrens, benignissiiT)« i-remio suo tuae sublimitatis apicem studuerit confovere. — Neque tamen poenitet nos, desideria tuae voluntatis in omnibus imple^'isse, sod si majora benpficia exoel- lentia tua de manu nostra suscopisset, si fieri posset, considerantes quanta oeole- -fiae et nobis per te incrementa possint et commoda provenire, non immerito gauderemus." In Harduin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1335. Hefcle, 1. c. Vol. V., p. 482 sq. ■^Cf. Neander (Engl, trans, by Torrey), Vol. IV., p. 164 et sq. (Tit.) ' Luke xxii. 38, 552 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. world the precept, 'Fear God, honor the King,' it is evident that whoever claims ' we have received the imperial crown as a beneficium from the Pope,' runs counter to the divine order of things, contradicts the doctrine of Peter, and is a liar." The Emperor at the same time sent a pompous letter to the Pope, in which he caid : " God made use of the Empire to exalt the Church in the capital of the world, and now, in that same capital, the Church — not, as we think, with the approval of God — seeks to bring ruin upon the Empire. We had rather lay down our crown, than suffer it and ourselves to be so de- graded." The Pope at once wrote a second letter to the Emperor, in which the offensive expression was satisfactorily explained to mean deeds of kindness, or benevolent disposition (bouum factum), and here this difficulty came to an end/ It was no easy matter for any Pope to remain at peace with Frederic, unless he were willing to make a complete surren- der of his rights. In 1158 the Emperor crossed the Alps a second time, at the head of one hundred and twenty thousand men, and after humbling Milan, the proud head of the republican confedera- tion of the Lombard cities, called an assembly on the plain of Roncaglia,^ and had four jurisconsults, of eminent names. ' Hadrian replied to the emperor: Licet lioc nomen, quod est, beneficium, apud quosdam in alia signiiicatione, quam ex impositione habeat, assumatur; tunc tamen in ea significatione accipiendum fuerat, quam nos ipsi posuimus, et qiiam ex institutione sua noscitur retinere. Hoc enim nomen ex bono etfaeio est edi- tum, et dicitur beneficium apud nos non foudum, sed bonum factum. — Per hoc vocabulum " coniulimus," nihil aliud intelleximus, nisi quod superius dictum est, imposuimus. (Mansl, T. XXI., p. 793; Harduin, 1. c, 1336 sq.) ^ These were Bulr/ams, Martinua Gosia, Jacobus (de Porta Bavennate), and Hxtgo (de Alberico, also de Porta Kavennate). For an account of oaoli; and their relations to each other, cf. Savigmj, \. c. Vol. IV., p. 69-171; their decision in favor of Frederic, at p. 151 sq. "This violent change in the political condi- tion of Northern and Central Italy, made under pretense of restoring things to wJiat tliey had been in ancient times, invested the emperor with rights and prerogatives which did not at all belong to hipi. Bishops, princes, and cities were obliged to give up their sovereign riglits and special privileges. These ■were indeed, in some cases, restored, but only when a title to them could be proved by early documents authorizing their exercise." Hegel, Hist, of Munici- pal Constitutions, Vol. II., p. 231-233. Reuter, Alexander III., Vol. I., p. 37. § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander III. — Frederic I., etc. 553 from Eologna, to declare that, according to Roman law, he had a right to exercise the despotic power of the ancient Ro- man emperors (I^overaber 11). In virtue of this decision, which was entirely contrary to German tradition and nsage, he coined money, levied tolls and imposts, and- declared everything of any importance a royal prerogative, and, as a consequence, to be restored to the Emperor. These restrictions upon the privileges of cities, bishoprics, and cloisters excited a general feeling of discontent. New grievances were soon added, and of all the injured parties none had a juster right to complain tlian the Pope. ISTot- withstan.ding the Emperor's solemn promise to secure to the Holy See all its rights and possessions, he granted to Dnke Guelf the entire inheritance of Mathilda, which had been coniirmed to the Pope in the most precise terms by the Em- peror Lothaire. He also laid a tax upon the pof?sessions of the Eoman Church; demanded the homagium from the pre- lates; and, in direct and open violation of the Concordat of Worms, intruded into the archiepiscopal see of Cologne, Rainald. of Dassel, his own chancellor, and associate in every deed of wickedness, and the Pope's personal enemy; and into that of Ravenna, Guido, son of Count Blandrate, who, how- ever, being a subdeacon of the Roman Church, could not pass to another without having first obtained permission, and this Hadrian refused to give. Frederic did not seem to be at all disquieted as to the view the Pope might take of his conduct. Instead of adopting a conciliatory policy, lie seemed to seize every opportunity, even the most trivial, of taking exception to Hadrian's acts. liis complaints some- times resembled those of a pettish schoolboj' rather than a dignified emperor. He took it ill that the Pope's name should have been placed before his own in public documents and letters emanating from the Holy See; that he had been addressed in the singular number; and that the bearer of a letter from the Pope to himself was a person unknown to every one at his court, and had retired immediately after de- livering it. The Pope, weary of these continual annoyances, sent an embassy, consisting of five cardinals, to demand from the Emperor that he should never send his embassadors to 554 Period 2. E2->och 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. Eome with authority to exercise any sovereign right or Tpreroga- tive, without having first informed the lioly See of such in- tention ; that he should make no levies upon the goods of the Roman Church, except on the occasion of Iiis coronation ; that the hishops of Italy should take, instead of the homagium, the oath of fidelity; and, finally, that the revenues derived from the various [irovinces of the See of Rome, which had been eeized and wrongly appropriated, should be restored. The Emperor, on the other hand, complained that peace had been made with the King of Sicily without his consent; that papal legates neglected to ask his permission to travel through his dominions, had taken up their residences in episcopal pal- aces, and oppressed the churches; and, finally, that unjust apfieals had been taken to Eome. It was not at all likely that Frederic, in his present temper of mind, would consent to an amicable settlement of the many difficulties between himself and the Pope,^ and the latter, knowing such to be his disposition, openly told him that the rights, the possessions, and the liberties of the Eo- raan Church would be maintained at any cost.^ Hadrian — whose life, according to his own expression, had been passed between the anvil and the hammer — was preparing to excom- municate Frederic for apprehending and imprisoning two cardinals, when he died (September 1, A. D. 1159).^ ^Dolllnner, Ch. Hist. (Cox's transl.), Vol. IV., p. 11 sq. (Tr.) ''lladriani ep. ad Friderio. and the answer in Baron, ad an. 1159, nros. 5 and 6. Also in UrnHsius, T. I., p. 502. Their authenticity is, without suflScient reason, denied hy MwatoTi, Annal., T. VI., p. 536. Frederic's views concern- ing his position as emperor and his relation to the Church, are fully set forth by Goiifried of Viterbo (secretary and chaplain to the emperors Conrad III., . Frederic I., and Henry VI.), in his Pantheon, Pt. XVI. {Muratorl, Scriptt., T. VI., p. 360.) ''So much hat been said recently of the donation of Ireland to England by the bull of Hadrian IV., and such fictitious importance has been attached to that instrument, that it has been thought well to give it here entire, with the reasons for its authenticity. The chief purpose of this bull, as will bo seen from the context, was to restore religion to a bettor condition in Ireland, where it wa) .at this time on the decline. The bull, as found in the Codex Vatieanus, and given in Ilaroniiis, Annales ad an. 1150, runs as follows; " Hadrianus Episcopus servus servorum Dei, charissimo in Christo fllib illustri Anglorum Kegi, salutem et Apostolicara Benedictionem; § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander III. — Frederic I., etc. 555 N"otwitlistantling the critical condition of the Church and the necessity of union among the cardinals, they could not " Laudiibiliter et fructuose do glorioso nomine propagando in terris, et aeternae felicitatis praeraio cumulando in coelis, tua magnificcntia cogitat, dum ad dila- tandos Ecclesiae terminos. ac declarandam indoctis et rudibus populis Cliristi- anae Fidei veritatem, et vitiorum plantaria de agro Dominico cxtirpanda, sioiit Catholicus Princeps, intendis, et ad id convenientiu? exequendum, consilium Apostolieao Sodis cxigis ct favorem. In quo facto, quanto altiori consilio et raaiori diserotione procedis, tanto in eo fcliciorem progressum te, praostante Dno., coniidimus habiturum, eo quod ad bonum exitum semper et finera soleant attingerc, quae do ardors Pidci et religionis amore priucipium aoceperunt. Sane Hiberniam, et omnes Insulas, quibus sol lustitiae Cbristus illuxit, et quae docu- menta Fidei Christianao oeperunt, ad jus beati Petri, et sacrosanctae Piomanae Ecclesiae ;quod tua et nobilitas reoognoscit) non est dubium peroinere. Unde tanto in eis libentius plantationem fidelem, et gerraen gratum Deo inseri- mus, quantum id a nobis interno examine districtius prospicimus exigendum. Signifieastisiquidem nobis, fili in Christo charissime, te Hiberniae insulam, ad subdendum ilium populum legibus, et vitiorum plantaria inde extirpanda, velle intrure, et de singulis domibus annuam unius denarii beato Petro velle solvere pensionem, et jura ecclesiarum illius terrae illibata et integra conser- vare." "Nos itaque pium et laudabile desiderium tuum cum favore congruo prose- quentes, et petitioni tuae benignum impendentes assensum, gratum et acceptum habemus, pro dilatandis Ecclesiae terminis, pro vitiorum restringendo decursu, pro corrigendis rnoribus, et virtutibus inserendis, pro Christianae religionis augmento, insulam illam ingrediaris, et quod ad bonorem Dei, et salutera illius terrae spectaverit, exoquaris ; et illius terrae populus honoriflce te recipiat, et sicut dominum veneretur; jure nimirum ecclesiastico illibato, et integro per- maneute, et salva beato Petro, et sacrosanctae Pvomanae Ecclesiae de singulis domibus annua unius denarii pensione. Si ergo quod concepisti animo, effectu duxeris complendum, stude gentem illam bonis rnoribus informare, et agas tam per te, quam per illos quos adhibes, quos fide, verbo, et vita idoneos esse per- spexeris, ut decoretur ibi Ecclesia, plantetur et crescat Fidei Christianae religio, et quae ad bonorem Dei, et salutem pertinent animarum, per te taliter ordi- nentur, ut a Deo sempiternae mercedis cumulum consequi merearis, et in terris gloriosum nomen valeas in saeculis obtinere." [Hucusque codice Vati- cano.] Aruialos Eoclesiastici, auetore Caesare Baronio Sorano Antuerpiae, M.DC.XXIX. (Ad an. 1159.) The chief objection to the authenticity of this bull is based upon the absence of a date. Francis Pngi, speaking on this subject in his Breviarium Gestorum Pontificum Eomanorum, says that, while Baronius leaves the date of Hadrian's bull undetermined, Raduljihus de Dicato (who also gives the text of the bull in liis Iinarjiiies liistoria.rum, p. 529), and, still later, Rymer (in his great work, "Convcntioncs el acta publica Inter reges Anr/liae" T. I., p. 5), refer it, but incor- rectly, to the year 1154. This date is evidently incorrect, for Henry was crowned king of England on December 19, 1154, and consequently could not have received 556 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. agree upon the choice of a new pope. The party devoted to the imperial interests elected Cardinal Oetavian, who had the bull before the expiration of the year. Hence, concludes Pagi, Matthew of Paris is right in referring it to the year 1155. In treating of the pontificate of Alexander III., the same writer says (1. c, n. Ixxviii.) : " Because Henry, though having received the bull in 1155, did not undertake his expedition to Ireland until 1171, Alford (Atinals of England) doubts the authenticity of the document." Giraldus Cambrensis, a contemporary writer, after giving the diplonta entire in his work "On the Conquest of Ireland," again does the same in his latfir work "On Ills Own Exploits" (Book II., chap. 11). "Hence," says Pagi, "that doe-ur- ment is genuine in every particular, and by no means supposititious" On its authority he goes on to say, Henry invaded Ireland in 1171, as many contem- porary authors relate, and, among them, Gervase (in his Chron.) and Roger Hoveden (in his Annals), who says, ad an. 1171, that Henry crossed over to Ire- land in this year for the purpose of subjugating the island, and, after having received the voluntary submission of its people, claimed it as his own. The same writer says also, that, in a national council, consisting of four archbishops and twenty-eight bishops (i. e. all the prelates of the island), the king and his heirs were recognized as the lords of the country forever. The instrument containing this recognition was sent by the king to Pope Alexander III., who confirmed, by his apostolic authority, the kingdom of Ireland to Henry and his heirs, in the same sense and form that it had been granted by the charter of the archbishops and bishops. It is said that the papal bull was accompanied with a, gold ring, set with a costly emerald, intended to serve as a mark of investi- ture. The authenticity of this bull is still further established by a letter of Donald O'Ncil and some of the nobles of Ireland to Pope John XXII., complaining of the injustice done them by Hadrian's bull. The following are the most impor- tant passages : . . . "Et cum tanto tempore dicti reges (Hibcrnici) conces- sam a Deo sibi, haeredltatom . . . defendissent . . . tandem Adrianus Papa, praedecessor vester, non tantum origine, quantum affeotiono et condltione, An- glicus, A. D. MCLXX., ad falsam, and plenam iniquitate, suggeslioncm Henrici Kegis Angliae . . . dominium regni nostri, sub quadam certa verhorum forma, eidem . . . contulit indebite . . . sicque nos prlvans hoiioro rogio, nostri absque culpa et sine rationabili causa, crudelioribus omnium bestiarum dentibus tradi- dit laeerundos." Another proof arises from the Pope's letter iu reply, addressed to the King of England: . . . "Cum fel. roe. Adrianus papa praedecessor noster, sub certis modo et forma distinctis apertius Apost. literLs, inde factis clarae memoriae Henrico Eegi Angliae, Progenitori fuo Dominium Hiberniae concessisset, ipso Rex ac sueeessores ipsius Eegos Angliae usque ad haec tern- pora, modum ot formam hujusraodi nun servantes, quinimo transgredientcs, indebite aClictionibus ot gravaminibus inauditis importab'.lium servitutum ipsos diutius oppresserunt. . . . Ut autem de praedictis gravaminibus et querelis . . . tuis sensibus innotescat ad plenum, antedictas literas . . . cum forma lite- rarum, quas praedictus Adi-ianus Praedecessor noster eidem Henrico Eegi An- gliae de terra Hiberniae concessit, tuae Magnitudini mittimus praesentibuj § 219. Hadriaji IV. — Alexander III. — Frederic I, etc. 557 some time previoiisU' deserted the cause of Hadrian, and de- clared himself an adherent of the Emperor. Octavian, who inclusas. Datum," etc, — From Mac-Geoghan's Hist. P. T. Carew, Eccl. Hist, of Ireland, Philadelphia, 18R8, p. 404-412. Abbe MacGcoplierjan (Hist, of Ireland, Preliminary Discourse) and some mod- ern authors deny the authenticity of this diploma; and it must he admitted that the absence of the date, no matter what cause may be assigned for it, is a very E!;rious, if not fatal, objection against the genuineness of any public document. The real motices, by which all parties concerned in this affair were actuated, may be best learned from a cursory glance at their transactions. "The proximity of Ireland to England," writes Lingard (Vol. II., ch. 5, A. D. 1154, of his Hist, of England), "and the inferiority of the natives in the art of war, had suggested the idea of conqueat to both William the Conqueror and the first Henry. The task was seriously talcen up by Henry II. The civii'aaiion of the Irish people .and the reform of their clergy, was the specious pretext for invading a free and unoffending people. John of Salisbury, a learned monk, and afterward bishop of Chartres, was dispatched to solicit the approbation of Pope Hadrian; 'for,' said he, 'as every Christian island is the property of the Holy See, the king did not presume to make the attempt without the advice and consent of the successor of Peter.' The Pope acquiesced in the project, and signified his willingness that Henry should enter Ireland, and be acknowledged as their lord by the natives. But a strong opposition was made by the Empress Mathilda, Henry's mother, and the barons. Mathilda opposed the project be- cause, as she argued, if the Pope had such plenary powers in the case of Ireland, there was no reason why he should not possess powers equally e.xtensive over England ; and to undertake this expedition on his authority, would be to recog- nize his suzerainty over both countries. As other projects offered themselves to Henry's ambition, the Pope's letter was consigned to the archives of the castle of Winchester, and for the time forgotten," Fourteen years after this singular negotiation, a few Welsh adventurers landed in Ireland, at the solicitation of one of their native princes. When these Welsh adventurers, under the leadership of Strongbow, first sailed to the aid of Dermot, Henry viewed the enterprise with contempt, but their subse- quent success awakened his jealousy. He commanded the invaders to return, under penalty of forfeiture. Strongbow was alarmed; he satisfied the king by paying him homage, and taking the conquered territory as a fief at his hands. Next month (October 17, 1171), the king landed at Waterford, and received, during a hasty progress, the homage of the neighboring princes. It was his wish rather to allure than to compel submission. But while so many others crowded to Dublin, the pride of O'Connor, the chief king, refused to meet a superior. He condescended, however, to see the royal messengers on the banks of the Shannon, and to make in their presence a nominal submission. The princes of Ulster alone obstinately preserved their independence. The Irish bishops, after the arrival of Henry (November 6), held a synod at Cashel, under the presidency of the papal legate, the bishop of Lismore; signed a formal recognition of the king's sovereignty, and framed several canons for the reform of their church. 558 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. had received the votes of only three cardinals,' at once assumed the dress proper to one holding the papal dignity, and called himself Victor IV. The king's nominal sovereignty was, indeed, over four out of five provinces, but his real authority was confined to the cantreds in the vicinity of bis garri- sons; there the feudal customs and services were introduced and enforced. - In the rest of the island, the national laws prevailed ; and the Irish princes felt no other change in their situation, than that they had promised to a distant prince the obedience which they had previously paid to the king of Con naught. During the war, which afterward ensued between King Henry and his sons, his authority in Ireland was nearly annihilated, and it was during this period of distress that Henry bethought him of the letter which he had formerly pro- cured from Pope Hadrian. It had been forgotten during almost twenty years; now it was drawn from obscurity, was intrusted to William Fitz-Aldhelm, and Nicholas, prior of Walsingford, and was read by them with much solemnity to a synod of Irish bishops, a. d. 1174. Henry also procured at this time a papal confirmation of Hadrian's grant. "Conoessionem ejusdem Adrian! super Hibernici regni dominio vobis indulto ratam habemus, et conflrmamus: quatemus, eliminatis terrae illius spurcitiis, barbara natio, quae Christiano oonsetur nomine, vestra indulgentia morum in- duat venustatem." Vsner. Syl., epist. III. The next year (1175), O'Connor sent the archbishop of Tuam to Yv'indsor, and a treaty of "final concord" was concluded by the ministers of the two princes. But this papal act, which has been, if not the cause, certainly the occasion of seven centuries of unparalleled misjortunes to Ireland, and which was consum- mated by the concurrent action of an English king, an English bishop, and an English pope, must stand alone»on its own merits, be judged by the circum- stances of the times, by the principles of public law which then obtained, and by the standards of morality and justice then in vogue. The transfer was entirely & personal matter, and whatever of wrong or injustice there was in the act should bo laid to the charge of those who gave their sanction to it, on the one hand, and those who executed it, on the other. Popes, being neither proph- ets nor the sons of prophets, could not peer away into the future, and foresee the stupendous and wide consequences of that one step. But to charge the Roman Church, as such, with arrogance and aggression, because of the Pope's conduct on this occasion, is unfair; and to appeal to the donation of Ireland by Hadrian as an argument against Papal infallibility, is at once a confession of ignorance and the wildest absurdity. Abbi Da.rras (Church Hist., Vol. III., p. 260) says that John of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres, was commissioned by King Henry to ask the Pope's per- mission for his royal master to enter and hold li'cland with a view to the resto- ration of the Christian religion, which was in danger of being extinguished by the influence of "tiative idolatry." There seems to be a very serious mistake here. No such charge was brought against the Irish. The word "idolatry" that greatest of all sins, does not even occur in Hadrian's bull. (Tb.) ^ Meyer, The election of Alexander III. and Victor IV., etc.. Getting. 1871. § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander 111. — Frederic I., etc. 559 On the 4th of September, the grout majority of the College of Cardinals gave their votes in favor of Cardinal Orlando of Siena/ one of the most learned men of his age, formerly a professor of theology at Bologna, and, at the time of his election, Chancellor of the Roman Chnrch. Pie at first re- fused to accept the dignity, but finally consented, and was consecrated on the twentieth of the ^same month, under the name of Alexander 111. Victor IV. was also consecrated, in the monastery of Farfa, the 4th of October following. The Eiiiperor convoked a synod, to meet at Pavia (Febru- ary, A. D. 1160), the purpose of which, he stated, was to decide on the merits of the two claimants of the papacy. The real sentiments of the Emperor were evident, from the manner of address applied to the Pope and the Antipope respectively. Alexander, in the invitation sent to him to attend the synod, was styled " Cardinal Orlando," and Octavian, " Victor, Bishop of Rome." Pope Alexander and his friends, who well under- stood the real difficulties of their position, refused to submit their cause to the judgment of an assembly completel}' under the control of the Emperor, and resolved to brave every yjeril in defense of the liberties of the Church.^ Conscious that he alone was endowed with the fullness of Apostolic authority, Alexander made use of the following language: "Wc recog- nize the Emperor as the protector of the Roman Church, and honor him before all other princes; but a still higher honor is dne to the King of kings. Bearing, as we do, a sincere and loyal love to the Emperor, we are not a little surprised that he should refuse a becoming respect to ourselves, to St. Peter, and to the Holy Roman Church. He has written to us and to our brethren that he called to his court, at Pavia, the bishops of the Empire, to^firovide against a schism in the Church. To convoke a council, and command us to ajiipear before it, is an act unwarranted, either by the usage of Ids ^Stiih, Gerhohua of "Reichersberg, de investigatione Antichrist! et schismate, Archives of sources of Austrian history, Vol. 20, Vienna, 1858. Tourtital (Bo- hemia's share in the struggles of Frederic I., in Italy) ; I. The Milan war, Getting. 1865; II. The Schism between Alexander III. and Octavian, Miin- Bter, 1866. ^Ddllinger, Ch. Hist. (Cox's transl.), Vol. IV., p. 12 sq. 560 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. predecessors, or the scope of his authority. The Roman Church, which is above the authority of man, has received from the Lord a commission to try and pass judgment on the affairs of all other churches. . . . Hence, the authority of the canous and the tradition of the Fathers alike forbid us to appear before the imperial court. The most inconsid- erable of churches is not so shamefully treated by princes as is the Koman Church at the present time by the Em- peror." In the year 1162, Alexander, to escape the tyranny of the Emperor, sought an asylum in France, and, chiefly through the influence of the Carthusian and Cistercian orders,' was generally recognized by the whole Catholic world. King Louis; who took oifense at the extravagant demands of Fred- eric, also declared in his favor, and showed him every mark of respect and reverence. After the death of Victor, in 1164, Alexander quit France, and returned, by way of Sicily, to Rome. Frederic, who lost no occasion to persecute the adherents of Alexander, and who used every possible means to secure the recognition of his antipope, attempted to compel the bish- ops and abbots assembled at the diet of princes, at Wurzburg (a. d. 1165), to declare for Paschal III., the newly elected antipope (a. d. 1164), and against Alexander. Li order to increase his own popularity and that of the contest in which he was engaged, the Emperor had Paschal to commission Archbishop Rainald of Dassel to perform the ceremony of Charlemagne's canonization (December 29, A. d. 1165). But these acts, instead of strengthening, weakened his party, and added to the number of Alexander's adherents. The latter, taking advantage of the growing discontent of the Lom- bards, and their hatred of Frederic and his schem.e of universal ' In BoUand. Acta SS., mens. .Junii, T. V., c. III., p. 232, it is related: "Quum Hniversa paene anceps ecclesia vacillaret," the order of Carthusians had first given the weight of its influence in favor of Alexander : " Praeeedentibus itaquo Cartusicnalhus et Cistcrciensihjs Alexander Papa ecclcsiarum in partibus Galliae, Britanniae atque Hispaniae cite meruit obedientiam habere." The well dis- posed recognized in Alexander the champion of the cause of God — in Victor, the creature of imperial power. Of. T/wmas a Becket, ep. 48. § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander III. — Frederic I., etc. 561 « monarchy, concluded an alliance' with them, for the purpose of withstanding the imperial pretensions. The Emperor again marched into Italy, at the head of an army, laid siege to Ancona, which he reduced, after spending twelve months under its walls, hy starving the inhabitants, and then marched straight upon Rome, where he proposed that both claimants should resign, and a third be chosen, over whose election he would exercise no influence. Alexander replied to this demand, by again pronouncing sentence of excommunication against him as a persecutor of the Church, and then fled to Benevento (a. d. 1167). Paschal, on the contrary, remained in Rome, and crowned Frederic and his consort Beatrice. Bnt the day of retribution was drawing near, when he, who had set at naught all rights, human and divine, would be forced to bow before the chastisements of heaven. A pesti- lential disease broke out in his camp, and in a few days car- ried off thousands of his ar'my and followers, among whom were the Dukes Gruelf and Frederic, Rainald (archbishop of Cologne), and the bishops of Liege, Verdun, Spires, and Ra- tisbon. At Pavia, whither the poor remains of the plague- stricken army had been led back, Frederic published the ban of the Empire against the confederated cities. On the 1st of December, the cities of the march of Verona — viz., Venice, Piacenza, Parma, Modena, and Bologna — joined the Lombard league ; and in March, 1168, Frederic, in an unsuccessful at- tempt against the Milanese, lost the greater portion of his army, hastened across the Alps, and appeared as a fugitive on the confines of Germany. Paschal died at the Vatican, in September, 1168, and his adherents at once proceeded, to an election of a successor. As there was no schismatical cardinal then alive, they selected Abbot John of Strum, in Hungary, who took the name of Calixtus III., and was immediately acknowledged by Fred- eric. ' Voigt, History of the Lombard League and its Struggle with Prederic I., Konigsherg. 1818. VOL. II — 36 562 Period 2. Epoch 2. Fart 1. Chapter 1. _ , The Greek emperor, Emmanuel, who was ambitious of having the title of Roman Emperor, sent an embassy to Pope Alexander, who was then at Benevento, with an offer of a large sum of money, and a proposal to reunite the two Churches, if he would confer it upon him. The Pope, after some hesitation, sent back the gold, and refused the request. The alliance between the Pope and the Lombards grew daily more close and permanent. Between Asti and Pavia, and at the confluence of the Tanaro and the Bormida, the Lombards built a strong fortress, which was intended to serve as a defense against the German emperor, and, out of grati- tude to the Pope, named it Alessandria (a. d. 1168). In 1170, their consuls transferred this fortress and its lauds as tributa- ries to the Pope and Roman Church. Frederic exerted him- self to the utmost, but in vain, to sever this alliance.' He could but ill brook his disgrace, and in the autumn of 1174 led an army into Italy for the fifth time, and sat down before Alessandria. He was compelled to raise the siege by the approach of the allied armies, and at his request negotia- tions were opened ; but as he stubbornly adhered to the arti- cles of the diet of Roncaglia, they were shortly broken ofl'. In May, 1176, he was completely defeated, and his army almost annihilated, by the Lombards, at the battle of Le- gnano. This terrible disaster brought Frederic to his senses, and by the advice of the Bishop of Clermont and the Abbot of Bonneville, he consented, in the Peace of Venice^ (June 24, A. D. 1177), to acknowledge Alexander III. as the true and lawful Pope. Entering the church of St. Mark's, at Venice, Frederic's heart was touched by the influence of divine grace, and rec- ^DolUnger, Oh. Hist. (Cox's transl.), Vol. IV., p. 18. (Te.) ''The acts are found in Baron, ad a. 1177, nr. 13 sq. More complete in vita Alex. III., by Cardin. Arragon. {Muratori, T. III., Pt. I., p. 467, and Komuald. Chron. (Murat, T. VII., p. 217 sq.) Cf. Alex. III. epp. in Baron., 1. c, n. 24-26; Mansi, T. XXII., p. 178 sq.; Muratori, Antiqq., T. IV., p. 275 sq. Anonymous account "do Pace Veneta relatio," in Pertz, T. XIX. Alex. III. opp. in Mhjne, Ser. Lat., T. 200. Cf. "Alexander III. and Frederic I. at Venice" (Historical and Political Papers, Vol. I., p. 48-66). ^-Hefele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 617-629, § 219. Hadrian IV. — Alexander III. — Frederic I, etc. 503 ogniziiig in his last misfortune the hand of God, he laid aside his imperial robes, and, bowing down, prostrated himself at the feet of the Pope. But Alexander, bending forward, raised him up, and gave him the kiss of peace, after which he celebrated Mass. On the following day, the Pontiff cele brated again, and, when the Emperor entered the church, rnet him at the door, conducted him to the altar, and gave him Holy Communion. Thc/Emperor then held the stirrup while the Pope mounted his white horse, and, seizing the bridle, conducted him to the palace of the Doges, amid the joyful acclamations of the multitude and the triumphant strains of the Te Deum. Peace was solemnly declared on the 11th of August. By the articles of the Treaty of Venice, the Em- peror was to enjoy the revenues of the estates of Mathilda for iifteen years, after which a court of arbitrators was to decide to whom they rightfully belonged ; an armistice of fifteen years was concluded with William, King of Sicily, and one of six years with the Lombard cities; and, finally, those who had been placed in episcopal sees during the schism of Frederic were permitted to retain them. A delegation from Rome requested Alexander to again take up his residence in that city. The assembly of senators at Anagni took the oath of fidelity to him, and made a solemn promise to restore to him all the rights and prerogatives be- longing to the Holy See. Calixtus HI., the antipope, sub- ipitted to the authority of Alexander, and was by him made governor of Benevento. During the reigns of Henry's predecessors, the clergy of England had, by long custom and ecclesiastical right, become tolerably independent of the State. This was not to Henry's liking, and on the death of Theobald, Archbishop of Canter- bury and Primate of England, he forced his chancello:r and personal friend, Thomas d, Becket^ to accept the ofiice. His purpose in this appointment was soon revealed. He at once ' The biography by four of his admirers. Quadrilogua de vita S. Thomae, and Epistolae Thomae Cantuar., ed. Chr. Lupus., Bruxelles, 1682, 4to. — lyln- gard, Hist, of England, T. II. '\Buss, St. Thomas, Archbp. of Canter b., and his Struggle for the Freedom of the Church, Mentz, 1856. Stolberg-Brischar, Vol. III. (of the complete work, Vol. 48.) 564 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. proposed that all clerics convicted of crime should be de- prived of orders, and handed over to the civil tribunals. Henry had mistaken his man. From the moment Thomas became primate, his whole mode of life was entirely changed; he passed from Inxury to asceticism, and among the people bore the reputation of a saint. To him ecclesiastical immu- nities were part of the sacred heritage of the Church, and he never ceased to be their most unyielding champion. But he could not stand alone against the violence and tyranny ot Henry, when the Pope advised concession, and the bishopa fell from his side. In 1164 he agreed to accept the constitu- tions, or the concordat between Church and State, which Henry submitted to a council of the orders, lay and spiritual, at Clarendon. According to these constitutions,^ the election of a bishop was to take place before royal officers, in the king's chapel, and with the king's assent; the prelate-elect was bound to do homage for his lands before consecration, and to hold his lands as a barony from the king, subject to all feudal burdens of taxation, and attendance in the king's court; no bishop might leave the realm without the royal permission ; no tenant-in-chief, or royal servant, should be excommunicated, or their land placed nnder interdict, but by the king's assent; it pertained to the king's court to decide whether a suit between a clerk and a layman, whose nature was disputed, belonged to the church's courts or the king's; a royal officer was to be present in all ecclesiastical proceedr ings, in order to confine the bishop's court within its due limits, and a clerk once convicted there passed under the civil jurisdiction; an appeal was left from the archbishbp's court to the king's for defect of justice; the privilege of sanctuary in churches and churchyards was repealed, so far as property, and n.ot persons, was concerned; and, finally, the son of a serf could not be admitted to orders without his lord's per- mission.^ 1 A short Hist, of the Eng. People, by J. R. Oreene, M.A., London, 1875, pp. 103, 104. (Tk.) ^ The Acts of the Assembly and the Sixteen Ordinances, in Mansi, T. XXI., p. 1187 et sq. HefeU, Vol. V., p. 553 et sq. For an appreciation of them, see Dr. Pauli's Gesch. v. Engl. § 219. Henry II., King of England — Thomas d, Becket. 565 After a most determined resistance, Thomas a Becket finally consented to set his seal to these constitutions; but quickly repenting of his act, and having obtained the Pope's permis- sion to do so, he retracted his assent. Heniy now turned upon him with feelings of the most savage resentment. Vex- atious and unfounded charges were brought against him in the king's court, and his life being in danger, he was advised to submit. But no danger could daunt him, and, seizing his archiepiscopal cross, he entered the royal court, and appealed from its decision to the Holy See. Shouts of " Traitor! traitor!" caught his ear as he retired, and, turning fiercely upon his enemies, he said: "Were I a knight, my sword should answer that foul taunt." At nightfall, he fled in dis- guise, and made his way through Flanders to France, where he found protection with Louis VII., and a hospitable and honorable reception in the Cistercian monastery of Pontigny, in Burgundy. The Pope constantly gave him evidences of aff'ection and friendship, in spite of the efibrts of Henry and a host of enemies to misrepresent him ; but entertaining hopes that the quarrel might be amicably settled, he counseled mod- eration, and instructed the primate not to proceed at once to extreme measures against Henry and his partisans. But when Henry II., in order to carry on his quarrel more suc- cessfully, entered into an alliance with the Emperor of Ger- man}', Pope Alexander gave leave to Becket (ISTew Year's, A. D. 1166) to proceed with more rigor against those who were "plundering" the churches of his diocese, and at Easter of the same year made him Apostolic Legate for England. About Pentecost of this year, Becket published from Veze- lay a document, threatening with the censui'es of the Church all who sustained the Consuetudines regiae, and adhered to the Constitutions of Clarendon. Many of those against whom this threat was directed, were afterward excommunicated. By a system of teri-orism, Henry endeavored, in the mean- time, to force his subjects to submit to his anti-ecclesiastical legislation, and by fraudulent misrepresentation had led the Pope to adopt a temporizing policy, and to inhibit to Thomas h Becket the exercise of his primatial jurisdiction. But he was at length compelled to yield to the demands of the Pope 566 Period 2, Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. and the Primate, after which the latter, against the advice of his friends, returned to England (a. d. 1170). When he en- tered Canterbury, the men of Kent flocked around him, and gave him a most enthusiastic welcome. Becket, after his return, pursued the policy he had alwaya advocated, and carried out his principles with rigorous con- sistency. Contrary to the general expectation, he at once excommunicated and suspended those bishops who had ad- hered to Henry, notwithstanding that the Pope had instructed him not to have recourse to this measure, except in extreme cases, and then only with the consent of the King of France. Henry, who was at this time residing in ISTormandy, in an outburst of violent passion, was so imprudent as to let fall the following words against Thomas £i Becket: ""What cow- ards have I fed? Is there no one who will rid me of this turbulent priest?" Pour knights who were present — viz., William Tracy, Hugh de Moreville, Eichard Brito, and Regi- nald Fitzurse — interpreting the king's language as equivalent to a royal license to murder the archbishop, crossed the chan- nel, and having made their way to Canterbury, burst, with loud shouts, into the choir of the cathedral, whither Becket had retired, and murdered him at the foot of the altar (De- cember 29, A. D. 1170).' 1 Mr. J. R. Greene, in his admirable History of the English People, pp. 104, 105, gives the following description of the scene: "After a stormy parley with him in his chamber, they withdrew to arm, and Thomas was hurried by his clerks into the cathedral. As he reached the steps leading from the transept to the choir, his pursuers burst in shouting from the cloisters. "Where," cried Eeginald Fitzurse, in the dusk of the dimly lighted minster, "where is the traitor, Thomas Becket?" The primate turned resolutely back, "Here am I— no traitor, but a priest of God," he replied, and again descending the steps, he placed himself with his back against a pillar, and fronted his foes. All the bravery, the violence of his old knightly life, seemed to revive in Thomas, as he tossed back the threats and demands of his assailants. "You are our prisoner," shouted Fitzurse, and the four knights seized him, tc drag him from the church. "Do not touch me, Eeginald," shouted the primate; "pander that you are, you owe me fealty;" and, availing himself of his personal strength, he shook him roughly oflf. "Strike, strike," retorted Fitzurse, and blow after blow struck Thomas to the ground. A retainer of Eanulf de Broc, with the point of his sword, scattered the primate's brains on the ground. " Let us be oflf," he cried triumphantly. "This traitor will never rise agaip." (Tk.) § 219. Henry II., King of England — Thomas ct Becket. 567 This atrocious mnrder raised a cry of horror throughout all Europe, and the guilt of the crime was laid to the charge of the English king. Duriua: the solemnities of the follow- ing Holy Thursday, the Pope excommunicated, in general terms, the primate's assassins, their advisers, abettors, and protectors; and in 1173 the murdered archbishop was canon- ized as one who, as a martyr in the cause of God, had been honored by the people as a saint before his remains had been 'jonsigned to their last resting-place. Crowds flocked to his tomb. The wonderful cures wrought by his intercession spread the fame of his sanctity through the whole country, and men of every rank and condition bore testimony to their truth. The Archbishop, instead of requiring the authority of the Pope to bear testimony to his sanctity, was himself a most potent witness, by his many miracles, to the justice of the Pope's cause. A most uncompromising advocate and de- fender of ecclesiastical immunities, Thomas a Becket was also a most zealous adherent of the Pope; and dow that his mira- cles bore testimony to the truth of his principles, they were equally effective as an argument in favor of the Holy See. Henry, who was deeply affected by the primate's death, sought to justify himself before the Pope, and obtain absolu- tion.^ This was not granted till he had done penance, with- drawn the Constitutions of Clarendon, and agreed to furnish one hundred knights to fight against the infidels. His ab- solution was pronounced (a. d. 1172) in the cathedral of Avranches.^ Thus, while Frederic I. was waging war, and daily aug- menting the number of his enemies, Henry II. was making a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Thomas, and conciliating the affections of many who had regarded him with horror. About this time, Alexander raised Portugal to the rank of a kingdom, and conferred the new dignity upon Duke Alfhonso. 'Cf. Neander, Ch. Hist. (Torrey's transl.), Vol. IV., p. 171; also John of Salis- bury, eps. 286 and 287. (Te.) 'Gervasu Cantuar. Chron. and Roger cfe Hoveden, ad an. 1172, Charta absolu- tionis regis Henrici. Hefelc, V., 611 568 Period 2. Upoeh 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. Finally, to prevent a recurrence of the disorders produced bj the late antipopes, Alexander convoked the Third Lateran, oi ELEVENTH ECUMENICAL COUNCIL (MARCH, a. d. 1179). There were present at this council, besides a large number of abbots, three hundred and two bishops, from every country of Europe and from Syria. Twenty-seven canons were passed during its sitting, of which the following L» a summary: 1. A two-thirds vote of the cardinals shall be requisite for the valia election of a Pope, and if any person presume to assume the office without hav- ing obtained the requisite number of suffrages, he and bis electors shall be for- ever cut off from the communion of the Church. This canon was called for \ty the events of the election of Alexander III. and the antipope Victor. 2. Those ordained by the antipopes Victor IV., Paschal III., and Calixtus III. were declared forever incapable of exercising priestly functions, and titulars ap- pointed by them were deprived of their dignities. 3. One to be eligible to a bishopric must have reached the age of thirty-three years. 4. This canon pro- vides for the payment of expenses incurred in episcopal visitations. 5. Those about to take orders, must be either provided with a benefice, or have a patri- mony sufficient for their decent support. 6. As a rule, canonical admonition must precede suspension and excommunication. A specified time must be fixed for the prosecution of appeals, which, if vexatious, are altogether forbidden. 7. All extortions /o9- the administration of the sacraments, sepulture, and instal- lation of persons into new dignities, if of the nature of simony, are condemned. 8. Promises of ecclesiastical benefices not yet vacant (expectativae) are forbid- den. 9. lleligious are commanded to pay a proper respect to episcopal author- ity. 10. No charge is to be exacted of persons entering religion. 11. Clerical incontinency is forbidden, and strangers' are prohibited entering female con- vents. 12. Ecclesiastical causes are not to be brought before secular tribunals. 13. A plurality of benefices may not be held by one person ; and personal resi- dence is enjoined. 14. Investiture of ecclesiastical benefices by laymen is prohibited. 15. Persons having ecclesiastical benefices are permitted to dispose of the personal property, in their possession at the time of election, as they may see fit, but not of that accruing from their benefices, which, on their death, reverted to the Church. 16. Decrees of chapters, to be valid, if a two-third vote can not be secured, must have the sanctJM) either of the majority of the collegiate body, or, this failing, the approvaT%f those most distinguished by prudence and virtue. 17. To receive the nomination to a benefice, one must be distinguished by superior merit, and receive a majority of the collegiate vote. 18. This canon requires that masters be provided for the cloister and cathedral schools. 19. This forbids the taxation of church property. 20. Tournaments endangering the life of the participants are interdicted. 21. This canon forbids any violation of the Truce of God. 22. This prescribes that the Truce of Ood be kept with priests, clerics, and monks. 23. Lepers shall have their own church, burial-ground, and priest. 24. Eenegades from the faith who furnish the Sara- cens with arms, serve as captains under them, or become pirates, are declared excommunicate. 25. Usurers are to be refused Holy Communion, denied Chris- tian sepulture, and their offerings to be refused. 26. Jews and Saracens are § 220. Lucius III.— Urban III.— Gregory VIII, etc. 569 forbidden to keep Christian slaves. In courts of justice, Christians arc to bo preferred to Jews as witnesses. Converted Jews are to be protected in their rights and property. 27. This canon reads as follows: "The Church," says St. Leo the Great, "while deprecatim) bkodtj executions, has a right to call upon tem- poral princes to vindicate the honor of her laws ; and the fear of corporal chas- tisement has often induced a recourse to spiritual remedies. Under the name of ( 'athari and Patarini, the heretics have secured so firm a footHold in Gascony, and in the territory of Albi and Toulouse, that they noV rise up in open revolt; while the heretics in Brahant, Aragon, Navarre, and Biscay, the Cotelerii and Triaverdini, respect neither churches nor monasteries, spare neither age nor sex, neither orphans nor widows. They renew all the excesses of the heathens and barharians. We declare them solemnly excommunicated. We enjoin all the faithful to resist their ravages, and to defend the Chi-istians against their inroads. We grant the usual indulgences, and the forgiveness of their sins, to all who arm for this holy crusade." ■ § 220. Lucius III (a. d. 1181-1185)— f7"r6a??. III. (a. d. 1185- 11^1)— Gh'egory VIII (a. d. f 1187)— aemenf III (a. d. 1187-1191)— CeZesi!me ///. (a. d. 1191-1198)— i^ret^mc J.— Henry VI. With the death of Alexander, a seas(3n proraifiing fresh troubles seemed to be opening upon the papacy. Frederic, indeed, had been forced to sign the Treaty of Constance (1183),^ which, based upon the Concordat of Worms, granted conces- sions considerably more ample than those contained in the articles of the Peace of Venice. He, moreover, abrogated the enactments of the diet of Eoncaglia, and placed the Lom- bard cities, which he recognized as republics, on an equality with the great vassals of the crown. Always desirous of augmenting the influence of his family by powerful alli- ances, he had his son, Henry VI., married to the princess Constence,' who, on the death of William II., without issue, ' The acts of this great council in full in Mansi, T. XXII., p. 209-467. Har- duin, T. VI., Pt. II., p. 1673-1775. Cf. Natal. Alex. H. E. saec. XII., diss. XI. Hefele, Hist, of Counc, V., 631 sq. — The exposition of canons 2-26 is according to Palma, H. E., Vol. II., p. 226-281 ; of canon 27, according to Darras, Vol. til., p. 289. (Tk.) * In the Appendix to the Corpus Juris Civilis, and in Muratori, Antiq., T. IV., p. 307. 'She was a professed nun, hut obtained a papal dispensation to get mar- ried. See Platina's Life of Celestine III.; cf. Bllluart, Dissert. IV. de Voto, art. IX.: "Utrum in votis solemnibus Eccl. s. summus pont. possit dispensare," ohj, 4, Paris cd. 1857, Vol. VII., p. 298. (Tr.) 570 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. became the sole heiress to the Two Sicilies. By this union, the Pope lost his strongest and most faithful ullj, and the house of Hohenstaufen, now in possession of Southern Italy, would, if the imperial and the Italian crowns were worn by one person, become predominant over the whole peninsula.^ In Germany, the Emperor took up the hereditary feuds of his house with the Guelfs, upon whom he wreaked a most signal vengeance. It was unfortunate that Alexander's successors were not sufficiently powerful to interpose their authority, and put a stop to these unseemly acts of violence. Nor was this all. The Emperor exercised an undue influence in many epis- copal elections, and took forcible possession of the inheritance of Mathilda, and the eiforts of the Popes Lucius and Urban III., the Milanese, were utterly powerless to prevent him doing either. The old conflict between the Papacy and the Empire had again broken out, and was raging in all its former fierce- ness, when the pacific Gregorj^ VIII. was called to the papal throne, and all Europe was startled by the intelligence that Jerusalem had fallen into the hands of Saladin^ (October 3, 1187). In the days of Baldwin I., the brother and successor of God- frey de Bouillon, suspicion and party feuds had already pro- duced their natural results in the kingdom of Jerusalem; and that king's authority did not extend even over the whole of the countries of Palestine and Syria, which had been among the original conquests of the first Crusaders. While, on the one hand, the relations between the principalities of Antioch, Tripolis, Tiberias, and Edessa and the kingdom of Jerusalem, were far from being close or satisfactory; on the other, the efforts of the Latins against the common enemy were paralj'zed by the internal divisions of the Christian sects, which the crusaders had met in Asia. The ca'pture of Ascalon, in 1153, under Baldwin III., was the most important conquest since the first crusade. This city was regarded by many as indispensably necessary'' to the defense of Jerusalem from the side of Egypt, but the victory was not followed up ■Gf. DdlliTv/er, Ch. PI., Vol. IV., p. 22. (Tr.) 'M. G. "yplencloi' of justioo," or "religion." (Tb.) § 220. Lucius III.— TJrban UL^Gregory VIII., dc. 571 ■with the necess3.ry energy to produce any permanent and solid results. Everything seemed to favor the Mohamnied- ans, who were daily growing more bold and aggressive, and to hasten the fall of Jerusalem, which the gallant Templars and the Knights of St. John labored in vain to avert. Sala- din, who was already master of Syria and Egypt, was resolved that the Crescent should displace the Cross on the mosque of Omar. Fifty thousand horsemen and a vast army on foot gathered about his standard. He encountered and defeated the Christians at Tiberias (a. d. 1187); entered Berytus, Acre, Caesarea, and Jafta as a conqueror; pursued his way to Asca- lou, which accepted terms of peace, and laid siege to Jerusa- lem, which, after holding out fourteen days, came to terms, and capitulated. When the news of the fall of Jerusalem reached the West, Europe was stirred to its depths, and the fiery enthusiasm which but a few short years before had seized upon the people, and thronged every road leading to the East with crusaders, broke out afresh, and for the moment absorbed every other interest, and united all parties in the one great scheme of rescuing the Holy City. The Pope and the Emperor were the first to set the example. The appeals of Gregory VIII. and his successor, Clement III, calling for a new crusade,^ met with a hearty response from every quarter. " Feud and strife," it was said, "must now cease among Christians." The days of Peter the Hermit seemed to have returned. Again everj' tongue repeated, "It is the will of God; it is the will of God." Whole populations demanded the Cross, and those who were unable to take the field, paid the tax, called the Saladin tithe. Even Frederic,^ though far advanced in years, seemed to forget his age and infirmities amid the glow of generous and holy enthusiasm, and, placing himself at the head of a well-disciplined and formidable army, ad- 'Ad omnes fideles de clade Hierosolymitana. Mansi, T. XXII., p. 527 sq. Harduin, T. VI., Ft, II., p. 1889 sq. ''Tageno (Decan. eccl. Patav., who was engaged in the Second Crusade), De- Bcripl;. exped. Asiat. Priderici (Freher-Sirave, T. I., p. 405). Ansberti, Hist, do expedit. Prider., ed. Dobrowsl^y, Prag. 1827. Ridzler, The Crusade of Fred- eric I., 1870. 572 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. vanced, by way of Eatisbon, througb Hungary, and, entering the empire of the Greeks, chastised and humbled their per- fidious emperor But, unfortunately, the leader, who prom- ised so much, was soon to pass away. Eredericwas drowned, June 10, 1190 — according to some, while crossing; according to others, while bathing — in the river Calycadnus, or Saleph, in Cilicia. Fredeiic, Duke of Suabia, his son, upon whom the command of the army now devolved, was carried away by pestilence, together with nearly all his followers, at the siege of Acre, or Ptolemais. Richard Coeur de Leon, King of England, and Philip Augus- tus, King of France, had gone by sea to Palestine, during the summer of 1190.' Owing to the jealousies and the quarrels of the leaders, the combined forces of the Christians were able to effect no more than the reduction of Acre (July 13, 1191). Philip returned to France immediately after the cap- ture of the city ; and the English king was also shortlj' obliged to quit Palestine, but not, however, until he had concluded with Saladin an armistice (a. d. 1192) of three years, which secured to the Christians, besides Antioch and Tripolis, the possession of the tract of country lying between Tyre and Jaffa, and obtained for pilgrims the right of entering Jeru- salem untaxed and unmolested. On his way home, Pichard was made prisoner by Leopold, Duke of Austria,'' who delivered him into the hands oi Henry VI. of Germany. The Pope endeavored in vain to secure the ^Galfridide ViiioSalvo (tafter 1245), Itinerarium Eichard. in terram sanctam. (Boiiffarf!., T. I., and Gale, Scriptt. liist. Angl., T. II.) Rigordius Gothus, de Gest. Phil. Aug. (du Chexne, T. V.; Bouquet., T. XVII.) Cf. Schlosser-Kriecjk, Univ. Hist., Vol. VII., p. 81 sq. Raumer, Vol. II., p. 319 sq. ■^As the haughty bearing of Eichard had caused the. hasty return of Philip Augustus after the fall of Acre, so also had it given a most unpardonable affront to Leopold on the same occasion. Leopold had been in the very thick of the fight, and so desperately did the battle rage about him, that, when it was over, ho found his coat of mail completely covered with blood, except where pro- tected by a girdle encircling his loins. Hence, the Austrian escutcheon bears the proud arms of a red ground and white fesse. Leopold naturally enough thought he had a right to place the standard of Austria on the battlements of the captured city, which, when Eichard beheld it, he ordered to be torn down, and dragged in the mire, and refused to give any satisfaction for the affront. It was now Leopold's turn to dictate. Tachisckka, Hist, of Vienna, p. 71. (Tu.) § 221. Innocent III. — His Eelations to Princes of Europe. 573 freedom of the gallant crusader, which was obtained only after the payment of a heavy ransom.^ In 1189, when Heni-y VI. was on his way to Italy to take possession of the Two Sicilies, which became the heritage of his wife Constance, on the death of her uncle, "William IL, he received the tidings of his father's death. The Sicilians, dreading the rule of a stranger, chose as their king Tancred, Count of Lecce, the natural son of Roger the Elder, who at once received investiture from Pope Clement III. He died in 1194, and the Two Sicilies submitted to Henry. The whole policy of this cruel and vindictive king, now in the full vigor of manhood and at the height of his power, seemed to augur ill for the peace of the octogenarian and pacific pontiff", Celes- tine (a. d. 1191-1198). The assassination of the Bishop of Liege, and Henry's shameless sale of that bishopric; his disgraceful venality in the case of Richard Coeur de Lion; his prohibition of the clergy and laity of Italy to carry appeals to Rome, and other deeds equally tyrannous and cruel,^ foreboded a season of un- usual danger and trial, when events, bej^ond human foresight and control, changed the whole aspect of aff"airs. Henry had scarcely secured the succession of the Germanic crown to his son Frederic II., then only three years of age, but as yet un- baptized, when, in the midst of preparations for a new cru- sade, he died suddenly, at Messina (a. d. 1197). Just at this time, one of the greatest men that ever sat upon the papal throne was elected Pope. § 221. Innocent III. — His Relations to the Princes of Europe. Innoc. in. Epp., libb. XIX., ed. Baluz., Par., 2 T., f. (lib. 1, 2, 5, 10-16), in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 214-217. Brequigny et de la Porie du Theil, Diplomata, chartae, epp. et alia docum. ad res Franc, spectantia. Par. 1791, 2 T. (lib. 3 and 5-10.) Re. 1199. § 221. Innocent III. — His Relations to Princes of Europe. 579 open to King John a way out of the difficulty. He deter- mined to place iu the see of Canterburj', John de Gray, Bishop of ISTorwich, a man entirely devoted to his interests, and ac- cordingly ordered the monks to elect him, and had him enthroned in his presence. But as the junior part of the monks of Christ Church had already elected Reginald, their sub-prior, archbishop, there were now two claimants to the see. Both sent embassies to Rome to plead their respective causes before Innocent III., by whom the respective claims of both were set aside. This decision had been foreseen ; and as King John desired by all means to have the Bishop of Nor- wich elevated to the primatial see of Canterbury, he had taken the precaution to send a messenger with an ofter to ihe Pope of three thousand marks, if he would yield to the royal wish. Innocent indignantly rejected the bribe, and refused to change what he had done. lie ordered the canons of both parties, then in Rome, to proceed at once to an election, and recom- mended to their choice Stephen Langton, an Englishman of eminence, then residing in the city, who had taught, with applause, in the schools of Paris, and been successively made chancellor of the University and cardinal of the Church. The monks gave him their suffrages, and, after waiting a decent length of time, but to no purpose, for the royal approbation, the Pope himself consecrated the new archbishop at Vitei'bo, July 17th. The king obstinately refused to recognize Lang- ton, and, in reply to the I'ope's threats of interdict if the archbishop were longer excluded from his see, said that if the interdict were fulminated, he would banish the clergy, and mutilate every Italian he could seize in the realm. He would never allow Langton to set his foot in England as primate. But Innocent was not a man to be deterred when duty was in question, and in 1208 he issued the interdict. The Pope allowed two years more to elapse before formally cutting John off from the communion of the Church; but the king met the sentence as defiantly as of old. His pretensions to superiority over the king of the Scots, and bis triumphs in Ireland, shed a temporary luster about his waning cause. John, notwithstanding his defiant attitude, grew uneasy. He knew the practical effect of excommunication was to 580 Period 2. E-poeh 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. release his subjects from their oaths of fealty, and that if his deposition were proposed, his old enemy, Philip Augnstus of France, would be only too glad to have an opportunity of carrying it into effect. In 1212, Innocent formalh"^ absolved John's subjects from their oaths, and called upon Ciiristian princes and barons to depose him, and elect another in his stead. John made ample and vigorous preparations to repel the invaders. "lie might," says the historian, "have defied all the powers of Europe with his i:)owerful army had his men been animated with love for their sovereign;" but through- out the whole of his reign he had done everything to irritate, and little to conciliate, his subjects. His arrogance, his tyr- anny, and his insolence had alienated the hearts of all. and it was this fear of danger and disaffection at home, more than any demonstrations on the other side of the channel, that brouglit him to terms with the Pope. While John was un- der the influence of these fears, he was visited by Pandulf, the confidential agent of the Pope, and was by him persuaded to put liis signature to an instrument which but a short time before he had indignantly rejected. By this, he agreed to admit the Archbishop of Canterbury to his see; to recall all e.xiles, and to liberate all prisoners on whom sentence had been passed by reason of their adherence to the Pope, and to fully compensate tlie clergy for their losses. Nor was this all. He solemnly resigned bis crown and his realms into the hands of tlie papal legate; received them back again, to be held b}' fealty and homage as a vassal of the Pope, and agreed to pay to the Holy See an annual rental of one thousand niarks. This transaction has covered the memory of John with dis- grace, and attached to his name the most opprobrious epithets, and among them that o? Lackland. The act can certainly not be commended; but when it is considered, on the one hand, that John was soUcitous for his crown, and, on the other, that the barons consented to it from a wish to humble the king's insolence and pride, we shall understand that he ^vas not so much to blame, and that they had made a profitable conquest. From this time forward, they stubbornly insisted on their rights and liberties. The Roman Pontiff, who had all along supported the cause of the Primate and the barons, now threw § 221. Innocent III. — Sis Helations to Princes of Europe. 581 tlie weight of his influence in favor of the king. The inter- dict was removed in December, 1213. ^ The battle of Bouoines, between Lille and Tonrnay, fought July 27, 1214, was fatal to the prospects of John, and flatter- ing to the vanity of Philip. John returned humiliated, from an inglorious contest in France, to one still more inglorious in England. Seeing that the barons were all leagued against him, he sought to conciliate the good-will of the clergy, by granting freedom of canonical election (February 2, 1215), and taking the cross. The contest between the king and the barons for the liber- ties of England, as is generally supposed, was noAV fairly opened. Both parties appealed to the Pope as their feudal superior. Innocent, in his reply, counseled moderation. The barons persisted in their demands. The king proposed to settle matters by arbitration ; his proposal was rejected. Their leader was Stephen Laugton the Primate, whom Innocent had appointed to the see of Canterbury. "From the moment he landed in England," says Mr. Greene, "he assumed the con- stitutional position of the Primate as champion of the old English customs and law against the personal despotism of the kings." The barons, under the lead of Fitz-AValter, formed themselves into an organization, which they called "the army of God and of Holy Church," levied war against the king, took Bedford, and surprised London. On the 15th of July, a meeting took place on an island of the Thames, between Staines and Windsor, between the delegates of the king and those of the barons. The latter, acting under coun- sel of the primate, Stephen Laugton, extorted the Great Char- ter [Magna Charta Libertatum) from King John, which was "discussed, agreed to, and signed in a single day."' The charter was far from being an entirely new instrument; it did no more than correct the feudal abuses introduced by the Normans, and secure the ancient liberties of the people. It restored to the clergy the full exercise of their liberties — free- iCf. Unrjard, Hist, of Eng., Vol. III., p. 14-50, London and Now Yorlc, 1848; also /. R. Greene, Short Hist, of the Eng. People, p. 118-127, London, 1875. The text of the charter is given in Cantii, Univ. Hist., Vol. VII., p. 587-004. (Tk.) 582 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. dom of election, exemption from secular jurisdiction, and the right of appeal to the Holy See in all ecclesiastical matters. But for all this, Innocent annulled the Great Charter, beeauso the barons, in wresting it from the Icing, had violated tlieii oaths -of fealty and his right of suzerainty. lie commanded them to yield obedience to tiieir king; promised to redress their grievances and their wrongs, and held a menace of excommunication over such as would not submit. Finally, even Constantinople recognized, or was forced to feel, the weight of Innocent's authority. But here it was rather detrimental than favorable to the project, always dear to his heart, of liberating the holy places.^ The crusade which the great preacher, Fulco, Curate of Neuilly, had set on foot, was diverted from its legitimate aim by the dishonorable con- duct of Henry Dandolo, Doge of Venice. This shrewd old man, already white with the honorable crown of age, j^hysi- cally blind, but gifted with a marvelous clearness of mental vision, learning that the crusaders were unable to pay for the outtit of a fleet and their transportation, and, taking advan- tage of their KJmbarrassments, prevailed upon them, in spite of the menaces of the Pope, to undertake the conquest of the city of Zara, in Dalmatia, which, being constantly in rebel- lion, was a source of no little solicitude to Venice. These crusaders also allowed themselves to be drawn by the fugitive emperor Alexius into the court-quarrels of the Greek Empire. After encountering innumerable difficulties, they entered Con- stantinople, April 12, 1203, and founded the Latin Empire, with Baldwin, Count of F'landers, as its first emperor. It lasted from 1203 to 1261.^ Innocent complained that the ^ lief ell-., Tho Crusade under Innocent III. (Supplements to Ch. H., Vol. I., p. 31C sq.) -Cf. Balduini ep. ad Ottonem imp., in Amoldt Chronie. Slav., lib. VI., c. 19, and Balduini op. ad omnes fideles, in Arnold., 1. c., o.ap. 20, in another sense, ad Innoo. (Innoc., lib. VII., epist. 152, and in Uaynaldi annal. ad a. 1204, nr. 6-18.) Geoffroy de Ville-Hardouin, do la Conqueste de Constantinople, from tho year 1198-1207 (I'histoire do I'empire de Constantinople sous les cmpcreurs Fr.anc., par C. du Fresne, Ven. 1729, f.) Nlceias Acnminatus, Hist, by .Joan. Comnon. Iraporat. to Bald. Flandnr. 1117-1200, ed. FubrotJ^ Paris, 1047, f. Cf. Damber- gcr, Vol. IX., p. 489-513. SMosser- Krier/k, Univ. Hist., Vol. VII., p. 169 sq Raumer, Vol. III., p. 198-236. § 221. Innocent III. — His Belations to Princes of Europe. 583 ernsaclers, instead of directing their efforts against the infi- del, spent their energies in dethroning Christian princes. lie pronounced sentence of excommunication against them, but ^^ithdro^v it again, and granted them absolution, in consider- ation of the exceptional difiiculties of their position, and in llie liope of deriving profit to the Church from his modera- tion, lie was in%'ited to come to Constantinople, but de- clined. Such was the energy, the activity, and the influence of Innocent, that he was always prepared to come to the relief of the oppressed, and was always present, when needed, in any quarter of Christendom, either personally or by his legates. But, in the midst of affairs so numerous and dis- tracting. Innocent never lost sight of the one great object he had in view. He convoked the Fourth Lateran, or TWELFTH ECUMENICAL COUNCIL (a. i>. 1215). This WHS bej'ond all comparison the most imposing council' yet holfl in tho Church. Both East and "West were represented. There wore present scventy- ono primates and archbishops, four hundred and twelve bishops, and eight hun- dred priors and abbots. Tho patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch sent their representatives, and those of Jerusalem and Constantinople came in person. There was a host of deputies from collegiate churches and chapters, and ercbas- sadors representing, besides the emperors of Germany and Constantinople, every, prince in Christendom. It would seem that all the culture, tho science, and the learning of tho civilized world had their representatives assembled there, under the presidency of the ablest and the wisest of Roman Pontiffs. The council held three sessions, in which the ohicf subject of discussion wab tho project of organizing a new crusade. The Pope, when informed of the singular phenomenon, known as the Cldldreti s Crimarle, cried out, with a groan: "These children put us to shame; while we are buried in sleep, thoy are cour- ageously flying to the defense of the Holy Land." 2 To insure the success of the now crusade, it was enacted that the Peace of God should be kept among Christian princes for an interval of five years, and bishops were instructed to reconcile C(jntending parties. A project of union with the Greek Churcli, was. submitted, and discussed;' tho purittj and inierjriiy of the faith were provided for; and the Catholic doctrine of the Holy Eucharist, which Bercngarius had attacked, was accurately defined. In the exposition of the doctrine, as given "The Acts in MarnA, T. XXII., p. 953 sq. Harduin, T. VII., p. 1-8C. llur- ier, Vol. II., p. 0.33 sq. Uefcle, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 777 sq. *Cf. Hvrier, Vol. II., p. 452 sq, Bonn Perlodimi, n. 22, p. 200-215. 'The Greeks accepted the formula: "Pater a nullo, Pilius autom a solo Pairs ac Spiritus St. ab utroque poriier absque initio semper ac sine fine." 684 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. by the council, we find the word transubntantlation {transsiibstantiatioY used for the first time. The dangerous errors propagated by the abbot Joachim, by A mnl- ric of Bena, and by the Alhif/ennes, and others equally detestable, if not sj well known, were condemned. The council put an end to the contest for the Gor- man crown, by deciding in favor of Frederic. Finally, it enacted seventy can- ons concerning clerical life and ecclesiastical discipline, which unfortunately were not generally observed. By the third canon of this council, all heretics cut off from the communion of the Church were made amenable to civil tribunals, and liable to the punish- ment prescribed by state for the guilt of heresy; but if ecclesiastics, they must be first degraded from their orders. By the fifth, the order of precedence was assigned to the various patriarch- ates. After Rome came Constantinople, next Alexandria, next Antioch, and finally Jerusalem. It was further enacted that the patriarch should have attached to his pallium the right of erecting crosses m monasteries, thus- sub- jecting them to his jurisdiction, and of receiving appeals. By the sixth, it was prescribed that provincial councils should be held yearlv. The twenfy-jirst condemned those sectaries who contemned the Sacraments of the Chiirc/i, and oonimandcd, under penalty of being cut off from the fellowship of the Church, the faithful of both sexes to receive the Sacraments of Penance and the Eucharist at least once in the year, and the latter sacrament at Easter.^ The numerous labors of Innocent called for so much of his time and attention, that he frequently complained of being unable, from press of business, to give himself up to the cou- *TJna vera est fidelium universalis occlesia, extra quam nullus omnino salva- tur. In qua idem ipse sacerdos et sacriflcium .lesus Christus, cujns corpus et sanguis in Sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini veraciter continontur; transsitbsiantiaiis pane in corpus ct vino in sanguinem, potestate ])ivina, ut ad perficiendum my.?terium unitatis accipianius ipsi de suo, quod accepit ipse do nostro (Mans!, T. XXII., p. 981 ; liardain, T. VII., p. 17 ) ; concerning Joachim and Amalric, ibidem, c. II. ^Omnis utriusque sexus fidolis, postquam ad annos discretionis porvcnerit, omnia sua solus peccata coniiteatur fldeliter. saltem scmel in anno propriu saccr- doti, et injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere, suscipions reverenter ad minus in Pascha eucharistiae sacramentum. (Can. XXI.) "Xani in prima Ecelesia," says Peter of Biois, a writer who flourished between a. d. 1160 and 1200, "quotquot intcrorant consecrationi Eucharistiae, communicabant eidem: postquam autom crevit Humerus fidelium, neo omnes accedere ad Euclia- ristiam visum est, statutum est, nt saltem diebus dominicis fideles communica- rent. Cum vero paleau succrescentes coeperunt coopcrire granum et nmltoruni refriguit charitas, decretum est, ut saltem per trcs solemnitates in anno tidelcs communicarent in Paschate, Pentecoste, et Natali: Nunc autcm quia dies mali sunt, et omnes fere declinaverunt, non audeo dieere ex praeccpto Ecclesiao, sed cxtacita perrnissione introductum est, vAsemel in anno congregentur in Ecclesia ad communicandum; quod praeterire fas nou est," [Pulma, h. e., Vol. II., p. 333,- for the canons, p. 317-333.) (Te.) § 221. Innocent III. — His Relations to Princes of Europe. 585 sicleration of heavenly things. But for all this, he did not neglect the spiritual afiairs of his oiEce. Ho preached fre- quently to both the clergy and the laity — to the former, usually in Latin, and to the latter, in the vulgar tongue. Ilis sermons are not unlike those of Leo the G-reat, rich in imagery and allegory, and abounding in mystical allusions and startling antitheses.. The language, which is admirably suited to tlie depth and earnest thought of the orator, is graceful, grave, and energetic throughout. The earnestness of his religious feeling and the contemplative character of his mind, are fully attested by the little work, ''On Conte.mft of the TForW,"Mvrit- ten by him while he was yet a cardinal. Innocent IIL united in himself the throe qualities which his illustrious predecessor, Alexander IIL, required in a pope — viz., zeal in preaching, capacity for ecclesiastical gov- ernnient, and prudence in the care of souls. lie was benevo- lent and charitable toward the poor aud the widow ; generous toward the crusaders, and displayed the most disinterested devotion in reconciling peoples and cities, aud calling upon them, in the name of the Lord, to put aside their feuds and live in peace, lie was, in fact, on his way to make peace be- tween the cities of Pisa and Genoa, when he died (July 16, A. D. 1216). If Innocent, like Gregory VII. and Alexander III., to whom he was eminently superior in capacity for business, and in knowledge of law and theology, had had an occasion to dis- play his talents in dijfficult and trying circumstances, he would unquestionably have proved himself the greatest Pope that sat on the papal throne from the daj's of St. Peter to his own. And as it was, no pope ever gained for the Holy Sec a greater measure of influence and authority. ISTeither is it likely tluit any pope has had a deeper sense of the responsibilities, or a more exalted idea of the office of the papacy-; nor has any other pope ever shown so deep an insight into human amurs, or an equal grasp of the manifold and varied relations of the world, of human thought, passion, and prejudice. One of his latest ■De Contemptu Mundi s. de Miseria Conditionis Humanae, libb. III., ed. Achterfeld, Bonnae, 1855. 586 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. biographers, the impartial Hurler, in the following picture, gives some idea of the light in which this great Pontiff viewed the otHco of the papacy and his own mission : " la his eyes," says this writer, "the papacy was the only power competent to check the insolence of brute force, and the vio- lation of laws, human and divine. It was a power higher and holier than any political or civil tribunal; a power gentle in instructing and kind in admonition, standing forth against the great of the earth, defending the weak and the oppressed from the violence of the tyrannous and the strong, and pro- testing against reducing a freeman to the condition of servi- tude; a power compelling princes to permit widows and orphans to carry their causes before free and impartial eccle- siastical courts; treating with kings as a father might with his children, now praying, now warning, now menacing, and now counseling them to consider the responsibility and the dignity of their office; a power whose greatest glory consists in being the defender of the oppressed; which watches over the morals of the wealthy, reminding them that their pride must not lead them to fancy themselves above all law and authority; which shields the weak and unfortunate against the cupidity of the great and the powerful, and the people against the aggressions of arbitrary and despotic princes which civilizes nations, and, in the assurance of eternal salva- tion, brings comfort to the heart of man; a power, in tine, which, by its very nature and character, authorizes those who wield it to say truthfully that they have but one weight aud one measure for all, and to carry themselves toward those upon whom society has put its brand as toward all otherChristians."* § 222. lionorius III. (a. d. 1216-1221)— Gregory IX. (a. d. 1221-12A1)— Innocent IV. (a. d. 12^Q-12h'l)-- Alexander IV. (A. D.1254-12G1)— C/r6an IV. (a. d. 12QI-12&'1)— Clement IV. (a. d. 1265-1268), and the Ilohenstaufens, Frederic II., Conrad IV., and Conradin. I. PeM dc Vinels (cancellar. Prid. II. tl249) Epp., lib. VI., ed. Isdon., Basil. 1740, 2 T. Kegesta Honor. III. et Grog. IX., in Raynald. Riccardi de S. Gor< ^Hurier, Popo Innocent III., Vol. III., pp. 74, 75; cf. also p. 69. § 222. Honorius III. — Gregory IX. — Innocent IV., etc. 587 man. Chronic. 1189-1242 {Muratorf, T. "VII.), continued by Nicol. de Jaimdlla, Hist, do Eeb. gestis Fridor. II. ejusquo filiorum Conradi et Manfredi to 1258 (ibid., T. VIII.) Fipiiii: et MonacIU Pnduens. Chron. (ibid., T. VIII. et IX.) "•■'Historia diplomati.ca Friderici II., collegit et notis illustravit, Huillard-Bri- hollcs, Par. 1853, etc., in several volumes. II. Sc/iwar.-huebcr, de Celebri inter sacerdotinm et imper. schismate temp. Frid. 31. diss, hist., Salisb. 1771. Raumer, Hist, of the Hohenstaufens, Vol. III., p. 811 sq., and Vol. IV. W. Zbnmermann, the Hohenstaufens, Pt. II. Ilb'fler, the Hohenstaiifon, Frodorie II., Munich, 1844. Damberger, Vol. X. Scldrr- inacher, Emperor Frederic II., Gotting. 1859-1865, 4 vols. Leo, Lectures on the Hist, of the German Nation, Vol. III. Frederic II. was far from realizing the high hopes Innocent had entertained of his ward, or from niaking good, by any corresponding acts of gratitude, his words, when he solemnly declared that "lie owed whatever he possessed to the Holy See." When fairly seated upon the imperial throne, he inau- gurated the favorite policy of his predecessors, by seeking to raise the omnipotence of state-power and absolutism upon the ruins of ecclesiastical rights and municipal liberties. But he could not at once accomplish his purpose. On his way to Rome, in 1220, to receive the imperial crown, he found the gates of Milan closed against him; and when he bad arrived at the Eternal City, he was refused coronation until he had sworn to abolish all laws prejudicial to the liberties of the Church ; to cede Sicily to his son Henry, to be held as a fief of the Holy See, and not of the Empire; to restore the inher- itance of Mathilda, and to undertake a new crusade. He was crowned in St. Peter's church, November 22, 1220, and, visit- ing Sicily shortly after, deposed some bishops and conferred investiture upon others, thus again reviving the old quarrel between the Empire and the Papacy. In the meantime, information reached Europe that Saladin had taken Damietta (September 8, 1221), the key to Egypt. Honorius complained that the Christians had sustained this loss because of the tardiness of Frederic, who had culpably put off the promised crusade. The latter gave excuses, and at a meeting between himself and the Pope, at Veroli, in April, 1222, agreed to depart with an army, for the recovery of the Holy Land, within the coming two years. They next met at Ferentino, in March, 1223, where it was agreed that 588 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. the departure of the expedition should be deferred two years more, aud that Frederic, now a widower, should marry lolanthe, daughter of John of Brienne, titular king of Jerusalem — a cir- cumstance which it was thought would be a fresh inducement to the Emperor to save that kingdom. It was, however, found impossible or inconvenient to make the necessary preparations within the speciiied time, and a new agreement was made at San Germano, in July, 1225, by which the Pope consented to the postponement of the de- parture of the army for two years longer. Frederic, on his part, promised to supply money, troops, and ships; and, in case of the non-fulfillment of these conditions within the ap- pointed time, to submit to the threatened sentence of excom- munication, and to allow himself and his kingdom to be dealt with as the Holy See should think just and right.' ITonorius died before the expiration of this term (March 18, 1227). Eis successor, Grerjory IX., the nephew of Innocent III., though far advanced in years, was full of life and energy, and his piety, his learning, and his eloquence had elicited the praises of the Emperor. Gregory pressed upon Frederic the importance of speedily carrying out his promise. The latter appointed Briudisi as the place of rendezvous, and, after mau^- halts and delays, finally embarked his troops, and set sail August 15, 1227. He had been scarcely three days out, when, feigning indisposition, he changed his course, and returned to the harbor of Otranto. Gregory pi-onounced sen- tence, of excommunication upon him at Anagni, September 29, 1227. Frederic now gave foil vent to liis long pent-up anger. la a circular letter, addressed to all the potentates of Europe, he complained in the most bitter terms of the I'ope's conduct, and called upon them to unite with him in an eftbrt to crush papal tyranny. He took every occasion to excite the Roman people and nobles against the Pope, and to gain them over to himself; broke treaties which he had entered into with the Holy See; and, finally, roused the Romans to insurrection, thus forcing the Pontiff to withdraw from the city, and retire ^DoUinger, Ch. Hist., Vol. IV., p. 36. (Tk.) § 222. Honorius III: — Gregory IX. — Innocent IV., etc. 589 to Perngia. For these acts of duplicity and violence, Greg- ory again excommnnicated the Emperor, at Easter, 1228. But Frederic, though at enmity with the Pope, never thought of relinquishing his vow. Withoiit having obtained absolu- tion from his censni'es, he got his forces together as rapidly as possible, at Brindisi, and set off on t\\Q fifth'^ crusade, August 11, 1228, publishing, at the same time, a circular letter to Christendom, complaining that his excommunication was un- deserved, and that the Pope would listen to no terms. The Emperor lauded at Ptolemai's in September, but, to his surprise, found that papal envoys were in advance of him, with instructions from the Pope to the masters of the mili- tary orders to see that none of their followers served under his banners, and with authority to lay under interdict any place he might enter. He concluded a treaty with the Egypt- ian sultan Kamel, a transaction in which there was a strong suspicion of colkision between the Emperor and the Sultan, but by which the whole of Jerusalem, except the Temple or mosque of Omar, was surrendered to the Christiaus; the towns of Jaffa, Bethlehem, and B'azareth restored, and a truce of ten years granted. To all appearance, the kingdom of Jeru- salem was reestablished. Frederic entered the city, but the clergy fled at his approach, and religious exercises were sus- pended in the churches. Attended by a magnificent retinue, he entered the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and, there be- ing no bishop who would perform the ceremony, took the crown from the high altar, and placed it upon his head. Pompous accounts were forwarded to Europe, proclaiming his glorious achievements: while, in reality, the treaty for- bade the rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, and the Egyptian sultan was boasting that he had surrendered to the Emperor only ruined churches and tottering walls, and that the truce was of doubtful stability, and might be broken any time, as the Christians of Palestine were protesting against it. The Emperor, on his return, disembarked at Brindisi, and the Pope, at the instance of the Dominican Qualo and the German bishops and princes, consented, after considerable ' This usually given as the Sixth. (Tr.) 590 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part-1. Chapter 1. hesitancy,' to sign the Peace of San Qermano, August 28, 1230.^ Frederic promised to give way in whatever had occa- Bioued his censures; to restore the territory wrested from the Church ; to recall and reinstate the exiled bishops ; to leave unimpaired, in i'uture, the rights of the Eomau and the Sicil- ian churches, and, finally, to pay a certain indemnity. But he had no intention of making good these obligations; on the contrary, he was loyal to his old principles, and, in a let- ter addressed to Louis IX. of France, spoke as follows : " It has been my constant aim to reduce the hierarchy to the con- dition of the apostolic age, when men led apostolic lives. The priests of our own day have grown worldly. The abund- ance of their wealth chokes every religions sentiment; and hence, as it would be doing them a charitable service to strip them of this baneful wealth, all European princes should direct their eti'orts to that end." Consistently with these principles, he constantly advocated the policy of depriving the Pope of the States of the Church, and bishops of their fiefs held of the Empire. Restrained by no consideration of justice, and recognizing no law but his own arbitrary will, he endeavored to' establish the despotic rule of a few petty princes in Italy, and shocked by his conduct the sentiments and opinions of his contemporaries. In the same spirit, he commissioned Peter deVineis, his chancellor, to make a"Co^ lection of the Laws of Sicily" (a. d. 12.31), in which the influ- ence of the Church, then so potent and extensive, is totally ignored; while, ou the other hand, a legislative absolutism is claimed for the Emperor, of so wide a reach as to be start- ling, even for that age. In the introduction, Frederic states, with a pompous array of words, that, as head of the /Jomano-German empire, he has a duty to protect and defend the rights of the Church, and to preserve the public peace. But it is noteworthy, that he nowhere mentions the Church as the source of the royal power. "While referring everything to Christ, and professing to hold his power directly from Him, ho entirely ignores His Church. According to Tit. 30, any one doing vio- lence to those in the Emperor's service shall receive a double punishment, ul ' Gerald, Patriarch of Jerusalem, has left a very unfavorable account of Tred- eric, in Ruynald. ad an. 1229, nos. 3 sq., and, ad universes Christ! fldeles, in Matt. Paris., p. 3-59 sq. Hefele, Vol. V., p. 861-867, and Tubg. Quart., 1803, n. 2. ^Raynaldus ad an. 1230, nos. 3 sq. Cf. Raumer, Vol. III., p. 458 sq. § 222. Honorius III. — 'Gregory IX. — Innocent IV.. etc. 591 participnHo, the tit]e goes on to explain, condecens /lonoris et onerin inchtcaiur. The source of justice resides in the king; his outhority is the sanction of every duty. All authority and power are subordinated to his, and derive their legal- ity from it. Little or nothing is said of the relations of the temporal to the spiritual power, and the responsibility of the former to the latter is put quite out of sight. By Tit. 32, ecclesiastical suits at law are given a precedaicc before civil or other cases; but this is granted as a concession, and not as right. Fred- ■^ ;ric's assuroption of imperial omnipotence, so much at variance with his earlier professions,' gave grave offense equally to clergy and people — to the former, because he claimed to be at once the source and sanction of all authority in the state, and to the latter, because he governed the state by his absolute will as he might run a machine. He also outraged the feelings of the whole people, by violently destroying institutions that had become endeared to them by national association and historical tradition, and substituting in their stead the arbitrary creations of his own will.''' The Emperor's policy will seem still more extraordinary when placed beside the teachings of the great Doctors of the Church — of St. Thomas, for instance, who so faithfully interprets the spirit of the age in which he lived. "When," Bays this profound Doctor^ (De Regbnine Principum, lib. I., c. 14), "when a state ^Frederic /., although a Hohenstaufen, admitted, in a letter written by bim to the Greek emperor, Emmanuel, the right of the Eoman Church to the two swords (Goldast. Const, imperator. IV. 73); and, in his fiei'oe letter to Pope Hadrian, speaks as follows: "Quod in passione sua (Luc. xxii. 38) Christus duo- bus gladiis contentus fuit, hoc in Romana Ecclesia et in Imperio credimus mirabili providentia deelarasse, cum per haec duo rerum capita et principia totus mundus tam in divinis, quam in humanis ordinctur." (Baron, ad an. 1159, nro. 52.) Frederic II. said: "Gladius raaterialis constitutus est in subsidium gladii spiritualis." (Constitut. Frid. II. an. 1220, c. 7.) The Saxon Mirror (Code), which is by no means partial to the papacy in its tone, recognizes the mutual relations of the temporal and spiritual powers to each other in the fol- lowing words: "God has left upon earth two swords for the defense of Christen- dom — the one to the Pope, the other to the Emperor. Should any one resist the spiritual sword of the Pope, the Emperor shall compel his obedience by the temporal; in like manner, it is the duty of the Pope to support the Emperor when necessary," etc. (Book I., art. I., of the Saxon Code, collected by Eiko de Kep^howe, sheriff of Salpke, near Magdeburg, 1216; edited by Sachssc. Hei- delberg, 1848.) ^Whcn Louis IX. of Prance said of Frederic II., that he wished to unite ecclesiastical supremacy and imperial absolutism, he hit exactly the underlying principle of the Emperor's policy. This is stated in the Epistolao Petri de Vin- eis, cura J. B. Iselin, Basil, 1740, 2 vols. Ilahn, Collectio monumentorum vete- rum, Bruns. 1724-1736, T. I., p. 116-278. 'The Constitutiones regum regni Siciliae utriusque, published at Naples, in the year 1786. The analysis of this Code, in Buss, Influence of Christianity (Freiburg Journal of Theology, Vol. IV., p. 348-360). The same, on St. Thomas Aquinas, p. 379-405. On other complaints against Frederic, cf. Haumer, 1. c. Vol. III., p. 692 sq. 592 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. is founded, its government should ha modeled on that of God Himself. To govern, is to guide the governed to their true destiny. It would seem that to live conformably to virtue, should he the great object of nations. But this object is only secondary to a still higher, which is common to nations and to individuals — viz., to attain by virtue a union v/ith God. To lead men to this sublime destiny belongs to the Church, to the kingdom of Christ, and not to the secular power, and hence arises the necessity of a royal priesthood. This super- natural governance of men belongs not to the kings of this world, but to the priesthood, and preeminently to the Pope, whom all Christian kings must obey as Christ Himself. This was not, indeed, so of the Pagan priesthood, who were subordinate to kings, inasmuch as the sole object of Pagan v;orship was the temporal well-being of men. But, in the Now Law, the priesthood has quite a different mission — a mission to lead men to the possession of a hcavenlj- inherit- ance, and hence docs the law of Christ make kings subject to the priesthood." This remarkable legislation did not, as might have been anticipated, at once stir up a fresh war. The mild and pacific Gregory contented himself, for the present, with publishing five books of Decretals, in which he took occasion to refute the false principles of the Sicilian code.' A still further proof of the nobility of Gregory's character was given, when Frederic's son, Henry, to whom he had in- trusted the government of Germany,^ rose in rebellion against his father. Gregory, instead of availing himself of this op- portunity to humble the Emperor, wrote (March 13, 12-35) to all the princes and bishops of .Germany, condemning the rebellion and the unnatural conduct of Henry. But the magnanimity of Gregory was wholly lost upon Frederic, who still continued to hate him as cordially as ever, and with all the vindictiveness of his nature. It would seem that Frederic had now no greater ambition than to abase and humiliate the Pope; he no longer put bounds to his violence. The Lombards, having suffered an overwhelming defeat at the battle of Cortenuova (November 27, 1237), expressed themselves ready to submit to Frederic, and to accept very hard and galling terms. Frederic demanded unconditional surrender; but the Lombards, recollecting the fate of other Italian cities, and driven to desperation by the demand, re- plied,^ "that they had rather die, sword in hand, than behold iCf. 2 227. ^Cf. Raumer, Hist, of the Hohenstaufens, "Vol. III., p. 692 sq. ' Cf. Raumer, 1. c, p. 753 sq. § 222. Honorius III. — Gregory IX. — Innocent IV., etc. 593 their city a heap of ruins, themselves perishing of hunger and want, or clj'ing in slavery, and by the hand of the execu- tioner." After the reduction of Milan, the insolence and demands of Frederic grew so excessive, that the Pope found himself necessitated to take what measures he conld in self-defense. It was now a matter of life and death. He made an alliance with the Venetians and Genoese, after which he excommuni- cated^ Frederic, just as that prince was establishing his nat- ural son 7 Unhei,'Bomt. VIII. et famil. Cajetanor., Eom. 1651. Vipor . iiisl. eorum, quae acta sunt inter Phil. Pulchr. et Bonif. VIII. 1639, 4to. Baillee, Hist, des d^ meles du Pape Boniface aveo Phil. ed. 2, Paris, 1718. fTosM, fttoria di Boni- facio VIII. e de' suoi tempi, divisa in libri sei, Monte Cassinu, i846, 2 Tom.; Germ. Transl., Tiibg. 1848. tOhrutophe, Histoire de la papaute au XIV. siecle. Paris, 1853, 2 vols.; Germ, transl. by RUter, Paderborn, 1853, ^ vols. Planck, Hist, of the Constitution of Christian Ecclesiastical Society, T'oi. V., p. 12-154, who praises this often misrepresented pope, and defends him eopecially against the Ghibelline poet, Dante (Inferno, Canto XXVII., v. 85; Canto XIX., v. 62). The more severely is he censured by Drumann, Hist, of Bonif. VIII., Konigsbg. 1852, 2 pts. Cf '^Palma, Praelect. h. e., T. III., p. 143-189. ■\GengUr, in the Tuhg. Quart. 1832, p. 214 sq. f' Wiseman, Pope Boniface VIII. (Essays on Various Subjects, Vol. III.) '\Damberger, Synchronistic Hist., Vol. XII. Phillips, C. L., III. 239. Boictaric,Ija. Prance sou Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1861. Chantrel, Bonif. VIII., Paris, 1862 ; Cesare Canin, Boniface VIII,, Dante et Ceco- d'Ascoli (Eevue d'economie chretienne, Mai, 1866.) '"Hcfele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. VI., p. 251-356. Gregovorius, Vol. V., p. 517-585. Von Eeumont, Vol. II., p. 621-670. — ■■'Herrfenrother, The Catholic Church and the Christian State, Preiburg, 1872, p. 260 sq., Mgr. (Card.) Maithieu, Le pouvoir temporel des Papes, p. 318 sq. (Te.) "When Cardinal Qa.]ets,n, Bonif ace FiJJ., was elected to take the place of Celestine, the political aflfairs of Europe were extremely complicated. ISTo satisfactory settlement had yet been reached in Sicily; in Germany, Adolph of Nassau, the Fiuccessor to Rudolph of Hapsburg, was contending for the crown ; England and Erance were at war; the king of Scot- land was the ally of Philip the Fair of France, and Adolph of Nassau and the Count of Flanders the/allies of Edward I. ' It was during this pontificate also that the Holy House of Nazareth waa transported by angels from Dalraatia to Loreto. Cf. Rom. Off., December 10th. (Tk.) § 226. Boniface VIII.— Philip IV., King of France. 615 of England. In Italy, everything was feverish and unsettled. Partisan spirit ran high ; the love of freedom, the desire of domination, and the thirst of conquest filled every breast and occupied the minds of all. Commercial centers contended for naval supremacy. Venice and Genoa, Pisa and Florence, were respectively' engaged in a terrific war against each otliei-. Matthew Visconti had made himsel^J^^r of Milan, and had had h'mself nominated Imperial Vreti^^f Lorabardy, bj' the Emperor Adolph, in order the better to subject the whole country to his rule. Under such circumstances, a man like Boniface, on whom nature had lavished her choicest gifts; who was equally skilled in canon and civil law ; whose tal- ents and accomplisbments fitted him to be no less a secular prince than the Head of the Church; whose strong sense and strength of character enabled him to fully comprehend his mission and his office, and to go straight through with what- ever business he had in hand, without turning to the right or the left; who surpassed all his predecessors in talent for afiairs, experience of practical life, and in his knowledge of the art of governing, and who was still in the full tide and vigor of manhood, must, when locking back upon the lives and calling up the memories of Gregory VII. and Innocent III., have resolved to follow their example in pursuing a well-defined policy and assuming a bold and determined atti- tude. There was an unusual display of magnificence at his corona- tion. The two kings, Charles of Naples, and his son, the king of Hungary, walked on either side of Boniface, holding his stirrups.^ There were those who interpreted this pomp and display as indicative of Boniface's determination to restore the papacy to its former splendor and power. The character of the first decrees issued by him placed him, as a churchman, beside Innocent III. Although the views entertained by Boniface, touching the relations of Church and State, were not pre- 'The humble Oelestine V. enjoyed the same honor on a similar occasion. These two princes came there, as in the case of Boniface, not only as feudato- ries of the Holy See, but because they wished to render a willing homage to the successor of St. Peter. Card. Wiseman, 1. c, from Stephanesius, De elect. Bonif., p. G34 — and Raynaldus. (Te.) 616 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. cisely those put forward by his great predecessors, Gregory and Innocent, they differed from them only because the altered circumstances of his age called for a corresponding change of ecclesiastical policy. "While Charles was still undecided as to what course to pursue, Boniface quitted ITaples, and, in spite of the extreme rigor of the season, flA^^t for Rome, where his immediate predecessors had not^^^rored to reside, and at once set about reducing the strongholds of such of the nobles as resisted his authority. Shortly after, he made an effort to bestow Sicily on Charles II., as a fief of the Holy See ; and, in order to in- sure the success of the project, ceded to James of Sicily, who, on the death of his bi'other, had been raised to the throne of Aragon, the islands of Sardinia and Corsica, as a compensa- tion for his loss. But the Sicilians, whom neither promises nor threats could induce to accept a French ruler, chose Erederic II., the brother of James, for their king. In vain did Boniface employ every means of temporal and spiritual penalty at his command to oblige them to submit. A people who had set ecclesiastical censures at defiance for twenty- three years were not likely to pay much attention to them, now that their interests and their liberties were at stake. Although the policy of Boniface had been to establish peace among the States of Europe, to defend oppressed princes and prelates, and adjust differences among contend- ing parties and factions, it was not always his fortune to have his labors crowned with success, and he was not unfrequently obliged to employ weapons, both, temporal and spiritual, against those who resisted his authority. His first great difliculty arose frcim an effort to settle a family quarrel of the Colonnas {Colonnesi), by whom he was called in as arbiter. James and Peter Colonna, uncle and nephew, belonged to the College of Car- didals. James had three hrothers, viz., Matthew, Otho, and Landulf, who were co-heirs with him in the vast possessions of the family; but they allowed the cardinal to have the estate in his own name, and to administer it for the com- mon good of all.i The cardinal, secure in his possession of the property, refused ' Petrlni, Meraorie Prenestine, Rome, 1795, 4to. (Tk.) §226. Boniface Vlll.—Philip J V., King of France. 617 hia three brothers a sufficient allowance to keep them above a condition of indi- gence,' They in consequence appealed to the Pope, -who, naturally enough, took measures to have justice done them. The words of Boniface were lost upon the cardinal, who obstinately refused to do fairly by his brothers. So far was the Pope from being at enmity with the whole Colonna family that he in- trusted the command of the forces sent against Palestrina'^ to Landulf, one of the three brothers mentioned above. Moreover, the Colonnas gave aid and en rouragement to the emissaries sent by Frederic of Aragon, then at war with the Pope, into the States of the Church to excite the people to rebellion. But, for all this, the Pope did not take extreme measures against them until every effort at reconciliation had failed.^ He then demanded that they should sur- render the custody of their castles at Palestrina, Zagarolo, and Colonna as pledges of their fidelity and good behavior. This method was constantly re- sorted to, in those times, by liege lords when they thought they had just reason to suspect the fidelity of their vassals. The demand was refused, but the Pope did not at once take steps to compel the surrender.' The two cardinals, who, with many other members of the Colonna family, fled from Eome (May 4, 1297), notwithstanding that they had been among the first to give their votes in favor of Cardinal Cajetan, issued a manifesto, six days later, in which, after declaring that as Celestine's resignation was necessarily invalid, Boniface's title to the papacy could not be sustained, they appealed t(j a general council for a decision in the matter. They were at great pains to have this widely circulated,* and, having affixed one copy to the doors, placed another on the high altar of St. Peter's church.^ Boniface took prompt and decisive action. That very night he excommunicated and declared war against his rebellious vassals and such of the clergy as had taken sides with them. The friends of Boniface, to whom he had sent invitations to come to his aid, flocked about him, and the neighboring States either sent him troops or assaulted and took the castles of the Colonnas. Palestrina (ancient Praeneste) was the only stronghold they still retained, and against this Boniface now sent all his avail- able forces. Among the captains serving in this expedition were Landulf and Matthew Colonna. The siege was pushed with great vigor, and the defense 1 Bonif. Bull, apud Raynald., p. 1297. (Tk.) 2 Apud Petrini, p. 419. ' " Eos studuit ( Apost. sedis benigna sinceritas) nunc paternae lenitatis dulcedine alloqui, nunc verbis charitativae correctionis inducere." Bonif. Bull apud Raynald., p. 225. ' Many contemporaries state that Soiarra Colonna seized and plundered the papal treasury, but to this the Pope never alludes. It would seem that his silence would be a sufficient denial of the fact ; still it is sustained by a host of respectable authorities, among which the following may be given: Amalrtcus, R. I. S., Tom. III., Pt. II., p. 435 ; Cronica di Bologna, ib., Tom. XVIII., p. 301 ; Chronicon Estense, ib., Tom. XV"., p. 344 ; Gregorii Stellae Annales Genu- enses, lib. II. ib., Tom. XVIII., p. 1020, quoted by Wiseman. (Tr.) ^ Bern. Guido, E. I. S., Tom. III., p. 670; Amalricus Angerius, ib., p. 435. "Histoire des Egpubliques Italiennes du Moyc.n Age (p. 34), by J. C. L. de aitsmondi, Engl. Tr., London, 1832. 618 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. was for some time equally vigorous; but the Colonnas eventually surrendered, and all the members of the family, both laymen and ecclesiastics, passed from Paleatrina to Kieti, threw themselves at the Pope's feet, sued for pardon, and were absolved from sentence of excommunication. Palestrina was then razed with the ground, according to compact (1299).' After this event, the heads of the Colonna family withdrew from the States of the Church — some retiring to France, and others to Sicily. But it was from France, which had had so many and uo considerable favors from the Holy See, that the most cruel outrages and the most disgraceful treatment were received by Boniface. In order to put an end to the sanguinary war raging between Edward 1. and Philip the Fair, Bouiface had remoustrated with the former, and persuaded Adolph, Kiin/ cf Germany, to break off his alliance with England (a. d. 1-2'Ji)). In li97, he threatened the three kings with excommuniuu- tion if they would not consent to an armistice. This conduct may now seem extravagant; but, in so aftting, Boniface did not overstep the authority which, at that time, nearly evQ\-y State in Christendom recognized as inherent in the pajuicy. To put an end to war, if possible under the circnmstaiices, was not only his right, but his duty as well ; and lie had a still stronger right to insist on an armistice, and to propose that the quarrel should be submitted to his arbitration. Were proof needed to show that on this occasion he had no wish to go beyond the limits of his legitimate aathority, it might be found in his moderation and his unwillingness to push affairs to extremes when he learned the irreconcilable nature of the respective claims put forward by the two kings. His legates hesitated to make known his wishes to Philip the Fair, and when they finally mustered courage to do so, that prince stated that in temporal matters he recognized no other superior than God. The Pope did not insist farther on this score, but reminded Philip, who, besides being a young man, had all the insolence common to that age, that in whatever concerned the Church, whose privileges he had most unwar- rantably invaded by heavily taxing the clergy to defray the expenses of the war, he must heed the voice of the Holy See. Matters went from bad to worse ; the French bishops com- ' Chronica, II. I. S., Tom. II., p. 53. § 226. Boniface VIIL^ Philip IV., King of France. 619 plained of the arbitrary exactions demanded of them ; and the Pope, to remedy this condition of things, published his bull " Clericis laicos,"^ in which he emphatically condemned the practice of levying extraordinary taxes upon churches for .secular purposes. According to this bull, any layman who should exact from an ecclesiastic, or any ecclesiastic who should pay to a layman an extraordinary impost, was excom- municated. When it is considered that Edward of Englaud pushed his demands so far as to require one-half of the entire income of all ecclesiastics within his realm, and that Philip of Prance exacted one-fifth of their movable and immovable property, it will be seen that there was ample ground for the publication of the bull. But the Prencli king took his re- venge by forbidding,^ in general terms, the exportation from his kingdom of all gold, silver, and precious stones, and, by implication, the sums of money heretofore sent from France to Rome.^ This had its effect, for Boniface, who could not well afford to lose the revenues of Prance, published, in 1296, the bull ^'Ineffabilis" and in 1297, the bulls '■'Bomana Ecclesia" and "jBisi de statu" besides the brief "Uxcidat," by all of which he put the mildest possible interpretation* upon the "Clericis laicos," stating that it was not intended by the bull to forbid ecclesiastics to give what they liked, provided only it were freely gioen, and that its censures were meant to strike royal officials who e.xtorted money illegally. Boniface also commended the Prench clergy for their zeal in applying their own incomes and the revenues of the Church to the support of the king, approved of their resolu- tion to pay him a tenth for two years, and brought to a close the canonization of Louis IX., Philip's grandfather, which had been under'consideration for twenty-five years. ' Also given in the Liber sextus decretalium, Lib. III., Tit. XXIII., cap. 3. I'his bull is little more than an emphatic repetition of the decree of Innocent III. (Can. 46.) The necessity of having the Pope's consent to lay an extraor- dinary tax on the Church is specially insisted upon. '' Raynald. an ad. 129Q, nro. 25, and du Puy, Preuves, p. 13 ^DolUnger, Ch. Hist., Vol. III., p. 84. (Tr.) * Ibid. nr. 49 conf. Baillei, p. 322: Quia ejus est interpretari, cujus est con- cedere, ad cautelam tuam huraana declaratione decernimus, quod si praelatuj aliquis voluntaric donum aut mutuum tibi dare voluerit, etc. 620 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. In 1298, Boniface persuaded the kings of England and France to name him, not in his ofiicial capacity as Pope, but as simple Benedict Cajetan, mediator between them and arbiter of their quarrel. Benedict very fairly and justly decided that things should remain as they had been previousl}' to the breaking out of the war. To this judgment Philip took ex- ception, and swore he would renew the war on the expiration of the armistice. He was as good as his word, and the as- sault made upon the Count of Flanders showed that he was terribly in earnest. Philip was ingenious in devising methods of insult. Albert of Austria had deprived Adolph of Nassau of both his crown and his life, and had been in consequence summoned to Eome to answer the charge of high treason. Of this Philip was perfectly well aware, but he, notwithstanding, concluded an alliance with him, and then gravely sent his ambassador, Nogaret, to inform the Pope of the fact. Conduct of this character, and the rapacity of the king and his ministers in seizing the property and revenues of the Church, called forth a most determined resistance from Boni- face. It was just at this time (a. d. 1300) that the centenary jubilee, the only successful and cheering event in the whole pontificate of Boniface, took place in Eome. It was cele- brated with great pomp and magnificence, and the piety and devotion of the countless hosts of pilgrims who visited the city on the occasion were touching and gratifying. In 1301, while afiairs were still in the condition described, Boniface had occasion to send an envoy to the French court, and he unfortunately chose for this ofiice Bernard of Saiiset, bishop of the newly erected see of Pamiers, who,' having but lately quarreled with the French king about ecclesiastical rights, was intensely objectionable to him. Bernard, who, it is sai'l, had instructions to obtain the release of the Count of Flanders, approached Philip with an air of authority, spoke imperatively, and threatened him with interdict if the prayer were denied. Philip had the offending prelate driven from court, and delivered into the custody of the Archbishop of Narbonne. § 226. Boniface VIIL— Philip 1 V., King of France. 621 The king, now fairly roused, made np his mind to push matters to their utmost limits. In-order the better to avail himself of all the means of sustaining his cause and raising money placed within his power by the laws of the Church, he sought information of those skilled in canon law — a sci- ence then highly cultivated in France. The two chief per- sonages who had this matter in hand were Peter Flotte, who had great cleverness in devising and making the best of financial resources, and William Nogaret, a professor of laws at Moiitpellier, whom the king called to court io order to avail himself of his knowledge and ability in cloaking royal usurpations under legal forms and the appearances of justice. These two jurists undertook the prosecution of Bernard of Saisset on charge of high treason, iu the course of which they gave ample proof of their knowledge of Byzantiuo- Roman law. They specially insisted on some remarks made by Bernard on a prophecy which foretold the fall of the French monarchy and dynasty, l^ogaret, whose argument was little more than a tissue of silly and contradictory counts, demanded that the Bishop of Pamiers should be judicially and solemnly punished. The latter was then arrested and cast into prison by order of Philip, who next requested the Pope to degrade him, that he might be handed over to the secular authority and punished according to the law of the State. To this demand the Pope replied by suspend- ing the tithes granted to Philip from the revenues of the Church, alleging that they had been diverted from their proper uses. On the same day (December 5, 1301), he pub- lished the bull "Ausculta fili," in which, after reminding Philip that, though king, still, as a son of the Church, the Pope was his superior on earth, he went on to complain of the violations of ecclesiastical rights by arbitrary appoint- ments to benefices, by oppressive levies of taxes upon the clergy, by measures impeding the administration of ecclesi- astical law and interfering with episcopal jurisdiction over monasteries, by seizing upon and appropriating the revenues of vacant bishoprics ; and, finally, by circulating counterfeit coin. He also informed the king that he was about to call the French bishops and doctors to a council in Rome, in order 622 Penod 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. to provide measures for the removal of these abuses, and that he would expect him t6 be present, either personally or by representative.' It is said that the Pope, on one occasion, while delivering an allocution at a consistory, .so far lost con- trol of his temper and forgot his high dignity as to make an unbecoming allusion to a bodily defect of Peter Flotte, who, he said, was physically blind of an eye, and stone-blind spir- itually. When the papal bull reached Philip,^ he had it falsified; after which, amid a great display of injured innocence and outraged dignity, he had it publiclj^ burnt (February, 1302). In order to strengthen his cause in every available way, and to forestall the dangerous effects of a threatened interdict, Philip convoked at Paris (April 10, 1302) the t]iree estates of his kingdom, and, for the first time, united the clergy, the nobles, and the commoners in opposition to the papacy, just as, five centuries later, they were united in opposition to royalty. At this assembly. Chancellor Flotte played quite a con- spicuous part. An unscrupulous intriguer and dishouest schemer, he brought all his talent, discrimination, and ad- dress to bear on an effort to alienate the French clergy from the Pope. " The court of Eome," said he, in a speech to the convened estates, " has arbitrarily conferred bishoprics and some of the best prebends upon unknown strangers, some of whom do not even live among us; thus making it impossible for local prelates to promote men of ability and merit. It has imposed unusual taxes upon churches, shorn archbishops of their legitimate powers by withdrawing suffragan bishops from their jurisdiction, and is now engaged in an effort to make the king himself subject to it. But this. can never be, for our royal master recognizes on earth no superior other than God. In view of these aggressions," continued Flotte, ' Raynald. ad an. 1301, nros. 13 sq. du Puy, Preuves, p. 661 ; complete in Chris- tophe, T. I., p. 390. 2 On the falsification of the shorter bull or epistle (Baillet., p. lOS), of. Spori^ claims, Ann. eccl. ad an. 1301, nro. 11. . — De Murca, De concord, sacerd., Lib. IV., e. 16, presumes, from the insinuations made by Cardinal Aquasparta, that Chancellor FloUe was the falsifier. See Planck, 1. c, p. 96 sq. § 226. Boniface VIII.— Philip IV., King of France. 623 " the king has called upon the estates to aid him in maintain • ing the ancient liberties of the nation." The nobility and the commoners replied that they were ready to give their wealth and their lives in defense of their liberties, and that if the king should be weak enough to yieid to the demands of the Pope, they would resist them. The clergy, intimidated by a menace to the efteet that whosoever should oppose these sentiments would be regarded as an enemy to his king and country, assured the monarch of their fidelity and of their willingness to aid him, and begged that they might be permitted to attend the Roman synod in obe- dience to the Pope's call. Their request being refused, they wrote a letter to the Pope, beseeching him not to sever the ancient alliance between France and the Holy See, nor to in- sist on their coming to Rome to attend the synod. They also advised him to use great prudence in the matter of ecclesi- astical censures, as the laity, in their present temper of mind, would treat them with contemptuous inditierence.^ Philip wrote a short note to Boniface, in which, after ad- dressing him as maxima tua fatuitas, or Your Supreme Stu- pidity, he went on to say that in temporal matters he recog- nized no superior, and that he should take it to be the height of folly in any one to pretend to dispute with him the right of disposing of ecclesiastical prebends and their revenues. Boniface, in an answer written out in presence of the car- dinals, denied that he had ever made the claim falsely attrib- uted to him in the interpolated bull, by which he was made to say that " Philip held France as a fief from the Holy See," which, he affirmed, was a corruption and a fabrication. Then he went on to explain that Philip was subject to the Pope, not as a temporal prince (ratione dominii), but in a spiritual sense and as a Christian; and that in temporal matters he was subject to him only when and in so far as there was ques- tion of sin and injustice (ratione peceati); and finally, that the Holy See, far from denying, recognized the fact that > Cf. Dollinger, Ch. Hist., Vol. III., p. 88 sq. (Tk.) 624 X-^nod 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. there was a difierence between the two powers established by God.' lu spite of the violent threats of Philip, four archbishops, thirty-five bishops, and six abbots^ went from France (Eo- vember, 1302) to Rome, to be present at the council. The enactments of this assembly are summed up in the bull " ?7;iam sandavi" (November 18, 1302), which is an exposi- tion of the relations between Church and State — between the spiritual and temporal powers — the line of argument pursued being based on the words of Jeremias i., 10 : " Behold, I have set thee over kingdoms and empires." "There being but one faith and one baptism," says Boni- face, " and the Church constituting but one bodj-, there can necessarily be but one Head. The invisible Head is Jesus Christ; the visible, His representatives, the successors to 1 Boniface, in referring to tbe way in which the two powers are related to each other, adopts the comparison of the sun and moon, used by Gregory VII. and Innocent III. He says: "Scriptum est: fecit Deus duo luminaria magna, luminare majus, et praeesset diei, et luminare minus, ut praeesset nocti: sunt enim duae jurisdictiones, spiritualis et temporalis. Jurisdictioneni spirit. ^jj'i»- cipalUer habet summus Pontifex, jurisdictioneni temp, habet imperator et alii reges; tamen do omni temporali habet cognoscere summus P.ontifex et judicaro ratione peccati, etc. — Dicimus, quod in nullo volumus usurpare jurisdictionein regis; non potest negare rex seu quicunque alter fidelis, quin sit nobis subjectus raiioHe peccati." Cf. du Pmj, p. 72 sq. It is more than likely that this bull was composed by JEgidius of Rome, also called Aegidius Colonna, Archbishop of Bourges. It is sometimes erroneously stated that he was an opponent of Boni- face's (Austrian Quart, of Cath. Theol., Year I., 1862, n. 1. The remark of Gerson, an author usually found on the side of the bishops, is important in this connection. It is in Serm. de pace et unione Graecorum, and runs as follows; " Neo dicere oportetomnes reges vel prinoipes haereditatem eorum vel terram tenere a Papa (something that Philip imputed to Boniface), ut Papa habeat superioritatem civilem, similem et juridicam super omnes, quemadmodum aliqui imponunt Bonifacio octavo. Omnes tamen homines, prinoipes et alii, sUbjec- tionem habent ad Papam, in quantum eorum jurisdictionibus, temporalitate et Dominio abuti vellent contra legem divinam et naturalem, et potest suporior- itas ilia nominari potestas directiva et ordinativa potius quam civilis vel juri- dioa." ''■Raynald. ad an. 1302, nro. 12, subfln. Mansi, however, in hig note, doubts if there were so many French prelates present. Raynald., nro. 13, makes the following supposition respecting the origin of the bull "Unam sanciam:" Ex eo concilio videtur emanasse insignis constitutio — unam sanotam ecol. cath., etc. See this bull in Extrav. Commun., Lib. I., Tit. VIII., De majorit. and oled. c. I. (Tk.) .§226. Boniface VIIL— Philip IV., King of France. 625 Peter. Christ has established two swords or powers in the Church — the one temporal, the other spiritual. The latter He has committed to the priesthood, the former to kings ; and, both being in the Church, both have the same end. The temporal power, being inferior, is subject to the spiritual, which is the higlier and more noble, and directs the former as the soul does the body. Should the temporal power turn aside from its prescribed course, it is the duty of the spiritual to recall it to its true destiny. It is of faith that all men, oven kings, are subject to the Pope; for, if kings were not snVjject to the censures of the Church whenever they might sin in the exercise of the power committed to them, they would, as a consequence, be out of the Church, and the two powers would be essentially distinct, having, in that case, their origins in two different and opposite principles — an error not far removed from the heresy of the Manichaeans." Such is the drift and the doctrinal contents of the. oft- quoted and much-criticised bull in which Boniface design- edly gives special prominence to the teaching of French writers and theologians, such as St. Bernard, Hugo of St. Victor, and *S'^. Thomas Aquinas,^ who, though not a Frenchman, was an ' Two principal passages from .Si!. Bernard, De consideratione, Lib. IV., c. 3; rjusd. ep. 256 ad Dom. papam Eugen.; from Hugo of St. Victor', De Sacramentis, Lib. II., Pt. II., 0. 4. ; from St. Thomas Aquin., Contra errores Graecor. ad Urban. IV., P. M. sub flnem, where the sentiment, quod subesse Eomano Ponti- fici sit de necessitate salutis (in the bull of Pope Boniface: porro subesse sub Eom. Pontif. omnem humanam creaturam declaramus, dicimus, definimus et pronunciaiBus omnino esse de necessitate salutis). Phillips, in his Canon Law, Vol. III., p. 250, has pointed out the quotations from St. Bernard and Hugo of St. Victor, yet his own quotation is incorrect, and he has also forgotten to mark variations; for, whereas it is put in the bull Unam sanciam, "Ille (glad- ius) saeerdotis, is manu regis et militum, sed ad nutum et patientiam (compla- centiamj saeerdotis," it is said in Bernard, De oonsid., IV., 3 : " Ille saeerdotis, . is militis manu, sed sane ad nutum saeerdotis et jussum imperatoTis." It is likewise put in the bull, "Spiritualis potestas terrenam potestatem instituere habet et judicare, si bona non fuerit;" whilst Hugo of St. Victor says; "Spir- itualis potestas terrenam potestatem et instituere habet ut sit, et judicare habet, si bona non fuerit." Yet St. Bernard also says: " Exercendus est nunc uterque gladius per vos. Petri uterque est, alter suo nutu, alter sua manu, quoties neoesse est evaginandus. — Ergo suus erat ille, sed non manu sua utique edu- cendus (epist. 256). VOL. 11—40 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. sxtithority in France on the relations between Church and State, of which this bull, and evevy other directed by this Pope to the French king, particularly treats. . When Charles of Yalois, who had previously been the re- cipient of many and considerable favors from the Pope, offered his kind offices as mediator between the French king, his brother, and Boniface, the latter sent (Cardinal John le Moinc of Amiens as bis legate to Philip,^ who, rejecting all over- tures of accommodation proposed by the cardinal, was ex- communicated, April 13, 1303. The bearer of the papallot- ters was met at Troyes by the king's officers, his documents taken from him, and he himself cast into prison. With a view to strengthening his position, Philip now concluded a peace with Edward of England; while, on the other hand, Boniface adjusted the difficulties between Charles II. of Na- ples and Frederic of Sicily, and, after considerable hesita- tion, recognized Albert of Austria as lawful King of Germany, and invited him to come to Italy and receive the imperial crown. In reply, Albert wrote a very respectful and sub- missive note, in which he disclaimed any feeling of opposi- tion to the Holy See. In June, 1303, Philip again convoked the three estates of his kingdom at Paris. William do Plasian, supported by four barons, appeared before this assembly with a long catalogue of complaints against the Pope, ingeniously arranged and worked up with consummate sophistry, to produce the very worst impression on bis hearers. The substance of thejdbcu- ment had evidently been supplied by the exiled mgmbers of tbe Colonna family. In it the charges of heresy, witchcraft, idolatry, disbelief, simony, and murder were brought against Boniface. The proof of his heresy consisted in that he had said, in a moment of irritation, that " he had rather be a dog than a Frenchman," denying by implication, it was urged, the immortality of the soid; of his idolatry, in that he had had his image engraven on some of his gifts to the churches, the conclusion being that he desired to have himself worshiped; ^ On the twelve articUa proposed by the cardinal as a basis of settlement, cf. du Puy, p. 89. §226. Boniface VIII. — Philip IV., King of France. 627 of his disbelief, in that he had, while Mass was being cele- brated, turned his back upon the altar, thereby practically denying the Real Presence ; of his simony, in that he had as- serted the Pope could not be guilty of simoniacal practices, and had unlawfully disposed of the goods of the Church to the French king; of murder, in that a rumor had got abroad compromising him in the deatn of Celestine V. ; of magic, in that, being possessed, he had heaped outrages upon the bishops and the religious orders of the Church, and was now pei'secuting France and pursuing the French king with the most implacable hatred. To the" truth of these charges and : the facts by which they were supported, De Plasian vouched on oath,' whereupon the deputies pledged their fortunes and their lives in defense of the liberties of France against the aggressions of Rome. For the first time in the history of France, king and people, high and low, " appealed from the Popie to a general council," thus practically opening a schism. Of all the prelates and ecclesiastics present at that Gallican assembly, the abbot of Citeaux alone had the courage and the manliness to stand up and protest against proceedings so dishonest and violent. William de Nogaret, the keeper of the royal seals, who had taken an active part in getting up the charges against the Pope, was sent into Italy, ostensibly as embassador, accompa- nied by Sciarra Colonna. Boniface, who had in the mean- time received intelligence of what had taken place in France, held a consistory at Anagni, his native place,, in which he de- posed ou oath that the crimes laid to his charge were utterly without foundation in fact. He next published (August 15th) five bulls,^ in which he declared that a citation to Rome had its full effect, even if it should not actually have reached the [lerson cited ; suspended the power of ecclesiastical corpora- tions to appoint to vacant prebends, and withdrew from the French universities the faculty of conferring academical de- grees. He was about to lay France , under interdict and absolve the subjects of Philip from their allegiance, when ' Cf. Card. Wiseman and DolUnger, 11. c. (Tr.) 'Cf. du Pyy, Preuyes, p. 63, and Baynald.^ ad an. 1303, uroa. 36 sq. 628 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. William de Nogaret, at the head of a French force, and Sciarra Colonna, leading a band of Ghibellines, made their way, by treachery, into Anagui, and, rushing through the i=itreets, cried out, " Long live the King of France ! Death to Boniface!" The astonished and atirighted inhabitants could make no resistance, and the two bands forced their way, by different entrances, into the Pope's presence-chamber. In the meantime Boniface had hastily j^ut on his pontilical vest- ments, and having seated himself upon his throne, and hold- ing a crucifix in his hands, calmly awaited the approach of his enemies. Sciarra Colonna, thirsting for vengeance, was making for the Pope with drawn sword ; but, catching sight of the venerable old man, he halted, abashed and irresolute, on the threshold of the chamber. William de Nogaret, who was a stranger to reverence, fine feeling, and generous instincts, rudely approached the Pope and insultingly threat- ened to carry him off a prisoner to Lyons and have him de- posed by a general council. To this Boniface calmly replied, making ironical reference to ITogaret's father, who had been punished for heresy: "Here is vay head, here is my neck. I, a Catholic, lawful Pontiff and Vicar of Jesus Christ, may patiently bear being condemned and deposed by the Patarini. I desire to die for the faith of Christ and His Church."' After a three-days captivity, he was rescued by the inhab- iThis was proved in his "process." See Raynald., 1. c., and Riihaeus, p. 214. "This scene," says Cardinal "Wiseman, "exhibits, beyond almost any other in history, the triumph of moral over brute force — the power of mind, arrayed in true dignity of outward bearing, over passion and injustice." Even Dante re- lented at its contemplation, and indignantly sang of his enemy: "Veggio in Alagna entrar lo fiordaliso, E nel Vicario suo Cristo esser catto. Veggiolo un altra volta esser deriso; Veggio rinnovellar I'aceto e '1 fele, E tra nuovi ladroni essere anciso." "Entering Alagna, lol the fleur-de-lis, , And in his vicar, Christ a captive led 1 I see him mocked a second time; — again The vinegar and gall produced I see; And Christ himself 'twixt living robbers slain." \Wrlghfs Dante — Purgatory/, Canto XX., lines 86-90 § 226. Boniface VIII.— Philip IV., King of France. 629 itants of Anagni, who, roused to action by the indignant words of Cardinal Luca del Fiesco, rushed to his release, crj-- ing, "Death to the traitors!" On his return to Rome, whither he went a few days later, he received a most extraordinary ovation. lie was shortly attacked by a severe fever, of which he died on the tenth day after his return (October 11, 1303), in the eightj'-seventh year of his age. After liis return, it is said,^ he was detained for a short time in honorable captivity by the Cardinals Orsini, who were indignant that they should have been suspected of complicity in the conspiracy against Jiim.^ It is not improbable that the shock of these two cap- tivities may have accelerated the death of Boniface. The opinions even of Catholics have been divided as to the character of this Pope. The Ghibelline poet, Daiite, assailed him fiercely, calling him "the prince of modern Pharisees"^ and "the high-priest whom may evil overtake;"* and St. Peter is made, by the same poet, to call him " an usurper," and to charge him with crime' and the shedding of blood; ami, finally, he is represented as buried among the damned in hell for his guilt of simony.' On the other hand, Petrarca calls him "the marvel of the world," and the Protestant Ilanck has written a vindication of him. "Although," saj's Cardinal Wiseman, "the character of Boniface was certainly stern and inflexible, there is not a sign of its having been cruel or revengeful. Throughout the whole of his history, not an instance can be found of his having punished a single enemy with death. . . . Moreover, we do not find in any writer, however hostile to him, the slightest insinuation against his moral conduct or character, and this is not a little 1 In the chronicles of Parma and those of Ferreiil of Piacenza (Muraicn-l, T. IS., pp. 848, 1006), but the latter is hardly reliable. (Tk.) ■'DoUlHfier, Ch. Hist., Vol. IV., p. 96. (Tr.) ^"Lo principe del nuovi farisei." Inf. XXVII. 85. *"I1 gran preto a cui mal prenda." Inf. 08. This is regarded by the Ital- ians as tho very worst of imprecations. (Tk.) '•'Quegli che usurpa in terra il luogo mio II luogo mio, il luogo mio che vaca." [Parad. xxvii. 22. •Inf. XIX. 52. 630 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chajpter 1. thing in one who has been more bitterly assailed than almost any other pontiff.'" That he was severely just, no one can fairly deny; but, on the other hand, it must be admitted that, as a strict jurist, not always taking into account the circumstances of his age, he often went too far in the assertion of rights which unques- tionably belonged to him, forgetting that the most just claims, when imshed to their extreme consequences, may degenerate into wrongs.^ But when we take into account the character of Boniface's adversaries, and the difhculty, at the dawning of a new era, of clearly apprehending and fully appreciating all the influences at work, and of providing for contingencies, we shall be inclined to moderate the severity of this judgment. Perhaps no Pope could have let the papacy down from the height reached by it in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries with mo re safety and more imposing dignity than Boniface VIII. § 227. General View of the Temporal and Spiritual Power of the Popes during the Middle Ages. Romltovdnr/, de Primatu Eom. Pontif. ejusq. jurib. August. Vindel., 1854. Against the vague distinction, in vogue since Fobronius, of essential and acci- dental (questionable) rights of the Primacy, cf. Buss, Influence of Christianity, in the Freibur/j Journal of Theol., Vol. IV., p. 269-289. Phillips, C. L., Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 179 sq.; Vol. V., Pt. I., and •» Walter, C. L., IS ed., H46. Haricr, Innocent III., Vol. III., p. 51-149. -Contzcn, Critique of the Middle Ages, ■with a special reference to the Political Economy of St. Thomas Aquinas, Cas- sel, 1870. — Mgr. (Card.) Matthieu, le pouvoir temporel des papes, Never did the spiritual and the temporal power of the Popes rise to a greater height or take a wider range than during the epoch over which we have just passed.^ Look ' Card. Wisemann, 1. c. sub finera. (Tr.) 'The following judgment, passed on Boniface by his contemporary, Ptole- maeus de Fiadonib., generally devoted to the Church (his hist, eccl., Lib. XXIV., c. 30), is remarkable: "Hie longo tempore experientiam habuit Curiae, quum pi'imo Advocatus ibidem, inde factus postea Notarius Papae, postea Cardinalis, et inde in Cardinalatu expediter ad casus Collegii declarandos. seu ad exteros respondendum. Nee in hoc habuit parem, sed propter hano causam factus est fiistuosus et arrogans ao omnium contemtivus." Muratori., T. XI., p. 1203. Yet Mansi, in Kaynaldi annal. ad an. 1303, judges him more mildly: "Ingentea animi dotes — saeculari principatui potius quam oeolesiastico potiores." 3 See above 5191. § 227. Temporal and Spiritual Power )f the Popes. 631 where we will, and we behold the Pope acting as mediator between princes and subjects, and governments and peoples; at one time passing judgment on kings and nations in the name and by the authority of God; at another, making a resolute stand against injustice, and preventing, as far as pos- sible, the ravages of war and the anarchy of revolution. In the belief of all, he is the immediate representative of God, the Vicar of Jesus Christ (not only vicarius Petri, but also Christi, Dei), and responsible for the exercise of his authority to God alone and His Church} He wears the triple crown to sym- bolize the Church militant, the Church suffering, and the Church triumphant, and as a token of an Empire superior to all the kingdoms of this world, and embracing in the range of its immensity^ the heavens above, the earth beneath, and ' Against the claim to a universal, despotic, and absolute power, .said to have been made by the popes of the Middle Ages, cf. Paschal. II.: "Ad hoc in 15c- clesia Dei constituti sumiis, at Ecclesiae ordinem et patrum debeamus praecepta servare." In Mro;.si., T. XX., p. 1099 ; Innocentii III,: " In tantum mihi fides necessaria, ut cum de caeteris peccatis Deum jiidicem habeam, propter solum pe.ccatura, quod in fidem committitur, possim ab Ecck.ii'a judicari." Cf. Greg. VII., Lib. v., ep. 11 ; Lib. VI., ep. 14. As regards subsequent popes, Pius VII. spoke as follows : " There are, in the very nature and constitution of the Church, certain limits which the Pope may not go beyond without doing violence to his conscience and abusing the power committed to him by .lesus Christ, to be used for the building up, and not the overturning of the Church. These limits are the doipnas of (Jathollc faith, which the Bishop of Pome can not violate, either directly or indirectly; and, even in the matter of discipline, there have always been certain bounds which the popes never ventured to overstep." Vide DSl- Unger, The Papacy and the States of the Church, Munich, 1861, p. 41 sq. '^The use of a crown is perhaps as ancient as the temporal power of Vao -po^ss. The biographer of Alexander III. (1159-1181), (see Pagi in Brev. P. K.) relates of him: "Consecratus est in sumnum Pontificem, et secundum .soii&ora ecclesiae morem regno de more insignitus, mitra turbinata se. cum corona." Pope Inno- cent III. (1198-1216) makes an explicit distinction between the papal crown and mitre: "Romanus Pontifex in signum Imperii atiter reg/io, et in signuni Pontificii utitur mitra." (Serm. in fest. s. Sylvest. P.) The name "tiara" is mentioned by Pandulphus in the life of Paschal II. (1099-1118). Writing of the entlironement of this Pope, he says : " Chlamyde coccinea induitur a patribus, et thiara capiti ejus imposita, comitante turba cum cantu Lateranum vectus," etc. Pagi (in Brev. E. P. in vita Alexandri III.) has an ancient list of the fes- tivals "in quibus Dominus Papa solebat coranari." All this goes to show that the tiara was not then a " Triregnum," or ''triple crown." The common opin- ion is, that the second crown was added by Boniface VIII. (1294-1303) as a symbol of the spiritual and temporal power, and the third was by Pope Urban 632 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. the places under the earth. High above every other banner rises the glorious banner of the Church — the banner of the Crucified Christ, who is the direct object of the homage, the honor, and the obedience of all Christians. Every law is pro- mulgated in Christ's name, and observed for His sake- To contemn the visible Head of the Chnrch is all one with con- temning Him who is her invisible Head. To the primacy of the Popes does Rome owe all she is, and, in fact, that she now exists at all is nearly, if not altogether due to their presence. Had thejr at any time ceased to make' it their abode, the malaria of the surrounding campagna would have dispersed the population, and the once proud mistress of the world would have become as desolate as Ephesus, and as politically and commercially insignificant as Syracuse, Agrigentum,or Corinth. The Infallibility of the Pope, now an article of faith, was then the generally received belief of Christians, and its wit- ness then, as now, was the untainted purity of the Roman faith.' Some of th()se who took upon them the defense of the doctrine brought to its support many genuine, and not a few suspicious passages from the Fathers^ — notably from the so-called " Thesaurus St. Cyrilli;" but the schoolmen much preferred arguments drawn from texts of Holy Wi'it^ and deductions from dogmatic premises on the nature, unity, and end of the Church — a line of reasoning perfectly in keeping with scholastic methods of thought. The episcopate of the Pope, being one and coextensive witb the Church, was regarded as the origin and source of all epis V. (1362-1379), for mystical reasons. Ancient portraits of the popes confirm this statement. Alemnn, in diss, de pariotinis Lateranensibus, and M. A. Maz- zaroni, De tribus coronis Pont. Mas. fEomae, 1B09.) Schriidl, in Froibg. Cyclop, art. Tiara. The use of this triple crown in all ages of the Church, as implied by Darrns in his Ch. Hist, can not be sustained. (Te.) 1 See Vol. I., i 30. — Cf. Luke x.x.ii. 32. 2 Thus, for example, at the passage quoted, at page 625, by St. Thomas Aquinas — " Quod subesse Komano Pontiflci sit de necessitate salutis," — is added, "Dicit enira Ci/riUua (Alex. Patriarcha) in libro thesaurorum," a work written in imitation of the genuine one of St. Cyril, a,nd having the same title, hut whose author was probably a Dominican. s Matt, xvi., Luke xxii., John x. 16 and xxi. § 227. The Temporal and Spiritual Power of the Popes. 633 copal power; aud hence, since the eleventh oentury, bishops have been in the habit of styling themselves bishops "6y the grace of God and. through fa.vor of the Apostolic See."^ They were, as a rule, elected by cathedral chapters ; and their elec- tions, or tlieir translation from inferior to more important sees, always required the approbation of the Pope. Arch- bishops, according to long-established ufrnge, generally received the pallium, and enjoying as metropolitans, in a special sense, a share in the solicitude of the Head of the Church, were required to take an oath of fidelity to the Pope.^ Without the authorization of the Pope, new episcopal sees could not be established, nor could the administration or the boundaries of old ones be changed. The Pope alone could validly con- voke councils and confirm their acts, and, for good and suf- ficient reasons, reserved to himself the right of cancniization.^ He at times claimed the right to propose deserving ecclesi- astics for benefices (precistae), aud himself conferred the in- vestiture;^ and, in extreme cases, he even laid a, general tax upon the whole church of a particular country. Appeals were constantly made to him in affairs both secular aud eccle- siastical. He reserved to himself all manner of dispensations and absolution from certain grievous sins. This latter was freely granted to such as made pilgrimages to Rome. So wide an extension and so active an exercise of the power and authority of the Holy See called for a large aud efficient staff of officials about the immediate person of the Pope, and the continual presence of papal legates in distant countries. For the decisions in all legal matters, the Poman court was the highest tribunal of appeal, and for these legal services heavj' fees were exacted. The legates sent into the various iHistoire litter, de la France, T. I., p. 253-259. Cf. T/wmassini, T. I., Lib. I., c. 69, nros. 9, 10. Cf. The Catholic, 1823, Vol. VII., p. 129-148. ^According to the acts of the Council of Eome, in the year 1079, the oath was taken by the patriarch of Aquileia. Mansi., T. XX., p. 525. ^Atcx. III. (Decretal. Greg., Lib. I., Tit. 45, c. 1.) hmoc. III. extended it to relics. Cone. Lateran. IV. a. 1215, can. 62. Cf. Benedicli XIV. Do servor. Dei beatiflcat. et beator. canonisat. (0pp. omn., Eom. 1747, Vol. 1-4.) • Tliomnssini, T. II., Lib. I., c. 43, 44: De initio et progressu juris vel exercitii juris summor. pontificum in benefioia dioecesium aliarum. Cf. Hurler, 1. c, Vol. III., p. 105-111, and p. 123 sq. \^ 634 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. countries to look after ecclesiastical atfairs, as a rule, made an honest and conscientious use of the vast authority with which they were invested; but the abuses which they not unfrequently permitted themselves excited the most bitter complaints even against the Popes, who, to their honor be it said, always meant well, but were not always faithfully served.^ The wide-extending influence of the Popes, embracing both secular and ecclesiastical interests, so well expressed in the form of benediction given by the Vicar of Christ to Christendom (" t/r6i et Orbi"), and the large range of rights and prerogatives attached to the Primacy, have frequently been a source of embarrassment to historians in instituting a comparison between the papacy in the early ages and what it came to be as time Avent on. But the comparison will em- barrass only those who considered the Chnrch and her insti- tutions as the sterile abstractions of a purely human system. It can seem strange to none but those disposed to be hyper- critical and narrow-minded, that the papacy should be found, in the Middle Ages not exactly what it was in the first cen- turies of the Church. While finding fault with the papacy on this score, they forget or overlook the fact that the epis- copacy, in like manner went on developing and widening the sphere of its influence as the exigencies of each successive age demanded, until it finally included within its circumfer- ence the full scope of metropolitan rights. The Primacy, being the keystone of the imposing edifice of the Church, proves, hy its continual growth and varying adaptation to the needs of saccessive generations, its title to legitimacy. The seed of Divinity, sown in the soil of the Church, sprang up, expanded, and gained strength and vigor as centuries ^ Wo refer, above all, to Alex..lY., ep. encyclioa ad archiepiscopos Gnlliae: "Sicut ad audieiitiam nostram non sine animi perturbations pervenit, horura (Legatonim) nonnuUi famaeprodigi et salutis obliti — ocoasiono procurationurn hujusmodi a nonnullis ecolesiis et eoclesiast. personis^magnas et imnioderataa peciiniarum summas extorquore ausu sacrtlego praesumserunt, diversas exoom- munlcationum, suspensionum et interdioti sententias in quam plures ex personis et ecolesiis — temere promulgando in aniraarum suarum perioulum, nostram et dietae sodis infamiara et .soandalum plurimorura, etc." (De Marca, Concord sfrcerd. et imp., Lib. V., c. 51, g 14.) § 227. The Temporal and Spiritual Power of the Popes. 635 went on. Its growth kept pace with the constantly increas- ing wants of the times, loas called forth, and in a sense nur- tured by them, and was adequate to them. The Primacy in- creased in greatness and power in proportion as the tendency to unity and centralization was developed in the Church. The phases and manifestations of ecclesiastical unity vary in different ages and under diverse circumstances. In times of peace they are more or less in abej'anco ; but when trouble comes and storms threaten, the Church gathers all her scat- tered energies for the struggle, and puts forth her full strength in the Primacy. The popes of the Middle Ages, acting from purely Chris- tian motives, and not from a sense of personal power, exer- cised their authority the more effectually, inasmuch as they were conscious that the principles on which it rested were identi^cal with those enunciated and drawn out by the early Fathers of the Church, and notably by St. Cyprian.' The power and action of the Church are always abreast of her needs; and although the rights and prerogatives of the Primacy may be more or less nearly connected with its direct aim and scope, still the distinction which has been drawn between rights essential and non-essential to its nature is vague and in- definite; for it not unfrequently happens that those which are regarded as non-essential in one age become in another the most vital to the preservation and advancement of the Church. The judgments passed by some upon the possession and exercise of the temporal sovereignty by the popes are charac- terized by a tone of unusual severity. Eut unprejudiced in- quirers, who had no purpose to subserve but the ascertaining of the truth, and who brought to the investigation critical sobriety aiid honesty, have gratefully acknowledged that the political and moral supremacy, and, in certain instances, suze- rainty^ asserted and exercised by the Head of the Church, not ' All t'lo churches, when menaced from -within or attacked from -without, turn their eyes ad Pi (ri cathedram aique ad ecclestam prindpalem wide unitas saoardo- ialis exorta est, because it is to her that Christ has delivered the keys, ut unitatem manffestaret, unitatis ejusdem originem, ab uno incipieniem. ^It has been frequently shown, in the course of the history of the papacy from 1073 to 1303, that the popes neither asserted a '^imiverwl suzerainty" ovei 636 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Cha-pter 1. as his inherent and absolute right, but in part the result of circumstances, and in part conceded to him by the common voice of Christendom, was, for those ages of violence and lawlessness, a beneficent disposition of an all-wise and over- seeing Providence. It was, in some sort, the necessary result of the peculiar circumstance attending the introduction of Christianity among the Germanic nations.' Everj-thing it) the history of their conversion tended to weld together the interests of Church and State, and to develop a system of the- ocracy. The missionaries who preached Christianity among them were sent from Pome, their bishops were united to Pome. their Christian empire received its sanction from Pome, and was bound to the Apostolic See by innumerable ties; and finally, their emperors and their kings were crowned by the popes. Under such circumstances, it is no matter of surprise that the Pope became the lawgiver to kings and nations, the guide who conducted both along the way that leads to God, and the counselor who reminded them of their duties when they de- viated from them, and of their obligations when they vio- lated or showed a disposition to shirk them. What was a political prerogative during the Middle Ages has remained a moral right ever since, and will continue so until the Church ceases to exist; for, morally speaking, the Pope is an abiding lawgiver to Christendom.. But it is to be noted that it was not theologians who during the Middle Ages recognized and formul.ated the rights of papal sovereignty, but jurists and schools of law. The mediaeval popedom was incontestably the Christendom nor represented the temporal power as an emanation from tho spiritual. Cf. supra, p. 591, n. 1 ; p. 574, n. 2; p. 024, n. 1. When such claims were put forward, as in the instance of the heritage of Mathilda in Tuscany, the Norman conquests in Southern Italy, and the kingdoms of England and Portugal, they were based on treaties, the validity of which could not be con- tested. But when popes put forward unsupported claims, as when Mnrtin IV. assorted his right over the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia, they were dis- missed with as little concern, and just as peremptorily, as if made by secular pjinces to territories belonging to their neighbors. Cf. Bianchi, Dalla podesta e della polizia dolla chiesa, T. I. passim. ^Cf. Bonn, Philosophical and Theological' iJcwiew, year 1844, nro. 4, p. 40 sq.; Hurtcr, Innocent III., Vol. III., p. GO sq., and Boehmer, Dissert, de varia decrei. Grat. fortuna, in his Corpus Juris, Tom, I. § 2'27. The Temporal and Spiritual Power of the Popes. 637 outgrowth of those times — a peculiar phase of the papacy whicli passed away with the age and circnmstances that gave it life and form, while the essential elements of the papacy remained unimpaired, without loss or accession. And, in matter of fact, the political supremacy of the yjcpes has dis- appeared since the thirteenth century. From this time for- ward the states-general commenced to take a more definite shape, to assert a greater measure of independence, and to embody national rights in well-defined constitutions. These political assemblies, as they grew in strength and organiza- tion, gradually superseded the papacy in resisting the power of princes. In preceding centuries, the clergy, and preeminently the Pope, were alone possessed of dignity and authority, while these attributes were conspicuously absent in every other class of men. Strong by virtue of their high mission, the popes opposed a courageous resistance to popular passion on the one hand, and on the other fearlessly raised their voice against the vices of kings and the insolence of nobles. Their superior knowledge, their spirit of conciliation, their pacific mission, and the very nature of their interests necessarily in- spired them with grand and generous ideas in politics, such as neither the nobles nor the commoners were then capable of grasping and appreciating. It has been too long the fash- ion, in our text-books of history, to represent the Church's power during the Middle Ages as an intolerable tyranny, and the secular princes who opposed it as the great champions of popular freedom. The case was precisely the reverse. ISTa- tions were oscillating between the tyranny of a powerful ruler and the intolerable oppression of feudalism. The Church, and she alone, gained them their freedom. Without the pro- tection of bishops and popes, cities could not have obtained the large franchises which, by their powerful intervention, they secured. The clergy, possessing all the education, lit- erary culture, and refinement of those times, were public- spirited and devoted to the popular cause. This tendency to democratic principles was but natural in a body of men whose ranks were for the most part recruited from the lower orders. Who but the sons of honest artisans and peasants, with miters 638 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 1. upon their heads and crosiers in their hands, would have had the courage to resist reckless princes and semi-barbarous feudal lords? If popes, at times, in the exercise of their power over na- tions, vpent beyond the legitimate limits of their authority, their excesses were promptly condemned by the bulk of the people, who, however, while doing so, did not lose sight of, or fail to gratefully acknowledge the blessings of papal arbi- tration. "If there existed in Europe," says Chateaubriand, " a tribunal to Judge nations and monarchs in the name of God, and to prevent wars and revolutions, this tribunal would doubtless be a master-piece of policy and the very height of social perfection. The popes, by the influence thoy exercised over the Christian world, were on the point of effecting this object."' The same truth is expressed by Ancillon in the fol- lowing words : " In the whole range of ideas," says he, " capa- ble of being embodied in visible form, I know of none greater than that of setting up a representative of j-cligion and moral- ity, raised high above nations and kings, to whose spiritual power appeal may be constantly made from the injustice of brute force." The wide influence and universal consideration enjoyed by the popes had unquestionably been long favored and strengthened by the false decretals of Isidore and the collection of laws rnade by Yves, Bishop of Charires.' ■ The prestige thus acquired was still further increased by the celebrated Benedictine, Graiian of Chiusi in Tuscany, who, by his zealous labors, did for canon law what Irnerius had already done for civil, and Peier Lombard for scholiistio theology. Gratian, when he published (c. A. D. 1151) his celebrated manual of ecclesiastical law, was a professor in the cloister-school of St. Felix, at Bologna. The worlc, which is entitled '^ Dccretum Gratiani," and is divided into three parts,^ was, before publication, submitted to the judgment of the most learned 1 Chateaubriand, Genie du Chris-tianisme, T. IV., Chap. XI (Politique et gou- vernement. Cf liurier. Innocent III., Vol. IV., p. 42D. 2 Yves' lesser collection, in eight books, Panormia ed. Melchior do Vosinc- diano, Lovan. 15-57. More complete collection, in seventeen books, Decretura in opp. ed. Pronto, Paris, 1647, 2 T. fol. Theiner, "On the supposed Docrotun? ci Yves," raises strong doubts on the authenticity of this Decretum. Monti"., 1882. Walter, C. L., 13 od., p. 241-245. 'The three parts are: 1. De Personis,, divided into 101 distinctiones; 2. De judleiis ecelesiasiieis eorumque ordine, divided into 36 causas; 3. De eonsecra- iione, divided into 5 (not 7) distinctiones. The first part treats of the hierarchal canstitution of the Church, and relates chiefly to doctrinal and moral subjects. § 227. The Temporal and Spiritual Power of the Popes. 639 professors of law at Bologna. lie arranged in scientific order all the laws in force in his time, explained each subject in turn hy an introduction on the gen- eral principles of law pertinent to the matter in hand, and developed the text by H running commentary. Ecclesiastical law, to which heretofore little or no attention had been given, began now to be so generally studied and to exercise so wide an influence that it threatened to supersede civil law at the universities, and even forced itself lupon the consideration of emperors, who were in consequence obliged to have among their retinue some doctors of canon law. Gratian, like Justinian in a former age, had many glossarists.' The Decrr.tum Graiiani is, on the whole, an indifferent compilation, containing indeed abund- ant proof of the compiler's familiarity with the character and genius of his subject-matter, but giving no satisfactory explanation of the conflicting state- ments to be found in the older and more modern. ecclesiastical law. Those diffi- culties rendered a numl)er of new decisions necessary, which the Dominican Ray- mond of Pennaforte, by order of Gregory IX., collected and arranged in syste.nudlc form, somewhat after the manner of the Code of Justinian. (Decretalium Gregorii IX., Lib. V., A. D. 1234.) The subjects treated of in its five boolcs are indicated by the well-known hexameter, '' Judex, judicium, cleru.i, commbia, crimen." This compilation served as a basis for the subsequent collection of Pope Boniface VIII. (Liber sextus Bonifacii VIII., also arranged in five books), published about the close of the early half of the present epoch. By the pub- lication of Boniface's collection, the Decretum Graiiani, which is critically of little value, and, as a rule, can claim no authority beyond what the documents therein contained intrinsically possess, gradually passed into disuse.'- Cf. infra, § 268 sub fin., for those contributions to the body of canon law which were added after the publication of the Liber sextus, viz., Libri V. Glementinaruin, and the Tuieniy Exiravac/cmtcs of Pope John XXII., and the Extrncagantes Communes, which are the production of various popes, from Urban IV. to Sixtus IV. The second treats of external jurisdiction, and the third, of the inner life of the Church — i. e., the liturgy and the sacraments. (Tr.) The full title, which is, how- ever, of later origin, is " Concordantia discordantivmXJanoniim," Libri III. For the literature relating to this subject, see Walter, C. L., 13 ed. ' Guido Pancirolus, De Claris leg. interpretihus, Lps. 1721, 4to. The most Important is Joan. Semeca, provost of Halberstadt, magister Teutonicus (t 1343). Cf. Walter and Maassen. ^ On the decretals of Gregory IX. and Boniface VIII. lib. sextus, see Walter, \. 1., p. 245-25L Maassen; Buss, Freiburg Review of Theol., Vol. IV., p. 298. CHAPTER II. THE OTHER MEMBERS OF THE HIERARCHY ADMINISTRATION OF DIOCESES. § 228. The Clergy in their Relations to the State. The violent conflicts between Church and State produced their legitimate results. Without a conflict, there is no vic- tory. Feudalism and its innumerable fetters were among the greatest obstacles to the progress and freedom of the Church. The feudal lords generally claimed that the royalties aud right of spoil (Jus regaliae, jus spolii seu exuviarum), so burdensome to the Church, were rights which justly belonged to them by reason of their position.' In Germany alone did the popes succeed in abolishing these rights. By what was called the jus primarum precum, the feudal lords long retained an influ- ence in nominations to ecclesiastical benefices. It required the full exercise of papal authority to shield and protect the clergy against the arbitrary and violent exactions of the tem- poral power. Among their ablest and boldest champions were Urban II., in the council of Clermont (can. 2), and Alexander III, in the third council of Lateran (can. 19) After the publication of the decree of Innocent III. in the ^ The right, j?As spolii, by which sovereigns claimed succession to the property of deceased priests and bishops — to so much, at least, as they had derived from their ecclesiastical benefices. The ancient canons forbade ecclesiastics to dis- pose by "will of any but their patrimonial goods. These canons were by de- grees relaxed, on account of the many lawsuits which arose from the difficulty of distinguishing between ecclesiastical and patrimonial property. Later abuses called for a renewal of the ancient discipline. We learn from Matthew of Paris (ad an. 1246) that three archdeacons in England had amassed groat wealth in money and sacred vessels of silver and gold, and that two of them dying intestate, their great possessions, which ought to have passed to the poor or to the service of the Church, were claimed and obtained by their lay rela- tives. The evil was not much remedied when sovereigns seized, for their own purposes, the property left at their deaths by bishops and priests. Dolh'nger, Ch. Hist., "Vol. IV., p. 28, Eng. transl., note of the translator, Kev. Dr. Cox. (Tk.) (640) § 228. The Clergy in their Relations to the State. 641 fourth council of Lateran (a. d. 1215, can. 46), and of the bull '■'Clerieis laicos" of Boniface VIII., the clergy were not allowed to make any but voluntary contributions, and these only in urgent cases, and subject always to the will of the Pope. The clergy also made an effort to regain their ancient im- munitics, particularly those of the forum, in personal suits at law. But here the claims of feudal lords occasioned fre- quent collisions between ecclesiastical and secular jurisdiction. In spite of the menaces of popes and councils, ecclesiastics still continued to be dragged before secular tribunals; but this clashing of the spiritual jurisdiction with the secular had at least the effect of making the punishment of churchmen more commensurate with their offenses. The domain within which the liigher clergy exercised a civil jurisdiction grew daily more extensive, and their exercise of it steadily more beneficial. To their equitable administration of justice is to be ascribed tlie enactment of laws — some enjoining the ob- servance of the Peace of God, and others directed against piracy, arson, tournaments, usury, and arbitrary taxation — by which the public peace and municipal order were far bet- ter preserved than in these days of police, with its many facil- ities for correcting lawlessness and repressing vice. The energy displayed by the clergy in political affairs cre- ated a spirit of ])ublic enter-prise, which manifested itself in the formation of guilds^ the foundation of chai-itable institutions, such as orphan-asylums (orphanotrophia), foundling-houses (brephotrophia), hospitals for the sick (nosocomia), homes for the aged and infirm (gerontocomia), and free hospices for the entertainment of strangers (xenodochia). They also took the precaution to found pest-houses for lepers (leprosoria), which, at a time when the same attention was not given as at present to public sanitary measures, checked the spread of the terri- ble malady brought from the East into Europe by the cru- saders.' 'Cf. Wiihrer, on the beneficent influence of the Church in the Middle Ages (Pletz, New Theolog. Journal, year IV., 1831, Vol. I., p. 227 sq.); Hurler, Vol. IV , p. 454 sq. The sam^, on the Christian Institutions of Charity at the end VOL. II — 41 642 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 2. The clergy, in order to justify their steadily increasing in- fluence, appealed to the right of the Church to interfere in civil affairs, lohen and. in so far as these came within the domain of morals and might be an occasion of sin, or when the parties them- selves invoked her intervention as arbitrator} But, as every act of injustice, when considered from a Christian [loint of view, is siuful, it followed that in proportion as an age became Christian,^ the influence of the clergy widened. The preference of the people to seek justice from ecclesi- astical rather than secular tribunals was not unfrequently a source of warm and animated disputes between clerical and lay judges, in the course of which the latter showed a dispo- sition to forget that they had been taught jurisprudence by the clergy. Thus, for example, by a decree of the fourth council of Lateran (ecumenical) it was enacted that, instead of the summary and arbitrary methods of procedure heretofore in use in lay courts of justice,^ a carefully written and de- tailed process should be substituted. In the course of time this was adopted in all secular tribunals. The Suabiau code says, expressly, "that all the principles of law and right in use in civil and ecclesiastical courts of justice have been taken from the Decretum Gratiani and the decretals of Gregory IX." The Church exercised a specially beneficent influence in favor of that class of mankind on whom feudalism bore most heavily. She never ceased to ofter the most determined op- position to slavery,* and to soften its hardships," by appealing of the twelfth and the heginning of the thirteenth centuries {Tiibj. Qnarf. 1842, p. 226-250). liefele, Influence of Christianity on public spirit (Supplem. to Ch. H., Vol. I., p. 175-211). ' Demmciatio cvanrfdica, according to St. Matt, xviii. 17. ^Cf. Decretal. Grog. IX., Lib. II., Tit. I., c. 13; the chapter is summed up thus: "Judex ecclesiast. potest per viam denunciaiionis evan'jelicae sen judici- hilis procedere contra quemlibet peccatorara etiam laicum, maxime rationo por- jurii vel piicis fractae." 3 ConciL Lateran. IV., can. 38. Cf. Refele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 797. *The Cone. Londln. ann. 1102, under St. Anselm of Canterbury, most emphat- ically forbids it: " No quis nefarium illud negotium, quo hactenus solcbant in Anglia homines sicut bruta animalia venumdari, doinceps ullatenus facere praesumat." 5 Greg. IX. severely reprimanded some Polish nobles who set their serfs to watch falcons' nests and cruelly punished them if the young were permitted to § 228. The Clergy in their lie/ations to the State. 643 to man's better instincts, and by showing how that all men are brothers by being created in the image of God and re- deemed by the blood of His Son. She commanded bishops to protect the serfs of their dioceses against the violence of the lords, and procured the freedom of countless numbers of them, particularly when their masters were on the point of death, by representing their manumission (manumissio per i'stamcntum) as a ni^nst acceptable work of Christian charity (in remerJium animae, pro amore Dei), and by conducting the ceremony before the altar, thus surrounding it with the sa- cred solemnity of a religions rite. Fiuall}', the Church gave the most noble examples of generous disinterestedness by renouncing many worldly advantages which she might have retained; by securing to the serfs engaged in domestic service such rights as changed their condition to that of free servants, and to those occupied in tilling the fields the privilege of be- coming hereditary tenants or perpetual leaseholders, with the obligation of paying trifling hnt fixed sums annually, called jura dominicalia. But these classes, being regarded as in a certain sense born to their condition, could not dissolve at will their relations with their feudal lords. The Church furthermore removed from her legislation the irreyidarity arising from defect of freedom. Bishops freely received into their seminaries the sons of serfs who gave evi- dence of talent and capacity, where they were educated for the ecclesiastical state, and prepared to occupy, as not unfre- quently happened, the highest offices of the Church.' Including within the compass of her sublime unity men of every rank and condition of life, she, and she alone, was able escape. He says : "Animas fidelium, guas Christus redemit sanguine, avium in- tuitu et ferarum Satanae praedam effici detestabile decernimus et iniquum." Kegesta Greg, in liaumer's Hist, of the Hohenstaufcns, Vol. V., p. 16. I Wlien Bela, king of Hungary (a. d. 1266), rejected a bishop because he was born a serf, Clement 7 F. wrote to him: "Pro nihilo reputanda esse haec dis- rrimina, quae inter homines commenta est humana imprudentia imparesque csiovoluit, quos Dous coaequaverat — hominum voluntate praescribi non potuisse contra naturum, quae hominum genus omni liberiate donavit." However, the Church always sustained the principle enounced — e. g., in decretis Hungarorum, in Mansi., T. XXIII,, p. 1184: "Nullum servum in clericum ordinetis, nisi (lominus ejus eum manumitiai, ut de caetero ex toto nihil in eo juris habeat." 644 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 2. to break down the barriers and to bridge over the great dis- tances separating one class of society from another, and thus to bring together in the same state and for the same service the sons of serfs and the scions of kings. § 229. The Cardinals {of. supra, § 194). The cardinals, occupying a position immediately about the Pope's person, and being intimate with his affairs, acquired daily more and more the character of confidential advisers.' But they were not the only persons of whom he took counsel. Quite the contrary. When matters of grave importance were nnder consideration, he took the opinions of all the arch- bishops and bishops who chanced to be present in Rome at the time, and not unfrequently called in men distinguished by ability and prudence from every country of Christendom.^ But the office of cardinal became one of prime importance afj/er Nicholas II., Alexander III., and Gregory X. had com- mitted to them the right of electing the Pope i?i the name of the whole clergy and the universal Church, and for this reason the Sacred College has among its members representatives from the three highest orders of the clergy — viz., bishops, priests, and deacons. They were ordinai'ily selected from men still in the prime of life and the full vigor of manhood, who had already given evidence of their capacity and trustworthiness in the manage- ment of important aflairs, either in the city of Rome itself, in legations, or, as sometimes happened, in administering the provinces belonging to the patrimony of St. Peter. 'In Oiio FHsinrj., I. 17, thoy say of themselves: "Per oardinales universalis occlesiao volvituv axis." Cf. above, p. 344, n. 1. Later on, also Slxtiis V., in the Constitut. " Postquam" dated 1585, says of them: "Cum ipsi vori oardinales sint in templo Dei bases." - Celestino III. writes to the English bishops: "TJnde sacrosancto Eom. occle- siu, cui Dominus super caeteras contulit magistratum, pium ad alias mateiiia p'.-ovisionc respectum providit ab initio, ot laudabili hactenus consuetiidine cvi- todivit, ut do divorsis mundi partibus ad earum ministorium implendum virDs pnidentes assumeret, quorum auotoritas et doetrina sub Eoraani pontificis mod- eramine constituta, quod ipse non poterat, prooul distantibus ccclesiis minis- traret." Mansi, T. XXII., p. G02. § 229. The Cardinals. 64c At the Thirteeutli Ecumenical Council, the first of Lyons (a. d. 1245), Innocent IV. gave them permission to wear the scarlet hat, as commemorative of the violent deaths of their martyred predecessors. Their dress, which is also scarlet, is intended to be emblematic of their senatorial rank, but more particularly to remind them that they should be at any time ready to shed their blood in the cause of truth and religion. Paul II., in the fifteenth century, added the red berretta, and ordered them to use scarlet caparisons for their horses when- ever they rode out. Urban VIII. conferred upon them the title of Eminence, and fjcrmitted them to ornament their carriages and coaches of state with scarlet tassels. During the season of Lent, the cardinal's dress is violet — emblematic of pen- ance — and also on the death of a relative or friend, as a sign of raouruing. On Gaudete and Laetare Sundays, when the peni- tential season is half over, it is a light rose-color ; and on Holy Saturday, the eve of Easter, Avhen colors emblematic of joy are resumed, a mixture of purple and violet. As they should have all the qualifications of bishops, and have in reality greater responsibilities, they also receive from the Pope a ring, consisting of a large sapphire,' emblematic of fidelity, enchased in plain gold, and bearing the papal arms. The first person to receive this ring, so far as historical records inform us, was Cardinal Cajetanus, who received it from his uncle, Pope Boniface VIIL, in 1294. It may ever be worn, except during the Triduum of Holy Week.' During the early half of this epoch, the popes, in their selec- tion of cardinals, gave little ground for the charge of nepotism, the candidates being, as a rule, men who deserved \\e\l of the Church. Some had distinguished themselves as intelligent restorers and embellishers of houses of worship, others as scholars, others as authors, and others as capable legates.^ Toward the close of the thirteenth century, the preference of the reigning popes for Frenchmen as cardinals commenced to work mischief by fosteftng a partisan spirit in the Sacred College. I ' These particulars relative to the dross of a cardinal have been added by the translator. (Tk.) '01. Hurter, Innocent III., Vol. III., p. 150 sq., especially 160-176. 646 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 2. § 230. Administration of Dioceses. The change iutrocliiced into the mode of life of cathedral chapters was not without its influence on the position of bish- ops. The canonical mode of community life had in general ceased to he practiced, and, after the eleventh century, chap- ters had the administration of their own property. The efforts of Yves of Chartres, of Altman of Passau, of St. Norbert of Mag- deburg, and' Buthard of Mentz, to restore canonical life' were fruitless.^ The canons \principes minores) obtained a share of episcopal power, and, by the Concordat of Worms, the ex- clusive right of electing bishops.^ They sometimes made use of this right to propose their own terms to candidates for the episcopal office, to which the latter were obliged to subscribe. On the death of a bishop, they administered the diocese until another was appointed. After the thirteenth century, the chapters themselves passed statutes for their own govern- ment, elected their own members, and determined their num- ber {copitula clausa). They usually gave a preference to nobles, and sometimes conferred upon a single person* a plu- rality of prebends, thus resuscitating simony in another form. According to the testimony of Geroh of Eeichersberg, somo of the canons hired substitutes [conductitii) to chant the office. The popes complained loudly of these derelictions of duty; ' See above, p. 351. ^Sco the complaints of the decay of community life, particularly in Gerhohus, De corrupto Ecclesiae statu (Balm. Miscellaii., and Galland. Biblioth., T. XIV.) 'As to elections of bishops, of. Staudenmaier, Hist, of Episcopal Eleetiona, and Hurter, 1. c. Vol. III., p. 219 sq. * T/iomassini, T. II., Lib. I., c. 30, nr. 10-17. Cf. Diirr, Diss, de capitul. claus. {Schmidt, Thesaur juris occl., Tom. III., nr. 5, p. 122 sq.) The chapter of Strasburg, in the year 1232, rose up in an insolent manner against the ordi- nance of Gregorij IX. Decretal. Lib. III., Tit. V., cap. 37 : " Consuctudinem an- tiqiiam inviolabiliter observatam, juxta quam nullum nisi nohiiem et llberum et ab utroquc parcnie illustrem in suum consortium admisorunt." But the Pope interdicted this custom, saying : " Quod non generis, sed virtutum nobilitaa, vftae lioncstas, gratum Deo faciant." And the same pope (Eebruary 20, 1228) prescribed for the diocese of Choire: "ITt nullus ecclesiae Curiensis canonicus de proventibus praebendae suae sivo' quotannis distributionibus percipiat ir memorata ecclesiae nisi personaliter resideat ct desorviat in eadem.'' § 230. Administration of Dioceses. 647 and, all things considered, it may be regarded as a great blessing to the Church that, from Alexander III. onward, the popes reserved to themselves the right of appointing to the most important prelatures. The highest dignitary of a chap- ter was the Provost of the Cathedral (praepositns), or the Dean. Some chapters had both, and in that case the Pro- vost had precedence ; bnt in France there was generally but one — the Dean. Between the tenth and thirteenth centuries, the pretensions .)f the archdeacons grew so excessive that they endeavored to exercise their authority independently of the bishops, and, without consulting them, sometimes passed sentence of ex- communication on individuals and laid districts' under inter- dict. Both bishops and chapters, in order to put an end to these assumptions,^ appointed, in place of archdeacons, per- sons who were at first called episcopal officials (offiekdes), and afterward vicars (vicarii).^ By a decree of the fourth council ' Grcgor. IX. decretal., Lib. I., Tit. XXIII., do officio Archidiad., c. 1: "Ut Arcliidiaconus pdst Episcopum sciiit, so v'carium ejus esse in omnibus." The archdeacons often considered the jurisdictio delegata as the jurisdictio ordinaria. See T/iomassini, T. I., Lib. II., c. 20, nr. C-9. Then it is said, nro. 10: "Hi.s contumeliis exulcorati Episcopi novos etVicarios et Officiales sibi adscivere, sed ct Archidiaconos vetuere, ne quam jurisdictionis partem exercerent,'' etc. Cf. i/itrfec. Vol. III., p. 301-36i, and Binierim, Memorabilia, Vol. VIII., Pt. I. -The history of their abolition is veiled in obscurity, and the time of their suppression uncertain. The most ancient canon against them was enacted at the synod of Laval, in the year 1242. Can. 4: "Statuimus, ut archidiaconi et alii de causis matrimonialibus, simoniae vel do aliis, quae degradationem vel amis- sionem benofieij vel dcpositionem exigant, nisi ex speciali mandato ml jiovtificia nullatenus cognoscere vel deflnire praesumant, nee officiales habere, exccpto civitatis archidiacono, qui alios officiales habere consuevit," etc., in Maiiai. T. XXIII., p. 551. ^Cf. PerUch, Essay on the origin of archdeacons, archidiaconal jurisdiction, episcopal officials and vicars, and their difference, Hildesheim, 174;!. Cf. Ciregor. Decretal., Lib. I., Tit. XXV., c. 4-10. Peier Cantor distinguishes, in his Vorbum Abbreviatum, c. 24, tria genera officialiuni: 1. Confessor, cui Epis- copus vices suas in spiritualibus, in audiendis confessionibus et curandis ani- mabus committit; 2. Quaestor palatii sui, deoanus, archipresbytcr et hujusmodi, qui incremontis et profeotibus causarum et negotiorum Episcopi per fas et nefaa in vigilant; 3. Pracpositus ruralis primus. By the names of quacitor and ;jrae- positiis ho designates those who executed the penal jurisdiction of the bishops, and who, later on, were in a more restricted sense called officiales. 648 Period 2. Upoch 2. Fart 1. Chapter 2. of Lateran, the office of a fenitentiary, who was the bishop's representative in foro interno,^ was provided for. After the Christians of the Holy Land had lost all their possessions, a namber of Eastern bishops, being forced to seek refuge in Europe, became auxiliary bishops in some dio- ceses, but only in purely episcopal functions {vicarii in pontifi- calibus). They retained the titles of their lost bishoprics (in partibus infidelium), and were quite numerous,^ being called h\shoi)a-titular or bishops-vfmr-. After a time, they likewise obtained a share in the administration of dioceses.^ § 231. The Morals of the Clergy. Cf. Hurler, Hist, of Innocent III. and his Contemporaries, Vol. III., p. 401-426. About the close of the preceding epoch, and onward from the pontiiicate of Leo IX,, earnest and energetic, but ineffectual etibrts were made to purify the morals of ecclesiastics; but to restore the clergy to their former honesty of life, to raise them to their ancient dignity, and to enforce the primitive rule of celibacy, required a man of the stern chaiacter and ii'on will of Gregory VII. That the successors to Gregory, and the councils held after his time, continued to pursue im- moral ecclesiastics as persistently and as relentlessly as he had done, may be inferred from the severity and number of the decrees passed against concubinae, focariae, pedissequae. Innocent III., believing with the Apostle that " he that is ^ Concil. Lateral/. 7F., Capitul. X.: Unde praecipimiis tam in cathcdralibiis, quarn in aliis conventualibus eoclesiis vires idoneos ordinari, quos Episcopi pos- sint eoadjutores ct cooperatores habere, non sohim iij- praedicationij officio, verum etiam in audiendis confessionibus et pocniteiitiis injungendis ac oaoteris, quae ad salutem pertinent animarum. Decretal. Greg. IX., Lib. I., Tit. XXXI. De officio Jud. Ordin., c. 15. (Tk.^ Maiist., T. XXII., p. 998 sq.; liarduiii., T. VII., p. 27 sq. ; ?Iefde, Hist, of Counc, Vol. V., p. 790. '' Thoynasaini, T. I., Lib. I., c. 27, de Episcopis tltularibus. The popes did not wish to give up the rights and reminiscences of those former bishoprics, and continued to consecrate bishops for those lost churches, "si minus in Sedem, certo in sj)em Sedis, in titulum et nomon ejus." They were then Episcopi in partibus infidelium. Cf. Diiri; do Suffraganeis, Mogunt. 1782, 4to. In France^ bishops-titular have been known only in very recent times. 8 See above, p. 350. § 231. The Morals of the Clergy. 649 with a wife is solicitous for the things of this world, how he may please his wife, and is divided," and therefore unable to give himself wholly to tlie service'of God, declared married priests incapable of exercising ecclesiastical functions, and made every effort to carry out in practice the idea so forcibly expressed by St. Paul and so ardently advocated by himself.' There' can be but little doubt that the unchastity of the clergy was the source of many other shameful vices. i^Tum- bers of ecclesiastics, notwithstanding that they were con- stantly reminded of their oljligation to observe the rule of celibacy and to preserve a dignity becoming their state,^ con- tinued in a large measure the slaves of their passions, were worldly minded, lovers of pleasure, avaricious, and simoniacal, and got no more than they deserved in the savage criticisms and caustic satires of which they were the objects. But, while granting all this to Mr. Gieseler,^ who is careful to re- mind us of it, we have, on the other hand, a right to demand that an exposition of the morals of the clergy of those times, when given at all, should be thorougli and honest, and not unfair and done by halves. That there were many clergy distinguished by eminent virtues, in an oge whose greatest institutions, worthy of the undying gratitude of mankind, may be directly traced to their exertions and influence, can admit of no doubt; and yet our author has not a single word of commendation of either the lives or the labors of these meu. Ilase, who is also a Protestant, is far more fair. " The declamations," says he, "which are sometimes found in the writings of tliat day, respecting clerical depravity, as a rule, had their origiji in monastic prejudices or secular antipathies. The clergy must have shared in the virtues of that period: for, were it otherwise, their influence among the people would appear incomprehensible. The couscionsness of control over 'Capitul. 31, Decretal. Greg. IX., Lib. I., Tit. XVIL, c. 15: "Pi] lis canoni- corum pi-ncbendus in oisdem ecclesiis conforri non sinatis, quanim sunt cauoiiici palres ooriim, quum indecorum sit, lit in altaris ofBcio Alius, inipudico patri miaistret, in quo unigenitus Dei fllius aetorno patri pro salute Inimani generis victiraatui-." (Te.) "I. Cor, vii.; Decretal. Greg. IX., Lib. III., Tit. III., passim. (Tk.) sConf. his Ciiurc!i History, Vol. II., Pt. II., p. 252-261. 650 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 2. the age in which they lived, antl the true conception which they possessed of what a clergyman should be, contributed to elevate even the more degraded among the priesthood, and to make them sharers in the common spirit of their order.'" § 232. Church Property (cf. p. 533). Cf. jfiaumer, Hist, of the Hobenstaufens, Vol. VI., p. 135 sq. (Possessions of the Cliurcb.) The clergy enjoyed exceptional advantages to accumulate vrcalth during that period of time included between the be- giiniing and end of the Crusades. Many of the crusaders, before setting out J'rom their homes, made over their property to the Church, in the belief that they should probably meet their death in the East; while others, hoping to secure more desirable estates in Palestine, sold those in Europe at quite a low price, and the Church was not unfrequently the pur- chaser.^ The tithes also became now more productive, and this source of revenue was again increased by the offer- ings, of the "■ first-fruits" (one-thirtieth or one-fiftieth). The tithes were, however, frequently contested, not by laymen alone, but by ecclesiastics also, who refused them to others of their own body; and so frequent and complicated were these contests that the reports of them occupy no small pro- portion of the chronicles stored away in the archives of churches and monasteries. The Church always persistently refused to accept a salary from the State for her clergy, because, as Pope JFIonorius III. replied when it was offered by Hugh, king of Cyprus, it would be dangerous to her liberty.^ 1 Ch. Hist., Eng. trans., p. 223. ^ Eber/tard of Sakburq says, in a document dated 1159: "Tempore quo oxpe- ditio Jerosolymitana fervore quodam miro et inaudito a saeculis totum fere comniovit Occidentom, coeperunt singuli tanquam ultra non redituri vondere possessiones suas, quas ecclesiao secundum faeultates suas suis prospicientes utilitatibus omorunt." Monum. Boioa., T. III., p. 540. '"Beloved son,'' said the Pope, "those who receive salaries are subject to those who pay them. Should an employer desire to rid himself of one in his pay, he stops bis salary, and the employe must leave off work. If you so secure the revenue of ecclesiastics that no one can deprive them of it, I shall § 232. Church Property. 651 A great part of the wealth thus accumulated by the Chni-ch was spent in founding noble institutions, building hospitals and homes for the poor, providing for orphans and pilgrims, sustaining universities, promoting commercial and industrial interests, and forwarding the growth of civilization. It is all the more to be regretted that she should have been despoiled of her property by rapacious nobles when the proceeds oi" it wore turned to so good account. They not only exer- cised the right of spoil (jus spolii),' but also laid heavy im- posts upon the estates of the Church — a practice which was prohibited by many popes after Alexander III. The division among the members of cathedral and col- legiate chapters and certain others of the clergy, of property which had heretofore been held and administered in common for the benefit of all by the bishops of the several dioceses, had a most injurious effect. Those who had the administra- tion of ecclesiastical property were sometimes so open and so bold in their methods of plundering^ that it was necessary to appeal to the secular power to have them removed, and thus put a stop to their shameless extortions. at once send you all the priests you desire." Diomedes, Cronica di Cipro, in Raumer, Vol. TI., p. 135. 'Tide snpra, p. 355. 'Cf. Raumer, Vol. VI.. p. 381-388. According to the account given hy a contemporary, Baldricus, Gottfried, Archbishop of Treves, was treated with the utmost arrogance by Ludovicus, his Vioe-Dominus : " Dom. Godofredum Archie- pisc. suis artibus tantum sibi subegerat, quod dicehat, se in beneficio tenere palatium atque omnes reditus episcopales in illud deferendos, ct quod ipse pas- cere deheret episcopum cum suis capellanis, etc. ; ad episcopum auteni dicobat pertinere missas et ordinationes Clericorum et consecrationes ecclosiarum cele- brare; sui vero juris dicebat esse terrani regere, omniaque in cpiseopatu dis- ponerc et militiam tenere, etc." Hontheim, Hist. Trevir., T. I., p. 468. CHAPTER m. FANATICAL AND KEFKACTORY SECTS. Accounts of contemporaries: Ebrardi Flandrensis, e Betunia oriundi, Lib. antiliaoresis ed. 1. Jacob. Gretseri (Max. Bibl. PP., T. XXIV.) Ermenr/ardl Opuso. contra eos, qui dieunt et credunt, mundum istum et visibilia omnia non esse a Deo facta, sed a diabolo (ibid). Alani ab insulis (monlc of Clairvaux, t 1202), Libb. IV., ctr. hacreticos (Waldenses, Judaeos et Paganos) sui temp., Lib. I. et II., cd. Masson., Par. 1612; Libb. IIL et IV., ed. C. Vischius. (Bibl. scriptt. Cistorciens. Colon. 1656, p. 411.) Bonncursus (first teacher of the Gatliari, then a member of the Catholic Church), Vita haereticor. s. manifestatio haeresis Catharor. (dAcliery, Spicilog., T. I., p. 208.) Rainerli Sachon. (first a Waldensis, then a Catliolic and Dominican, 1 1259), Summa de Catharis et Leon- istis s. Pauperib. do Lugduno. (Marteno et Durand, Max. Collect., T. V.) Ejus- dem vel alius Ranieril lib. adv. Waldens. (Max. Bibl. PP., T. XXV.) — »Z)m Plesfiis d'Ai-r/enirS, Collectio jadicior. de novis error, ab initio XII., saec. usque ad a. 1632; Par. 1728, 3 T. f. Fuesslin, New and impartial History of the Here- sies of the Middle Ages, Pranlcfort, 1770, 8 pts. Hahn, Hist, of the Heresies of the Middle Ages, especially from the eleventh to the thirteenth century, Stuttg. 1847 sq., 3 vols. Rcuier, Pope Alexander III., Vol. III., p. 647 sq. On the heretics of Italy during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, see Cesare Canik, Gli eretici d' Italia, Torino, 1865 sq., 2 vols. § 233. General View. "When the Church had reached the height of her temporal power and j)oliiical influence, and had in consequence come into possession of vast land-estates, her position very nat- urally provoked comment, and she was not nnfrequently judged unfairly by reason of the absence of true historical crit- icism. Those under the influence of partisan feeling, as well as those who believed that their interests had been injured or slighted, brought trivial and exaggerated charges against her. She was reproached with being excessively wealthy and in close alliance with the world, both of which, it must be admitted, are always dangerous to, if not entirely sub- versive of her most vital interests. Individuals' scattered 1 See Vol. I., p. 755 sq. (652) 233. General View. 653 here and there, and particular sects, such as had in early times assailed the constitution of the Church, but whose numbers, now increased with extraordinary rapidity, raised their voices against the tendency of the age, gave in their own lives ex- amples of voluntary poverty and austere morality, and pro- claimed in earnest and impassioned language the necessity of going back to the simplicity of apostolic days, when the Church was poor indeed, but free and standing apart from the State. These declamations were all the more eliective, inas- much as they were directed against a clergy, many of whose members were worldly and little solicitous for the spiritual weal of their flocks. They apjaealed, in justification of their course, to epochs in the history of the Church, when analo- gous evils were dealt with in a similar waj', and to the prophetic warnings of great and saintly men, such as St. Bernard, St. Hildcgard, St. Malachy (Archbishop of Armagh), and Joachim of Calabria.' The characteristics of these sects ' Bernardus, de Considerat. ad Eugen. III. ; Sililcivardin atbatissa, sanctis- sima Virgo et prophetissa, vita ejus in Bolland. Acta SS., ad 17 m. Septemb. Epp. et opusc. (Max. Bibl., T. XXIIl., p. 585 sq.) On St. Malachy, cf. St. Ber- nard, lib. de vita et reb. gestis St. Malach. u. sermo II. in transitu St. Malaeh. (0pp. Venet., T. II., p. 663; T. III., p. 326 sq.) The vaticinia Malachiae Hiberni de Papis romanis, also in Gfroerer. prophetae vett. pseudepigraphi. The bibliograhy on this prophecy, see in Fabricii Biblioth. med. et infim. Latin., T. v., sub verbo, Malachias! They consist of enigmatical oracles taken from the Bible, each of which is supposed to contain some reference to the popes from Celcstine II. f A. D. 1143) onward to the end of the world. For example, Celestino II. is referred to as "ex Castro Tiberis," Lucius II. as "inimicus ex- pulsus," Eugene III. as "ox raagnitudine mentis" (supposed to be an allusion to tlio mountains near Pisa, his native city), and the present pope, Pius IX., as "crux de cruco," after whom it is said there will be eleven more popes, whose characteristics will be Lumen in coelo. Ignis ardens, Beligio depopulata. Fides intrepida. Pastor angelicus, Pastor et nauta, Elos florum, De medietate lunae, De labore soils, Gloria olivae; and of the last, Petrus II., it is said: "Pascet oves ^n multis tribulationibus, quibus transactis civitas septicoUis diruetur et judex tromendus judicabit populum .suum." St. Bernard, while referring to Malachy's gift of prophecy, in his life of that holy archbishop, makes no men- tion of these predictions. An attempt was therefore made to fasten their authorship on Malachy, the Irish Erancisoan, but as he lived about the open!..;; of the fourteenth century fA. d. 1316), he could have had no connection with them, except as a continuator. Menestrier, S. J., Trait*j sur les propli^ties at- tributes a St. Malachie, 1686, endeavors to show that this so-called prophecy had its origin in the conclave of 1590, where the party of Cardinal Simoncelli 654 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. were opposition to the constitution of the Church, contempt of her doctrine, disdain of all learning and science, a fierce and gloomy fanaticism, a tendency to pursue one idea without regard to ultimate consequences, a revival of certain forms of the old Gnostic and Manichaean errors, and a coarse and degradincj Pantheism. Hence they are called, generally, Cathari or Neo-Manichaeans. § 234. Tanchelm, Eon, Peter of Bruis, Henry of Lausanne, and the Passagians. Sects that had sprung up silently and in private were en- couraged, hy the hostile attitude of emperors and nobles to- ward the Church, to come forth from their privacy and openly proclaim their errors. Their origin a?id development bear a striking analogy to those of the Apostolic age, 7uhich, commencing while our Lord was still on earth, gradually issued in the ivell- known Judaizing, Gnostic, Manichaean, and Montanistic sects. Tajichclrn (a. d. 1115-1124), an illiterate and fanatical layman, like tlie pseudo-Messiahs of Samaria, became the founder of a sect in Brabant. He proclaimed himself the Son of God, preached against ecclesiastical organizations, had churches erected in his own honor, set up the state of a king, col- lected around himself a body-guard of three thousand, gave himself the title of Divinity, celebrated his pretended espousal to the Blessed Virgin with great pomp and circumstance, re- pudiated the sacraments of the Church and her hierarchy, referred to their candidate, Nicholas Sfondrata, afterward Gregory XIV., as designated by the words "de antiquitate urhis," because ho was of Milan, which, according to popular tradition, existed four hundred years before Rome. Then, he says, in order that these words might carry with them the force of authority, the prophecy was supplemented backward and carried forward. Apart from a few designations which are quite apposite and significaijt, as Pere^jrlnus Apostolicus for Pius VI., Aquila rapax for Pius VII. (an allusion to the French eagle. Napoleon I.), and Canis et Coluber for Leo XII., the prophecy is meaningless and enigmatical, and it requires considerable ingenuity to find events in the lives of the several popes to which the corresponding predictions can be made to apply with any sort of appositeness. Cf. Wein^arten, The Prophecy of St. Malachy (Theolog. Studies and Criticisms of 1857, nro. 3). O-inxel, St. Malachy and the prophecy attributed to him. [Amtr. Quart of Theol., year 1868, nro. 1.) § 234. Tanchelm, Eon, Peter of Ends, etc. 655 forbade the payment of the tithes, was guilty of all sorts of blasphemy in its grossest form, and was linalh'- slain at Antwerp by a priest, about the year 11-24.' Eon d'Etoile {Eudo de Stella), a wealthy nobleman, also pro- claimed himself the Son of God, and wished to fonnd a new kingdom. He seems to have been either very ignorant or very crazy. On account of tlie similarity between his name, Eon, and Eum in the formula of exorcism — " Pci' Emu qui ventiirus est judicare vivos et mortuos" — he fancied that he was the true Messiah, and called upon others to regard him as such. He went up and down, through Brittany and Gascony, accom- panied by a large number of followers, and living in sump- tuous style. He was condemned to perpetual imprisonment by the council of Rheims (a. d. 1148), where he died, still hopeful of the ultimate success of his cause. His followers announced that he would come again to judge the quick and the dead. Peter de Bruis, who became notorious in Southern France, was a deposed priest (a. d. llOi-1125), of whom little is known until after he took up the r6le of a reformer. He rejected infant baptism; denied the Real Pj'csence in the Eucharist; declaimed against the Mass as a continuation of the sacrifice on Calvary; celebrated the communion service simply as a memorial rite; held that no special sanctity re- sided in consecrated buildings, and that God might be hon- ored as well in stables as before altars; forbade the erection of new churches, and directed that those already built should be pulled down ; was fanatically opposed to the worship of the Cross, which, he said, should be the horror of all Christians, inasmuch as it was the instrument of Christ's torture and death ; condemned the practice of praying for the dead, and of giving alms and doing other good works in their be- half; and, tinally, prohibited all chanting and the use of any kind of sacred music. It might be inferred that one holding- tenets such as these would be severely ascetical in his morai teaching and in his own conduct, but this was not the case with Peter. He encouraged marriage, even in priests, as a ' Vie de S. Norbert II. 126. — D' Argentie, Collect. Judic. i. 11. (Tk.) 656 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. strictly religions duty, and wished to abolish the fasts of the Church. This popular reformer, while engaged one day at St. Giles, near Aries, in committing to the flames a number of images and pictures, was seized by a mob who grew furious at his disrespectful treatment of holy things, and cast into the lires he had lighted, thus being himself in a measure the instrument of his own death. His followers are called Petro- hrusians} Peter was followed in the same region of country by Henry the Deacon, also called Henry of Lausanne (a. d. 1116-1148), who, formerly a monk of the abbey of Clugny, had with- di-awn from his order previously to becoming a reformer. Like Peter, he was a violent opponent of all sorts of sacred music, an enthusiastic advocate of marriage, and a deter- mii^ed enemy of the clergy. In the early part of his career he specially devoted himself to the mission of reclaiming courtesans, and so successful was he that many of these un- fortunate women at his bidding cast their costly robes, their jewels, and other adornments into the f|ames, and entered upon exemplary lives. So general did his influence become, that, when he proceeded to arraign the indolence and im- morality of the clergy, people deserted the churches, flocked to hear him, and, roused by the tierce energy of his words, threat- ened violence to those against whom bis denunciations were directed. His rude eloquence, his ascetic life, and his single- minded earnestness favorably impressed HUdebert, Bishop of Le Mans, who, on Henry's arrival from Switzerland, received him kindly and gave him permission to preach throughout his diocese. But, discovering that he was an insolent and ignorant imposter, the prudent bishop contrived a public meet- ing between himself and Henry, and, after exposing his utter lack of education to the people, expelled him from the dio- cese. Henry then retired to the south of France, where, as Peter tlie Venerable says, die became the "inheritor of the wickedness " of Peter of Bruis, whose doctrine he continued to preach until the death of that fanatic. He escaped the fate ' Petri Venerabills, Abb. Cluniac. Epist. nd Arelatensem Ebreduncnsem Archiopiso. DiensemVapinunsem Epise. adv. Petrobrusianos Hcreticos in Max. Bibl. Patr. Lugduuens. XXII. 1033, et sq. (Tr.) § 234. Tanchelm, Eon, Peter of Bruis, etc. 657 of Peter by flight into Gascony (a. d. 1125), but having en- tered the diocese of Aries a few years later, he was arrested and taken before Pope Innocent II., then in exile at Pisa, who did no more than commit him to the keeping of St. Ber- nard. Escaping from his confinement some years later, he returned to Languedoc, where, protected by the Count of Toulouse, he shortly regained his former influence over the people. Eugene III. requested St. Bernard's assistance in putting down the heresiarch and restoring religion among the people. The saint was victorious in this, as in every other undertaking of his hfe, because his strength was of God and not of man ; and the account he has left us of the condition of the Church at that time in Southern France shows the vast influence of Heni'y. " I have found," says he, " churches empty of people, people without priests, priests not respected, Christians with- out Christ, God's holy places profaned, the sacraments no longer held in honor, and the holy days without solemnities." Henry was afterward arrested by the Archbishop of Tou- louse, sent to Eheims, a. d. 1148, where Eugene III. was then presiding over a council, and cast into prison, where he shortly died.' The Passagians (Circumcisi) were a sect of Judaizing Cath- arists, of probably Eastern origin, and flourished chiefly in Lombardy at the close of the twelfth and the opening of the thirteenth century. Leading a wandering and vagabond life, they very likely got their name from resemblance, in their habits, to birds of passage {passagieri) , or from some connec- tion with the Crusades, to which the word passagium was not unfrequently applied. They maintained that the law of Moses^ was binding, at all times and upon all persons, in ' Ada Episcoporum Cenomanensium, in Mabillon's Analect. Vet., cap. 3.5, 36 ; De Hildeberto Episo. St. Bernardi Epist. 241; Peier Venerabilis, Epist. adv. retrotrusianos. (Tr.) ^Pope Nicholas III. complained, in the year 1278: "Verum etiam quam plurimi christiani veritatem catholicae tidei ahnegantes se damnabiliter ad juda- ioum ritum transtulerunt. Bonacursus, Yitsi, Haeret. in D'AcMrj/s Spieileg. I. 211; Gerhard. Bergom. in Murator. Antiqq. Ital. Med. Aevi, V. 152. (Tk.) VOL. II. — 42 658 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. everything except its sacrificial injunctions, and that Christ was not God, bat only the highest of created beings, thus re- newing the errors of theEbionites and Arians respecting our Lord. The other sects resemble, in their general features, those just desci'ibed, and were all especially conspicuous by their determined hostility, in some foi-m or other, to the Catholic Church. § 235. The Waldenses. Cf. Bibliogr. heading, J 233, esp. Rainerius, contr. Waldens, in Bibl. Max. Lugd. XXV. Lucae Tudens, Succedan. Prolegom., ibid. Ebrardus, ibid. Works: Jean Lege7- (pasteur des figlises des Vallees), Hist, generale des eglises (Svangeliques de Piemont, etc., Leyde, 1669, 2 vols. f. German by Sohwcinitz; Bres. 1750, 2 vols. 4to. Jac. Brez (Waldensian preacher). Hist, des Vaudois, Laus. et Utrecht, 1796, 2 T. 8vo.; German, Lps. 1798. Blair, History of the Waldenses, Edinb. 1833, 2 vols. Charvaz, Origins dei Valdesi, e carattere delle primitive loro dottrine, Tur. 1834; French, Eecherches historiques sur la veri- table origine des Vaudois, Par. 1836. ITa/m, 1. c. Vol. II. Bender, Hist, of the "Waldenses, Ulm, 1850. Dicel;hojf, the Waldenses during the Middle Ages, Getting. 1851. Herzorj, the I'omanian Waldenses, Halle, 1853; reply by Dieek- hojf, the Waldenses during the M. A., Getting. 1858; the researches of the lat- ter continued by Frledricli, the Adulteration of the Doctrine of the Waldenses through the French Reformed Church (Austr. Quart, of Theol, Vienna, 18G6, n. 1, p. 41-82). Cf. Freiburg Eocl. Cyclop., Vol. XI., p. 1785. — Tr. adds: Maitland's Tracts, and Documents connected with the Hist, of the Waldenses; Todd's Books of the Vaudois; Articles on the Noble Lesson, by Hon. Alg. Rer- beri, in British 3Iag. XVIII., XIX.; McUa, Origin, Persecutions, and Doc- trines of the Waldenses, 1870; Blunt, Dictionary of Sects, and Bossuet,'B\s,i. of the Variations. Since the sixteenth century, unsuccessful attempts have been made, by those who regard the Waldenses as the legiti- mate forerunners of Protestantism, to trace their origin back to the Apostolic age, or at least to the time of the iconoclast, Claudius of Turin, and for this purpose their history has been falsified and their doctrines misrepresented. These eftbrts to pervert the truth of history have been ably refuted by Herzocj. Friedrich, and Melia. According to Catholic authorities, whose honesty can not be fairly called in question, they derive their origin from Peter Waldo (Peter of Vaux, or Valdum — English, " Troorf"), a wealthy merchant of Lyons, who, disconsolate at the sudden death of one of his friends, sought relief from his sorrow iu § 235. The Waldenses. 659 • the reading of the Holy Scriptures, and selected from them such passages as made a powerful impression upon hirn, to which he added extracts from the Fathers having special refer- ence to these texts. Desirous of following literally the teach- ing contained in the biblical and patristic extracts he had made, he resolved to 2;ive himself wholly to religion, and, distribut- ing his large property among the poor, he embraced a life of poverty, living on alms and going about instructing others (c. A. D. 1160). Pie next hired a poor scholar to translate into the liomanic vernacular language the Gospels and the ex- tracts he had already made from the Bible and the writings of the Fathers, and in 1170 commenced his mission as apostolic teacher by preaching publicly in the pulpil. As his followers increased in number, he sent out chosen disciples, two and two, to preach in the country about Lyons, enjoining upon them apostolic poverty and the duty of earning their bread by the sweat of their brows. The members of the sect were known as the "Poor Men of Lyons" (Pauperes de Lugduno), or Leon- ists, but called themselves the "Humble Ones" (Humiliati). They, being laymen, were forbidden to preach by the Arch- bishop of Lyons, to whom they replied, " We must obej^ God rather than man," and went on. When the archbishop again peremptorily commanded them to leave off" the practice of preaching, they appealed (a. d. 1179) to Pope Alexander III., to whom they also sent some of the translated books of the Bible, with their own annotations. The Pope commended their poverty, but reproved them for interfering with the duties of the clergy, and referred them to their bishop for any further information the}' might desire. Things continued in this way until the death of Alexander and the election of his successor, Lucius III., to whom they again sent for per- mission to preach. Lucius refused their petition, and, at the synod of Verona (a. d. 1184), excommunicated the Waldenses and the other heretics of Southern France. They paid no attention to the excommunication, saying that it was void when pronounced against persons engaged in a good work, and that there was a necessity of having a body of laymen side by side with a degenerate and worldly clergy, to preach the pure apostolic doctrine. Claiming a higher antiquity than 660 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. other sects, being more numerous, and living apparently more holy lives, they gained steadily in influence and importance. Having their stronghold in Southern France and Piedmont, they spread to Milan on the one side, and to Aragon on the other, and existed in large numbers at Metz. In 1194, Alphonso II. issued an edict against them, in which he designated them as " enemies of the Cross, pro- faners of the religion of Christ, and dangerous to both Kiiig and State," and threatened them with the confiscation of their property and the penalties of high treason. Notwithstanding these condemnations, they sent, in 1212, another address to Pope Innocent HI., praying him to recognize their conventi- cles as lawful, but were again unsuccessful. Innocent, who at one time entertained a hope of being able to bring their practice of evangelical poverty within the rules of monas- ticism, and in this way to control the movement, gave the Waldenses of Metz permission to meet and read the Holy Scripture. These sectaries had now become so numerous that they were to be found all over Southern France, Piedmont, Lom- bardy, and had even spread to Eastern Europe. They assailed the external constitution and visible organization of the Church; threw oiF the authority of pope and bishops ; asserted the I'ight of laymen and even women to preach ; refused to pay tithes themselves, and condemned the practice in others ; recognized at first the power of the prifest alone to absolve penitents and consecrate the Eucharist, but when refused ab- solution and Holy Communion, affirmed that laymen might validly do both in case of necessity ; abolished a great part of the rite of baptism ; some of them denied the existence of purgatory, asserting that souls, when parted from the body, go either to heaven or hell, while others believed in an inter- mediate state ; held that, in the matter of the veneration of saints, the apostles alone should be held in honor, but not in- voked; and, finally, opposed the use of crosses, images, and all ornaments in churches, and admitted no custom or tradi- tion not contained in Scripture. The members were divided into the Perfect and the Imper- fect. The former possessed no property and observed a strict § 236. The Cathari and the Alhigenses. 661 fast. The latter lived in society pretty much as other men, only avoiding all sensual indulgence and luxurious excess. In moral character they were superior to all other heretical sects, such as the Alhigenses and Paulicians. They were at first governed by bishops of their own ap- paintment, whom they styled "majorales," and by presbyters and deacons; all which orders, they said, had been instituted by Christ. Their seniors, priests, and deacons lield divine ser- vices, were celibate, and had led pui-e, holy, self-sacrificing lives previously to the sixteenth century, supporting themselves by the labor of their hands. To preach the Gospel in the ver- nacular they considered the primary and central object of re- ligious w^orship, and held that the Holy Scripture is the one and only source of faith. Having spread among the Cathari, they were the objects of a most cruel persecution ; but, in spite of all opposition, they have maintained themselves down to the present day, and still exist, to the number of twenty-two thousand, in the mountains of Dauphine and the Piedmontese Alps.^ In the sixteenth century they came into contact with the Reformers, from whom they received many new teachings and -practices, and have quite recently been regarded with much favor by the Anglicans, who, in 1848, materially aided them in building a magnificent church in the city of Turin, and assisted at its consecration in 1853, intending to make it, if possible, a stronghold of Protestantism in Italy. § 236. The Cathari and, the Alhigenses. Litekatuee: Accounts of contemporary, all orthodox, writers concerning the Cathari, by Bonacursus, see above, bibliography heading, J 233 ; on the Al- higenses, Petri monacM Sarnensis (de Vaux Cernay), Historia Albigens., and Guil. de Podio Laureniii (Capelan. Eaymundi VII.), sup. hist, negotii Prancor. adv. Albig. [du Chesne., T. V.; better in Bouquet-Brial, T. XIX.) Ralnerii, hist, in Bouquet, T. XVIII. Gulielmus de Tudela, Guerre des Albigeoia, in Bouquet, T. XVIII.; Codex Tolosanae inquis., from 1307 to 131i3, by Lim- boroh, Amsterd. J. Chnssanion, Hist, des Albigeois., Par. 1595. ; Histoire gen^- ' Besides the historical -work of Gharvaz, bishop of Pignerol (later of Geneva), see also bis recent apologetioal work, entitled " Le guide du catdchumene Vau- dois," Paris, 1839. /'^.echwie. The Catechisms of the Waldenses and Moravian Brethren, Erlangen, 1853. 662 Period 2. • Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. rale de Languedoc par un religieux B^nedictin de la Congr. de St. Maur, (Claude le Vie et Jos. Vaissette), T. III., Par. 1737. Hist. Polit. Papers, by Phillips and Goerres, Vol. II., p. 470-783. [Tkans. add. : The most valuable learning applied to the many difficulties with which the history of the Albi- genses abounds is to be found in the Histoire de la Po^sie Provenpale, by M. Fav/riel, Paris, and in Maitlaiicts Facts and Documents connected with the His- tory of the Albigenses and Waldenses.] For want of words definitely ex^jressing the characteristics of the various sectaries professing Gnostic, Manichaean, and other cognate errors, they were generally called Cathari (xad-apoi), or " Puritans." They all made pretensions to supe- rior sanctity, and were distinguished by their intense opposi- tion to the clergy. The more advanced and rigid among them held that the spirit of darkness, and not the God of light, was the creator of all visible things, and that his son, Lucifer, having seduced a host of heavenly spirits by his wiles, im- prisoned them in bodies of clay here on earth. These impris- oned spirits, they said, formed a distinct class of mankind, for whose deliverance Christ descended from Heaven in ap- parently human (Docetism), but really angelic form. But, while professing this doctrine, they adopted external rites and formulas of prayer, and practiced genuflection and other ceremonial observances, which are the natural outgrowth and expression of a belief in the Catholic doctrine of the divinity and humanity of Christ.' Such theories led straight to an abandonment of the funda- mental teachings of Christianity. Hence they rejected the Holy Eucharist and the other sacraments, denied the resur- rection of the body and the efficacy of infant baptism, and declared matrimony to be an alliance whose author was the evil spirit. Their dualistic principle also necessitated the division of all men into two distinct classes — viz., those who were sure to attain to salvation, and those who, by reason of their origin from the evil one, could never become virtuous or gain happiness. There could therefore be no such thing as moral guilt or im- I C. Schmidt, Hist, of the Cathari of Southern JPrance during the second half of the thirteenth century, Strasburg, 18-17; and in the Journal of Historical Theology, 1847, nro. 4. Kunitz, a Catholic Ritual (of the end of the thirteef ith century), Jena, 1862. § 236. The Cathari and the AlUgenses. 663 putation, and hence they said that an infant belonging to the latter class, if it should die the day after it was born, would be punished as severely as the traitor Judas or a highway robber. Their method of purification was unique and ingenious. The ceremony was called the Consolation (consolamentum), and consisted in the laying on of hands. Penitence was not required in the purified, who were at once received among the " perfect," and promised to lead continent and sinless lives in the future. But, as it was difficult to count upon such unswerving con- stancy and perseverance in virtue, and as relapse into sin, inasmuch as they held divine grace to be inamissible, would prove the utter inefficiency of their system, and, if fre- quent, wholly destroy faith in the efiectiveness of the Con- solamentum, this came gradually to be administered only to those dangerously ill, and of whose speedy departure there could be no reasonable doubt. Should there, however, be prospects of their recovery, they were required to hasten their death by abstinence from food, or, more violently, by profuse bleeding. This process was called the "Endura."^ While making a boast of being the only true followers of Christ and His apostles, they manifested the most determined opposition to the Catholic clergy, declaring that whosoever received the sacraments of the latter became thereby partici- pators in their sins. They were most immerous and influential in Upper Italy and Southern France, whence they spread along the banks of the Rhine, particularly to the territory about Treves (a. d. ' In ihe acts appended to the Protestant Limborch's Historia Inquisitionis, Amst. 1619, are given many instances of persons who, after having received the Gonsolaynentum from the Perfect, were instructed to hasten their departure {)y violent means. Thus, in the Lib. Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tolosanae, p. li!8 it is related of one Hugo Eubei: "Dictus Hugo in quadam infirmitate, de qua convaluit, fuit haereticatus per Petrum haereticum, et receptus est ad sectam et ordinem dioti haeretici, quam aliquibus diebus in dicta, infirmitate tenuit et servavit, stando in endura, sed postmodum ad instantiam matris suae comcdit et convaluit. Item isto anno Petrus Sancti haereticus invitavit ipsum, quoa vellet se ponere in endura et facere bonem jinem, sed ipse non consensit tunc Bed quando esset in ultimo vitae suae. (364 Period 2, E'poch 2, Part 1. Chapter 3. 1121), and into England (a. d. 1159),* and were variously known as Cathari, Patarini, Mediolanenses, Publiciaui, and in France as Bona Horames. Efforts to convert them were made, but in vain ; decrees of councils were enacted against them, but to little or no purpose. These measures, and others equally charitable and well intended, having failed, Pope Alexander III. resorted to others more severe.^ But, of the sectaries who shared the errors of Gnosticism and Manichaeism and opposed the Catholic Church and her hierarchy, the Albigenses were the most thorough and radical. Their errors were indeed partly Gnostic and partly Mani- chaean, but the latter was the more prominent and fully de- veloped. They received their name from a district of Lan- guedoc, inhabited by the Albigeois and surrounding the town of Albi. They are called Cathari and Patarini in the acts of the council of Tours (a. d. 1163), and in those of the third Lateran, Publiciani (i. e., Pauliciani). Like the Cathari, they also held that the evil spirit created all visible things. Starting from this principle, they could not of course escape the most monstrous consequences when they came to apply its deductions to the conditions of prac- tical life. They were forced either to avoid all contact with matter, and to aspire to an extravagant and impossible de- gree of spirituality, or to allow to both body and spirit, which they said were absolutely distinct and independent of each other, the fullest possible range in their respective domains, thus sanctioning intellectual anarchy on the one hand, and unrestrained sensual indulgence on the other. Conformably to their view of the evil origin of matter, they abstained from all animal food except fish, and the more rigorous of them abjured marriage, styling it a species of fornication, but others advocated it, provided the bride were a virgin and husband and wife would separate from each other after the birth of their first child. Others, again, gave full sweep to ' Conf. Historia Treverens. cCAcMry, Spicilegium, T. II., and in d Aryentri, 1. c, p. 24. Evervin, Provost of Steinfelden, applied to St. Bernard for help. Conf. Eoervinl, Praepos. Steinfeldens. ep. ad Bernardum. MabUlonii analecta T. III., p. 452, ed. nov. 1473; in d'Argentr^, 1. c, p. .S3. 2 Cmc. Lateranens. III., cap. 27 {Earduin, T. VI., Pt. IX., p. 1683 eq.) § 286. The Cathari and the Albigenses. 665 their carnal passions, and indulged in the most revolting ex- cesses, saying in excuse of their practices that the origin of man is not from God— holy; but from the evil one— sinful. They further taught that the souls of men are fallen spirits, which were all created at one time, but now condemned to pass from body to body, until, in the course of time, they be- come purified by this process and return to their primitive state. The formal means by which these souls wipe away the filth and cleanse the stains by which they are soiled are good works. There is, they said, no distinction of guilt in sins ; all are equally heinous and deserving of death, but their punishment does not reach out beyond this worlcL But, while some held this doctrine, others denied the im- mortality of the soul, or the existence of an^'thing that does not fall under the senses. Many of them held that a belief in the foreknowledge of God implies an absolute fatalism in everything and a denial of free will in both God and man, at least in so far as it relates to the knowledge of evil and the power of preventing it. Alexander III. had had a crMsaiie preached against the Albi- genses, in 1164, but it was carried on languidly', and no rigor of any consequence was exercised against them until the pon- tificate of Innocent III. This pope declared their teachings ruinous to the Church and subversive of society, and thcnri- selves " more wicked than Saracens." In 1198 he sent among them Rainer and Guido, two Cistercian monks, with orders to preach to them, to instruct them, to discuss disputed points with them, and thus lead them back to the true faith. But, having failed in this attempt, they were advised (a. d. 1206) by Diego, Bishop of Osma in Spain, and Dominic, the sub- prior of his cathedral, both of whom willingly shared their labors, to dismiss their suite, and, going among these heretics in the poverty of the apostles, to make another effort to con- vert them. This heavenly inspired advice was enthusiastically taken up by the newly arrived papal legates, Peter of Castelnau and Raoul, who traveled up and down the country barefoot and in the scanty garb of apostles, but with little better suc- cess than attended the efforts of those who had preceded them. Peter of Castelnau was assassinated, and there were 666 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. good reasons for suspecting Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse, of complicity in the deed. First of all, he was the recognized protector of the Albigenses ; next, he had had a violent dis- pute with Peter; and, finally, the crime was committed by two of his officers, whom he kept at his court and in his service after their guilt had become known. Innocent, after hearing of this outrage, commissioned Ar- nold, Abbot of Citeaux, to preach a fresh crusade against them, which Simon, Count of Movfort, an intrepid and faith- ful Christian M-arrior, directed and brought to a successful conclusion. The campaign, which extended from the year 1209 to 1213, was one almost uninterrupted series of attacks and assaults on cities and strongholds, nor did the crusaders give over their work until the standard of the Cross rose in triumph from one end of Languedoc to the other. Raymond, reduced to extremities, promised obedience to the Church, surrendered seven of his strongholds as pledges of his fidelity, did public penance, and expressed his willing- ness to take part in the crusade against those by whom he had been heretofore regarded as a leader and a protector. The crusaders then directed their efforts against Roger, the powerful Viscount oi Beziers and Carcasonne, and the Viscount of Foix. Their advance was irresistible. Beziers and Car- casonne were taken by storm (a. d. 1209), and numbers of the inhabitants, without distinction of faith, age, or sex, put to the sword.' The vassals of Count Raymond were next attacked. The count himself, notwithstanding his undisguised anger at the conduct of the legates, who demanded from him an imme- diate cession of the conquered territory, made application to Pope Innocent for its restitution, and the latter, being far 'It is pretended that the abbot Arnold cried out, on this occasion: "Slay all; God will know his own;" but even the chroniclers who relate anything de- rogatory to the character of the prelates attending the Catholic army are silent oil the subject. Only the credulous Ccesarius of Heisierbach, who has put a thou- sand fables in circulation, makes mention of this. Cf. Bomi Periodical, new series, Year IV., nro. 1, p. 161-164. t Kaufmann, Caesar of Heisterbach, being a contribution toward the history of civilization during the twelfth and thir. teenth centuries, 2 ed., Cologne, 1862. § 237. The Mgoroiis Measures Employed, etc. 6G7 more intent on the suppression of the heretics than on the disposition of their estates or the gratification of those who championed the Cathohc cause, readily yielded to his request. During the siege of Lavour, in 1211, Raymond was discov- ered again rendering aid to the Albigenses, and a new crusade was in consequence undertaken against him. At the battle of Muret, in 1213, both he and his powerful ally and brother- in-law, Peter II., King of Aragon, sustained an overwhelming defeat, and with this disaster ended the sanguinary and cruel crusade. Montfort, who was styled "the gallant champion of the Cross and the invincible defender of the Catholic faith," was declared the lawful lord of the territory thns acquired, by the council of Montpellier, and the fourth council of Lateran (a. d. 1215) confirmed the title. V/hen the sanguinary and unheard-of cruelties committed in this crusade came to the knowledge of Innocent, he was borne down with grief. It was a source of sorrow to him that such deeds of violence should have been indulged in by those professing themselves the champions of the faith,' and it was no alleviation to his feelings to know that the partisans of error had been equally guilty of them. § 237. Rewarks on the Migoroiis Measures Employed against these Sects. Unsatisfactory efforts have been made to show by historical testimony that the origin of all these sectaries may be traced back, step by step, to the Greek Paulicians, or, as some say, to the Manichaeans,^ a knowledge of whose doctrines they ^tl'Turier, Innocent III., Vol. II., p. 692, says: "Although great excesses may have been committed in the south of France against humanity and justice, in the course of these six years, and although the forces sent thither to reestab- lish the authority and the faith of the Church carried on instead a war of in- discriminate rapine, still Innocent can not be held responsible for either. Hia orders were not carried out, and he was led by filse reports to take measures which he would never have taken had he known the true state of affairs." ^ Notwithstanding the denial by the author of this opinion, it is not without very plausible arguments in its favor, which we give, as related by Blunt (Diet, of Sects, Heresies, and Ecclesiastical Parties, art. Albigenses): "Prom Bulga- "■ia, where Paulician Manichaeism (Paulicians) had been established since the 668 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. gained from the writings of St. Augustine. But, be this as it may, it is certain that the immediate and direct source of these heresies is to be sought in the peculiar character of cer- tain individuals, and in their exceptional relations to the Church. Heretics have at all times sought to justify their pretended zeal by alleging that the clergy failed to satisfy the religious wants of the people, and, it must be admitted, the charge had at times a very substantial foundation. But beyond this they had no adequate ground of complaint and no justi- fication of their conduct. Ignorant, and superciliously proud, they affected a contempt of the mysteries of faith and mani- fested a fierce hostility to whatever was connected with the seventh century, the heretical ideas slowly permeated Europe. So general was this infiltration- in the eleventh century, that there is hardly a western or northern country in which we do not find a disturbance traceable to this source. But the cold and phlegmatic temper of these regions was fatal to the oriental mysticism of Mani, upon which the new heresy was originally founded; while feudal and oligarchical institutions were ill-suited to the demo- cratic spirit of the Paulicianism, from which it was immediately derived. In England, Northern France, and Germany, the >lanichaean revolt was easily subdued; but in Southern France, Provence, and Italy, the case was different. In these last-named countries, Manichaeism in its earlier stage i^feems, in a great measure, from different causes, to have escaped notice. . . . Italy, too, was favorably situated for the dissemination of the heresy, in consequence of its proximity to Bosnia and the other provinces which bounded the home of Pau- lician Manichaeism, and the increasing intercourse brought about by the Cru- sades materially assisted this dissemination. Here the last of the three great waves of Manichaean opinion, which, in the third, the seventh, and the elev- enth centuries respectively, threatened to desolate Christianity, beaten back from the rest of Europe, for the most part was poured. Here the heresy, elsewhere overpowered, was consolidated and developed, until, in the midale of the twelfth century, it burst out into that form to which the famous title of 'Albigensian' has been attached. There were many circumstances — traditions, situation, climate — predisposing the south of France to admit the influence of a heresy like Manichaeism. Septimania, which included Languedoc and Pro- vence, and therefore the greater part of the Tolosan suzerainty, had, during four centuries of its early history, submitted without reluctance to the domina- tion of Arian Goths or infidel Saracens. During the centuries immediately preceding the Manichaean revolt, the inhabitants had been accustomed to the demoralizing spectacle exhibited by the flourishing courts of the infidel princes of Spain. The Paulician Manichaeism, which had broken out first in Northern Europe, in the neighborhood of the emporia of the Eastern trade, at a short in- terval had appeared in Italy, that province of the "Western Empire nearest to the Bulgarian frontier. The outbreak, though, a? has been mentioned, for tia § 237. The Rigorous Measures Employed, etc. 669 Church. Arnold of Brescia, in Upper Italy, and the Trouba- dours in Southern France, a class of men ever ready to sneer at bishops and punests, prepared the way for these fanatical sectaries. When one reflects how universally and how severely the action of those who had Friscillian condemned to death was criticised,^ it is difficult to account for the harsh measures em- ployed against the Albigenses. But a moment's reflection on the characteristics and tendency of their teaching will go a good way in supplying the motives of their severe treatment. The consequences of their spiritual tenets reached out until they embraced all the relations of political, social, and com- mercial life, and were subversive of them all. They declared marriage fornication, thus sundering the most sacred of social time successively crusliRd in the North, in the South had the effect, not only of exciting many new leaders of heretical opinion, but of awakening the dormant Manichaeism of central Italy. The connection between Italy and Provence was of long standing; and Languedoc, united, for a time at least, under the same lordship, was further connected by a community of participation in the Romanesque institutions and language. It was in the independent cities of Italy that the dying institutions of Paganism had lingered longest; it was in such towns that Manichaeism was earliest revived. And that this revival was a genuine rehabilitation of a dead heresy is evidenced by the fact that the old tenets which had been discarded by the Paulician heretics, from the seventh to the tenth centuries, are found flourishing in Provence and Italy in the twelfth. But, if Italy was foremost in the revival of Manichaeism, it is with the suze- rainty of Toulouse that its connection was most famous and fatal. . . . Nor was the Church in these provinces capable of any considerable resistance, for the influence of their clergy was then at the lowest point that it has any- where reached in the history of Christianity. A luxurious country, civilized beyond its age, almost wholly independent of the French king at Paris (in the preceding century it had absolutely ignored his existence), Languedoc enjoyed an almost licentious freedom, at a time when the rest of Europe was held in the strongest grasp of an almost universal military despotism. It was in this country, so predisposed by circumstance to receive the poison, that the streams of heretical ojjinion were appointed to meet. Southward, from Treves, Cologne, Besanijon — westward, from below the Pennine Alps — northward, from Tuscany and the States of the Church — the flow of heretical opinion converged upon Toulouse. The most fruitful and important district of the Tolosan count wa,! the Albigeois, or that surrounding Albi, a town on a tributary of the Garonne, and the modern capital of the department of the Tarn; and it is from this ter- ritory that the name 'Albigensian,' now so famous, has, by a somewhat obscure process, been derived." (Tk.) ' See Vol. I., p. 757. 670 Period 2. Ei^och 2. Fart 1. Chapter ?>. bonds and sloping the way to the most revolting immorality; they set lire tp- churches built by the generous devotion of the faithful and endeared to them by a hundred ties ; they sought out and destroyed objects of Christian worship which every Catholic regarded with mingled feelings of love and rever- ence ; and so universal and complete was their vandalism that St. Bernard, on visiting the country, said he found " the churches empty of people, the people without priests, . . . the sacraments dishonored, and Christians dying unconverted, impenitent, and without the last rites of the Church."' It would have required a heroic exercise of patience in Catholics of any age to remain indifferent or peaceful spectators of such outrages, and patient endurance was not a characteristic of those sturdy and uncompromising ages of faith. Again, these sectaries, instead of working side by side with the Church in removing the evils and correcting the abuses, the presence of which slie recognized and deplored, seemed only intent on her overthrow and destruction. Hence the Catholic ('hiircli, being in those times universally regarded as the one and only source of salvation, and even slight deviations from her teach- ing as denials by implication of the entire deposit of faith, it is not surprising that the Head of Christendom, in view of the threatened danger to the Church, and out of solicitude for the salvation of souls, should, after trying every possible means which paternal kindness and Christian charity could suggest, have finally proceeded to extremities against the en- emies of the Ciiurch and of social morality. Moreover, the secular power, then intimately united with ecclesiastical au- thority, believing that the very foundations of the State were threatened by these sectaries, actively cooperated with the Church in putting them down. Tliis close alliance of Church 'and State will explain why, in the Middle Ages, heresy was regarded by the latter as a political offense; and further, why, in the Sicilian code of Frederic, which was certainly not con- ceived in a spirit friendly to the Church, the severest penal- ties should have been enacted against heretics. But we do not wish to be understood as sajnng or implying that the reasons 1 Cf. Hurier, 1. c, Vol. II., p. 663, and Hefele, Cardinal Ximenes, 2 ed., Tiibg 1851, p. 241 sq. § 237. The Rigorous Measures EmjAoyed, etc. 671 brought forward in defense of the political code of those times punishing heresy with death, are at all sufficient to justify such severity according to our ways of thinking. We sim- ply wish to make clear to the reader how, in the Middle Ages, when the two powers were expected by the people to work in harmony together, a policy was pursued toward heretics so different from that of earlier times, and how, as time went on, a j^ersonal surveillance was exercised over them, which finally led to the establishment of the Inquisition — an institution which has been the object of more misrepresenta- tion and erroneous judgment than any other known to his- tory. We shall have occasion to speak of this in detail further on. We will only say, iii passing, that the Inquisi- tion was first put in operation against the Stedingers, a politico-religious sect of Frieslanders occupying the territory now included in the present duchy of Oldenburg, who, under pretense of opposing the tyranny of the nobles and clerg}^ ex- cited the people to rebellion, refused to pay the tithes or to ren- der obedience to bishops, and went about massacring priests. They were denounced as Albigenses by Conrad of Marburg, a secular priest, whom Gregory IX. appointed inquisitor- general, with authority to proceed against them. But Con- rad, having employed unnecessarily severe measures, excited the indignation of certain nobles, by whom he was murdered. Grave, and, it would seem, well-founded doubts have recently been started as to the justice of the high character heretofore given to this man, who was also the confessor of St. Eliza- beth.' Like Dorso, a Dominican lay-brother, and John, a layman, both of whom boasted of their gift of discovering heretics, Conrad, sheltering himself behind the stringent laws against errorists, pursued them with the savage violence of a fanatic. Gregory IX., on learning, very much to his surprise, how this inquisitor had conducted himself, said: "The Ger- mans have always been a fierce race, and hence they have now unrelenting judges." ' On Conrad of Marburg, cf. the Life of St. Elizabeth, by Count llontalem- bert (German transl. by Staedler, pp. 332, 561-567). Henke, Conrad of Mar- burg, ibidem, 1861. Eefele, Hist, of Coune. V. 902-915. Schumacher, the Stediiigians, Bremen, 1865. 672 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. § 238. Amalric of Bena — David of Dinanto — Brethren and SiS' ters of the Free Spirit — Apostolic Brethren. The sect founded by Amalric of Bena,^& theologiaD and dia- lectitian of Paris, presents characteristics quite different from those of the sects just described. Led astra^^ by the writings of Scotus Erigena and the teachings of the Arabic Parijiatet- ics, he spread among his numerous auditory the doctrines of out-and-out Pantheism, following close in the wake of the abbot Joachim,. While professor of logics and exegetics at the University of Paris, Amalric was not noticed to put forward any strange opinion, except that all Chfistians are personally membei's of Christ, in that they have borne with Him the sufferings of t!io Cross. Taken in itself, this doctrine was susceptible of many interpretations, and might possibly have been explained away, but when placed beside the other teacliings of Amalric, and taken as part of his system, it was downriglit Pantheism, and, lis such, was condemned by the University of Paris in 1204. Having been in consequence deprived of his professor's chair, he personally appealed to Pope Innocent III., by whom his teaching was also condemned and he himself ordered to return to Paris and recant his errors (a. d. 1207). Pie died of grief in 1209. After the death of Amalric, it was discovered he had left quite a large following behind him, among whom the most conspicuous in the advocacy of his doctrines were William, a goldsmith of Paris, and David of Dinanto. From the teach- ing of these men, it soon came out that the underlying prin- ciple of Amalric's system was the Pantheistic proposition : '^All things are one, and, conversely, one is all; this all is God; ideas and God are identical;" ' thus denying the doctrine of ' So called from his native town, in the diocese of Chartres. Cf. Engelhardt, Amalric of Bena (Essays on Ch, H., nro. 3). Cone. Paris, acta. {Martine, Thesaurus anecd., T. IV., p. 163 sq., in Mansi, T. XXII., p. 801 sq.) Stauden- maier, Philosophy of Christianity, Vol. I., p. 633 sq. Kronleln, De genuina Amalrici a Bena ejusque sectatorum ac Davidis de Dinanto doctrina, Gissae, 1842. The same, in Theolog. Studies and Criticisms, 1847, nro. 2. Stockl, Vol. I., p. 288-293. ''St. Thomas Aquinas draws a distinction between the teaching of Amalric § 238. Amalric of Bena — David of Dinanto, etc. 673 the three Divine Persons in the Trinity, and substituting in- stead a sort of allegorical symbolism. " We are to under- stand," it was said, " by the term 'Father/ that period of the world's history in which the life of the senses was paramount, as i.s exemplified throughout the Old Testament and in the forms of Jewish worship ; by the term 'Son,' the period dur- ing which spirit and matter were in equilibrium, when men turned their thoughts in upon themselves and strengthened the faculties of the soul, but were still unable to completely triumph over the senses and the influences of the world with- out; by the term 'Spirit,' the age of man when the purely spiritual and intellectual shall achieve a glorious triumph over matter, and rule supreme. When this age shall have dawned, the sacraments of the New Testament, instituted by Christ — viz.. Baptism, Penance, and the Eucharist — will lose their efficacy, cease to be necessary or useful, and pass away. Every one shall then be immediately inspired by the Holy Spirit, without the aid of supplementary contrivances or ' out- loard practices,' and in this way work out his salvation. This inspiration," Al marie added, " is the result of ' interior recollec- tions.' Prophets, apostles, and poets were all equally inspired, and differed only as to their several objects of inspiration. Sanctification is but the consciousness of the presence of God — the filling of the soul with the thought of ' all in one and one in all.' Sin is but the shackles that time and space have flung about man. In the last age, when matter shall fade into spirit and all external things pass away, the external cultus, from the nature of the case, shall also cease. Who- ever," this impious madman went on to say, " whoever lives in the Holy Spirit can not stain his soul with the guilt of sin, even if he should be a fornicator; each of us is Christ, each of us the Holy Spirit." David of Dinanto started from a principle widely different from that of Amalric. According to the teaching of the lat- ter, God was the formal principle (principium formale) of all and that of David. The former, he says, considered God the principium formale of all things; the latter taught that He was the materia prima. Summa, Pars I., Quaest. III., Art. VIII. (,Tr.) VOL. II — 43 674 Period 2. Epoch 2. Fart 1. Chapter 3. things, the material source (materia prima), according to that of the former. David was also more hostile than Amalric to the Christian religion, inasmuch as he sought arguments to support his system in the writings of Pagan philosophers. It was not long until the poison oi false philosophy thus intro- duced through the medium of Amalric's system permeated all the heretical systems then in vogue, such as the Cathari, the Albigenses, and others.^ The teachings of this sect were condemned by the synod of Paris, in 1209, and the organization in consequence hope- lessly broken. It is more than probable the sectaries known as the Breth- ren and Sisters of the Free Spirit,^ holding partly Montanistic and partly Pantheistic theories, were the legitimate issue of the Amalricians. The name was intended to be representa- tive of their doctrine, which they professed to find in the fol- lowing words of St. Paul's epistle to the Romans (viii. 2, 14): "For the law of the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus hath made me free from the law of sin and death. For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God;" and in those of St. John's Gospel (iv. 23): "The true adorer shall adore the Father in spirit and in truth." Starting from these two texts, they claimed, first, exemption from all external laws and ordinances, and next, freedom from sin, and in conse- quence believed themselves to be children of God. Their system was a sort of mystical pantheism, somewhat analogous to that of the Paulicians. They held that everything is a direct emanation from God, and applied to themselves the words of Christ: "I and the Father are One." As many, they said, as have brought this doctrine home to themselves are no longer under the dominion of sense (John iv. 2;]), can not be defiled by contact with the outer woHd, and have therefore passed into a higher state of existence, and have no more need of the sacraments. Drawing a broad and clean distinction between matter and mind, amounting to a com- plete sundering of the two, they maintained that the soul ' Cf. Siaudenmaier, Philosophy of Christianity, Vol. I., p. 629 sq. *See the detailed. Bibliography in Engelhardts Ch. Hist., Vol. IV., p. 151. § 238. Amalric of Bena — J^anid of Dinanto, etc. 675 conld not be stained by sensual excesses, and accordingly some of them gave the fullest swing to their passions, and freely indulged in the grossest impurity. The^' were singular in their dress, led a vagabond life, and, while professing a strict observance of the vow of poverty, lived on the labor of othei's. Wanderina; from villa2;e to vil- .age and from town to town, they sang out as they went iilong: "Bread for God's sake" ("Brot durch Gott"); and as their number steadily increased, they grew daily more im- portunate, and their professional character as beggars better known. Th.ey were called, in consequence of their pertina- cious appeals, Begrjars {" BegharcV and " Beguts"), and in France, "Z'«?'Zmj3i?is," probably from their wolfish or preda- tory habits. Owing to the considerable number of women, who constantly accompanied them, they were. called ironically by the Gcvmaus " Sisterers" (Schwestriones), and early accused of immoral practices. They were most numerous at Cologne, whence they spread along the banks of the Rhine and through France and the JSTetherlands. About the middle of the thir- teenth century, they carried their doctrines into male and female convents, particularly in Suabia, calling upon monks and nuns to throw off the rule of their respective orders and commit themselves to the guidance and influence of the Free Spirit. Stringent measures were now taken to suppress them.' The Apostolical Brethren were a kindred sect. They were founded by Gerard Segarelli, a fanatical young man of Parma, who had been dismissed from a Franciscan convent. Like '"Thoir professed object," says CT^man)?, Evangelical Prelate in Heidelberg (Reformers before the Keformation), was to restore tlie pure primeval, the di- vine life of freedom, innocence, and nature. ... To bring this about in defiance of the imposing power of the Church, the only way open to them was by secret and clandestine meetings. Accordingly they constructed for them- selves remote, and often subterraneous habitations, wliieh they called 'Para- dises,' and where by night, and especially on the nights of festivals, persons of both sexes used to assemble. On such occasions one of their 'apostles' came forward, and, taking off his clothes and exemplifying in his own person the state of innocence, delivered a discourse on the free intercourse of the sexes, which the law of marriage, contrary to nature, had supplanted. The sequel, if we may credit the reports (Mosheim says there is no reason to doubt their truth — de Begkardis et Beguinabus. — Tb.), was of a kind which forhids descrip- tion." (Tr.) 676 Period 2. Upoch' 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. many of the heresiarchs who went before liim, he believed himself called upon to revive the apostolical era of the Church. He entered upon his self-appointed mission in 1261, and, ac- companied by a number of followers, who, though not per- mitted to marry, were attended by women called "Sisterr,," went up and down the country, begging, singing, and an- nouncing that the kingdom of God was at hand. The scope and aim of their teaching were for some time kept secret, but gradually came out, when it was discovered that they were communistic, subversive of society at large, hostile to the Church, but directed chiefly against the Papacy. Both Church and State undertook their suppression, and in 1300, their fanatical leader, Gerard, was burned to death at Parma. Gerard's death did not put an end to their sect. They found a new leader in Dolcino^ of Prato, in the county of Wovara, an Italian of considerable culture and remarkable energy of character, and some military talent. He intro- duced himself to public notice by a circular letter, addressed ' Histor. Dulcini and additamentum ad hist. Dulo. (Muraiori, T. IX., p. 423.) Dante, Div. commed., inferno, Canto XXVIII., v. 55 (not v. 25), places Dolcino by the side of Mohammed, probably because they both defended their doctrines sword in hand. The poet commences his nai-rative with these words: "Chi poria mai pur con parole sciolte Dicer del sangue e delle piaghe appieno, Ch' i' ora vidi, per narrar piCi volte?" And the importance of the rebellious war thus carried on by them is shown then (v. 55 sq.), when Mohammed bids the poet, on his return to the light: "Or di' a fra Dolcin dunque che s'armi, Tu ohe forse vedrai il sole in breve, S'egli non vuol qui tosto sequitarmi, Si di vivanda, che stretta di neve Non reehi la vittoria al Noarese, Ch' altrimentl acquistar non saria leva." "Now say to Fra Dolcino, then, to arm him, Thou, who perhaps wilt shortly see the sun, If soon he -/ish not here to follow mo, So with provisions, that no stress of snow May give the victory to the Novarese, Which otherwise to gain would not be easy." (Tr.) ■Mosheim, Hist, of the Order of Apostolicals, Helmstadt, 1748. Schtosser, A-belard and Dolcino, Gotha, 1807. Krone, Fra Dolcino and the Patareni, Lps. 1844. § 238. Amalric of Bena — David of Dinanto, etc. 677 to all Christendom, in which he proclaimed that a " new ago was dawning on the Church, and that he and his followers M'ere the latter prophets who were to immediately precede the great Judgment Day" (a. d. 1303). The duration of the kingdom of God on earth, he said, was divided into four periods, each having its distinctive characteristics. The first embraced the time spent by Christ on earth, and was distin- guished by piety, as exemplified in Jesus; the second, the in- terval from the death of Christ to Constantino, during which Christians were poor and chaste ; the third, the centuries from Constantino to his own, coming, during the first three or four of which the Christians were moderately good, but after the time of Charlemagne, they grew avaricious, and wealth cor- rupted the Church; St. Bernard and the Mendicant Orders made strenuous but ineffectual efforts to correct these abuses,' but the latter ended by succumbing to their influence; the fourth, his own age, when virtue and chastity were to reign supreme, the power of Rome and of Pope Boniface VIII. to be overthrown, and Christianity to be restored in all its prim- itive purity. It was rather unfortunate for Dolcino that he was often under the necessity of putting off this happy consummation of things ; but, as he was equal to any emergency, the delays were not a source of insuperable annoyance to himself, what- ever they may have been to his followers. After going about for some time in Tyrol and Dalmatia, he returned to Piedmont, and, having gathered together his followers at ISTovara, formally declared war against Kome (a. d. 1304). After fighting several battles, Dclciuo and his followers were driven to seek refuge on Mount Zebello, where those who escaped death by famine perished by the sword of the crusaders sent against them under the lead of the Bishop of Vcrcelli (a.. D. 1307). Both Dolcino and his female com- panion, Margaret, whom he called his spiritual sister, were taken prisoners, and, after having borne severe torture, the former was executed and the latter burned to death. From this time forth the Apostoliccds ceased to exist as an organized sect, though small communities were to be found scattered 678 Period 2. E-poeh 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. here and there, in Germany and in the south of France, as late as the opening of the fourteenth century. The errors of these sectaries are very closely allied to the teachings of Joachim., abhot of the Cistercian monastery of Floris, in Calabria, from whose writings they were proba- bly derived. He was born in 1130, and died in 1202.' He was an enthusiastic student of the Old Testament prophe- cies, which are the subject of many of his writings and dis- courses. He treated them in such way as to make pointed application of them to himself, and people came iinally to regard him as a prophet. His writings under the title of "Prophecies of the Abbot Joachim" are well known to every student of mediaeval history. He also wrote a treatise on the Trinity, in which he controverted the teaching of Peter Lombard, saying that the latter, in maintaining that there are Three Persons in the Trinity, was really contending for a Quadrinity rather than a Trinity. He thus fell into an error very nearly akin to Tritheism. His teaching was condemned in the second canon of the fourth Council of Lateran (a. d. 1215). The afiocalyptical tone of Joachim's writings led many of his followers into the wildest fanaticism. Gerard, a Franciscan friar (c. A. d. 1254) and an intimate friend of John of Parma, for a time general of the Franciscan order, but subsequently deposed, collected three works of Joachim into one, under the title of the ^'■Everlasting Gospel," with a doctrinal preface and some interpolations, here and there, of his ovvn.^ This, he said, was the gospel to which reference was made in the Apocalypse (xiv. 6), and which St. Francis, the founder of his order, who was mentioned in the same place as " the angel," was commissioned to proclaim to •It is not certain that the treatise " Evangelium Aeiernuin" existed in the Middle Ages. Cf. Enijdhardt, Dissertations on Eccl. Hist., Erlangen, 1832, p. 1-150. "Joaehim and the Everlasting Gospel." On the ot^er hand, we have ■ from Joachim: De concordia utriusqae Testamenti, Libri V., Venet. 1519, 4to; Exposit. Apocal., psalterium decern chordarum (on the Trinity), Venet. 1527, 4to. 2 Introductorius in evangel, aeternum, whereof hut fragments in Argentri Colleot. judicior. do novis errorib., Par. 1728, T. I., p. 173, and in Eccard., T. II., p. 849; Postilla super apocal., epitomized in Balm. Miscell., Lib. L, p. 213 sq. § 238. Amalric of Bena — David of Dinanto, etc. 679 the world Its leading idea is very nearly like that already set forth by the Montanists.' The Three Persons of the Blessed Trinity are supposed to tyjDify the Three Ages of the World., or the three periods of the history of mankind. In (he first age, embracing the interval from the creation of the world to the coming of Christ, the Father made Himself . known to the Jews through the Old Testament and in mani- festations of His power and majesty. In the second, the Son revealed Himself in the Gospels, gave in His own person a perfect example of humility, and imparted to man the full- ness of wisdom and truth. To this dispensation of the Son, during which the Roman Church put forth her greatest en- ergy, were to succeed the "-Last Days" when the Holy Ghost would crown all that had gone before with perfect love and joy and freedom. For it was said that, inasmuch as the teaching of Christ and His apostles related to an earthly kingdom, and could not therefore lead man to his highest attainable end, Christianity as hitherto understood was speed- ily passing away, to be replaced by a spiritual religion of the heart, in which a contemplative love would supersede the sacraments and all outward means of grace. This sublime religion, with its higher life and superior knowledge, was to be the characteristic of the Third Age of the TForM, which was to open exactly in the year 1260. This age, it was added, was the only purely spiritual age — the first being that of the fleSh, and the second that of the Jiesh and the spirit. The false mysticism, so prominent a feature of all these sectaries, received its high- est development in the famous and learned Piaster Eckhart of Paris (a. d. 1300-1329). Ilis sermons are often almost unin- tellviihle, but the drift of them is plain enough, which is to allegorize all the historical portions of the Scriptures in such way as to bring them into harmony with his own pantheistic theosophy? Eftbrts have been made to clear his otherwise ^TeriuLL, de virgin, veland., c. 1. Cf. ad uxor., Lib. I., o. 2. ' Simidenmaier, Philosophy of Christianity, Vol. I., p. 641; a more critical view in ''GrcUh, Gorman Mystics among the Friars and Preachers, Freiburg, 18G1, p. GO sq., and in Bach, Master Eckhart, the Father of German Specula- tion, Vienna, 1864. Cf. Tiibg. Quart. 18G5, nro. 1. Lasson, Master Eckhart, Berlin, 18G8. Period 2. Ejpoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 3. great name of this heretical blot ; but, since he was the first of those who were intimately connected with the sect known as the Friends of God,^ it is not clear how he can be acquitted of the dangerous doctrines laid to his charge. Moreover, he was formally condemned by Pope John XXII., in a bull issued in 1329, after Eckhart's death. But, whatever be his faults, he has the incontestable merit of having thrown the German language into scientific form. > Cf. Blunfs Diet, of Sects, etc., art. Friends of God. (Tb.> CHAPTER IV. HISTOEY OF RELIGIOUS ORDEKS. Holstenii Codex regular, monasticar., etc. The works of Uelyoi, SchmicH Biedenfeld, and ''Henrion (German by Fehr, Vol. I., p. 748). There is also found a full and very interesting picture of religious life at this epoch in Eurier, Innocent III., Vol. III., p. 427-616; Vol. IV., p. 1-312. See also Cesarc Caniit, Vol. VII., p. 149 sq., and compare Raumer, Hist, of the Hohen- Btaufens, Vol. IV., p. 320-436, and also Schrockh, Ch. H., Pt. XXVII. § 239. Introduction. The fresh, vigorous life which had penetrated the religious orders toward the close of the preceding epoch still continued to animate theni in the present, and to make their influence felt throughout the whole Church and in every phase of her development. The spirit of penance having been revived in the Western nations daring the eleventh century, by the re- formatory zeal of Gregory VII., was kept alive by the labors of the monks, who were to be seen in the life and bustle of the world, now fearlessly preaching the Gospel of Jesus Christ before princes and bishops, now acting as mediators between hostile parties and adjusting their diliiculties, and at all times and everywhere proving themselves the friends and protectors of the poor. The cloister was alike the refuge of penitent sinners and the liome of science, to which cpiiot and retirement are so congenial. Here schools were founded and flourished, the arts cultivated, and artisans and mechanics taught their various crafts and trades. A cloistei", therefore, was, on a small scale, the seat of a university — a sort of poly- technic institute and agricultural college.' Moreover, the i"The mere enumeration of the cloister libraries fills one with surprise and admiration. About the close of the eleventh century, the library of tlie mon- astery of Croyland, containing three thousand volumes, perished by lire. In 1248 the library of the abbey of Glastonbury contained four hundred volumes, among which were several of the Koman poets and historians. The catalogue (681) 682 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chaj)ter 4. monasteries were governed by rules exhibiting such consum- mate wisdom that their forms of government were in a meas- ure adopted as models for political institutious just emerging into life and taking definite shape. So generally acceptable was monastic life to all classes, and so rapid and wide-spread its growth, that Innocent III. felt himself called upon to for- bid the founding of new orders, and left to restless and aspir- ing men only the choice of entering whichever of those al- ready existing they might find most congenial to their tastes. Still his prohibition did not preven.t the founding of many new congregations, whose members went earnestly to work to counteract the influence of heretics, those dangerous ene- mies of Church and State then as in all ages, and, as the event proved, achieved by their labors a most triumphant success. The secret of the strength and influence of the religious orders and congregations lay in the severity of their rules, their strict observance of them, and in the holiness of their founders. But unfortunately a spirit of laxity soon crept in, and the conspicuous contrast between their vow of poverty and their great wealth and vast possessions foreboded, and in matter of fact brought on, their speedy decline. Once intro- duced, the taste for reflned and sensual enjoyments rapidly spread: the monastic state, heretofore so sacred and honored in the eyes of all, was regarded with indifference or excited contem^nt, and monks became either secretly vicious or openly scandalous. THE CONGREGATION OP CLUGNY fcf. § 199). This congregation, the most celebrated of the past epoch, was also the most renowned of the present. Its members wore a black habit of the simplest possible cut. The disci- of tlie library of Prilling is not so rich in classical works, but among them a Homer is mentioned. About the same epoch, tho cloister of Benedictbeuren boasted of the possession of a Lucian, a Horace, a Virgil, and a Sallust; and tho monastery of St. Michael, near Bamberg, had among its collection tho greater part of the Latin poets and the works of many other writers of Pagan and Christian antiquity." Barter, Vol. III., p. 582; cf. Caniit, Vol. VIL, p. 754. § 240. The Cistercian Order. 683 pline of the monastery had been very dangerously relaxed during the abbacy of one Pontius, who died in 1122 ; but his successor, the learned and virtuous Peter the Venerable (a. d. 1122-1156), again restored it to its primitive rigor, and ex- tended the reputation and the authority of the mother-house of Clugny until it had under it two thousand monasteries,^ chiefly in France. All these monasteries, which, as we have already .remarked, were generally built on picturesque and commandinr/ heights,'^ were subject to the rule and under the government of Clugny, and recognized its abbot as their su- preme monastic head. He was invariably chosen from the monks of his own convent, whence also the priors of the other convents were, as a rule, taken. A General Chapter assem- bled annually at Clugny, to enact laws and provide for the interests of the congregation. This congregation now, as in times past, continued to send forth popes and bishops to gov- ern the Church, and in return the order enjoyed the protec- tion and prospered under the influence of the pontitfs, but more particularly in France than elsewhere. But excessive wealth, as usual, blighted the life and blasted the growth of this great and noble order, and Clugny declined in considera- tion and influence, and finally gave place to rising congrega- tions more fitted by their constitution and the fresh vigor of their youth to cope with the perils of the age. § 240. The Cistercian Order. Eelatio, qualiter ineepit ordo Cisterciens. (Auberii Miraei Chron. Cisterc. ord., Coloniae, 1614). — Henriquez, Kegula, constitut. et privil. ord. Cist., Aiitverp., 1630. Hohienius-Brockie, 1. c, T. II., p. 305-168. Hehjot, Vol. V., p. 3iG sq. Hurler, Vol. IV., p. 101-206. lienrlon-Fehr, Vol. I., p. 101 sq. Robert, abbot of Molesme, growing dissatisfied with the re- laxation and sloth into which excessive wealth had plunged ' Wi'tkcns, Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Clugny, being the biography of a monk, Lps. 1857. ''In the Middle Ages everything had, so to speak, its special and distinctive type and its own appropriate names. Each order and congregation had a traditional location and a peculiar style of architecture. The sites preferred bj each of the groat orders is expressed in the following verses: Bernardus valles, montes Beuedictus amabat Oppida Frauciscus, celebres Ignatius urlies. 684 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. the Benedictine order, and still more so with the resistance which the monks oft'ered to his measures of reform, foiuided, in 1098, a new congregation at Citeaux, near Dijon, in the bish'"pric of Chalons-suV-Marne. The pious abbot had a host of difficulties to contend against and overcome. The spirit •which animated the new congregation of Citeaux was as dif- ferent as possible from that which swayed the monks of CUigny, and an absolute self-denial, a severe simplicity in all that pertained to external worship, a full and unqualified submission to the authority of the bishop of the diocese, a com- plete renunciation of all worldly afi'airs, and, in fact, every- thing about them, down to the lohite habit, which had been substituted for the black, rendered the contrast more conspic- uous and pronounced. Robert died 1108, and 1119 his order was thrown into definite shape and its organization perfected by the adoption of the Charter of Love {Charta Charitafis), which directed that every act of its members should be done by the law of char- it}'-. It was approved in the same year by Calixtus II. Its rule was so severe that three abbots succeeded one another before any accession was made to the original twenty, and even s(mie of these were frightened away by the austerity it enjoined.' But, for all this, contemporaries recognized in the life led by the inmates of Citeaux the perfect antitype of the apostolic age, and when St. Bernard, became one of their number, in 1113, the order had acquired a reputation which raised it far above the most, illustrious congregations of that day. K'early three years later, he founded a new monastery of the same order in a wild and desert valley inclosed by mountains, in the diocese of Langres. The valley had for- merly been the asylum of robbers, and was called the Valley of Wormwood (Vallis Ahsinthalis), but after it had been cleared, it received tlio name of the Clear Valley {Clara Val- lis), and the new house was in consequence called Clairoaux. Bernard was at this time ouh' five and twenty. He was con- ■ Dalijairns, St. Steplien Harding, founder (?) (third abbot ! — Tk.) of the Order of Citeuux, Mentz, 1&')5. § 240. The Cistercian Order. 685 secrated abbot by William of Champeaux, the learned Bishop of Chalons (lHo)} St. Bernard was born ia 1091, at Fontaine-Duimois, neai Chatilly in Burgundy. He was of noble parentage, his father being a respectable knight. His mother, Aleth, as so fre- quently happens in the case of great men, was at special pains to instill into his tender mind those sentiments of ]>iety and religion which, when assiduously cultivated in early life, are rarely, if ever, lost sight of in after years, and never cease to exercise some influence for good. Previously to Bernard's birth, his mother had learned in a vision that her son would one day be the keeper of the house of the Lord, and, accord- ing to her custom, as soon as she was able to go abroad, she brought him to the altar and consecrated him to God. Bernard was early sent to school, where he soon distanced his companions in speculative studies and dialectical skill, and from his most tender years manifested a grave and peace- able disposition, and a decided tendency to a life of solitude and contemplation. He used to say in after life, when thrown among the noise and bustle of the world, that tils mind had been nurtured and his soul inspired by long residence among the grand old trees of the forest. After the death of his mother, the young man was drawn into the society of youths, whose morals were such as are usually associated with that season of life when the passions are strong and iiery and the mind ill-balanced, and was for a time in danger of being led into unseemly excesses. But by the aid of the lessons taught him in early life by his pious mother, he quickly recovered himself, broke loose from all worldly ties, and, gathering about him thirty young men of kindred dispositions and aspirations, entered the monastery of Citeaux (a. d. 1113). ^Bernardi 0pp. (letters, speeches, poems, practical exegetics, ascetical writ- ings.) Best edition that of Merlo Horst, revised by Mabillon, Paris, 1G07-16!1(I, 6 vols, in fol. 1719, 2 vols, f.; Venet. 1726, 2 vols. f. in Migne, ser. lat. T. 182- 185. A beautiful reprint of the edition of Mabillon by the JFrerea de Gaume, Paris, 1839-40. His life was written by three of his contemporaries — William, abbot of Saint-Thierry, Gaufred., and Alanus ab Insulis, monks of Clairvaux {Mabil- lon, Acta SS. ord. S. Bened,, T. I. and IV.) Among moderns, see Neander, St. Bernard and his Age, 2 ed., Berlin, 1848; liaiishonne, Vie de saint Bernard, Paris, 1843. See above, p. 538. 686 Period 2. l^Jpoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. Having, with the exception of a short interval, severely chas- tened his passions and disciplined his conscience through life, he was now prepared to take in and bring home to himself, as far as is given man to do, the most sublime teachings of the Church. Equally distinguished by great learning and piactical good sense, and by a deep and sincere humility and a dislike of any sort of honor, this wonderful man had a remai'kable tact in meeting and overcoming, when he could not set aside, difficulties; and his eloquence, backed by his ascetic appearance, his self-denial, and his numerous miracles enabled him to carry out successfully the most difficult under- takings. Bernard was the type of his age. Who knew so well as he how to meet the various forms of fanaticism of that age when the incoherent vagaries of an unchastened inuigiuation and a stubborn and indocile reason mingled, like the remembrance of some hideous dream, with the intellectual awakening then going on ? Enamored of the Church and of the high ideal he had formed of her, he knew better than any other the disorders by which she was afflicted, and fearlessly attacked them wher- ever found, whether among the clergy or the laity, in popes, in bishops, or in princes, and having thus rebuked their shortcom- ings, gave them salutary advice as to their future conduct. To him did Innocent II. owe his recognition as pope, and Eugene III. the great influence which he enjoyed ; on his recom- mendation the Knights Templars, already somewhat relaxed, received the sanction of the Holy See, and to his sweeping eloquence and energy is due the organization of the Second Crusade; and, finally, to his zeal and apostolic labors many fanatical heretics owed their conversion and return to the Church. What a number of projects did this one man under- take andsuccessfully carry through single-handed ! By a life of self-denial and meditation, he rivaled the perfection of the most renowned anchorites of the East, and in the energy and aclivity he displayed in consulting for the temporal and eter- nal welfare of his fellow-man, was not surpassed by any \ rince or bishop of his day. This powerful representative of the spiritual element, this angel of peace among men, this arbiter between kings and nations, did not long survive hia § 240. The Cistercian Order. 687 friend, Pope Eugene, whom he followed to the tomb August 20, 1153. ISTo sooner had the news of his death got abroad than petitions came pouring in from all countries, p'?aving for his canonization, and he was accordingly placed npon the calendar of saints in 1174. The monastery of Clairveaux was a model of monastic life, and so great an authority and influence did the order acquire through the reputation of Bernard that its members were led to call themselves Bernardines. Before his death his order had spread to every country of Europe, and numbered two thousand establishments.^ From all quarters— from every part of France, from Italy and Spain, from Germany and Switzerland, from England and Ireland, and from Denmark and Sweden — came applications for monks formed at Clair- veaux to found monasteries in these distant lands on the model left by Bernard. There in that desert valley, at the foot of solitary mountains, did the turmoil of the world cease, and in those tranquil cells did countless, souls find peace and rest, and many a broken heart solace and repose. ''Ah, how much happier am I," writes a monk of Citeaux, "in cultivating wisdom, here in one of our humble huts, than in living with my friend amid the magnificence of great cities!" The chronicles of this order are crowded with the lives of saints. From it went forth great statesmen and rulers of the Church. To it does agriculture owe a large debt of grati- tude, and the lower classes much of the amelioration of their condition. Its influence was everywhere felt; and even re- ligious, usually very tenacious and jealous of their own rules and traditions, sometimes reformed their own monasteries on the model of Clairveaux. It was thus that Suger, the cele- brated monk and statesman, reformed the monastery of St. Denys, of which he was abbot. 'Dubois, Hist, of the Abbey of Morimond, and of the principal equestrian orders of Spain and Portugal, Munster, 1855, from the second French edition of Dijon, 1852. 688 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. § 241. The Order of Grammont (Grand Mont). Historia brevis prior. Gi'andimontensium ; Historia prolixior prior. Grandi- montensium et Vita S. Stephani, ord. Grand, institutoris, by Gerhard, tlie sev- entli prior of Grammont {Mart'ene, et Dnrand, Collect nmpliss., T. VI., p. 113 sq., 125 sq., and 1050 sq. ; Mabillon, Annal. ord. S. Boned., T. V., p. 65); the stat- utes of the order in Martcnc, de antiq. eocles. ritibus. Helyot, Vol. VII., p 470 sq. Hurier, Vol. IV., p. 137 sq. Stephen of Tigerno, in Aavcrgne, was born in 1046. liia parents had long and earnestly sought God to bless them with a son, and when Stephen was born to them, great pains were taken to have him properly brought np and educated. When twelve years of age, he accompanied his father on a pilgrmage' to the tomb of St. N"icholas of Bari; but, falling sick on his return, he was placed under the care of his countryman, Archbishop Milon of Benevento, who had him suitably edu- cated for the ministry. During a visit to a monastery in Calabria, the young man's thoughts took another direction, and, being strongly impressed by the quiet, order, and beauty of monastic life, returned to France and founded the new order of Grammont. It received the special approbation of Gregory VII. (a. d. 1073), who, in writing to Stephen, t^jld him " to found as many houses as there are stars in the heavens, and to beg of St. Benedict to obtain for him spir- itual graces rather than temporal blessings." In compliance with the wish of the Pope, Stephen at first adopted the Ben- edictine rule for his community; but later on, when his re- ligious came to ask him to what order they belonged: "To that of the Gospel," he replied, " which is the basis of all rules. Let this be your answer to such as inquire of you. As for myself, I shall not suffer that I be called either monk, canon, or hermit. These titles are so high and holy, and imply so large a measure of perfection, that 1 should not pre- sume to apply them to myself" His own austerity, and that which he required in those about him, soon drew to his side a number of followers, with whom he settled first at Mount Muret, Limoge; but, having been forced to give up this place, he fixed his abode perma- nently at Grammont, a few (five) miles distant. § 242. The Carthusians. 689 Stephen of Tigerno died Febiuary 8, 112i, leaving to his brethren onl^- the legacy of poverty and an abiding trust in God. His spiritual children proved themselves worthj^ follow- ers of their holy founder. The first written Rule of the order is attributed to both Stephen of Lisiac, the fourth, and to Gerard, the seventh prior (a. d. 1188), and enjoins the most strict ob- servance of the vow of poverty, forbidding the community to receive or hold any estates or possessions whatever. " ISTe ver," says the Rule, " is one as secure of the Divine love as when jiving in poverty. It is therefore necessary to observe it most scru- pulously." And, to put the observance of it beyond all doubt, the Rttle further prescribed, " that the administration of all tem- poral affairs shall be intrusted to lay-brothers." But it was pre- cisely this precaution against the laxity to which excessive wealth u.sually leads that, in course of time, disturbed the peace of the order and seriously injured the good name which the holiness of so many of its members had merited for it. Monks and lay-brothers fell to quarreling with each other, and the latter, having possession of all the wealth of the monastery, administered it to the detriment of the former. In 1317, Pope John XXII. reformed the Rule and raised Gram- mont to the rank of an abbey, having under it thirty-nine priories. § 242. The Carthusians. The Life of St. Bruno (BoUand. Acta SS. m. Octob., T. III., p. 491 sq.) Ma- billon, Ann., T.V., p. 202; ejusdem Acta SS. O. S. Bened., T. VI., P. II., praef. p 52. See also the a\yful legend de vera causa secessus St. Brunon. in erenium [Lavnoi, 0pp., T. II., Pt. II., p. .324 sq.) Dubois, la grande chartreuse, Greno- ble, 1846. The statutes of the order of Carthusians first ordered by Guigo de' Castro, author of the Vita S. Hugonis Grandinopolitani, in Sarins, and the Bollandists, ad. I. m. April. Cf. Hdyot, Vol. VII., p. 424 sq. Hurter, Vol. IV., p. 149 sq. Henrion-Fehr, Vol. I., p. 78 sq. Historical and Political Papers,' Vol. VIII., p. 328 sq. Bruno, a priest of Cologne, and afterward canon and master of the cathedral-school at Rheims, where Urban II. was one of his pupils, was the founder of this order. Disgusted with the worldly life of Manasseh, the archbishop, who on one. occasion so far forgot himself as to say that "the archbish- VOL. n — 44 690 Period 2. Efoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. opric of Eheims would be a fine thing if one were not obliged to sing Mtiss to enjoy its revenues," and, frightened by some singular occurrences attending the death of one of the canons,' ho, in company with a few otliers who shared his sentiments, retired into the diocese of Grenoble, where thej' were warnilj received by Hugh, the bishop. In a wild and desolate valley, called La C/iortreuse (Cart/iusium), situated within a few miles of the city of Grenoble, he and his dozen companions settled down and laid the foundation of an order more severe in disci- pline thayi any then existiiig. They built a monastery in which to meet for feligious and devotional exercises, and lived in small cells scattered about it. Their rule prescribed perpetual silence, total abstinence from flesh-meat, a^id the wearing of hair-cloth garments. But, while devising bodily austerities, Bruno did not neglect to inspire his brethren with his own love of knowledge.'^ Their time was divided between religious exercises, manual labor, and the transcription of the Bible, ancient authors, and other important works, thus securing for themselves the best title to the grateful remembrance of pos- terity. They rigidly excluded all appearance of pomp and magnificence, and, even in the service of the altar, permitted the use of only a silver chalice. The order flourished i"n spite of the severity of the rule, and even a band of devoted women took up the idea and founded a corresponding community for ' This shocking legend is probably allegorical, and contains some pointed reference to the disorders laid to the charge of Manasseh. It states that one of the canons, having died, was lying coffined in church during the recitation of the office of the dead. When the canons had come to the words of the fourth lesson — "Responde mihi" — the dead man thrice raised his head, repeating, each time: "By the just judgment of God am I accused, found guilty, and condemned" The authenticity of the legend has been vehemently denied by Launoy, Archbishop Antoninus, Gcrson, and especially by Mnhillon, Museum Ital., T. I., Pt. II., p. 117 sq. On the other hand, it is defended by Don Du- creux, last prior of the Carthusian monastery of Bourbon-le-Gaillon, in Nor- mandy, in his biography of St. Bruno. See Henrion-Fehr, Vol. I., p. 79, in tha note, t Tappert, St. Bruno, Luxemburg, 1872. ^Cf. Alb. Miraeus, Bibliotheca Carthusiana, sive illustrium S. Carthus. oidin Bcriptorum, auctore Theodor. Petrejo (acced. origines omn. per orbem Carthu- iiianorum), Coloniae, 1609. ^ They -were first established at Salette, on the Khone, ia France, about the year 1229. (Tb.) 242. The Carthusians. 691 The deep spiritual life which distinguished the monks of Chartreuse gave their influence much weight in the great controversy on investitures. The austere Bruno was invited (a. d. 1090) hy Urban II., his former pupil, to come to Rome: but the holy man soon grew weary of the active life of a court, and, after refusing the bishopric of Reggio, retired to Torre, in Calabria, where he founded a new Carthusian monastery and ended his days in 1101. The Carthusian mordis preserved unimpaired, perhaps longer than those of any other order, the spirit of their founder, the primitive severity' of their rule, and their char- acteristic love of contemplative life. Even amid the splendor with which the order was afterward surrounded, these re- mained free from all external contact, and the traditional austerity of the monks lost nothing of its severity.' Guigo, the fifth prior of the mother-house of Chartreuse (t A. D. 1137), composed a valuable work for his order, entitled the '■'■^Ionics Ladder." in which he gives a striking picture of an ascetical life. "There are," says he, "four stages of - growth in holiness, nearly, if not quite, inseparable from each other — viz., reading, meditation, prayer, and contempla- tion. By reading, one is drawn to meditation, and this, ac- companied by prayer, leads to the domain of pure contempla- tion. Reading conveys the food to tiie mouth, meditation breaks and grinds it; prayer creates and tastes, but contem- plation is enjoyment itself. As in certain pleasures of sense the spiritual clement in man becomes so intimately inter- woven with the corporal that matter for the time wholly pre- dominates, so also in contemplation every movement and impulse of the flesh are so completely under control of the soul, and so responsive to its workings, that matter and spirit are entirely one, move on in the fullest harmony, and the spiritual element rules supreme. Some hasten to Jerusalem, but do ye push on still further, nor cease until ye have ac- quired patience and humility. Ye may find the Holy City in this world,, but the home of these virtues is beyond." ' Cf. Henrion-Fehr, Vol. I., p. 90-94. Description of the Carthusian iLstab- lishments. 692 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. In 1141 it was first proposed to convoke a general ebaptei of the order at the Chartreuse of Grenoble, over which the prior of this house pi-esided, and at which the priors of all the other monasteries were present. It was here agreed that the general chapter had the right and the duty to legislate for the whole order, and to look after the general good ot itb various establishments. § 243. The Premonstraten^ians or ISorbertines. Norberti Vita by the Jesuit Pupcbroch [Bollaml. Acta SS. m. Jun., T. I., p 804). Hermanni monachi, Do miriitulis S. Mariae laudes III. 2 sq. [Guiberh Opp. ed. (fylcAcVt/, p. 544.) Ilur/o, Wa S. Norbert., Luxemb. 1704, 4to. Bibl Ord. Praem. per J. le Paicje, Par. 1633; priraaria instituta canonic. Prae- raonstr. in Marihnc. de antiq. ecclos. ri.tib., T. III. Cf. Helyol, Vol. II., p. 206 sq. Hurier, Vol. IV., p. 200 sq. Henrion-Fehr, Vol. I., p. 148 sq. Gorlich, the Premonstr. and their abbey of St. Vincent, at Breslau, 2 pts., Brcsl. 1836- 1841. Winter, the Premonst. of the twelfth century, being supplements toward a history of the introduction of Christianity into the country of the Wends, Berlin, 1865. The same, the Premonstratensians in North-eastern Germany, Gotha, 1868. The founder of this order, Norbert, a descendant of the noble house of Gennep, was born at Xanten, on the Lower Eliine, in the duchy of Cleves, between the years 1080 and 1085. Being a man of good parts, and having a large for- tune in his own right, the highest ecclesiastical offices were open to him, and during the early years of bis priesthood he was chaplain to the emperor Henry V., and, still later, canon at Cologne. While indulging hopes of worldl}' ambition and of a brilliant future, an event occurred which changed the whole course of his life. In 1114, while out taking a ride for pleasure, he was overtaken by a storm and dashed to the ground by a stroke of lightning which fell near him. On recovering himself, he began to think seriously of the sudden death he had just escaped, and, interpreting the circumstance as a warning, he at once entered upon a more serious course of life. After having distributed his goods to the poor, he at- tempt id to reform the canons of several cathedrals ; but fail- ing li ;re, he went up and down France and Germany preach- ing (^^)cnance. lie was everywhere received with marked den anstrations of respect. Shepherds would leave theii § 243. The Premonstratensians or Norbertines. 693 flocks to make known his coming to hamlet and town, and as he drew near, the church-bells would ring out to announce liis) presence to tlie inhabitants. Hastening to the church, he would celebrate Mass, after which he would preach to the people. His grave and manly eloquence always produced a. lively and lasting impression. Young and old yielded to its persuasive influence, and knights prepared for deadly combat, when accosted by Norbert, would lay aside their arms, be- come reconciled, and embrace as friends. All were emulous of the honor of entertaining this man of peace as their guest. In the year 1119, Norbert visited Pope Calixtus IL, who was then holding a council at Eheims, and was by him au- thorized to found a new order. In the following year he withdrew, for this purpose, to an unhealthy and desert valley in the forest of Coucy, near Laon, which he named Premontri {Pratam Mojistratum), or ^"^ the indicated meadow," from the fact that it had been pointed ont to him in a vision. Acting under the instructions of Bartholomew, Bishop of Laon, Nor- bert put off the garb of a penitent and assumed the white habit. The constitutions of St. Aiujustine^ formed the basis of the Rule adopted by this new order of reformed canons, who, while living strictly the lives of monks, united to the. habit of contemplation and study, preacliing and the care of souls.^ The order was confirmed by Pope Ilonorias II. in 1126. JSTorbert, although reasonably zealous in advancing the prosperity of his new foundation, never boasted of any special excellence possessed by it or endeavored to lay its obligations on others. To the pious and aged Theobald, Count of Cham- pagne, who wished to enter the order and make over to it all his possessions, he replied: "Far be it from me to interrupt the work God is accomplishing through you. Bear in mind 'The Eiile in its present form did not originate witii St. Augustine. It is a compilation from liis two sermons On tlie ISIorals of the Clergy and from his one hundred and ninth letter to the Nuns of Hippo. Particular statutes were added to this compilation later on. 2 There arose a discussion between monks and canons as to which of the con- ditions of life was the more honorable and meritorious. !For arguments in favor of the latter, see Lamb., Abb. S. Eufi ep. ad Ogerium {Martene, Thesaur., T. I., p. 329 sq.) Por the former, Abadard. ep. III., Ruperii Tuit. sup. quaed. capitula reg. Ben. (0pp., T. II., p. 965.) 694 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. that by taking this step the good you are now doing as a prince would have to be left undone." When, in 1126, ]!>rorbert went to preach at the diet of Spire, he was, as if by a divine inspiration, elected to the vacant archbishopric of Magdeburg. lie at tirst stoutly refused to accept the profiered honor; but, finally yielding, made his entrance into his metropolitan city in the garb of a beggar, the poverty of his garments contrasting strangely with the rich apparel of those composing his retinue. As time went on, his austerity became equally hateful to clergy and people, and he was obliged to fly the city. He died in 1134, while return- ing from Italy, where he held the office of chancellor, and his death, while calling forth the most lively demonstrations of regret, hushed every expression of ill-will against him. He was called by St. Bernard and Peter the Venerable the holiest and most eloquent man of his age. ■ § 244. The Carmelites and the Order of Fontecrault. Joan. Phocas (U85), Compondiaria desoriptio castror. ot urbium ab urbe An- tiochia usque ad Hicrosolym. (Leon, yillatii Symmicta., Venct. 1733 f.) Jacob, de Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosolym., c. 52 (Bongars., P. I., p. 1075). Alberii regula in Uolsienius., T. III., p. 18 sq. Dan. a Virg. Maria, Speculum Carmelitar., Antverp, 1G80, IV. T. f. Heiyoi, Vol. I., p. 347 sq. Hurier, Vol. IV., p. 211 sq. Freiburg Cyclop., Vol II., p. 302 sq. The founder of the Carmelites was one Berthold, a monk and priest of Calabria, who with a few companions erected, in 1156, a few huts on the heights of Mount Carmel, not far from the cave which the prophet Elias had blessed by his presence. The huts were soon demolished to give place to a monastery. Mount Carmel, from its connection with the names of Elias and Eliseus,^ had been for centuries inhabited by anchorets desirous to perpetuate the memory of these prophets, and hence the Carmelites claimed Elias himself aa their founder.^ Albert, Patriarch -of Jerusalem, at the request of Broeard, the second abbot, gave a Pule to the order (a. d. 1209). It was ' III. Kings xviii. 19 sq. ; IV. Kings ii. 25., iv. 25. '' Fapebrocli has got at the truth of this affair in some of his treatises (£oMa«a!, mens. Apr., T. I., p. 774 sq.) § 244. The Carmelites and the Order of Fontevrault. 695 very severe, and eujoined, among other austerities, absolute poverty, the complete seclusion of the monks in separate colls, and total abstinence from flesh-meat. The order was approved in 1224 by lionorius III. Driven from their monastery by the encroachments of tlie Saracens, the Carmelites wandered into Europe, where, giving up the life of anchorets, they received from Pope Innocent IV. estates for their use, and by his authority changed their name to Brothers of our Lady of Mount Carmel. According to a pious legend, Simon Stock' an Englishman, the sixth general of the order, received from the Blessed Vir- gin the scapular {sca2:)Ldare), so called from being worn upon the shoulders, with the promise that whosoever should have it on when dying would escape eternal punishment. In 124.5 the Carmelites became one of the Mendicant orders, but after Pope Eugene had so modified their Eule (a. d. 1431) as to adapt it to the climate and changed circumstances of the AVest, they split into two divisions — one of which called themselves the Conventuals, or the Shod, and the other the Obseroants, or the Unshod. They subsequently coalesced with similar orders of nuns and with numerous confraternities of the Scapular, who speciallj^ aimed at honoring the Blessed Virgin, and devoted themselves to works of charity. Very similar to these was the order of Fontevrault, whose members dedicated themselves in a special sense to tlie honor and glory of the Queen of Heaven} They were founded by Robert of Arbrissel in 1094. Kobert in his youth entered en- thusiastically into the religious and scientific movement of his age, and having gone through his course of studies with groat credit to himself, at Paris, became a professor of theol- ogy in that city', and was distinguished by his correct and ascetical life. The Bishop of Rennes, who was himself identi- fied with the movement in favor of reform, made the young professor his coadjutor (a. d. 108.5). In his new position Robert showed great capacitj-, and was ^Launoy, Diss. V. de Simon. Stockii visu, de Sabbathinac bullae privil. et Scapularia Carmolitar. sodalitate (0pp., T. II., Pt. II.) ■^MabilLon, Annal., T. V., p. 314 sq. BoUand. Acta SS. mens. Febr., T. III., p. 593. Helyot, VoJ. VI., p. 98 sq. 69,6 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. extremely zealous in his efibrts to reform the morals of the clergy, to enforce the rule of celibacy, and to suppress simony. But after the death of this bishop, he gave up his efibrts in despair, and took a professorship in the city of Angers, which, however, he soon threw up, and consecrated himself to a life of penance and self-denial in the forest of Craon. Eoots and herbs were his food, and his couch the bare ground. Ilis re- treat was soon invaded by many desirous of sharing his nu)de of life, and they finally became so numerous that, as he him- self informs us, he was obliged to make three divisions of them, distributing them in the neighboring forests. He next had a number of small cells built at La Roe (a. d. 1093), and gave their occupants the rule of St. Augustine for their guid- ance. Urban II. ordered him to preach the Crusade, and his words of burning eloquence :Q.red all hearts. His preaching seems to have had a strange aud magnetic influence. Young and old of both sexes, after listening to him, gave up their vicious habits, confessed their sins, and entered upon a new life.i In the year 1100 he founded two houses at Fontevrault (Fons Ebraldi), not far from the town of Candes, in Poitou — the one for men and the other for women — which were soon too small to accommodate the crowds that flocked thither, and new ones had to be erected. The order was approved by Pope Paschal II. in 1106, and again in 1113. Pollowing the example of our Divine Savior, who, when dying, committed St. John, the well-beloved disciple, to the. care of His mother, Robert placed all his convents, both of men and women, in the keeping of the Blessed Virgin, and made them all subject to the Abbess of Notre-Daine-de-Fon- tevroAdt} Finally, he assigned them the diflicnlt and delicate mission of reclaiming vicious women and leading them back to a life of virtue; and to this work, with a disregard for his own good name bordering on recklessness, did he devote the best energies of his life. He died in 1117. ' Tho biography of Bishop Baldorio, in Holland, d. 25 mons. Feb. ^Dissertationos de subjectione virorum et!nm sacerdotum ad muliorom, etc., Paris, 1G12; ed. II. as Clypous Font. Ebrald. ordinis, Paris, 1692, 3 T. Conf, Schels, Tho Modern Keligious Communities, gchaffhausen, 1857, p, 74 sq. § 245. Anthonists, Trinitarians, and liumiliati. 697 "How happy are you," said the faithful interpreter of the sentiments of his age, (in beholding a young maiden enter the cloister, "how happy are you iu that you have given up tlio sons of men and now chosen as your bridegroom the Son of the Most High I You shall be dear to him in proportion as your apparel is poor and your virginity spotless. You have done well to trample under foot the fleeting riches and insidious treasures of the world. Prom this time fortli have no part with it; offer yourself, wholly and without reserve, as ii saci-ifice to your heavenly Bridegroom." ' § 245. Anthonists, Trinitarians, and IlamiUati. There is, no disease so loathsome, so repugnant to man's nature, or so offensive to liis senses, that Christian charity may not be found warm and courageous enough to minister to such as are striclieri with it. Hence, in tliose terrible daj's when appalling epidemics swept over Europe, scourging and deso- lating whole provinces, religious associations sprung up whose special purpose it was to minister to the corporal and spir- itual wants of the sick and the pest-stricken. Besides the terrible plague of the leprosy, which had been brought into Europe from the East, there was another, known as the Sacred Fire, or St. Anthony's Fire, which carried off multitudes after they had suffered the most frightful pai i s ; and those who were fortunate enough not to succumb to it were left either mutilated or incurably lame for the remainder of their days. Among those attacked by this disorder was one Gucrin, the son of a wealth}^ nobleman by the name of Gaston, who had also been stricken by it. Both had recourse to St. Anthony, and obtained their recovery. Out of gratitude for this bless- ing, the two made a pilgrimage to Didier-la-3Iothe, where the saint was particularly venerated, and there consecrated their entire fortune to the foundation of an order whose work was to consist in serving and caring for those who were stricken with this and similar maladies. They were approved in 1090 by Pope Urban II., after which they took the name of An- thonists, or Hospitalers. Their habit was black, havino- an Egyptian cross (T) on the breast. The order, which was at first composed entirely of laymen, but subsequently, by per- mission of Boniface VIIL, included canons, observed the rule ^Peir. Bles., ep. 55. 698 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. of St. Augustine, under the direction of a superior called a Master [magister)} There was also another society of laymen and ecclesiastics devoted entirely to the laudable and laborious work of serving lepers. " These brothers," says James of Vitry, a contemporary (t c. A. D. 1240), '• by forcing themselves to it, endure, amidst filth and oft'ensive odors, such iutolerable hardships for Christ's sake, that it should seem no sort of penitential exercises im- posed by man upon himself could for a moment be compared with this holy martyrdom, so precious in the sight of God." John of JlJatha, a theologian of Paris, but a native of Pro- \cnce, and Felix of Valois had simultaneously the same dream, aud as Innocent III., in interpreting it, directed their thoughts toward the redemption of Christiau captives taken by the Saracens, he may be regarded as the founder of the order of 'Jrinitarians^ (a. d. 1198), and did, in fact, draft its Rule. It was called, from its object, Ordo de Pedemptione Captioorum, but its members were more generally known as Trinitarians. They wore a white habit, having a red and blue cross on the breast. They were well received in France, where they had originated, were tlie recipients of large sums of money to be devoted to the objects of the order, and had large accessions to their number, among whom were many distinguished by ability and profound learning. In the year 1200 the first company of ransomed captives arrived from Morocco, and one may easily imagine their joy on again regaining their freedom and beholding once more their friends and native land. The members of this order were sometimes called Mathu- rins, from the title of the first church occupied by them in Paris. They spread rapidly in Southern France, through Spain, Ital}^ England, Saxony, and Hungary, and foundations ^Bolland. mens. Jan., T. II., p. 160. — /ia/>;3, de Fratrib. S. Antonii, Lps. 1737, 4to. 'i Bonaventura Baro, Annal. ordin. S. Trin., Eom. 1684; regula, in Ilolsten., T. Ill,, p. 8 sq. See Helyot, Vol, II,, p. 366 sq. Burter, Vol. IV,, p, 213 sq. Henrion-Fehr, Vol. I,, p, 132 sq, -Dr.' Gmelln, The Trinitarians op White Spaniards in Austria, and their activity in behalf of the liberation of Christian slaves from Turkish captivity (Austr. Quart, of Theol. 1871, nro, B), The same, Bibliography for a history of the order of Trinitarians, Serapeum, 1870. § 245. Anthonists, Trinitariajis, and Humiliati. 699 of a similar kind were also opeuGd for women. Cerfroid, in the diocese of Meaux, where the first house of the order was opened, became the residence of the General {minister gen- eralis). There was a tine field for their labors in Spain, where the Moors were constantly at war with the Christians. Another order having the same object in view, but difller- ing eomewliat in its constitution, was founded by Peter of Nolasco, a distinguished Frenchman, and Raymond of Pcnna- forte, in 1218, and, in consequence of a vision, placed under the special protection of the Blessed Virgin, and called the Order of the Blessed Virgin of Atercy {Ordo B. Ifariae de Mercede). Its members bound themselves by vow to give their fortunes, to serve as soldiers, and, if necessarj-, to make a sacrifice of their very persons, as Peter actually did in Africa, for the redemption of Christian captives. Hence their mem- bers were divided into Knights, who wore a white uniform, and Brothers, who took orders and provided for the spiritual wants of the community. Gregory IX., admiring the heroic devotion of these intrepid men, approved the order. The Humbled {Humiliati)^ occupied, as it were, an inter- mediate position between the world and the cloister. They were at first composed of a small number of families which Henry II., at the opening of the eleventh century, drove from the city of Milan and conducted as exiles into Germany, and of other gatherings drawn together for devotional purposes. On the return of the Milanese exiles to their native city, they continued, from choice, the mode of religious exercise they had adopted from necessity while abroad; and so popu- lar did these little communities become, that within a very short time they were to be found scattered in every consid- erable town throughout Lombardy. One of the primary rujes of the society being that each member should earn his bread by the labor of his hands, its ranks were chiefiy re- cruited from the mechanic class, and almost exclusively from those engaged in the preparation of wool and in the manu- facture of woolen fabrics. Their dress was simple and mod- ' Tiraboschi, Vetera Humiliator. monum. Mediol. 176G sq., 3 T. 4to. liiirter. Vol. IV., p. 235 sq. 700 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. est, and their intercourse with each other kiiidly and charac- terized by the fear of God. Each member worked, not for himself, but for the interests of the society, which looked after and provided for the wants of all. Thus the youthful, the vigorous, and the strong compensated for the weak, the infirm, and the aged. All feelings of discontent were ban- ished, and satisfaction and harmony filled the breast of every member of these little communities. Priests and monks soon joined their ranks. The society was daily growing in numbers, its movements becoming more complex and diffi- cult, and the need of some steadying, some governing influ- ence was evident. Accordingly, Innocent III. gave it the Rule of St. Benedict, but Gregory IX., in consideration of the sus- tained manual labor which the members woi-e obliged to per- form, materially modified the articles regulating fasting. A Grand Master was appointed in 1246. Their habits of indus- dustry and their purity of morals gained them universal esteem, and sometimes raised them to high positions of public trust and honor. But, like so many other societies, this too, after having reached a position of influence and power, lost sight of the spiritual in its anxiety for its temporal and sordid interests, and mixed in the political intrigues of the day. St. Charles Borromeo attempted to reform its members, but they resisted, and, in return for his kindness, four of their number formed a plot to take his life. Bursting into the room of the saint while he was engaged in prayer, one of these assassins fired upon him, bat his life was nairaculously preserved, the bullet not even penetrating his surplice. The Ilumiliati were suppressed by Pope Pius V. in 1571.' § 246. The Three Great Military and Religious Orders. Tacitus informs us that among the eai'ly German tribes cavalry was the principal element of military jjower. During the centuries of feudalism, and especially during the age of the Carlovingians, the large feudal proprietors serving on horseback formed a separate and distinct class from the ' As a memorial of their wliite uniform, the Bonodiotine nuns who succeeded them in the monastery of St. Cecilia, in Kome, still wear a white habit. (Tk.) § 246. The Three Great 3Iilitary and Beligious Orders. 701 burghers. The Church employer! c-very means at ber disposal to put an end to the absurd conflicts between knight and knight and the barbarities of tournaments, and during the period of the Crusades succeeded in giving to chivah'y a higher, a more humane, and a more noble direction. From this time forth those admitted to the order of knighthood had first to go through a severe course of military training, simi- lar to that of a modern cavalry officer, and, having given proof of their perfect skill in the use of arms, were further re- quired to have a record of untarnished Christian conduct. And in fact, after the beginning of the first crusade, such as had proved their skill and dexterity in the use of arms, and had led honorable and Christian lives until they reached man's estate, were assigned a higher place in their own order {milites equites) than they would otherwise have obtained, thus form- ing a sort of select body of men, before being admitted into which it was necessary to go through certain preliminary ceremonies and take a public and solemn oath. Inasmuch as the happy issue of (he first crusade was attributed to the pru- dence and gallantry of the knights, they were thenceforth surrounded with the glorious prestige which an event of so vital importance would naturally give. The recital of their chivalrous deeds kindled in the breasts of those who had re- mained at home a desire to emulate their prowess, and occa- sioned those brilliant displays of chivalry which furnish so vast a scope to the imagination and so prolific a theme to the poet. What the Isthmian and ISTemean games were of old to Greece, chivahy became now to the West. While the religious enthusiasm evoked by the Crusades continued to inspire the knights, their record was honorable and their lives virtuous and useful ; but, once this enthusiasm had passed away, the glory of chivalry soon followed, or still existed only in the empty pageantry of rude and senseless combats. The military orders, combining in their constitution the ele- ments of religious and military life, added to their three mon- astic vows a fourth, by which they bound themselves to carry on a ceaseless warfare against the unbeliever. As the feudal system was founded on the right of primogeniture and entail, by which the eldest son and his direct descendants were the 702 Period 2. JSpock 2.. Part 1. Chapter 4. exclusive and sole heirs to the fief, the younger sons of a knight were forced to seek elsewhere a field for their ener- gies, and in the order of knighthood found a position at once in keeping with their rank and sanctified by religion. In the year 1048, certain merchants of Amalfi were per- mitted by the Caliph of Egypt to build a hospice in Jeru- salem for the reception of pilgrims coming from Europe to visit the Holy Sepulchre, and by the side of it a church, which they placed under the patronage of the Blessed Virgin. The hospice soon became too small for the increasing number of pilgrims, and a second was added. Those who first served in the hospice were called the Hospitaler Brothers of St. John the Baptist. When the Seljuk Turks succeeded the Egyptian and Arabian Saracens in Palestine, they plundered the hos- pice and cast Gerard, the first superior, into prison, where he remained until released by Godfrey de Bouillon, after tbe con- quest of Jerusalem, in 1099. Raymond of Puy, the successor of Gerard, drew up a body of statutes for the order, by which he added to the original duties of offering hospitality and serv- ing the sick that of fighting against the infidels and defending the Holy Sepulchre (a. d. 1118). By these statutes the Broth- ers were divided into three classes — Knights, Chaplains, and Serving Brothers — the last-named being fighting-squires, who attended the Knights in their expeditions. They were gov- erned by a Grand Master, Commanders, and Chapters of Knights. The various hospices established in the maritime cities of Europe as resting-places for pilgrims were called Conimanderies. The order was subsequently divided into eight languages — viz., Provence, Auvergne, Erance, Italy, Aragon, England, Germany, and Castile — each of which had a number of grand priories, and under these, again, were many conimanderies. The order was approved by Pope Innocent IL, who permitted them to wear on their breasts a white cross of the Maltese form (*), and to have a red one emblazoned on their standards.^ The Knights of St. John have always borne a reputation in every way worthy of their high calling. ^Willelmits Tyr., Lib. I. 10; XVIII. 4 sq. Jacob, de Vltriaco, Hist. Hieros., c. 64; statuta ord. in Holsten., T. II., p. 444 sq. ; privilegia in Mansi., T. XXI, p. 780 sq. ( Vertot), Hist, des Cheval. hospital, de St. Jean., Par. 1726, 4 T., 4tOi § 246. The Three Great Military and Eelirjious Orders. 703 On the conquest of Jernsalem, in 1187, the Hospitalers retired to Margat, in Phoenicia, whence they were driven hj the advance of the Saracen arms, first to Acre, in 1285, thence to Limisso, in 1291, where lienry II., King of Cjprns, as- signed them a residence. In 1310, tlie Knights, under the grand master, Fonlkes de Villaret, assisted by a number of crusaders from Italy, captured Khodes and seven adjacent islands from the Greek and Saracen pirates, and thence car- ried on a successful war against the intidelp. In 1523, they ■were forced to surrender Rhodes to the sultan, Soliman, and retired first to the island of Caudia, and afterward to Viterbo. In 1530, Charles V. assigned them the island of llalta, where, under the grand master, La Valette, they made a glorious de- fense against the sultan, Soliman, by whom they had seven years before been driven from Rhodes. After the Reformation, the influence of the Hospitalers rapidly' declined, and in 1798 they, under the grand master, D'Hompesch, surrendered Malta to the French. They still exist in Russia and Spain, but since 1801 only deputy grand masters have been appointed, who reside in the latter country. At the very time wdien the Hospitalers took upon them- selves the duty of combating the infidel, Hugh de Fayens {"viagister militiae"), Geoiirey de St. Omer, and seven other French knights added to their ordinary vows that of religion (a. d. 1118). Baldwin II., King of Jerusalem, gave them his own palace, situated on the site of the ancient Temple of Solomon, for a residence, and tlie abbot and canons of the church and convent of the Temple of Jerusalem added an- other building, whence the members of the order were called "Poor Soldiers of the Temple of Solomon," afterward abbre- viated into Templars. But, owing to the small number of members, the order was in danger of becoming extinct before it had got fairly under headway. To prevent the failure of the enterprise, some of the knights passed over to France and 1761, 7 T. Hurler, Vol. TV., p. S13 sq. Gauger, The Order of Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, or the Maltese, according to unpublished and authenf.io documents, Carlsruhe, 1844. Winterfeld, Hist, of the Chivalric Order of St. John, Berlin, 1859. Alfred von Reumoni, The Last Times of the Order of St. John (Suppl. of Ital. Hist., Vol. IV.) 704 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. presented themselves before the Council of Troyes (a. d. 1127), begging the ratification of the Rule that had been drawn up for their government. Thanks to the kind offices of St. Ber- nard, Pope llonorins II. assigned them the duty of defending pilgrims from the attacks of the brigands who infested the highways. They were obliged by their Rnle to attend daily the recita- tion of the ofiice, or, if absent on military duty, to say a cer- tain number of Our Fathers. They were to abstain from flesh four days in the week, and from eggs and milk on Fri- days. Their habit was a white mantle loith a red cross of eight points, of the Maltese form (pj), on the shoulder.^ Aided by the ample donations which poured in upon thera from every country of the West, they were enabled to I'ender eminent services to the Church and to successfully combat the Turks and Saracens. Their war-cry was "Beau scant," and their banner, which bore the same name, was parted per fess sable and argent. Their badges were the Agnus Dei and a repre- sentation of two knights mounted on one horse, indicative of the original poverty of the order. "When Ptolemais had been wrested from the Christians (a. d. 1291), they established themselves in the island oi'^yprus, and shortly after retired to Europe and settled on the immense estates which they had acquired in consequence of their mem- bers being, as a rule, drawn from the most distinguished repre- sentatives of the nobility. In every country of Europe whejre they existed, they had their governor, called the Master of the Temple, or of the Militia of the Temple. They bad settle- ments in England from a very early period.^ Paris became the center of the order, where they resided ' Willelm. Tyr. XII. 7. Jac de VUriaco., c. 65. Bernardi, tract, de nova mili- tia s. adliortatio ad milit. Templi; regula in Holsien., T. II., p. 429 sq. ; in Mans!.. T. XXI., p. 305 sq. Miinter, Statutes of the Order of Templars, Ber- lin, 1794, 1 vol. Dupuy, Hist, des Templiers, Paris, 1650; Brux. 1751, 4to. D'Estival, Hist. crit. et apolog. des cheval. du Temple, Paris, 1789, 2 vols. 4to. Helyoi, Vol. VI., p. 25 sq. WJche, Hist, of the Templars, Lps. 1826-1834, 3 vols. Addison, History of the Knights Templars, London, 1842. As to the polemics which sprang up when this order was suppressed, see | 266. 2 The first was in London, on the site of Southampton buildings, Holborn; but from 1185 their principal seat was in Fleet street, still known as the Tem- § 246. The Three Great Military and Religious Orders. 705 in a magnificent and spacious palace, called " Le Temple," until their tragic end under Philip the Fair, in 1310. Although the Hospitaler Brothers gave all possible attention to pilgrims, irrespective of their nationality, their good-vyill was frequently of little service, from the difficulty they found in making themselves understood; and this was particularly the case when thej' came in contact with Germans. To rein- ed}' this defect, a number of pious persons founded a German hospice, in 1128, and placed it under the direction of the grand master of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem (a. d. 1143). But even this arrangement was found inefficient, as in many instances, and notably during the siege of Acre, the Germans were neglected. Touched with pity for their sufferings during this siege, cei'tain merchants of Bremen and Liibeck extem- porized a hospital by throwing up a few tents made out of the sails of their vessels, under which the sick and plague- stricken were temporarily sheltered and cared for. This was the humble beginning of the national hospice founded later on at Jerusalem, and to which the already existing branch was affiliated. The house was served by German hospitaler broth- ers. Such was the origin of the Order of Teutonic Knights of St. Mary of Jerusalem. Henry of Walpot was made their first grand master, in 1190. Only Germans of noble birth were admitted to membership, the founders having been probably ennobled before being enrolled. The members were at first all laymen, but priests were afterward admitted as chaplains. There were also added, about 1221, a class of half-brothers, similar to the serving brothers of the Templars and Hospitalers. The habit of the order was a white mantle, with a black {fess) crossJ pie. The round church which bears their name was dedicated by Heraclius, Patriarch of the Church of the Kesurrection in Jerusalem, in 1135, and the chancel was consecrated in 1240. (Te.) ' Jac. de Vitriaco, c. 06. Hennig, Statutes of the Teutonic Order, Koenigs- beig, 1806. Petri de DiUsl>ur(j (about 1236), Chronic. Pruss. sive Hist. Teut. Ord., ed. Hariknoch, Jenae, 1G79, 4tb. Duelli Hist. Ord. equit. Teut., Viennae, 1729 f. Volgt, Hist, of Prussia until the Ifall of the Teutonic Order, Koenigs- berg, 1827 sq., 9 vols, t Watierich, Establishment of the Teutonic Order, Lps. 1857. VOL. II — 45 706 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. So important were the services rendered bj' the order that it obtained the approval of Celestine III., and received many marks of favor from Henry, King of Jerusalem, and from the clergy and nobility of his kingdom. After the capture of Damietta by the Crusaders, in 1219, to vi'hich the Teutonic knights materially contributed, large tracts of land in Prussia were given to the order, and the duty assigned them of pro- tecting the Christians of those countries against the attacks of their pagan neighbors. To them do the cities of Thorn, Culm, Marienwerder, Rheden, Elbing, Koenigsberg (a. d. 1282-1255), and many others owe their origin. After the fall of Acre, the first seat of the order, the grand master removed to Venice, and thence, in 1309, to Marien- burg, on the Vistula. In the course of the thirteenth century the Knights conquered Prussia, Livonia, Courland, and other adjoining territories. Warriors from every quarter of Europe, in that and the following century, gathered under their stand- ard, among whom were Henry IV. of England, accompanied by three hundred knights and men-at-arms. Their vast con- quests, including the territory lying between the Oder and the Baltic, with a population of between two and three million, raised the order to the rank of a sovereign power. Its decline commenced in the fifteenth century, and its fall was hastened partly by internal discussions and partly by the attacks of neighboring states, particularly Poland and Lithuania. Albert of Brandenburg, who was chosen grand master in the hope that he might reconquer the territories that had been . taken from the order by Sigismund of Poland, ended an un- successful war against that prince by passing over to Protest- antism and forming the territories of the order in East Prus- sia into a duchy, to be held by himself and his successors. Those of the Knights who remained faithful to the Church and to their order chose, Mergentheim, in Suabia, as their residence, and their grand master was recognized as a spir- itual prince of the empire. By the peace of Presburg (1805),- the Emperor of Austria came into possession of the rights and revenues of the grand master, and when the order was abolished by ITapoleon, in 1809, the lands belonging to it, lying in the several kingdoms § 247. Mendicant Orders. 707 of Europe, passed to their respective sovereigns. The order still continues to preserve a nominal existence in Austria.^ The Brothers of the Sword in Livonia (1202) were an order very similar to the Teutonic Knights, to whom they were affiliated in 1237. Belonging to the same class were the or- ders of St. Jago, Alcantara, and Calatrava, in Spain and Portugal. § 247. Mendicant Orders — St. Dominie and St. Francis of Assisi. Vita St. Dominioi, by his successors, Jordanus and Hum.hertus, tlie fifth gen- eral [Bolland. m. Aug., T. I., p. 358 sq.) Constitt. fratr. ordin. Praedicator., in Eolsten., T. IV., p. 10 sq. Ripoll et Bremond, Bullar. Ord., Praed. 1737 sq., 6 T. f. Mamachii, aliorumque ann. Ordin. Praed., Eom. 1754. A. Touron, la vie de saint Dominique de Guzman, etc., Paris, 1739. t '" Lacordaire, les Ordres religieux et notre temps, Paris, 1839. The same, Vie de saint Dominique (Germ., Landshut, 1841; 2 ed. carefully revised, Eatisbon, 1871). Caro, Vie de saint Dominique (Germ., Pvatisbon, 1854). Hurter, Vol. IV., p. 282-312. Vita St. Francisci, by Thorn, de Celano, 1229, then complemented, in 1246, by Leo Angelus and Ruffimis; above all, by Bonaventura (Bolland. m. Octbr,, T. II., p. 683 sq.) 0pp. St. Franc., with several supplements, especially the Vita a Bona.- ventura ed. by von der Burg, Cologne, 1849. Eegula in Holsteu-Broclde, T. III. Cf. Luc. Wadding, Ann. Minor, until 1540, Lugd. 1625 sq. ; 8 T. f. to 1564; Eomae, 1731, 19 T. f. tVogt, St. Francis of Assisi, Tiibg. 1840. E. Chamn de Malan, Hist, de St. Francois d' Assisi (1182-1226), Paris, 1841 (Germ., Munich, 1842). Daurignac, St. Francis of Assisi (German by Clarus, Innsbruck, 1866). EurUr, Vol. IV., p. 249-282. This period, so prolific in institutions of every sort, also gave birth to the Mendicant orders, a species of spiritual chivalry still more generous and heroic than that of which we have just treated, and unique in history. Their mission was a difficult one, but they accomplished it well. Many causes combined to call them into existence, /tn proportion y^e^^r^^ /as the Church grew wealthy her discipline relaxed, and dan- ^Vide Chambers' Cyclopedia, art. Teut. Knights. We here state, on good authority, that the Archduke Maximilian, who died, a couple of years ago, at the age of eighty-ibur, seriously thought of .applying the remaining revenues of the order to the founding of a bishopric at Troppau for Austrian Silesia. Negotiations were going forward in Eome, but "William, the son and successor of the archduke, in the ofSce of grand master,- refused to surrender the prop- erty. (Te.) ^Poti, De gladiferis s. fratribus milit. christ., Erlang. 1806. 708 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. gers menaced her on every side; the shortcomings of the secular clergy were conspicuous and numerous, and the bulk of the people much preferred to their perfunctory services the ministrations of men animated by the apostolical spirit and leading the lives of ascetics ; the Cathari, the Albigenses, the Waldenses, and such rigorists, counting upon the laxity of the secular clergy on the one hand, and the discontent of the laity on the other, were daily growing more dangerously aggressive in the assertion or their own claims ; and, finally, the monk s were now taking a greater share than heretofore in the education of youth and the care of souls. All these causes concurred to call forth a new order of men, who, while surpassing the sectaries in austerity, self-denial, and peniten- tial exercises, removed by this very fact the objections of heretics, provided amplj' for the religious wants of the people, and constituted an organized and effective religious chivalry to resist the assaults of those enemies of the Church who could be met in no other way. When their effectiveness be- came apparent, directly monastic activity took a wider range, and, after the pattern of the military orders, included the functions of the monk and the priest. The problem thus presented to the Church was taken upi at the opening of the thirteenth century, and thrown into practical shape by two men equally eminent in intellectual endowments and spiritual gifts. While each solved it in his own way, they were both attached to each other by the closest friendship.* Dominic, a member of the powerful house of Cruzman, was born in the year 1170, at Callaruega (Calahorra, in Old Cas- tile), a village in the diocese of Osma. While pursuing his studies in the university of Valencia, he was distinguished by a spirit of charity and self-saci'ifice, and by his example exer- ' As the legend runs, Dominic and I'rancis, wliile still unknown to each other, chanced to be in Eome at the same time. Dominic, while engaged in pnij'or one evening, had a vision, during which Christ appeared to him in the guise of an angry judge. Presently the Blessed Virgin presented to her Divine Son two men, who pleaded with Him to stay His justice and spare a degenerate world. One of these mediators he recognized as himself, but the other was un- known to him. Seeing Francis the next morning, in a church at prayer, Dominic at once recognized him as the person seen in the vision, and from thia .time forth the most tender friendship existed between them, \ § 247. Mendicant Orders. 709 cised a salutary influence on those about him. After spend- ing four years at this seat of learning, he was ordained priest by Diego, Bishop of Osma, and soon after admitted among the canons regular. Dominie's mind was constantly occupied with projects for alleviating human misery. Diego, being a man of severe character, and ardently devoted to the good of the Church, found in Dominic one after his own heart. He took the young priest with him on a mission which he made to the south of France in the interest of his king, and, while there, the two saw and full}" appreciated the danger to the Church from the sectaries, who were then spreading rapidly in that country, and both resolved to spend their energies in check- ing the advance of heresy. In 1203, they made a second journey to Southern France, and found there the Cistercian monks whom Pope Innocent III. had dispatched to convert the sectaries. Observing their pomp and magnificence, which contrasted strangely with the abstemious life and poverty of the heretical leaders, Diego stated in the council of Mont- pelier, convened to consider this afltair, and to which he had been invited, that if they would successfully accomplish their mission, they must put aside all the state and circumstance of a triumphant church, and set about converting the heretics in the simplicity and poverty of apostles. His advice was followed ; the missionaries put away everything inconsistent with poverty, traveled barefoot from place to place, and occu- pied themselves in preaching and disputing with the sects. Diego directed their movements, and, after laboring three years in this way, returned to Spain, and died on his journey homewai'd (1205 or 1206). He was thus prevented from car- rying out a project he had much at heart — of organizing an efficient corps of missionaries to labor in this field ; but his idea was taken up and realized by Dominic, whose exj)erience, acquired during a long residence among the sectaries, gave him special qualifications for the work. When the Bishop of Osma was about to return to Spain, he placed the mission- aries under the direction of Dominic. One by one they deserted their posts, and the faithful Spanish priest was left to labor almost single-handed. Undeterred, he went 710 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. resolutely on in his work, hoping almost against hope. Hi:? peaceful disposition, his spirit of prayer, his charity, forbear- ance, and patient temper formed a consoling contrast to the bloody crusade which had recently been set on foot against the Albigenses. After spending ten years in this toilsome and thankless mission, laboring only for love of God and tlxs profit of souls, he set out for Eome, in 1215, with his plans fully matured, and submitted to Pope Innocent III. the project of giving to the Church a new method of defense, in an Order which should combine the contemplative life of the monk with the active career of a secular priest. By a canon passed this very year, at the council of Lateran, the foundation oi new orders had been prohibited; but, in view of the great want of preachers and pastors to supply the negligence of slothful and worldly priests, Innocent gave his sanction to Dominic's project, provided he would manage to bring it under some of the existing Rules. Dominic accordingly selected the Rule of St. Augustine, introducing a few changes, with a view to greater severity, taken from the Rule of the Pre- monstratensians. That the members of the new order might be free to devote themselves entirely to their spiritual labors, they were forbidden to accept any property requiring their active administration, but were permitted to receive the in- comes of such as was administered by others. Property, therefore, might be held by the order as a body, but not ad- ministered by its members. Pope Honorius III. confirmed the action of his illustrious predecessor, and approved the Order in the following year, giving it, from its object, the name of the Order of Friars Preachers (Ordo Praedicatorum, Fratres Praedicatores). Pie also allowed the members to hear confessions and enter upon the care of souls wherever they might be. After Dominic had transferred his residence from Prance to Rome, he was nominated, by the Pope, Master of the Sacred Palace (Magister Sacri Palatii) and chief of the stafi" of censors, and the oflice is to this day held by a member of the Order. Dominic founded, in the year 1206, an order of Dominican nuTis, who were first established at the convent of Our Lady § 247. Mendicant Orders. . 711 of La Prouille, near Toulouse, and, after removing (1218) to the couYent of San Sisto, in Rome, spread very rapidly. They followed the same Ride as the Friars, and were specially bound to habits of industry. A third Dominican order, called the Knights of Christ, came into existence in 1224, and was approved in 1279. Its name was subsequently changed into that of the Penitents of St. Dominic, and its members were known as the Tertiary Dominicans (Tertius ordo de militia Christi). They took no vows, and lived pretty much as other people of the world, excepting that they kept certain fasts and performed certain devotions. Corresponding to these, there were also female Penitents of St. Dominic. They were chiefly confined to Italy. Many of them became nuns, and their most illustrious representative is St. Catherine of Siena. The chief object of the Dominicans was to preach the word of God, and thus secure the salvation of souls. Preaching and teaching were their special oflices, but not to the entire exclusion of other diities. A postulant was required to remain one year in the novi- tiate, after which nine years were to be given to the study of philosophy and theology, thus fitting himself to fill creditably the professor's chair in the university, or to occupy the Chris- tian pulpit with profit to his hearers. St. Dominic, meeting St. Francis one day, proposed to him to affiliate the two orders, to which the latter replied : " By the grace of God, many difterences exist among various or- ders as to constitution, austerities, and other matters, to the end that each may serve as a pattern to the others and excite in them a desire to emulate and copy what is good in it; and if one be not content with us, he may go to you." While Dominic was unsuccessful in his attempt to afiiliate the two orders, he was nevertheless led to adopt the funda- mental idea of St. Francis, and at a general chapter, held at Bologna, 1220, declared the members of his own community Mendicant Friars. The dress of the Dominicans is a luhite garment and scapular, resembling in form that of the Angus- tinians, with a black cloak and a pointed cap. 712 . Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chofter 4. Francis of Assisi, the son of a wealthy merchant named Ber- i:ardini, was bora in the year 1182, in Assisi, in Umbria. Hia baptismal name was John, but from his habit of reading the romaiices of tiie Tronbadours in his yonth, he gradually ac- quired the name of II Francesco, or the Little Frenchman. Of a sprightly and vivacious temperament, he was gay and fond of display in his early life, indulging freely in pleasures, which, however, were never of a character to compromise his dignity or taint his honor as a Christian gentleman. His hand was ever open to the poor and the needy, and his bounty in this respect was so generous that it not unfreqnently bor- dered on extravagance. He early took part in the exercises of chivahy, and engaged in the profession of arms. When about twenty-four years of age, he fell dangerously ill, and, while suffering from this attaclc, gave himself up to a train of religious thought which led him to consider the emptiness and uselessness of his past life and the weighty responsibility that would lie upon him for the future. He was for some time distracted, not knowing on precisely what object to spend his energies. He frequently had visions, but knew not whether to interpret them literally or in a spiritnal sense. In one of these he beheld a vast armory, filled with all manner of weap- ons, over each of which was a cross, and on inquiring to whom they belonged, was answered : " To thee and thy soldiers." Taking the answer as a pi*esentiment of future greatness, he was about to take military service with a certain count, when, after walking about in the fields one day, he stepped into a church rapidly going to ruin, where he heard a voice, saying: "Go rebuild my house, which, as you see, is fast falling to ruin." Taking the words in their literal sense, he went about collecting money to put this and other churches in repair, but he soon learned that the instruction referred to the spiritual and not to the material edifice.'' On one occasion, while assisting at Mass (a. d. 1208), he heard these words of our Lord read from the Gospel: "Do not possess gold, nor silver, nor money in your purses, nor iLicet principalior intentio verbi ad earn ferretur (ecclesiam), quam Christud sanguine suo acquisivit, siout eum Spiritus Sanctus edocuit et ipse postmodum fratribuB revelavit. Bonaveniura,Yita, 8i. Franoisci, c. ii. (Tr.) § 247. Mendicant Orders. 713 scrip for your journey, nor two coats, nor shoes, nor a staff;"' and, applying them to himself, cried out: "This is my sole wish, the one desire of my heart." Henceforth the most abject poverty was to him the most abundant VKolth. He now conceived the idea of founding a society whose mem- bers should go about through the whole world, after the man- ner of the apostles, preaching and. exhorting to penance. Francis was treated by his townsmen as an enthusiast and a madman, and, to escape his father's anger, retired to a cave, where he spent a month together in prayer and meditation, and eaine forth again, more determined than ever, to follow out the course upon which he had enterefl. After a time, the sympathy of the better classes went out to him, and his great sanctity, his supreme contempt of the world, his sincere humil- ity, his undivided love of God, and his close following of the example of poverty set him by the Savior of the world, excited the admiration and commanded the respect of all. His zeal gradually excited emulation, and jDrompted others to aspire after the same perfection. His fii'st associates were his towns- men, Bernard Quintavalle and Peter Cattano, and others soon followed. Their habit consisted of a long brown tunic of coarse woolen cloth, surmounted by a hood of the same material, and con- fined about the waist with a hempen cord. This simple but en- nobling dress was selected because it was that of the poor peasants of the surrounding country. Through the recommendation of Guide, Bishop of Assisi, and Cardinal John of St. Paul, Francis obtained an audience of Pope Innocent III., to whom he submitted his Rule (a. d. 1210). "But," said the Pope, -'where are you to get means to carry on this work?" "I put my trust in my Lord Jesus Christ," answered the saint. " He who promises glory and life eternal will not fail to provide the necessaries of the body here below." " Go, then, my dear son," replied the Pope, " and in the measure that God deigns to give you His light and strength, do you preach penance to all. If He be pleased to add to your numbers and to increase grace in your heart, send us word, and we shall then the more securely grant you fresh favors." . ijVIatt. X. 9, 10. 714 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. Apart from the characteristic prudence of Innocent III., he was slow to give his sanction to the foundation of a new order; first, because he had forbidden any increase of the existing number, and, secondly, because in that age every enthusiast thought himself called upon to set up a new community. Francis, prostrating himself, took the oath of obedience to the Holy Father. StilL later on, he sent his companions, two and two, in all directions, saying to them in taking leave : " Go; always travel two and two. Pray until the third hour; then only may you speak. Let your speech be simple and humble, that it may bring him who hears it to praise and honor God. While* announcing peace to all, be sure that it reigns in your own hearts. Never give way to hatred or anger, nor go aside from the path on which you have set out. You are called to' lead back to the right road those who have gone astray, to heal the bruised, and to cheer the sorrowful. Poverty is the friend and bride of Christ, the root whence the tree draws life, the corner-stone of the temple, the queen of virtues. Should our brethren forsake it, then will our Order speedily go to pieces ; but if they love it, if they remain faithful to it and give a pattern of it to the world, then will the world respect and support them." With St. Francis, absolute poverty was not only a practice, it was the essential principle on which he based his Order. ISTot only were the individual members forbidden to have any personal property whatever, but neither could they hold any as an Order, and were entirely dependent for their support upon alms. And so rigorously was this rule enforced that even the clothes they wore, the cord with which they were girded, and the breviary out of which they said their office were regarded as common and not personal property.' Hence the chief difference between mendicant and other monastic orders consists in this, that, in the former, begging takes the place of the ordinary vow of personal poverty. In the other Orders, povert}^ was a passive, with the Franciscans an active principle. In a journey made by Francis to Spain, and in a voyage to Syria and Egypt, he followed out in practice what he taught in theory, begging his support along the way. ' Milman's Latin Christianity, Vol. IV., p. 264. (Tu.) § 247. Mendicant Orders. 715 In 1223, Pope Honorins III. approved the Order of Francis- cans [Fratres Minores), to which, as ah'eady stated, Innocent III. bad given a verbal sanction in 1210, and the Fourth Council of Lateraii in 1215, whither, as Helyot informs us, St. Francis went to obtain the recognition of the Fathers. Pope Hono- rins gave them, at the same time, permission to preach and hear confessions anywhere in the Catholic world. But it was expected that they would preach not so much by word of mouth as by the light of their example. When Francis made his voyage to Syria, he journeyed on to the Holy Sepulchre, where he left some of his brethren, who by consent of the sultan, before whom the saint preached, and with the approval of Clement VI. (a. d. 1342), have ever since remained the faithful custodians of that great Gaiholic shrine. The gentle spirit pervading the Rule of St. Francis entitles it to a place among the most highly prized monuments of Christian ascetical literature. It prescribes that no one under the age of fifteen, or who has not passed a year in the novi- tiate, shall be admitted into the Order. It includes the three monastic vows of chastity, obedience, and poverty — the last requiring that the postulant shall not actually possess goods at the time of admission, and shall be incapacitated to possess them at any future time. It cautions the brethren against whatever may border on hypocrisy or a narrow-minded devo- tion, and exhorts them to be always cheerful, to rejoice in the Lord, to be ever ready to serve friends and enemies indis- criminately, to treat with equal kindness men of good and evil repute, and to make no distinction between the poor and the wealthy. Such, according to their founder, should be the character and conduct of Franciscans. St. Clara of Assisi, the pupil and friend of St. Francis, had founded, in 1212, a female community, similar to the Order of Minorites. In 1224, Francis drew up a Eule^ for them and superintended the direction of their convent of St. Damian, in Assisi. They were called, after their foundress, the Order of St. Clara (Ordo Santae Clarae), but went at first under the 1 Holsienius-BrocMe, T. III., p. 34 sq.; — the Eule of the Third Order, ibid., p. 39 sq. 716 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part .1. Chapter 4. name of the Order of Poor Women (Ordo Dominanira Pau- perum). They were also known as the Second Order of St. Francis. Although St. Francis was himself their spiritual director, he would never consent that any of his friars should serve this or any other convent of women. There was also a Third Order of St. PVancis (Tertius Ordo de Poenitentia, ^'ertzani), established in 1221, comprising mem- bers who continued to live in the world, were not bound by the vows, and observed the spirit rather than the letter of the Rule. This gave an opportunity to many pious laymen, who could not sever family ties, to live a semi-religious life, and formed a link by which the Order was immediately connected with the outer world. These men were also called the Tertiaries. Among the other great gifts of St. Francis was that of preaching. " His words," says St. Bonaventura, " penetrated, like glowing fire, to the inmost depths of the heart." Upon one occasion he was to preach before the Pope and cardinals, and had prepared a carefully written discourse. When he had ascended the pulpit, his memory played him false, and he was unable to go on. Frankly avowing what had hap- pened, he dismissed all thoughts of his manuscript, invoked the assistance of the Holy Ghost, and his soul found utterance in words that went home to every heart, as St. Bonaventura says, like coals of glowing fire. St. Francis, like all great souls, was a sincere lover of nature} He looked upon it as a bond connecting his soul with all created things. He was wont to call the birds of the air and the beasts of the field his brothers and sisters. His hymns, which are among the earliest metrical specimens of the Ital- ian language, are exceedingly simple, sometimes sublime, and always replete with the tenderest expressions of divine love. They are classed among the very best productions of Chris- tian poetry.^ His prose is often more poetical than his poetry, 1 " Having," says Goerres, " subdued sin in himself, tlie consequences of origi- nal sin likewise disappeared. Nature even became his friend and obeyed the behests of his will. Between him and animals there was that confiding and frank intercourse which, as ancient traditions tell' us, existed before the JTall." {The Catholic.) '^ Goerref, Saint Francis, considered as a Troubadour. (The Catholic, 1826, § 247. Mendicant Orders. IVJ abounds in figures and personifications, and is written with ease and elegance. The Church of Sta-Maria degli Angeli, called " Portiuncula" or the Little Inheritance, given to the Franciscans by the Ben- edictine Abbot of Subiaco, in the restoration of which St. Francis labored with his own hands, became the central house of the Order. It was here that the General Chapter was held in 1219, ten years after the foundation, called the Chapter of Mats, because the multitude, being so numerous that no house could contain them, was provided for in booths scattered here and there in the fields. The chapter was at- tended by five thousand friars, who, of course, did not repre- sent the full number of members, as many were obliged to stay away to look after the interests of the different houses at a distance. Before the Order had existed a half a century, it numbered thirty-three provinces, eight thousand convents, and close upon two hundred thousand members of every de- gree. The Church of St. Mary of the Angels, or Portiuncula,^ has always remained very dear to the Order. As has been said, St. Francis shared the labor of the workmen who set it to rights when it was going to ruin, and here he was accustomed to re- tire and give himself up to prayer and religious contemplation. To this church the Holy See, in 1223, granted the indulgences known as the '■'■Indulgences of the Portiuncula," which, on being extended to all the churches of the Order, gave rise to a special feast, celebrated on August 2d. It was further granted to the faithful, for all coming time, to gain these in- dulgences whenever ("toties quoties") prepared to carry out the requisite conditions. So intimate and intense was the sympathy of St. Francis with the sufferings endured hy the Savior while on earth, that the latter appeared to him, under the form of a seraph, and im- printed upon his person the marks (stigmata) of the Five nro. 4.) Ibid., Transl. of liis poems, by Schlosser, and, above all, the Sun-rine. The canticles in Germ, and Ital. (by Schlosser), Frankfort on the Main, 1842; 2 ed., Mentz, 18-54; and Schlosser, The Church and her Hymns, 2 ed., Freiburg, 1863, Vol. II., pp. 360, 412. Base, Prancis of Assisi, Vol. VIII., p. 609 sq. iCf. Freiburg Cyclopaed., Yol. VIII., p. 609 sq. 718 Period 2. lUpoch 2. Fart 1. Chapter 4. Wounds} This was on September 17th, in the year 1224, two years previous to his death, and during this interval his soul was constantly on fire in an ecstasy of divine love, and his flesh the victim of a ceaseless martyrdom. The scene of the event is Monte Alverno, which has ever since been enshrined in the traditions of the Friars Minor. When Francis felt the approach of death, he had himself carried on a bier to the church, where he was, by his own or- ders, laid on the bare ground and covered with an old habit, which the custos or guardian of the convent threw over him. While lying here he exhorted his brethren to love God, to cherish poverty, and practice patience, and closed by giving them his last blessing. He then had the Passion of our Lord according to St. John read to him, and, after reciting the one hundred and fortieth Psalm, yielded up his pure angelic soul to God, October 4, 1226. He was canonized in 1228 by Pope Gregory IX. In 1304, Benedict XI. established the feast of Stigmata (festum stigmatum 8aneti Francisci), and his successors — Sixtus IV., Sixtus v., and Paul V. — extended the celebration of it to the whole Church, on September 17th. The leading events in the life of St. Francis have been transferred to mural paintings and canvas in the Church of the Portiuncula by some of the most celebrated artists.^ The constitutions of the two Mendicant Orders are sub- stantially the same. The supreme government of each Order is vested in a General {minister generalis, magister ordinis gen- eralis), who resides at Eome. Under him, again, is a Pro- vincial, who presides over the brethren of a province; and, finally, among the Franciscans is a Guardian (Custos), who is at the head of a single convent ; and among the Dominicans, ,the oflicer having similar duties to perform is called a Prior. The supreme legishitive authority of each Order is vested in the General Chapter, and in the Provincial Chapter for each ^ Raynald. ad an. 1237, nro. 60. Wadding, ed. Eom., T. II., p. 429. Gorres, Christian Mysticism, Vol. II., p. 240. ''Freiburg Ecd. Cyclopaed., Vol. XII., p. 1158-1162. ^ Piccolomini, Solemn Translation of the Belies of St. Francis of Assisi, Lands- hut, 1844, particularly p. 67-86. § 248. Influence of the Mendicant Orders. 719 province. These bodies each appoint four ''Definers" {Defin- itores), whose office is to give counsel to and exercise a super- vision over the Provincial or the General, as the case may be. Previously to his death, Dominie threatened severe impre- cations against any one who should attempt to endow his Order.^ He died August 4, 1221. The last words of this virginal patriarch to his spiritual children were : " Love one another, be humble, and never give up the practice of volun- tary poverty." He was canonized by Gregory IX., July 12, 1234. The grateful Bolognese took a pride in adorning the tomb of the noble Guzman, and the most distinguished artists, from Nicholas of Pisa to Michael Angelo Buonanarotti, have paid the tribute of their genius to the worth and virtue of this great saint, and their splendid creations have largely contributed to immortalize both him and themselves. Even the austere Dante praised, in felicitous and vigorous verse, these two founders of the Mendicant Orders, representing them as the veritable heroes, the pride and glory of their century.^ § 248. Influence of the Mendicant Orders — Opposition liaised against Them. When the Mendicant Friars, strong in the special privileges accorded them, and still more so in the warm aud living spirit of faith inherited from their holy founders, set about the work of gaining souls to Christ, it seemed as if the youth, the vigor, and the enthusiastic devotion of the early Church had been revived. They were everywhere received with universal re- spect.^ Their generals, as was fitting, took up ther residence at Borne, and lent the influence of their Orders to the support of the Papacy. The greatest source of their power was the teaching office, which the Dominicans, in particular, were not 'The Order received permission to accept endowments in 1245. (Tk.) ^"L'un (Francis) fu tutto serafieo in ardore, L'altro (Dominic) per sapienzia in terra fue Di cherubico luce uno splendore." — Dante, Farad., canto xi., v. 38-40. (Tb.) ^Matth. Par. ad an. 1243 and 1246. Cf. Emm. Koderici nova coll. Privi- legior. apost. Eegular. mendicant., Antverp, 1623 f. 720 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. slow to turn to good accoiiiit. Early appreciating that the most efficient means of rising in public favor was to gain distinction in scierdific pursuits and secure professors' chairs in the universities, the Dominicans applied for positions in the Universit}- of Paris, in 1230, and, through the good offices of the bishop and chancellor, obtained the chairs of theology heretofore occupied by secular priests. The first two who taught here were Roland and John of St. Giles. The 'J'ranciscans made similar applications, and their great theologian, Alexander of Hales, was also provided with a chair in the university.' In the course of the thirteenth and four- teenth centfiries, the members of the Mendicant Friars were in the foremost rank of theologians. St. Thomas, among the Dominicans, and St. Bovaventure and Duns Scotus, among the Eranciscans (f a. d. 1308), were the glory of their respective Orders and the light and strength of the Church. The Dominicans were also distinguished by their love and cultivation of the line arts, and the unprecedented zeal put forth by them in missionary labors. Members of their Order might be found in every country of Europe and in Asia and Africa. The first European vessel that touched the shores of Greenland brought a number of Friars preachers, and at the opening of the seventeenth century the Dutch were not a little surprised to find there the Dominican convent men- tioned by Captain Nicholas Hane in 1280. While purity of life, disinterested zeal, and single-minded earnestness were securing to the Mendicant Friars an almost exclusive control of spiritual afl'airs and opening a wide field for their eminent^ talents, they excited the envy and hostility of secular priests, who forfeited by neglecting the privileges they might have retained ; of the old monastic orders, who saw themselves distanced by their j'ounger brothers; and par- ticularly of the arrogant men about the universities, who could not endure to see their influence and positions passing from them, and themselves outdone in their peculiar sphere by their more successful and industrious competitors. This opposition soon found expression in open and violent attacks • Bulaei, Hist. Univers. Parisiens., T. III., p. 838 sq., 24i sq. § 249. Divisions among the Franciscans. 721 upon the Eriars; and, to' make matters worse, the two Orders, while pursuing parallel lines of action, were often at variance with each other on points of scholastic theology and others of a trivial character.' Of all the assailants of the Mendi- cant Orders, William, of St. Amour, who likened them to Pharisees,^ was the most violent and dangerous. His attacks were repelled by St. Thom.as Aquinas and St. JBonaventure, who made noble defenses of their respective Orders,^ totally routing William. The Friars reaped the fruits of the victory gained by their champions. § 249. Divisions among the Franciscans. When Francis was about to set out on his second voyage to Syria and Egypt, he intrusted the government of his Order to his vicar, Elias of Cortona, who, being little inclined to austerity, had already become the representative of a party desiring a mitigation of the Rule. Francis treated him with considerable kindness, thus preventing an open rupture. After the death of Francis, Elias was elected General, and successfuU}' carried out his plans. A second party, represented by Anthony of Padua, favored a strict adherence to primitive severity. Anthony appealed to Pope Gregory IX., had Elias deposed, and, being himself appointed General, ruled the Order in the spirit of its founder. The issue between the two parties turned upon the interpre- tation of the vow of -poverty. The more rigid held that the 1 Matth. Paris., ad an. 1239, gives us an account of the animated discussion between the two Orders on the question of precedence. ^ Quilielmus, de periculis novissimorum temporum, 1256 (0pp. Constant. 1632^ 4to); bettai, the Paris edition, by J. Alethophilus (Oordesius). Of. Natal. Alex- .xnder, Hist. Eccles. saec. XIII., c. 3, art. 7. Richard Simon, a rather slash- nig critic, ciiUb "William's book " a tissue of false and malicious torturing of the .-icriptures against-, the Mendicant Orders. ^S. T/iomas, Couti.i retrahentes a religionis ingressu; contra impugnantes Dei cultuia (0pp. ed., i'aiis, T. XX.) — Bonaventura, lib. apolog. in eos, qui ordini Minoi-. adversantur; dt paupertate Chr.otr.6uil.; expositio in regulam fra- trum mmor. (0pp. Lugd. 1668, T. VII.) Of. Raumer, Hist, of the Hohenstau- fens, Vol. III., p. 615 sq. Of. Coll. cath. contra pericula imminentia ecclesiao per hypociitas etc. {du Fi,i, Bibl. des auteurs eccles., T. X.) VOL. II — 46 722 Period 2. JSpoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. members, neither individually nor a's a community, should hold property, and that neither their estates, their monaste- ries, nor even their churches, should be held by them in fee- simple. In order to overcome this difficulty, a distinction was made between right of property and the simple use of it ; and it was said the right might be vested in the Pope, while the members of the Order would enjoy its fruits. An- thony iield that anything short of an absolute renunciation of the world was perilous. He died in 1231. There is a magnificent church erected to his memory in Padua, after the design of ISTiccolo of Pisa. In architectural beauty, it rivals the Church of St. Francis, at Assisi, and his tomb, in artistic decoration, that of St. Dominic, at Bologna. It is yearly visited by troops of pilgrims. Meantime, the contest between the two parties went on. Elias was once more elected General, and again deposed. He died April 22, 1253.' So violent was the opposition of the rigorists that they broke completely with the Pope and allied themselves to his enemy, Frederic II. St. Bonaventura, while siding with those of the " stricter observance," shunned their excesses, and, by his prudent conduct and the influence of his great name, secured the triumph of his party for years after his death. Popes Innocent IV. and Nicholas III. approved his moderation ; and the latter, by the bull '^Exiit qui seminat,"^ issued in 1277, put a milder interpretation upon the primitive Eule, substantially following the distinction given above. The defeated party, carried away by unseemly passion, assailed the Pontiti' and the Roman Church, and, after the manner of the sects, contrasted the wealth and magnificence of the Church then with the poverty and simplicity of the apostolic age. They foretold that a new order of things would be . presently inaugurated, and made special reference to the prophecy of the abbot Joachim of Floris, in Calabria (f 1202), concerning the three ages of the world. The same idea was further developed by the two Franciscan rigorists, Gerard, in his "Introduction to the ^Everlasting Gospel'" {a. a. d. • Roderici, Collectio nova privilegior. apost. Eegularium mendicantium ot mm mpndicantium, Antverp, 1623, fol. p. 8 sq. ^Of. Wadding, 1. c, T. V., p. 73. § 250. Other Orders and Confraternities. 723 1254), and Peter John Olim (f 1297), both of whom said that the age of the Holy Spirit was to be established through the labors of St. Francis and his true disciples.^ The favor shown to the rigorists by Pope Celestine Y., who afiiliated them to the community of Celestines, put a period to the quarrel, but after his resignation it broke out afresh. Boniiace VIII." treated the incorrigible faction with consid- erable severity and dissolved their community (1302). A com- plete separation of the two parties was now effected, and each went under a distinct name. The less rigid called themselves "Fratres de Communitate," or Conventuals," while those of the stricter observance called themselves "■Observantists," or "Spir- itaulists" and were styled by their opponents ^-Zealots" {Zela- and treated as sectaries. § 250. Other Orders and Confraternities. In the year 1233, Bonfiglio Ifonaldi, by his powerful ex- hortations, prevailed upon a number of Florentine merchants to give up the world and dedicate themselves to a religious life. This they bound themselves to do, by solemn vow, on the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin. Re- nouncing all earthly possessions, they retired to Monte Sena- rio and embraced a mortified life. Here they built a church, and by the side of it a number of cells, where they dwelt and spent their time in performing devotions in honor of the suf- ferings of the Queen of Heaven, whence they were called Servites of the Blessed Virgin (Servi B. 31. V., Servitae). Their' habit consisted of a black tunic, over which they wore a scapular. Alexander IV. confirmed the Order in 1255, and- Martin V. was among its most generous benefactors. They also devoted themselves to the cultivation of science, and- thereby secured a wide influence. Among their members were Faolo Sarpi (f 1623), the intemperate historian of the Council of Trent, and the celebrated archeologist, Ferrari,^' (t 1626). 'Cf. Wadding, 1. c, T. V., pp. 314, 338. 2 Ibid, ad an. 1302, nros. 7, 8; an. 1307, nro. 2 sq. ' Cf. PauU FLorent. Dialog, de orig. Ord. Serv. [Lamii Delic. eruditor., T. L) 724 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. In the years 1244 and 1252, Innocent IV. brought togetlier into one community all those persons who, scattered here and there in various countries, but notably in Italy, had been Jead- iing solitary and eremitical lives. This manner of life had lieen steadily increasing in popularity since the opening of the eleventh century. He commanded them to adopt the Kale of St. Augustine.^ Thereupon, Alexander IV., acting my the- suggestion of the superiors of all the Augu"stiuian con- vents then holding, a conference in Rome, placed the various congregations of Aug.usti.nians under one head. Lanfraneo Septala of Milan became the first General ctf the Augmtinran Hermits. Subsequent Popes granted them many privileges, one- of which was the office of papal sacris- tan, to be' held perpetually. Pius V. named them the Fourth Order of- Mendicants, the Carmelites being the third. The prevailing tendency to interior life, and, in part also, the false pietistic notions of religious life, and, finally, the desire to provide for young females aud widows left defense- less by the Crusades, inspired a number of pious ladies in the Netherlands and, G-ermany, at the beginning of the twelfth century, to formi associations for the double object of stimu- lating devotion and performing works of charity. The mem- bers of these associations did not take monastic vows, aud led a life midway between the world and the cloister. Their cause was advaneed chiefly by Lambert le Segues, a priest of Liege, who spent a considerable fortune in founding houses where virtuous widows and unprotected maidens might lead a religious life. According to one interpretation, they were called after him, Beguines, or Beghines; but, according to an- other, their name is derived from the Low German word beghen, signifying to beg or to pray. They devoted them- selves chiefly to works of charity, served the sick, comforted the suffering, and led exemplary lives. But these houses, having neither constitution nor rule, soon became the centers of indiscreet zeal and fanaticism. They were often the ob- jects of persecution, and eventually affiliated to the Thiid Order of St. Francis. 1 BuUar. Eom., T. I., p. 100. Of. Holland, m. Febr., T. II., p. 744. Henrion- fehr, Vol. I., p. 379 sq. § 250. True Picture of Monastic Life. 725 By tlie side of these arose a third society, called the Beg- hards, composed of youths and adults.' They took Alexius for their patron-saint, and accordingly called themselves Alex- ian Brothers, but the designation was soon changed into that of Lollhards, signifying those who sing in a low voice. They were bo named from their habit of chanting in low key and dolorous tone while carrying the dead to sepulture. They were industrious and pious, faithful in their attendance upon the sick and needy, assiduous and watchful in their care of the young, and much esteemed by nobles and princes. Un- fortunately, like the Beguiues, they fell into excesses, and adopted a sort of mystical pantheism, which issued finally in a downright heresy.^ TRUE PICTURE OF MONASTIC LIFE. After having seen what the religious orders, obedient to the Inspirations and graces of the Holy Spirit, undertook and accomplished, we shall read with feel- ings of respect and admiration a description of a well-ordered monastery, writ- ten by one who was himself a true monk, and, in endeavoring to ascertain his calling, observed closely the routine of cloister life and the habits of the monks. "I dwelt,"* says 'Uiibert, Abbot of Gemblours, writing to Philip, Archbishop of Cologne, "I dwelt for eight months in the monastery of Marmoutiers [Mnjus Monaster turn, or St. Martin's, near Tours). "While there, I was treated not as a guest simply, but as a brother. In this abode of peace there is neither hatred, quarreling, nor ill-feeling. The wise observance of silence effectually prevents them. A simple look from the superior warns one of his duty. Those in- trusted with offices are men of tried virtue. It would be difficult to find any- where greater devotion in the recital of the Divine Office, a more profound veneration in the celebration of the Divine Mysteries, or a sweeter affability and a more watchful attention in serving guests. Fidelity, calmness, and an easy grace are everywhere visible; nothing is wanting, and yet nothing is superfluous. The strong help on the weak, inferiors are respectful to those above them, and superiors watchful and solicitous for the welfare of those iu their charge. Here, indeed, do head and members constitute but one body. "When an abbot is to be elected, the monks prepare to make a good choice by long and earnest praj^er. The abbot-elect takes an oath to maintain inviolably the Eule of the house, and never to take a meal outside the common dining- '■ Moshcim, De Beghardis et Beguinabus, ed. Martini, Lps. 1790. Ilallmann, History of the Origin of the Beguines and a clearing up of the confusion in- troduced into this subject through the falsification of documents (by Vilvorder), Berlin, 1848. See also Tubg. Quart. 1844, p. 504-513. Bonn Periodical, new series, Tear IV., n. 4, p. 161 sq. ^ Vide supra, I 238. « Of. Hurter, T. III., p. 599-60J 726 Pmod 2. E-pocli 2. Part 1. Chapter 4. room, or except at fixed hours. This provision contributes largely to the tem poral prosperity of the monastery. Throe poor men, representing Jesus Christ, take their meals daily beside the abbot. The present abbot combines prudence and humility, and has every qualification requisite to fit him to preside over sc numerous a community. All are servants of Christ, and none takes account of his nobility of birth or the exalted position once filled by him in the world. The flesh is subdued and its humors corrected by vigils and fasting. One has a lion-like strength, and is not carried away by prosperous nor cast down by ad- verse fortune; another, borne up on the wings of grace, eagle-like soars heaven- ward, and all combine with the prudence of the serpent the simplicity of the dove. Everything that strikes the eye bears the tokens of consummate wis- dom. Whether in church or in the workshop, everything is done orderly and at a fixed time, for these wonderful men never permit themselves to forget that the eye of God is constantly upon them. To nature is given only what ip absolutely indispensable; the remaining time to the worship of God. One might call them an army, drilled and equipped and ready for battle, the clash of whose arms resounds from early dawn to the sixth hour. Files of monks may be seen prostrating themselves before the Altar. No sooner is one Mass over than another is begun. It were useless to attempt to compute the quan- tity of alms distributed at the monastery, or the number of souls saved from purgatory by the prayers of the monlroviding poor scholars with the means of support, tlius enabling them to pros'ecute their studies without anxiety, and of keeping a watch over their moral conduct and religious training.^ One of the oldest of the sixty-three colleges attached to the University of Paris was that founded in 1250 by Robert of Sorbonne, aulic chaplain ^Quod omnis labor universitatis in eassum abeat, nisi provideatur eollegio bursas, ut ibidem tam pietas quam eruditio plantetur (Protocolla senatus Uni- versit. ]?reiburg.,T. VII., p. 194]. 732 Period 2. Epoch 2. Pari 1. Chapter 5. to St. Louis. It was especially intended for students of the- ologj' [ad commune hospitium pauperum scholarium et magis- torum in theologia), and lience the theoloa^ical faculty of the university was afterward called " The Sorbonne." To show the great consideration in which these seats of learning were held in those days, it is sufficient to state that they were consulted in every important affair of Church and State, and that their judgment was generally accepted as de- cisive, as is shown by the action of the synod of Gerstungea (1085), and the weight attached to the proceedings of the professors who met on the plain of Roncaglia.^ § 252. Scholasticism and Mysticism-. Utaudenmaier, John Scotus Erigena, Vol. I., p. 366-482. Moehler, Miscella- nea, Vol. I., p. 129 sq. Bossuet-Cramer, Pts. V.-VII. RUter, Hist, of Chris- tian Philosophy, Vol. III. Saurian, De la philosophie soholastique, Paris, 1850, 2 vols. KauUch, Hist, of Soholast. Philos., Prague, 1862, Vol. I. Siockl, Hist, of the Philos. of the Middle Ages, Vols. I., II. '^ Ueherweg, Hist, of the Ages of the Fathers and of the Schoolmen, 3 ed., Berlin, 1868. "l'- Mattes, the articles ^^ Mysticism" and ^^Scholasticism," in the Freiburg Eccl. Cyclopned.,y d\s, VII., IX. (i?renoh transl., Vol. XV., p. 458, and Vol. XXI., p. 328.) Kleutgen, Philos. of Past Ages. Por a knowledge of scholastic Terminology, see Zamae Melinii lexicon, quo veterum theologorum locutiones explicantur, ed. jiova, Colon. 1855; and Lexicon Peripateticum, ed. 4to, Bononiae, 1856. (Tk.) — */. /. Goerres, Christian Mysticism, Eatisbon, 1 836 sq., 4 vols. Schmidt, The Mysticism of the Middle Ages at the Epoch of its Origination, Jena, 1824. Uelfferich, Christian Mysticism in its Development and Monuments, Hamburg, 1842, 2 vols. Cf. Theol. Review of Freiburg, Vol. IX., p. 254 sq. Noack, Christian Mysticism, Koenigsberg, 1853, 2 pts. Neandcr, Ch. Hist., Vol. V., p. 472-710. Torrey's transl of the same. Vol. IV., p. 411 sq. — Besides the works on the history of Christian literature, by du Pin, Ceillier, Oudinus, Cave, and Busse. Christian life among the Germanic nations, whether re- garded in its internal growth or external development, began with Cliarl,emagne. The tide of immigration had indeed ceased, but not until every trace of Roman civilization had been submerged. When danger was no longer to be appre- liended from foreign enemies, the people began to cultivate the peaceful arts and to enter upon intellectual pursuits. Having no Pagan models to copy, they were left to follow their own genius and the peculiar bias of their national char- I See above, pp. 508, 552. § 252. Scholasticism and Mysticism. 733 acteristics, except in so far as their minds had heen influenced by ancient Christian traditions. The mental productions of these people, therefore, were at once Germayiic and Christian, and issued eventually in Scholasticism and Mysticism, ihe seeds of which had long since been sown.^ Thus, while. the intel- lectual efibrts of the Germans had all a common origin, they manifested themselves under two different and distinct as- pects — the one speculative and the other contemplative. A clear apprehension of truths was the characteristic of the for- mer; i\ie\Y intense contemplation, oi the latter. Scholasticism, therefore, is the speculative theology of the Germans.'^ Based upon the teachings of the Church, it employs the methods of philosophy to throw those same teachings into scientific shape, and, after the manner of Origen, to create a system of Chris- tian philosophy. It is but a repetition, under changed cir- cumstances, of the tendency prevalent during the first centu- ries of the Church's history. Hence the orthodox scholastics, following the traditions of the Alexandrian school and the teachings of St. Augustine, adopted as their rule the follow- ing principle : "Faith precedes science, fixes its boundaries, and prescribes its conditions." ^ ' See above, p. 173. 2 The appellations Scholastic and Seholasiiciim are etymologically the same, as the word scholasiieus, which was applied to the head master of cathedral and cloister schools, and hence the studies there pursued were called, generally, scholastica. The two appellations were retained during the Middle Ages, with this single modification: " Theologia scholastica" meant speculative theology, or theology scientifically demonstrated, while theologia posiiiva meant no more than a simple statement or exposition of the traditional teaching of the Church. (A scholasttcus was originally a teacher of rhetoric in the public schools of the Eoman Empire. — Te.) 3 Guitmund, scholar of Lanfrano's, and subsequently archbishop of Aversa, says: "Non enim praecepit tibi Christus: hitelliffe, sed crede. Ejus est curare, quomodo id, quod fieri vult, fiat: tuum est autem non discutere, sed humiliter credere, quia quidquid omnino fieri vult, fiat. Non enim inteUigendum, priiis est, ^it postmodum credas, sedprius credendum, ut postmodum intelligas. Nee Propheta Jesaias vii. 9, dixit: nisi intellexeritis, non credetis, sed nisi credideritis, non intelligetis." (De corp. et sang, in Max. bibl., T. XVIII., pp. 445, 446.) Just so says Anselm in his new formula, credo, ut intelligam, as we shall see further down 5 253. The same assertion is made hy Alexander of Hales: "In logicis ratio creat fidera, in theologicis fides creat rationem, fides est lumen animarum : quo quanto magis quis illustratur, tanto magis est perspicax ad inveuiendam 734 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. In contradistinction to the speculativeness of the Fathers of the Church, Scholasticism has the following character- istics: 1. Being exclusivelj" confined to the domain of theol- ogy, it starts with the principle, not only that the idea of God is the basis of every other branch of knowledge, but that all other sciences are subservient to it and dependent on it. 2. Being the direct exponent of the positive teaching of the Church, it includes within its scope, besides theological ques- tions in the strict and limited sense, every other department of human science, not excluding the fundamental princi- ples of philosophy, the sources of knowledge, and the limits of human reason and its relation to the phenomena of nature. The history of the controversy'' on Realism and ISTominalisra is an example of this statement. 3. The dialectical method, and particularly the syllogistic form, are more prominent in the treatment of dogmatic truths, thus manifesting a ten- dency to throw the whole deposit of faith into a scientific system. This last characteristic of Scholasticism will also help us to understand, on the one hand, why the philosophical writings of the greatest schoolmen — as, for instance, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and others— were no more than commentaries on Aristotle, the founder of the dia- lectic system; and, on the other, why such schoolmen as Hugh of St. Victor and St. Bonaventure became the repre- sentatives of two different methods of treating the dogmas of the Church. Much has been said, by various critics, of the influence exer- cised by the writings of Aristotle and Plato on Scholasticism,' rationem." St. Thomas Aquinas reasons in the same manner, de veritate cath. fidei ctr. gentes, Lib. I., c. 7, whose heading runs thus : " Quod veritati fidei Christ, non contrariatur Veritas rationis;" and after this, it is said: "Quamvis autem praedicta Veritas fidei christianae humanae rationis capaoitatem exoedat, haec tamen, quae ratio naturaliter indita habet, huic veritati contraria esse non possunt. ' In his history of Christian philosopliy, Vol. III., p. 91 sq., RlUer expresses himself in the following terms; '■^ Tennemann (Hist, of Philos., Vol. VIII., p. 705) has shown bow many erroneous ideas have been spread on this subject." "A striking proof of the above assertion," he says, "is found in the doctrine that God created all things out of nothing — a doctrine which St. Thomas and Duns Scotus fancied they had found in Aristotle." "One would be tempted to ask himself seriously whether Tennemann had ever read these two authors. The § 252. Scholasticism and Mysticism. 735 but from the above statements we may conclude that this in- fluence was confined substantially to modes of thought and logical processes of reasoning borrowed from these great phi- losophers because of their special adaptability to the exposi- tion of Catholic truth. In transferring these old methods ,into a new system, Christian writers were careful to emphat- ically reject the errors of both Plato and Aristotle. For ex- ample, Albertus Magnus confuted the AristotJian dualism and coeternity of God and matter, aud the Aristotliau tenet that the faculty of understanding, the "active intellect" ("voDc TTotYjTcxS:," " intellectus agens"), is one and the same in all men — an intellectual substance existing apart from man, and inde- pendent of him.' Of course no systematic studies in speculative science or Scholasticism could be undertaken by the Germans until the period included between the sixth and eighth centuries, when the works of Greek philosophers, and particularly of those who flourished during the age of the Fathers, had been col- lected and rendered accessible through synoptical tables of their most important subjects, compiled by churchmen like Boethius, Cassiodorns, Isidore of Seville, Tajus of Saragossa, Ildephonse of Toledo, Venerable Bede, and John Damascene, or, in any complete sense, until the ninth and eleventh cen- turies, during the controversies on Adoptionism, Predestina- tion, and the Eucharist, when many special questions in both theology and philosophy were deeplj' studied and ably dis- cussed by eminent scholars like Alcuiii, Gottschalk, Pascha- sius Radbertus, and Berengarius, not to speak of the host of same may be said of Branisa on whatever he advances concerning the process of the development of philosophy in ancient times and during the Middle Ages (Breslau, 1842, p. 400), and concerning tlie influence nf AriMotle on the phi- losophy of the Middle Ages, and ooncorning rightly appreciating or misunder- standing Aristotle." Cf especially 'tClemens, De scholasticorum sententia, phi- losophlam esse theologiae anciUam, commentatio, Monasterii, 1856. ' Themistius and Thomas Aquinas, in a former age, and Trendlenburg, Bran- dis, and others, in our own, have shown that Aristotle did not hold the vovc ToiTjTiicdc to be an intellectual substance, or the Deity, or some other superhuman intelligence existing apart from man, and independent of him, as the text would imply. See the Psychology of Aristotle, and especially his doctrine on the NOTS nOIHTIKOS, p. 165-168, by Francis Brentano, Mentz, 1867. (_Te.) 736 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. minor celebrities ranged on either side. Toward the close of the eleventh century, all these isolated eflbrts were com- bined and took shape, consistency, and aim under Anselm. of Canterbury, with whom the first period of Scholasticism opens, and closes with Peter Lom.bard (f 1164) and Hugh of St. Victor (1142). In this interval many of the doctrines and definitions of the Church were arranged into groups, demonstrated specu- latively, and, in .a measure, methodically. During the second period, which includes the thirteenth century, and was the most flourishing age of Scholasticism, the most distinguished ornaments of the schools were Dominicans and irranciseans. These were Alexander of Hales, the "Irrefragable Doctor;" Albertus Magnus, the " Universal Doctor;" Thomas Aquinas, the "Angelic;" Bonaventure, "the "Seraphic," and Duns Scotus, the " Subtle." During this period, Aristotle was more deeply studied and more fully understood than heretofore, thus leading the way to the preeminence in dialectical skill and fondness for method and system which so distinguished the schoolmen. During the third period, embracing the four- teenth and fifteenth centuries, when the revival of Greek and Roman classical literature was fascinating all minds and being carried to excess, Scholasticiam declined and partially re- treated from the field it had so long occupied, to give place to the Humanists. The representative men of every age have respected the schoolmen as the leaders in a great intellectual movement, and the world is coming at last to judge them with something like fairness. Only the prejudiced and those to whom thought is laborious, and by whom speculation is regarded as danger- ous, have presumed to deny to Scholasticism its great scien- tific importance. Quite different has been the judgment of Bossuet, Leibnitz, Hegel, and all great thinkers, whether within or vpithout the Church. Many features of Scholas- ticism were severely criticised at an early day; and, while one would not wish to see it restored in its original form, he can not help but regret that its principles, its accurate methods of thought, its loyalty to truth, its culture and learning, its chiv- alric enthusiasm, and its dauntless courage, have not now their hold ou men's minds, and are not now as popular as then. § 252. Scholasticism and Mysticism. 737' "What has been said of Scholasticism may be applied with equal truth to the 3Iijsticism^ of the Middle Ages. Christian Mysticism was based chiefly on the Gospel of St. John,^ sup- plemented bj' the writings of Didymus, and Macarius the Mder, and particularly by those of Devys the Areopagite.^ Like the iVeo- PI atonists, the mystics held that to arrive at a practical, holy, and intimate union with God, self-denial and mortification of the senses are necessary. Besides corporeal austerities and the shuttiug out of external objects of sense from the mind, the next step to this union is the practice of contemplation or consideration. Once Mj^sticism had reached the dignity of a science, it employed the same dialectical methods in use among the schoolmen. It is well here to draw attention to a distinction between Christian Mysticism and ISTeo-Platonism, which, though fre- quently overlooked, is absolutely essential to a correct under- standing of either. The former, starting from the fact of original sin, seeks always to restore the likeness of God in the soul and its union with its Maker; while the latter, ig- noring original sin and regarding the soul as a portion of the divine nature, professes to endeavor to free it from the tram- mels of the body and have it again absorbed in the Godhead. Hence, while the principles of the one are thoroughly ortho- dox, those of the other are the rankest sort of Pantheism. Scholasticism is to Mysticism, what science is to practical life. The former asks the question. What is the true? and directly sets about a discussion of theoretical principles; the latter puts the question, What is the good? and straightway attempts to ' '^Mysticism" is derived from fiveiv, to shut in, to shut the eyes as a sign of interior life. 2 Neander, History of the Establishment and Government of the Church by the Apostles, 1 ed., Vol. I., p. 670, says: " St. John was less inclined to draw out his ideas in full than Si. Paul, who was a dialectician, and had been brought up in the school of Gamaliel. In St. John the intuitive element predominates. He is distinguished by the great ideas to which interior life and habits of con- templation give birth, rather than by a rational tendency to look into details." And again, p. 699 : " In as far as that tendency of the Christian mind which, in opposing cold rationalism and sectarianism, issued in Mysticism, is true, St. John is its representative." ^Soe Vol. I., p. 567, and Vol. II., p. 173. VOL. II — 47 738 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. carry out in practical life the teachings and promptings of faith, and to effect a union loith God. Apart from the various divergencies of opinion on minor points, as to the best method of reaching this intimate union, all mystical writers and master-s in the spiritual life are agreed that three stages are essential — viz., purification, or the freeing of the soul, by ascetieal practices, from the shackles of sense ; illumination, or the interior and spiritual life, which the soul, once set free from the trammels of the body, and rising supe- rior to the influence of the world, is able to lead; and perfec- tion, or union wUh God, in which the soul becomes completely absorbed in thoughts on Grod and witnesses this near approach to the Divinity by outward manifestations, as ecstasies, mira- cles, prophecies, and the like. Again, while Scholasticism is chiefly occupied in scientific pursuits, the gift of preaching is the characteristic of Mys- ticism. Hence, all mystics, from St. Bernard to Thomas k Kempis, have been distinguished either as pulpit orators or spiritual writers. Gerson, being not less acquainted with Scholasticism than Mysticism, was quite competent to pass judgment on their scope and relations to each other. "In Scholasticism," he says, " intellect is predominant, and is con- cerned about truth [pofentia intellectus circa verum) ; in Mys- ticism, the affections are more prominent, and embrace what is good (potentia affectuum circa bonum)." The same thought is expressed by Thomas & Kempis in the '^Following of Christ:" '* I had rather feel compunction," he says, " than understand the definition thereof." Scholasticism was always regarded as superior in rank to Mysticism, their relations to each other being expressed by comparing the former to the sun and the latter to the moon. The contrast presented in the character and scope of these two phases of mental development was but the necessary out- growth of the tendencies of the age. To Mysticism is to be attributed the grand movement of the Crusades. To it do we owe Gothic architecture and similar creations. It has taken shape and form in the venerable old Gothic churches. Are they not an expression of that deep and pervading sentiment of the human soul which struggles with a holy and yearning § 252. Scholasticism and Mysticism. 739 enthusiasm to mount up to the throne of the Most High? " The same spirit breathes in the pointed cathedral arch and in the pages of the ' Following of Christ.'' But it required Scholasticism to preserve the equilibrium of Mysticism, wtiich, from its very nature, was in danger of being carried to excess. Making little account of anj'thing but practical life, it not unfrequent-ly mistook the true character of science, and lapsed into error more easily and more frequently than did Scholas- ticism. The latter, for analogous reasons, was equally in need of the presence and influence of Mysticism ; for, from the very outset of its histor}', it manifested a tendency to estrange itself from active life. It has also left its impress on Gothic architecture, for what are those mighty minsters set upon immovable foundations and sustained by solid pillars, their graceful columns and bold arches rising away into the space above, and losing themselves at last in endless ramiiications and countless figures, almost imperceptible to the e^-^e, yet executed with the most conscientious accuracy and delicacy, but the image of the Scholastic system? Like those noble old cathedrals, it, too, is set upon the solid foundation of the Scriptures, is sustained by the authority of the Fathers, em- ploys in its development all the resources of a bold and acute reason, which, rising to the higher regions of thought, is lost amid the detail of theses and antitheses, terms and syllogisms, distinctions and conclusions, questions and answers, sections and articles, all displaying a rich luxuriance of iutellect and a precision of finish, bat, to the unpracticed eye, looking like a ho])elessly entangled mass. Both the theologian and the architect — the former employing signs, the latter symbols — in raising a great and faultless work to the honor and glory of God, must be equally conversant with the rules of art and the principles of science; and, to make the analogy com- plete, neither loses sight of the Pagan element. Countless fantastic figures mark its presence in architecture, and in Scholasticism it is manifest in the ideas borrowed from one Pagan philosopher, aud in the dialectical methods imported from the other." ^ Hence, the true theologian combines ^ Stazidenmaier, Christian Dogmatics, Freiburg, 1844, Vol. I., p. 235. 740 Period 2. E'poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. depth of feeling with clearness of conception and accuracy of thought. Such are, in matter of fact, the characteristics of the great minds of the Middle Ages, in whom Scholasticism and Mysticism were, so to speak, in equilibrium, and who are represented by men like St. Bernard and St. Thomas Aquinas, but still more decidedly by Hugh of St. Victor and St. Boyia- Eenture. § 253. St. Anselm of Canterbury. Bolland., Acta SS. mens. April, T. II., p. 866. Moehler, Complete -works, Vol. I., p. 32-176. Be Remusat, Anselm of Canterbury, Germ, transl. by )Vurzbach, Eatisbon, 1854. Hasse, Anselm of Canterbury, Lps. 1844 sq., 2 pts. '* Siockl, Hist, of the Philos. of the Middle Ages, Vol. I., p. 151-208. Rlbbek, Anselmi doctrina deSpiritu sancto, Berol. 1838. Ueberweg, 1. c, 3 ed., p. 124 sq. Anselm of Canterbury was born at Aosta, in Piedmont, in 1033. Attracted by the reputation of Lanfranc, he went to study at the abbey of Bee, in ISTormandy, in 1060. Three years later he became prior, and, in 1078, abbot of this mon- astery, the most celebrated school of the eleventh century. Lanfranc, who had in the meantime become Archbishop of Canterbury, died in 1089, and, four years later (1093), Anselm was appointed his successor. lie died in 1109. Anselm was equally distinguished as a churchman and a scholar. His energy of character and strength of will are manifest in his contest with William Rufus and Henry I. on investitures, and his writings are ample evidence of his ripe scholarship and dialectical skill. He maj' be regarded as the father of Scholasticism. He was a close student of the writ- ings of St. Augustine, and, after the Holj' Scriptures, looked to them for a solution of the difhculties that met him in his Investigations.' His fundamental principles may be summed up as follows : " Man is created in the image of God, but this image is only in outline, and must be tilled up before one can arrive at a knowledge of himself. But for this work, man, ' His writings are: Monologium (de divinitalis essentia); proslogium (de cx- i-jtentia Dei, Brixiae, 1854); cur Deus homo (ed. Laemmer, Erlaiig. 1858); de fide Trinit. et de incarnations Verbi; de processione Spiritus S.; dialogus de Gusu diaboji, de conceptu virginali, de originali peocato, epp., Lib. III., Medita- tiones XXI. (0pp. omn. ed. Oerberon, Paris, 1675) (Paris, 1721, 2 T. f.) Miijni ser. lat. T. 138-159. Billroth, de Anselmi prosl. et monol., .Lips. 1832. § 253. St. Anselm of Canterbury. 741 Leing a dependent being, requires some external motive to spur him on. Such is revelation which is accepted on faith. Faith, he said, precedes science, and gives birth to it; and hence the title of one of his works : " Fides quaerens Intel- lectum." And his very first worlc is called " llonologium. sice Exemplum. Meditandi de Hatione Fidei." He is a votary of Truth, and, in speaking of it, does so with a religious rever- ence. But, while devotedly loyal to faith, Anselm is not un- mindful of the claims of reason. Hence he holds it to be a sacred duty to reduce the truths of faith to scientific form, the neglect of which would expose Christians to the opprobrium of being inferior to the Pagans." Accordingly, he set to work to demonstrate the attributes of God and of the Three Divine Persons, by a method at once dialectical and speculative. Starting out to prove the existence of God, and iinding that the usual arguments, drawn from the marks of design and the endless variety, order, and gi'adation of everything in the uni- verse — thence concluding that there must be a self-existent cause of all this, one supreme and infinitely perfect God — were insufiicieut for his purpose, he professed in his " Proslo- gium," or "Fides qiiaereyis Intellcctum," a later work, to j)iit forward a demonstration so convincing as to dispense with every other. This is ontological in character, and concludes the existence of God from the fact that the human mind has an idea of a Being infinitely supreme, than which no hii,her can be conceived of. Even the atiieist, while denying the objective existence of God, must admit that he has a mental conception of such a Being. Now, continues St. Anselm, inasmuch as it is impossible to conceive of this Being at all without con- ceiving of Him as existing, it follows that the idea of Him does not alone exist in the mind [in intellectu), but has an ob- jective reality also {in re). Plence it is further concluded that 'Anselm says; "Non tcnto, Domine, penetrate altitudinem tuam, quia nul- latenus comparo illi intellectum meum, sed desidero aliqiiatenus intelligere veritatem tuam, quam credit et amat cor nioum. Neque enim quaero intelligere, ui credam, ssd credo, td intcLlicjam ; nam et hoc credo, quia, nisi credidero, non intelligam (proslog. e. 1.) — Siout rectus ordo exigit, ut profunda christianae fldei credamus, priusquam ea praesumamus ratione discutere, ita negligentiae mihi vldetur, si, postquam confirmati sumus in fide, non studemus, quod credimua, intelligere." (Cur Deus homo, c. 2.) 742 Period 2. ^jfjoc/i 2. Fart 1. Chapter 5. whatever there is in the world of the beautiful, the ffood, and the true, is but a reflection of Him who is all beauty, good- ness, and truth. This method of concluding from a mental conception to its objective reality was assailed by Gaunilo, a monk of Mar- montiers, who said that if the argument were valid, it would equally follow that because one conceives of an island situated in w-id-ocean. it must necessarily be there. Anselm replied by distinguishing between ideas logically inseparable and such as are connected by an eftbrt of the imagination. The former have necessarily an objective reality, because to conceive of a being as absolutely necessary is all one with saying that it .exists as one conceives of it.' But the most important of Anselm's works, and the one which has exercised the greatest influence on posterity, mark- ing an epoch in Christian philosophy, is his ^^ Cur Deus Homo," in which he demonstrates the necessity of the incarnation of the So7i of God. Anselm also takes up and discusses with much ability and depth of thought, but yet without /ormi)i^ a system, the doctrine of original sin and the harmony between free-will and the foreknowledge of God, in his work entitled "De Concordia Praescientiae et Praedestinationis." In giving an exposition of the doctrine of the Trinity, Anselm called attention to the fact that ideas have a real existence. This opinion was vehemently assailed, and occa- sioned the CONTROVERSY ON REALISM, NOMINALISM, AND CONCEPTU- ALISM.^ The principles in question in this controversy, instead of involving, as has been asserted, no more thiin iv mere quibble about words, lie at the very founda- tion of hiuiian science, inasmuch as on its issue depends the possibility or impossibility of any demonstration whatever within the scope of knowledge accessible to man. Hence it gave rise to a number of conflicting theological tendencies which, had they not been kept under control, might have led either to idealistic pantheism or brutal materialism. This mediaeval controversy was but an expression, more or less full, of thoughts which at all times, whether 1 Ga!«u'io, lib. pro insipiente; Anselmi apolog. otr. Gaunilon. respondenteni pro insipiento. '' Kleuiyen, Philosophy of Past Ages, Miinstor, 1861, Vol. I., p. 252 sq. Siockl, History of the Philosophy of the Middle Ages, Vol. I., p. 128-151. § 253. St. Anselm of Canterbury. 743 ancient or modern, when the spirit of philosophic inquiry has been ahroad, have occupied men's minds. The Eloatio philosophers, and Heraclitus, Plato, and Aristotle were no less disturbed by them than Spinoza, Leibnitz, Hogel, and Herbart. The question at issue was a fundamental problem of science, and may be briefly stated as follows: Have universal ideas, or such as comprehend the genus and differential note, an actual existence independent of the concep- iions of them formed in individual minds, or is the converse the case — that is to say, arc universal ideas mere abstractions, creations of the intellect, expressed in words (noraina) representing substantive realities, but not such themselves? The NominaLvsU held the latter, the Realists the former opinion. While it may be assumed that this question would, in any event, have come up to the school- men for discussion and solution, it is nevertheless true that it may be histor- ically traced back to Boethius, the forerunner of mediaeval philosophers, and through him to Porphyry. The latter, in his introduction to the writings of Aristotle on Categories, on which Boethius wrote a commentary, speaking of the five Vnioersuls [yivog, d6o(, rfiai/iopa, l6iov, avij.jit(irjiwq = genus, species, differentia, proprium, accidens), says,. at the very outset, that it is not his purpose to enter the field of metaphysics, because of the difficulty and obscurity of the funda- mc]ital question of this branch — viz., "Have genus and species (genera et spe- cien) a substantive existence of their own, or are they mere abstractions of the intellect (in solU nudls intellectibus posita sunt) ? And further, assuming that they have a substantive existence, are they corporeal or incorporeal? Are they inherent in other objects, or do they subsist of themselves?" The discussion thus declined by Porphyry was entered upon by Boethius, who, though possessing considerable ability for the task, was not altogether free f.'om misconceptions of its true bearings. He closes by remai'king that the two p Jases of the question pointed out by Porphyrj- may be traced back to Plato ;i;:(.l Ariiioile, the former of whom, he says, genera et species caeteraque non . modo intelligi universalia, verum etiam esse atque propter (praeter?) corpora subsistere putat; .4rj.sto)!eies vero intelligi quidem incorporalia atque universa- lia, sed subsistere in sensibilibus putat. Boethius did not decide in favor of either view; but, from the fact that he quoted, commented upon, and criticised Aristotle, he seemed to give a prefer- ence to Nominalism. Scoius Erigena endeavored (de dlvis. nai. I. 51) to har- monize the conflicting views of Plato and Aristotle ; but, for obvious reasons, little or no attention was paid to what he had said on the subject by the school- men, who preferred to follow the question back to its origin. PUdo, as is well known, in accounting for the multiplicity of concrete sub- stances, whether in regard to their essence or their supreme genus, assumes the prototypal idea as a basis. With him, ideas (eMof) are prototypes and pat- terns [TTopaSeiYfJaTa), which the " Demiurge," the "Maker of tlie Universe," has before His mind in drawing order out of chaos. In this view only, ideas pos- sess truth and unity. They exist in "the great mind of Zeus ' anteriorly lo their antitypes, are independent of finite matter and form, and are self- subsistent, both as to their being and m.eaning. The concrete world of matter and form is only a partial ( pai'ticipans) manifestation of the prototypal idea, and will over remain inadequate to its full expression. To Plato's deductive method Aristotle opposed a thorough-going induction Starting with concrete realities as they come before the eye in nature, or befora 744 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. the mental vision in the facts of history, science, and art, he separated and classified them according to their categorical notes. Denying the transcendent- alism of Plato, he held that ideas are inherent in ihinf/s, or exist primarily in the concrete (universalia in re), whence they arc derived by the mental process of abstraction. The idea (to el6og), he said, is absolutely without meaning until after it has been embodied in concrete form, where it becomes the immanent and individualizing (auvoXov) principle of the several objects in which it is em- bodied. It is the province of science, he added, to collect, investigate, compare, distinguish, and arrange specimens, examples, and facts, and thus, by abstract- ing the notes common to a class or individual, and corresponding to the real- ity, to fix the notion of either permanently in a precise and comprehensive definition. This twofold Realism, embracing, in a sense, a transcendentalism of ideas and yet insisting on their immanence in the concrete object or fact, was opposed by the Nominalism of Zeno and the Stoics, who asserted that ideas have no real existence independently of the intellect, whether considered in the mind of the Creator or in individual beings (universalia post rem), and that universals are but empty names (nomina, flatus vocls), and nothing more. The diverging opinions to wliich this controversy gave rise, involving, as they did, the most momentous problem of science, were still as far asunder as ever when Christianity came into the world, and with it the idea of creation, to which there was nothing similar in the whole range of antiquity. This cardi- nal fact afforded a means of ascertaining the true relation of God to ideas, of ideas to reality, and of reality to human knowledge. Now that the true start- ing point of science had been discovered, the most enlightened of Christian philosophers endeavored to harmonize and retain the underlying principles of both the Platonic and Aristotelian theories. They upheld, as the only view consistent with the genius of Christianity, the Realism of both the universal or prototypal and the particular or individual idea. Still, there was no age of the Christian era when the advocates of Nominalism did not exist side by side with the advocates of this modified llealism. The theologians of the school of Alexandria, and notably Origen, depending for their philosophical notions chiefly on Plato, were unable either to fully un- derstand or properly appreciate the theory of the realists. The schoolmen, on the other hand, drawing their philosophical notions from the copious writings of St. Augustine, who had prepared the way for Realism, adopted neither the Platonic nor the jVristotclian theory, but took a middle waj' between the two. Ansclin, the Augustine of the schools (alter Aur/usiiims), led off as the champion of the new and true theory of Realism. While establishing the relative sub- sistence of universals, and showing how individuals are separated from each other by difl'erential notes, he at the same time points out that there is an essen- tial connection between the two, inasmuch as the universal is realized in the individual. Holding, therefore, that universals were not, according to tlie Nom- inalist theory, mei-e sounds of the voice, nor yet, as the out-and-out Realist taught, substances in the external world, but "conceptions" or thoughts in the mind, he drew the further conclusion that when one is necessitated to conceive of an object as being such and such, the reality must correspond to the concep- tion. Such was the theory held by the bulk of the schoolmen who lived after Anselm, during the early half of the present epoch. § 253. Anselm of Canterbury. 745 In opposition to this theory, others of the schoolmen revived Nominalism under the following form: 1. Only individual objects, inasmuch as they are directly perceived by the senses, have any real existence. Whatever is over and above those is simply a sort of mental mirage, which the imagination con- nects with realities. Hence, 2. Perception by the senses, being the only means of apprehending realities and becoming conscious of their presence, is the one true method of acquiring loiowledge. Tlie latter of these conclusions, how- ever, was not fully set forth by the Nominalists until the fourteenth century. The Nominalist theory was applied by Roscelin, Canon of Coinpifigne, to the dogma of the Trinity. Affirming the ex- istence of individuals only, he held that universals were a mere sonnd of the voice — a flatus vocis as fleeting as the breath that called it forth. Neither had qualities, parts, or any existence outside of the objects to which they belonged. The color of a horse, for instance, has, he sfiid, no ideal inde- pendent existence apart from the horse of which it is an accidental quality. His Nominalism led him straight into tritheism. He spoke of the Three Persons in the Trinity as tres res, understanding by the term res an entirety; the Aris- totelian Tt, or a substance complete in itself.' Thus he denied the unity of the Godhead and affirmed the separate existence of three Gods. This position brought him into a controversy with Anselm,^ who assailed his adversaries with the following arguments: " How," said he, " can one distinguish God and His various relations (i. e., the Divinity, the Divine Essence, and the Three Divine Persons) who can not draw a distinction be- tween u horse and its color? One who can not comprehend that there is a sense in which men may be said to be essen- tially one (which would not be the case if the generic idea ' man ' were no more than an abstraction or an empty name) is but ill-qualified to recognize in the Divine nature Three Persons, each truly God, and yet all one and the same God. If, finally, human nature has a real existence only in this or 'See Blicids Dictionary of Sects and Heresies, art. Schoolmen. (Tr.) -Joh. Moiuich. ep. ad Anselm. [Baluz., Miscell., 1. IV., p. 478 sq.) Anselm., 1. II., op. 35, 41 ; lib. de fide Trin. et de incarnat. Verbi cent. bUisphemias Kuzolini., cf Ivo Carnot. ep. VII. Abaeiardi ep. 21; Theobald. Stamp, op. ad Eoscel i-iAchenj, Spicil., T. III., p. 448.) Freiburg Eccl. OijcLopaed., Vol. IX., p. 338-397; Fr. tr., Vol. 20, p. 429-440. 746 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. that determinate and individual person, how is it possible even to conceive of the Divine Word becoming man, since He did not assume a human personality, but took upon Him human nature ?" Anselm pronounced Nominalism a dialectical heresy, and Abelard, some time later, affected to be witty when he said that, according to lioscelin, our Lord (St. John xxi. 13) oiicred His disciples not a real fish, but only the word "fish." Au- iidAm's realistic theory received the approbation of the council of Soissons (1092), while Rosceliu was ordered to retract his as erroneous. Hildebert, Bishop of Mans,' who died about 1134, pursued the line of thought marked out by Anselm. Such was the mental process by which the schoolmen har- monized Realism and Nominalism, and established the theory of Conceptua.Usm. The conceptualists drew a distinction be- tween objective reality, intellectual conception, and the word expressing the idea formed by the mind. They said that as the intellect could not adequately comprehend all the notes of an object, so neither could language adequately express them, and that tbe intellectual comprehension held a place midway between an object and the word by which it was designated. This much was indeed an approach toward the solution of the difficulty, but tbe fundamental question involved in the controversy between the Realists and Nominalists had not yet been cleared up.^ § 254. Controversy concerning Scholasticism and Mysticism — Abelard, Gilbertus Porretanus, and St. Bernard. Epp. Ahaelardi ct Hdoisae, epecially ep. I. de historia calamitatum suarum; Introductio ad thcol., libb. 111. ( Abaelardi et Heloisae 0pp. ed. du Chesnc, Paris, 1616, 4to; sometimes given as ed. Amboise, 1606 or 1626. Abridgment by Cramer, Vol. VI., p. 337 sq.) Theol. christ.. Lib. V. {Mariene, Thes. anecdot., T. V.) Ethica s. liber: scUo te ipsiiin (Pe.ui, Anecdot., T. III., P. II.) Dialog, inter philosoph. Judacum et Christian. (Abaci.?) ed. Rheinwald, Berol. 1831. — Sic. et non. Dialectica ( Victor. Cousin, Ouvrages inedits d'Abaelard., Paris, 1836, 4>:). ^^tiio et non," primum integrum edd. Henke ot Lindenkohl, Marb. 1851. Abaelardi Epitome Theol. ohr. ed. Rheinwald, Berol. 1835. Migne, Ser. Lat., '(Tract, theologicus, probably due to Hugh of St. Victor); Moralis Philoso- phia (0pp. ed. Beaugendre, Paris, 1708 f.) ^Siocki, Vol. I., p. 14.3-151. § 254. Controversy — Scholasticism, and Mysticism. 747 T. 178. The Hymns brought to light, published by Oretth in the Spieileg. Vati- can, and by Cousin; see Freiburg Gazette, Vol. XI., p. 141-158. Sib'cld, Vol. I., p. 218-272. Concerning Abelard's life, see Hist, litterairo de la France, T. XII. ; Sehlosser, Abelard and Doicino, or the Life of a Fanatic and of a Phi- losopher, Gotha, 1807. Ueberwej, p. 132 sq. The controversy eonimeiiced by Bereugarius and Laufranc, which was in fact a conflict between specnlative and positive theology, involving an attack on faith a^ the source of intel- lectual enlightenment, was continued under a more scientific form by Abelard and St. Bernard, when it took the shape of a war between Mysticism and Scholasticism, and threatened to loosen the foundations of the whole range of theology. Peter Abelard was born of noble parents, at Palais, near Nantes, in Brittany, in 1079. Inheriting from his father a thirst for knowledge, he applied himself to study with all the ardent enthusiasm of his nature, and was still further stimu- lated to renewed efforts by Roscelin, his first master. Of a naturally acute and subtle mind, he early manifested a de- cided inclination for dialectics, and in consequence went to hear the praelections of William of Ckampeaux (Guil. a Cam- pellis), who was then defending the claims of science against the Nominalists, as Anselrn had already done those of theol- ogy against the same errorists. His progi-ess was so rapid that he soon outstripped his master. Elated by his success, and thirsting for distinction and worldly applause, he withdrew from Paris and founded a school of his own at Melun, whither great troops of students flocked to hear him. Over-exertion impaired his health, and he retired to his home in Brittany to restore it. In the meantime "William of Champeaux had taken up his residence at the abbey of St. Victor, near Paris, and commenced to teach rhetoric and dialectics. Here, Abel- ard came to put himself once more under his old master, but it was not long before he again quarreled with him. lie has left the following account of the cause of this rupture : "William of Champeaux maintained that 'universals' belong essentially to individuals in such sense, that individuals comprehended in the same class are not distinct from each other as to their essence, but only distinguished one from another by the number of their accidental notes. Ho subsequently modi- fied this opinion. After a discussion with Abelard, he taught that ' universals '— i. e., genus and species— are not essentially inherent in individual objects, but 748 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. are the mental conception of a class, and are derived from a consideration of in- dividual specimens. (Sic correxerit senieniiam ui deinceps eamdem rem nor, essentlaliier sed indt.viduaUter diceret.) "The question of 'iiniversals' is one that has at all times been of the highest importance to dialecticians, and so difficult is it that even Porphyry, in his Isa- goge, without attempting to solve it, simply puts it aside with the remark that 'it is a vexed question.' " William having thus, rather from necessity than of his own motion, changed his opinion, found himself deserted by those who had formerly come to hear him, as if dialectics was wholly dependent on this or that theory of uni- versal." ' Abelard once more withdrew from Paris, and reopened his school at Melun, whence he transferred it to Mount St. Gene- viSve, near Paris, in 1115, and so great was the popularity of his teaching that the students deserted the auditory of William of Gharapeaux to listen to liis more brilliant rival. He pre- served, amid every change of fortune, a strong filial attach- ment for his mother, and when slie had resolved upon becom- ing a religious, he dismissed his students temporarily to pay her a visit. During his absence, "William had been appointed Bishop of Chalons, and on his return to Paris, believing that liis talents had not a sufiiciently large field for their display, he went to Laon to listen to the lectures of the celebrated theologian, Anselm of Laon. After a short stay, fancying that he had got abreast of his master, and was, if anything, his superior, he boastfully proposed to give a course of lec- tures on Ezechiel, one of the most difficult of the prophets, if a day's time were given to him for preparation. Anselm's jealousy was aroused, as that of "William of Champeaux had been for a similar cause on a former occasion, and Abelard, finding Laon disagreeable, returned lo Paris, where he became one of the most celebrated teachers of dialectics and theology. At this time there lived in Paris, Heloise, the niece of Canon Falbert, then only eighteen years of age, but already remark- able for beauty of person, mental endowments, and extensive knowledge. Abelard became her preceptor, and, while the two were in each other's company, he lost sight of the honor attaching to his office and abused the confidence reposed in him; and she, relaxing the dignified reserve which is the 1 In Abolardi historia calamitatum, c. 2. Cf. StScld, Vol. I., p. 140-143. § 254. Controversy — Scholasticism and Mysticism. 749 safeguard of the sex, threw aside the observances of virginal modesty. Fulbert discovered his mistake wiien it was too late. The two fled together, and were secretly married, but so wild was Heloise's enthusiasm for her lover, that she denied the fact, lest it might be a bar to liis advancement in the Church. Fulbert, enraged at this denial, and still further ex- asperated because he believed that Abolard, desiring now to be I'id of Heloise, had her removed to the convent of Argen- teuil, hired five venal men to emasculate the betrayer of his niece. The unfortunate man, to hide his shame and bring some alleviation to his sorrow, entered the monastery of St. Deijys as a monk, and persuaded Heloise to take the veil at Argenteuil (1119). He was not long permitted to remain quiet in his monastery. Petitions from the university stu- dents came pouring in upon him, requesting him to resume his lectures, and to do now for love of God what he had formerly done for personal glory. He yieklcd, and opened his lectures in a priory belonging to the monastery of St. Denys, and situated on the border of the province of Count Theobald of Champagne. The numbers who flocked to hear him were so great that accommodations could not be had to lodge them nor food to sustain them. The advocates of Scholasticism, but notably Albert and Lothaire of Rlieims, soon grew jealous of his splendid success, and even the Mys- tics commenced to complain that his treatment of the myste- ries bordered on the irreverent. At the request of his clisci- ples, he commenced to embody his theological teaching in a work entitled an ^'■Introduction to Theology," treating specially of the Trinity, and from which several heretical 2}ropositions were e.xtracted. The work was condemned by the council of Sois- sons, in 1121, and he himself confined in a monastery to do penance. His suflerings excited universal sympathy, and, after a few days, Conon, the papal legate, permitted him to return to St. Denys. He was no sooner back than he again evoked the anger of the monks by asserting that Denys, Bishop of Paris and founder of the monastery, was not iden- tical with Denys the Areopagite, and was forced to consult for his safety in flight. Having been released from his con- nection with the monastery by the celebrated Abbot Suger, 750 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. lie retired to ITogent-on-the-Seine, in the diocese of Troyes, and here built himself a hermitage of reeds and straw, which he dedicated to the Holy Ghost and called the Paraclete. Here he again commenced his lectures, and soon throngs of stu- dents crowded to the spot, built huts for themselves and a chapel for their master, whither he micrht withdraw and find peace and solace in his sufferings. His fame and his teach- ings exposed him to fresh persecutions, and, transferring the Paraclete, which, by reason of tlie poetical traditions sur- rounding it, remained, until 1593, a favorite female religious house, to lieloise and her community, he withdrew from pub- lie notice and accepted the abbacy of St. Gildas-de-Ruys, in Brittany (1128). After eight years spent in useless efforts to restore the discipline of the monastery, he resigned the office in 1136, and spent a year giving lectures in Paris. It was now that St. Bernard, the most renowned man of his age, be- came his opponent. Having had his attention drawn to the errors of Abelard by William, Abbot of Thierry, and St. Nor- bert, he set about refnting them, and pointedly reminded Abelard that he had confounded the teachings of faith with the theories of philosophy.' Moreover, Abelard had dressed up in a new, more pointed, and more offensive shape the errors of his "■Introduction to Theology," already condemned, in his new work entitled "On Christian Theology," but which was little more than a revised edition of the former. He and his partisans were also charged with pirofaning holy things by an unusual and unseemly display of temper in their dis- putations. St. Bernard, in sending an account of the affair to Rome, expressed himself in the following indignant lan- guage : "■ Irridetur simplicium fides, eviscerantur arcana Dei, insultatur Patribus, omnia usurpat sibi humanum ingenium." Abelard, apprehending his condemnation as a heretic, re- quested the Archbishop of Sens to give him the privilege of publicly defending himself against his accusers. Bernard re- luctantly accepted the challenge, and repaired to Sens, where a.synod was held (1140) for the purpose of giving a fair hear- ing to each party. Contrary to all expectation, Abelard re- ^Bernardi, epp. 188, 189 ad Cardinal.; ad Innoc de erroribus Abaelardi Apologie d'Abglard, ep. 20 (0pp., p. 330 sq.) § 254. Controversy — Scholasticism and Mysticism. 751 fused to defend his teachings, which had already been con- demned by the synod, before that body, and, on the following day, appealed from its decision to the jndgment of the Pope. On information forwarded to Rome by the synod and ob- tained from nnmerons letters written by St. Bernard, the teachings of Abelard were condemned and himself sentenced to perpetual confinement in a monasteiy. Tie had arrived at Lyons, on his waj^ to Rome, when the sentence reached him, and, tnrning back, sought refuge with Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Clugnj-, through whose kind oftices he obtained absolution from the Pope, and was reconciled to St. Bernard.^ He became one of the monks of Clugny, and, while there, led a strictly ascetical life, spending much of his time in teaching the monks. His health having given way, he was removed to the priory of St. Marcel, at Chalons-on-the-Sa6ne, on ac- count of its more healthy location, where he died a most exemplary death, professing his adherence to the orthodox faith, April 21, 1142. The words of Peter the Venerable, in reference to Abelard's life while at Clugny, are certainly very laudatory. " It has not been my fortune," said he, "to meet a more hun^ible man than he." At Ms oiun request, his body was conveyed to Heloise at the Paraclete, "in order," he said, "that she may learn what one loves in loving raan."^ She survived him twenty years. The ashes of both were taken to Paris in 1808, and, in 1828, buried in one sepulchre in Pere-la- Chaise. Besides the errors already pointed out, Abelard also went ver}' much astraj' in discussing the relations between faith and reason [fides, ratio), maintaining that faith proceeds from scientific investigation ; because, said he, doubt^ is the funda- ' Tlio History of the Councils of Soistons and Sens, and Abelard's life and teachings, very carefully detailed by Hefele, Vol. V., pp. 321-325, 399-435. 2 Petri Venerabilis ep. ad Helois. and Helois. ad Petr. Abaelardi (0pp., p. 337 sq.) Rathbonne, History of St. Bernard; Germ, transl. by Relcliing, Yo\. II., pp. 37, 38. 'Abelard, however, said (Epitome Theol. christ., c. 2): "Ac primum de fide, quae naturaliter caeteris prior est, tanquam bonorum omnium fundamentum." He is more explicicit in his Introduct. in Theol., Lib. II.; but he wandered fa,r from these ideas when he maintained: "Haec quippe prima sapientiae clavis 752 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. mental principle of all knowledge, the key that opens the treasures of wisdom. Allowing to dialectics a snpreme an- thority in the domain of dogmatic truth, it was not possible, by this logical process, to attain to absolute truth, but only to probability. According to his fundamental principle, everj'- thing capable of [>roof must first be susceptible of doubt, and hence all the dogmas of faith were necessarily assumed to be problematic, that they might be demonsti-able. To show this by example, Abolaixl took various propositions of faith and morals, and placed by the side of them texts of Scripture and passages from the writings of the Fathers, telling for and against each, and apparently contradictory of one another, without attempting to reconcile them. Such is the structure of the remarkable treatise "^'c et Nov."^ It appears to have been his purpose in this to awaken a spirit of rational doubt among the better educated ; for " doubt," he said, "leads to inquiry, and inquiry to truth." His definition of faith is especially startling. To believe, said he, is to hold as true what one sees not, and to hold also as true the motive of be- lieving in what is unseen. His explanation of the Trinity differed little from the Modalism of Sabellius. According to the latter, the Trinity was not one of distinct persons, but of action and office, the Eternal Unit manifesting itself in time under the three forms or modes of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. According to Abelard, the Father, or, more properly, the Paternity (Paternitas), is the First and Supreme Divinity, who manifests Himself in the Son and lioly Ghost. These, of themselves, have no existence {aliae vera duae personae nul- latenus esse queant). The Father alone has a real existence, has relations to the world, and is manifested in it.^ definitur: assidua scilicet sou frequena interrogatio; rf«?n'fanrfo enim ad inquisi- tionem veniemus. (in Sic et Non, in Prolog, sub fln.) Qnod fides humanis ra- tionibiia sit adstruenda." (Ibid., p. 18-22.) Of. Siaudenmaier, Philosophy of Christianity, Vol. I., p. 609 sq. Stocid, Vol. I., p. 224-234. -tBaid, Abelard and his Doctrine relative to the Church .ind to Dogma, Ratisbon, 1863. Cousin., 1. c. ' Recently discovered at Munich, and published by Professor Eheinwald, 1835. ^St. Bernard animadverts upon Abelard in such terms as these: "Antiques jam et ab eoclesia daranatos errores; cum de Trinitate loquitur, sapit Arium, cum de gratia, sapit Pelagium, cum de persona Christi, sapit Nestorium." § 254. Controversy — Scholasticism and Mysticism. 753 Finally, St. Bernard corabatted a seemingly erroneous propo- sition of Abelard's Ethics, according to which not the char- acter of the act, but the intention, is the only criterion of morality.^ Abelard has himself left us the best account of the motives by -which he was led into error. " Pride, not ignorance," said he, " zs the root of heresy;" thereby justifying what St. Ber- nard said of him : " There is nothing in Heaven or on earth that he does not claim to know." It is more than likely that his fame as a philosopher and theologian would long since have been at least considerably diminished, if not entirely obscured, had it not been supplemented by the romance of his life. Gilbert de la Forrie, first a professor of philosophy at Paris, and, after the year 1142, Bishop of Poitiers, his native city (t 1154), carried the subtile distinctions of philosophy into the pulpit. His two archdeacons, Arnold and Colon, took exception to some of his philosophical speculations on the Blessed Trinity, and brought them under the notice of Pope Eugene III. and St. Bernard.^ When Eugene III. came to Prance, Gilbert was summoned first to Paris, in 1147, and, the following year, before a synod held at Eheims, at v^hich the Pope was personally present. Owing to certain nominal- istic errors contained in his commentary on the first book of (Pseudo) Boethius on the Trinity, he was accused of Trithe- ism. He had drawn a distinction between the two senses in which the name God is used — the one meaning the Divine Essence or Being {substantia quae est Deus); the other, the prop- erties by which each of the Three Persons is distinguished from the others, and in virtue of which each is God {substantia qud est Deus). Still drawing out the consequences of this distinction, he asserted that the Second Person, but not the 'Quia opera indifferentia sunt in se, nee bona nee mala, sive remuneratione digna videantur, nisi secundum radicem inteutionis, quae est arbor bonum vel malum proferens fructum. Comment, in ep. ad Rom., Lib. I., p. 522. (Te.) ^Particularly on account of his commentary on Boethius de Trin. Of. Mansi, T. XXI., p. 728 sq. D'Argentrd, T. I., p. 39 sq. Hefele, Vol. V., pp. 445-450, 460-463. Stocld, Vol. I., p. 272-288. Ueberweg, 3 ed., p. 145 sq. VOL. II — 48 754 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. Divine ITature, had become incarnate. Engene III., after listening for some time to the equivocal explanations of Gil- bert, candidly asked him : " My dear brother, do you or do you not believe that the Being in v^'hom you recognize Three Persons is God?" Gilbert answered in the negative, taking exception to the word "-Being" because the Three Persons, according to him, were numerically distinct, being three units,* or " tria singularia." After a lengthy and fruitless discussion of the points at issue, St. Bernard drew up a confession of faith in opposition to the errors of Gilbert, which, owing to the opposition of the cardinals, who thought the Pope unduly under the influence of his old teacher, and held that it was the exclusive prerogative of the Roman Church to decide on questions of faith, was not accepted as a publicly recognized document. The Pope compromised matters, expressing him- self content with a promise made by Gilbert not to introduce N'ominalisra, for the future, into his teaching on the Trinity. With the concurrence of the synod, four obnoxious chapters of his work were censured. § 255. Attempts to Cheek the Vagaries of Speculation — Bobert PuUeyne, Peter Lombard, Hugh and Richard of St. Victor. Alb. lAebner, Hugh of St. Victor and the theological tendency of Ms age, Lps. 1832. Engelhard, Richard of St. Victdr and John Euysbrock, Erlangen, 1839. Freiburg Ecel. Cyclop., Vol. IX., y 717 sq. Fr. tr., Vol. 21, p. 346 sq. From these errors and dispn'iations, it was clear that, to pursue philosophical and theological speculations with any hope of gaining profit from them, caution and prudence were necessary. As a step in this direction, Robert PuUeyne {Robertas Pullenus), successively professor of theology at Paris and Ox- i/St Thomas, Summa. Theol., Pt. I., Qu. XXVIII., art. 2, asks: "Utrum rela- tio in Deo sit idem quod sua essentia?" and says in corpora artiouli: "Ee- spondep dicendum quod circa hoc dicitur Gilbertus Porretanus errasse, sed errorem suuni postmodum in Khemensi concilio revocasse. Dixit enim, quod relattones in divinis sunt asststentes, sive extrinsecus aflBxae. — Sed Gilbertus Pgrretanus consideravit relationem solummodo secundum hoe quod est commune accidentibus — i. e., inesse subjecto ; et sic relationes inveniuntur assistentes, non intrinsecus affixae. Si vero consideretur rolatio secundum quod est accidens, sic est inhaerens subjecto, el habens esse accidentale in ipso." (Tk.) § 255. Attempts to Check the Vagaries of Speculation. 755 ford, whence he was called to Rome by Pope Eugene III. 1144), created cardinal, and appointed chancellor of the Ro- man Chnrch (f 1153), again brought the touching of St. An- selm into special prominence, insisting that to arrive at divine truth, faith must precede science, not scionce faith. This method he drew out more fully in his writings, where he placed beside his purely rational conclusions the traditional authority of the Fathers of the Church, following the general structure of the work of Isidore of Seville, entitled " Three Books of Sentences" {" Sentejitiarum Libri Tres"). Even St. Ber- nard bears witness to the purity of his doctrine. It is a little remarkable that PuUeyne, whether in direct argument or in answering objections, invariably employs the syllogistic form. The tendency of Peter Lombard in the same direction is still more marked and emphatic. Born of poor parents, at Ifovara, in Lombardy, but richly endowed with mental gifts, he became the protege of a wealthy gentleman, who sent him to Bologna to be educated. Some time later, he attracted the notice of St. Bernard, who placed him in the school of Rheims, where he became a pupil of Abelard's and completed his studies, but not until he had acquired a considerable familiar- ity with the Fathers, and particularly with SS. Hilary, Am- brose, Jerome, and Augustine. He soon obtained a professor- ship in theology at Paris, when he composed (c. a. d. 1140) his celebrated dogmatic inanual, entitled '■'■Four Books of Sen- tences" (" Seyitentiarum Libri IV."), modestly compared by himself to the mite cast by the widow into the treasury of the Temple, which was studied and commented on down to the time of the Reformation. Closely adhering to the teach- ing of the Eathers, he evinced considerable originality in his method of treatment and philosophic proofs, thus combining positive and speculative or scholastic theology. Tlie object of his work, as stated by himself, is " to put forward the strength of the Church's faith, to disclose the hidden treas- ures of theological research, and to make plain the meaning of the holy sacraments."^ ^ Petri Lomhardi Sententiar. libb. IV,, Ven. 1477; rec. J. Aleaume, Lovan. 1546; Antv. 1647 and oftener; in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 191, 192, together with Bandinus. According to the division indicated above, he treats, in Book I., of 756 Period 2. Efoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. Following the distinction of St. Augustine, Peter Lombard, in this work, divides whatever comes within our knowledge into things and signs. Things are subdivided in those intended for use and those set apart for enjoyment [uti et frui). The latter contribute to our happiness, the former to its attainment. To enjoy, he says, is to become attached to an object from luvo of it. To mso an object means to employ it in securing vi^hat one wishes to enjoy. Now, the proper object of enjoyment is God, the Trinity; relatively also angels and men, the ivorld being the means to be employed in the attainment of this object. Hence all doctrinal teaching is naturally divided into two parts — the first embracing the Trinity, and the second the world and its relations to God (theology and cosmology). By signs are understood the Sacraments.' As to method, Peter Lombard, after stating the doctrine of the Church in each instance, supports his proposition by pertinent texts of Holy Scripture and passages . from the Pathers. He next adds certain considerations of his own, takes up objections, and solves them with great subtlety and dialectical skill, and finally speaks of the opinions of contemporaries.^ The work of Peter Lombard met with much opposition before it obtained general recognition and eccclesiastical sanction. He was accused to Pope Alex- ander III. of holding the following propositions: '^Christus non est aliguis homo; and, Christus secundum quod est homo, non est aliguid (Lib. III., dist. 6, 7) ; also the Trinity; in Book II., of creation and the relations of the creature to God; Book III., of redemption, faith, hope, and charity, the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost, the virtues and their relations to each other and to sin ; Book IV., of the Sacraments and the Last Things. Peter, above all, shows the tendency of his work in the Prologus: "Lucernam veritatis in candelabro exaltare volentes, in labore multo ac sudore hoc volumen (Deo praestante) compegimus, ex testimo- niis veritatis in aeternum fundatis in IV. libros distinctum. In quo majorum exempla doctrinamque reperies, in quo per dominicae fidei sinoeram professionem vipereae doctrinae fraudulentiam prodidimus, aditum demonstrandae veritatis complexi, nee periculo impiae professionis incerti, temperato inter utrumque moderamine utentes. Sicubi vero parum vox nostra insonuit, non a paternis dis- cessit limitibus." For a resume of the whole work, see Bossuei- Cramer, Vol. VI., p. 586-754, and Haumer, Vol. VI., p. 251-278. Cf. Stockl, Vol. I., p. 391-411. There is a close affinity between the Libri IV. Sententiarum of Peter Lombard and the otherwise unknown Bandini, or Baudini and Bauduini Lib. IV. Sententia- rum, ed. studio Chelidonii, Viennae, 1519 (Lovan. 1555), which is evidently, and now also in the opinion of all, but an abridgment of the work of Peter Lom- bard, but not by any means the basis -for the more exhaustive work of the latter. ' Gf. Lib. I., distinct. 1. ■■^"This work constituted him, by preeminence, Magisier Sententiarum, and gave inexhaustible material for commentators. The compilation was an enor- mous boon to the hair-splitting dialectician, for the number of analogies and discrepancies, the questions and answers, theses and antitheses, positions and counter-positions, that it helped to develop and to solve. It made scholastic formalism yet more dry, and while it raised to its highest position the influence of authority and tradition, it threatened to fossilize forever the rich products of theology." Biunt's Diet, of Heresies, art. Schoolmen. (Tr.) § 255. Attempts to Check the Vagaries of Speculation. 757 ibid., dist. 10), an Christus, secundum, quod homo, sit persona vel aliquid?" The truth of the matter is, that the Master of Sentences had indeed discussed these questions after his fashion, brought forward the arguments for and ai;aiiist,''but without giving a decision either way. While, on the one hand, therefore, the synod of Tours (1163) and that of Paris, convened at the request of William, Archbishop of Sens, and with the approval of Pope Alexander III., before each of which the subject was brought, refused to formally condemn the Master of sentences; on the other, the Twelfth Ecumenical Council of 1215 defended his name against the misrepresentation of Joachim of Ploris. In 1159, Peter was, with the general approval of the public, appointed Bishop of Paris. Prince Philip, brother of the King of France, who was likewise a candidate for the dig- nity, after hearing Peter's name mentioned in connection with it, generously withdrew his pretensions. The new bishop was so careful to retain his former simplicity, that when his mother, an Italian peasant, was presented to him clad in splendid apparel, he refused either to recognize her or show her the filial affection of a son until she had put off her rich garments and come in her usual attire. At his death, in 1164, Hugh, Archbishop of Sens, in a letter of condolence addressed to the Chapter of Paris, said of him: " I have lost a portion of my soul, the stay of my youth, the comforter and guide of my life." The spirit of Peter Lombard long survived in those who came after him, and the schoolmen esteemed it a pleasure and an honor to comment on his Sen- tences.^ He was succeeded in the professor's chair at Paris by Peter of Poitiers, one of his most distinguished pupils, who at first explained the Books of Sentences, but after a time brought out a manual of his own, entitled "Five Books of Sentences" ("Lib. V. Sententiarum), in which dialectics holds a more prom- inent place than was accorded to it by the Master of Sen- tences, and the syllogistic method is employed in demonstration. As in the early days of the Church, so now it was deemed important to present the claims of faith to the minds of infi- dels as the most efficient way to compel their belief. To con- vert Pagans and Mohammedans, said Alanus of Pyssel {ab ' For the reasons of this close following of the Lombard, see Braniss, Review of the Progress and Development of Philosophy in Ancient Times and during the Middle Ages, Breslau, 1842, p. 315 sq. 758 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. insulis, VIsle — Lille), the first step should be to direct theii attention, not to the authority of the Fathers, but to proof? drawn from reason. Such proofs can lead one to faith, but having arrived here, their oflice ends. Faith goes, alone the rest of the way, and finally conducts to true science.' He was still more in earnest than his predecessor in hi? efforts to reduce the methods of teaching theology to scientific form, and seemed inclined to establish for this science, in imi- tation of geometry, a number of theorems, the one dependent on the other, and the last a resting on axioms and definitions. Alan us was born in 1114, entered the Cistercian Order of St. Bernard in 1129, became afterward Abbot of la Rivour, and finally, in 1151, Bishop of Axerre (f 1202 or 1203). Ow- ing to the variety of his attainments and the number and importance of his writings, he was called by his contempo- raries Alanus the Great {Alanus Magnus), atso the Universal Doctor {Doctor Universalis). In the Abbey of St. Victor, at Paris, founded by "William of Champeaux, of which Hugh and Richard were the most dis- tinguished ornaments and ablest writers, a disposition to har- monize the two divergent theological tendencies of that epoch began to manifest itself. Hugh, the friend of St. Bernard, and to whom Peter Lom- bard was in part indebted for his teaching, was descended from the counts of Blankenburg, and born in the year 1097, in the territory of Halberstadt. He was placed by Heinhard, Bishop of Halberstadt, under the care of the canons of St. Augustine, by whom he was educated. He applied himself diligently to study, picked up information of every kind wherever he could find it, and was not unfrequently laughed at for his inquisitiveness. Of this period of his life he wrote, later on : "I may truthfully say that I thought nothing be- 'Hae vero rationes si homines ad credendum inducant, non tamen ad fidem capessendam plene sufficiunt usquequaque. Thus, formerly, Clement of Alex- andria and St. Augubiine, and more recently, above all, St. Thomas Aquinas and Duns Scoius. Opera: correct, illust, ed. studio Caroli de Visch., Ant. 1654 f. ; de arte s. articulis fid. cath. libb. V. ( Fez, Thesaur. anecdot. noviss., T. I., Aug. Vind. 1721 f.); also libb. II. otr. .Judaeos et ilahometanos ed. Maason, Paria 1612; in Mign^s ser lat., T. 210. § 255. Attempts to Cheek the Vagaries of .Speculation. 759 iieatb me that woul(] contribute to my stock of information. Hence I was at pains to learn a host of things which others thought trifling and ridiculous." This thirst for knowledge led him, in spite of the opposition of his parents, to enter, in 1114, the Abbey of St. Victor, at Paris. Like his friend St. Bernard, Hugh, once he had entered the abbey, devoted him- self entirely to prayer, meditation, and the study of theology, absolutely refusing to accept the office of prior or abbot. Though never actually taking part in political affairs, he was an interested and intelligent observer of events going on about him. He died, while still in the prime of life and the full vigor of manhood, in 1141. That he was much esteemed by his contemporaries, the titles of honor and distinction they lavished on him amply show. He was called a Second Au- gustine, the Tongue of Augustine, and the Teacher. Though earnestly opposed to the use of philosophy as em- ployed by Abelard, he was none the less a warm advocate of its legitimate use in subserving the purposes of theology. Hugh had been highly endowed by Providence. All the faculties were well balanced. To depth of feeling he united a brilliant imagination, and to a correct judgment an un- bending will. He was preeminently an idealist. Hence the sustained elevation of his teaching, his keenness in investiga- tion, his resolute rejection of whatever is useless, coarse, or shallow. Hence, also, his evenness of temper and his aver- sion to all strife and contention. With such qualifications did Hugh undertake to carry into effect his long-cherished project of harmonizing the divergent tendencies of the two great theological schools of the times. The results of his labors are embodied in a Cyclopaedia of Scientific Theology.^ Being pireeminently a child of his age, he was passionately^ fond of science and philosophy. To seek knowledge, he said, is all one with being a saint. But true knowledge must com- bine theory with practice,^ must reach out to all the relations 1 Consult, especially, Didascalia, de more dicendi et meditandi, summa senten- tiarum, de sacram. fidei ehr. (doctrine of faith), Lib. II. (Lib. I. in 12, Lib. II. in 18 sections), Opp , Kouen. 1648, S T. f ; in Migne, Ser. Lat., T. 175-177. 2 Hoc utinam ego tam possem subtiliter perspicere, tarn competenter enari'are, quam possum ardenterdiligere; delectat nempe me, quiavalde dulceet jucundum 760 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. of man, and it is a notable fact that the scholars of the Mid- dle Ages were, as a rule, equally distinguished for exalted principles and untarnished moral character. The monk of St. Victor was indebted for his scientific views to St. Augus- tine and St. Anselm, and to St. Bernard for his Mysticism. The pupil of two schools of thought, he was unlike either. He made the teachings of each his own ; analyzed, classified, and combined them, and the results bore upon them the pecu- liar characteristics of his own mind. His numerous com- mentaries, extending over nearly every book of the Bible, proved that he recognized the importance of method no less than a conscientious study of the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers in scientific investigation. Hugh's Sum of Sentences deserves particular mention. It was published probably about the year 1130, having already appeared as the work of Hilde- bert, Bishop of Mans, under the title of " Tractaius Theologicua." It embraces a complete system of Christian dogma,i and is long anterior to the work of Peter Lombard, As the dogmas are the direct object of faith, and as this, again, includes the whole body of doctrine in the deposit of the Church, the author starts out, with the Fathers as his guides, to investigate what precisely this doctrine is, and then goes on to point out its relations to reason, to the Old Testament revelation, and to the teaching of philosophers. Having in this way set forth the object of faith, or what he calls the Credo, and treated of the virtues of Hope and Charity, he next proceeds to explain the dogmas, following pretty much the order of the Symbol and observing the method which has been pointed out above as peculiar to Peter Lombard. In an important work enti- tled "De Sacramentis," and evidently published much later, he treats dogma as est, de his rebus frequenter agere, ubi simul ratione eruditur sensus et suavitate delectatur animus et aemulatione excitatur affectus. He was, perhaps, thinking of Aug. de catechizandis rudibus., c. 2. ' During the epoch the schoolmen were under the necessity of giving a more rational and thorough analysis of the writings of the early Fathers, something similar in theology to what, had already been accomplished in the collections of canon law compiled by Burkhard of "Worms, Yves of Chartres, and others. They applied themselves particularly to the study of Origen {De principiis), Gregory of Nyssa [?i^yoc icaT7/xv^^t.Kbg 6 jisyao), Augustine (Enchiridion, and Lib. I. de Doctrina Christiana), Isidore of Seville (Sententiarum Libri III.), John Damascene (De fide orthodoxa). In the monastery of St. Trudo, at the end of the eleventh century, the idea originated of making a Theological Sum, which was realized by Abbot Eudolf. That of William of Champeaux is still un- printed. Then comes Abaelardi Introductio in theologiam christianam, and Theologia Christiana. Finally, the system of Peter Lombard, and that of Hugh of Si. Victor. On the Tractatus Theologicus as a fragment of the Summa Sen- tentiarum of Hugh, see Liebner, Hugh of St. Victor, pp. 217, 438. § 255. Attempts to Cheek the Vagaries of Speculation. 761 a whole much more exhaustively and methodically, adhering rather closer than in the Swn to its historical development.' Richard of St. Victor, a native of Scotland, whence he passed over to Prance, entered the abbey of St. Victor, be- came a pupil of Hugh, was made abbot of the monastery in 1163, and died 1173, pursued the conciliatory policy peculiar to his master. Inferior to the latter in depth of thought and warmth of mystical feeling, he was his superior in classical attainments and elegance and purity of style. His Treatise on the Trinity is a model of clearness, solidity, and precision. He is entirely original in his efforts to define precisely his posi- tion in relation to Mysticism.^ The intellect, said he, in its thirst for knowledge, tends to speculative theology, while the will, always inclined to the practical side, tends to Mys- ticism. While Richard and Hugh had thus honestly striven to ad- just and harmonize conflicting views and tendencies, in the same way as Peter Lombard had endeavored to reconcile the claims of speculative and positive theology, Walter of St. Victor, the successor of Richard in the abbacy, was violently partisan in the advocacy of his own peculiar views, and de- nounced the four leading schoolmen of his daj^, character- izing their Avorks as labyrinths of human thought (a. d. 1180).' Fortunately, his bias and exaggeration were so apparent that they defeated his object and nullified the influence his works might otherwise have exerted. The judgment of John of Salisbury^ on the schoolmen was ' For a more precise and complete analysis, see Liebner, p. 349-484, and Bossuet-Cramer, Pt. VI., p. 791-838. Cf. Stoc/d, Vol. I., pp. 354, 355. ^His writings may be divided into three classes : 1. Treatises on Contempla- tion and Preliminary Preparation (De statu interior, hom., de praeparatione animi ad contemplat. (Benjam. minor), de gratia contemplat. (Benjam. major) ; 2. Treatises on the Trinity ; 3. Exegetical works on several books of the Bible. These are chiefly explanations of difficulties occurring in the Sacred Text, some running commentaries on certain books, and some essays on special subjects, such as the sacrifices of Abraham and David. 0pp., Kotheniagi, 1640; in Migne's ser. lat., T. 196. Cf Engelhard, 11. c, p. 301 ; StocJd, Vol. I., p. 355-384. ^ Contra 4 Labyrinthos (Abaelard,, Petr. Lombard., Fe.tr. Pictav., Gilb. Porre- tan.); epitomized in Bulaei Hist. IJnivers. Par., T. II., pp. 200, 402, 562, 629 sq. *Joan. Salisbeiiens. (t 1182), Polycraticus s. de nugis curialium et vestigiis pliilosophor., Libb. VIII., Lugd. 1639; Metalogicus., Libb. IV., Lugd. IGIO, 762 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. much more temperate. He had studied, by turns, under Abelard and William of Chanipeaux, had shared the suffer- ing of Thomas k Beeket, and, finally, died as Bishop of Char- tres, in 1182. A fine classical scholar, but possessing little capacity for deep speculative studies, he nevertheless appre- ciated philosophy, and recommended its pursuit to others as an excellent moral and practical training for the mind. In his work entitled ^' Polycraticus" he reviews the political con- dition of his age, and in a second, entitled '^ Metalogicus," speaks of its scientific culture. His critical remarks are fre- quently correct and valuable, and went a long way in correct- ing the erroneous views of his contemporaries. Among other things, he foretells that the speculative tendency of Scholas- ticism would eventually lead to err^or. § 256. The Mystics. Cf. art. " Mysticism," in the Frelburr/ Eccl. Cyclop., and the works of Gorrea, Schmitt, Helfferich, Norick, and StScId, quoted above, p. 732. We have already had occasion to mention St. Bernard, his friends and disciples. These were the true representative mystics of their age. St. Bernard, while far from being in- imical to science, was much more intent upon developing in man a full consciousness of truth by an intimate experience of the heart, growing out of divinely revealed faith, than npon ascertaining a knowledge of it by the laborious investi- gations of the reasoning faculties. Following the teaching of earlier mystics, he said that the soul might rise to a full knowledge of religious truth by three degrees of consideration, the results of which are styled, respectively, opinion, faith, and intellectual apprehension} This thoroughly practical sci- epp. 303 (Max. Bibl., T. XXIII., p. 242). Newly discovered, Entheticus do dogmate philosophor,, ed. Petersen., Hamb. 184.3; in Mic/ni^s ser. lat., T. 199, Renter, John of Salisbury, Berlin, 1842. Sehaarschmldt, The Life, Studies, Writ- ings, and Philosophy of .John of Salisbury, Lips. 1862. RUter, Christian Phi- losophy, Vol. III., p. 605-G20. Stocld, Vol. I., p. 411. Ueberweg, pp. 147, 148. 'Here are those three degrees or conaideratlo : Dispensativa, sensihus utens ad promerendum Deum — opinio; aesiimativa, quaeque scrutans ad investigandum Deam — fides; speculativa, qua homo se in se coUigit — excessus, ascensus, ad con- ■iemplandum Deum, contemplatio intellectus s. rei invisibilis oerta et manifesta notitia. § 256. The BIystics. IQ^ ence, this true knowledge, this cahTi, earnest mysticism, is based npon a principle wortliy of St. John — viz : " God is known in proportion as He is loved." Prayer, he said, not idle disputation, leads to a knowledge of God. Love is its well- spring, and unless one is penetrated through and through by this love, he can never attain to the blissful vision of G-od. The "Mellifluous Doctor," in his treatise "i>e Considera- tione Sui," gives, in the warm language of a glowing and earnest devotion, a full analysis of the experiences of a re- ligious mind, from the first stirrings and impulses of faith, on through the various stages, until it is finally united in ecstasy to God. In two other works, entitled respectively " De Con- versione" and " Tractatus de Diligendo Deo," this master of the spiritual life draws out, with characteristic force and truthfulness, the trials of a soul in its transition from an un- regenerate to a regenerate state, and its yearnings for inti- mate union and converse with its God. The unio7i with God, said he, so ardently longed for by man, consists not in a fusion of the two natures, but in a conform- ity of the two wills, or in a fellowship of love. Such is man's transformation. Hence, when God is said to be the essence of all things, the expression is to be interpreted in the sense of the above, meaning that all things are through and in and for God, but not that they are the same in essence. As St. Bernard taught and lived, so also did his friends, the abbots William of Thierry (f 1152), Rupert of Deutz (Tuitiensis) (t 1135), and Guerriciis of Igny. Ecstasy and prophecy, the highest manifestations of asceticism, were reached in St. Hildegard,'^ who resided in a monastery, whose ruins may still be seen, on the Rupertsberg, near Bingen, at the confluence of the H"ahe and the Rhine (tll79). Hugh of St. Victor, in the hope of affiliating Mysticism and Scholasticism, collected and arranged systematically the scat- tered thoughts of St. Bernard favorable to his purpose. With him, the underlying principle of religious science was that one's knowledge of truth is exactly adequate to his interior dispositions. ( Tantum de veritate qiasque protest videre, quantum ' Gorres, Christian Mysticism, Vol. I., p. 285. 764 Period 2. Upoch 2. Purt 1. Chapter 5. ipse est.) The means of arriving at perfect science is contem- plation, which was lost through original sin, yet can be recov- ered by supernatural aids. This fixing of the mental vision on things eternal is what is understood by contemplation in the strict sense. When, on the other hand, the faculties are en- gaged in the consideration of the objects that meet one in the visible world, the mental operation is called rational medita- tion. Hugh, judging religious life in its relations to theoret- ical and practical mysticism, divides it into five heads — viz., reading, meditation, prayer, labor, and contemplation. Under these five terms is all religious life comprehended. The first four call forth and foster practical habits in the just man, and lead him, little by little, along the way to perfection. The last is at once the fruit of the others, and a foretaste of future reward. Speculative mysticism reached its extreme limit in Richard of St. Victor. In his eflbrts to bring home to the intellect the clear and precise knowledge of God imparted to man by faith and revelation, he was forced to take refuge in the principle of supernatural aid, saying : " Tantum. possumus, quantum posse accepimus ; quantum habes gratiae tantum habes potentiae." "While allowing to reason the fullest scope within its own limits, he holds purity of heart to be an essential condition to correctness of understanding, and, like St. Bernard, believes in ecstatic intuition, or a mental state not reached by any process of thought, but going beyond and superseding all merely mental efforts. " The rational mind," says Richard, " doubtlessly finds in itself an excellent mirror, wherein to see God. For, if God's invisible essence may be known from His works, where can one find the marks which lead to a knowledge of Him more clearly stamped than in that which is His own image ?"^ To attain a fellowship w-ith God, one must practice self-denial, and this can not be done except by supernatural aids. " The form of truth," he says, "of which one gains a knowledge by divine grace, must also be stamped upon the affections by personal endeavor and the concurrent action of grace." ^ "If a proper disposition be wanting, the 'De praeparatione animi ad contemplationem, o. Ixxii. (Te.) 'De statu inturioris hominis, c. xxvi. (Tk.) § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 765 science of holiness is like a picture without life.'" Intel- lectually, man's aim is contemplation ; practically, fellowship with God. He distinguishes three stages in one's religious development — in the first of which God is seen by faith ; in the second. He is known by reason, and in the third, beheld by contemplation.^ " The iirst and second," he goes on to say, " may be attained by man, but the third can not be reached except by an ecstatic transporting of the spirit above itself. The soul raised above itself beholds things in the light of the Godhead, and here human reason shrinks back."' Al- though regarding the ecstatic raising of the soul out of itself as purely a gift of God,' he still insists on personal effort as a preliminary condition. "ITone," saj^s he, "obtain bo great a grace without strenuous efforts and ardent longing."* § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism under the Franciscans and Dominicans. The opening of the second period of Scholasticism is marked by two circum.stances : First, a more general use of the writ- ings of the Fathers, and, second, a more extensive study and a more correct understanding of the works of Aristotle. Hith- erto, the only portion of Aristotle's writings much known was his Organon, or Logic, translated into Latin by Boethius, and containing Porphyrj^'s " Introduction to the Categories."" But in the thirteenth century, when universities became numerous and grew into great seats of learning, besides his woi^ks on Dialectics, also those on Physics, Metaphysics, and Ethics — in ' De eruditione hominis interioris, c. xxxviii. (Tr.) 2 De contemplatione, c. iv. (Tk.) s Ibid. * De praeparatione animi ad contemplationem, o. Ixxiii. (Tk.) ^Cf. Launoius, De varia Aristot. in acad. Par. fortuna., Par. 1659, 4to; ed. J. H. ab Elswich., Vitemb. 1720. Jourdain, Kecherohes critiq. sur I'age et I'origine des traductions lat. d'Aristote., Par. (1819) 1844. German trans. Hist, of the Writings of Aristotle during the Middle Ages, with additions by Stahr, Halle, 1831. Schmolders, Essai sur les ecoles philosophiques chez les Arabes., Par. 1842. '^ f Haneberrj, The Schools of the Moors during the Middle Ages, Munich, 1851. '^' Ritter, Christian Philos., Vol. III., p. 83 sq. * Art. "Aristotelian Scholastic Philosophy," in the Freiburg Eccl. Cyclop., Vol. I.; Fr. tr., Vol. I., p. 524. Stockl, Vol. II., p. 1-305. Ueberweg, p. 153-210. 766 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. fact, all his writings — were studied and his methods adopted in the lecture-hall for scientitic purposes and demonstrations. Since, however, the writings of Aristotle came into the West through Spain, and were in consequence adulterated with the errors of Arabs and Jews, which were in turn propagated among the Christians, his physical and metaphysical works were frequently forbidden. But no sooner had the more em- inent among the schoolmen made a new series of translations, not, as formerly, from the second-hand versions of the Arabic, but directly from the original Greek text, than Aristotle rose at once in authority and influence, and the schoolmen then appreciated him no less than did St-. AugustiTie, in a former age. Being preeminently the philosopher oj form, it was but natural that he should be much preferred to Plato. The most distinguished of the schoolmen wrote copious commen- taries on nearly all his works, thus demonstrating how highly they esteemed his writings as an armory whence they might borrow weapons for the systematic defense of theology. It is at present coming to be more and more generally ac- knowledged that the labors of the schoolmen materially con- tributed to the correct understanding of Aristotelian philos- ophy and the spread of its influence.^ Henceforth, also, but notably from the time of Eobert Pulleyne, a more rigorous form of reasoning and a closer adherence to the syllogism are noticeable. The fresh energy which characterized the Men- dicant Orders gave a new impulse to scientific pursuits. They produced a whole galaxy of scholars distinguished by emi- nent talents, varied and extensive information, and sincere and earnest piety. The first great name in theology that meets us is that of the Englishman, Alexander of Hales? Having completed his ' "Although not creditable to these latter centuries, when the schoolmen are regarded with a, sort of supercilious contempt, it must nevertheless be frankly admitted that the philosophy of Aristotle, though slightly tinctured with error, was better understood in the thirteenth than in our own century." — " Succeed- ing centuries did no more than exhume, here and there, scattered fragments of the old, half-forgotten traditions of the thirteenth century, and apply them to the solution of new problems to which physical and ethical investigation gave rise." Ritter, History of Christian Philosophy, Vol. IV., pp. 187, 522. ^Summa Universae Theologiae; Commentarius in libb. IV. sententiar. com- § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 767 elementary studies at Oxford, he went to Paris, where he made a course of theology and canon law. In spite of the intrigues and determined hostility of his enemies, he suc- ceeded, after his entrance into the Franciscan Order, in secur- ing a professor's chair at the University of Paris. Besides annotations on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, he wrote the first commentary on the Metaphysics of Aristotle, and, hy the command of Pope Innocent IV., a Sum of Universal Theology, in four parts. Adhering closely, in the last-named work, to the structure of the Sentences, he nevertheless gives evidence of considerable originality and great analytical powers in bringing out prominently the main points of his system, thus forming a connecting link between the Sententiaries and the Summists. His dialectical skih and great learning merited for him the titles of the Irrefragable Doctor arid the Fount of Life. He died in 1245. William of Auvergne, who became Bishop of Paris in 1228 and died in 1248, and was equally competent as an efficient governor and distinguished as a scientist and theologian, pur- sued in his writings a line of thought somewhat similar to that of Alexander of Hales. The dialectical tendency was still more rigorously carried out by Albert the Great,^ Count of BoUstadt. Born at Lau- ingen, not far from Dillingen, in Suabia, in 1193, he studied at Paris, Padua, and Bologna, and entered the Dominican Order in 1223, after which he taught at Hildesheim, Freiburg, Eatisbon, Strasburg, Paris, and Cologne. In 1254,' he became the provincial of the Dominican Order, and, in 1260, Bishop of Ratisbon, but resigned this latter office two years later. mentarius in libb. Arist. de anima, Ven. 1576; Col. 1622, 4 T. f. Ueberweg p. 185-189. 'Opera omnia, eel. Jammy, Lugd. 1651, 21 T. f.: Commentaries on almost all the worts of Aristotle (4 T.) ; Natural Philosophy (2 T.) ; Commentaries on the Holy Scriptures (5 T.); Commentary on Denys the Areopagite (T. XIII.); Com- mentary on the Sentences of the Lombard (3 T.); Summa Theoloo-iae (3 T.) Of. tSighari, Albertus Magnus, Eatisbon, 1857. On Albertus Magnus' Natural Philosophy, see Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos, Vol. II., p. 281-284. Stoekl Vol. II., p. 352-421. Albertus Magnus and the Science of his Age, in His- ' iorical and Political Papers, Vol. LXXIII., year 1874, p. 485-514. 'Not 1239. See Vaughan, S. Thomas of Aquin, Vol. I., p. 122, and Sighart 1. c, p. 84. (Tk.) 768 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. The remainder of his life was spent at Cologne in teaching and writing. He was styled the Unioersa.l Doctor and the Second Aristotle. He died ISTovember 15, 1280. For extent and variety of information on every subject then within the scope of human knowledge, but particularly for his ability as a physicist, he stands unrivaled, except by one name, in the thirteenth century — that of his pupil, St. Thomas Aquinas. Bonaventure, whose original name, as well as that of his father, was John of Fidanza, was born at Bagnarea, not far from Viterbo, in Tuscany, about the year 1221. In 1248, he became a Franciscan monk; in 1253, a professor of theology at Pai'is, where he obtained the title of the Seraphic Doctor, and, in 1256, General of his Order.^ Tliis wonderful man was so conspicuous for purity of life that Alexander of Hales used to say of him : " Verus Israelita, in quo Adam, non peccasse videtur." Bonaventure, though of an eminently practical turn of mind, endeavors to combine with the mystical element speculative dialectics, as is evident from his intimate knowl- edge of Aristotle, his commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and his remarkable work on the relations of the sciences to theology, entitled "'HedMctio Artium Liberalium ad Theologiam.." Of his most important works, the " Centiloquium" and " Breviloquium," Gerson pronounced the latter a rich and complete exposition of dogmatics, and recommended it to be- ginners in theologj' as well adapted to kindle love in the heart and illumine the intellect. Like the work of Creation, it is di- vided into six pai'ts. The introduction is a discourse on Holy Writ, its origin, contents, and interpretation. The Trinity, Creation, the Fall of .Man, the Incarnation of the Word, Re- demption, Grace, the Sacraments, and Eschatology, or the last things of man, form the subject-matter of the body of the work. i Commentaries on the Sentences of the Lombard and on the Holy Scrip- tures; especially his Breviloquium (■■■ed. liefeU, Tiib. ed. III., 1861, with the Itinerarium mentis) ; Centiloquium ; reductio artium ad Theol. ; de VII. gradib. contemplationis, itinerarium mentis ad Deum ; Vita St. Francisoi, Opp., Eom. 1588; Lugd. J688, 8 T. f. ; Ven. 1751, 13 T., 4to; ed. Peltier, Besan9on and Paris, 1861 sq. Bertheaumier, Hist, of St. Bonaventure, transl. from the French into German, Ratisbon, 1863. Siockl, Vol. II., p. 880 sq. — Last ed. opp. omnia, Paris, 1864, 15 vols. 4to; another od., after a new plan of arrangement, an. nounced, Turin, 1876. (Tr.) § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 769 The arrangement followed in the above-named works is wholly new, the plan of each being different, and neither like that pursued by Peter Lombard. To these scientific labors Bonaventure added others for the advancement of the general good of the Church. Elected General of his Order when thirty-four j'ears of age, he was created cardinal in 1273, by Pope G-regory X., who was de- sirous of securing his services in the important affairs of the Church. Bonaventure accompanied the Pope to the Ecu- menical Council of Lyons, where he died, July 14, 1274, in the thick of his labors and the prime of his life. The deep and sincere expressions of sorrow to which every member of the council gave free vent, and the splendid funeral solemni- ties over his deceased body, were but the fitting crown of so pure and holy a life. The Cardinal of Ostia pronounced the funeral oration, and the Pope, the kings, and all the members of the council followed his remains to their last resting-place. He was canonized by Sixtus IV. in 1482, and, in 1587, ranked by Sixtus Y. as the sixth of the Great Doctors of the Church. Thomas, Count of Aquino,'^ was born in the year 1227,^ in the castle of Pocca Secca, overlooking the town of Aquino, in the Campagna Eelice, in the ancient Terra di Lavoro.' When but five years of age, he was intrusted by his noble parents, Landulf and Theodora, to the Benedictines of Monte Cassino to be educated. After remaining six years here, his studies had so far progressed that he was fit to enter the university, and he was accordingly sent to ISTaples, then a flourishing seat of learning. Here he studied rhetoric and logic under Peter Martin, and natural philosophy under Peter the Hibernian. He completed his studies at Naples, in 1243, with distin- guished success, and preserved, during his six years' stay, amid the general depravity of a licentious university life, his > The Life and Labors of St. Thomas of Aquino, by the Very Eev. Roger Bede Vaughan, O. S. B., in two vols., London, 1871-72. (Tr.) 2 The year of his birth is given by the best authorities as 1227. Vaughan, I.e., p. 5. (Te.) ' Not in Calabria, as both the German and French editions have it. See also Vaughan, 1. c, p. 5. (Tr.) VOL. II — 49 770 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. original innocence and unaffected piety. The accomplished young nobleman, in whose veins coursed the blood of the Caesars, through his grandmother, Francisea, tlie sister of Prederic Barbarossa, sickening of the strife and abomination of the world, and longing to withdraw from it and give his soul to Grod, resolved, without returning to his parental roof, to enter the Order of St. Dominic, of which Albertus Magnus, whose fame had already filled all Europe, was then a mem- ber. Thomas entirely disregarded the claims of flesh and blood, because he felt it to be his duty to obey a higher call. His mother. Theodora, hastened to Naples on receiving in- formation of her son's action ; but the Dominicans, fearing the issue of a meeting between the two, hastily sent Thomas away to the convent of Sta. Sabina, in Rome. She at once set out for Rome, but was again baffled of seeing her son, who had been put on his way to Paris before her arrival. Indig- nant at this treatment, she conjured her two other sons, then serving in the army of the Emperor Frederic II., as they valued a mother's blessing, to secure and bring back Thomas. Strange to say, they were successful in capturing the young fugitive, whom they conducted to Rocca Secca, where his mother and sisters constantly besought him to withdraw from the Mendicant Order. But no entreaties could induce him either to consent to their wishes or even to lay aside his habit. His sisters, whom he converted from a frivolous way of life, assisted him in getting books from the Dominicans, and dur- ing his confinement, which lasted eighteen months, he spent his time in studying the Bible and the works of Peter Lom- bard. In the year 1245, during an interval of peace, his two brothers returned to Rocca Secca and brought matters to a crisis. Not content with tearing his habit from his back, they introduced into his presence a notorious courtesan, in the hope of undermining his purity and thus breaking his resolution. No sooner had she comn:ienced to practise her licentious arts upon him than the young hero, seizing a. brand from the fire-place, drove her before him out of the room. It was at this time that his loins were girt about with a white cord by two angels, at once the symbol of purity and token of its inviolability; aud, from this time forth, he was free § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 771 from all lustful solicitations of the flesh. Even his mother resented this unnatural mode of persecution, and assisted, herself, in securing his escape, by letting him down, in a basket, from the window of his apartment. Reaching the ground, he was received by some Dominicans in waiting for him, by whom he was conducted to ISTaples, where he at once made his religious profession. He was next brought before a General Chapter of the Order at Rome, and, by its instruc- tions, sent to Cologne to pursue his studies under Albert the Great. He was here grave, taciturn, and modest to a degree that excited the merriment of his companions, who assailed him with all sorts of raillery, bestowing on him, among other epithets, that of the "-dumb Sicilian ox." His genuine piety, quiet and unobtrusive habits, did not conceal from his master his talents and ability, to which occasion was soon given for brilliant display. In an academical disputation, in which Thomas took part, he achieved so brilliant a success that, at the close of it, Albert the Great cried out : " We call him the dumb ox, but he will yet turn out a teacher whose voice will be heard through the whole world." Though such praise might have been too much for the humility of most young men, it was harmless to Thomas, who was a stranger to pride. In the same year (124.5), both Albert and Thomas set out for Paris — the former to receive his doctor's degree, the latter to complete his studies. In 1248, both returned to Cologne, where Thomas became Master of Studies, and assisted Albert in his lectures. He lectured on philosophy, Sacred Scripture, and the Sentences of the Lombard, and, at that early day, commenced his commentaries on the last-named work. He was again sent to Paris in 1251, took the bachelor's degree, and, although under the required age, received a license to profess theology from the rector of the university. While explaining the Sentences, he wrote, or rather dictated, some of his lesser works. After having, at Auagni, before Pope Alexander IV., in 1255, triumphantly defended the right of the Mendicant Orders to teach and to preach, which was de- nied them by their virulent enemy, William of St. Amour, and defended the same right in a work entitled " Clypeus Fotestatis Ecclesiasticae," he returned to Paris, and in 1256, 772 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. with his friend St. Bonaventure, took the doctor's degree in theology. He now devoted himself to writing and teaching until 1261, when he was called to Rome by Pope Urban IV., who desired to confer upon him ecclesiastical honors and raise him to the rank of cardinal; but these dignities were steadfastly refused by Thomas, who preferred to live and die a simple brother. He, however, consented to accept the office of ^^Magister S. Palatii," which kept him constantly about the Pope's person. In 1263 he was called to London to attend a General Chapter of the Order, convened to enforce discipline. In the short space of three or four years, and in the midst of many and pressing labors, Thomas had written, besides other works, the '■'■Catena Aurea," '^Contra JSrrores Graecorum," the office for the Feast of Corpus Christi, ''JDe Trinitate," "De Uni- tate Intellectus" and the "Commentaries on Aristotle." Clement IV., who succeeded Pope Urban IV. on the papal throne, in 1264, forced upon Thomas the archbishopric of ISTaples, but the latter was so averse to receiving sc high a dignity that Clement consented to accept his resignation, thus giving him an opportunity to devote himself entirely to study. He spent the year 1265 at Rome, where he commenced the " Summa Theologica," the crowning work of his life, upou which he was constantly engaged, as far as his other duties permitted, until the day of his death. The first part of this work appeared in 1267 at Bologna, where he spent three years. In 1269 he went to Paris to attend a General Chapter, and, while there, was persuaded by King Louis the Saint to take a professor's chair in the monastery of St. James. Dur- ing the two years spent here he continued the Summa and wrote several lesser works. The universities of Paris, Bo- logna, and Naples were each desirous of securing the services) of the Prince of Theologians, but the General Chapter decided that he should go to IsTaples (1272). The King, the whole city, and the inhabitants of the surrounding country turned out to receive him, and his entrance resembled more the tri- umph of a conqueror than homage paid to the sanctity and learning of a humble monk. The translation of the Avorks of Aristotle from the original Greek text, commenced in 1270, was now continued, and por- § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 773 tions of the third part of the Siimma written. The lahors of St. Thomas were now rapidly drawing to a close. In the last months of 'the year 1273, he frequently swooned awaj and went into ecstasies ; and on the 6th of December of the same year, he wrote the ninetieth question of the third part, and here ended liis work on the Summa. The remaining days of his life were given chiefly to the preparation for death, which soon followed. Gregory X. had convoked an ecumenical council to convene at Lyons, May 1, 1274, and, on account of the importance of the questions to come up for discussion, particularly those relating to the Greek Church, desired the presence of the Angelic Doctor. Thomas, though feeble in health, complied with the Pope's wishes, and set out on his journey in January, but was able to go no farther than JFos- sanuova, where he took shelter in the Cistercian abbey. Here he died, March 7, 1274, in the forty-eighth year of his age. Before receiving Holy Viaticum he gave expression to these words of faith and love : " I receive Thee, who hast paid the price of my soul's redemption, for love of whom I have sacri- ficed myself, have watched and toiled. Thee have I preached. Thee have I taught, never have said aught against Thee. If perchance any word of mine in relation to the Most Blessed Sacrament may have been unadvisedly spoken, I submit such for correction to the Roman Chnrch, in whose obedience I depart this life." He was at once recognized as a saint, and canonized in 1323 by Pope John XXII. He was buried in the monastery of Toulouse, but one of his arms w^as sent to that of St. James, at Paris. Pius V. solemnly declared him a Doctor of the Church in 1567. Pope John XXII. said of him that he wrought as many miracles as he wrote articles ; that he had shed more light upon the teachings of the Church than all the other doctors combined, and that one could learn more by studying his works for a year than by studying those of all the others for a lifetime. His intimate friend, Eaynald of Piperno, testified that he had always found him as innocent as a child; and this purify of heart was visible in his every look and word and act, and merited for him the title of Doc- tor Angelicus. He is also sometimes called the Eagle, and sometimes Doctor JEJucharisticus. " He was," says William de 774 Period 2. JEpoch 2. Fart 1. Chapter 5. Thou, his principal biograplier, "uDaff'ectedly humble, per- fectly pure in mind and body, devout in prayer, prudent in judgment, possessed of a retentive memory, and, having his thoughts continuously fixed on things above, took little ac- count of the things of earth." ^ Having taken a rapid glance at his life, it still remains to say a few words of the scientific and historic importance of the work accomplished by him. He was not only the great- est theologian of the Middle Ages, but may fairly claim the first place among the most eminent the Church has ever pro- duced — not so much for the extent of his knowledge as for the depth, acuteness, and wide philosophic reach of his mind. He was preeminently speculative and dialectical, and withal a true mystic. His fundamental princiijle was that we should strive to know and love what is above us — i. e., God and things divine ; and that we should make a rational use of what is below us — i. e., nature and things created, to the end that, love being thus enkindled in the heart, our thoughts might rise in gratitude to the Giver of every good and perfect gift. The seeking after knowledge (studium sapientiae) he held to be the highest, the most perfect, the most useful, and the most pleasurable pursuit that could engage the mind of man ; because, having in it something of a divine character, it is the source of a pure J03' that leaves no after-taste of earth. Of his three principal theological works — viz., "Libb. IV. de veritate Catholicae fidei ' ChiUielm. de Thoco, Vita, V. 24. * Memorable indeed is the sentence pronounced by Pope John XXII.: " Tolle Thomam et dissipabo ecclesiam!" 0pp. cura .lustiniani et Mariquez, Komae, 1570, 17 T. fol. ; Antv. 1017, 18 T. f. ; Paris, 1660, 28 T. f. ; Venet. 1745 sq., 28 T. 4to. The Par. edit, contains: Commentaries on the writings of Aristotle (T. 1-6); on the Sentences of the Lombard (T. 7-10); Quaestiones quodlibetales (T. 11); Quaestiones disputatae (T. 12); Summa contra Gentiles (T. 13, 14). Com- mentaries on the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament (T. 15-18); Summa Theoloffica (T. 21-23). Most recently published by Ferrari, Opusculu inedita, Leodiis, 1842. [S. Thomae Aquinatis, Doctoris Angelici, O. P. Opera omnia ad fidem optimarum editionum accurate recognita, T. XXIV. in 4to. Parmae, typis Fiaccadori, 1852-69. Ey the same publisher, Summa Theologica, in 14 vols. 12mo, 1852-57; Summa Philosophica, 3 vols. j2nio, 1855. Magnifi- cent ed. of Ang. Doct. S. Thomae Aq. Sum. Theol. cum Comment. Thomaa de Vio Cardin. Cajetani, et eluoid. litt. P. Seraph. Cap. a Porrecta 0. P., 10 vols, fol. Bomao, 1773. Pocket ed. by L. Vives, 9 vols. 16mo. Pormalis Explicatio Summae Xheol. S. Thom. Aq. Doct. Ang. auct. Pr. Hieronymo de Mediots a § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 775 contra Gentiles" "Commentam in IV. libros seyitentiar. Fetr. Lomb." ai:cl "Siimmu totius theologiae tripartita" — the last, the greatest production of his mind, remained unfinished. A por- tion of the third part was compiled from his lectures, the rest supphed from his commentaries on the Lombard by de Rubeis. In the e.xposition of his system in this work, assuredly the most important production of the schoolmen, St. Thomas pro- fessedly follows St. Augustine, of whom, according to Cardinal Noris, a perfectly competent judge in such matters, he is tht best commentator. Still, it is quite evident that Hugh of St. Victor, whom he also regarded as his master, exercised no little influence in directing the tendency of the Angelic Doc- tor's mind. It has been erroneously stated that the great Summa was not published by St. Thomas himself, but com- piled from his lectures after his death. This is true only of the third part.^ The work is divided into three parts.^ The first treats of Camerino, T. 5., Vici (Vich, in Spain), 1858-62; Summa S. Thomae hod. acad. mor. acoommodata, Billuart, T. X., Paris, 1857. Philosophia juxta D. Tliomae dogmata, Goudin, O. P., T. IV., Parisiis, 1851, and Urbeveteri, 1859-60.— Tr.] Conf. Bolland, Aci.QS. mens. Mart., T. I., p. 655. Vie de St. Thomas Aquin., A. Toiiron, 1737, 4to. tJffn. Feigerle, Hist, vitae SS. Thomae a Villanova, Thomae Aquin. et Laurent. Justiniani, Vienn. 1839, and Mattes,in the Freiburg Ecd. Cyclop., Vol. X., p. 911-930. ■\'i> Werner, St. Thomas of Aquin, Eatisbon, 1868 sq., 3 vols. --SWckl, Vol. II., p. 421-784. Plassmann, The School of St. Thomas, Soest, 1857 sq., 5 vols. -\Oiscklnger, The Speculative Theology of St. Thomas of Aquino, Landshut, 1858. Ueherweg, p. 189-201. Vaughan, The Life and Labors of St. Thomas of Aquin, 2 vols., London, 1871-72. 1 Cf. Natal. Alex, dissert, ad h. e. XIII. and XIV., saeouli, diss. VI., and Owiinus, 1. c., T. III., p. 353 sq. ^The Summa is divided into three main parts, of which the second is subdi- vided into the Prima Secundae and Secunda Secundae. The first part estab- lishes the claim of theology to be regarded as a science capable of demonstrative proof, to which every other science is auxiliary, and proceeds to treat of the Divine Nature, Providence, and Predestination ; the creation, visible and invisi- ble; and human nature in relation to the general scheme. The second part, in its first section, considers man as a moral being, and as the recipient of divine grace; involving the questions of free-will, original sin, and justification. Justi- fication consists of three particulars: 1. Eemission of sins; 2. Infusion of grace; 3. Paith that moves the soul toward God as the author of justification, and is "informis" as yet — aversion from sin being the spontaneous act of recovered freedom of will. Justification is thus a movement "de contrario in contra- rium," a transmutation "de statu injustitiae ad statum justitiae." The second 776 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. Ood, the second of man, and the third of the Godman. The second part has two divisions — the Prima Secundae, which is a general treatise on the virtues and vices {De virtutibus et vitiis ingenere), and the Secunda Secundae, which is a special treatise on the virtues and vices in detail. Heretofore, dognnatics and morals had always been combined in treatment by school- men,^ with perhaps the exception of Abelard, who, however, regarded ethics more from a philosophical than from a Chris- tian and theological point of view. The method of exposition followed throughout the Summa is that of questions. First, after the statement of the ques- tion, the doctrinal errors against it are given briefly, but com- prehensively, in a series of objections ; next, a summary argu- ment, introduced by "Sed contra," based on either reason or section is the complement of the former, and is tlis most important of the entire work, as a grand exposition of Christian ethics. It analyzes the com- plex elements of man's moral nature in a manner worthy of his great master Aristotle; grouping the virtues as theological and ethical, as infused and ac- quired — the sevenfold gifts of the Spirit : the theological virtues being Faith, Hope, and Charity; the ethical comprising the cardinal virtues — Justice, Pru- dence, Fortitude, Temperance. The third part deals with the doctrines of the Incarnation and the seven Sacraments of the Church — two subjects that are inseparable from each other ; the Eucharist conveying the very substance of Christ to the faithful communicant; the rest, in a subordinate degree, exhibit- ing a participation of His grace in varying mode. An analogy is marked out (between the wants of the corporal.and spiritual life of man, and — Tr.) be- tween the seven virtues and the Sacraments, each member in the one system being the correlative of something similar in the other. Thus baptism, as the remedy of original sin, corresponds with Faith ; extreme unction, as the remis- sion of venial sin, with Hope; the Holy Eucharist, as removing the penal con- sequences of transgression, with Charity. And so, with respect to the other virtues, prudence is represented by Holy Orders as the remedy of ignorance; justice or righteousness by penance, the supplemental safeguard of contrition and the ordained means of obtaining remission of deadlier sins; temperance by matrimony, as a check to inordinate desire ; fortitude by confirmation, as the remedy of weakness. The Summa concludes by comparing the two main ])hases of religious life; — the contemplative and the active; and, while under the guidance of Aristotle the former is preferred, an ecclesiastical direction is given to the preference, and the monastic life is shown to be of all the most perfect. This truly great work has done more than any other to fix the exact meaning of theological terms. Blunts Dictionary of Sects and Heresies, art, Schoolmen. (Tb.) ' {Rietter, The Morals of St. Thomas of Aquino, Munich, 1858 ; in Plaa» mann, Vol. IV. § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. Ill authority, or both, directlj^ refutes the erroneous principle underlying the objections; then follows the body of the article, embodying the true teaching and the reason for it, as war- ranted by the argument advanced in the ^'- Sed. contra" para- graph ; finally, the doctrinal errors in the order of the objec- tions are taken up and answered in detail. Such is the structure of every '■'■article" throughout the Summa. Con- clusions are drawn with the utmost precision and logical rigor; all the parts are adjusted with admirable completeness and harmony; and, while every question is exhaustively treated, there is never a word too many. The first question of the first part establishes the claim of theology to be regarded as a science, and capable of all the conditions of demonstrative proof, because historical facts, on which it is based, are themselves but the expressions and ex- ponents of ideas. Again, theology being the science of God, and deriving its first principles from Divine Revelation, has a positive character, distinguishing it from philosophy and all other human sciences, which are its handmaids. St. Thomas remarks that in controversies with infidels {infi- deles), one must start by showing that their objections are not well taken; but with heretics the case is dififerent. Since these admit certain doctrines and deny others, one of the for- mer must be taken as common ground, on which both parties may stand ; and, starting here, the Catholic controversialist must show the logical inconsistency of his opponent's position by demonstrating the intrinsic and essential connection of the challenged doctrine with the whole deposit of faith. Such is the line of argument St. Thomas himself pursues in an apologetical work, entitled the Lesser or Philosophical Sunima,^ ' De veritate cath. fid. ctr. Gentiles, libb. IV., cap. II., the author thus states the scope of his work: "Inter omnia vero studia horainum, sapientiae studium est perfectius, sublimius et utilius et jucundius. Primo, quia non ita sunt nobis Dota singulorum errantium dicta sacrilega, ut ex his, quae dicunt, pos- simus rationes assumere ad eorum erroreg destruendos. Hoc modo usi sunt an- tiqui doctores in destructionem errorum Gentilium, quorum positiones scire poterant, quia et ipsi Gentiles fuerant, vel saltem inter Gentiles conversati et in eorum doetrinis feruditi. Secundo, quia quidam eorum, ut Mahometistae et Pagani, non conveniunt nobiscum in autoritate alicujus scripturae, per qnam possint convinci, sicut contra Judaeos disputare possumus per vetus testa- 778 Period 2. Ilpoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. and written at the earnest request of Raymond of Pennafort It was designed to serve as a guide to preachers in Spain in their discussious with Mohammedans and Jews, and is nearly, if not quite, equal in merit to the '■^Theological Summa." On the respective merits of these two great works, the opinions of two Protestant authors may be quoted. Of the ''Theo- logical Sumw.a,'" Mr. Milnian^ says: "It would, as might seem, occupy a whole life of the most secluded study to write, ah-nost to read." " If penetration of thought," says the An- glican Bishop Hampden,^ "comprehensiveness of view, exact- ness the most minute, an ardor of inquiry the most keen, a patience of pursuit the most unwearied, are among the merits of a philosopher, then may Thomas Aquinas dispute even the first place among the candidates for supremacy in speculative science." The philosophical world also owes St. Thomas a debt of gratitude for his translation of Aristotle's works and his ad- mirable commentaries on the same. Pie was a realist in the proper sense of the word, and did more than any other writer to clear up the difficulties between Realism and Nomalism. Universals, according to him, were but abstractions of the mind, having no existence outside the intellect, and possessing no objective reality apart from the individual objects in which they reside.^ His commentaries on the Holy Scriptures give evidence of an intimate acquaintance with the Fathers, and of a thorough knowledge of the fundamental ideas of the Bible and of the Christian dogmas. In his work "De Regimine Priyicipum" he gives a complete exposition and defense of the theory of Chris- tian government and political economy as understood in the mentum, conti'a haereticos per novum: hi vero neutrum reoipiunt, unde necesse est, ad naiuralom rationem recurrere, cui omnes assentire cogunter, quae tamen in rebus divlnis deficiens est. Simul autem veritatem aliquam investigantes osten- demus, qui errores per earn excludantur, et quomodo demonstrativa Veritas fldei Christianas religionis concordet." iLat. Chr. VI., p. 451. (Tr.) 2 Encijcl. Meirop. XI. 793. " Universalia non sunt res subsistentes, sed habent esse solum in singularibus, Contra Oent., Lib. I., c. 65. Quod est commune multis, non est aliquid p)aeter multa, nisi sola ratione, ibid., c. 26. § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 779 Middle Ages.' Finally, his incomparable hymns on the Eu- charist, breathing a heavenly inspiration, and, in fact, every portion of his admirable Office for the Octave of Corpus Christi, have made his name dear to all believers in the Real Presence, and have enshrined his memory forever in their hearts. The ablest of the disciples of St. Thomas were Giles of Colonna, a Roman, called Doctor Fundatissi,7nus (tl316), and Hervaeus Natalis, the latter of whom eventually becauie Gen- eral of the Dominican Order and Rector of the University of Paris (t 1323). The fame of St. Thomas, and the almost paramount influ- ence exercised by the school of theolog}' of which he was the founder, excited the jealousy and called forth the energy of the Franciscans. Thej^ finally produced a rival to the illixs- trious Dominican in John Duns Scotics,^ born at Dunstan, in ISTorthumbria, in 1266 (not, as is frequently stated, in 1274). Trithemius says he was one of the disciples of Alexander of Hales, but this is evidently a mistake, as the latter died in 1245. While professor at Oxford, Paris, and Cologne, he earned for himself the title of the Subtile Doctor (Doctor Sub- tilis). He died in 1308, while still in the prime of life and the full vigor of his mental powers. There was some justification in the Franciscans setting him up as an opponent to Thomas Aquinas ; for, though inferior to the latter in speculative genius, he is his equal in dialectical skill and his superior in acuteness. From his method of stating the most important arguments for and against a proposition, and leaving his hearers to draw their own conclusions, his op- 'De regimine prinoipum, libb. IV. (opusculum XX.), in the ed. altera Veneta, T. XIX. Cf. Stocld, Vol. II., p. 721-733 ; Contzen, Thomas of Aquin as a writer on Political Economy, Lps. 1861, and revised art. in '•Christiich-Socicde Blatter," Lps. 1870, nro. 10. Thoemes, Divi Thomae Aquinatis opera et prae- eepta quid valeant ad res ecclesiastico-politicas, sociales, Berolini, 1875, Pars I. Of the same nature as "De Reg. Princ." is the work of Peraldus (t 1260), enti- tled "The Duties of the Nobility,'' in seven books (especially Book VII.), translated from the Latin into German, and prefaced by Bishop Ketteler of Mentz, ibid., 1868. ^Opp. ed. Wadding, Lugd. 1639 sq. (12 T. f.); Commentaries on Aristotle (T. 1-4) ; Quaestiones in libb. IV. sentent. (T. 5-10) ; Eeportata Parisiensia (T. 12) ; Qiiaest. quodlibet. (T. 12.) Ddllinger, in the Freiburg Cyclop., Vol. IX., p. 878- 881 ; Pr. tr.,Vol. 21, p. 401-406. Stockl, Vol. II., p. 778-868. Ueberweg. p. 202-207. 780 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. ponenta styled hira "Quodlibetarius." Besides giving a fresh impulse to Eealism, he anticipated the inductive method of Bacon and Ifewton, and thus forms a connecting link between the ancient and modern schools of philosophy. His very re- finement and subtlety of reasoning and the obscurity of his language make an intelligent perusal of his works a tiresome and difficult task. Prom Scotus dates the commencement of the rivalry be- tween the Thomists and the Scotists, which gradually assumed so much the spirit of a partisan warfare that one could not belong to either of the two Orders without, by this very fact, professing either Thomism or Scotism. One of the most distinguished representatives of the latter school was Francis de Mayronis. He died at Piacenza, in 1325. The philosophical controversy between the two schools'- turned, as might have been anticipated, on universals. The results of the long and acrimonious contest were important and momentous. As the formula of Realism had been " Universalia ante res" that of Nominalisrn " Universalia post res," and that of the com- promise " Universalia in rebus," it now included something of each, and ran, " Universalia ante, in, et post res" — ante res, inas- much as universals are in the Divine mind ; in rebus, inasmuch as they have a real existence in the concrete; and post res, in- asmuch as the intellect, by abstraction from individual ob- jects, obtains a true conception of them. lu the matter of sin and (/race, Thomas and the Dominicans closely adhered to the theory of St. Augustine, excepting in so far as they smoothed down the harsher and more repulsive features of his doctrine and ascribed to man a power of mer- iting which the Great Doctor would never have conceded. Scotus and the Franciscans, on the other hand, took a milder view, affirming that, even after the Fall, man retained suffi- cient strength to achieve his first " meritum de congruo." They held, moreover, that original sin was inseparably connected with the finite, and that grace is the natui-aliy ordained means to the development of the spiritual life. The gift of grace, ^Arada, Controv. theol. inter Tliom. et Scot., Col. 1620, 4to. Fr. a St. Au- gusUno Macedo, Collationes doctrinae St. Thorn, et Scoti cum differentiis intei utrumque, Patav. 1671. Bulaei, Hist. Univors. Paris, T. IV., p. 298 sq. § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 781 they said, was dependent on predestination, and this, again, on prescience. Again, while St. Thomas held that the death of Christ is not only a sufficient, but also an infinite satisfaction (satisfae- tio non solum svfficiens sed superabundans), by reason of the infinite worth of the life ofi'ered up [vita Dei et hominis), Scotus taught that as the sufferings of Christ were the sufferings of His human nature, they had consequently only a finite merit; that God accepted them as the price of the sins of mankind, though in value they were in no way adequate to the pur- chase, and that their worth was given to them only by the gratuitous acceptance [acceptatio gratuitd) of them by the Father. Such was the acceptation theory of Scotus, accord- ing to which Christ died only for the sake of truth and jus- tice, and to carry out the divine plan of mercy. As regards the Ileal Presence, Scotus held that Christ's glo- rified body was locally translated or introduced {per adduc- tionem or introdiictionem) into the substanceless accidents; while Thomas, on the other hand, taught that in the E,eal Presence the very substance of the bread and wine was changed into the Body and Blood of Christ {transsubstantiatio)} Finally, the Dominicans denied and the Franciscans warmly defended the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, while the members of each Order believed that their respective teaching was better calculated than that of their opponents to promote the honor of the Mother of God.^ ' In the German text, Ahog has ascribed to Scotus the teaching of Thomas and vice versa on the Eeal Presence. This is evident from what Thomas says in the Summ.a (Part Third, q. Ixxv., art. 2, in Corp.): "Non potest aliquid esse alicuhi, uhi prius non erat, nisi per loci mutationem, vel per alterius conver- sionem in idipsum. Manifestum est autem quod Corpus Christi non incipit esse in hoc Sacramento per motum localem; primo quidem, quia sequeretur quod desineret esse in eoelo; non enim quod localiter movetur, pervenit de novo ad aliquem locum nisi deserat priorem; secundo, quia omne corpus localiter motum pcrtransit omnia media, quod hie dici non potest; tertio, quia impossibile est quod unus motus ejusdem corporis localiter moti terminetur simul ad diversa loea, cum tamen in plurihus locis Corpus Christi, sub hoe Sacramento simul esse incipiat. Et ideo relinquitur quod non possit aliter corpus Christi incipere esse de novo in hoc sacramento nisi per conversionem substantiae panis in ipsum." (Tr.) ^ The points controverted between the Thomists and the Scotists are stated by 782 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. This rivalry, though not unfrequently carried on with acri- monious bitterness, stimulated a desire for study, caused in- vestigations to be made on various questions of theology, tended to make controversialists tolerant of each other's opin- ions, and in this way was turned to the profit of the Church. Another of the great men of the thirteenth century was Poger Bacon, a Franciscan, who, born at Ilchester, in Somer- setshire, in 1214, studied at Oxford under the patronage of Robert Greathead, Bishop of Lincoln, and became afterward professor at the same university, where his unusual attain- ments obtained for him the title " The Wonderful Doctor" {Doctor llirabilis), and where he died, June 11, 1294. Like Albertus Magnus, he was conversant with every branch of human knowledge, but was especially distinguished by his great facility of conception and his extraordinary proficiency in the natural sciences. In his " Opus Majus," dedicated to ].'ope Clement IV., he endeavored to give a new direction to Scholasticism and to widen the scope of natural philoso- Avancini, S. J., in his beautiful Dialogus Thomistae et Sootistae, Ode XVII., De immac. cone. B. M. V., from which the following two stanzas are taken : SCOTIST. THOMIST. Hie te non colit, o sidere pulchrior Hie te virgo minus diligit, a tui Unquam virgo satis, qui tibi defluam Qui nati pretio sanguinis eximit; Adae in posteritatem Non vult esse redemptam, Appingit maculam patris. Qui peccasse negaverit. Eemakk. — It is very generally asserted that St. Thomas opposed the Immac- ulute Conception. This opinion is based on what he says in the Summa (Part Third, q. xxvii., art. 2): "Ante infusionem animae rationalis beata Virgo sanc- tificata non fuit." That St. Thomas positively taught the doctrine of the Im- ■ maculate Conception may be proved from many passages of his writings. For 'example, he says (Ep. ad Gal., c. 3, lect. 6j : " Mulierem autem ex omnibus non inveni quae peccato omnlno inimunis esset, ad miniis orir/inali vel veniali. Excipi- far purissima et omni laude dignissima Virgo Maria." Again (Lib. I. Sent., dist. 44, q. i., art. 3, ad 3) : " Talis futt purita.i Beatae Virginis, quae a peecato oHgiiiali et aetuali immunis fuit." And the J)ominican, Bromiard (in Summa Praedicantium, v. Maria, art. 2, nro. 10), scrupled not to assert concerning S. T!-,m., 3 pt., q. 27, art 2, ponit ejus (Mariae) sanctificationis excellentiam, quantum ad temporis prioritatem in hoc, quod sanctiflcata fuit in sui anima- tione — i. e., in conjunotiono animae cum corpora in utero matris suae; quod significat, says Card. Gaudd, Mariam fuisse immaculatam in suo conceptu pas- sivo- -i. e., animam ejus, gratia sanctificante praeventam, fuisse a peecato origi- nali immunem. (Te.) § 257. Second Period of Scholasticism, etc. 783 phy.' Like his countryman, John of Salisbury, }ie complained that Scholasticism was too narrow, one-sided, and conserva- tive. An indepeudent thinker, he protested against an unre- flecting surrender of one's judgment to the authority of the Fathers and to the prescriptions of custom ; advocated a more sparing use of syllogistic forms and a more frequent recourse to experiments and the inductive method ; and, while making little account of the investigations of Greek antiquity, recom- mended solid and critical linguistic studies. He was also in favor of having history, and especially Church history,^ more generally studied, and on this point was of one mind with Vincent of JBeauvais, the great compiler and cyclopaedist of his age. Raymundus Lullus, born on the island of Majorca, 1236, living in the world until the age of thirty, and leading, as a young man, a life of questionable morality, but finally con- verted, and devoting himself chiefly to the conversion of the Saracens, in the pursuit of which he made some voyages to Africa, during one of which he was set upon and tortured by the Mohammedans of the town of Bugia, June 30, 1315, like so many more men of those times, was desirous of giv- ing a new direction to scientific studies. His "Ars universalis scientiarum," a kind of mathematico-logical work, v/hich, he promised, would be productive of greater results than Scho- lasticism, and be more rigorous in method, was, on the con- trary, still more complicated and abstruse, and not a little 'Opus maj. {VA66) ed. Sam. Jebb., Jjond. 1733; Ven. 1750 f. As something heretofore unpublished, Dr. J. S. Brewer added Opus tertium in compendium philosophiae, Lend. 1868, in 3 T. Compare the Collection of remarkable biogra- phies, Halle, 1757, Pt. IV., p. 616-709. Alex. v. Humuoldt, Cosmos, Vol. II., p. 284. Siockl, Vol. II., p. 915-924. ^"Historias ecclesiasticas (quo lacte pascebatur antiquorum simplicitas) vilu- isse et in neglectum venisse, cam tamen non solum utique voluptatis ac recrea- tionis spiritum, verum etiam aedificationis plurimum in se contineant." Vin- cent. BeUavacens. Speculum majus s. imago mundi(Spcc. naturale, doctrinale, historiale; Spec, morale attributed to the same), ed. prim., Argentor. 1473 sq,; ed. opt., Duac. 1624, 4 T. fol. Of. Vogel, Literary and Historical Notice of Vincent of Beauvais, Freiburg Journal of Theology, Vol. X., and Sc/dosse'; Vincent of Beauvais on the Education of Princes, Frankfort, 1819, 2 vols. i?ciuto'ie,Vincent de Beauvais et la Science de 1' Antiquity Classique au XllXiSma Siecle (llevue des questions historiques, T. VIII., livr. 1, Janv. 1875), 784 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. perilous to the faith of the Church. It was precisely these characteristics that recommended it to raau}-,' who, like Lullus himself,^ were active, restless, and constantly in search of some novelty. But preposterous works like the ^'^ Ars universalis" exercised little influence in hastening the decline of mediaeval theology, when compared Avitli the shock it received from the separation of the philosophical from the theological faculty of Paris in 1270. § 258. The Other Sciences — Religious Poets — National Lit- erature. Besides the treatises on morals by Abelard and St. Thomas, already mentioned, the works of William Peraldus,^ Raymond of Pennafort.;^ and the "■Speculum morale,'' attributed to Vin- cent of Beauvais, should be noticed. Raymond systematized the old penance-books, and may. be said to have been the founder of Casuistry, or the method of applying general laws and rules of duty aud conduct to particular cases. The prac- tical activity of the mystics was perhaps more efficacious for good in the domain of morals than in science, inasmuch as their own lives were an illustration of the principles of a pure and severe morality. As regards learned and scientific interpretations of Holy Scripture, apart from being based only on the translation of the Vulgate text, they occupied, relatively, too small a space in the studies of these times. The ^^ Gloss a ordinaria" oi Walafried Strabo, which obtained a wide circulation, was sup- plemented by a similar work from the pen of Anselm of Laon (-(- 1117).'^ A fresh impulse was given to biblical studies by ' Tlie works of Raymundm Lullus appeared, in part, at JMentz, 1721-1742, in 110 vols, fol.; yet tliere are wanting, between them, volumes 7 and 8, which are found nowhere, and which (for the want of approbation) were probably never printed. Cf the Freiburg Cyclop., Vol. VI., p. 638 sq.; Fr. tr., Vol. 13, p. 510-513; and Helfferich, Kaymundus Lullus and the Beginning of Cata- lonian Literature, Berlin, 1858. Stocld, Vol. II., p. 924-952. 2 See below, 2 264. 5 Summa de virtutibus et vitiis, last ed., Paris, 1629, 4to. *Summa de poenitentia et matrimonio, generally "Summa Eaymundiana; often published c. glossis Joannis de Friburgo, Horn. 1603 fol. ^ Qlossa intorlinearis cum glossa ordinaria, ed. Basil. 1502 fol. ; and oftenei § 258. The Other Sciences — Religious Poets, etc. 78b the publication of the Dldascalion of Hugh of St. Victor, in the first part of which he gives a sort of methodology of the philosophical sciences, and, in the second, an historical intro- duction to the Holy Scriptures and an abridgment of her- nieneutics, containing rules for the direction of those com- menting on the Sacred Text, which he himself follows. Stephen, Abbot of Citeaux, corrected the Vulgate according to the best manuscripts, and by comparison with the Hebrew text. Hugh ci Sancto Caro,^ a Dominican, who was created cardinal in 1244 and died in 1260, also emended the Vulgate, divided all the books into chapters, arranged the first Con- cordance, according to this division, and wrote commentaries on the text. " The Expositio continua in quatuor Evangelia " of St. Thomas, which, by excellence styled ^^ Catena aurea," soon superseded all other commentaries,^ made him a great author- ity' as an interpreter of Holy Writ. Of these works a Protest- ant theologian of our own day has expressed the following opinion ■? " We have a marvelous proof in his (St. Thomas') writings, so famous during the Middle Ages, how the sense and idea of Holy Writ maj^ become clear to studious aqd penetrating minds, even without the aids and appliances we now possess." Roger Bacon earnestly recommended to his contemporaries the study of the Holy Scriptures in their original language, a branch in which the Spanish Jews had already made considerable progress. Among the most dis- tinguished of these latter were Salomon Jarchi (f 1170), Aben Esra of Toledo (f 1167), David Kimchi of ISTarbonne {f c. 1230), Enarrationes, in cantica canticorum, in Matthaeum et in Apocalypsin, in Mlgne, Ser. Lat., T. 162. ' Cf. Qiteiif and Echard, Scriptt. ord. Praedicat., T. I., p. 194 sq. Hugo, Postill. in univ. Bibl. juxta quadrupl. sensum ed. Easil. 1498; Paris, 1548, 7 V. f. ; his Concordantiae sacroriim bibliorum ed., Basil. 1543 and 1551 f. ■'Explanation of Job, of first fifty psalms, of the Canticle of (Janticles, the Catena aurea of the four Gospels (Germ, trans, by Oischinrjer, Eatisbon, 1840 sq., 7 vols. Commentar. in oranes D. Piiuli Ap. epistolas, ed. nova, Leodii, 1857-58, 3 T. •'' Baumgarten-Crusius, Manual of the Hist, of Dogmas, p. 262. Cf. Tholuck, Disputatio de Thoma Aquinate atque Abaelardo interpretibus N. T., Hall. 1842. Oster, Do medii aevi thcolosia exegetica, Getting. 1855. St. Thomas as inter- preter of the Bible (''Catholic") of 1882, Vol. I., p. 342-358. VOL. II — 50 786 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5. and Moses ben Maimon (f 1205), and their eminence as bib- lical scholars is chiefly to be ascribed to their Arabic culture' The Mystics also applied themselves with great ardor to the study of Holy "Writ, which, according to the taste of the ' ago, they interpreted in a fourfold sense — viz., litercdis, moralis sr.u tropologicus, allegoricus, and anagogicus."^ Among the most remai'kable of them is Bupert of Deutz (f 1125), who, in forci- ble language, and burning with a holy zeal in the advocacy of liis cause, points out to the clergy their model, as portrayed in the Sacred Text, and warns them that the same text con- tains their condemnation, should they fail in their duty. His admirable treatise entitled "Z)e victoria Dei libb. XIII." is at (mce the crown of his exegetical labors and the transition to his apologetical works, as, for example, "Dialogiis inter Chris- tianum et Judaeum" and "De glorificatione Trinitatis."^ Other writers, as Peter the Chanter (f 1197), in his '■^Verbum ubbre- viatum," advocated, but in vain, a more simple and literal in- terpretation. The sacred hymns of St. Bernard, St. Bonaventure, and St. Thom.as, and of Celano, Jacopona, and other writers of this sigo, are in many respects superior to any similar compositions produced either before their time or since.* The writers of history and chronicles, like Vincent of Beauvais, have been al- ready referred to at pages 479 sq., and the compilers of canon law at pages 638 sq. We may here remark, with Count de Jionta^emfeeri, that, notwithstanding the close relations existing between Kome and every country of Europe, poetry was never so vigorous, so national, so popular, and withal so thoroughly ' Of. Richard Simon., Hist. crit. des commentaires du V. T., p. 170 sq. Wolfd Biblioth. hebr.jVol. I. ^ According to the well-known distich : " Litera gesta docet, quid oredas Allegoria, Moralis quid agas, quo tendas Anagogia." ' Coramontarior. lib. XXXII. in 12 Prophetas minor., in cantica canticorum libb. VII., in evang. St. Joannis libb. XIV., in apol. libb: XII. (0pp., Colon. 1520 ; Mogunt. 1631, 2 T. fol. ; defective, pirated impression, Paris, 1038). Cf. Freiburg Eccl. Cyclop., Vol. IX., p. 450-455; French transl., Vol. 20, p. 501 sq. * Monc, Latin Hymns of the Middle Ages, Freiburg, 1853 sq., Vol. I. (to God and the Holy Angela); Vol. II. (to the B. V. M.); Vol. III. (to the Saints.) SMosser, The Church in her Hymns, Mentz, 1851, 2 vols., 2 ed., Freiburg, 1803. § 258. The Other Sciences — Religious Poets, etc. 787 religious and tender, as during this epoch.^ In some countries it had developed into all the rich variety and elegance of form which are generally supposed to be the peculiar and exclusive characteristics of classic antiquity and modern enlightenment. The Minnesaenger (1170-1250) of Germany could boast of Laving among them the Emperor Henry VI., but the most eminent of these numerous bards were incontestably Henry of Ofterdingen and Walther of the Vogehoeide? • ITone could throw into lofty and felicitous verse better than they popular feelings, tastes and traditions, or combine more harmoniously the noble promptings of patriotic love with the purest inspira- tions of religious enthusiasm. The Nibelungen, the Iliad of the Germans, compiled and committed to writing about the year 1210, is the best example of German epic ; while in the Giidrun, the German Odysee, the mild and the tender are blended felicitously with the stem and the vigorous. Wolfram of Eschenbaeh is the author of the Fereivcd, an am- plification of the legend of the Holy Gral and Knights of the Eound Table; and of the Titurel, a master-piece of Catholic genius, and not unworthy a place beside tlxe Divina Commedia. Gottfried of Strasburg,^ who, in his unfinished poem of Tristan Simrock, Ancient Christian Hymns, both Latin and German, Cologne, 2 ed., 18G7. Ozanam, The Franciscan Poets of Italy in the thirteenth century; Ger- man transl., with add. by Julius, Miinster, 1853. ' Barthel, The Classic Period of German National Literature in the Middle Ages, Brunswick, 1857, p. 291 and oftener. Clarus, Review of Spanish Litera- ture during the Middle Ages, Mentz, 1847, 2 vols. Schack, History of Dramat. Lit. and Art in Spain, Berlin, 1845-46. ''tGdrrcs, The Popular Books of Germany, Heidelberg, 1807. '-'Simrock, Book of Heroes, Stuttg. 1858, Vol. I. (Nibelungen); Vol. II. (Gudrun); Vol. III. (Little Book of Heroes.) By the same, Parcival and Titurel, being Poems of Chivalry, trans, and explained, Stuttg. 1857. Reichl, Studies on Wolfram's Percival, Vienna, 1858. '^Pfeiffer, German Classics of the Middle Ages, with interpretation of words and definitions, Lps. 1864-71, in 10 vols. : Walther of the Vogelweide, Gudrun, Nibelungen, Hartmann of the Aue, Gottfried of Stras- burg. Wolfram of Eschenbaeh. By the same, the journal " Germania." Cf. Wolfgang Menzel, German Poetry from the most ancient to the most modern times, Stuttg. 1858-59, 3 vols. Vilmar, History of German National Litera- ture, Marbg. 1846, in a number of editions. Etehendorf, Hist, of the Poet. Lit- erature of Germany, Paderborn, 1859, in seveo-al editions. '\ Lindemann, Hist, of Germ. Literature, Freiburg (1860), 2 ed. 1869. » t Watterich, Gottfried of Strasburg, a Singer of the Love of God, Lips. 1858. 788 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 5, and Isolt, sang of the pleasures of the world and sensual love, after a time turned his pen to themes more worthy of his genius, and wrote a fine hymn in praise of the Blessed Virgin, in which, when he had got on some way, he broke out in honor of the Son of God as follows : " He suffered that wo might receive J03', and died that we might live. Has ever man given unto man proofs of fidelity like unto these?" Conrad of Wnrzhurg, in his poems entitled '■'■Gold Smithery," really poured out in golden verse the glowing creations of his fancy and the warm affections of a heart on fire with di- vine love. His verses in honor of the Virgin Mary are sweet and tender in sentiment, and inspire in the reader pure and holy aspirations. The literature of the Troubadours of France, destitute of every Christian element, rarel}' rose above the praise of cor- poral beauty, and, if we except a composition here and there, was not free from the heretical taint of the South. The folk lore of the age of Charlemagne, such as the Round Table or Holy Gral, furnished abundant material for popular romance. In Spain, Gonzalo of Bcrceo composed hymns in honor of the Blessed Virgin, and St. Dominic threw into verse his thoughts on the Last Judgment. Thibaut of Navarre sang so excellently of the glories of the Blessed Virgin and the heroic deeds of the Crusades, that his productions elicited the praise of the great Dante. This immortal poet, born at Florence in 1265, and died about 1321, in his Divina Commedia, sings of Heaven, Purgatory, and Hell, and, with a consummate skill of which no one before him or since has been master, puts into strong, stately, and sweeping verse the theology and phi- losophy of the Middle Ages. In him the religious poetry of Ital}' reached its highest excellence, and his great poem led the way to other efforts, which, though less meritorious, arc still the honor and boast of that land of illustrious bards. It is worthy of remark here that even so great a genius as Dante is partly indebted for his inspiration, and for not a few of his thoughts, to the ^^ Book of Spiritual Graces"^ writ- I "The Book of Spiritual Grnoos," with " Notioea from the contemplative life of the sainted virgin Mechtilde of Helfeda," newly published by Retschl, Ratis- bon, 1857 ; con£ Vienna Journal of Universal Literature, nros. 44 and 4S, year § 258. The Other Sciences — Beligious Poets, etc. 789 teu by the German nun, St. Mechtilde of Helfeda {la Matelda, t 1287). Of. below, § 285. 1800. The best reviewed edition by Wltte, Berlin, 1862, in 4to and 8vo; Wegele, The Life and Worl;s of Dantk, Jena, 1852 ; Gorman transl. and explanation by Philalethos (King John of Saxony), Dresden, 1839-49 and oftener, 3 vols.; by WiUe, Berlin, 1865. — The chief English translations are Boyds (1785) and Gary's (1814), in blank verse; Wriffht's (1833), in triple rhymes; Cayleifs, in the original ternary rhyme (from 1851-54, notes 1854) ; Dr. John Carlyle's, tho Jtiferno, in proso, with a commentary (1849); H. W. Longfellow'' s, in blank verse (1867). CHAPTER VI. BBLIGIOTJS AND MORAL LIFE — PENITENTIAL DISCIPLINE — PROPAGA- TION OF CHRISTIANITY. § 259. Religious and Moral Life. -\ '^ Mo7iialembert, Histoire de Sainte Elisabeth do Hongrio (Paris, 1836); Eng- lish hy Mary Hackett; German, Stadler, Aix-la-Chapelle, 1837, especially in the preface, 3 ed., Cologne, 185S. Raiishonne, Life of St. Bernard; above all, in the intrdduction ; excellent pen-pictures in Leo's Lectures on German History, Vol. III. Hurter, Vol. IV., p. 510 sq. The ecumenical and provincial councils of this epoch en- acted manj'- prohibitory canons, from which may be learned the chief evils that then afflicted the world. These were acts of barbarity and violence ; armed brigandage against pilgrims and churches; a disregard of the Truce of God; the extrav- agant practice of engaging in tournaments and dangerous combats ; the atrocious persecution carried on against the Jews; the inhuman treatment of captured enemies; and, finally, assassination, usury, and the violation of corpses then reputed holy ; to which may be added superstition in its va- rons forms,' witchcraft, and magic. The sight of these disorders called from St. Bernard, St. Hildegarde, and other distinguished personages of this epoch, expressions of deep and poignant grief; and from pontiffs, ever vigilant in their solitude for the Christian people, fears that the churches might be eventuall}' destroyed or permit- ted to go to rain. It is not diflicult to assign the cause of these evils. There was the controversy on investitures, which lasted fifty years, and the conflict between the Fopes and the Hohenstaufens, which lasted twice that length of time. Add to these an ill-regulated and inordinate desire of freedom-; the constant grasping after privilege and exemption, issuing event- ' Fehr, Superstition and the Catholic Church during the Jliddlo Ages, Stuttg. 1857. JIurfcr, Innocent III., Vol. IV. (790) § 259. Religious and Moral Life. 791 iially in a powerful aristocracy, so strong as to menace the throne itself; and, finally, the imperfect organization of the machinery of civil government and the want of necessary police regulations, all contributed, each in its own way, to jierpctuate a barbarous condition of things, and, in many in- stances, to stifle the religious sentiments of the people. But, if the blots and stains of the Middle Ages be conspic- uous, it is because the purity of the surface on which they are found make them so. Deeds of excellence and goodness abound. The Middle Ages were religious and theological in character. Every tendency and display of energy bore upon it the impress of religion, proving the correctness of the fine remark of Goethe,' that "ages oi faith are always majestic, e.xercise an elevating influence upon the mind, and are fruit- ful of good both to contemporaries and to posterit)-." The numerous crusades undertaken in the Middle Ages, the sacri- fices ihey entailed, and the results of which they were pro- ductive, amply justify the statement of Goethe. Faith ruled supreme in the Middle Ages; the claims of the soul, religious feelings and aspirations were paramount; everything had a tendency to raise one's thoughts from earth to Heaven; and this tendency pervading every class of society made people e.Ktremely credulous of all sorts of miracles} This ready cre- duli'y, though giving rise to some extravagances, exercised upon the whole a beneficial influence. Another manifestation of the religious sentiments of these ' Eastern and Western Divan. ^Speaking of these miracles, Hurier (Innocent III., Vol. IV., p. 537-548) says: "The miraculous stories that abound in every writer of these times prove that the belief in miracles was general and exercised a vital influence. Some of these reputed miracles may be at once dismissed as fabulous; others have assumed a fabulous character from having been decked out with the usual em- bellishments of fable; but many of them drive criticism to the alternative of either acknowledging itself synonj'raous with negation or confessing its incom- petency to judge in the premises. But, whatever be the ultimate decision, on". fact can not, in any event, be denied — viz., that these abundant miracles must have exercised a determining influence upon the lives of thousands." — "ilany of these miracles may be fairly declared childish and grotesque, but behind so much rubbish one may recognize the influence of a higher power, all-ruling and omnipresent, whose ubiquitous providence protects the God-fearing, inspires th« faint of heart with courage, and punishes the wicked." 792 Period 2. Efoch 2. Purt 1. Chajyter 6. tivnes was the general enthusiasm of the people for the erection of great and magnificent minsters and churches. Troops of pious confraternities, composed of persons of every age and rank and of both sexes, might be seen assembling from far and near, to build to the Lord a dwelling worthy llis majesty. The splendid cathedral-churchof OnrLadyof Chartres wasbuilt in thiswa}'.' Finally, were not the numerous monastic congregatioris that then sprung np, whose founders were not nnfrequently the descendants of powerful and noble houses, a living proof of the depth and sincerity of the religious life of the epoch? Its active energy pervaded all things and cropped out every- where. Even the earth, the marvelous handiwork of God, became an object of tender solicitude and childlike love. The student of nature conceived the celestial bodies to be di- rected in their course by a supernatural agency, to be ani- mated by a supernatural power, and sought to trace in them mysterious analogies and relations to the duties and convic- tions of man, purchased by the Blood of Christ, and to the expressions and signs of Christian belief and symbolism. The instincts of animals, the varied phenomena of the vege- table and floral kingdoms, the singing of birds, the proper- ties of the precious metals and stones, came to be symbolical of Christian verities, and were made to express in rich and varied imagery the strongest and tenderest emotions of the human soul. All nature was believed, by the simple, the childlike, and the pure faith of those days, to be in sympathy with religion and religion's truths and instincts. People were wont to go out, of a Christmas Eve, and proclaim to the trees of the forest that the coming of Christ was at hand, and to call upon the earth to open and bud forth a Savior {aperiatur terra et germinet Salvatorem.) Everything that met the eye — ■ the birds of the air, the beasts of the field, the trees of the forest — all bore upon them the impress of faith and hope. The earth and all thereon, the universe and all its wonders, were united by^he bonds of science and love, and under all and through all ran the golden thread of faith. In those times the Christian religion, with its inherent vitality of force, its J Wilken, Hist, of the Crusades, Vol. III., p. 45 sq. § 259. Religious and Moral Life. 793 mysteries and its promises, was the well-spring and center of all energy and action — the great heart whence went forth the warm stream of life, whose pulsations were felt to the utter- most limits of the body social, and gave manifestations.,of its presence even in guilds and national festivals} The atmos- phere of religion was everywhere; and so holy was it — so pure, so exhilarating — that it seemed the days of the Apostles had returned and Christianity was once more in her first beauty and lustre, so loyal then were the hearts of men to the teachings and instincts of faith. Were proof wanted of the presence then of this all-pervading relit,ious spirit, we might cite, aside from countless pious war- riors like Godfrey de Bouillon, whose names are clothed in a glorj' of unfading lustre, the royal saints Louis of France, Leopold of Austria, Ferdinand of Uastile and Leon, Elizabeth of Thuringia, Hedwige of Silesia and Poland, and Eleanor of England, besides an innumerable host of other saints in every walk of life," from royalty down to the humblest peasant, who were a pattern to their own age and a light to every succeed- ing one since. We might also refer to the " Manual of Saints" — that treasure of the faithful, which Jacobus de Vora- gine, Archbishop of Genoa (f 1298), by incorporating into it the traditions living in the mouths of the people, transformed into the "Golden Legends" {Legenda aurea)? Unfortunately, the frequent performance of the mysteries and miracle plays* which, either intentionally or otherwise. i.Of. Cantic, Universal History, Vol. VI., p. 720 sq. Description of the Na- tional Festivals of divers Countries. ^The principal saints of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries were enumerated hj Klein, Ch. Hist., Vol. I., p. 773-779. Cf. Villcneuve-Trans, Hist, de St. Louis, etc., Paris, 1839, 3 vols. See above, p. 600 sq. •Legenda aurea s. hist. Lorabardica, Argent. 1429 and oftener; translated into many languages: ad. optim. libror. fidem reeensuit, emendavit, roplevit, etc.. Dr. Graesse, Lips, et Dresd. 1843; 2 ed.. Lips. 1850. Haiipi, On the Dook of Martyrs, written in the Midland High-German dialect, being n report made in the Imperial and Eoyal Academy of Sciences, Viennt, 1872. Rousseau, Violet Wreaths of Saints, or Poetry and Art in the Catholic Church, Frank- fort, 1835, G vols, (incomplete.) *Pavorito subjects; The historical portions of the Old and Now Testament and the lives of the saints — the former for "Mysteries," the latter for "Miracle- Plays." Instances, the "Mystery of the "Wise and Foolish Virgins, St. Oath- 794 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 1. Chapter 6. were often turned from their original and legitimate aim and made the occasion of unseemly and irreverent buftbouery; the satirical tone and undue license assumed by thQ Minnesingers, whose audacity led them to attack the Blessed Virgin and God Himself; the ludicrous profanity of those relics of the Pagan Saturnalia called the Feasts of Fools and Asses, cele- brated at Christmas and IsTew Year's, before the beginning of Lent, and at Easter, in which ecclesiastics participated, thus lending the encouragement of their presence to disgraceful parodies on the Holy Mysteries^ and the dignitaries of the arine." (Tr.) See Mone, Plays of the Middle Ages, Carlsruhe, 1856, 2 vols. Ed. Devrieni, Hist, of the German Dramatic Art., Lips. 1848, 3 vols. Cajitii, Vol. VI., p. 729 sq. Ilase, The Euligious Drama, a Historical Review, Lps. 1858. Holland, The German Theater during the Middle Ages, t.nd the Ammergau Passion Play, Munich, 1861. -t Litdwig Clarus, The Passion Play of Ober- ammergau, Munich, 18G0. M'ilken, History of Mysteries and Miracle-Plays (der geistlichcn Spiele) in Germany, Getting. 1872. ^ Du Fresiie, Glossar. ad scriptt. mod. et infim. Lat. s. v. Cerula Kalendac. Tiliot, Mcmoires pour servir a I'histoiro de la fete des Pou.x, Laus. 1751. — Diirr, Commentatio historica de Episcopo puevorum, Mogunt. 1755. From the fact that in the Feast of Fools an inferior cleric Avas chosen bishop, it was sometimes called the Subdcacon's Peast. The cleric thus chosen travestied the pontifical functions; but when incensed, instead of olibanum, an offensive and foul matter was used. The stalls of the canons were filled by others of the inferior clerics, who sang: " Deposuii potentes et cxuUavit Immiles." At the close of these mock ceremonies, the clioir was turned into a banqueting hall, and was the scone of unseemly antics and disgraceful performances of all sorts. The Feast of Asses is supposed to have been originally intended to commemorate the Flight into Egypt or the Entry into Jerusalem, and accordingly celebrated about Christ- mas or Easter. An ass was clad in a surplice, and, when conducted into church, his entrj' was greeted with the singing of a ludicrous canticle, the refraiiSjaf which was, "y/cj, Sire Asncs.'\a.) A remark of J. P. Rlchtcr (Propedeutics of Aesthetics) is here apposite: " It was precisely in the most rejigious epochs that the Feasts of P''ools and Asses, the representation of the mysteries and mock sermons on Easter Sunday, were most in favor. There was no apprehension of religion suffering any detriment, being too far above anything like a travesty. The same rule holds here as in the case of the Socrates of Xenophon and Aris- tophanes — the former was not injured by the travesty of the latter. The very fact of a travesty proves the existence of something higher travestied ; a com- edy presupposes a tragedy." (fl) " 11( z, Siro Aene8, car cliantez. liclln buuche lecliigncz Vniis aurcz du foin asRoz Et lie fjivoino a plant'T." —Di'/reme, Glosaar. ad scriptt. med. et infim. Lat. ad vorbum Fcatum (asiaorum). (Te.) § 260. Penitential Discipline — Jubilee Indulgences. 795 Church, formed a painful contrast to the consoling examples of holy living and pure faith just noticed. Of a piece with these irreverent fooleries were the so-called feasts of St. Greg- ory or the Holy Innocents, celebrated by the students of cloister and cathedral schools on December 28th, one of the chief features of which was the travesty of the dress and office of a bishop or abbot by one of the students. If ever there was an e.xemplification of the saying, " there is but a step from the sublime to the ridiculous," or of the rule that where vital energies abound, they will manifest themselves in crude, nnbecoming, and sometimes indecent extravagances, it is surely to be found in profane farces of this sort. An attempt has been made to trace the origin of these abuses to the youthful and vicious Pope Benedict IX., but unsuccessfully, as they are mentioned, long before his time, in a letter written by Pope Zachary to St. Boniface.' They existed to a disgraceful extent in the churches of France and Germany at the beginning of the twelftji century, and, in spite of the inhibitions of bishops and councils, con- tinued to hold their place until the fifteenth, when Ihey wholly disappeared. § 260. Penitential Discipline — Jubilee Indulgences. {Cf. pp 383 sg., 4.53 sq., 566 sq.) For the bibliography, see Vol. I., 5 90; and Bcndcl, The Indulgences of the Church, p. 53-72. During this epoch the penitentiary rules underwent con- siderable modification, for reasons which will bo presently stated. In the first place, the ancient '^ sends," or synodal courts, were in abeyance, thus leaving every one full tVeedum in the matter of confession. As a consequence, people grew indifferent, and ceased to frequent the Sacraments. Hence, the Fourth Ecumenical Council of Lateran'^ passed a deci-ee providing that all the faithful of both sexes who had come to the age of discretion should confess their sins at least once a year, either to their own pastor or to a priest authorized by 'Cf. Pcrtz, Monumenta, T. II., p. 114 sq.; Binierin, History of Gerraim Coun- cils, Vol. II., p. 17.3. 2 Cone. Lateran. iv., can. 21. See above, p. 584, note 2 and the text. 796 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 6. him, and approach the Holy Table at Easter. Owing to the increasing number of sectaries and the necessity of the faith- ful being more pronounced in profession and practice, it was enacted, a little later on, that " every one not wishing to bo suspected of heres}'' shall confess three times yearly." Protestants have asserted that, according to the text of Gratian, confession, though useful, is not indispensable, and that the septenary number of the Sacraments originated with Peter Lombard, notwithstanding that this author teaches, iu harmony with the unvarying doctrine of the Church, that the Ihree essential elements of the Sacrament of Penance are con- trition, confession, and satisfaction. The question discussed in Gratian's text is simply this: Does the remission of sins fol- low immediately upon the penitence of the individual, thus making the priestly absolution a purely declaratory act, or df)es it follow the pronouncing, by the priest, of the sacra- mental form of absolution?^ Again, the necessit^?^ of confession is also shown from the fact that both Peter Lombard and St. Thomas Aquinas, to the / question — "Should one, in case of sudden approach of death, Cw confess to a layman in the absence of a priest?" — replied in I the atErmative. innocent III. expresses himself as follows : '■^Confession should lead to penitence and satisfaction. The very shame men feel in avowing their sins is not the least part of satisfaction." As regards the Sacraments, their sep-, tenary number has been placed beyond any possible question by the testimony of Christian antiquity, and as the sulijeet is treated with fullness and detail by Catholic theologians, it is not necessary to say more on it here. In this, as in the preceding epoch, public crimes were atoned by public penances. Henry II. of England, Philip Aug. of France, and Count Raymond of Toulouse are examples of the practice. The too frequent i-eoourse, by many bishops, to in- terdict and excommunication for trifling causes destroyed the salutary influence of either. Thus the people of St. Omer were cut olf from the Church because they had disputed with ' Gratlani Decret., P. II., tractat. de poenitent., quaest. 8, distinct. 1. Cf. especially c. 3i-37. — Lombardi Sentent., lib. IV., distinct. 17, art. 1, 2. § 260. Penitential Discipline — Jubilee Indulgences. 797 the monastery of St. Bertin the proprietorship of a few brooks and swamps ; and, on another occasion, the whole of J^Tor- mandy was laid nnder interdict b}^ the Archbishop of Eonen (1196) because the King had fortified, for liis own advantage and without leave, the castle of Eoche-Andelj's, belonging to that prelate. The ancient penitentiary discipline in regard to secret sins was steadily passing into desuetude. Provided the penitent gave tokens of sincere sorrow, he was absolved before the performance of the penance enjoined. Priests were again and again urged to exercise all possible discretion in selecting penances, and, as a decided lack of earnestness and generos- ity in this matter was becoming daily visible,' thej' were per- mitted to commute the long penitential practices of antiquity into prayers, fastings, and almsdeeds, but were at the same time instructed not to omit bringing before the minds of the faithful the pnnishments formerly iiitlicted for grievous sins, that thus their enormity might be apparent and the culprits themselves roused to a proper consciousness of their guilt and excited to sorrow for their transgressions.^ Still an- other cause tending to relax the ancient penitentiary rule was the practice of granting 2^lcnary indulgences (indulgentiae plenariae), or a full remission of the ancient canonical penances, in consideration of the performance of some other religious action in their stead. Plenary indnlgences were first granted to the Crusaders ; next, to those who took arms against sedi- tious heretics and paga?is in !N"orthern Europe; and, finally, to places of pilgrimage,' and to those who, in making the Jubi- lee,^ complied with the prescribed conditions. •St. Bernard says: "Ut presbyter, eui fldeles peecata confitentur, talis sit, ut sciat, quid injungat, cui parcat, quando parcere debeat, quam consolationem jirofcrat do scripturis, etc." Sormo 3. de S. Andrea. 2 Cf. Claud. Fleurii Diss, in h. o., diss. VI., §2 2 and 11. 'Innocent III. saw himself constrained to restrict the conditions for granting indulgences. Cone. Lateran. IV., can. 02: Per indiscretas et superfluas indul- gentias, quas quidam ecclesiarum praelati faoere non verentur, et claves ocolo- siae contemnuntur, et poenitcntialis satisfactio enervatur. {Mansi., T. XXII., p. 1049; Harduin, T. VII., p. G5.) *The appellation, 73Vn DJB'i shanath hajjobel, annus jubilaei and its object are stated in Levit. xxv. 10-13. 798 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Clwpter 6. The Jubilee of the Jews, or rather a custom analogous to it, was perpetuated under the Christian dispensation, and dur- ing the closing year of every century an extraordinary throng of pilgrims might be seen in ]-vome. Moved by the recital of an old man, aged one hundred and seven years, who said he remembered that, just a century previous, he had witnessed similar throngs of people coming to the Holy City, Boniface VIII., in 1300, granted a plenary indulgence to all pilgrims who from penitential motives should visit the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul. Strangers were required to make these visits on iifteen and the Romans on thirty different days in the course of the year.' On this occasion, two hundred thousand pilgrims gathered about the Holy Father. The interval be- tween one jubilee and another was reduced by Clement VI. (1343) to fifty years, by Urban VI. (1389) to thirty-three, and l>y Paul II. (1470) to twenty -five. The venal spirit of the E,omans could nc>t resist the temptation of reaping from these pious gatherings a harvest of sordid gain. It is highly important to know the opinions of the great theologians of tliis epoch on indulgences. Alexander of Hales is the author of the doctrine that they are drawn from the superabundant merits of Christ and His saints.^ Albertus Magnus gives three opinions on the subject.' Alexander of ^See the bull in liaynald, ad. a. 1300, nr. 4, and in Extravag. commun., lib. v., tit. IX., de poenit., c. 1. Cf. the Holy Jubilee and other indulgences, ex- plained by the author of "Catholic Homilies," Augsburg, 1824. Ilii-scher, Catholic doctrine on Indulgences and their application, 6 ed., Tiibingen, 1854. tBendd, Ecclesiastical Indulgences from a historical, dogmatical, and practical point of view, Rottvvcil, 1847. ^'Griinc, Indulgences, their history, etc., Eatis- bon, 1863. '^AUx. Hales, Sum., P. IV., quaest. 52, membr. 3: Indulgentiaeet relaxationes fiunt de meritls supcrerogationis meinbrorum ChrhU et maxime de supereroga- iionibus m.eritorum Christt, quae sunt spiritualis thesaurus Ecclesiae. Ilunc autem thesaurum non est omnium dispcnsare, sed tantum eorum, qui praecipue vicem Chi'isti gerunt, i. e. episcoporum. ^Albert. Mag. in Sent., lib. IV., dist. 20, art. 16, 17: Indulgentiae sivo relax- atio est romissio poenae injunctao ex vi clavium et thesauro supererogationis perfectorum procedens. Artie. 17. Dicendum, quod tres opiniones antiquitus fuerent circa indulgentias. Quidani enim dixerunt, indulgentias omnino nihil valere, et esse oas piam fraudem etc. Sed isti ad luduni puerorum distrahunt facta Ecclesiae, et hoc fere sapere haeresin puto. Ideo alii, plus quam oportuit contradicentes, dixerunt, quod simpliciter sicut pronuntiantur indulgentiae, ita § 260. Penitential DisnipUne — Jubilee Indulgences. 799 Ha.les also teaches that, by the power of the Keys, indulgences may be applied hj the Church (per modum svffragii) to the dead as well as the living' — a doctrine which St. Thomas Aquinas establishes by still stronger arguments.^ As some sought to obtain indulgences to escape the sever- ity' of penitential discipline, others, following the example of Peter Damian,^ now took an opposite course, and scourged themselves severely. 8t. Louis of France, on one occasion, gave his courtiers as 'Saw Year's gifts, small silver chain- disciplines with which to flagellate themselves. The fever for pilgrimages and self-flagellation at one time became so general that almost the whole of the inhabitants of Perugia (1261)* were seized with it; and at Strasburg, when the ap- proach of a pestilence threatened to desolate the city, twelve hundred of the inhabitants went through the streets scours:- ing themselves to avert the calamity.^ valeant sine omni alia conditione intellecta vol dicta. Sed quia isti nirais bonum fonim dant de miseric.ordia Dei, ideo tcrtiae opinioni mihi assenticiidum vido- tur, — seil. quod indulgentiae valent, .sicut eas valero pracdicat Ecclesia. ^ Alex, lirdes, P. IV., quaest. 23, art. 2, membr. 5: Potest ergo dici, quod illis, qui sunt in purgatorio, possunt fieri relaxationes secundum conditioncs prae- dictas (SG. potestas clavium ox parte conferentis; ex parte ejus, cui confcrtur, caritas, crodulitas, devotio) per modum svffragii sive impetrationis, non per modum judioiariae absolutionis sive commutationis. 2 Thorn. Aqidn. Sum. in suppl., P. III., quaest. 2.5 — i. e., Commentar. in Sent., lib. IV., dist. 20, quaest. 1, art. 3, and particularly quaest. 71, art. 10, from Com- ment, in Sent., lib. IV., dist. 45, quaest. 2, art. 3 : " Utrum indulgentiae ecclesiae prosint mortuis?" Here it is said, among the rest: "Si autem indulgentia sub hac forma fiat : Qidcttnque fccerii hoc vel tllud^ ipse ct pater e.pz.s, vel qiiicunqiLe aUiiA el adjuTictus, in piirpalorio detentus, iantum de indulgentia, hahehit: talis indul- gentia non solum vivo, sed etiam mortuo proderit. Non enim est aliqua ratio, qua Ecclesia transferre possit communia merita, quibus indulgentiae innituntur, in vivos, et non in mortuos." 'See above, p. 410. 'Thus it is said in the Chronic. Austral, ad a 1261 : " Hoe anno orta est publica poenitentia per multas provincias, quae pro magno miraculo habebatur. Multi homines pauperes et divites, ministeriales, milites, rustici, senes et juvenes ibant nudi a cingulo ct supra, et caput totum texerant cum lineo panno, f)or- tantes secum vexilla et ardentes candelas et flagella in manibus, quibus so quidam poreutiebant usque ad effusionem sanguinis et cantabant devotos can- tus," etc. (Freheri Scriptt., ed. Htrime, T. I., p. 461.) •''Cf. Closejier'.i Chronicle of Strasburg (Chronicles of German Cities, pub- lished by Jiegd and others, Vol. VIII., p. 104-120). 800 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 6. PllOPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY. As the nations latel}' converted to Christianity took but little interest in the great questions that agitated the Church during these times, they necessarily occupj' only a subordinate place in contemporaneous history. As missionaries, when about to set out on their labors, had, from the earliest ages of the Church, made ajjplication to Rome for a sanction of their work, so now the Eternal City was more than ever regarded as the center of all missionary eiiter[)riBe and of institutions designed for the propagation of the faith. Honorius III. urgently requested the bishops of every country to send relia- ble and earnest candidates to Eome, where they would receive such training and instruction as would fit them for the foreign missions. The Popes also seconded the work of spreading and establishing the faith of Christ by sending, when the time arrived, legates or bishops clothed with plenary powers, into the newlj' converted coun~trios. § 261. Conversion of Pomerania and the Island of Ragen. Anonymi Vita Ottonis Porameran. Apost. libb. III. (Canisii Lectt. antiq., T. III., P. II., p. S5-96. Andreae, Abbatis Babebergens. Vita Ottonis (Ludovici Ei;i'ipt. revnm Bamberg., T. I.) EbonwYitu Otton, Epise. iJnffd, Monum Bam- berg., T. V. bibl. rer. Germ. 1809, also published separately.) Zarjlcr, Otho I., Bishop of Bamberg, Munich, 1862. Salzbeck, The Life of St. Otho, liatisboii, 186G. Helmodl Chronica Slavorum, ed. Bangert, Lubeclc, 1659, 4to, in PerWs Monum., T. XXI. ; Germ, by Dr. Laurent, in Vol. VII. of the Historians of German Antiquity, Berlin, 1852. Kannegiesser, Hist, of the Conversion of the Pomeranians, Greifswalde, 1824. Steinhriick, The Cloisters of Pomerania, Stet- tin, 1796, 4to. Barihold, Hist, of Pomerania and Eiigen, Hamburg, 1839, Vol. I. Neandsr, Ch. Hist., Vol. V., p. 1-40. Torrij's Engl, transl., Vol. IV., p 1-32. '^Glcselirachi, S.ist. of the Times of German Emperors, Vol. III., p. 954-973. The first efl'orts of the Poles to introduce Christianity into Pomerania were frustrated by the continuous insurrections by which they were accompanied. The bishopric of Colberg cei).sed to exist, and Eeinbert, its first bishop, was murdered (1015) while on a journey to Russia. It was not until after the subjugation of Wladislaus, duke of Pomerania, by Boleslaus III., duke of Poland, that the Pomeranians consented to em- brace Christianity. Bernard, a Spanish priest and hermit, after having been § 261. Conversion of Pomerania, etc. 801 consecrated Bishop of Pomerania by the Pope, in 1122, at- tcn'ipted to convert the inhabitants, but the poverty of his, dress excited their ridicule. How, they asked, could the Lord of the world have commissioned a poor beggar to be His representative? Forced to abandon the country, he withdrew to Bamberg and entered a cloister. After his victories, Boleslaus III. invited Otho, Bishop of Bamberg, to make a fresh efibrt to convert the Pomeranians. Appointed papal legate by Calixtus II., and profiting by the experience of Bernard, Otho provided liimself with a numer- ous and splendid retinue, and entered Western Pomerania in 1124. He was kindly received by Wladislans, already a Chris- tian, and having, during a previous sojourn in Poland, become acquainted with the Slavic customs, conducted himself with so much prudence and tact that he readily conciliated the good-will of the people, converted many, and on one occasion, at Fyritz, baptized seven thousand.' He was also very suc- cessful at the cit}' of Camin, where many of the inhabitants had been prepared for baptism by the Christian duchess; but at the commercial cities of Wollin and Stettin, he encountered the most obstinate resistance. The inhabitants of the latter cried out to Otho and his companions : " What have we in common with yon? We will not give up the laws of our country; and, as for our religion, we are content with it. Does not every sort of vice exist among the Christians? Do they not abuse each other? Away with this worship; we will have none of it." Still, Otho persevered, and his unvarying gentleness, together with the promise of the Polish duke, that they should enjoy perpetual peace and a reduction of tribute, induced them to embrace Christianity. The inhabitants of Wollin soon followed their example. In a very short time there were above twenty thousand neophytes in eight of the principal cities of Pomerania. Encouraged by the exemplary conduct of their duke, who sent away his twenty-four con- cubines, the inhabitants ceased committing the crime of in- fanticide, exposing their children, burning their dead, and 'A monument erected there, by William III. of Prussia, in honor of the A pestle of the Pomeranians, commemorates the event. VOL. II — 51 802 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. I' art 1. Chapter 6. other pagan customs. After the departure of Otho, who r(-- returned to his own diocese in 1125, many fell away from the faith, and others mingled pagan practices with Christian rites ; but even at a distance the good Bishop did 'not cease to watch with fatherlj' care over the new Christian communities. He again visited them in 1128, and after his death, in 1139, Wol- lin was created a bishopric, and Adalbert, the friend and com- panion of Otho, appointed its first bishop. It was placed under the immediate jurisdiction of the Holy See, by Inno- cent II. in 1140, and transferred to Camin in 1170. The island of Hiigen, the home of Slavic superstition, op- posed a most determined resistance to Christianity. After its subjugation by Waldejnar in 1168, Absalom of lioskilde, a war- like bishop, overthrew the temples of the gods, and the Eugians, beholding the impotence of the idols in which they had placed their trust, consented to receive baptism. § 262. Conversion of Livonia, Usthonia, and Courland} It is said the Livonians gained their first knowledge of Christianity from some merchants of Bremen and Liibeck (1158). llcinhard, an Augustinian monk of the monastery of Siegebert, in Holstein, made substantial progress in plant- ing the seeds of the Gospel among them in 1186, and by the munificence of Kaupo, a distinguished Livonian,was enabled to build a church sXYxkixll, on the banks of the Dwina. After having, at the head of his new converts, repelled an assault of their pagan countrymen, Meinhard went to Rome and wa there consecrated Bishop of Yxkiill. Returning, he found the natives ill-disposed to receive him. After his death, in 1196, Pope Celestino III., ordered JBerthold, second Bishop of Yxkull, formerly abbot of the Cistercian monastery of Loc- cum, in Hanover, to lead a crusade against them. Thougli s '^Henricii Letti, about 1226, Origg. Livoniae sacrae et civil, s. Chron. c. .notis Grubori., Francof. et Lps. 1740 f. Parrot, Formation of languages, Hist, of tbe Mythology of tbe Livonians, Esthonians, and Litbuanians, Stuttg. 1828. Kruse. Neci'olivonia, or Antiquities of Livonia, Esthonia, and Courland, before tbe in- troduction of Cbristianity, Dorpat, 1842. Kienitz, Twenty-four books of tlia History of Livonia, Dorpat, 1847, Vol. I. Von SchoUer, Livonia, and tbe liu- ginnings of German Life in the Baltic North, Berlin, 1860. § 263. Christianity in Prussia. 803 victorious over the Livouians, lie himself perished in battle (1198). The vanqnished being forced to receive baptism, plunged into the Dwina, as soon as the crusaders had with- drawn, to wash out any stain it might have made. Albert of Afcldern, a canon of Bremen, the successor to Berthold, headed a second crusade against the Livonians, transferred the episcopal see to Riga, founded in 1200 by himself, and formed in 1202 the Order of the Sword-bearers} Vinno of Bokrbaeh, their first Grand Master, was assassinated in 1208. An unlortunate quarrel, which broke out between the Bishop and the Order, concerning the disposition of territory either already <;onquered or to be conquered, was amicably settled by Innocent III. in 1210. Bishop Albert allied himself to the Russians in a war against the Esthonians, and both having been joined by Wil- liam II., King of Denmark, completely subjugated their ene- mies. A controversy which now broke out between the Danish Archbishop of Lund and the Bishop of Riga, con- cerning the jurisdiction of Esthonia, was decided in favor of the latter. Dorpat, conquered in 1223, became the episcopal gee of Esthonia ; and Miga was raised in 1253, by Pope Inno- cent IV., to an archbishopric, with Albert Suerbeer, formerly Archbishop of Armagh, as its first metropolitan. The smalt: country of Semgalleyi, which had been Christian since 1218, was made a diocese. Seelburg was its episcopal city. The see became extinct when the country, except the small por- tion of it belonging to the Teutonic Order, passed under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Riga. The conversion of the Courlanders (1230) was greatly facil- itated by the establishment of the sees of Wirland and lieval through the energetic efforts of the laborious Bishop Albert (t 1229). In 1237, Gregory IX. affiliated the Sword-bearers to the Teutonic Order. § 263. Christianity in Prussia. Scriptores rerum Prussicarum, Sources of Ancient Prussian History until the Decline of the Supremacy of the Teutonic Order, edited by Hirsc/i, Tojipen, und StrehLke, Lps. 1803 sq. Petri de Duisburg (Priest of the Teutonic Ordev ^Pott, De gladiferis seu fratribus militiae Christi. Erlangen, 1806. 804 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 6. tl38C), Cbron. Prussiae, ed. cum XIV dissert. liartknoch, ieaae, 1B79, 4to ( Voigt, History of Prussia, Vol. III., p. 003-626.) Arnold, Ch. Hist of Prussia Konigsberg, 1769. Voigt, Hist, of Prussia, Konigsberg, 1827 sq.. Vol. I.-IV Tliu same, Hist, of Marienburg, same place, 1824. Olesebrecht, The first mis- sionary ill Prussia (Germ. Speeches, 1871). According to the oldest traditions the three principal gods ^worshiped by the Prussians were Perkunos, the god of thun- der,. Potrimpos, the god of corn and fruit, and Pikullos, the. god of destruction. The national sanctuary of all the gods was at Remove, the residence of the chief-priest or Griioe. The Griwen, who were at once priests, lawgivers, and judges^ opposed Christianity to the full extent of their influence and power.' Adalbert of Prague, who was the flrst to attempt the conversion of the Prussians, together with his companion Gaudentius, suflered a martyr's death, April 23, 997, at the hands of a priest, because he rashly trod upon sacred ground. Before dying, he spoke words of encouragement to his com- panions, saying : " Be not afHicted, we know for whom we sufier ; to die for Jesus is the most glorious of deaths." Brario, a Benedictine monk, who had been authorized by Pope Sylvester II. to preach the Gospel to these obstinate idolaters, algo suffered martyrdom, February 18, 1008. Two centuries later (1207), Gottfried, a Pole, Abbot of Lukina, again undertook the laborious task of propagating Christianity in Prussia, but the true apostle of this country was Christian, a Cistercian monk of the monastery of Oliva (1209-10).^ He and his brethren first preached the Gospel in the territories of Culm, and along the frontiers of Pomerania. He sent a report of the results of his labors to Pope Innocent IIL, by whom he was consecrated Bishop of the Prussians, in 1215. ISTo quarter of the world escaped the watchful care of this great Pope. He was specially anxious about the new con- verts, recommended them to the protection of the Archbishop of Gnesen, and besought the dukes of Pomerania and Poland not to make their conversion an occasion for op- ^Voifji, History of Prussia, Vol. I., p. 137-163, and especially p. 574-616 (Re- ligion and Idolatry); concerning iJoinofe, p. 641-649 ; on the Supreme Judge and High Priest, p. 096-708. Bender, De veterum Prutenorura diis, Brurs- i)orgi, 1865. ■Dr. Perlbach, The Ancient Chronicle of Oliva, Gotting. 1870. § 263. Christianity in Prussia. 805 picsging them, lest they might excite in them an aversion to Christianity. On the return of Christian from Kome, after his consecration as bishop, the oncouverted Prussians com- menced a war of extermination against the Christians, and either burnt or destroyed all churches and chapels that came in their way. In self-defense, Christian requested permission from Pope Honorius III. to lead a crusade against them. His request was granted, and he was further authorized to estab- lish such bishoprics as he might deem necessary (1217). During their stay the crusaders strongly fortified the city of Culm (1222), the newly established bishopric, hut directly they had departed, the Prussians made themselves masters of the place and laid waste the surrounding country. These events suggested to Christian the idea of founding the Order of the Knights of Prussia, for the defense of the Christians of these countries. Their costume was a white mantle on which was embroidered a sword and a star. Nearly all of them perished shortly after in the battle of Strasburg, and the Prussians, pursuing their victory, destroyed the monastery of Oliva. In their distress Christian and Conrad, Duke of '3fasocia,\i\voke(\- the aid of the Teutonic Knights, who arrived in 1226, under the lead of their Grand Master, Herman of Salza. After the whole country liad been reduced to sub- mission and many of the cities rebuilt. Pope Innocent IV. divided i( into three bishoprics — viz., Culm, Pomesania, and Ermeland (1243). Another was founded after the close of the crusade at Samland, by Ottocar, King of Bohemia.^ Among the later missionaries in Prussia were many friars and preachers, the best known of whom is the Polish priest. Saint Hyacinth (tl257). It had been the intention of the Pope, that one-third of the territory conquered by the Teu- tonic Knights should be possessed in freehold bj' the bishops, but iustead of this the latter were entirely dependent upon the Order, and the Bishop of Samland having dared to resist its pretensions was cast into prison and starved to death. King Ottocar had advised that the fortress of Konigsberg ^Watterich, Settlemont of the State of the Teutonic Order. Voigt, Herman of Salza. Konigsberg, 1850. Monumenta Hist. Warmiens., ed. Wolky et Sage, Moaunt. 1858. 806 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 6. Shoald be erected and put in the best possible condition of defense (1255); and it was fortunate that his advice was fol- lowed, for between the years 1260 and 1275 the Prussians were constantly in insurrection against the Teutonic Knights. In 1283, after a struggle of fifty years, the Knights were com- pletely triumphant, but as yet little or no progress had been made in the real work of conversion. § 26,4. Conversion of the Mongols by Western Missionaries. Assemani Bibl. Orient., T. III., P. I., II. — Mosheim, Hist. Tartaror. eecl. Helmst., 1741, 4to. Abel^Remusai, Memoires sur les relations polit. des princes Chretiens avec les empereurs Mongols (Memoires de I'lnst. de France. Acad, des inscript., 1822, T. VI., VII.) tKiitb, History of Missionary Travels into Mongolia during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Batisbon, 1860, 3 vols. Opperi, Prester John, in legendary lore and in history, Berlin, 1864. Hue and Gahet, Souvenirs d'un voyage dans la Tartaric, le Thibet, et la Chine, Paris, 1852. In the eleventh century the ISTestorians of the East pene- trated into the interior of Asia, made many converts, and among them a Tartar prince of Northern China, through whose influence the whole of his tribe became Christians. Both he and his successor were known in the West by the iiame oi Prester John {Presbyter Joha.nn.es) orthe Priest-kings- Exaggerated reports brought from the East by priests and monks induced Popes Eugene III. and Alexander III. to en- deavor to unite the kingdom of Prester John to the Western Church.^ An embassy from one of the kings came to Rome, and after the consecration of its chief, returned again to the East in 1177. During the reign of the fourth successor to Prester John the entire tribe was destroyed, and the territory taken posses- sion of by the terrible Genghis-Khan (1202). The fact that the wife of this prince was a Christian, may have mollified his hatred of her co-religionists, whom he treated leniently, if iiot kindly. The threatened invasion of Europe by the Mon- gol hordes in 1241, made the princes of the West still more anxious to convert them to Christianity, and accordingly In- ' otto Friiinr/. VII., c. 33 (concerning Eugene) ; Ba-'on. ad ann. 1177, nro. ?S >q. (concerning Alexander.) Cf. Oleseler, in Theol. Studies and Criticisms, 1837, nro. 2, p. 354 sq. Abbe Darrof. places Prester-John in the fifteenth cen- tury. See his Ch. Hist., Vol. III., p. 597. c § 264. Conoersion of the Mongols, etc. 807 nocent IV. aiid St. Louis of France, seat Dominicans and Franciscans into Asia, to establish, if possible, relations with their princes. Gayuk alone, whose mother was a Nestorian, received the Dominicans kindly and manifested a disposition to favor their teaching.' As negotiations relative to the choice of a religion were being simultaneously conducted by these barbarous hordes with the imans of Islamisra, the bonzes of paganism, and the Christian priests, it soon became evident that Christianity had but a very slight hold on their minds. But this circumstance, and the fruitless issue of the cftbrts made by Gregory IX., did not deter Nicholas IV. from seuding the venerable Franciscan, John of Monte Corvino (1288-1292), to preach to the Mongols. His labors bore fruit. The rude Mongols charmed by the stately melody of the Roman chant, and taught by the aid of pictures illustra- tive of the Old and New Testaments, and still more eiiectually by translations of portions of the Sacred Volume, embraced Christianity to the number of six thousand. Clement V., when he received the news of this cheering success, sent the Franciscan seven assistants, aud notftinated him Arch- bishop of Kambnlci- (now Peking — i. e., Court of the North), ]:^07. This prelate died in 1330, and was succeeded by Nicholas, also a Franciscan, by whose death or captivity, the Christians of Tartary were left for eight years without a pas- tor to administer to them the consolations of religion. When, thirty years later (1369), the Mongols were driven from China, the small community of Peking was suppressed ; the few Nestorians already there were given leave to remain, but Christian missionaries were strictly forbidden to enter the country. The efforts made to convert the Moslems are strikingly peculiar. St. Francis of Assisi, impelled by a burning zeal, crossed, during the siege of Damietta, in 1219, from tlie Christian to the Mohammedan army and began preaching penance ; and Raymond Lullus uudertoook, at Tunis (1291 or ^ Raynaldus, ad ann. 1245, nro. 16 sq. On the travels of these missionaries, see Vincent. BeUovac, Specul. Hist., lib. XXXI., c. 33 sq. Of. Raynald. ad ann 1254, nro. 1 sq. 'Wadding, Annales Minorit. ad ann. 1307, n. 7. 808 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 1. Chapter 6. 1292), to convert the Mohammedans by his scientific system,' of which mention has been made on a preceding page. Ray- mond being an original thinker, and having a large acquaint- ance with the natural sciences, held that science should not be purelj' speculative. After confuting the arguments ad- vanced by the Mohammedans who had come to hear him, he said: " Every wise man must acknowledge that to be the true religion which ascribes to God the greatest perfection ; which gives the clearest conception of every Divine attribute ; and which most fully demonstrates the harmony existing among them all." One of the Saracens, more fanatical than the rest, represented to the authorities the danger to the Mos- lem faith from an intrepid and learned advocate like Ray- mond, and the latter ^A•as in consequence cast into prison, and condemned to death ; but through the kind offices of one of the better disposed, his life was spared, and he himself sent out of the country with the menace that if he should ever return he would be stoned to death. After his return to Europe, finding that his efforts in Cyprus and Armenia, to convert the schismatics of the Oriental Church were fruitless, and that his new system met with little favorin the universities of Italy and France, where he gave lectures on it, he again set out for the northern coast of Africa (1306 or 1307). He visited the city of Pugia, where, in the presence of a vast concourse of peo- ple, he proclaimed " that Christianity is the only true religion ; the doctrine of Mohammed, on the contrary, false; and this he was prepared to prove to all." The crowd were about to lay violent hands upon him, when the mufti, hearing of tlie affair, came to his rescue and succeeded in getting him ?-aic away. The mufti, being a skilled philosopher, challenged Raymond to produce proof of the assertion he had, made, whereupon the latter answered, that the self-sufficiency, the goodness and love of God, can not be rightly understood without the doctrine of the Trinity of Perrions ; for if this doctrine be denied, said he, the Divine perfections must be made to depend on creation, which had a beginning in tiuie. The goodness of God can not be conceived as inoperative, <■ Ireiburg Eccl. Cyclop., Vol. VI., p. G3S sq. Fv. tr., Vol. 13, p. SlOsq., and Berzog's Cyclop., Vol. VIII., p. 558-562. § 264. Conversion of the Mongols, etc. 809 but if the Trinity be denied, it follows that until the creation God's goodness was inactive, and consequently lacking in per- fection. Self-communication is an essential element of the highest good, but deny the Trinity, and it is impossible to understand this as a perfect and eternal act. His bold defense of his faith cost him dearly. He was cast into a narrow dungeon, and while tliere the most tempting offers of wealth and honor were made to him, on condition he would embrace Moslemism, but to no purpose. Finally, he was put on board a ship and sent out of the country, but the vessel going aground near Pisa, lie lost all his books and whatever ^Ise he possessed in the M-ay of baggage, and barely escaped with his life to that city. He next conceived the de- sign either of founding a new religious military Order, or bringing about a union among those already existing for the purpose of combating the Saracens, and conquering the II0I3' Land. He also wished to have professorships of the Oriental languages founded, as a means of facilitating the conversion of the Jews and Saracens. He came to the Ecumenical Council of Vienne, in 1311, for the purpose of urging the matter, and though unsuccessful in the former project, in- duced Pope Clement V. to have an ordinance passed provid- ing for the foundation of chairs of the Arabic, Chaldce, aud Hebrew languages, in all the cities where the Papal Court resided, aud in the universities of Paris, Oxford, and Sala- manca. Raymond now entered the Third Order of St. Francis, and expressed an ardent wish to die the death of a martyr — to lay down his life for Christ, who had died for him. In 1314 he made a third voyage to the coast of Africa. Proceeding to Tunis, he labored secretly for a time among a small band of Christians, but thirsting for a martyr's crown, he iinally proclaimed openly that he was the same person who had been on a former occasion banished the coantry, anencr and Jacob Twiriger of Konigshofai, Vols. VIII. arid IX.; also in Monc's Collection of the History of Baden, Vol. III.) Zim-nm-'n Chronicle, published by Barach; Stuttg. 1869, 4 vols. (Library of the Literary Society of Stutt., Vols. 91-94.) Gcbclinus Per- uana, dean of Bielefeld (t 1420). Cosmcdromium, original, from 1340-1418 ( Mcibom., T. I. p. 53). '"Antonhil, archiepisc. Florent., Summa historialis (t 1 459) to 1459; Norimb. 1484, 3 T. f. and oftener; also Opp.,Flor. 1741 sq., T. I. Pii XI. Commentarii rer. memorabil. a Joan. Gobelino compositi 1405-65 ; Frcf (816) § 26.5. Literature — Fourteenth cmd Fifteenth Centuries. 817 1C14 f. Werner Rolevinlc, Carthusian of Cologne (t 1500), Fasciculus tcmporum to 1476, Colon. 1474 f., continued by Linturlus to 1514 (Plstori.us Struve. T. II., p. 347 sq.) Goccius Sabellicus, historian of Venice (tl506), Enneades s. rhap- sudia historiarum to 1504, Venot. 1498 sq., 2 T. f. (0pp., Basil. 1560, 4 T. f.) Joan. Triiheinii (t 1516, abbot of St. James', near V/iirzburg), Ann. Hirsau- gienses. 830-1514, St. Galli, 1690, 2 T. f.; see Vol. I.,p.42. — PAa. de Commines (t 150D), Ghron. ot bistoire 1464-98, .Par. 1523 f. and oftener, revised by L. du Fresnoy, Lond. 1747, 4 T. 4to; par Dupont, Par. 1840 sq., 3 T. Fr. Guicciardini, statesman of Florence and Fvome (t 1540), Storia d'ltalia 1493-1532, Ven. 1507, 4to, and oftener. And for the church history of North-Germany, the Metrop- olis of Albert Cranz. See Vol. I., pp. 42, 43. Daring the pontificate of Boniface VIII., a tide in public opinion set in, which, extending over the whole face of society from prince to peasant, went on gathering strength through the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Its characteristic was no longer the high ideal and spiritual tendency which aim at securing the best interests of mankind, bat a tendency at once egotistic, materialistic, and degrading. Princes and people no longer regarded it as their highest duty to serve the Church, and the general interests of Christendom ; those who made sacrifices in a former age to secure the success of the Crusades, to found and endow charitable and religious institutions, and to build great monasteries and churches, found no imitators during these centuries. Princes professed to be engaged in patriotic projects for the honor and pros- perity of their respective countries, and their subjects, fol- lowing their example were entirely given to the acquisition of wealth. The idea of a Holy Alliance between the Papacy and the Empire was but ill-understood, and was daily fading from men's minds. These considerations, together with the many blemishes on the pontificate of Boniface VIIL, will aflbrd an explanation of the violent shock, sustained in these centuries by the pa- pal power, the effect of which was to weaken the political influence of the Holy See, and to thrust the Pope from the prominent position heretofore held by him in the councils of the Christian world. Such being now the condition of things, it became a matter of palmary importance to determine pre- cisely and to fix permanently the normal limits of papal power and authority, as guarantied by the very nature of the VOL. II — 52 818 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Primacy. To solve the problem, two clift'ereut and antago- nistic methods were tried — one by the French jailers of the Popes, and bj' the councils of Constance and Basle ; the other by Pope Pius II. and his adherents, who, unable to read the signs of the times aright, attempted to regain the almost un- limited power of a bygone age. Unfortunatel}'-, the incumbents of the papal chair, toward the close of this epoch, were either incapable or little desirous of re-establishing the Primacy on a solid and legitimate basis, and of restoring religious and social order, which had been so rudely shaken during the disastrous contest between the pa- pacy and episcopacy. These efforts to place the Primacy upon a true and legitimate basis ; to place the Church, as it were, once more upon her feet : to give every opportunity to the development of her rich resources without either attacking or restricting the sacred rights and prerogative of the Pope ; to reform the Church in her Head and members, occupy the interval of time between Boniface VIII. and Leo X. CHAPTER I. CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH AS KEGARDS HER EXTERIOR DEVEL- OPMENT. Platina (Abbreviator of Pope Pius II., and, later on. Librarian of the Vat- ican, 1 1481), Vitae Pontif. Romanor. (to Sixtus IV.), Venet. 1479, and oftener, Vitae Papariim Avenionensium, ed. Steph. Balm., Par. 1693, 2 T. 4to. Tlio lives of all the popes of these times are found in Muratori, Scriptt., T. III., P. I., II. Theodorlcl de Niem, Vitae Pontiff. Eomanor. 1288-1418, additis Inipora- torum gestis [Eccardi Corp. hist. mod. aevi., T. I.) Documents in Mansi, Hardidn and Raynaldl Continuatio annaU Baron. Among the special worlcs, Fleury, Hist, ecolfe. (nouv. i5d. Par. 1840, augmenteode quatre livros comprenanl I'histoire du 15 siecle d'apres un manuscrit do Pleury appartenant a la bibl royale, T. VI.) tPa;Zma,.Praelectiones h. e. T. III., P. II., and T. IV. «HrJeU. A glance at the fifteenth century and its reformatory councils, especially tba'.. cf Basle (in the Annals of Christian Theology and Philosophy, published tl Giessen, Vol. IV., nro. 1. The same, Hist, of Councils, Vols. VI. and VII., Pt. 1. Muratori, Hist, of Italy, Germ, transl., Vols. VIII. and IX. tJDam- berger. Synchronistic History, Vol. XII.-XV. (to 1878.) Cantu, Vol. VIII. (Book 13.) SchlosseT-Kriepl; Vols. VIII. and IX. Donniges, History of the German Empire during the fourteenth century, Berlin, 1840 sq., 2 div. Lorenz, History of Germany during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Vienna, 1863-1866, 2 vols. § yyt). Translation of the Holy !See to Avignon, etc. 819 THE POPES OF AVIGNON OR THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY (1309-1378). Histoire dos Bouvcrains Pontifos qui ont siege a Avignon, Avignon, 1777, 4to. X'^Chrisiophc, Histoii-e de la papauto an xiv. siecle, Paris, 1853; Germ, by Riticr, Pflilorbom, 1853, 2 vols. History of Eomc during the Middle Ages, by Papen- cordi^ p. 342; by Gj-er/or-omws, Vols. VI. and VII.; by Ueumont, Vol. II., p. 713 sq., n.id Vol. III., Pt. I. tChavfn dc Malan, History of St. Catharine of Siena, Ft. II., ch. 12 (declamatory). f-'Schwab, John Gerson, Professor of Theology nnd Chancellor of tlio University of Paris, "Wtirzburg, 1858. § 266. Translation of the Holy See to Avignon — Benedict XI. {October 22, 1303, to J^dy 7, IZM)— Clement V. [June 5, imi-rto April 20, 1314.) Ten days after the death of Boniface VIII., ISTicholas BoC' caBiiii, foimerly General of the Dominicans, bnt then Cardi- nal Bishop of Ostia, was elected his successor by the unani- mous vote of the Sacred College, and, as Pope, took the name of Benedict XI. Of a naturally gentle disposition, and in- clined ,to peace, he withdrew the censures resting upon the Cardinals James and Peter Colonna, und upon their brothers and cousins, and Philip, King of France. He also modified considerably the bull '-Clericis laicos." He, however, pro- nounced sentence of excommunication against the leaders of the late conspiracy, bnt particularly against Noguret and Sd- arra Colonna; and the two Cardinals of the Colonna family were forbidden to put on the purple until further notice, a circumstance which deprived them of a vote in the conclave, after the death of Benedict,' who died at Perugia, July 7, 1304. Philip the Insolent, as John von Mliller calls him, availed himself of the eight months of peace, during Benedict's pon- tificate, to make the Holy See wholly subservient to the in- terests of France. By his influence, he succeeded in creat- ing a division in the conclave. One party desired a Pope favorable to the interests of Boniface ; the other, one who, would promote the inlerests of Philip. The astute king con- trived to direct the choice of the Cardinals, in the eleventh month of the Conclave, on Bertrand de Got, Archbishop of ' lleJrM, The Restoration of the Colonnas, A. D. 1304. Correction of the text of the papal decree (Tiibg. Quart, of Theology, 186G, nro. 3). 820 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Bordeaux,* who, he felt sure, would be the pliant instrii- .raeut of his will, notwithstanding that the Archbishop iiad, ■in the contest between liim and the Pope, sided with the hitter. The new Pope took the name of Clement V. In spite of the remonstrances of the cardinals he persisted in remaining in Prance, and by his determination to be crowned at Lyons, toolv tlic initiative step to the seventy years captivit}''. During the solemn procession at the coronation, twelve persons were killed by the falling of a wall ; Charles of Valois, the king's brother, was wounded ; the Pope throtvn from his horse, which Philip was leading, and, in the confusion, a precious jewel was forced from its setting in his tiara and lost. After rais- ing many of liis own relatives to ecclesiastical dignities, and servilely complying with the wishes of the French court, by recalling the bull "C^erzcis laicos," and moaifying the '^Unam sanctam;" and^by restoring the Colonnas to their former offices and honors, and granting to Philip the tithes of the, French Church for live years, Clement, altogether abandoning th« thought of taking up his residence in the Cap- ital of the West, in the See of St. Peter and beside tiie Tomb of the Apostles, went to bury himself in Avignon (1309), an obscure corner of Gaul, which had not even pleasant scenery ' See Chriatophe's detailed researches in his history of the Papacy in the four- teenth century, in whioli, following the trustworthy narration of Feretii of Vicenza, he refutes the account of the electioii of Clement V. as given by Vil- hmi (and constantly repeated by others), who pretends that Bertrand de Got had a secret conference with Philip in a lonely chapel in the forest of Saint- Jean d'Angely, by which he solemnly bound himself, if elected Pope — 1. To absolve Philip from all censures passed on him by Boniface VIII.; 2. To recon- cile him unconditionally to the Church of Eome; 3. To grant him the tithes and revenues ofi'Pfance for five years; 4. To set a brand upon the memory of Boniface and to erase his name from the catalogue of popes; and, 5. To raise to the rank of cardinal candidates proposed by the French King. A si.\th article was also signed, but this was to remain secret until the proper time had come (or its disclosure. This compact, which would have made Clement a simoniacal pope, fortunately existed only in the fertile brain of its. inventor. All writers wlio give it refer as their authority to Villani, the contemporary of Clement. No mention of it is to bo found in any other contemporary author. Varrus, Ch. liist.. Vol. III., p. 401. (Tr.) liabani, Clement V. et Pliilippo lo Bel, Paris, 1801. Seo.Tiibg. Quart., 1801, p. 492 sq. § 266. Translation of the Holy See to Avignon, etc. 821 iiiid salubrity of climate to recommend it.' It seems Clement did not appreciate the significance of the fact that in Ancient Rome and the surrounding country, Providence had provided; a temporal dominion for the Vicar of Jesus Christ, suffi- ciently large to secure his independence, and yet too small to inspire fear to other powers.^ He might allege in his defense that Benedict XI., unable to assert his authority amid the conflict of parties, was forced' to quit Eome ; that if such was the fate of one who was an. Italian by birth, and had the sympathy of powerful Italian houses, much more so would it be the case with himself, who had no such claims to recommend him; and, finally, that apart from the dissensions in Rome, all Italy was torn by the quarrels of the Gnelfs and Ghibellines. A dangc'i'ous illness roused the conscience of Clement some- what, and after his recovery he recalled the disgraceful grants of bishoprics and monasteries "ui commcndam" made by his predecessors, and steadily refused the request of Philip to erase the name of Boniface from the catalogue of Popes, and dishonor his remains, stating that an act of this importance required the authorization of an Ecumenical Council, which he would shortly convoke to meet at Lyons. In everything else, or very nearly, Clement was ready to gratify the wishes of Philip, upon whose persistent application he summoned the accusers and defenders of the late Pope, to meet before a consistory, at Avignon (ISIO), even prior to the convocation of ' Avoaio ventosa Sine vento venosa Gum vento fastidiosa, says a popular proverb. '^ C/uiicaabririnrl, Genie du ohristianisme, Partie IV., livro VI., chapitre VI.: Papes et cour de Komo (ed. Paris, 1802, T. IV., p._280). To the same effect is the celebrated passage of Bossuetr. "It is the will of God that the Churcb of Rome, the universal mother of all nations, should bo dependent on none in her temporal relations, and that the Apostolic See, where all the faithful must preserve unity, should be raised above the strife of parties called forth by con- flicting political claims and divergent interests." Cf. Ariaud, Histoire de Pie VII., Paris, 183G, Vol. II., Pt. I., p. 181, and Pacea, Memorie storiche, Eoma. 1830, Parte I., p. 13. Also John von MiiUer, History of Switz., Vol. III., c. 1 : "It is absolutely necessary that the Pope should have his own capital, that he may be under the influence of no one." Cf Ilofler, The Popes of Avignon, the Height and Decline of their Power, being a lecture delivered in the Im- perial and Royal Academy of Vienna, 1871. 822 Period 2. E])och 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. the Ecumenical Council of Vienne, where Nogaret, du Plessis, and others drew upon themselves the indignation of those present by accusing Boniface of the abominable crimes of heresy, idolatry, and unnatural lust. The nomination of nine -French Cardinals at one time, and six more shortly after, led to the belief that Clement wislied to have successors who would be in sympathy with his principles, and pursue his policy. Indulgent and partial to France and Frenchmen, he was haughty and severe in his relations with the princes and pre- lates of every other country. He placed the Venetians under interdict (1309), thus cutting them ofi' from commercial inter- eourse with the rest of the Christian world, because they had taken possession of Ferrara, and offered indignities to the papal nuncios.' In Germany, after the death of Albert I. (of Austria), he opposed the election of Charles of Valois, brother of Philip the Fair, and supported that of the Count of Luxemburg, who, on the motion of the Archbishop of Mentz, received the votes of the electors, and took the name of Henry VII. When envoys from Henry presented them- selves before the Pope, at Avignon, and promised to be faith- ful to the Church and defend her interests, Clement commis- sioned live cardinals to proceed to Home and crown him Emperor. Henry led an exi:)edition into Italy to restore the imperial authority there, and put a period to the strife of the Guelfs and Ghihellines.^ Dante, who had complained frequently and bitterly of the absence of the emperor Albert, hailed with all the ardor of his impetuous nature, the new monarch as the savior of his opi)ressed country, so long the prey of petty tyrants. The Ghibellines took sides with the emperor, the Guelfs with Robert of Anjou, whom the Pope recognized King of Naples, in 1309. In answer to Clement, who commanded the Em- peror and Charles to desist from the deadly struggle in which they were now engaged, the former replied that being only ' Cf. Ttaynald annal. ad ann. 1300, iiros. fl and 7, ''Nicolal epinc. Botroniin. relatio do Hcnrici VII. itinere [Muraioft, T. XIII.) Berihold, Komaii Campaign of Henry of Luxemburg, 2 vols., Konigsberg, 1830 sq. § 266. Translation of the Holy See to Avignon, etc. 823 protector of the Eoman Church,bnt, unlike the Kingof IsTaples, holding' no fief of the Pope, he was entirely independent of hi rain temporal afiairs. It was not long, however, until the Em- peror overstepped the legitimate limits of his power by de- claring Charles under the ban of the Empire, and pronounc- ing sentence of death against him. He himself died shortly after, August 24, 1313. King Philip, who was equally anxious to dishonor the mem- ory of Boniface VIII., and to strike a decisive blow at the Order of the J^frnpZars, pressed Clement, V. to convoke an Ecumenical Council atVienne (August 12, 1308). There Avere many grounds of complaint against the Knights Tem- plars. While in Palestine they had manifested a spirit of pride and insubordination in their dealings with the Patriarch of Jerusalem, a disposition to quarrel with the Knights of St. John, and had frequently shown but scaut courtesy to the Popes ; and after taking up their residence in Erauce, they made themselves frequently obnoxious by their opjiiosition to the French kings, and particularlj- to Philip the Eair. In the war between the houses of Aragon and Anjou, the\^ espoused lliu cause of the former, and in the contest between Philip and P)Oniface VIII. they were amougthe defenders of the latter, tjo determined. was their hostility to Philip, that they refused to pay hini. the tithes subsequently granted by the Pope. Moreover, the Ereuch king suspected them of complicity in the insurrection of Paris, of which the ostensible cause was the deterioration of the coin, and was only waiting a plau- sible pretext to suppress the Order. He would probably never have ventured to take this step had not the unprecedented prfvilcges enjoyed by the Templars, their excessive wealth, their magnificence, and luxurious mode of living, already gi\'en great scandal, and excited the jealousy of many. Their palace in Paris, called the '■^Temple," was more spacious and splendid than auy belonging to the king, and was capable of housing a large array. The opportunity so long and anx- iously desired by Philip tinally came, A man by the mime of Squin de Florian, lauguishing in prison, promised, upon condition of obtaining his freedom, to make known some startling facts concerning the abominations practiced in the. 824 Period 2. Epock 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Order, which, he said, one of his fellow-prisoners, a Templar, had revealed to him. Upon this information, the king had a number of the Templars arrested and brought to trial (1307), when, it is claimed, they admitted the truth of the charges im- puted to them. The Templars being a religious Order, were under the im- mediate jurisdiction of the Holy See, and hence the necessity of proceeding cautiously in their prosecution, the more so as the Pope was at first little inclined to credit the startling and monstrous stories put in circulation against them. In the meantime, Philip resolved upon a- thorough and decisive measure. On the 13th of October, 1307, in obedience to sealed orders issued to the royal officers, all the Templars of Prance were put under arrest, and their " Temple " and other property seized and confiscated. The stiddenness and completeness of the measure took every one by surprise, and excited no little discontent among the people, whereupon a royal proclama- tion was issued, justifying the course of the king. It was here claimed that the Order was corrupt, heretical, and im- moral; that a candidate for admission into the body was first re- quired to spit upo7i and trample under foot the Crucifix ; to wor- ship) an idol vnth long liair and, flawing red eyes; to deny the existence of God; and it xoas further asserted, that all the mem- bers were permitted to practice unnatural lust, and that, if any of their members should, in violation of his voio, have begotten a child, the infant was to be broiled, and the beard of the idol be- sm.eared with the drippiings." Charges so monstrous and ab- surd, were intended, and probably calculated, to work upon the imagination of the illiterate classes, and fill them with horror of a body of men in wliich they were said to 'be perpetrated. At the commencement of these violent and illegal proceedings, Clement protested, in a bull, against the action of Philip, warning him that "he had overstepped the limits of the royal authority in constituting himself judge of the immediate subjects of the Holy See;" and, not confin- ing Ijiniself to remonstrances alone, susprndod the powers of the archliisliops, bishops, and inquisitors of Prance, and sum- moned the Templars before his own tribunal for trial. When, however, the eoidence was laid before him, he felt it his duty § 266. Translation of the Holy See to Avignon, etc. 825 to consent to their impinsonment, and to order further depo- sitions to be taken in the various dioceses throughout France. A bull {Fastoralis praeeminentiae solio) was accordingly is- sued, ITovember 22, 1307, to this effect, but not until after the king had surrendered to the papal commissioner both the persons and the sequestered property of the Templars. The reports, as elicited both by the secular courts and canonical procedure, were conflicting and contradictory in the ex- treme. While, on the one hand, it was claimed that confessions in- culpating the Templars -were made freely and without con- straint by every officer, from the Grand Master down to the humblest in the Order, it was contended, on the other, tbat the torture employed to extort damnatory evidence, was so terrible in character, that, as Aymer of Villars afterward af- firmed, he would, while undergoing its pain, and in the ex- tremity of death, have admitted, had it been required of him, that he was the murderer of our Lord. It is, however, a little remarkable, that those professing their innocence gave no such tokens of steadfastness and adherence to principle as wore exhibited by the martyrs, even among the weaker sex, in tbe early days of the Church. But again, it seems strange tliat the members of an Order bearing witness against it, should not have been brought face to face with those against whom thej' deposed, and that the officers, despite their frequent de- mands, should have been denied the privilege of appearing person allj' before the Pope; and it is no less strange, that those who declared both themselves and the other members of their Order guilty of abominable crimes, should have lioen treated with unusual and suspicious leniency. Finally, the i'aet that the investigations made in all other countries except France, were favorable to the Templars, can not be overlooked in forming a judgment of their guilt or innocence. The monibers of the Order examined in Spain, declared that it passed their comprehension how their brothers in Franco could have testified to wickedness so enormous and incred- ible. After these preliminary labors. Pope Clement convoked, by the bull Begnans in coelis, an Ecumenical Council, at 826 Period 2. Efoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Vienne, to give final judgment in the mutter. The Council was also to set at rest forever, the question concerning Boni- face VIII. , and to 'enact decrees for the reformation of the Church in her Head and members, as the phrase ran, in the ad- adrairable memorial' of William Durandus, the Younger. Bishop of Menda. FIFTEENTH ECUMENICAL COUNCIL (OCTOBER 16, 1311, TO MAI 6, 1312). There 'vej-e present at this Council one hundred and four- teen (not 300) archbishops and bishops, among whom were the partriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, and a number of oriental prelates.^ Notwithstanding that many evil reports were still afloat derogatory to the reputation of Boniface,' the council declared the charges of immorality against him unfounded, and his memory free from taint of heresy. With regard to the Templars,* it yielded to the wish of the King, who professed himself ready, in case the Order were suppressed, either to apply their property and estates to 'De modo celebrandi generalis concilii, ed. Probus, Paris, 1545, and oftener; ed. (Fabre), Paris, 1671. Cf. Bzovii, Annal. ad an. 1311, nro. 1. 2 The invitation to this council in the bull of April 27, 1811, in Raynald. ad an. 1311, nro. 20; the acts in Mansi, T. XXV., p. 367-426; Harduin, T. VII., p. 1321-1361. Cf. f>Hefele, Hist, of Couno., Vol. Yl., p. 388 sq. ' For example, Curd. Nicholas, formerly confessor to the French Icing, affirmed, on oath, that " on hearing of the canonization of St. Louis, the king said it was a source of general rejoicing, but many expressed a wish 'quod ejusmodi canon- izatio fuisset facta ah alio Papa probo viro et Catholioo bonae famao.'" Cf. Befele, p. 391-415. * In the bull of suppression "Ad providam Christi," in Mansi, T. XXV., p. 389 sq. Harchdn, T. VII., p. 1340 sq. The Pope says: "Ordinis statum, habitum atque nomen, non sine cordis amaritudino et dolore et sacro approbante concilia, non per modum dcfinitae sententiae, cum cam super hoc, secundum inquisitionos et processus super his habitos, non possemus ferre de jure, Bed per viam provi- sio)iis scu ordinationis Apostolicae irrefragabili ac perpetuo valitura sustulimus sanctione, ipsum prohibitioni perpetuae supponentes. Universa etiam bona or- 'Jinis praclibati Apostolicae sedis ordinationi et dispositioni Apostolica auoto- ritate duximus reservanda.'' Contemporaries accused the king of desiring the suppression of the Templars, in order to secure their property, but as it was Qearly all transferred to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, this seems hardly probable. J. Bulaei Hist. Univ. Par., T. IV., p. 110. Natal. Alexandri h. e. saec. XIV. diss. X. de causa Templariorum. The abolition is still taxed with injustice by Antoninus Florent, in Raynald ad a. 1307, nr. 12, and TrUkemiua (t 1516). Cf. P. Dupuy, Hist, do la condemnation des Templiers, Paris, 1650, § 266. Translation of the Holy See to Avignon, etc. 827 defraying the expenses of a crusade or to transfer them to another military religious order; but in the meantime he was careful to keep his army encamped before the walls of Vienne, to act as a menace upon the council. Owing to the suspicious methods employed in conducting the proceedings against the Tem- plars, the Fathers at first demanded that they should be permitted to speak p(jr- sonall}' in their own defense before the council; but, for some reason not ax- plained, they consented, in a private consistory, held March 22, 1312, to the suppression of the Order. The bull states, however, that the suppression is not to be understood as a condemnation of the Order [via condemnationis), but as required by circumstances (via provisionis) — that is, not because the members had been proven de jure guilty of crimes, but because the interests of the Church demanded the suppression of their body. The disposal of their per- sonal property and real estate was reserved to the Pope. The Fathers declared that the confessions laid, before iliem were sufficient evidence of guilt. It is to be remarked, however, that while the witnesses were themselves Templars, their depositions were made, as a rule, not before papal, but royal commission- ers. According to the testimony, said to have been freely given, the Templars were accused of making shipwreck of the faith, of corrupt and immoral prac- tices, and of other crimes, for all which more definite and reliable proof has been furnished in recent times. Many opposed the publication of the proceed- ings of the trial when it finally closed, from fear that a knowledge of such crimes might accustom men to regard them with less horror, and thus event- ually lead to their perpetration. In justice to the committee commissioned to 4to; enlarged, Brux. 1751, 4to. On the other hand, nearly every French his- torian of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries maintained that the guilt of the Order was established. Raynouard, Monumens hist, relatifs a la condamnation des chevaliers du temple, etc., Paris, 1813. Jlammer-Purgsiall, Mysterium Baphometis (the name of a symbol of the Templars) revelatum, seu fratres militiae templi, Viennae, 1818. Raynouard wrote answers to this work in the Journal des Savans, 1819; also Puttrich, Architectural Monuments of the Mid- dle Ages in Saxony, Vol. I., Pt. III., p. 29. But the French sources but lately published, such as Proces des Templiers, etc., Paris, 1841-51, have furnished a result rather unfavorable to the Order. See Theiner, in the Tubing. Quart., 1832, p. 681. An English work, written by C. C. Addison, entitled "History of the Knights Templars," notwithstanding its manifest advocacy of the Order, accuses the Templars of a certain religious scepticism on the divinity of Christ, tiee also Eegle et statuts secrets (?) des Templiers precedes de I'histoire de I'estab- lissement, do la destruction et de la continuation modernede I'ordre du Temple, etc., par (J. II. Maillard de Chambure, Paris, 1841. But, despite the most search- ing investigations at the abolition of the Order, other statutes could not be found anywhere than those generally known, and adduced by us, page 704. note 1. Conf Pulma, Praelectiones hist, eecl., T. III., Pt. II., p. 191-210. Scldan, Proces des Templiers (Ranmer, Manual of History, 1844). Havemunn, Hist, of the Suppression of the Order of Templars, Tubg. 1846. Careful examination of all the proceedings, in Damberyer, Vols. XII. and XIII.; especially in Ilefcle, Hist, of Counc, 1. c. Cf. ii^rejAMr^ Eecl Cyclopaedia, Vol. X., p. 71G-736; French transl., Vol. 23, p. 186-208. 0. A. Haye, Persecution of the Knights Templars, Edinburgh, 1865. 828 Period 2. Upoch 2. Fart 2. Chapter 1. draw up the report, it must be said that a majority of their number wore in favor of opening the trial anew and giving tlio Order the benefit of a fresh defense. There were other matters before the Council of Viennc more directly bearing on faith and morals. The false mysticism of the FratriccUi, DulcinisU, Beg- hards, and Bcguines, as dangerous as it was criminal, was condemned, and de- crees enacted for the reformation of discipline in both male and female religious communities, for correcting the morals of the secular clergy, and for the better administration of charitable institutions, now presided over, not by the clergy, but by laymen. It was also ordained that a tithe should bo levied upon all ecclesiastical benefices, during six years, for the support of Christians in the Holy Land, and, as has been already stated, that Hebrew, Arabic, and Chaldalc should be taught wherever the Roman court was held, and in the universities of Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and Salamanca. When the Pope, in virtue of his reserved jurisdiction, finally condemned some of the most distinguished Templars to per- petual imprisonment, and among them the Grand Master, James of Malay, and G^ty, the brother of the Dauphin of Au- vergnoand Grand-Preceptor of ISTarbonne, these retracted their former confessions, stating they had been extorted hj' violence, and protested their innocence. Molay, in his retractation, said : " Standing at the threshold of deatli, when the slightest devia- tion from truth is fraught with danger, I declare before Heaven and earth, that I have committed the most grievous of crimes, and exposed myself to a terrible death, because, mistaking the fair words of King and Pope, and wishiiig to escape pain- ful torture and save my own life, I have borne false witness against my Order. I will not be brought by fear of death to give utterance to a second falsehood. If such be the price of my life, I had rather die than submit to so great an infamy." Gu}' of Anvergne made a similar recantation. Their example, however, was not followed by their fellow-prisoners, Hugh Peyraud, Visitor of France, and Geoffrey of Gonneville, Pre- ce[)tor of Aquitaine, who steadily maintnined the truth of their first assertions. The tardiness of a legal process little accorded wiih the impetuous temper of Philip, who. heai'iiig of llu.^ action of the two Templars, had them-dragged away, ■while the Judges were still deliberating on their fate, to au island of the Seine, situated where the present Pont-I^Teuf crosses that river, and there burnt alive (March 18, 1314). This was but of a piece with the arbitrary acts of Philip dur- ing the years 1310 and 1311, as exemplified in the death of §267. John XXII.— Benedict XIL— Clement VI., etc. 829 lifty-nine Templars, who, i-efusing to confess the truth of the crimes imputed to the Order, were adjudged worthy of death by their declared enemy Philip Marigny, Archbishop of Sens, and, by the king's order, burnt alive in Paris, near Porte Saint Antoine. Both the king and the Pope died shortly after the execution of Molay and Guy — the latter, April 20, and the former, September 29, 1314. Their death occurring so shortly after the suppression of the Templars, was regarded b}' some as a visitation of Providence. Since all the acts of the Council of Vienne have not been preserved, and of those that have come down to us, many passages have been falsi- fied, it is impossible to obtain an authentic statement of the affairs of the Temjilars, and the verdict of history in their re- gard is consequently the reverse of uniform. King Philip was succeeded by his eldest son, Louis X.,i\\Y- named the Brawler (fe Hutin). § 267. John XXII. {August 7, 1316, to December 4, 1334)— Benedict XII. {December 20, 133,4, to April 25, 1342)— C/m- ent VI. {Hay 7, 1342, to December 6, lZb2)— Struggle loith Louis the Bavarian. Chronicon Ludov. IV. imp. (Pezii Scriptt. Aust., T. II., p. 415.) Henrici de Rebdorf Chronica, 1295-1363. Frelieri Scriptt. Germ. cd. Struve, T. I., p. 598. Guidvanei de la Flmnma, De reb. gestis a vicecomitib. [Mtirritori, Scriptt., T. XII.) ViH Arnpeckldt Chronicon Bavar. {Pezii Thesaur. anecdot., T. III., Pt. III.) Chr'stophe, 1. o. (Germ, by Rltier, Vol. II., p. 1-28.) Herwart ab Hohen- burrj, Ludov. IV. imp. defonsus contra Br.mium (Annal. eccl., T. I., P. I., p. 412 sq.), ilonach. 1018, 4to. Gew'oldi defonsio Ludov. IV. imp., Ingolst. 1018, 4to. OlenscliJajer, Polit. Hist, of the Pioman Empire during the first half of the. fourteenth century, Frankfort, 1755, 4to. The worlis of Weeeh and Schreiber. After the death of Clement, the Holy See remained vacant two years. A conclave was held at Lyons, where, after a protracted and bitter struggle between the Italian and French cardiua-ls, the choice finally fell upon James of Ossa, a native of Cahors, and at the time of his promotion, Cardinal-bishop of Porto, who %).ok the name of John XXII. Villani, the Floreniine statesman, i-epresents this Pope as a religiously minded man, versed in theology and canon law, a promoter of learning, friendly to the universities, of a penetrating mind, and pursuing an enlightened policy in all important 830 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. affairs. As he at once took up his residence at Avignon, laid the 'foundation of a papal palace, and created at one time out of eight, seven French cardinals and one Italian, it was evi- dent he had made up his mind to follow in the footsteps of his immediate predecessor. He possessed a marvelous ca- pacity for the administration of piiblic affairs.^ JSTotwith- stan ling that he was dependent on/T'rance, he offered (1317) his mediation between Frederic, Duke of Austria, and Louis of Bavaria, who, after the death of Henry VII., had taken up arms against each other for the possession of the empire. Grounding himself on precedent, he announced thnt 'during the vacancy of the empire, the administration of the Italian provinces appertaining to it, belonged to the Pope, and that consequently, he alone had the right of^ominating an impe- rial vicar in Italy. Pope John confirmed in this office Robert of IsTaples, whom Clement had appointed in 1314, after the death of the emperor, Henry VII., but the Gliibelline vicars, appointed by the emperor previously to his death, now used their power to oppress the Guelfs. The Pope threatened them with excommunication, if they would not at once re- linquish all pretensions to the vicariate and recognize Eobert, whom he now authorized to hold the office until after the coronation of the Emperor. Frederic of Austria was cap- tured by Louis the Bavarian, at the battle of Miihldorf, in 1322, atter which the latter, without consulting the Pope, as- sumed the title of King of the Eomans, and hastened to send aid to the already defeated Ghib«llines. The indignant Pon- tiff, by a bull, issued October 8, 1323, required Louis, inas- much as doubtful elections were to be referred to the Holy See, to leave off' the exercise of all imperial functions and appear personally before him within three months.^ Louis, feigning compliance with the papal command, sent an em- 'The Regests compiled from his public Npcts fill 59 vols., containing 60,000 documents, whilst those of CUynent V. fill bilt 7 vols., containing 7,248 letters. Of. Dudik, Iter Eom., Vienna, 1855, T. II., p. 46. '^The bull is in Raynald ad an. 1323, nro. 30, and more complete in Herwari, loc. cit., Pt. I., p. 194. The protest of Louis at Niirnberg is in Herwari, Pt. I., p. 248, and in Olenschlaeger' s Archives, p. 84. Of. von Weech, Emperor Louis the Bavarian, and King John of Bohemia, with documentary proofs, Munich, 1860. By the same, Sixty Documents of Emperor Louis the Bavarian, Munich, 1863. §207. John XXIL— Benedict XII.— ClementVL, etc. 831 bassj', requesting a prolongation of the period within -which he was to appear, but at the same time protested at the diet of Niirnberg against the right claimed by the Pope, stating that he recognized the electoral vote as the only source and sai.c- tion of his authoi'ity. The Pope granted an extension of fime to Louis, but the latter, now assuming an aii:!j;ressive tone, charged the former with protecting heresy, and disturb- ing the public peace, and was, in consequence, excommuni- cated, and his empii-e laid under interdict (October 1, 1324). Louis retaliated, somewhat in the spirit of Henry IV. and Philip the Fair, by the publication of a memorial, in which the Pope was styled " moclo et an lioeat in causis fidei a summo Pontiiioe appollare sen ejus judieiiini d(:'- clinare, 0pp., T, II., p. 303-308), and attempted to show that Martin's own author- ity was derived from the supreme authority of the council which had ck;pused Cossa. Still, he did not wish to extend the privilege of appeal from the Pope to all cases, but only to certain exceptional ones; because, if a limit were nol placed somewhere, obedience to the Church would be but a barren formality. Even the Protestant Mosheim shows that to carry out such a principle in prac- 872 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. In the forty-fifth and last session cf the Council, held April 22, A. D, 1418, Martin confirmed those decrees i-elating to mai- mers q/ /azY/i, in the enactment of which the requirements of conciliar usage had been observed (quae in materia Fidei cov.eili- ariier determinata, couclusa, et decreta fuisseut), and excluded from this confirmation all decrees to which Buch a test did not apply .^ This is evident from the acts of the Council, and from the declaration of Martin's successor, Eugene IV. (1446), who, in approving the acts of the Council of Con- stance, specially' excepted whatever might be detrimental to the rights, dignity, and supremacy of the Holy See (absque tatnen praejudicio juris, dignitatis et piraeeminentiae Sedis Apos- tolicae), which unquestionably includes the claims of superi- ority of ecumenical councils over Popes.^ We can not sub- scribe to the statement of Huebler, that Martin's words imply that he approved whatever had been decided in matters oj faith after the prescriptive conciliar form, as opposed to the form of nations (conciliariter, not nationaliier only), because the nations did not frame a decree concerning the Falkenbcrg pamphlet, which was nevertheless finally condemned by the Pope. The Council was formally closed May 16, a. d. 1418. Mar- tin V. returned to Italj', but as Rome was in possession of the Neapolitans, Bologna an independent republic, and the re- mainder of his States in the hands of petty tyrants, he was obliged to remain for the present at Florence. Before his de- tice would be to destroy the idea of Catholic unity (De Gallorum appellationi- bus ad concilium universae ecclesiae unitatem ecclesiae spectabilis toUentibus, Dissertat. ad H. E., T. I., p. 577 sq.) ' i. 6., tumultuariter, or in particular congregations, or on subjects relating to ecclesiastical discipline, or per modum constitutionum synodalium. ^For want of the Pope's approbation, says the author, to some of the decrees, we have not, in former editions of this work, given the Council of Constance a place among the ecumenical councils of the Church. But, since the second Ecumenical Council of Constantinople (381) and the fourth Ecumenical Coun- cil of Chalcedon (451) 'labor under a like defect, and since, in recent times, those best qualified to give an opinion have, in consequence of the vital and widtt-reaohing consquences resulting from the decrees of Constance, pronounced daily more and positively in favor of its ecumenicity, we have also concluded to give it as the Sixteenth Ecumenical Council of the Church, subject, hovrever, to the clausal qualifications of Popes Martin V. and JSugene IV. § 271. The Council of Constance. 873 parture from ConstaDce he had received a pressing invitation from the French, to again fix the Apostolic See at Avignon, and one equally pressing from Sigismund, who offered him his choice of the three cities of Basle, Strasburg, and Mentz, for the same purpose, both of which invitations he prudently de- clined. Balthasar' Cossa (John XXIII.), who had been detained in prison since his deposition, now cast himself at the feet of Martin and implored forgiveness, and was by the latter created Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati. He died in the same year, a. d. 1419, at Florence, and was entombed in the celebrated baptistry of San Giovanni, opposite the cathedral. Martin V. did not obtain possession of his capital till the year 1420, and then only bj' aid of the Florentines. A difficulty that arose between Martin and the King of Aragon, again brought Peter de Luna into temporary prom- inence. He was succeeded by Mufios, who styled himself Clement VIII., and in whom the line became extinct, after having done no further harm than to, disturb for a time, the quiet of tlie inconsiderable town of Peniscola. Martin V., faithful to the promise he had given to the Fathers of Constance, convoked an ecumenical council, \\\\\c\i convened at Pavia, a. d. 1423, but a contagious disease, which shortly after broke out in that city, made it necessary to trans- fer the assembly to Siena} But few bishops were present, and they did little more than renew the condemnation of the errors of Wicliffe and John Huss, and propose a plan of reunit- ing the Greek and Latin Churches. 'As the bishops, owing to the fewness of their number, the proximity of the theater of war, and the importance of the subjects to come under discussion, were unwilling to go on with the Council, the Pope declared it dissolved. And so the work of reform was again put off until the next ecumenical council which, owing to the threatening attitude of the Huss- ites, was, immediately before the death of >tlartin V. (Feb- ruary 20, A. D. 14-31), convoked to assemble at Basle. As the measures adopted by the Fathers of Constance, instead of satisfying the wishes of th'ose who were thoroughly in earnest J Cone. Senense, in Harduin, T. VIII., p. 1013-1028. Mami, T. XXVIII., p 1057-1084. 874 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. in their desire to have a complete reformation of the Church, served rather to make them more anxious to see the work pushed vigorously forward, the successor to Martin was obliged to enter upon the difficult and long deferred task, with all the troublesome issues which it involved. §272. Eugene IV. (a. d. USI-U47)— Nicholas V. (a. d. 1447-1455) — The Council of Basle; its protest against being transferred to Ferrara and Florence — Emperor Sigisniund — Albert II. (a. d. 1438-1439)— _Frec/enc III. (a. d. 1440-1493.) For acts, see '^'Mansi, T. XXIX.-XXXI. ; Harduin, T. VIII., IX. ; and ]rurf, The Political Views of Nich. of Cues, Cologne, 1865. § 272. Eugene IV.— Nicholas V., etc. 870 documents, to sustain the course the Council had hitherto pursued. This work may be regarded as cmbod^-ing the views of all the great thinkers of that age, such as Gcrson, cVAillij, JS'ich- olas de Clemange, and a host of doctors of inferior name, on the constitution and government of the Church in general; on the relations of the Pope to an ecumenical council, and to the bishops, and of the spiritual to the temporal author- ity. An analysis of this work will, therefore, not be out of place here, at least of that part of it wliicii treats of the re- lation of the Pope to an ecumenical counci,!. The Church, says Nicholas de Cusa,^ is the living union in Christ, and through Christ of all intelligent beings,' who thus constitute His mystical Body.^ Hence, the Church is one both in essence and character, but her members are divided into three classes, corresponding to the three states of the Church — namely, the Church tnilUant, the Church suffering, and the Church iriumphant* Again, the Sacraments, the Priesthood, and the Laity are the three elements of the Church militant essential to the preservation of union among her members. The Sacraments are channels through which, by the ministration of the priest- hood, the grace of Jesus Christ is conveyed to the laity; and this priestly min- istration is as essential as a medium of communication between Christ, the Spiritual Head of the Church, and the body of the faithful, as is the ministra- tion of the soul in man for maintaining the proper relations between spirit and matter. The p7-iesihood, therefore, guided as it is by the Holy Ghost, is truly the soul of the Body of the Faithful, = its very ofBce being to direct, quicken, and enlighten the Body. As tliere are dii^'erent faculties in the human soul, so also are there different orders and varying degrees in the priesthood, and the highest of these is the episcopacy.^ As regards orders and jurisdiction, all bishops are absolutely equal, and whatever distinction exists among them rises out of the peculiar character of the administrative authority of each, or is dependent on the special condi- tions of the Church over which each is set. The distinctions of rank and precedence, and the more or less ample authority enjoyed by the several bish- ops, are determined by the greater or less importance of the churches over which they are respectively placed. The formation of the Church's constitu- tion after this fashion was noi the issue of cJinnce, but the work of design, iU oriyin being due to Divine appointmeiit and apostolic ordinance. The same over- ' This analysis by Jiefele (in the Oiessen Anmiary of Theol!, Yol. VI., p. 861- 68). -' Lib. I., c. 1. •'' Lib. II., 0. 18. * Lib. I., c. 4. 5 Lib. I., c. 8. n Lib. I., c. 6. 880 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. seeing Providence was pleased that Kome, which had of old been the center of error, should in these latter days become the center of truth, and that Us bish- ops should be set over all the others.''- And, in matter of fact, Christ Himself set Peter over all the other apostles, that through him division might be avoided, unity preserved, and the whole Church be linked by the bonds of love to a liv- ing center.^ This dignity and prerogative became the inalienable right of the See of Kome, and passed on unimpaired, from St. Peter to his successors, through all succeeding ages;^ and hence whosoever has broken '.Ys bond of union with the Bishop of liome is outside the Church.* In all matters of faitJt., an ecumenical council is the supreme and infallible authority,^ inasmuch as it represents the priesthood of the universal Church, to which Christ committed the power of binding and loosing, and bestowed the gift of infallibility.^ An ecumenical council does not, therefore, derive its au- thority from him who has the right of convoking it, and whose I'ight ceases once the council lias been constituted, but directly and immediately from Christ. jSTeither is it essential that the Pope should convoke an ecumenical council, for the first eight councils, though truly ecumenical in character, were not convoked by Popes.' Neither does the president of a council give binding force to its decrees. All that is essential to this end is the harmonious and unanimous assent of the Fathers, directed by the gaidance of the Holy Ghost and assisted by the presence of Jesus Christ in their midst.' As unanimitij is a condition of truth, every member is an integral part of the Council, and no one possessing a right to be there can be either refused admit- tance into it, or, once there, be ejected.' The right of participating in a council and of casting a definitive vote is confined to the bishops or their ^ilenipoteniia- rles. But, aside from absolute right, it is a wise and wholesome practice to summon to a council learned priests and doctors of canon law whose wisdom and ability may be of service to the Fathers.'" The right of framing decrees of such a character as will bind the whole Church, without distinction of persons, is confined exclusively to an ecumenical council," because the very ofiice of such an assembly is to give expression to the wants of the whole Church and to provide the best means for her government. 1 Lib. I., 0. 5-15 2 Lib. L, c. n. ■'' These and other like utterances are not indeed calculated to support what Gieseler says in his Text-book of Ch. Hist., Vol. II., Pt. IV., p. 62 — viz., that the concordantia catholica of Nich. of Cusa contains propositions " menacing the very foundations of the papacy." Brockhaus, Nio. Cusani de concil. universal, potestate sententia explicatur, Lps. 1867. Conf. ScharpflT, Pt. III.; cf. .Bonn. Keview of Theol. Lit., nro. 7, year 1872. * Lib. I., c. 14, 15. . 5 Lib. II., c. 5. e Lib. II., c. 18. 'Lib. II., c. 25. » Lib. II., c. 8, 9. 9 Lib. II., c. 15. 10 Lib. II., e. 16, 23. " Lib. II., e. 9. § 272, Eugene IV.— Nicholas V., etc. 881 Tliii Pope, inasmuch as he is the Chief Pastor of the whole Church and her accredited representative upon earth, has also the right of framing decrees, but these neither bind the intellects and consciences of the faithful nor carry with them a sanction equal to those of an ecumenical council until after they have been promulgated to the whole Catholic world and accepted by it. The Pope's supremacy of jurisdiction over the universal Church once admitted, it follows as a consequence that neither a particular nor an ecumenical council can law- fully convene without his consent and sanction.^ The Pope and an ecumenical council both represent the Church — the latter accurately and adequately, since its voice is the expression of the assembled pastors of the Christian world; the former in a confused, and consequently less precise and complete sense. Inasmuch, therefore, as the judgments of an ecumenical council express the sense of the universal Church with fullness and accuracy, they are more relia- ble than those of the Pope, and should receive more ready acceptance.^ And, although the Pope possesses the right to preside at an ecumenical council, he is, for all that, but a fraction of it ; and as the whole is greater than any of its parts,^ so also is a council superior to the Pope.* History is a witness to this superiority of an ecumenical council, and the most distinguished among the Popes have themselves freely admitted such to be the case. The decrees of an ecumenical council are as binding upon the Pope as upon any other member of the Church of Christ. He is not only obliged to give them the same willing obedience that others give; but, as St. Leo says, since such decrees are inspired by God, the Pope has a duty of first obeying them himself, that his prompt submission to God and to His Holy Church may serve as an example to others. Having done this much himself, he has the further duty of seeing to it that these decrees are observed by others also.^ Still, there are some cases of extraordinary emergency and pressing neces- sity, in which the good of the Church requires that some general ordinance of an ecumenical council should be dispensed with ; and in such cases the Pope has the faculty to dispense ; provided, however, he take counsel with the cardi- nals before proceeding to act, when the affair is of grave importance.'^ As regards the limits of the authority which an ecumenical council may ex- ercise over a Pope, this much seems to be established, that he may be dep'osed by his inferiors if he adhere to a lieresij which has been once condemned. There is but one rule in this matter, applicable alike to him and every other member of the Church; for heresy, of its very nature, is such that a I'ope, by the simple fact of embracing it (eo ipso), not only deprives himself of all claims to his office, but also puts himself outside the Church by his own act. Whether crimes of another nature, though of a serious character, constitute sufficient ground for deposition, admits of grave doubt. The more generally ' Lib. II., c. 15. ''■ Lib. II., c. 18. ' Lib. II., c. 15. » Lib. II., c. 17. 5 Lib. II., c. 20. "Lib. II., c. 21. VOL. II — 56 882 Period 2. Epoch 2. Port 2. Chapter 1. accepted opinion runs counter to such a supposition, on the ground that no spiritual superior can be lawfully deposed either by his inferiors or by a synod convoked by his authority, and maintains that when an instance of this sort occurs, the superior must, in any event, be borne with, and, if possible, be reformed. But this principle, though held by many, must be put aside when there is question of the relations between the Pope and an ecumenical council ;i for an ecumenical council^ heiiig of its very nature above the Pope, must, as a co7> sequence, possess the general right of passing judgment upon him, and, if so, of deposing him for crimes other than that of heresy. The very aim and scope of a council being to remove abuses, it must possess the further power and authority, which such purpose implies, of bringing the cause of these abuses to judgment, even though he should be the Pope himself.'^ But, while possessing this supreme authority, the Council should never lose sight of the exalted posi- tion of the august Head of the Church — should proceed against him with that respectful reverence due to his character and office, and should first employ every reasonable measure of conciliation and have recourse to its deposing power only in very extreme cases. Such were the views that had swayed- the Fathers of Basle from the commencement of the Council, and upon which they still continued to act. Cardinal Julian had resigned his office of president of the Council in January, on receipt of the papal bull closing its sessions and transferring it to Bologna; but fearing that great evils might follow if the instructions of the Pope were carried into execution, he pressed upon him the necessity of acknowledging the Council. The Fathers went on with their work, and in the fourth session (June 20, a. D. 1432), granted letters of safe conduct to the Bohemians and prescribed rules for the direction of the Pope's conduct. The archbishops Andrew of Colocza and John of Tarento,^ wh© came to Basle as papal nuncios, were admitted to an au- dience on the 22d of August, and protested, but in vain, against this spirit of hostility to the Pope. The Emperor Sigismund also besought the Fathers to become reconciled to the Pope, but his attempts were equally ineffectual ; they would hear none of this. They addressed a harsh letter to Eugene, in which they charged him with being the author of the schism, aud set forth their own claims to be recognized iLib. II., c. 17. -Loc. cit. 8 See these discourses in Mansi, T. XXIX., p. 468-492; Earduin, T. VIIL, p, 151 8-1540. Archbishop Andrew places at the head of his discourse those words of the apostle: "Non sit schisnia in corpove." § 272. Euyene IV.— Nicholas V., etc. 883 as ii Council lawfully convened in the Holy Ghost {synodus in Spiritu Sancto legitime congregata) , -and possessing the plenitude oi conoiliar authority. The Council, in its sixth session (Sep- tember 6th), at which there were present but thirty -two bishops, went the length of moving, through its promoters, that the Pope should be declared obstinate (contumax). The pretensions of the Council increased as time went on, and so reckless were the means adopted by the Fathers to create a public opinion adverse to the Pope, that they did not hesitate to give currency to the most damaging and un- founded reports regarding his moral character. Cardinal Julian again resumed the presidency of the Council in the seventh session (ISTovember 5th), when it was enacted that in the event of the Holy See becoming vacant, the election of the new Pope should take place oJily at Basle; and in the eighth session, a term of sixty days was prescribed to Eugene, as the extreme limit before the expiration of which he was charged to recall his bull of dissolution. Finally, in the tenth session (February 19, a. d. 1433), a decree was passed declar- ing the Pope both disobedient and obstinate. Eugene, believing that the obstacles which, as he at first thought, stood in the way of the salutary action of the Coun- cil, had now passed away, began to regard its continuance with more favor, and entered upon a line of conduct looking toward reconciliation with the Fathers of Basle.' He pub- lished a bull, dated August 1, a. d. 1433, by which he revoked bis former decree of dissolution. He also signified his in- tention of taking part in the Council, and instructed his le- gates to enter upon the preliminary measures necessary to that end. The Fathers of Basle, on the contrary, showed no disposi- tion to make peace, and so immoderate were their preten- tions, that they still insisted that the Council represented the universal Church (universalem Ecclesiam repraesentans), rejected the greater part of the papal propositions, and took exception to some expressions contained in the bull of August 1st. The Pope had there said " we will and are content" that the Coun- 1 Cf. Raynald. ad an. 1433, nr. 19 sq. The bulls of Eugene are in Mansi, T. XXIX., p. 574; Harduin, T. VIII., p. 1168-1172. Cf. Mansi, 1. c, p. 72 sq. 884 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. oil shall contiime, instead of which he was required to say " we decree and declare" {decernimus et dedaramus). It was farther claimed that, in his instructions to his legates, Eugene had hiade use of offensive terms, which should also be cor- rected ; and that the principle implied in his proposal to con- duct all business with the advice of the Council {cum consilio Concilii), could not be admitted, inasmuch as by its admission the Fathers, from being judges, would sink to the unimpor- tant rank of advisers. The Fathers continued, from the eleventh to the fifteenth session, to pass decrees derogatory to the dignity of the Pope, and designed to weaken his authority. Many of the Italian princes taking advantage of the embarrassing condition of Engene, and under pretext of protecting the Council, carried war into every quarter of the Papal States, seized fortified places, and took possession of entire provinces. Eugene went on making concession after concession, till he finally con- sented to subscribe a document drawn up by the Fathers in which it was asserted that the Council had been from the be- ginning a lawfully convened body. This having been read to the Council in the sixteenth session (February 5, 1434), the Fathers, in their turn, permitted the papal legates to pre- side, and in the seventeenth session (April 26, a. d. 1434), recalled everything that had been said against either the person of the Pope or the dignity of his office} These mutual concessions restored peace to the Council, and gained for it the respect and reverence of the Catholic world. The presence of the Emperor Sigismund in Basle contributed not a little to bring about this happy result. , While the very existence of the Council was a matter of doubt, and seemed to depend upon the issue of the oft- renewed controversies on the principles of authority, it is not wonderful that no progress should have been made toward accomplishing the purpose for which it was primarily con- voked ; but since peace reigned once more, and, in conse- quence, the Fathers Avere daily receiving fresh accessions to their numbers, it should seem that now at least the Council ' Suoh is the account given by an eye-witness — Augustinus Patricius — who i-elates it in his Sumnia Conoiliorum. § 272. Eugene IV.~Nkholas V., eta. would apply itself with energy and zeal to the extinction of heresy, the reunion and reconciliation of all Christians, and the reformation of the Church. It was not long, however, before it became painfully evi- dent that the Fathers, while professing to be reconciled to the Pope, had no intention either of giving up their former doc- trines or of forsaking their factious leaders. In the seventeenth session they declared that the papal legates possessed no coercive authority, and in the eighteenth (June 2G, a. d. 1434), again brought forward the decree of Constance, in which the jurisdiction of an ecumenical council is declared to be su- perior to that of the Pope. The time, too, seemed favorable for the Fathers to bring on such a measure. The Duke of Milan was fomenting and abetting rebellion in the States of :he Church, aud so closely was the Pope pressed, that he was obliged to escape in disguise to Florence. In the nineteenth session (September 7th), some advance was made toward the real work for which the Council had avow- edly convened. It was proposed to hold a Council in Italy, at which the Pope, the C-reek Emperor, the Oriental Patri- archs, and Bishops should be present, and in which such measures should be taken as would bring about the union of the Eastern and Western Churches. In the twentieth and following sessions a number of stringent reformatory decrees were passed ; some against the practice of concubinage among the clergy, and the abuse of appeals and interdicts; others providing for the abolition of annats, and of those unbecoming practices and sacrilegious disorders that took place in certain churches, and of which the Fools' Feasts, ban- quets, and fairs were the occasion ; and still others, whose special purpose was to insure the worthy and becoming celebra- tion of the Divine service. The Fathers also gave particular attention to the mode of procedure in future conclaves for the election of a Pope, specified the qualifications requisite in a candidate, and prescribed the oath to be taken and the pro- fession of faith to be read. They moreover enacted special laws to which the College of Cardinals were expected to conform. lu the sixteenth session pi-ovision had already been made 886 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. for the regular holding of diocesan synods and provincial coun- cils. The excessive zeal of the Fathers for reform hurried them beyond the limits of decency and justice, when, in the twenty-third session (March 25, 1436), they passed decrees which, if carried into execution, would reduce the Papal See to a state of degrading servitude and annihilate the last sem- blance of the Pope's authority, whose exercise in deciding canonical elections is frequently so necessary.'' They at- tempted to cut ofi" froni him sources of revenue without which he would be unable, not indeed to maintain the dignity of his station, but to meet the necessary expenses of his office; and to deprive him of i-ights and prerogatives which were pecu- liarly and essentially his own. Measures so ungenerous and illegal excited the suspicions and cooled the ardor of the warmest and most tried friends of the Council. Nicholas de Cusa was the first to perceive that a change in public opinion was setting in. To add to the growing discontent, the Fathers, while despoiling the Pope of his annats and the tribute paid to the Roman See, when benefices were conferred and confirmed, authorized a tax to be levied on the inferior clergy for the maintenance of the Council, thus appropriat- ing to their use revenues to which they had iio claim, and crying down as an abuse their payment to the Holy See, whose right to them was unquestionable. Even this was not the most flagrant violation on their part of the reformatoiy measures which they prescribed to the Pope, and of the de- crees of Constance, to which they so frequently and confi- dently appealed. They went so far as to propose to put indulgences on sale for the purpose of obtaining the suins requisite to carry for- ward the contemplated measures for the reunion of the Greek and Latin Churches. The papal legates and some among the most distinguished Fathers of the Council protested against this mode of raising money, as one directly opposed to the spirit of the Church, ' Aeneas Sylvius, speaking from personal knowledge, says : •' Against one un- worthy individual nominated by the Pope to some office, I am ready, at any time to adduce a thousand instances of rude, stupid, and utterly unfit men pro moted by chapters and ordinaries." § 272. Eugene IV.— Nicholas V., etc. 837 fraught with dangerous conseqneaces, and calculated to bring dishonor upon the whole body of the clergy. Eugene IV., convinced that there was no hope of coming to terms with the Fathers of Basle, addressed an encyclic to the European sovereigns, in which he condemned the irregu- lar proceedings of the Council against the person and oflice of the Pope. He pai-ticularly insisted on the acts of the twenty-third session, in which the Council had prescribed the mode of procedure in the future election of Popes; regulated the smallest details of the Papal government, and drawn up a profession of faith, embodying the offensive decrees of Constance and Basle, aiErming the superiority of an ecumeni- cal council to a Pope. He also said that the Council had taken up a number of subjects which of their nature were beyond its competency, and had interfered in the political is- sues that then distracted Europe, thus prejudicing, by such imprudent action, the main purpose for which it had been convoked. The Pope had serious thoughts at this time of either dissolving the Council altogether or transferring it to some other city. In the meantime negotiations had been going forward look- ing toward the reunion of the Greek and Latin Churches. The majority of the Fathers of Basle were in favor of having the Council meet at Basle, Avignon, or some city of Savoy, while the papal legates, and the more influential among the pre- lates, proposed that it should be held at either Florence, Udine, or some other Italian city. The Greek embassador also prefen-ed one of the latter places, which, he said, would possess the double advantage of being more convenient to the Pope and more easily accessible to his own countrvmen. Euo-ene, upon these representations, approved the suggestion of his legates, and decided in favor of holding the Council in an Italian city. When the news of his decision reached Basle, the Fathers Avere so indignant that they put aside even the simulated respect which they had thus far observed when speaking of the Head of the Church. Eugene was charged with grave offenses, though there was not a shred of evidence to prove his guilt; and in the twenty-sixth .session (July 31, a. D. 1437), both he and the cardinals were cited to appear be- Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. fore the Council of Basle, to answer for their conduct, within sixty days. The Pope of course paid no attention to this citation, and in consequence the Basilians, in the twenty-eighth session (October 1st), declared him contumacious. Eugene issued a bull, dated September 11, 1437, and begin- ing "Doctor Gentium," by which he transferred the Council to Ferrara, to enter upon the work of the reunion of the two Churches. All the prelates at Basle were invited to attend, but some excused their absence under pretext that one of the dis- puted articles still remained to be settled with the Hussites. The fury of these latter increased in proportion as the numbers, authority, and importance of the Council opened at Ferrara augmented, and hence, from the twenty-fourth session onward until its close, the Catholic world ceased to re- gard the Synod of Basle as possessing an ecumenical character} They, however, claimed that their assembly was truly ecu- menical, and to all appearances there were now two general councils in session, each of which declared the decrees of the other null and void, and each held threats of excommunica- tion over those prelates who should continue to participate in the acts of the other. Cardinal L'Allemand, Archbishop of Aries, a man of great energy of character and determination, was now the leading spirit at Basle, and in the twenty-ninth session, the Fathers, acting under his powerful influence, declared void the papal bull dissolving the Council, and threatened to depose Eugene if he w^ould not consent to recall it. They were not deterred by the fewness of their numbers from carrying their threat into execution, and in the thirty-first session (January 24, a. d. 1438), although reduced to twenty-five bishops and seventeen abbots, declared the Pope suspended, and incapable of exer- cising the functions of his office ; and, as a consequence of this, in the thirty-second session (March 24tb), pronounced the Council of Ferrara a schismatical conventicle, and cited its ' Bellarminus, De eccles. militants, c. 16: " Dico, Basileense Concilium initio qiiidem fuisse legitimum ; nam et Legatua aderat Romani Pontificia et Episeopi plurimi ; at a quo tempore Eugenium deposuit et Eelioem elegit, non fuit con- cilium ecol., sed oonciliabulum schismatioum, seditiosum et nullius proT3U8 auc- toritatis." Of. Idem de Concilior. auctoritate, c. 16. § 272. Eagme IV.— Nicholas V., etc. SS9 members to appear personally within thirty clays before the tribunal of Basle. Even the personal enemies of the Pope, such as the King of Aragon and the Duke of Milan, censured this silly arro- gance; the Duke of Bavaria declared war against the Basil- ians, as they were now called ; and the King of England as- serted that they had brought on the age of Antichrist. The electors of Germany, who were then assembled at BVankfort, for the purpose of electing a king, expressed a de- termination to remain neutral until they should have com- pleted their own work; but when, on the 17th of March, a. D. 1438, the choice fell upon Albert of Austria, they did not attempt to conceal their discontent with the Fathers of Basle. JSTotwithstanding that France had forbidden her bishops to attend the Council of Ferrara, many of them disregarded the prohibition, and an assembly of the clergy held at Bourges endeavored to bring about a reconciliation between the two parties. The Basilians, either unconscious that the tide of public opinion in Catholic Europe was setting against them, or rendered desperate and reckless by the hopelessness of their cause, continued their opposition to the Pope. They ex- hausted every effort to fix the note of heresy upon Eugene, that they might have a specious yirctext for deposing him. For this purpose they framed, in the thirty-third session (May 16, A. D. 1439), and after a stormy debate succeeded in pro- mulgating, eight so-called articles of faith {Jidei CathoUcae veritates), to which they knew Eugene would not subscribe. The drift of these was that an ecumenical council was above the Pope, and that Eugene, having acted contrary to this fundamental principle in several instances, should be branded with the note of heresy.' The Basilians, having defined what constituted heresy, and declared that Eugene was guilty of it, saw the rest of their way clear before them. They de- 1 The first three ran thus: 1. Veritas est cath. fidei, st. generale Cone, supra Papam et alium quemvis potestatem habere; 2. Generale Concilium legitimo congregatum sine ipsius consensu nee dissolvere, nee transferre, nee prorogare ad tempus ex auctoritate sua potest Romanus Pontifex, idque veritatis ejusdeni est ; 3. Qui pertinacitor his veritatibus se oppouit, haoreticus est ccnsendus. 890 Period 2. Eiooch 2. Fart 2. Chapter 1. posed the Pope in the thirty-fourth session (June 26th), and in the thirty-fifth (July 8tb), after solemnly affirming the neces- sity of continuing the Council, proceeded to elect his suc- cessor. They were careful, in making their choice, to select a person who, by his wealth and connections, might relieve the financial embarrassments of the Council, and regain the influence which it was rapidly losing in every royal house in Europe. Such a one was found in Am.adeus VIII. of Savoy, who, three years before, had resigned his crown in favor of his son, and withdrawn, with a body of knights, whom he organ- ized into the Order of St. Maurice, to the pleasant town of Ripailles, on the shores of Lake Geneva. He took the name of Felix v., and was recognized by his own hereditary states, by the kings of Aragon and Hungary, and by a few German princes, and a number of universities. Albert II. had died November 5, a. d. 1439, while these events were going for- ward, and his cousin, Frederic III., ascended the throne. • Now that an antipope was elected, it was further necessary to supply money for his own support and for the proper main- tenance of a court becoming his dignity ; and, to meet this demand, the same assembly which, but a short time before, had indignantly protested against the abuse of annats, and in consequence abolished them, now gave its sanction to levies incomparably more burdensome. Permission was given to Felix V. to impose a tax of one-fifth for the coming five years, and of one-tenth for the next ensuing five, upon the revenues of all ecclesiastical benefices. These high-handed proceedings excited public indignation against the Basilians ; and even those of their own number most distinguished for learning and ability — such as Cardinal Julian ; ISTicholas, Archbishop of Palermo ; Nicholas de Cusa; and even Aeneas Sylvius, who had been the secretary and the most eloquent defender of the Council of Basle, and, in the year 1440, secretary to the antipope Felix V. — now passed over to the other side. As the authority of the assembly of Basle declined, its advocates became proportionately bold and reckless ; but such behavior only contributed to strip it of what little prestige it still possessed, and to make the few remaining sessions excessively wearisome to the members § 272. Eugene IV.^Nicholas F., etc. 891 themselves. When, at length, Felix V. withdrew from Basle to Lausanne, under pretext of restoring his health, the Fathers, in the forty-Jifth session (May 16, a. d. 1443), brought the pro- ceedings to a close. Such was the end of a Council which, in its early days, entered with commendable zeal and energy upon the work of reform, possessed the confidence and commanded the re- i:peut of many, and was so full of promise to the Church. Weakened by internal dissensions and by the gradual defec- tion of its member's, and animated by a stubborn spirit of dis- obedience, it brought on its own dissolution, and, in its last days, became the very scourge of the Church. We shall have occasion to speak, in paragraph 278, of the continuation of this Council at Ferrara and Florence. Owing to the complicated condition of affairs at Basle, a diet assembled at Mentz, in March, a. d. 1439, at which there were present three ecclesiastical electors, and the embassadors of the kings of France, Castile, and Portugal, and of the Duke of Milan. The cause of Eugene was ably and eloquently de- fended by John Turrecremata^ and Nicholas de Ciisa, both among the most eminent men of that age. The former made a brilliant speech, in which he showed the contradictory char- acter and logical inconsistency of the position, taken by the Fathers of Basle, who contended that there was a clear dis- tinction between the Head of the Church dispersed and the Head of the Church assembled in an ecumenical council ; and that the Pope, while truly the Head of the Church in the former sense, was not so in the latter. In other words, they contended that, though the Pope was, in true sense, the su- preme Head of the Catholic Church, scattered over the world and considered both individually and collectively, he could lay no claim to this prerogative when the same church spoke through her representatives assembled in an ecumenical council. 1 Joan, de Turrecremata (Dominican and Magister S. Palatii), Tractatus nota- bilis de potestate papae et ooncilii generalis, Coloniae, 1480; de pontiflcis max- imi conciliique generalis auctoritate, in Harduini Acta concil., T. IX., p. 1235 sq. ; summa de eoclesia et ejus auctoritate, libri IV. (Lugd. 1496; Veuet. 1561.) On his other numerous writings, cf. Nicol. Antonio, Bibliotheoa vetus Hispan., ed. Bayer, T. II., p. 286-293. 892 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Tnrrecremata also showed the absurdity of asserting that a council without the Pope, its legitimate Head, could repre- sent the Church. But, for all this, the diet approved, with some modifications, the reformatory decrees of Basle, and, following the example of the French assembly at Bourges, drew up a pragmatic sanction, or ro3'al edict, enforcing their observance. The diet, however, entered its protest against the decree of Basle suspending the Pope from the exercise of his temporal and spiritual authority, and reserved any fur- ther proceeding in relation to him to a future ecumenical council. The Basilians replied that the maintenance of the principle of the superiority of an ecumenical council to the Pope, was an essential condition to the safety and well-being of the Church, and that, since Eugene had frequently violated this principle in the past, it would be necessary to again take action agahist him should he attempt anything of the kind in the future. A second diet was held at Mentz, a. d. 1441, under the Em- peror Frederic III., when the papal legates again took up the defense of Eugene, maintaining that his deposition by the Basilians had been irregular ; first, because only seven bishops voted in favor of it, whereas the ecclesiastical canons require the unanimous verdict of twelve to depose a simple bishop ; and secondly, because open and avowed heresy^ is the only crime justifying the deposition of a Pope. Influenced by these considerations, the diet expressed itself in favor of con- voking an ecumenical council. A diet of princes was held atFrankfort-on-Main, a. d. 1442, at which Nicholas de Cusa again appeared as the advocate of the Pope. What sort of claim, said he, can this pretended Council of Basle lay to the title of ecumenical ? Have not its labors tended to destroy such title altogether? Has it not 1 It is not intended here to imply that the Pope, when teaching the universal Chui'ch and speaking ex cathedra, can, by any possibility, fall into error in treating of faith and morals, or subjects connected with them. If any serious doubt of this proposition were ever entertained, it has been forever set at rest by the Vatican Council. (Tk.) § 272. Eugene i V.— Nicholas V., etc. 893 done all iu its power to divide the Chnrcli,the mystical Body of Christ, by attempting to place the tiara on the head of a layman and a temporal prince ? The reasoning of the cardinal was so conclusive and con- sistent that Frederic III. and the majority of the princes ac- knowledged the authority of Eugene, thus inflicting a death- blow upon the assembly at Basle, whose dissolution, as has been said, speedily followed. But Eugene's troubles were not yet over. He was obliged to sustain a fresh struggle with the diet of the electors, who assembled at Frankfort, in the months of May and Septem- ber, A. D. 1446. In the preceding year, the Pope had deposed the archbish- ops and electors of Cologne and Treves, who for a time had observed a neutral policy between the contending parties, but finally took sides with the antipope. Their sees were given to two relatives of the powerful Duke of Burgundy. The diet protested against this proceeding, as an illegal exercise of papal authority, and in consequence drew up four articles, one of which asserted the superiority of an ecumenical coun- cil to a Pope, which w^re presented to Eugene for his signa- ture, with a threat, that, if he should refuse, the diet would declare in favor of the antipope Felix V. It is evident from this act that the diet, in deciding upon the controversy, was not guided by any principle of justice or sense of duty, but was ready to declare in favor of either claimant who would make the largest concessions. The Emperor Frederic refused to approve the proceedings of the diet, but consented to send Aeneas Sylvius dei Picco- lomini to represent him in the embassy which had been ap- pointed to go to !Rome and confer with the Pope. At the head of this embassy was the notorious Gregory of [leimburg, the syndic of the free city of JSTurnberg, who, mis- taking boorishness and rudeness for frankness and simplicity, approached the Pope with arrogant assurance, and laid before him the demands of the electors, with the statement that upon his answer would depend the character of the resolu- tions to be adopted on the reassembling of the diet at Frank- 804 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. fort in the ensuing month of September.* Eugene at first re- fused to treat with him at all, but upon the advice of Aeneas Sylvius, promised to send a definite answer to the diet. "When the diet assembled in September, a. d. 1446, Aeneas Sylvius, who had, during his visit to Eome, become reconciled to Eugene, together with the papal legate, Thomas of Sarzano, Bishop of Bologna, a man of even temper and gentle disposi- tion, lately created Cardinal by Eugene, and his colleagues, JSiicholas de Cusa and the Spi.nish Carvajal, succeeded in bringing about an understanding between the electors and the Pope. The document setting fortlj the conditions of agreement is known as the ''Concordat of th& Princes."^ The pi'inces admitted that a profession of neutrality in matters of faith was something entirely unheard of among Christians, and they accordingly disclaimed any such position. This peace, wdiich was indeed no more than a compromise based upon mutual concessions, was confirmed by Pope Eugene in four separate bulls issued shortly before his death, which occurred February 23, a. d. 1447. But while thus rati- tying the action of the diet, Eugene was careful to guard the rights of the Church, by issuing another bull about the same time containing a proviso, the efi'ect of which was to make the ratification of the concordat between the tloly See and the Germans conditional. In this bull Eugene expressly stated that should the concordat be found to contain auy article injurious to the Church, such article should be re- garded, and was declared to be, null and void. Eugene was led to take this prudential measure by the representations of some of the cardinals, who expressed a fear that the articles of the concordat might be found to restrict too much the lib- 1 Concerning Gregory of Eeimburg, conf. '\Diix, Nicli. de Gusa, in several places, and in the Freiburg Cyclopaedia, Vol. IV., p. 733-736; French transl. Vol. 10, p. 109-112; Broekhaus, Gregory of Heimburg, being a contribution toward the Hist, of Germany during the fifteenth century, Lps. 1861. '' Concordata Principum, in Horix, Concordata Nat. Germ. Integra, Frcf. et Lps., ed. II., 1772 sq., T. I. Eugene's bulls, in C. IF. Koch, Sanctio pragmatica Germanor. illustrata. Argent. 1789, 4to, with the Sylloge dooumentorum, in Walter, Fontes juris cedes., p. '97-114. Conf. Aeneaa Si/lv. Wist, in Koch, p. 301- 309, and Raynald. ad an. 1447, nr. 4 sq.; above all, see Scharpff, Niohol.de Cusa, Pt. I., p. 144-147. § 272. Eugene IV. — Nicholas V., etc. crty of the Holy See. Thomas of Sarzano, Bishop of Bo- loarna, was chosen to succeed to Eugene, and took the name of Nicholas V. (a. d. 1447-1455.) Being a man of liberal tastes, a strong advocate of the revival of classic literatnre and Christian antiquities, and the founder of the Vatican Library/ he commanded universal respect, and was shortly recognized by the whole Catholic world as the true Pope. Even the antipope, Felix V., was persuaded to resign his sup- posed claims to the papal dignity, and, in the year 1449, sub- mitted to the obedience of Nicholas. The Basilians, some of whom still continued the pretense of holding a council, having, under threat of Frederic III., been driven out of Basle, and withdrawn to Lausanne, seeing themselves deserted on all hands, resolved to die as they had lived, and their last acts consisted in the magnanimous ap- proval of papal conduct which they had no longer the power to resist. After having generously removed all the censures they had passed during the continuance of the schism, they ac- cepted the resignation of Felix, and, as if there existed no Pope, very prudently declared Nicholas the object of their choice. The newly elected Pope, being a man of a conciliatory dis- position and a lover of peace, succeeded in bringing about an accommodation between Germany and the Holy See. lie de- clared, with commendable candor, that though the Council of Basle had attempted to strip the Holy See of its undoubted rights, it could not be denied that the excessive use of papal power in restricting the exercise of episcopal authority had given the Fathers reasonable ground for complaint, and that this should be taken into account as an extenuating circum- stance in forming a judgment upon their extreme measures. A separate treaty, known as the " Concordat of Aschaffen- hurg"''' and entered upon the statute-book of the empire under this name, was made at Vienna, February 17, a. d. 1448, be- tween the papal legate. Cardinal Carvajal, on the part of the 1 JanoiU Maneiti Vita Nicol. V. (Muratori, T. III., P. II., p. 905 sq.) Gei'tt/ii Vita Nicol. V. ad fidem vett. monument., Eom. 1742, 4to. Papencordt, 1. c, p. 482 sq. and 499 sq. ; Rcmnont III. 1, p. 110-126; Gregorovius, Vol. VII., p. 100-146. 2 In Wurdtwein, Subsid. diplom., T. IX., nro. 9, p. 78, and in Koch, p. 201 sq. 896 Period 2. Efoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Pope, and the Emperor Frederic. In this it was stipulated that the reformatory decrees of Basle, which Eugene had ac- cepted upon certain conditions, should not be considered as binding; that the Holy See should enjoy a more ample juris- diction in conferring high ecclesiastical dignities, and that a moderate fixed tax should take the place of the annats for- merly paid to the Pope when benefices were conferred. ISTotwithstauding the attachment of France to the cause of Eugene, the diet of Boarges, held a. d. 1438, accepted the re- formatory decrees of Basle, alleging that their provisions were specially applicable to the condition of the Church in that country, and enforced their observance in a document consisting of twentj'- three articles, and known as the Pragmatic Sanction} To give it an historical basis, the supposed Sanctio Pragm.atica of King St. Louis was now (first) invoked.^ The consequence of this step soon became apparent in the great number of appeals [appellatio tanquam ab abusii) from ecclesiastical authority to the national parliament. So nu- merous and vexatious did these become, that Charles VII. and Louis XI. were forced to restrict them ; and even Fleury, Gallican as he was, said "that these appeals, in spiritual affairs, from ecclesiastical to civil authority, instead of being regarded as among the liberties of the Qallican Church, should be looked upon rather as a mark of her servitude." Nicholas had published, a. d. 1453, a general crusade against the Turks, who were threatening Constantinople, and his last hours were embittered by the news that the city had fallen into their hands. He had sent a fleet, under the command of the Archbishop of Ragusa, to the aid of the G-reeks; which, unfortunately, did not arrive at its destination until after the city had been taken, May 29, a. d. 1453. "When he was at the point of death, he said : " When I was Thomas Sarzano, I had more joy in a single day than now in a whole year." ISTicbolas died a. d. 1455. 1 Histoire de la sanction pragmatique (Traitfis des droits et liberies de I'^glise Gallioane, Paris, 1731 f. Phillips, C. L., Vol. III., p. 327. Freiburg Cyclopaedia, ^'ol. VIII., p. 638 sq. ; French transl., Vol. 19, p. 5, art. Pragmatique Sanction. ■' See p. 602. § 273. Calixtus III.— Pius Il.—Paul II., etc. 897 C— TUE LAST POPES OF THIS PERIOD— FIFTH COUNCIL OF LATERAL, The biographies by Platinti, continued from Sixtus IV. to Pius V., by tho Augustinian, 7^. Onofrto Ponvinio (t 1SC8), Ven. 1594 and 1703. SiepJi. Infeasura (chancellor at Rome, about 1494), Diariura Eomanae urbis 1294-1494 (Eccard., T. II., incomplete, in Muratori, T. III., P. II., p. 1109 sq.) Jac. Volaierrani Diarium Kom. (1474-1484), in Mitral, T. XXIII., p. 86 sq. Hist, of the City of Rome, by Papencordt, p. 486 sq. ; by Greyorovius, Vol. VII., p. Ii6; by Jieii- mont, Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 126 sq. § 273. Calixtus III. (a. d. 1455-1458)— PiMS II. (a. d. 1458- 1464)— Paid II (A. D. 1464^1411)— Sixtus IV. (a. d. 1471- 1484)— Innocent VIII. (a. d. 14i4^14Q2)—Alexa.nder VI. (a. D. 1492-1503.) The Popes, who alone, at this time, seemed to have any concern for the welfare of the Church and the safety of Christendom, appealed to the princes of Europe in favor of a crusade to repel the encroachments of the Turks. IsTo one was found to answer to their call. Selfish interests had stifled every generous impulse, and the noble enthusiasm of former (lays had died away amid the sluggish indolence of the age. Every thought seemed fixed upon the present ; uo one looked beyond himself or out into the future. Hungary and Poland were seriously threatened. The latter revived again the gal- lantry' and heroism of the crusaders, and, bearing aloft the standard of the Cross, on which was inscribed the legend, "Onward for the Faith" {^'■Wiara Najprzod"), they threw themselves, with the magnanimous devotion of heroes, against the approaching tide of the Turks. Kieholas Y. was succeeded hy Cardinal Alphonsus Borgia,' a Spaniard, who took the name of Calixtus III. St. Vincent- Ferrer had foretold the elevation of Alphonsus, who, in con- Requence, while still a cardinal, bound himself by vow to put forth every energy, when he should have succeeded to the papal throne, to wrest Constantinople from the dominion of the Turks. Hence, with the aid of the princes of Europe, he, raised and supplied an army to be sent against the Turks, which contributed materially to the great victory gained VOL. II — 57 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. by the Christians at Belgrade.^ That the undertaking might have a happy issue, he was accustomed to assemble the faith- ful, by the ringing of the Angelus every day at noon, to im- plore the aid of the God of battles. Calixtus w^as also a man of cultivated mind and refined tastes, a lover of both Christian and Pagan literature, and, continuing the vvoric commenced by his predecessor, is justly regarded as sharing with him the honor of having founded the Vatican library. The literary treasures of Greece were brought to the West by such men as Theodore Gaza of Thessalonica, Chalcon- dyles of Athens, George of Trebizond, John Argyfopulus, and Gemistius Pletho of Constantinople, all among the most distinguished scholars of that age. It is to be regretted that Calixtus left a stain upon his oth- erwise unblemished reputation bj' creating two of his neph- ews cardinals on the same day, and a third, Duke of Spoleto and Governor of the Castle of St. Angelo, all of whom were worthless, especially Rodrigo Borgia, and possessed no merit entitling them to such honor. Neither were there wanting those who attributed the Pope's opposition to the succession of Ferdinand of Aragon to the crown of Naples, M'hose claims Eugene IV. had already acknowledged, to his desire to have the Duke of Spoleto succeed to that dignity. The College of Cardinals went into conclave upon the death of Calixtus, but before proceeding to an election, they thought it obligatory upon them, in face of these abuses, to bind themselves severally by oath to the obseivance of such restrictions of the papal prerogatives, as would insure their correction. Their choice fell upon Aeneas Sylvi ;?, the spirited historian of the Council of Basle, whose life is a striking illus- tration of the freaks of fortune, and the strange -vicissitudes of human affairs. Born at Corsignauo, whith r b^s father had been exiled, and descended from the noble, but now re- > Harduin, T. IX., p. 1375 sq. A. Menzel, Hist, of the German.?, Vol. VI., p. 5241 sq., says: "That anything at all was done against the Turks k wholly dUa to tlie exertions of the. Pope, and to him is to be given the crecjt li the great battle of deliverance, near Belgrade (July 22, 1456J, gained by th i efforts of his legates and crusaders," etc. § 273. Calixtus III.— Pius II.— Paul II, etc. 899 cluced liousG of Piccolowini of Siena, be was unable to enter, upon his studies until his eighteenth year. But gifted with a tine mind, he soon became distinguished for the elegance of his Latinity, the grace and spirit of his poetry, and the suc- cess with which he pursued his studies in jurisprudence. He next took a position as secretary under Capranica, Bishop of Fermo, one of the opponents of Pope Eugene, whom he ac- companied to the Council of Basle, where he shortly made lui able address opposing the transferrence of the Council to any other city. As a reward for this speech, he was pro- moted to the office of recorder of the Council. He was also frequently sent on important embassies, during some of which he was not over discreet in his conduct. He fell in with an Englishwoman at Strasburg, by whom he had a son- — a fact which he quietly communicated to his father without any at^ temp't at exculpation other than a reference to the examples of David and Solomon.' After the Council had been transferred he entered the ser- vice of Felix v., the antipope, as secretary, and during this time wrote his " Commentarius de rebus BasUeae gestis." In the year 1442, he was sent on an embassy to the diet of Frankfort, and while there was crowned ^jorf laureate, hy the Emperor Frederic III, under whom ho took the position of secretary in the imperial chancer}-, and from this time for- ward entirely abandoned the cause of the antipope. During his stay at Rome, whither he was sent by Frederic HI., A. D. 1445, to urge the convocation of an ecumenical council, he received full pardon for his past opposition to the Holy See and was reconciled to Pope Eugene. He was now admitted to priests' orders, and proved a very efficient agent in adjusting the differences between the Pope and the Em- peror. Warned by a painful malady of the emptiness of all earthly ambiiion, he began to take a serious view of life. " The sura of all knowledge," said he, " is to know how to die, and, if one have not this, his past life, though in other re- spects without blame, has been to no purpose." He was raised, to the bishopric of Trieste, by Mcholas V., ' Ep. 15. 900 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. successor to Eugene ; transferred to the see of Siena, and tlience to that of Ermeland, and created Cardinal by Calixtus III. But before having entered upon his duties in the last- named see, he was called to fill the chair of Peter, and took the name of Pius II} He displayed great energy and zeal in his attempts to res- cue Europe from the yoke of the Turk. The better to inspire the faithful with the gravity of their danger and to stimulate them to noble exertions in averting it, he convoked an as- sembly of the European powers to be held at Mantua, a. d. 1459. But the result did not answer his expectations. Fred- eric III., who should have led the movement, was engaged in an attempt to seize the ci'own of Hungary, the very country that formed the bulwark of defense against the threatened invasions of the East, and Pius II. found at Mantua only a few Italian princes, and some embassadors from the trans- alpine courts. An instruction addressed by the Pope to the Sultan Mohammed, in the hope of persuading that prince of the truth of Christianity, was equally unsuccessful. It is believed that Pius II. suggested to Nicholas de Cusa the idea< of M'riting his work "i>e Pace sive Concordantia Fidei," the aim of which was to inspire the Mohammedans with a favorable idea of Christianity. " The time must come," says the pious author^ in a burst of enthusiasm at the close of his work, " the time must come when the faith of Christ shall reign supreme, because He alone gives sal- vation, happiness, and life. Be thou, then, Calif, con- verted to Him, and thy subjects will follow thy illustrious example." Pius II., believing that if the princes of Europe beheld the Father and Teacher of Christendom, bowed with age and sinking under infirmity, leading the way at the head of an army against the Turks, they, too, roused to generous pur- 'Ani. Campa?ii Vita Pii II. (Muratori, T. III., Pt. II., p. 065.) Conf. also Ilarduln, T. IX., p. 1389 sq. Scharpff, 1. 1., p. 268-305. On tho eiforts of Pius II. for the abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction, see Schroeckh, Ch. Hist., ]'t. XXXII., p. 280-289. Hagenbach, Reminiscence of Aeneas Sylvius, Basle, 1840. Voigt, Enea Silvio as Pope Pius II., Berlin, 1856 sq., 3 vols, and in Diiic, Nich. of Cusa, in many places. Eeumoni, Vol. III., 1, p. 129-152. Gregorovlua, Vol. II,, p. 156-210. § 273. Calixtus III.— Plus II.— Paul II., etc. 901 pose by so inspiring a sight, would gallantly come forward in defense of the common cause, set out from Rome to Arioona, where the Venetian fleet awaited hira.' But the fatigues of the journey, and the distress at seeing his efforts so jDoorly seconded, hastened his death, which occurred August 14, a. I) 1464. He was thus unfortunately prevented from carrying out those (/e?ie?'a? re/orms within the Church, which Nicholas de Ousa had pointed out with rare foresight and ability. Pius II., like St. Augustine, withdrew, in his ''Bulla Pe- tradationum,'' the erroneous opinions which he had held on papal authority in the early part of his life, and which he had defended at the Council at Basle. " In my youth," said he, " I was led astray and in ignorance, and, like St. Paul of old, persecuted the Church of God and the Apostolic See. Some indeed may now say, 'Aeneas, who afterward became Pope, wrote thus and thus,' and may fancy that Pius II. and the Holy See now approve what Aeneas then wrote. Let them, therefore, regard those early writings as of no consequence, and belu-ve lohat Aeneas now teaches, that the Pope, receiving the plenitude of authority over the whole Church immediately from Jesus Christ, confers all power possessed by the other members of the body ecclesiastic." Owing to the long continuance of the schism, and the con- sequent tendency to circumscribe the authority of the Holy See, the practice of appealing from the decision of the Pope to the judgment of an ecumenical council had become com- mon, and this abuse Pius II. determined to correct. In his bull ''Exsccrabilis'' he forbade all such appeals under pain ot excommunication. It was found impossible to give to this bull the force of law in France, as the French parliament re- fused to allow Louis XL to set aside the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. Notwithstanding that the so-called capitulation oath, which Paul 11, the new Pope, a nephew of Eugene IV., had taken previously to his election, was one of unprecedented rigor, still, acting on the counsel of several eminent jurists, he re- ' Ct. Heinemann, Aen. Sylv. as preacher of a crusade against the Turks, Bern- burg, 1855. 902 Period 2. Ejjoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. solved to entirely disregard the obligation under which it placed hira. His love of display was so great, and his prodi- gality so excessive, that his legitimate revenue was found in- sufficient to meet his expenditures, and a tax was accordingly laid upon other churches, and the old abuses in the conferring of benefices again revived. He moreover laid himself open to the charge of nepotism, by raising three of his nephews to the dignity of the cardinalate. On the other hand, Paul II., who, with admirable foresight, perceived that the excessive cultivation of Pagan literature and science, which was now becoming fashionable, if allowed to go on, would eveutually be the source of great evil, set himself to resolutely oppose the tendency, which he charac- terized as a straying from the true faith. He also abolished tlie Court of Abbreviatori, on account of the notorious cor- ruption which prevailed among its members. This court had been established by his predecessor, Pius II., and consisted of officers who prepared the bulls on the collation of bene- fices. Many of these were literary men and members of the academy that had been founded by the famous Pomponio Leto, a former pupil of Lorenzo Valla, for the revival of an- cient classical literature, in the prosecution of Avhich they went to the length of introducing Pagan rites and ceremo- nies. They were arrested, a. d. 1468, on suspicion of being implicated in a conspiracy against the Pope, and on a charge of apostasy from the faith; but, having been shortly after- ward released, they again opened the academy. Platina, who had been among those put under arrest, took ample revenge on Paul for any wrongs he may have suffered, in a biography which he wrote of that pontiff, and to be found among his Lives of the Popes.' Upon the death of Paul (a. d. 1471), a season of excep- tional humiliation opened upon the papacy. It began with ' Pauli IT. Vita (by Cannese), pracmissis ejus vindiciis adv. Platinam aliosque Obtreotatores, cd. Quirini, Rom. 1740, 4to. Caspar. Vcro}iens., He gestis Pauli II. (Muraiori, T. III., P. II., p. 1025.) Important documents fortbe history ol the reign of Paul II. are: Jacob. Plccolominei Cardinal. Papiens. (t 1479), rorum suo tempore gestarum comraentarii libb. VII. (from 1464-1469), cum igusd. epistol., Mediol. 1500 f. ; GobelUni Comment., Prof. 1G14, p. 348 sq. § 273. Calixtus III.— Pius 11.— Paul II., etc. 903 the pontificate of Cardinal Francesco della Eovere of Savoua, formerly a professor of theology and general of the Francis- can Order, who ascended the papal throne August 25, a. d. 1471, under the name of Sixtus IV. It is difficult to determine whether his vices or his virtues were more prominent. The former are chiefly to be ascribed to his desire of accomplishing great actions, and to his ambi- tion to rule, for which he possessed eminent talents. He considerabij' eularged the Vatican library, and appointed the learned Platina to the office of librarian ; built, besides sev- eral other churches, those of Sta. Maria del Popolo and della Pace, and the Sixtine Chapel, which Ghirlandaio, Perugino, Michel Angelo, Eafaello, and others were engaged to fresco ; adorned Rome with a number of magnificent public struc- tures; placed Bonaventura on the catalogue of saints; was a munificent patron of literature; did all in his power to put an end to the controversies betvpcen the Thomists and the Scotists ; and, immediately after his accession, invited all Christian princes to an ecumeyiical council to be held in the Lateran palace, where the}' might adjust their difficulties and ]iart in peace. But these i-efused to obey his call. On the other hand, he had scarcely entered upon the duties of his office when he raised two of his nephews, Pietro Eiario and Rafaello Sanson!, to the rank of the cardinalate, and attempted to establish a principality in the Romagaa for a third — Girolamo Eiario — who had not entered the ecclesi- astical state. His political eflbrts were directed particularly against the Florentines, who had taken sides Avith Vitelli, Lord of Citta di Castello, in his conflict with Sixtus ; and against the Medici who had refused to recognize Francesco del Salviati as Archbisliop of Pisa, to which see he had been appointed by the Pope. Sixtus took j-evenge on his enemies lor these acts of hostil- ity by tendering the support of himself and his nephew Gi- rolamo, to the house of Pazzi, now engaged in a conspiracy against that of the Medici, stipulating, however, that this should be attended with no bloodshed. Lorenzo dei Medici and his brother, Giuliano, were seized and condemned to 904 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. death, but the former was fortunate enough to make his es- cape, and thus frustrated the designs of the conspirators. These latter, together with the Archbishop of Pisa, were at once put under arrest, condemned, and put to death. This act was followed by a bull, in which Sixtus, after enumer- ating the crimes of Lorenzo dei Medici and the other oflicers of the republic, declared them destitute of all sense of honor and justice, and their children incapacitated to enter upon the ecclesiastical state; and placed the dioceses of Florence. Fiesole, and Pistoja under interdict. The Florentines paid little attention to the papal bull. Acting on the advice of some learned jurists, they appealed to a future ecumenical council ; and, through the interven- tion of Louis XL of France, who threateued Sixtus with a revival of the Pragmatic Sanction if he should persist in keeping the city under interdict, obtained a full release from the censures, a. d. 1480, but not till after they had expressed their sorrow for the execution of the ecclesiastics who had taken part in the conspiracy. The terror, which the taking of Otranto by the Turks (August 11, 1480) had si;)read throughout all Italy, disposed the Pope to hasten to make peace with his enemies.' Sixtus was also engaged in quarrels with the Venetians, aud in con- sequence, in tlie year 1483, passed sentence of excommunica- tion upon the doge and the other magistrates of that repub- lic. But they, too, like the Florentines, appealed from this sentence to a future council, commanded the ecclesiastics within their dominions to continue religious service as usual, and sent those who disobeyed it into exile. These coutinual wars had exhausted the papal treasury-, and the Pnpe, in order to replenish it, put ecclesiastical dig- nities on sale, and carried on a shameless traffic iu taxes and other revenues, thus making the lioman court an object of universal contempt and execration. His policy at home was equally unfortunate with that abroad. The two rival parties at Rome were represented by 'His Life, written by /'. Onofrio Panvinio (Tr.) [Muraiori, T. III., Pt. II., p. 1052) ; his theological treatises, Rome, 1-170-71 ; Nor. 1473. Reumont, Vol. III., 1, p. 161-184. Gregorovim, Vol. VII., p. 232-274. § 273. Calixtus III.— Pius II.— Paul II., do. 905 the house of the Orsini on the one side, and on the other by those of the Colonnas and Savelli, with the formei' of which the Pope and his nephew had taken sides. Tlie arrest and imprisonment of two cardinals belonging to the two latter houses by the Pope's order, so incensed theEomaus that they broke out into open revolt. Sixtus died August 12, a. d. 1484, in the seventy-second year of his age, and so generally detested was he that a con- temporary writer said of him, on the day of his death : "To- day has God delivered His people from the power of this unjust man, who, destitute alike of the fear of God and the love of his fellow-men, sought only the gratification of his avarice and ambition." Recourse was again had, for the third time, to the capitula- tion oath,^ to p)revent the repetition of so scandalous a pon- tificate. It would seem that the cardinals should have been taught by past experience that the restrictions of any such covenant, no matter with what circumstance and solemnity it might have been entered into, could, under specious pretexts, be easily set aside, and that the only eftective way ot provid- ing a remedy adequate to the existing evils was to make choice of a man to fill the papal throne whose past life would be a guaranty for his future good conduct. After the usual promises had been given, the cardinals p)roceeded to an elec- tion, and their choice fell upon the decrepit old man. Cardi- nal John Baptist Cibo (A'u/9oj), a Genoese, who took the name of Innocent VIII. In his youth he had liad a number of natural children, though, according to the account of C'iacomo, he was aftervv-ard married, and, on tlie deatii of his wife, entered the ecclesiastical state. lie was appointed to the bishopric of Savona by Paul II., and by Sixtns iV. cre- ated domestic prelate and cardinaL While Pope, he managed lo make comfortable provision for his two surviving chiklrcn, Franceschetto and Theodorina, the latter of whom he gave in marriaije to a Genoese, and for the former procured Mad- dalena the daughter of Lorenzo dei Medici. Innocent, though a man of pacific disposition, and fre- 'Cf. Raynnld. ad an. 1484, nro. 28 sq. Reumont, Vol. III., 1, p. 187-108, Grcfforovius, Vol. VII., p. 275-308. 906 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. quently allowing his love of peace to betray him into acts of weakness and indecision, found himself engaged in a war with Ferdinand of Aragou, King of Naples, which was not brought to a final close until the year 1492. The Pope, in need of some support in Italy, entered into an alliance with Lorenzo dei Medici, the man who had so bitterly opposed the pre- ceding Pope, but whose son Giovanni, Innocent now created cardinal, notwithstanding that he was only a boy of thirteen, and had already been invested with twenty-nine ecclesiastical benefices. The affairs of the East early began to seriously engage the attention of Innocent. Following the example of his prede- cessors, he called upon Christian princes and-peoples to under- take a fresh crusade against the Turks. ^ He also succeeded in bringing about a reconciliation between the rival houses of the Colonnas and the Orsiui at Home, thus putting an end to the disgraceful scenes consequent upon their rivalries, and for this oifice he received from the Romans the honorable title of the Father of his Country. The Grand Master of the Knights of St. John had given Dsbem, a younger brother and rival of Bajazet II., into the custody of the Pope, who hoped that this prince might be of important service to the Christian cause in the contemplated Eastern war. Bajazet II. paid the Pope annually forty thousand florins for keeping this prince in prison; and, though the transac- tion may, at first sight, be regarded as a venal service, a just appreciation of all the circumstances involved will lead the fair-minded reader to put quite a different esti- mate upon it. Innocent, like his predecessors, invented new means of extorting money from the churches to fill his de- pleted treasury. The decrees of Constance and Basle were either entirely forgotten or lost sight of; ecclesiastical affairs were esteemed of little consequence, and artists and savans seemed to have taken the place of ecclesiastics. This Pope, however, deserves considerable credit for his energetic efforts ■ Raynald. ad an. 1484, nro. 60 sq. ; an. 1485, ni'o. 1 sq. ; an. 1486, ni'o. 60 sq. an. 1488, nro. 10 sq. § 273. Galixtus TIL— Fins II.— Paul IL, etc. 907 to suppress sorcery luid withcraft and the remnants of the heresy of John Huss.' He died Ju\y 25, a. d. 1492.^ On the 11th of the following Angust, fifteen of the twenty- three cardinals \vho met in coticlave, possessing a full knowl- edge of what they were about to do, and free from all 3xter- nal influence or constraint, if we except the money that was used to purchase their votes, chose Cardinal Roderigo Borgia, a Spaniard, to succeed to Innocent.^ As Pope, he took the name of Alexander VI. He had alread3r reached liis sixty- first year. He was equally conspicuous for vices and virtues ; was gifted with fine talents, and was a generous patron of the arts and sciences ; was bold in conception, fearless in execu- tion, and undaunted in the presence of danger; kind and affa- ble to the poor and middle classes, harsh and arrogant to the rich and powerful ; and, once he had made up Lis mind to accomplish a purpose, was unscrupulous as to the means to be employed.^ After he had completed his studies he gained 1 Ibid, ud an. 1488, nro. 58. ■^The following biographies of Innocent VIII. are extant: 1. By an anony- mous contemporary, in the Diario di Roma dell' anno 1481-92, in Muraiori, III. 2, p. 1070 sq.; 2. By Infe^sura, in the Diarium Eomanae urbis, ibid., p. 1189 sq.; 3. By OHMjoAHiisPanj!Mm(.s,in thecontinuationof Platina; 4. By Raphael Volaterranus, in Geographia, lib. XXII., and by James Volaterranus, in the Diarium Bom. (1471-84), in MuratoH, T. XXIII., p. 86 sq.; 5. By Vilardl, Vita d' Innocenzo VIII., Venez. lOl.S; and, C. In Pallaiil Gesta Eom. Pontif. III. 685 sq., in Ciaconii Vitae et Gesta Rom. Pontif III. 89 sq. ^ This venality is severely censured hy Haynaldm, ad an. 1492: ''Suffragia turpi sacrilegio vendidere Borgiae cardinales." ^ Burchardi Diarium curiae Eom. sub. Alex. VI. 1484-1506 (Eccardi Corpus hist., T. II., p. 2017 sq. Less complete in the specimen hist, arcanae sen anec- dota de vita Alex. VI., ed. Leibnit., Han. 1696, 4to ; more complete and enlarged in the ed. Genarelli, Plor. 1854 sq.) See below, p. 911, note 2. Guicciardini, 1. c, lib. I. -VI. Raphael Volaterranus, in his Anthropoiogia, lib. XXII., thus char- acterizes this Pope: "In Alexandre, ut de Anni'oale Livius scribit, aequabant x\t\a, viriHtcs. Inerat namquo ingenium, ratio," etc. Against the representa- tions, either wholly false or greatly exaggerated, of the suspected Burcluird, and of Ponianus, Sannazar, Giovio, and Guicciardini, the first to protest was an, iLiiglishman, Wm. Roscoe, the eminent historian of Lorenzo de' Medici, in liia second great worlc, " The L'fe and Pontificate of Leo X." which first appeared in 1805, passed rapidl}' through several editions, and, lilie his former work, was translated into French and Italian, and into German by GLaser, Vienna, 1018, ;! \y.s. (see especially Pt. I., ch. 3-6.) Next came Capefigue, L'eglise pendant las quatre derniers siecles, T. I., p. 41-48; Ch'intrel, Le pape Alexandre VI., ed. II., Paris, 1864, These latter writers, however, were preceded by Abbe Rohr- 908 Feriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. some distinction as an orator at the bar, but shortly gave up any ambition he may have entertained in this direction, to enter npon the more brilliant career of a military life. Bnt when Calixtus III., his maternal uncle, became PojDe, Rode- rigo was called to Rome, and having taken orders, was, in his twenty-fifth year, appointed to the archiepiscopal see of Viilencia, and created Cardinal-deacon and Vice-Chancellor of the Roman Church (a. d. 1456). Later on, Sixtus IV. created him Carclinal-bishop of Albano and Porto. By contemporary writers, whose accounts are sometimes conflicting, he is represented as having carried on a secret in- triene with the noble Ladv Vanozza de' Catanei, who had already been twice married, by whom he had four sons and one daughter. It is said that his relations with this lady were kept so secret that the knowledge of them was confined to a few, aud that his jj;i-ave demeanor, his simulated fjiety, and his profuse liberality made him popular with the people. bncher, Hist. univ. de I'eglise catholique 2eme cd. Vol. XXII., p. 338-354; and the writer of tho article Alexandre VI., in the Diet, des papes par M. C. F. C/icvd, who says : "The more attentively and thoroughly the original documents of the history of that epoch arc studied, the more clear will it become that the memory of Alexander VI. has been fearfully calumniated. To pass an unbiased judgment upon his life, it will be especially necessary to take into account his social surroundings. True criticism has long since cleared the name of Alex- ander VI. of the charges of poisoning and the other horrible crimes that had been groundlessly imputed to him by the revengeful journalists of tho ante- room and the scandal-mongers of that age and country. The implacable hos- tility of the Keformers and tlie resentment of France because of the political attitude of Alexander VI. have also contributed not a little to blacken his memory. It is not our purpo.se to excuse tho irregularities of his life, hut we would invite the reader desirous of learning to what extent he has been de- famed to peruse the chapter devoted to him by lif. Audin (Hist, de Leon X., T. I., c. 2). He was charitable, onergetio, fair-minded, and moderate. If he in- curred so much ill-will, it is because he overcame and kept in check the feudal aristocracy of Kome." His life has beeif exhaustively written by Reumont, Vol. III., Ft. 1., and by Gregoroviiis, Vol. VII. Orocne, in his Hist, of the Popes, Vol. II., p. 294-31G, has '^atiempied" to prove that Juan de Borgia, Duko of Gandia, and Caesar were his nephews, and Luerczia his niece; but Reumont (Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 204), and Gre;joroiilu!i (Vol. VII., p. 317), whose statem.ents are derived from authentic sources, maintain that they were tho natural chil- dren of Pioderigo Borgia, and that tho latter acknowledged them as such. Grogorovius, however, following the epitaph of Vanozza in the Church Sta. Maria del Popolo in Kome, states that Caesar Borgia was the elder, and Juan, Duke of Gandia, the younger son of Alexander. § 273. CaUxlm III.— Pius II.~Paul 11., etc. 909 Some of the cardinals, it is alleged, were deceived by these external evidences of sanctity, others were probably bribed, and both together placed Roderigo on the papal throne. There is certainh' some truth in these assertions; for when his election became known, the Eoman people gave expres- sion to their joy and intense worldly mindedness on the spur ()f the moment in an improvised address.' Tlie frivolity and questionable tone of "orals which pre- vailed at the Papal Court after Alexander had become Pope, and which, if he did not openly encourage, he was at no great pains to correct, gave an opportunity to his many enemies to spread all sorts of scandalous stories, and to indnlge in the most extravagant exaggerations. He did indeed greatly abuse his power to secure positions of profit and honor for his children.^ He created his eldest son, Juan, Duke of Gan- dia, and fixed upon him many estates in the kingdom of ISTa- ples ; he also bestowed upon him the Duchy of Benevento, which he had detached from the States of the Church. In his endeavors to provide equally well for his two younger sons, Caesar and Juffr'e, and his daughter, Lucrezia, he had recourse to a policj^ at once dishonest and dishon- orable. This was especially conspicuous in his conduct toward Charles VIII., King of France, who came into Italy to defend the claims of the house of Anjou to the king- dom of Naples. Alexander, bribed by Ferdinand, King of Naples, espoused his cavise, and after his death, which oc- curred January 25, a. d. 1494, was equally zealous in his ad- vocacy of the rights of his son, Alphonsus IL But when Charles VIII. , entirely disregarding the excom- ' Caesare magna fuit, nunc Eoma est maxima. Sextus Begnat Alexander. Ille vir, iste DeusI 2 The mawkish sentimentality of Alexander in regard to his ehildren was especially manifest when, in giving away his daughter Lucrezia for the last time in marriage, he said to the embassadors of the Duke of Ferrara, pointing to her donation of jewelry: "This is all for Lucrezia. It is my wish that she sliould possess finer pearls and a larger quantity of them than any princess of Italy." {Reumont, Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 239.) And, hearing of the death of his eldest son, .luan, be said: " Had I seven popedoms, I should gladly give them all for the life of my son." {Grejoroviua, 1. c, Vol, VII., p. 402 sq.) In a letter of r.eeoramendation to Louis XII., King of Prance, he called Caesar "the dearest object he had on earth." {Reumont, Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 228.) 910 Period £. Epoch. 2. Fart 2. Chapter 1. mnnication that Alexander had published against him, en- tered Eome at the head of his army, on the last day of the year, the Pope hastened to make terras with the victor, and thus facilitated the conquest of Naples, which soon followed. In the following year Alexander concluded a fresh alli- ance with the Emperor of Germany and the King of Spain, the Doge of Venice, and Duke Sforza of Milan, for the ex- pulsion of the Fi-ench from Italy. Charles, unable to make head against this formidable coalition, withdrew in haste across the Alps. By such dishonorable conduct Alexander set the example to the other princes of calling in foreign powers to settle the difliculties of Italy. The theocratic principle of the Popes of the Middle Ages was now superseded by a selfish policy and the lust of dominion. Alexander and his infamous son Caesar Borgia, relieved of the presence of the French monarch, set abont ridding the States of ihe Church of the independent vicars and petty tyrants by whom they were infested, reopened the courts of judicature, and restored commerce and industry. The bound- less exactions of Caesar Borgia soon led to fresh coniplica- tions and hostilities between Alexander and the new King of Naples, Frederic, the brother of Alphonsus II. Those cardinals who had opposed the election of Alexan- der fled from his vengeance, and most of those who had sold their votes to him were arrested on suspicion of being his secret enemies, and were either murdered, imprisoned, or obliged to seek safetj' in flight. On the death of his eldest son Juan, Duke of Gandia, whose murder the jealous Caesar Borgia is represented as having been instrumental in bringing about, Alexander showed some disposition to mend his ways, and even ex- pressed an intention of resigning the papacy.' But this peni- tent state of mind gradually wore away as time and care rendered less distinct and horrid the terrible tragedy that had inspired it. Caesar Borgia had entered the ecclesiastical state, and had been created cardinal, but now that his brother was dead, ' Cf. Gregoromue, 1. c, Vol. VII., p. 402 sq. § 273. Calixtus III.— Fins II.— Paul II., etc. 911 Alexander dispensed him from anj^ obligation his former con- dition imposed upon him, and transferred to him the titles and estates of Juan. Louis XII. had ascended the throne of France in the year 1498, and in gratitude for a favor conferred upon him hy Alexander, created Caesar Borgia, Duke of Valentinois, and gave him a French princess and a relative of his own in mar- riage. The Pope, feeling himself safe in so powerful an idli- ance, secured for his son the principality of the Romagna, of which he created him duke. He also subsequently gave large tracts of territory' to the two sons of Lucrezia by her second husband, Alphonsus, who had been murdered by Caesar.' Alexander has been accused of having lived in incest with his daughter Lucrezia,^ who was thrice married. Bnt this is a malicious fabrication. After she had withdrawn from the allurements of Roman society, whose evil inflnence did so much to corrupt her own and after ages, she devoted herself to a life of sincere piety and to works of Christian charity and mercy.' No less false is the slander of his having, in virtue ot an alliance with the Sultan, caused the poisoning of the young Prince Dshem, who, as has been stated, had ' Grcgorovius VII., p. 156; Eeimonl, Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 238. 2 Mr. Roscoe, in his "Dissertation on the Character of Lucrezia Borgia," says: '■With respect to the incestuous intercourse, of which she has been so generally accused, the circumstances of her life and conduct afford no evidence." Again, speaking of Burkhard, the papal master of ceremonie.?, the same author re- marks: "It is highly Important to our present subject to observe, that through- out the whole narrative of this loquacious master of papal ceremonies, who seems on no occasion to have concealed what inl^ht disgrace either hi.= superior.^ or himself, there exists not the mo.st dinfant intimation of that criminal intimacj- between Alexander and his daughter, or between her and her brothers, which, if ho had known or suspected it to have existed, it is not likely, from the tenor of other parts of his narrative, that ho would have been inclined to wholly con- ceal." And speaking of those who celebrated Lucrezia's endowments of mind and beauty of per.son, Mr. Koscoe says: "If Lucrezia was guilty of the crimes of which she stands accused, the prostitution of her panegyrists is greater than her own;" but, he adds, "of such degradation several of the authors be^re cited were incapable." (Tk.) 'Cf. Reumoni, Vol. III., Pt. I., p. 206; concerning the poor work on Lu- crezia by Gilbert (German by Eegia, Lps. 1870), and the still more wretched lucubration of Ollivier, Le pape Alex. VI., Paris, 1870; conf. Reumoni, in the Ronii. Eeview of Theol. Lit., year 1870, nros. 12 and 18. 912 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. been given given into the custody of Innocent VIII. by the Knights of St. Jolia. These outrageous charges are now gen- onilly regarded as atrocious calumnies. But as Peumont justly remarks, the fact that most scandalous reports should have been believed by members of his palace, is a strong ar- gument against his innocence. The severe censorship'- Avliich Alexander exercised with re- gard to all publications, would seem to strengthen the sus- ]'icion that he had a dread of public opinion. The great popular orator of Florence, Jerome Savonarola, of the order of Friars Preachers, came forih like another Elias, and hurled the thunders of his eloquence against the abuses of Alexander, and called upon the princes' of Christendom to convoke an ecumenical council to depose him. An advocate of democratic principles, he alienated the affections of the people from their rulers, excited tliem to revolt, and finally himself fell a victim to the storm which he had evoked, bnt which he was powerless to check. Afterthe Medici had been driven from Florence, Savonarola framed a constitution for the government of the city on the model of that of Venice. One of its articles provided that a person condemned to death for a political offense, should possess the right of appeal to the Great Council of the nation. Some conspirators under sentence of death claimed this privilege ; Savonarola refused their petition, and they were executed. The city was in a Avild state of excitement ; the laity and secular priests took sides against the religious ; the religious Avere equally defiant, and the pulpits rang with denunciations. Alexander VI., to whom the case had been referred, ordered the Dominican to leave oflF preaching till the difiiculty should be settled, but this the latter obstinately refused to do. He was then bronght ^ Raynald. ad a. 1501. nr. 3G: Inter miiHiplicos nostrae sollieitudinis curas illam imprimis suscipere pro nostro pastoral! officio deberaus, ut quae salubria et laudabilia ac catholioao fidei coiisorta ot bonis moribus conformia nostro tem- pore oriuntnr, non solum conserventur et augeantur, vorum etiam ad posteros propagentur, et quae pernioiosa, daranabilia et impia sunt, succidantur et radici- tus exstirpentur, nee pullularc usquam sinantur, et in agro dominico et vinea Domini Sabaotli duntaxat conseri permittendo, quibus fidelium mentes pasci spiritualitor possint, eradicata zizania et oloastri sterililate sucoisa. Cf. Fess- Ici , the ecclesiastical prohibition of books, Vienna, 1859. § 273. Calixtus III.— Pius II.— Paul II., etc. 913 to trial, found guilty of having published false prophecies, and of being a heretic, a sehismatic, and the instigator of popular sedition. He was next handed over to the secular authority, condemned to death, and executed a. d. 1498.^ Alexander, toward the close of his life, received a great fright from the falling of the ceiling of his room, an accident by which a number of those present with him at the time were killed and others wounded, and the efl'ects of which, it is supposed, brought on the malignant tertiary fever, of which he died August 18, a. d. 1503. The story of his having been poisoned at a banquet by a draught which his son had prepared for one of the cai'dinals, but which, by mistake, one of the servants waiting at the table, gave to his father, is entirely without foundation.^ It is certainly a little remarkable that Alexander, while making so flagrant a misuse of his pontifical power, never lost sight of the essential duties of the Head of the Church, '■J. Ft. Pici, Vita Hieron. Savon. (Batesii vit sel. aliquot viror. Lond. 1681.) Touron, Hist, des hommes illustr. de I'Ordre de St. Domin., T. III., p. 571. In recent times Jerome Savonarola has been idealized and poetically transformed in essays and monographies by Rudelhaeh, Jerome Savonarola and his Age, Hamburg, 1835; B. Meier, Jerome Savonarola, mostly from manuscript sources, Berlin, 1836. Cf. the Bonn Periodical, nr. 27, p. 127-151. Villari, Hist, of Savonarola (Germ, by Berdusoher, Lps. 1869). '' Thus Eoscoe, in his Life of Leo X., according to old traditions (German by Glaser, "Vienna ed.. Vol. I., p. 352), and from modern investigations. Most of the denunciations, exaggerations, and fabrications against the character of Alex- ander VI. are to be met with in Burkhard's Diarium. He hailed from Stras- burg, was master of ceremonies at the Eoman court. Bishop of Citta Castellana (t in Eome, 1505), and was but poorly qualified to be a censor, since Paris, like- wise master of ceremonies at the papal court, characterizes him in his Dia- rium ad an. 1506 as follows : " Non solum non human us, sed supra omnes bestias bestialissimus, inhumanissimus, invidiosissimus." The text, moreover, of his Diarium has undergone very suspicious alterations. It was not until two hun- dred years after his death that Leibniz, from Latin, French, and Italian scraps, composed his work entitled " Specimen historiae, sive anecdota de vita Alexan- dri VI. Papae, seu excerpta ex diario Burchardi, edente 6. G. L{eibnis), Han- nov. 1696, 4to. Then the same was published more fully, but with falsifica- tions, by Eccard, in his Corpus hist, medii aevi, T. II. (cf. Brdquigny' s Notices des msc. de la bibliotheque du roi, 1787, p. 74), and was still more enlarged, very recently, by Gennarelli, Burchardi Diarium Innoc. VIII., Alexander VI., Pii III. et Julii II., tempora complectens, Plorent. 1854. Cf. Gams, in Mshlers Oh. Hist., Vol. II., p. 522-523. VOL. II — 58 914 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. and never compromised either faith or morals in any of the numerous official documents issued by him. As the great St. Leo remarked : " The dignity of Peter is never entirely obscured, even in one unworthy of being his successor." The most important political act of Alexander's pontificate was the suppression of those great aristocratic houses within the States of the Church, whose lords afl'ected a sovereign independence of all government, and grievously oppressed the people. The Romans, knowing the character of the new Pope*, anticipated that he would adopt this policy, and ac- cordingly hailed his accession with joy, giving expression to their feelings in an inscription which celebrated his praises in fulsome words. They were soon undeceived, and they made ample amends for any excess of praise they may have bestowed upon him, by the acrimonious sarcasm with which they now assailed his character.'' § 274. Julius II. (a. d. 1503-1513)— Synorf of Pisa— Fifth Council of Lateran — Leo X. (a. d. 1513-1521.) Paris de Grassis, Diarium curiae Eom. (1504-1522), in Hoffmanni Collectio nova script, et monum., T. I., and in Raynald., Lettres du roi Louis XII., et du Card. d'Amboise, Brus. 1712, 4 vols. Hadriarms Casiellens., Itinerarium Julii. (Ciaconii Vitae Eom. Pontiff., Lugd. 1663, T. II.) The Cardinals, conscious that the pontifical throne had been greatly dishonored by preceding popes, sought to restore its ancient glory by the election of a man worthy so great a dignity. This was Francis Piccolomini, a nephew of Pius II., whose name he took as Pope. lie was a man of spotless character, possessed great business tact, and was earnestly de- sirous of restoring the discipline of the Church. But, unfor- tunately, he had scarcely intimated the noble purposes he had at heart, when he was carried away by death, after a reign of twenty-six days. To a man so full of promise to the Church succeeded one of a very difterent character. This was Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, a native of Abizal, near 1 The Pope was subsequently compared to the tyrants Sextus Tarquinius and Sextus Nero, e. g. in the epigram : "Sextus Tarquinius, Sextus JSero, Sextus et ipse; Semper sub Sextis perdita Koma Aiit." § 274. Julius II. — Synod of Pisa, etc. 915 Savona, and a nephew of Sixtns IV. Formerly a mariner, lie was called by his uncle to ecclesiastical preferment. Created Cardinal of San Pietro in Vincoli, in 1471, he soon became distiuguislied for his exalted virtue, and particularly for the modesty whicli was conspicuous in whatever he said or did. Of grave, afE'able, and reiined manners, he won the good-will of all, and his merits were the theme of every tongue. He had enjoyed the favor and confidence, not only of Sixtns IV., but also of Innocent VIII. Owing to an invet- erate feud between his own house and that of Alexander VI., he went into voluntary exile in France on the accession of that Pontiff, where he remained ten years. When his heredi- tary enemy had passed away he was recalled from exile by the announcement that his thirty-seven colleagues assembled in conclave, had, by their unanimous vote, raised him to the papal throne, which he ascended under the name of Julius II., to the great disgust and chagrin of Caesar Borgia. On receiving news of his election, he cried out, "0 Lord, deliver us from the Barbarians." The energy and vigor of his charac- ter seemed to point him out as one well qualified to suppress internal revolt and repel foreign aggression. Had Julius lived in a difterent age, he would have been nearly, if not quite, as conspicuous for preeminence in the spiritual affairs of the Church, as he is now for his stern policy as a ruler. But be- cause he defended, sword in hand, the States of the Church, driven to revolt by the oppression of the fugitive Duke of Valentinois, he appears to superficial observers, and has been frequently represented, as more intent upon indulging a pas- sion for war than of providing for the well-being and ad- jvancement of the Church. Possessing in an eminent degree the talents of a warrior and the astuteness of a statesman, and determined to defend and extend, if possible, the Papal States, he was constantly occupied planning campaigns, and devising means for freeing Italy from foreign domination, a task to which he devoted the best energies of his life. Italian tyrants trembled before him, for they knew their hour was come.^ The warlike character of Julius formed so glaring a con- - Panvinio. Historia delle Vite dei Sommi Pontefici. — Giulio II., Pont. CCXX„ p. 257, Venice, 1594. (Tk.) 916 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. trast to the pacific character of his office, that it furuished the wits of the age with a prolific subject for satii'e.' But apart from all this, it must be said to his honor that he was outspoken and honest in his dealings, inaccessible to corrup- tion, and an enemy to nepotism, a generous steadfast friend, and a munificent patron of the arts and sciences. Carried a„way by his admiration for ancient Roman architecture, es- pecially that grand style still visible in the baths of Dio- elesian, he commenced the work of rebuilding upon a scale of unprecedented dimensions and splendor, the Basilica of St. Peter, which he had employed the celebrated Bramante to design. The Pope laid the corner-stone April 18, 1506, in presence of the cardinals and surrounded by a vast concourse of people ; and to raise money for its construction, granted an indulgence to such as contributed to the work. One of the first acts of Julius after entering upon the duties of his office was to check the dangerous pretensions of Caesar Bor- gia, whom he deprived of the Duchy of Eomagna, and sent into exile. The Duchy, together with the cities of Perugia and Bologna, was again annexed to the States of the Church. The despotic Baglionis were driven out from the former of these cities and from the latter the no less despotic Bentiv- oglios, after which their ancient liberties were restored by the Pope. Caesar Borgia, banished from Pome and all Italy, ventured to go by sea from Ostia to !N"aples. Here he was, by order of his Catholic Majesty, arrested and conveyed to the castle of Medina del Campo, in Spain, where he lay im- prisoned for two years. At length he contrived to make good his escape, took service in the army of his brother-in-law, Jean d'Albret, King of Navarre, and finally lost his life, under the walls of the castle of Biauo, March 12, 1507.^ The Venetians had given grave offense to the Pope bj^ taking possession of and holding the cities of Faenza and Eimini, and a tract of sea-board within his dominions. To humble them and effect a partition of their territory, Julius ' Julius exclusus, by Hutten, or Erasmus (Pasquill. T. II., Bleutheropoli — i. e., Basil. 1544, p. 42S sq.) ' Aiidin, Biograph. Univ., T. 5. (Tr.) § 274. Jalius Il.—Synod of Pisa, etc. 917 formed a eoaliHoD, in 1508, known as the League of Camhrai,^ to which, besides himself, Maximilian of Germany, Louis XII. of France, and Ferdinand of Spain were parties. Spir- itual as well as material weapons were employed by Julius to bring the Republic to terms. The Venetians, seeing that it was useless to contend against so formidable a coalition, com- plied with the demands of the Pope, and were absolved from ecclesiastical censures. Julius next turned the power of his arms against his vassal, Alphonsus of Este, Duke of Ferrara, who had con- tested with the Holy See the right of suzerainty over the States of Italy, and entered into an alliance with Louis XII., of whose political influence on the peninsula Julius was becoming apprehensive. The Duke of Ferrara was banished the country. This conduct greatly irritated Louis, who, at the instance of certain cardinals, resolved, while Julius was at the head of his army in Italy, to employ spiritual weajwns against the latter. The prelates, and the deputies and chapters of universi- ties within the kingdom of France, met at Orleans, August, A. D. 1510, whence they went to Tours, and while there, gave it as their opinion to Louis, that the Pope had no sort of right to make war on foreign princes, and that, should he do so, these were at liberty to withhold their obedience from him, and to utterly disregard his censures. They also represented that the present Pope was particularly at fault since, instead of giving his attention to the business of an ecumenical coun- cil which he had pledged himself by oath in conclave to con- voke before the expiration of two years, he was engaged in carrj'ing on war. Maximilian entered warmly into Louis' project of holding a council independently of the Pope, and published a manifesto, in which he declared that should the latter refuse to convoke it he would appeal to the cardinals. Some of the latter were found pliant enough to give their support to the schismatieal desio-n of these princes, and appointed Pisa as the place of meeting for the proposed council (Fovember 5, a. d. 1511). ' Dubus Hist, de la liguo faite a Cambrai, La Hayts, 1710, 2 T. 918 Period 2. Epock 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Soderini, gonfalonicre of Florence, imprudently extended the hospitality of the city to the rebelliou8 cardinals. The members of this robber-council protested in advance against any censures the Pope might pass upon them.^ The conventicle, which was composed chiefly of Frenchmen^ and was but a very indifferent copy of the Council of Basle, went to the length of suspending the Pope, who was styled "another Goliath." Julius II. defended himself against the charges of which he had been accused, by representing that the troubled con- dition of Europe, and particularly of Italy, rendered it im- possible for him to convoke the council as he had promised, much as he might desire to do so. In the year 1512, he entered into a fresh coalition with Ferdinand the Catholic of Spain and ISTaples, and Henry VIII. of England, and with Switzerland, which forced the French to retire from Italy. Deprived of the protection of French arms, and regarded with suspicion by the Florentines, of whose territory Pisa then formed a part, the prelates withdrew to Milan, then a mere French fortress, thence to Asti, and finally to Lyons. Julius now laid all France, with the excep- tion of Bretagne, under interdict. The Eighteenth Ecumenical or fifth Council of Lateran, which the Pope had in the meantime convoked, convened May 10, A. D. 1512. At the opening session there were present fifteen cardinals and seventy-nine bishops, but this number was soon increased to one hundred and twenty, the majority of whom were Italians.^ Giles of Viterbo, the General of the Augustinians, delivered the opening address, in which he drew a vivid picture of the evils that distracted and afflicted the Cjiurch.^ "Julius 11.," said he, " is indeed the first pontiff who has successfully employed ^ Acta concilii Pisani, Par. 1612, 4to, as conciliabulum Pisanum, in Harduln, T. IX., p. 1559 sq. Conf. Richerii Hist, concilior., lib. IV., c. 2, 3. 2 Acta Cone. Lateran. V. oecumen., in Barduin, T. IX., p. 1561-1856. 'Conf. Harduin, 1. c, p. 1576 sq., where it is said, among other things: "Ad haeo vero agenda cum alia permulta, turn praecipiie exercitus amissus exoitare nos debet: quod equidem putem divina providentia factum, quo armis ecclesiae alienis freti cederemus, ut ad nostra redeuntes victorea evaderemus. Nostra autom arma sunt pietas, religio, probitas, supplicationes, vota, lorica fldei atquu § 274. Julius II.— Synod of Pisa, etc. 919 the arms of secular warfare in defense of the Church. But for all this, it is not in such weapons the Church puts her trust. She can never count certainly on success, until her bishops, assembled in council, make use of those weapons of which the Apostle speaks, and with lohich she is to go forth and achieve that victory to which the Catholic world is noio hopefidly looking forward. If the Church is great, she has become so through victories gained in spir- itual warfare, An extension of territory is of no great impor- tance to her ; her spiritual wealth is her all." This Council, whicli was recognized by the Emperor Maxi- milian, through his representative, Matthew Lang, Bishop of Gurk, who arrived during the third session, employed its first five sessions in reviewing and condemning the decrees of the conventicle of Pisa. The Fathers were proceeding to con- sider the case of France, where there had been a movement on foot to set up an antipope in the person of the abbot of Clugny, and a disposition to frighten the Holy See by holding the Pragmatic Sanction over him in terrorem, when Julius II. died, February 22, a. d. 1513, still meditating great reforms. "History," says J-wim, " presents no example of a man destined to wear a crown who possessed in a higher degree all the qualities of a great ruler. Equally unsearchable to all who approached him^ihe was still a stranger to dissimulation ; bold in his designs, but never rash in his execution ; quick to resolve, but correct in his calculations. He was patient in adversitj'', fearless in danger, merciful in the hour of victory.'" '■ That an old Pope," says Rohrbacher, " rarely free from sickness, should undertake to beat simultaneously both the King of France and the Emperor of Germany, for the pur- pose of teaching them that he was master in his own house, is indeed a little surprising; but not more so than to see Frenchmen and Germans, in works of biograjahy and history, represent this act of self-defense as a scandalous abuse of power, probably because he defeated them instead of being defeated by them."^ " He can not," says Panvinio, " be arma lucis, ut Apostoli verbis utar. Ad quae si Synodi opera redibimus, ut armis non nostris inferiores aliquo hoste faimus, ita nostris erimus omni hoste superiores." ' Audin, Histoire de Leon X., T. I., p. 257, 12mo. (Tr.) - Rohrbacher, Hiet. Univ. de TEgUso, Vol. 22, p. 376 sq. (Tk.) 920 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. too much praised foi' having so courageously and perseveringly exerted himself to preserve and extend the States of the Church ; although there be some who, believing him to have been more given to the profession of arms than was compat- ible with his state, are inclined to give him scant credit."' "The character of Julius," says Kraus, "though vehement and sometimes carrying him beyond the limits of moderation, was one of incomparable grandeur. He well deserved the most magnificent sepulchral monument of the prince of artists."^ When we reflect on the political and warlike character of this Pope, it need scarcely excite surprise in us to be told that the Emperor Maximilian, who had now become a wid- ower, entertained designs of securing the papacy for himself,' with the intention probably of combining the papal and the imperial dignity in one person. In this he was unsuccessful. The fifty cardinals, who went into conclave, elected the young Cardinal-deacon, Giovanni dei Medici, now in the thirty- eighth year of his age, who, on ascending the papal throne, March 19, a. d. 1513, took the name of Leo X. He had been ordained priest on the 15th of the same month, and conse- crated bishop on the 17th. Leo was a true representative of his age. An ardent admirer of classic and humane culture, he possessed a refined taste, had a love of elegant literature, and was sincerely devoted to the arts and sciences. But, for all this, he was entirely destitute of the motives and sjjirit which should form the guiding pi-inciples in the life of an ecclesiastic, and was, moreover, lavishly extravagant. The first exercise of his authority was to found a college for the publication of the Greek authors, under the superin- tendence of the celebrated Lascaris. The Vatican became the resort of savans, literati, and artists.^ Bembo and Sadolet, ' Panvinio, Historia delle Vite dei Sommi Pontefici, Giulio II., p. 260. (Te.) ' Michael Angelo's statue of Moses in the Church of San Pietro in Vincoli, Kraus, Oh. Hist, Vol. III., p. 436. (Tr.) ^ The correctness of the rumor is proven hy Aschbach (Dieringer' s Cath. Jour. 1845). It was probably the conduct of some of the popes that inspired Guignecourt to say that the Church would get on quite as well without them. See the letter of the University of Paris to the antipope Clement VII., 1-394. Albert Jdger, Kelation of Emperor Maximilian to the Papacy, Vienna, 18.54. ■•Cf. Audin, Life of Pope Leo X. (transl. from the Pr. into. Germ, by Burg, Augsburg, 1845, 2 vols. ; into English by Turnbull, and also by Bishop McGill. § 274. Julius IL—Synod of Pisa, etc. 021 distiiignished for the pnritv and elegance of their Latinit}-, were at once created cardinals and appointed his secretaries ; Bramante and the great universal genius, Michael Angela, were at work upon St. Peter's, and Raphael, surnamed " The Divine," was engaged in decorating the loggie and the stanze. The work of the Lateran Council, which Louis of France now acknowledged, was again taken up where it had been left off in the ffth session, on the death of Julius II. The old question of reform was again discussed and decrees proposed which provided for a purer morality and a stricter dis- cipline; proscribed the excessive study of the Pagan classics and the absurd doctrine that the world possessed a soul ; denied that there existed an antagonism between philosophical and theological truths, and abolished the practice of the same person holding several ecclesiastical benelices, the possession of which would require incompatible duties ; condemned the con- cubinage of the clergy and the employment of interdicts for trivial causes, and recommended the erection of Montes Pie- tatis, or establishments where the poor might obtain small loans at a trifling percentage, this being limited, by act of government, to what was barely necessary to defray ex- penses. These salutary measures were received with indifference. The evil had grown to such vast dimensions that the men of that age lacked the nerve, the vigor, and the determination to look it steadily in the face, to grapple with it, and to per- severe in the struggle till it should have been crushed, or at least rendered harmless. And, of all the men of his time, Leo was perhaps least fitted, either by nature or education, to undertake and conduct to a successful issue so difficult a task.' He was far more intent on having the Pragmatic Sanction abolished, and in this he succeeded in a private interview he had with Francis I. at Bologna, in 1515. A concordat regu- lating the affairs of the French Church was drawn up by the ^ Raynald. ad an. 1513, nro. 97, relates the following incident: "When I.eo X. was informed that almost the half of the prelates were demanding a reform of the whole body ecclesiastic in its head members, papa quasi subridcns dixit, velle aliquantulum cogitare, ut omnibus satisfiat, et sic in prima sessione futura dcliberare, quod omnium reformatio fiat, tam sui quam reformaiorum I " 922 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. two parties and confirmed by the Council of Lateran,' bnt rejected by the French Parliament, which charged the King with abusing his authority because he firmly insisted on its acceptance.^ With this, Leo fancied that the object of tlie Council had been completely attained, and seemed either totally oblivious of, or entirely disregarded the decay that had come upon every branch of ecclesiastical discipline, and which, while it was eating into and poisoning the very life of the Church, was no uncertain token of the sad days that were soon to follow. Leo, after having made provision that the tithes of all benefices should, during the succeeding three years, be paid into the papal treasury for the purpose of de- fraying the expenses of a war against the Tui^ks, dismissed the prelates at the close of the twelfth session, March 16, a. d. 1517.' Thomas de Vio da Gaeta (Cajetanus), the General of the Dominican Order, had besought the Pope, as he valued the welfare of the Church, not to close the Council; but his fore- sight was not appreciated, nor were his words of warning heeded. The deplorable state of the Church at this time caused Ga.iler of Kaisersberg to utter these prophetic words : " Since neither the Pope, the Emperor, the King, nor the Bishops will undertake the work of reform, God will presently send one who will." % 275. Review of the Situation of the Papacy. The one great object that occupied the minds and engaged the energies of all during this controversy, was to define both in theory and practical working the exact limits of papal 'Textus integer Concordator. inter Leon. X. et Franc. I. (Harduin, T. IX., p. 1867-1890.) ^Eelation de ce qui se passa sur la publication et renseignement du Con- cordat au Parlement de Paris. Milnch's Collection of all Concordats, Pt. I., p. 225, and Richerii Histor. Cone, lib. IV., P. II., c. 4, nr. 13. 3 Roscoe, Life and Pontificate of Leo X., Liverpool, 1804, 4 vols. 4to ; London, 1806, 6 vols. ; transl. into Italian : Vita e Pontificate di Leone X., etc. (free compilation), Milano, 1816, 12 vols. ; Germ, by Glascr, with annotations by Henke, Lps. 1806 sq,, 3 vols.; Vienna, 1818. Fabroni, Vita Leon. X., Pisis, 1797, 4to. Ranlie, The Popes of Eome, their Church and State during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Berlin, 1834 sq.. Vol. I., p. 71 sq., p. 80-90 of ed. 2. § 275. Beoicw of the Situation of the Papacy. 923 authority, to restore it to its yirimitive and normal condition. Two very different and diametrically opposite ways were pur- sued to reach this end — the one led straight to a centralization of all power z?? the hands of the episcopacy ; the other, scarcely less direct, to an attempt to erect the papacy into an absolute monarchy. The advocates of the former theory were the Fathers of the Councils of Constance and Basle, and preem- inently the celebrated theologians, Henry of Langenstein (de Hassia), Gerson, Peter d'Ailly, Nicholas de Gusa, Nicholas de Clemange, and others. These maintained that the temporal power was wholly independent of the spiritual authority; that ecumenical councils were possessed of supreme legislative authority, including within its range even the Pope himself, who, they said, is indeed the administrative {caput ministeriale ecclesiae), but not the constituent Head of the Church; and, that, since his authority is dependent upon that of the epis- copacy, it is lawful to appeal from his decision to the judg- ment of a council. "All bishops," said l^icholas de Cusa, "have their power immediately from God; and, hence, ques- tions of rank and priority relate entirely to the exercise of this power, and must be settled by established rules, which are, on this very account, subsidiary to, and not of the es- sence of, the power itself. Christ, in addressing Peter, spoke to all the other apostles as well, and committed to him no special grant of power. ^ The Pope is, therefore, only the first among equals {primus inter pares)." These erroneous opinions were the underlying principles of a complete system whose aim and scope centered in the one purpose of degrading the authority of the Holy See, and of unduly restricting the rights and prerogatives which had been freely accorded to it during the lapse of a long course of ages. To make matters worse, secular princes strengthened the hands of these unworthy ecclesiastics, and busied them- selves in throwing fresh difSculties in the way of a settle- ment. ^ To defend this theory of episcopal authority a pretense was made of an appeal to history, but only incidentally and with ' Nic. Cusan., Da concord, cath., lib. II., c. 4-13. 924 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. partisan dishonesty. Thus, Nicholas de Cusa' proved the De- cretals of Isidore Mercator to be spurious, and Laurentius Valla showed that the so-called Donation of Constantine waq a forgery, as if either, or both, whether genuine or i.therwise, would in the least affect papal authority. On the other hand, the Popes showed no disposition either lo contract the limits of their spiritual authority, or to relin- quish any part of that supreme power which they had ac- quired. Their defenders, among whom were Turreeremata, Thomas of Sa.rzano, and others equally distinguished, also ap- pealed to history, where they had certainlj' the advantage of their adversaries, and contended that the spiritual authority was necessarily above the secular; that the Pope was the source of all episcopal jurisdiction, and superior to an ecu- menical counciL Toward the close of this period the Dominican, Thomas de Vio of Gaeta (Cajetanus), and James Almain, a doctor of the Sorbonne, were the two most prominent advocates of these two schools of opinion.^ It is unfortunate that the dispu- tants, in the heat of controversy, should have lost sight of the only practicable way of adjusting the difficulty. Had they taken the pains to read history aright they would have learned, first, that without the centralized power of the papacy the Church could never have come safe through the disorders and anarchy of the Middle Ages, and next, that the schism could not have been closed except by the application of the princi- ples advanced by the advocates of episcopal rights. The line of procedure had been clearly traced out by Nicholas V. in an address made by him to the embassadors of the elec- toral princes, sent to Rome to congratulate hira on his election to the papacy. "It is indeed true," said he, " that the Popes have so far extended their authority beyond just limits, that they have finally absorbed that of the bishops; 1 Ibicl., lib. II., c. 34; lib. III., c. 2 and .3. Concerning Laurentius Valla, see Vol. I., p. 42, note 2, and Fascicul. rer. expetendarum, etc., fol. 64-80, ed. CoV.n. 1535. ' Cajetani Traotat. de comparatione aiietoritatis Papae et Couc. (Rocaberii Jiibl. max. Pontificia, T. XIX.) Jac. Almain!. Tract, de auctor. eccl. et Con- nilior. gener. {Gerauidi 0pp., cd da Pin, T. II., p. 076.) § 275. Review of the Situation of the PcqKtcy. 925 and the natural result of such a policj' has been, that the Fathers of Basle have gone to the other extreme, and at- tempted to unduly restrict the authority of the Pope. When one sets out with conduct unworthy of himself and unbecoming his office, he must expect to be eventually the vic- tim, of injustice; just as a tree that is inclined too much to one side is in the righting often dragged too much to the other. For my own part, I have firmly purposed not to invade the legitimate rights of bishops, and a share in the government of the Church is certainly a prerogative of their office. There is but one way to preserve inviolate the authority of the Rope, and that is to respect, to the full, the authority of every other mem- ber of the hierarchy." '^ These councils, assembled for the purpose of providing measures of reform, lost sight of their avowed object in end- less debates on papal supremacy. They seemed determined to bring this question to an issue, and to decide it oneway or the other. Its discussion consumed the time that should have been given to reform, and this, by being indefinitely de- ferred, was more completely ignored than if it had never been taken up. ISTeither could much encouragement be expected from Popes who could not be unconscious that every adequate measure of reform would bear heavily on themselves. More- over, the protracted sojourn of the Popes at Avignon, the Western Schism, the scandalous events consequent upon it, and the reprehensible conduct of many of the Popes, had given so violent a shock to the authority of the Holy See, that its decrees were no longer received with respect and obedience by the Catholic world. Again, the unity of the Church was threatened by the action of the various governments which attempted, by con- cordats and pragmatic sanctions, such as those of Bonrges, Frankfort, and Mentz, to establish national churches. ^Notwithstanding all the evils that came upon religion in this age, and in spite of every effijrt that had been made to obscure, and, if possible, to obliterate the very idea of the papacy, this nevertheless retained its hold all the same on the ' In Koch, Saiictio pragm. Germ, illustr., cap. 2, ? 15. 926 Period 2. Eporh 2. P^ni 2. Chapter 1. o great bulk of the people, and was regarded as the underlying principle of Catholic unitj-, and the essential condition to the government of the Church. " The voice of the Pope," says Sehrockh, " was obeyed with as much alacrity at the opening of the sixteenth century, as it was under Boniface VIII. at the close of the thirteenth." So singular a phenomenon can be adequately accounted for on no other theory than by at- tributing it to that abiding assistance which God has promised to His Church, and which, in spite of all the abuses human frailty and wickedness ma}' bring upon her, preserves invio- late her divine and essential element and keeps it aglow in the hearts of the faithful. It was indeed a beautiful and truly Christian idea, to so adjust the I'elations of the Papacy and the Empire, that they should work harmoniously together, and pursue, each in its vvn way, a common line of action ; and this spirit of agree- ment, though gradually growing less cordial, was yet, on some solemn occasions, sufficiently prominent. As Henry II. had on one occasion read the Gospel at the Papal Mass at Fulda, so also did Sigismund, in the present age, serve as deacon at a Mass celebrated by John XXIII. at Constance ; and Charles IV., when entering Rome, led the horse of Urban V. by the bridle, and later on, requested Gregory XI. to give the papal sanction to the appointment of his son, Wenceslaus, as King of Rome. But at the close of this period Maximilian in- augurated a new era by assuming, at Trent, in the year 1508, the title of Emperor elect of Pome, without having received the imperial crown from the hands of the Pope. § 276. Peview of the Condition of the Other Members of the Hierarchy. The labors of these councils, convened, as has been said, for the avowed purpose of providing measures of reform, were chiefly taken up in attempts to render the bishops more independent of the Holy See, and to secure for them that measure of authority which tbey had enjoyed in the primi- tive Church. But the bulk of the bishops, conscious that any abridgment of papal authority would result in a degradation of their own, and subject their estates to the authority of § -7vi. Condition of Other Members of the Hierarchy. 927 temporal princes, refused the extraordinary prerogatives with which the councils were ready to invest them. The inferior clergy had also ample reason to complain, in France, of the serious grievances which they were forced to suii'er in consequence of the encroachments of the secular magistrates on their rights and privileges, and of the inde- pendent ecclesiastical jurisdiction exercised over them by the bishops of Germany. The condition of both laity and clergy was rendered still more intolerable by the burdensome direct and indirect taxes levied by the Court of Rome, and by its practice of conferring benefices chiefly upon foreigners, rela- tives, cardinals, and favorites, who, far from being the best qualified, seemed altogether unfit to take charge of souls. The clergy of Germany complained most bitterly of these practices. " The Court of Kome," says Meyer, the chancellor of the electorof Mentz, "has devised a thousand contrivances for extorting money from us, as if we were barbarians." The plea for the See of Rome, written by Aeneas Sylvius,^ was coldly received, and called forth from James Wimpheling, a priest of Spire (a. d. 1510), a brief and cutting reply. Still, things went on in the old way; the bishops continued to take the usual oath of fidelity to the Pope, and while consenting to pay, besides the pallium tax, an additional one for the privilege of retaining their bishoprics, indemnified them- selves by extorting money for the collation of benefices, alleg- ing in excuse of the practice, that as they themselves had not received, so neither could they confer, offices and digni- ties gratuitously. The bishops also contrived to obtain control of a great number of benefices, and the cardinals did the same when- ever they were fortunate enough to secure the favor of some Pope. The chapters refused to admit among their number any but nobles, notwithstanding the severe regulations that Greifory IX. had made for the correction of this abuse.^ This, ' Descriptio de ritu, sitn, moribus et conditione Germaniae, in Aenae Sylv, 0pp., and in Bzovli Annal. eccles., T. XVII., p. 186 sq. 2 See § 230, p. 646, note 4. Cf. Bdfler, Eupert of the Palatinate, Freiburg, 1861, p. 113. The contradictory conduct of influential ecclesiastics in this mat- ter was curiously illustrated at Basle, where none but nobles were admitted into the chapters, while at Augsburg all but commoners were excluded. 928 Period 2. Epoch. 2. J'art 2. Chapter 1. with many other similar abuses, was sharply censured by the Council of Constance, for the reason that, if the practice Avere allowed to go on, the chapters would eventually contain only men destitute alike of zeal and learning, and who, on becoming bishops, would work the ruin of the Church. The Council, therefore, directed that for the future one-fourth of canons composing each chapter should be selected from among the lower walks of life, and that these shonld be doc- tors either of theology or of laws, or, at least, have gone through a thorough course of studies and taken their aca- demic degrees.' The bishops, wholly disregarding the authority of the Hol}^ See of M'hich they had once stood in so much awe, but which had now fallen so low that they might set it at defi- ance with impunity, shamefully neglected the care of their flocks; but beyond this, there was no change in the mode of adnrinistering dioceses. Numbers of the bishops were ab- sent from their sees during the residence of the Popes at Avignon, and alleged the example of the latter in extenua- tion of their own conduct. One of these, whom Gregory XI. reproved for absence and neglect of duty, promptly replied : " But do you show me the example by returning to Rome." Still the Councils passed rigorous decrees enjoining the duty of residynce.^ § 277. Morals of the Clergy. The gradual decline of papal iniluonce and the evil exam- ple of the lives of some of the Popes reacted with terrible ef- fect upon the morals of the bishops. As many of these had ' Apud V. d. Ilardt, T. I., Pt. X., Eeformatorium in Cone. Constant., c. 34: In qualibfet ecclesia caihudrali sit unajjraebcndapro mag-istro in Theologia, qui saltern bis in septimana iegat et aliquando prafidicet, et una pro doctore juris CimonicL vel civil.is, ijui in caubis ecclesiae patroninari teneatur. — De aliis vero prae- bendis quarta pan graduaiis debeatar in Theolorjia jure canonico vel civiii, fu]). •35. To put a stop to ihd abuse of selecting only nobles for canonries, it is said: " Gradun etiam doctoraius vol liceniiaiua in nacra pagina,jure canonico vel civiii pro quacunque nobllitatc ■raputcn.tur," p. 038 sq. The same dispositions are re- peated, but more energelji,ailj, p. G95, lib. III., titul. III., De praebendis et dignitatibus. ^ Eeform. Const. Cone, decrot., lib. ttl., titul. II.: De clericis non residenti- bus in eccl. vel praebenda [v. d. Hardt, T. I., Pt. XII., p. 694). § 277. Morals of the Clergy. 929 secured their sees by the employment of questionable means, it need excite no surprise if, having once entered upon the duties of their oiEce, they led lives the.reverse of exemplary, and did absolutely nothing to elevate the standard of morality among the faithful. The following description, drawn by Vincent Ferrer, of the bishops of his day, will certainly not lull in with our idea of a model prelate: " They are vain and urrogant courtiers, lovers of fine living and pompous display, and much given to usury; they make their faith subservient to schemes of worldly wealth and ambition, and entirely ne- gk^ct the care of their churches ; they visit the great ones of the world and the wealthy, but seldom the poor and the lowdy ; they have neither simplicity, love of God, nor chas- tity, and the celebration of Holy Mass and the preaching of the Word of God have ceased to be objects of their solici- tude ; in short, their entire life is one uninterrupted scandal." This is certainly a frightful picture, and one which, if at all applicable to the bulk of the episcopacy, would undoubtedly argue a terrible dissoluteness of morals ; this, however, is by no means the case, as is evident from the great number of those bishops whose constant cry at ecumenical councils, was for a " reformation of the. Church in her Head and members." But, on the other hand, it must be admitted that morality, especially among the lower clergy and in the monasteries, was dissolute indeed in the fifteenth century. Were other evi- dence of this assertion wanting, the fact that extraordinary- papal visitors, such as Nicholas de Cusa, John Busch, and Faulus,^ -were sent out to investigate into the state of afiairs, and that the councils of the time found it necessary to pro- vide special legislation to meet the evil, would be sufficient to substantiate it. Concubinage was the crying vice among tlie clergy of many dioceses. It is true that such pictures, as that given above, are often greatly exaggerated, and, as a rule, are stricken off in a mo- ' Cf. the Keformatorium in concil. Constant., cap. 33, contra concubir arios. {v. d. Hardt, T. I., P. X., p. 635.) Concil. Basil, sess. XX., decret. I: Di con- ciibinariis. (Harduin, T. VIII., p. 1193; Mami, T. XXIX., p, 101.) DUx, Nichol.de Cusa, Pt. II., p. 12-75. VOL. 11 — 59 930 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. ment of indignant horror, when the information of some scandal is borne in with crushing effect upon the soul of one who is sensitive of the honor of the Church and the good name of tlie clergy. Such scandals will occur in the very best and purest ages, and can not be assumed as fairly repre- senting oven the worst and most dissolute. ISTeither can the action of synods be taken as conclusive against the morals ot any age ; for never yet did a synod convene, which did not complaiu, in a temper more or less disheartening, of the de- generacy of morals, and manifest an anxious solicitude for their improvement. But after allowance has been made for every such modify- ing circumstance, the fact that during this age the morality of the clergy was deplorable, is still before us in all its hid- eous deformity. This dissoluteness of morals rapidlj^ infected the laity, who learned from those whose lives should have been examples of manly honesty and priestl}' honor, to put a light estimate on the virtue of purity.' The leading minds of the councils were divided as to what means to employ for removing so deep a stuin from the priestly character. Some professed to believe that the marriage of the clergy was the only adequate remedy for the evil ; but others, m6re far-seeing and of wider range of thought, such as Gerson"- protested against the sug- gestion, and maintained that the well-being of the Church depended upon the rule of celibacy, the observance of which would be rendered morally certain if based upon athoi-oughly clerical education, an education such as is consonant with a divine calling to the priesthood. Decrees were enacted' pun- ishing with fines and deposition those of the clci-gy who should refuse to leave off living in concubinage.^ ' Thri Council of Paris, 1429, complained of the bad example set l)y clerics (Harduin, T. VIII., p. 1406; Man^., T. XXVIII., p. 1107), and adds; "Illud nofandissimum scelus (ooncubinatus) in eccleaia Dei adeo invaluit, ut jam non credant Christiani, simplicem fornicationem esse peccatum mortale." ^ Gerson wrote against Saignet his Dialogus sophiae et naturae super coelibatu e«clesiasticcr. (0pp., T. II., p. 017 sq.) Cf. Schwab, John Gerson, p. 696-704. 'Such decrees were issued by the Council of Prosburg (Posoniaj, A. n. 1309, can. .5 ; the Council of Basle, Sess. XX., see above, p. 929, n. 1 ; a synod of Bresiau, held between 1447 and 1456 {Harzhetm, Cone. Germ., T. V., p. 44.5, Do cohabi- § 278. Negotiations with the Greek Church, etc. 931 As these disorders were very generally believed to be a consequence of the great wealth of the clergy, many asserted that the removal of so potent an occasion of sin. was the first slep toward cither forming a new clergy, with more exalted principles of priestly piurity and honor, or raising up those of the existing clergy from the depth of degradation to which their avarice and their immorality had precipitated them, and establishing them once more in the esteem and afiections of •A laity who now regarded them with aversion and contempt. § 278. Negotiations with the Greek Church for a restoration of Union — Seventeenth Ecumenical Council at Ferrara and Florence. Hcfele, The Temporary Reunion of the Greek with the Latin Church, two articles (in the Tiibg. Quart, of Theol. 1847). Fielder, Hist, of the Schism he- twoen the Church of the East and the West, Vol. I., p. 383. Zldshmann, Treaties of union between the Oriental and Roman Churches, from the begin- ning of the fifteenth century to the Council of Ferrara (exclusively), Vienna, 18-38. Frommann, Critical Supplements toward a History of the Church Union of Florence, Halle, 1872. After the restoration of the Greek and Latin Churches to unit}-', effected after so many sacrifices and with the very best motives, at the Fourteenth Ecumenical Conneil, held at Lyons (1274), had been rejected by the fanatical Greeks, owing chiefly to the imbecility of the reigning dynasty, many other similar but less imposing attempts were made to bring about the same object, but with little, if any success. When the Turks, who had already gained possession of Adrianople, were seriously menacing Constantinople, another effort at reconciliation was made by John VIII., Palaeologus, who came to Rome to confer personally with the Pope, while Nicholas de Ciisa was pushing forward the same good work at Constan- tinople. The schismatical Council of Basle, after its fashion, interfered to complicate matters betweeri the Pope and the Emperor, and even sent a fleet to convey the latter and the" bishops accompanying him to the shores of Italy. But in tatione clericorum et muliorum). The Council of Paris, 1429, can. 23, forbade the infliction of such fines [Harduin, T. VIII., p. 1045 ; Manst, T. XXVIll., p. 11 08). [)32 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. tlie meantime the Greek Emperor, Joseph, Patriarch of Con- stantinople, and seven hundred Greeks embarked on board the fleet placed at their disposal by Eugene IV., and after a voyage of seventy-seven days, arrived at the harbor of Ven- ice, whence they proceeded to Ferrara. One hundred and sixty Western bishops, some of whom were from Basle, but mostly from other quarters, had already assembled in this city at the call of Eugene, and on January- 8, 1438, continued the sessions of the dissolved Council of Basle. The Pope made his appearance at Ferrara during the second session, February 15th, and published a decree summoning the Fathers of Basle to dissolve their assembly within forty days. This they refused to do. The work of ''reform" that had l>een intrusted to the Fathers of Basle was now set aside, and the union of the Greek and Latin Churches taken up by the Fathers of Ferrara and Florence. That the Council, opened at the former and continued at the latter city, was entirely independent of that of Basle, possessed all the qualifications of preceding general co'uncils, and is correctly numbered among those designated ecumenical, there can be no doubt. Things went on in the usual way until the arrival of the (Jrrecks, in Mareh,- who again complicated matters by raising questions of precedence, prerogative, and others equally sense- loss and annoying, regarding the proper ceremonial to be ob- served in reeeiviugtlje emperor and patriarch. So extrava- gant were the pretensions of the former that it was with diffi- culty he could be persuaded not to enter on horseback the church in which the Council was in session. These trifles having been settled, the united Council of the Greek and Latin Churches, numbering one hundred and forty members, exclusive of abbots and other superiors of religious houses, was formally and solemnly declared opened, A[iril 8, 1438, in the gloomy cathedral of Ferrara. A decree was passed ordering all whose duty or privilege it was to attend the Council to appear at Ferrara within four months. Owing to this delay, six months passed before the first general session of the Council was held (October 8th), after which the sessions were continued uninterruptedly until the sixteenth. Accord- ing to a prearranged programme, the proceedings were to em- § 278. Negotiations loith the Greek Church, etc. 933 brace all the palmary points of difiisrence between the two Churches — viz: 1. The addition of the "■ Filioquc" to the Symbol ; 2. The procession of the Holy Ghost; 3. Purgatory and the (ondition of the blessed afterdeath ; 4. The Epielesis of the Liturgy, or the invocation of the Holy Ghost as the cou- secrator ; and the use of leavened and unleavened bread at the altar; 5. The Primacy; 6. Divorce, etc. The prolonged and wearisome discussions of the Greeks and Latins at Ferrara included all these controverted points, but were chiefly devoted to the inquiry as to whether the addition of the '■^ Filioque" to the Symbol was lawful and capable of defense. The ex- traordinary charge made by Marcus Eugenicus, Archbishop of Ephesus, and Anthony, Archbishop of Heraclea, and sup- ported in a restricted and milder form by Bessarion, Arch- bishop of Nice, the most eminent scholar among the Greeks, was unanswerably refuted by Andreiv, Bishop of lihodus (called Colossensis) , but, if possible, still more ably by Cardinal Julian Cesari7ii, who pointed out that the " Filioque" was, accurately speaking, neither a change nor an addition, but simply an explanatory clause, intended to bring out the meaning of the Symbol more fully and explicitly, and that in making such verbal additions for the sake of clearness, the Latin Church might appeal to the precedent of the Council of Constanti- nople (381), which had introduced several explanatory clauses into the Symbol of Nice. Louis, Archbishop of Forli, further remarked that there existed no law of the Church forbidding ex[)lanatory words to be added to the S^mibols. During the sixteenth and last session held at Ferrara, the presence of a plague which seriously threatened the city, and the scarcity of food which was now commencing to be press- ingly felt, led the Pope to transfer the Council to Florence, .for which reason it takes its name from this cit}'. Here the first session was held February 2G, 1439. It was determined to proceed at once to the discussion of the doctrinal authoriza- tion of the "■Filioque;" and the Latins set to work in earnest to confute the statement of the Greeks, that the addition im- plied the Manichacan error of a twofold principle of the Holy Ghost. Though frequently refuted and disclaimed, the charge was again and again urged by Marcus, Archbishop of Ephe- 034 Period 2. Efoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. sas, whose chief opponent among the Latins was Johannes a Pa.gusio, the Dominican provincial of Lombardy. Each re- proached the other with being needlessly prolix. The Do- minican provincial, besides being ably assisted by Ambrose Traversari,a Camaldolite abbot, who supported his argument by many and cojjious extracts from the writings of the Greek Fathers, also skillfully availed himself of the very old man- uscript copies of the works of St. John Damascene and of St. Basil against Eunomius, brought from Constantinople by Nicholas de Cusa, from the latter of which it was clearly shown that its illustrious author taught that the Holy Ghost proceeded, not from the Father only, but from the Son also. The debate was long, wearisome, and acrimonious. By order of the Emperor, Marcus Eugenicus, Archbishop of Ephesus, and Anthony, Archbishop of Heraclea, the two most bitter opponents to the union, abstained from the discussion, which was now chiefly confined to Archbishop Bessarion, whose en- lightened views and conciliatory disposition paved the way to a reconciliation. Joseph, Patriarch of Constantinople, with his dying words, exhorted his countrymen to consummate the union.' At length the majority of the Greeks agreed to a joint profession of faith with the La.tins on this most difficult of controverted points, which ran as follows : '■'■Since the Latin Fathers teach that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and Son as from one sole pirinci'ple, and by one sole inoduction, called spiration; and since their meaning is the same as that of the Greek Fathers, loho teach that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father through the Son, therefore all obsta.cle to union is rem.oved." To a deputation of Greeks who visited Pope Eugene on the following day, he said: "We are now agreed as to the ' Ho was found dead at the table, and beside him, written in straggling hand, were the following words: "Jo.ie/)h, by the mercy of God, Archbishop of Con-, stantinople, ihc New Rome, and Ecumenical Patriarch : Being now at the end of irly days, and about to pay the common debt of mankind, I wish, by the grace of God, to communicate, in open writ and over my own signature, my dying sentiments to all my spiritual children — 'Whatever the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church of ancient Eome believes and teaches, this do I believe and obey; and I do most solemnly confess that the Pope of ancient Eomo is the Father of fathers, the sovereign Pontiff and Vicar of our Lord Jesus Christ; and I also confess the doctrine of Purgatory. In witness whereof, I hereunto Bct my signature, this 9th day of June, 1439, of the second indiotion.' " § 278. Negotiations with the Greek Church, etc. 935 main point; and to bring al>out an immediate union, it only remains to clear up some minor questions concerning purga- tory", the primacy, unleavened Ijread, and the form of conse- cration in the Mass." The Latins and Greeks had already discussed the question of Purgatory in several conferences at Ferrara. The teach- ing of the Latin Church was clearly and precisely set forth by Cardinal Julian, hut still more exhaustively by John Tar- recremata : and a very doubtful and contradictor}' exposition of the Greek teaching was given by Marcus Eugenicus, who stated in conclusion that " he had formerly been under the impression that the two Churches were more at variance on this doctrine." The exposition of Bessarion was much clearer and more intelligible. He said the Greeks believed Purga- tory to be a place of suffering or punishment, but rejected the idea of, fire in this connection. When Jire was mentioned as an agent of punishment they understood that of Hell. With regard to the departed, he said, some of the Greeks believed that neither the punishment of the wicked nor the happiness of the just would be complete until after the resurrection of the body, which before that time could participate in neither i'elicity nor misery. The Latins, on the contrary, held that ihe punishment of the wicked and the happiness of the just would be con^plete immediately after death. This opinion was after a time embraced by Bessarion, but vehemently op- posed by Marcus Eugenicus. After some further discussion the Greeks drew up the following declaration which proved satisfactory to the Latins: " Shortly after death (but before the resurrection of the bodies), the souls of the just enjoy the plenitude of bliss, and the souls of the wicked the pleni- tude of suffering; others are in a middle state, where they are cleansed (purgation), but whether they suffer by agency of fire, or darkness, or whirlwind, or any other specitic mode of punishment, is an open question."' The question of the azyme, after having been ably discussed by John Turrecremata, was disposed of by the declaration of the Greeks that either leavened or unleavened bread might be used at the altar. ' Of. Loch, The Dogma of Purgatory in the Greek Church, Rutisbon, 1842. 936 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. The controversy on consecration presented greater difficul- ties. The Greeks admitted that the efficient form of conse- cration were the words of institution (This is My Body), but contended that if they addressed a praj-er {iixixkr/ac:;) to God after consecration, begging Him by His Holy Ghost to change the Bread into the precious Body and the Cup into the pre- cious Blood of His Son, the words were not to be taken liter- ally, Int as signifying an invocation of the Holy Ghost to descend upon the recipient, and change in him the Bread into the precious Body, etc., in the sense that the reception of the Sacrament might be to him unto the cleansing of bis soul and the remission of his sins, and not unto judgment and condemnation. The proposal on the part of the Latins to place the invoca- tion before the form of consecration, or to select another, was rejected by the Greeks, who replied that it was to be- found in the liturgies, not only of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom, but also in those of St. Mark, and of the Armenians, ISTestorians, and Copts. They further argued that something very simi- lar was to be found in the Latin liturgy, in the words: ''Jiibe haee perferri per manus sancti angeli tui in subline altare tuum, etc.," which was also placed after the form of consecration. The Greeks did not think it worth while to seriously consider the strange objection of the Latins against their omiKsion of the Conjiteor before Mass. The controversy on the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome was prolix, heated, occasionally intemperate, and at one time threatened to frustrate all the efibrts thus far made toward union. The Emperor was particularly averse to admirtinsr the claims of the Latins, and was repeatedly on the point of breaking off negotiations and departing for Constantinople. While ready to recognize the Primacy in theory, he reso- lutely refused to admit the practical conclusions to whicb such a concession would lead. He objected to appeals being made from the decision of patriarchs to the tribunal of the IJoly See, and denied that the Pope enjoyed the exclusive right of convoking general councils. This right bad been claimed by his predecessors, and to relinquish it would be to forego the shadow of supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs whicb he fancied § 278. Negotiations with the Greek Church, etc. 937 was one of his prerogatives. But the Eastern prelates and theologians, who were beginning to understand that the free- dom and independence of the Pope were the best guaranties of their own, did not share to the full the Emperor's opposi- iion, and were more inclined than he to acknowledge ])apal supremac3^ Among the foremost advocates of the Primacj' on the side of the Latins were John Turrecrema.ta, John a Hagusio, and the Camaldolite abbot, Ambrose Traver- sari, who, according to the testimony of the Greeks, was of all the Latins the most conversant with the writings of the Greek Fathei-s. The Emperor insisted, before admitting the Primacy of Rome, that instead of the current and sometimes rhetorical utterances of particular Greek doctors, specific de- crees of councils should he quoted in its support. On the 26l:h of June, 1439, the Greeks finalh^ presented the following formula as their ultimatum: " We acknowlcdr/e the Fop e to be the Sovereign Pontiff and Ruler, the Representative and Vicar of Christ, the Pastor and, Teacher of all Christians, to the end that he may govern and ride the Church of God, hut this without det- riment to the rights and j^rerogatives of the Eastern Patriarchs. Of these, the next in dignity to the Pope, is he of Constantinople, to whom those of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem are subordi- nate in rank." They added the hope that the union might be consummated on the approaching 29th of June, the feast of the Princes of the Apostles. This consummatiou, however, was ]>nt oft" by the Greeks themselves, who took exception to several points in the decree of union {Dcfmiti'i Fldei, o,"o-), drawn u[) by Anthony Traversari. They found fault wiih the heading because to the name and title "■Eugerdas episcopiis, semis sei'vorum Dei," those of the Eastern Patriarchs and tliat of tlie Emperor were not added. The latter wished to have the passage concerning the Pope changed, and the word om- nibus inserted in the clause ^' salvis juribus ct privilcgiis quatuor Palriarcharuni." The Pope consented to accept all the modi- fications, and in this amended form the Dcfinitio was sub- pcribcd to by the Greeks, Sunday, July 5, 1439. On the following day Pope Eugene sang pontifical High Mass, at which both Latins and Greeks assisted. During the Boleranity, Cardinal Jidlan read the full profession of faith in 938 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. Latin, and Archbishop Bessarion iu Greek, to which the Latin and Greek prelates, the plenipotentiaries of the Russians, Jbei'ians, Wallachians, and of the Emperor of Trebisond as- sented by acclaniatioii. Of the Deed of Union we give the following extracts: " Decree of the Holy Ecumenical Synod of Florence, Eu- gene, Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, in perpetual remembrance, with the assent of our beloved Son in Christ, John Palaeologus, the Illustrious Emperor of the Romans, and of the delegates of our venerable Brethren, the Patri- archs and other representatives of the Greek Church. " Let the heavens rejoice and the earth break forth in songs of gladness. The wall of separation has fallen ; the East and the West are not now, as iu days past, two Churches, but one. Christ has agnin united them, and they are now bound to- gether by the strong bonds of love and peace. The dreary days of schism are past, and the glorious splendor of a long- desired union brings light and gladness to all mankind. Who that is able now to make a worthy thank-offering to Al- mighty God ? Truly is this the work of God and to be cele- brated with heavenly song." The formularies settling controversies centuries old, be- tween the Greeks and Latins, are here given, and the decree goes on : " Furthermore, we define that the Holy Apostolical See and the Bishop of Rome enjoy a primacy throughout the whole world; that the Roman Pontiff' is the successor to Blessed Peter, Prince of Apostles ; that he is the true Vicar of Christ, the Head of the Universal Church, and of all Christians the Father and Teacher ; that to him was given, in Blessed Peter, by our Lord Jesus Christ, the fullness of power to feed, to rule, and to govern the universal Church, as is also set forth in the acts of ecumenical councils and in the Sacred Canons."' • Of tlje few (four or five) copies of the Deed of Union in Greek and Latin, with tlie auioyruph slynature of tlie Greek Emperor, one is extant in the public ai'cliives of the Grand Duuby of Baden at Carlsrulie, v/i'.ich is supposed to date back to Philip the Good, Dulce of Burgundy, In 1853, John Peter Secchi, S. J., librarian of the Bomun College and brother of the celebrated astronomer in § 278. Negotiations with the Greek Church, etc. 939 In the list of subscriptions to this Deed of Union, the names of the Pope and the cardinals come first ; next, that of the Greek Emperor, after which follow the prelates of both par- ties ; the whole number of subscribers being thirty-two Greeks and one hundred and fourteen Latins, of whom eighteen were cardinals, two patriarchs, eight archbishops, and forty-seven bishops. Pope Eugene was much pained by the refusal of Marcus Eugenicus to subscribe. After the solemn promulgation of this decree, Eugene re- quested the Greeks to give their assent to some further meas- ures of lesser imporfance, the most notable of which were the following: 1. To make adultery no longer the cause of the dissolution of Biarriage ; 2. To punish Marcus Eugenicus, Archbishop of Ephesus, for his stubborn resistance to the union ; 3. To elect, before leaving Florence, a piatriarch to fill the place of Joseph of Constantinople, deceased, that he might confirm their choice. The Greeks, to the first pro- posal, replied that henceforth they would limit still further the causes of divorce, and grant it only in extreme cases ; to the second, that they would inflict adequate punishment on Marcus Eugenicus after their return ; and to the third, that they must decline to comply, since ancient usage required that the patriarch should be elected in Constantinople and consecrated in the principal church of that city. Komo, made use of it in preparing an edition of the Council of Florence. The definition given above, on the Primacy, both as to the wording and orthography, runs as follows in that important document : 'Eri upii^oftev, rf/v ayiav aivoarolucyv na- Item diffinimus sanetam apostolicam Heipav Kol tuv pufiambv apxtspia e'lg va- sedem et Romanum Pontificem in uni- aav rf/v o'lKov/j-evJiv to jrpuTslov Karex^^'", versum orbem tencre primatuin et ip- avTov re Tov pufiaiKov apx'^P^'^ SiaiSexov sura Pontificem Eomanuni successorcm elvai rov /laKapiov XisTpov, Toii nopwjiaiov esse beati Petri Principis Apostolorum ruv awocroAuv nala'Atj'SiJTOTro-JipiiTf/vTov et verum Christi vicarium totiusquo xpirrrov. Koi Traar]; ri/f ImcXjiaiag Kepalfpi eeclesiae caput et omnium Christiano- nal 7zavT(jyv tuv ;t;pf(7rfavaGiM7Mvv-a.pxiii-v. umavTaivTii^aiiapLLi ipsi in bcato Peti-o pascendi, regciidi lJcTpu,Tov Trocjiaivciv ml ih'i-&bvEiv KaiKv- ac gubernandi univcrsulem ecclcsiam jiepvav TTjv hiiicXriaiav virb tov nvpia iijiCiv a domino nostro .Jesu Christo plonara Jriaav xpi-- dum etiam in gestis ycumeniioruni /.isviicav Gw66uv Kol Tolg hpolg mviai. Sea- Conciliorum et in sacris Caiionibuj Xafijisy'STai, continetur. 940 Period 2. Epoch 2. Pari 2. Chapter 1. That the Pope dealt considerately with the Greeks is evi- dent from the fact that he granted them, among other conces- sions, permission to retain all their peculiar ecclesiastical cus- toms and usages, their ritual, and even the marriage of priests . That portion of the Latin text of the decree referring to the Primacy of the Bishop of Pome, which has been in earlier and mere recent times seriously ohjected to, and even branded as an interpolated reading, has been found, after carelul investi- gation, to be genuine and authentic, and precisely the same with that which, after much haggling and laborious discussion, was finally agreed upon by the Latins and Greeks, accepted, and subscribed to by both.' iThe Acts of tho Council, in Harduui, T. IX.; Mami, T. 5XXI., p. 459 sq.; in Labbeus et Cossari, T. XIII., penned probably by Bensn-rion. 'H ayia ical ohcovfievtic?/ tiv (pXupevrla Guvodog 6ia [xovaxov BevediicTtvov (P. Nihes\ kv fj^jJ-V, 1864. A work was written from a strong Greek partisan bias, entitled "Vera historia unionis non verae inter Graecos et Latinos, sive Concilii Tlorent. ex- actissima narratio graece scripta per Sylvest. Sguropolum (ratlier, Syropolam) magnum Eeclesiarcliam, qui Concilio interfuit, transtulit in serm. lat. Roi. Creyghton, Hag. Com. 1690 f. Against the partisan author and blundering translator, Lconis Allatii in Eob. Croygthoni apparaium, version, et notas ad hist. Cone. Florentini scriptam a Sylv. Syrop. exorcitationum Pars prior. Eom. 1G65, 4to; a pars posterior did not make its appearance. Cf. above, the works quoted at the head of this section, of Hcfele, PichUr, Zhismann, and Frommann. DoUinger's latest objection [Augsburg Univ. Gap:., Jan. 19, 1870, and Janus, Lps. 1869, p. 347) io the Latin text on the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome is not new, but merely a repetition of what Peter de Marca, Maimbourg, Launoy, Naialis Alexander, Bossuet, Febronius, and others erroneously maintained. In the first place, DoUinger accepted, without investigation, the statement of Archbishop de Marca (Dc concord, sacerdot. ct Impcr., lib. III., o. 8, nro. 5), and the ex- Jesiiit Maimbourg (Traito historique de Futablisscment et des prerogatives de I'egKso de Komo, 1685, chaps. 5 and 20), whilst he maintained that the connect- ing link of the closing words — ^" (^acmadmoduin etlain' in gestis oceum. con- cilior. et in sacris canonibus contiuetur" — was a forgery of Bartholomew Abram of Crete, and introduced by him into his historical work. He says that, accord- ing to the supposed original Greek te.'ct by Flatio liiondo, secretary of Pope Eugene IV., it must be read: "Quemadmodum et in gestis et canonibus" (lib. X., decad. 3). He further says that, according to the authorities which Maimbourg pretends to have brought to. light, the /caiS' ov rpdjTov should be translated by Juxta eum modum qui, etc. On the other hand, Emmanuel Schclstrate, Tractatus de sensu et auctorit. decreti Constant, oono. 1080, praefat. IV., immediately proved, against de Marca, that in all the manuscript copies of tho Florentine Decree of Union, and particularly in the unquestionably origi- nal text of Florence, the words '^quemadmodum eliam" are to be found. Still later, Anthony Vaira (De praerogativa Horn. Pont, a Constantiuopolit. praesuli- § 278. Negotiations with the Greek Church, etc. 941 Apart from the direct expenses of the Council, Eugene was obliged to make other heavy outlays in behalf of the Greeks, who were gratuitously supported and received each a certain fixed allowance in money. Moreover, he had pledged his word to the Emperor John, to provide speedy and efficient aid ac/ainst the Turks, which he was now called uv)on to furnish. To maintain a garrison at Constantinople, he contracted with bus usurpata, Patav. 1704, p. 891) showed that the ^^jvxia" was an invention of Maimbourij, because every author quoted by the latter has " giiemadmodum,'' not "juxta." Again, when Febronius (De statu eocles., c. V., ? 4, n. 5, A. D. 17G3) undertook to defend the reading "quemadmodum etj' he was refuted by Mamachi and Zaccaria (see below, ? 370). Dollinger's reading, which, as has been seen, is the same as that of Febronius, has quite recently been proved to be erroneous in a comprehensive article by Ceeconi ( Univers, February 0, 1870), and in an exhaustive work entitled "Criticism of the Florentine Decree of Union" (Lps. 1870), by Theodar. Frommann, a Protestant scholar, who resided ;i long time in Italy. Both of these writers proved that all originni Latin dociimcnts and the num.eroufs dnplicate copies, now extant, of the Florentine decree, and particularly those preserved in the libraries and archives of Florence, Eome, Venice, Bologna, Milan, London, and Paris (to which, according to what has been stated at page 038, may be added that of Carlsruhe), contain the "y«emarf- modum etiam." Hence Frommann says: "It is to be regretted (sic!) that the fact(?) on which the assertion of Bollinger mainly rests is entirely without foundation. In all the copies of the decree we have been able to examine, wo have uniformly found ' etlam.' " Frommann agrees with the Civilta CattoUca in its explanation of the probable origin of the reading "ct — et." He says: "The et — ct of Flavio Biondo and the other writers who have followed him may have originated from a mistake of the copyist, who mistook the abbreviated form of etiam for et. Hence," he concludes, " Abramus Ci-etensis, the collectors of councils, and authors of dogmatic text-books, must be absolved from the impu- tation (Dollinger's) of having forged documents." It also appears, from careful investigation into the origin of this final sentence of the decree, that the Latins were the authors of the definitive portions of it, and that the Greek reading, KoiS' bv rpd-nov was accidentally substituted for the simple KoiJuf. " Hence," says Frommann (1. c., pp. 52, 53), "there is not the faintest suspicion that the Latins attempted, from dishonest motives, to corrupt the text." On the other hand, it must be frankly stated here that during the course of the heated discussion concerning the precise form of this closing definition of the decree, the Greek Emperor and his theologians stubbornly refused to admit the papal prerogatives '^as they are expressed in Holy Scriptures and in the writings of tlie saints; " be- cause, they said, the testimonies of the latter (relative to the primacy of the Pope) are doubtful or unauthenticated — sometimes too rhetorical, and not un- frequently conveyed in the complimentary phraseology of correspondence. Hence they demanded that the sense of the definition should be: "The Pope enioj's his prerogatives as defined by the canons and tlie acts of ecumenical coun' cils," an amendment to which the Latins finally agreed. It is not difficult. 942 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. the banking-house of the Medici, in Venice, a loan of 12,000 ilncats.' The temper exhibited by the bulk of the Greek people in regard to the act of union in no wise corresponded to the hopeful anticipations of Eugene, and was but a poor com- pensation for the immense sacrifices and earnest efforts that had been made to effect a reconciliation.^ Marcus Eugenicus, who had preceded his colleagues to Constantinople, excited the prejudices and appealed to the national antipathies of the people; while the Emperor, naturally weak and vacillating, but now borne down with grief on account of the death of his third empress, Mary Comnena of Trebisond, unnecessa- rily deferred the election of a patriarch. This delay greatly' contributed to exasperate the more uncompromising, and to excite disorders among the populace. The former complained that the signers of the Florentine Decree bad attempted to Latinize the Greeks, and the latter that they bad put their trust in the Latins instead of God Almighty. So intense was the fnrj' of the populace, that they went about the city shouting : "Away with the Azy- mites! the Blessed Virgin will not allow our city to be de- sti'oyed ; we have no need of the Latins ; we had rather be under the Turks than the Romans." The promulgation of the Decree was the occasion of ex- cited demonstrations in the churches and of I'iotous tumult in the streets. The Basilica of St. Sopiiia was believed to have been desecrated by the ceremony. The iiiternai peace of the Empire was seriously threatened and its power of re- sistance to the Turks greatly impaired. The new Patriarch, Metrophanes of Cyzicus, in spite of the energy displayed in his efforts to carry the articles of the Florentine Decree into therefore, to understand how, on the one hand, the Greeks fancied they had depressed, and, on the other, the Latins that they had exalted the primacy of rhe Pope hy this last clause. Of. HergenrSther, The "Errors" of above F.iur Hundred Bishops and their Theological Censor (Dilllinger), Freiburg, 1870. ' Cf. Frommann, Critical Supplements toward a History of the Church Union of Florence, Hallo, 1872, p. 188-190. 2 The same, 1. c, p. 191-239, brings many, and, in part, new details on thu vicissitudes of the union until its dissolution, which particulars, howcer, fre- quently call f r a careful revision and amendment. § 278. Negotiations with the Greek Church, etc. 943 effect amid scenes of violence was unable to withstand the tide of popular feeling, or to make head against the opposi- tion of bis adversaries. The leader of these was Arsenius, Metropolitan of Caesarea in Cappodocia, who togetber with the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Antiocb, and Jerusalem asscra- l)led at the last-named city (1442-43), drew up and pub- lished two documents, in one of which, bearing the date of April, 1443, they summoned, under menace of excommunica- tion, all ecclesiastics appointed by the Patriarch Metropbanes to at once leave off exercising their functions ; and in the other, issued December, 1442, tlireatened to omit the name of the Emperor in the prayers of the Chnrch, unless he would denounce the Synod of Florence and exert bis influence to have the Latins strike out the '■^Filioque" from the Symbol. Before the Emperor, now engaged in a war against the des- potic Demetrius, who was opposed to the union, could con- voke a counter synod at Constantinople, tlie Patriarch Metro- pbanes died (August 1, 1443). This event postponed indeiinitely the consummation of the act of union. In 1445, Grer/orij Mammas, one of the ablest defenders of the Greek cause at Florence, but now an advocate of union, was raised to the patriarchal throne of Constantinople. Being a man of character and strong will his opponents were naturally anxious to be rid of him, and accordingly, after the death of the Emperor John (October 31, 1448), he was deposed under the new Enjperor Constavtive, in a synod held at Constanti- nople in 1450. His successor, Athinasiiis, after the sudden death of Marcus Eugenicus, found an equally zealous and vehement advocate of the cause of opposition in George Scho- larius} The Emperor Constantine, being honestly desirous of putting down all opposition to the union, frustrated the efforts of Athanasius and Scholarius; and the former in con- sequence resigned the patriarchate, and the latter, under the ' Leo AUaiius, when engaged in writing his work — De ecclesiae occidentalis atquo orientalis perpetua consensione — received tlie acts of this synod, and had them printed (p. 1380 sq.) in the appendix to his work, declaring, however, and justly so, that on account of gross anachronisms and intrinsic contradictions, he considered them counterfeit. (See Hefele, Tiihg. Quart. 1848, p. 212.) The fact of the existence, however, of that synod can not well be called into doubt Cf. Frommann, Crit. Suppl., p. 222 sq. 944 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. i^ssumed name of Gemiaduis, retired to the quiet of the cloister. Bessariori; deeplj' afflicted by the hostility of the Byzan- tine clergy to the Florentine Decree, withdrew from Constan- tinople and took up his residence in Eome, a step which he was all the more ready to take inasmuch as he had been criird art., "Temporary Keunion," etc. (Tiibg. Quart. 1848, p. 224 sq.) § 278. Negotiations loith the Greek Church, etc. 945 barely escaped with his life, gave a detailed account of the disaster when he arrived at Eorae. As the Greek Emperor's attachment to the union had oper- ated effectually in securing aid from the "West, his victorious conqueror, Mohammed 11., did all in his power, consistent with his own interests, to oppose the union, and for the two- fold purpose of carrying out this policy and conciliating the Christians, on the fourih day after the taking of Constanti- nople, had the monk Gcrinadius, vfho was hostile to the Flor- entine Decree, placed on the patriarchal throne. Gennadius, thus placed in the highest position in the Greek Church, won the confidence of the Sultan, andtliereby secured many privileges and immunities for his fellow-Christians; but in his determined hostility to Eome he never changed. He withdrew, after some years, to the solitude of the cloister, where he died in 1464. His successors in the patriarchal of- fice, Isidore II., Joseph II., and Symeon of Trebisond, were equallj'- averse to any reconciliation with Rome, and the last- named convoked a synod at Constantinople in 1472, which denounced the Florentine Decree in harsh and uncompromis- ing language.' When information of the reunion of the Eastern and Western Churches reached the Asiatic tribes, many of them entered into negotiations looking toward a return to Eome.^ Pope Eugene, in consequence of these overtures, caused the Council of Florence to remain in session after the departure of the Greeks, August 26, 1439. In the interval, a permanent union was brought about, first, with the Maronites, and next with the Armenians (1440), ' Concerning the apostasy from the union, rich materials relative to the more important details are to be found in the Tdfio; KaraMayf/c, published at Jassy (1002-1694), by Dosttheus, Patriai-ch of Jerusalem, and chiefly composed of the writings of those who opposed the union and of acts of synods held for the same purpose. Of this work, however, little is generally known. Cf. Gamn^ Moldcr'n Ch. Hist., Vol. II., p. 644, note 1, and Simonides, 'Qp&oS6^uv 'WJ.r/vuv ■dial, ypaiai, London, 1865. (Fragments from the Correspondence of the Patri- arch Gennadius). 2Cf. ifilh. Tip:, lib. XXII., c. 8. Bonn Eeview, nro. 10, p. 232 sq , and nro. 17, p. 239 sq. f' Kunstmann, The Maronites and their Relation to the Latin (;hurch (Tiibg. Quart. Key. 1845, nro. 1, p. 40-54). j VOL. II — 60 * 946 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 1. to whom Pope Eugene issued a compreheusive doetriual de- cree, and permitted them the use of their own language in the liturgy.^ Tlieir example was rapidly followed by the Jacobites and the Christians of Syria, Mesopotamia, and Chaldea.2 The Council was transferred (April 26, 1442), to the Lateran in E,ome, where it gradually decreased in num- bers, and finally terminated in 1445. Amid the general defection of the Greek Church in its two great representative branches of Constantinople and Moscow, occasioned by the Florentine Decree, the accession of these isolated but not unimportant Asiatic churches, afforded some consolation, but was far from compensating for the loss sus- tained. Neither was the action of the patriarchs of Alexan- dria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, who, in 1460, and on a subse- quent occasion, declared in favor of union, of much signifi- cance, since their action was prompted by political rather than religious motives, inasmuch as they hoped, through the efibrts of Pius II., to obtain their deliverance from the yoke of the Turks.s ' Of. the Acts, in Hardidn, T. IX., p. 1015-1018, and Labbei ot Cossari. Cone, T. XIII., p. 1197 sq. The Decretum pro Armenis, also in Denzinger's Enchiri- clion symbolor. et dcfinitionum. Cf. Ucfele, Hist, of Counc, Vol. VI., p. 5G9 sq. 2 The Acts, in Labbei et Cossari. T. XIII., p. 1204 sq. Harduin, T. IX., p. 1021 sq. The Decretum pro Jacobitis, also in Deminger, 1. c. ; the Decretum pro Syris et pro Chaldaeis et Maronitis, in Labb. et Cossari. T. XIII., p. 1222 sq. Hai'duiti, T. IX., p. 1041 sq. ' Of. Le Quie7i, Oriens Christianus, T. II., p. 770. CHAPTER II. HERESIES AND HERETICAL SECTS. § 279. John WiekUffe (a. d. 1324-1384). Writings of John "VVioliif, Lond. 1836. Henricus de Knyghton (canon of Lei- cester and Wickliffo's contemporary), De eventibus Angliae usque ad a. 1395 {Twiadni, Scriptor. histor. Angl., Lond. 1G52 f.) — Thorn. Wahinriham (Bene- dictine of St. Alban's, about 1440), Hist. Anglica major. [Cnmcleni Seriptores:, revum Anglieanim, Loud. 1.574; Frcf. 1602 f.) Tlie two principal works: Lewis, Hi.st. of the life and sufferings of J. Wicliff, Lond. (1720); Oxf. 1886. Kah. Vauffhan, Life and opinions of John de Wycliffe, Lond. (1820) 1831, 2 T. Both these works have been written from an altogether Protestant point of view. Conf. also Rttever Gronetnajin, Diatribe in J. VT. reformationis prodromi vitam, ingenium, scripta, Traj. 1837. Weber, Hist, of the non-Catholic churches and sects in Great Britain, Lps. 1845. The errors of Wicklififeare methodically exposed by Siaudenmaier, in his Philosophy of Christianity, Vol. I., p. C07-682. riuquei, Diet, des Heresies, ar.L J. 'Wiclvliffe, Paris. 1847. '^Schwab, Gerson, p. 528-546. Wm. Shirley, Pasciouli Zizamiorum Magistri J. Wyclif (ed. 1858). The opposition which tl)« sectaries had oflered to the Church during the preceding epoch, assumed a more marked aud determined character in the present. This was espe- cially noticeable in the case of John Wic/diffe, who seems to have been the representative of everj^ false principle of phi- losophy and evevy erroneous doctrine of theology current during this age throughout the Chnrch of the West. He was born at Wickliffe on the Tees, in Yorksliire, a. d. 1324, and at the age of si.xteen was sent to Oxford, where he studied Aristotelian philosophy, scholastic theology, and laws, under Thomas Bra'dwardine. He possessed an extensive knowledge of Holy Scripture, was a skillful dialectician, and an astute and subtle reasoner. While still a youth he is said to have predicted the approaching downfall of the Church, in the apocalyptic language of the abbot Joachim de I'loris. Wickliffe became more bold as time went on, and when, in 1350, Edward III., King of England, attempted by act of Parliament to set aside the right of suzerainty conferred by (947) 948 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. John Lackland on Pope Innocent III., ho wrote a di?scrta- tion, the object of which was to prove that the tribute liitli- erto paid to Eome by the English nation, was entirely with- ont sanction of law. lie moreover preached a sermon, in Avhich ho styled the Pope "Antichrist, the arrogant and worldly priest of Kome, and the accnrsed extortioner." WicklifFe, in 1360, entered with acrimonious bitterness upon the controversy which the University of Oxford was carrying on against the Mendicant Orders, in the course of which he said, that to enter an Order of begging friars, and to forego all Jiope of Heaven, were acts of equivalent im- port. The zeal which he had exhibited in resisting the claims of the Pope to the right of tribute from the English nation, gained him the favor of the crown, and in the year 1372, he took the degree of Doctor of Theology, and obtained a pro- fessorship of Divinity at the University of Oxford. His name stood second among the royal commissioners sent to Bruges, in 1374, to confer with the papal legates on the questions then in dispute between the Court of Rome and Edward III., King of England. Here he became intimate with John of Ghent, son of Edward, whom he found to enter- tain feelings quite as hostile as his own toward the Church. While on this mission he was fully informed of the disor- dered state of affairs at the Papal Court of Avignon, and on his return to England, lost no time in putting his information to the best account. He proceeded at once to attack the Pope, and was not over nice in his choice of epithets or sparing in the use of invective. Courtenay, Bishop of London, by order of Gregory XL, summoned him to appear before a synod held at St. Paul's, to answer to nineteen articles drawn up against him, charging ■ him with holding heretical opinions. But this examination came to nothing. John of Ghent, and Lord Percy, Earl Marshal, appeared at the synod in support of Wicklilfe, to overawe by their presence any who might be bold or consci- entious enough to take action against him. Though theii conduct to Courtenay was rude and insolent, this prelate be- haved toward them with mildness and dignity, but their acts § 279. John Wickliffe (a. d. 1324-1384). 949 at longtli became so offensive that the populace set upon them with tumultuous violence and forced them to consult for their safety in flight. This put au end to the synod and left things just where they were at starting. These proceedings, though no good came of them, served to embitter the mind of Wick- h'ff'e, and it was not till this time that his character as an heresiarch became open and decided. lie maintained that the judgment of the Church is not a nec- essary condition to certitude in matters oi' faith, and that every individual Christian is, by the grace of Christ, absolutely certain of the truth of what he believes; that Holy Scripture, of which private judgment is the only legitimate and adequate interpreter, is at once the only source and rule of faith; that there is no such thing as transubstantiation in the Holy Eu- charist; and that the papacy and episcopacy are not of di- vine institulion. He also asserted that any bishop or priest who had fallen^ into mortal sin could not validly administer the sacra,ments; that auricular confession is a meaningless and emptj^ cere- mony, inasmuch as interior sorrow is quite sufficient for the forgiveness of sins ; that if the Pope should chance to be au immoral man, he would thereby pass under the dominion of Satan, and cease to have any authority overthe faithful; that the clergy, who possess of the goods of this -world are living in direct violation of Holy Writ; that even kings and princes^ once they have fallen into grievous sin, should straightway ab- dicate their authority, as it is absolutely necessary that one, who luould hold power, should be in the state of grace} The teaching of Wickliffe, besides favoring the doctrine of unqucdifed predestination, led, when pursued to its limits, to the complete overthrow of the great principles of both civil and ecclesiastical polity, because, /rom his point of view, moral- ity and legality loere convertible terms, the former being a con- dition of the hitter. ^ He arrived at this conclusion by basing theological doctrine on the practices of feudidism. He argued that forfeiture is universally admitted to ba the just punishment of treason, and that, since every mortal sin is treason against God, the offender should be punished by forfeiting whatever he holds of him. But, as authority comes from God, this should also be forfeited. (Tr.) 950 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. Moreover, both Wickliff'e himself, and his itinerant preach- ers, whom he called "poor priests," and who went up and down the eountr}'^ inveighing against the wealth of the clergy and the artificial distinctions by which one class of men were set above another, did mnch to stimulate, if they did not actu- ally inspire that spirit of revolt which culminated in the peas- ants' insurrection of 1381. The insurgents were speedily put down, and Wicklifie was summoned in the following year to appear before an assembly of eight bishops and fourteen doc- tors at the Greyfriars, in London. He refnsed to obe}' the cita- tion and brought forward as his excuse and defense the privi- leges of the University. The assembly went on with its work without him, and, out of twenty-four articles gathered iTom his writings, ten were branded as heretical, and fourteen as erroneous} This decision of the bishops was publicly proclaimed iu London, and received the sanction of the civil authority. w ickliife himself was deprived of his professoi'ship at Ox- ford by royal order, and both he and his adherents expelled the University. From Oxford ho wont to the parish of Lut^ terworth, where he spent the remainder of his days, and died two years later, on the Feast of Innocents, A. D. 1384.^ While living in retirement at this country-seat, Wicklifie wrote his principal work, entitled the Trialogus,^ — a work in which liis bitter opposition to the Cliurch and her doctrines is most fully and systemalicully developed." 'On this London synod, co.npare ITarduin, T. VII., p. 1889 sq. ; Ma)isi,T. XXVI., p. 635. 2 He was assisting at the Mass of his curate, ana, at the moment of the eleva- tion of the Host, was deprived of the use of his tongue and most of his limbs by a sti'olco of apoplexy. (Tk.) ^ Trlalorjus; more full, Joannts Wicleji, viri undequaque piissimi, dialogor., libb. IV., Bas. 1525, 4to; ed. Wirth, Prcf. et Lps. 1753 (lib. I. de Deo ct ideis; lib. II. de creat. mundi ; lib. III. do virtutibus et vitiis; lib. IV. de ecclosia, sacramentis, etc.) Concerning his other works, see Lewis, p. 143, and especially his treatise, " De ideis." * There is an excellent criticism of Wiclcliffe iu Tliomas Waldensis, Dootrinale antiquitatum fldoi (against the errors of Wiokliife and Huss), ed. Paris, 1521- 32 f.; ed. J. Rubens, Venet. 1571 f . ; ed. BluncloUl, Venet. 1757-59 f. Of. also Lcwald, Wicklift'o's Theological Doctrine (.Journal of Historical Theology, 1846 and 1847J. § 279. John Wickliffe (a. d. 1324-1384). 951 In giving an outline of his system, and of the great principles which im- parted to it life and character, it is necessary to keep in view his ideology, which very nearly resembled that of Amalric de Bena, and was therefore essen- tially pantheistic.^ "Wickliffe's pantheistic creed may be formulated briefly thus: "All nature is God; every being is God."'- The following proposition em- braces his fundamental notion of the way in which ideas are apprehended: " Anyikinp, the idea of which exists in tlw inind of God^ is God Himself;" or, " Tlic idea is God." It is indeed difficult to conceive how "Wickliffe should not have becii struck with the untenableness of his first principles, when he himself was led to conclude, by reasoning from them, that "an ass is God." ' Ho even went the length of asserting that the proposition, "God is the idea," or, con- versely, "the idea is God," is capable of scriptural proof.* This principle once accepted, his system admitted of easy and rapid develop- ment. The eternal reality of all things and the infinite duration of time fol- lowed as necessary consequences; and the assertion of Abelard, that "God could not have created, if He would, a greater number of beings than He in • fact did create," was common to Wickliffe also. Creation, according to this doctrine, in as far as God had anything to do with it at all, was but an einana- ilov, and whatever did take place,''' the evil as well as the good, took place by a law of necessity, and could not have happened otherwise than it did. God Himself is the creature of this law, and His freedom of action is no more than a willing acceptance of the conditions which it lays upon Him. Necessity is therefore implied in the very conception of a God. It is, as it were, a condition of His being. But, if both Creator and creature are so hemmed about by the law of necessity as to be completely and hopelessly under its control, it follows that ' For proofs, see Staudenmaier, 1. c, yet frequently misinterpreted and mis- applied. More solidly and correctly given in Schwab, p. 5'27-.54G. ^ Among the condemned propositions are also found the following: Quae- libet creatura est Deus; quodlibet est Deus. Ubique omnc ens est, cum omno ens sit Deus, in ilarduln, T. VIII., p. 407. Mansi, T. XXVII., p. 761 ; besides, compare llardain, T. VII., pp. 1867, 1870 sq., 1890 sq. ; T. VIII., pp. 20.",, 260, 263, 280, 209 sq., 909 sq., 167-5 ; Tom. IX., pp. 1929, 1945. ^ VV^ickliffe's own words : Et si dicatur, quod male sonat, concedere asinum et quodlibet aliud esse Deum, conceditur apud aegro intelligentos, idco multi non admittunt talia, nisi cum doterminatione, ut talis creatura secundum esse intel- ligibile, vol ideale quod habet in Deo ad intra, est Deus. Illi autem.qui habent eundem sensura per subjectum per so positum, aequo coneedunt propositionem simplicem. De ideis, c. 2. * Undo sic converto istam propositionem : omnis creatura est Deus. Deus est quaclibet creatura in esse intelligibili, et istam con versionem vldetur Apostolus docere nos, ubi non dicit absolute, quod Deus est omnia, sed cum addjtamento: Deus est omnia in omnibus, ac si diceret: Deus esl omnes ratlones idcuies in om- nibus creaturis. De ideis, c. 2. "lie says, without figure : Cum omnia, quae eveniunt, de necessiiaie eveniunt, absolute nccessarium est, quod damnandus ponat obieem in peccando (Trialog., lib. III., 0. 7, 2o; lib. IV., 0. 13). Eecolo me dixisse in libro I., quod omnia, ijnae eveniunt, necessario absolute eveniunt (lib. III., c. 8). Conf. liarduin, T. VlII., p. 407; Mansl, T. XXVII., p. 751. 952 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. there is such a thing as an eternal, absolute, and unqualified predestination, and, if so, to spealc of the free-will of either God or man is arrant nonsense. Nor is this all. If everything is under the law of absolute necessity, this must not be left out of sight in putting an estimate upon the work accomplished by Christ, and in forming a judgment upon the whole liistory of the world. Wickliffe delighted in putting a sinister interpretation upon everything, in attributing everything to an evil influence. In his judgment, all the soientitio and literary institutions established after the tenth century, and particularly the religious orders, which, he said, had been shaken from the tail of tha great dragon, were diabolical in origin, pagan in character, and in the prosperity of which the Church and the Devil were about equally interested.' Although AVicklifle made his translation of thu Bible from the Vulgate, and introduced into it the poison of his errors with the special purpose of dissemi- nating these among the people, it is a little remarkable that the great bulk of his adherents were from among the better classes. His followers were desig- nated by the name of Lollards, and during the reign of Henry V., who acted by the advice of the Carmelite, Thomas Waldensis (t A. D. 1431), they were pursued with such energy as to be almost entirely suppressed. Their errors, however, were again revived in Bohemia, and, on this account, the Council of Constance passed sentence of anathema upon Wickliffe many years after his death. § 280. John IIuss (1373-1415)— T/ie Hussites.^ Mistra Jana Husi Spisy ceske, etc. (Master John Huss' complete works, in the Bohemian language), published, for the first time, by K. J. Erhen, Prague, 1865-66. So far, fourteen numbers have appeared. Historia et monu- menta J. Huss et Hieronym. Brag., etc., Norimbergae, 1558, 1715, 2 T. Stumpff, The Great General Council of Constance, etc., see above, J 271. Act of Coun- cils, in von der Hardt, cf. literature heading, § 271. HardiUa, T. VIII., ^fans^, T. XXVII. ,C'ochlaeus, Hist. Hussitarum, Mogunt. 1549. ^liiijler. Historians of the Hussite Troubles in Bohemia, Vienna, 1856-66, 3 vols. Palacky, Hist, of the Bohemians, Vol. III., especially Pts. II. and III. Ilelferi, Huss and Jerome, Prague, 1853. Henkc, John Huss and the Synod of Constance, Brl. 1869. Cf. ihst. PoUt. Papers, Vol. 31, p. 350 sq.; Vol. 39, p. 699-724; Vol. 41, p. 529-558; and Bonn Review of Theol. Lit. 1870, p. 422 and p. 675-679. Schwab, Gersnn, p. 546-608. E. Bonnechose, lleformateurs avant la Beforma- tion du XVIeme sioclo: Jean Plus, Gerson et le Conoile do Constahce, Illemo ed. Paris, 1860. V' Bcrger, John Huss and King Sigismund, Augsburg, 1871, with complete bibliography. ' Om.nes relijiones (of monks) indi.fferenier introductae sunt a diabolo — Uni- versitates, studia, collegia, graduationes ct magisteria in oisdeni sunt vana gen- tilitato hitroducta, ct tantum prosunt occlesiae sicut diabolus. [Ilardidn, T. VIII., pp. SOO, 301. Mansi, T. XXVII., pp. 633, 631— namely, Sess. VIII. Cone. Const'iut. 2 We still retain here the customary English spelling of this name with a double ss, although it is Plus in Bohemian, and means a goose, whereas Huss would, by a Czech, be pronounced like Hush. Ilefele's art. in the Freiburg Cyclopaedia, V. 402. (Tk,) § 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— 77ie Hussites. 953 Three causes contributed to the Hussite movement in Bo- hemia; the eager desire of the nobility to get possession of the wealth of the clergj^; the false mysticism into which the teachings, at first free from all tinge of error, of the parish priest Covrad Waldha.user, of the archdeacon Milicz of Krem- sier, and his disciple Matthias of Janow, eventuallj^ devel- oped; and finally, the theological controversy occasioned by the surreptitious introduction of the writings of Wickliffe into the University of Prague. Such were the materials ready at hand to wdiich Huss set the torch, and which shortly supplied abundant fuel for a mighty conflagration. Born July 6, 1369, at Hussinecz, a village of Bohemia, sit- uated within the circle of Prachin, and close to the Bavarian border, Huss studied philosophy and theology at the Univer- sity of Prague, where he took the master's degree in 1396, •and became professor in 1398. Plere the contests, which had arisen between the Germans and Czechs, for the enjoyment of the burses, were then heated and acrimonioas. Hiiss was next chosen dean of the philosophical faculty, and appointed preacher at the Bethlehem Chapel, founded for the Bohemi- ans, where sermons were delivered only in the vulgar tongue. A forged document, purporting to be the apprf>val of Wicklift'e's orthodoxy by the University of Oxford, and bear- ing the official seal of that institution, was broiight to I'rague and publicly I'ead. On the authority of this fraudulent docu- ment, the writings of Wicklifi'e were scattered throiigh the city, and their teachings embraced by Hnss and his disciples. Among the most ardent advocates of the nevv' teacbings wove the noblemen, Nicholas Faaljisch and Jerome of Pmrjue. Huss translated the Trialogus into Bohemian, but l)eing deficient in specidative powers, he could neither appreciate the full im- port of the original, nor defend the ulumate consecpiences to which its principles would lead. Though lacking the ability to make the doctrines of Wicklifi'e his own in any adarpiate sense, as is notably the case in those on the personality of Christ and unconditional predestination, ho nevertheless de- clared in the dictatorial tone and coarse language so charac- teristic of him, that the censures passed upon the writings of that heretic were false and unjust. He took occasion in his 954 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. serm.ons^ to praise the teachings of Wickliffe, to excite the people against (he clergy, and to commend the laodiible avo- cation of two young Englishmen, who sought to rouse popu- lar feeling against the hierarchy and, for the furtherance ot their cause, had recourse to the exhibition of obscene yiictures. His fiery denunciation of the Pope and ecclesiastical abuses were so violent iis to sometimes excite the indignation of his audience. He was once stopped in one of those furious phi- lippics, of which he gave so many, by a man who cried out to him : " Master, I have been in Rome, have seen the Pope and the Cardinals, but affairs are not so bad as you repre- sent." "And if you are so great an admirer of the Pope," said Huss, " you would do well to go back to Rome." To which the othei' responded: "I am now too far advauced in years to again undertake the journey, but as you are still young, you should go, for you will there learn that things are not exactly as you say." Sbinko, Archbishop of Prague, had time and again warned Huss to moderate the vigor of his language, but, these friendly admonitions proving fruitless, was eventually obliged to take more decided measures against him. Wenceslaus, who had been deprived of the German crown to make room for Rupert of the Palatinate, whose claims Gregory XII. recognized, now desired to join the conciliabuhim of Pisa, which promised to declare him King of Rome. But to this the Archbishop of Prague, who, holding Gregory to be the lawful Pope, yielded him a willing obedience, refused to assent, and was supported in his resolution by the action of the university. Huss, on the other hand, being iniluential at court, and enabled, through hia friend Jerome, to interest the higher classes in favor of the project, persuaded King Wenceslaus to pass a law (1409) granting three votes at the university to the Bohemian nation and only one to the foreign nations, consisting of the Bavarian, Saxon, and Polish, half of the last-named nation being Silesians. These nations, in consequence, immediately quitted Prague, and from this time dates the foundation of the Universities of Leipsic and Ros- MIuss' Sermons, translated into German by Nowotny, Goerlitz, 1854, three numbers. § 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— 7%e Hussites. 955 tock, and the augmentation of that of Cracow.' The Arch- bishop, yielding to force, complied with the royal pleasure and attended the Sjuiod of Pisa. His enemies, elated by their success, impeached his orthodoxy at the court of Alex- ander V. The ruse, however, was not successful. Upon the representation of the Archbishop that the disci[iles of Wick- liff'e were doing all in their power to disseminate his errors, Alexander V. issued a bull, in 1409, commissioning him to proceed against the heretics, and authorizing him to pro- hibit preaching outside of parish, collegiate, and conventual churches. The latter clause was a direct blow at Huss, who, being thus threatened in his most efficient agency for sowing the seeds of error, protested against it and against the order of the Archbishop for the burning of WicklifFe's writings. As Huss had appealed to Kome, he was now cited by John XXIII. to appear in person and defend his cause ; but, after shuffling about and evading th& summons under various flimsy pretexts, he openly refused to obey, and was cut (jfl" from the communion of the Church in 1411. Many of his former friends, astonished at seeing him go so far in the ad- vocacy of Wickliffe's teaching as to set at naught the au- thorit}' of the Church, broke with him once and for all. Huss and his friend, Jerome of Prague, now threw off all pretense of respect for authority. John XXIII. had just published a crusade against Ladislaus, King of JSTaples, and granted an indulgence to those who should take part in it. So excellent an opportunity to revile the papacy could not be allowed to pass unimproved, and accordingly Huss and Jerome made it the occasion of the most violent and indecent assaults upon papal authority. Jerome led off by arranging a public disputation, the object of which was to ridicule the bull of indul- gences, after which Huss and himself assailed it iu language the most vituperative, and finally consigned it to the flames. In spite of the eftbrts of his friends at court in his behalf, Huss was for this act expelled the city of Prague. Now an exile, he sought an asylum first with one nobleman and then with another, but was always careful to spread his errors, ^ HSfler, Master .John Huss, and the departure, in 1409, of the Gerraau pro- fessors and students from Prague, ibid. 18a2. 956 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. whenever an opportunity offeree!, by preaching in the open fields to the people of the neighboring country. It was dur- ing this time that he wrote his Tractatus de Ecolesia, the most important of all his writings, and in its aim, notwith- standing the author's attempts to explain away its most offensive features, entirely subversive of Church government. The letters addressed by him, during his absence, to his friends in Prague afforded more abundant evidence of Lis fui-ious hatred of the Pope and the clergy than anything he had previously written or said. The outrages against the clergy were so violent, and the conduct of the Grubenheimers so notorious and scandalous, that Bohemia came to be popu- larly spoken of as the land of heretics, though Huss main- tained that no true Bohemian had ever merited so opprobrious an epithet. Eome could no longer resist the reiterated and constantly increasing comjilaiuts of the clergy, who were, moreover, sup- ported by the powerful influence of the Universitj' of Paris, and instructions were accordingly sent to King Wenceslaus and the Archbishop of Prague to put forth every energy in sujipressing the growing disorders. The listless monarch, now fully roused to a sense of his duty, sought to preserve the fair fame of his name and country, and was ably assisted in the good work by his step-brother, Sigismund, the heir apparent to the throne. They prevailed upon Kuss to go to Constarice, where the Council was then in session, and defend his doctrines — a course, they urged, which could not be objec- tionable to liiui, as he had frequently appealed to the verdict of an ecumenical council. Under pretext of protecting him while on his journey, the Emperor jirovided him with an escort of three Bohemian knights, named John of CMum, Wenzel of Daba, and Lacembok. lie also received a safe- conduct, issued at Spires, October 18, 1414, and he now saw himself, as ho expressed it in a letter to Sigismund, obliged " to bend his neck." After his return to Prague, Huss made public declaration through the inquisitor of the archdiocese of Prague, disclaim- ing every heresy imputed to him, and public notices were af- fixed to all the churches and to the royal palace, to the effect § 280. John IIuss (1373-1415)— TTie Hussites. 957 that " any one desiring to bring action in matters concerning faith, against John Hnss, shonld present their charges before the Council of Constance." He also pnblished a second notice, declaring that " if he should (previously to the Council) be con- victed of any error, or of having taught aught contrary to faith, he would bo ready to undergo the punishment of a heretic."' Accompanied by the three knights, a cavalcade of thirly horsemeu, atid two carriages, Huss set out for Constance, Oc- •tober 11, 1414, where he arrived November 3d, two days before the opening of the Council, and retired to his lodgings to await the Emperor's safe-conduct, which should have been forwarded from Spires in time to reach him on his arrival at Constance.^ IIuss was thus doubly secured, having, besides the protection afiorded by the three knights, the written safe- conduct of the Emperor. To provide against any inconven- ience arising from ecclesiastical restriction, Pope John XXIII. removed from him, temporarily, the sentence of excommuni- cation, gave him leave to live in a private house, to go about freely, and to visit the churches, putting no further restraint upon him than the inhibition to either say Mass or preach. liis two accusers, Michael de Causis and Stephen Palecz, both Bohemians, in the meantime had, by putting together numerous extracts from his writings, drawn up a formal in- dictment of heresy against him, which they laid before the Pope and the Council. It was thought necessarj^ pending the ecclesiastical trial, not to expose Huss to external influ- ence, and he was accordingly, on the 28th of JSTovember, placed in honorable confinement in the residence of a canon of Constance, whence he was transferred, in January, 1415, to a Dominican convent situated on the shores of the Lake of Constance. Apart from this precaution, which it was thought proper to employ under the circumstances, Huss had really ' Porro, si rae de errore aliquo convicerit, et me alicna a fide docuisse pro- bavei'it. non recusabo, quciscunque haerctCci poeiias fcrre (acta Hussii, fol. 2), But, for all this, Huss addressed tlie Emperor in the Council as follows: "May your Gracious Highness know that I came here freely, not to defend anything stubbornly, but to amend, if I am taught better." ^For the original text, see Hefele VII. 1, p. 221, and Berger, p. 179 sq., who bring forward many similar letters of safe-conduct, which they briefly re- view. 958 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. exposed himself to such treatment by an utter disregard of the inhibition to say Mass and preach ; but that his coufine- ment was far from being rigorous is amply shown by the fact that he composed in the interval many theological treatises, maintained an active correspondence with his friends in the city and at a distance ; and in his letters freely advocated and discussed his erroneous tenets, and frequently animadverted with acrimonious severity upon the actiou of the Council, and the motives of those who had brought charges against" him.^ John XXIII. fled from Constance, March 21st, and as this event inspired Huss and his friends with hopes of securing his freedom, and in this way his escape from the city, he was removed, on the morning of March 22d, from the Domini- can convent to the castle of Gottlieben, whei'e his confine- ment was more rigid. The Knight of Chlum protested that in virtue of the safe-conduct granted Huss, he had a right to his freedom at least until such time as the trial should open ; and the Emperor Sigismund was also inclined to favor this opinion, but being informed that IIuss had violated his prom- ise, and that the Council insisted on its right to exercise ec- clesiastical jurisdiction after the established form, he with- drew his objections. To conduct a trial of this kind publicly, would have been a deviation from precedent and established usage ; but though strangers were excluded, Huss himself was treated with mildness and consideration. Peter d'Ailly and Zabarclla served on the commission that conducted the process. A most careful and searching investigation was opened ; the witnesses were sworn and examined in presence of the accused ; and their depositions, together with the acts of a former trial, formed the basis of the judgment to be rendered. Huss had promised to submittothe decision of the Council, and in the early stage of the proceedings it seemed that he would hold to his word; but his sensitive and morbid pride for the fair name of Bohemia and its people, who, he '■After hi.s Recond audience boforo the Council, he wrote to nis friends in Constance : " They cry out, nearly all of them, like the Jews against, ouv Master, Christ." This was after ho had been led back to prison. 0pp. I., &l 69, 2; ep. 36. (Tk.) § 280. John JIass (1373-1415)— TAe Hussites. 959 professed to believe, had never been tainted with error, for- bade him to make the sacrifice.' The fortj'-five pi'opositions of Wickliffe had beeli con- demned by the Council, in its eighth session, held May 4th, and in the early part of June, Huss was notified to prepare .for piiblie ir\&\.. which had beeyi gravted him chiefly through the persistent efforts of the Emperor Sifjismund. Huss had three ]iublic hearings before the Council, in the general congrega- tions held respectively on the Gth, 7th, and 8th of June. He steadfastly^ refused to retract tlie propositions imputed to him, declaring that some of them he had never taught ; that others were distorted and piroposed in a perverse sense ; and that he was prepared to discuss such as he really held, and would ab- jure only when " texts of Sc]'ipture subversive of them '' should have been acklnced. In the second general congrega- tion the Emperor, who was present, frequently interrupted the order of the proceedings, and took occasion to tell Huss, when the latter had refused to recant anything, that the let- ter of safe-conduct could in no wise interfere with the verdict of the Council. '■'■I hare redeemed my promise," the Emperor continued ; " if you obstinately persist in defending your errors, the Council has its rights and laws, according to which it must proceed against you. As for myself, I ha.d rather prepare with my own hands the fagots for your burning than protect your er- rors. I therefore advise you to submit to the decisiou of the Council, and the soouer you do it the better." In the third general congregation a form of recantation was proposed to him, in which he was required to say that he '■^abjured his errors," but this he refused to take, and he also stubbornly re- pelled other and well-meant efforts on the part of the bishops and the Emperor to bring about a reconciliation. It was in- tended, had he recanted, to place him in honorable custody, and to deal with him as Abelard had been dealt with in a foi-mer age. This was also the course proposed by the Em- peror, who, growing indignant at Huss' obstinacy, but still more at his assertion that those iu authority ceased to have 1 Cf. Schwab, John Gerson, pp. 592, 593. 960 Feriod 2. E-pocli 2. Port 2. Chapter 2. jurisdiction wlaile in mortal sin,' now abandoned him alto- gether, lie also stated that heretofore he had been in no condition to form a correct opinion of the Hussite movement, but that he could now say ''there never was a more mischievous hcreiin than II ass." - After every attempt to induce him to retract his' errors had failed, he was, on July 6th, brought be- fore the fifteenth general session of the Council, held in the cathedral of Constance, to receive judgment. Thirty prop- ositions, drawn chiefly from his Tractatus de Ecclesia, were condemned, of which the following are the most remark- able : 1. The members of the Church consist wholly of the praedesiinaif, or of those predestined to everlasting happiness, who can no more cease to be of her fold than the praescU!, or those foredoomed to eternal misery, can enter it. 2. There is no Head of the Church other than Christ; and to say either that ihe Church militant hrns need of a visible head, or that Christ instituted such, is to assert what can not be proved. 3. The papacy owes its origin solelj' to imperial favor and autliorlty. 4. The claim of ilie Church to the obedience of her mem- bers is a pure invention of priests, and contrary to Holy Scripture. Hence, 5. "When the conscience of a priest bears witness to his purity of motive and uprightness, he should not be deterred from preaching by papal injunction or frightened by sentence of excommunication. 6. But, on the other hand, any one invested with either temporal or spiritual authority, when satisfied by the wit- ness of his conscience that Ite is in mortal sin, in that moment loses all power and jurisdiction over Christian people, and must lay down his office. 7. Holy Scripture is the sole source and rule of Christian faith, a doctrine which Wick- liffe also taught. The teaching of Huss on the Blessed Eucharui seems to have been orthodox; and neither was he the author of Uiraquism or the receiving of the Eucharist under both species. He also admitted seven sacraments, taught that veneration should bo paid to the Blessed Virgin and the saints, and stoutly defended the celibacy of the clergy.' ' "Nullus est dominus civilis, nullus est praelatus, nullus est episcopus, dum est in peccato mortal!," in Mansi, T. XXVII., p. 765. The Council, in its fif- teenth session, condemned also the following propositions as heretical; " Qui- libet tyrannus potest et debet licite et meritorie occidi per quemcunque vassal- lum suum vel subditum, etiam per clanculares insidias, et subtilcs blanditias vel adulationes, non obstante quocumque praestito juramento, seu confoederatione factis cum co, non exspectata sententia vel mandato judicis cujuscumque. See Balmes, Prot. comp. with Cath. Ch. LVI. (Te.) 2 In l-Ieifler Vol. I., p. 257. 3 In Mansi, T. XXVII., pp. 754, 755. Cf. tCappenberff, Utrum Hussii doctrina fuerit haeretica ct merito ab ecclesia catholica anathemate proscripta nee ne? Monast. 1834. ^ Friedrtch, The Doctrine of John Huss, etc., Eatisb. 18G2. Uefele, Vol. VII., Pt. I., p. 158 sq. and p. 194-206. § 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— TTie Hussites. ■ 961 The duty of the Council under the circumstances was plain ; it condemned these doctrines as heretical and dangerous, and it could not have done less. As a consequence the works of Huss were ordered to be burnt. The Council after having deposed and degraded him (July 6th), had no further juris- diction over him, and transferred him to the civil authorities, with the prayer, which the Church had used on such occa- sions for centuries, "that his life be spared, and he be con- demned to perpetual imprisonment." '■ By the laws of the Empire one convicted of heresy, in that age a civil offense, and refusing to abjure, was to be punished with death ; and hence, unless an exception were made in Huss' case, he too must un- dergo the penalty. But apart from the offense of heresy, Huss had been guilty of serious crimes against civil society. He had written libelous documents, made inflammatory speeches, stirred up the people to revolt, given any subject permission to take the life of a tyrant, and made such sub- ject the judge as to what acts properly constituted tyranny in a ruler.^ Hence, Huss was by his own acts putting heresy out of the question, within the competence of the civil authority which he sought to undermine and subvert, and it was simply the duty of the latter to protect itself against so furious and dangerous an agitator. As Leo justly remarks, " Others have indeed preached doc- trines more bold and aggressive than those of Huss, and fol- lowed out in practice what they held in theory, but in doing so, they observed the rules proper to such occasions, and not one of them was ever sent to the stake." Did not St. Peter Damian and St. Bernard, Petrarca, St. Catharine of Siena, and St. Bridget portray the abuses and disorders of the Church, in language the most fiery and energetic, and demand their reformation in terms the most stern and uncompromising, and 1 In Mansi, T. XXVII., p. 753, it is said : " Sanota Synodus Joannem Hus, attento, quod ecclesia Dei non habeat ultra, quid gerere valeat (quam) judicio saeculari relinquere : ipsum curiae saeculari relinquendum fore decernit." Cf. John von MiUler, Annot. to his Hist, of Switzerland, Bk. III., oh. 2, nro. 6; and Schmidt, Hist, of the Germans, Pt. IV., p. 124. 2 See proposition, above on p. 960, n. 1, condemned by the Council. (Te.) VOL. II — 61 962 • Period 2. Epoch 2. Fart 2. Chapter 2. was not one of these outspoken reformers, St. Bridget, placed npon the roll of Saints, by the very Council that condemned the doctrines of Huss ? The Church distinguishes, by a kind of Divine instinct, the true reformer from the false ; reprobates the one and holds the other in honor. " If," says Moehler,^ " one be deeply versed in Divine and eternal truths and give unmistakable proof that his life is of a piece with his teachings ; if, above all things, he be not self-sufficient, and, therefore, ready to begin by reforming himself; if, finally, he bring experience to the support of his views, and prove by his practice his faith in his own advice, then will the Church gladly and thankfully recognize not only his right, but his duty to widen the sphere of his labors, to correct the morals and revive the zeal of the faithful. But if these conditions be absent, if he have noth- ing better to offer than beautiful but impracticable theories and fine words, then will he be dismissed with merited con- tempt, and told to go his way." Such was Huss. According to the penalty prescribed by the civil legislation of that age, he was burnt at the stake (July 6, 1415), and bore his suffer- ings with a courage and fortitude worthy of a better cause.^ The scope and force of the letter of safe-conduct issued to Huss, have been greatly misapprehended, and the Emperor Sigismund,^ in consequence, reproached with violating his word. To form a correct estimate of its character, it will be necessary, besides bearing in mind what has been said above, to examine the letter itself. By the safe-conduct, Huss was taken under the protection of the Empire, and commended to officials and all subjects vv'hether spiritual or lay ; all are commanded to receive and treat him kindly, and in every way facilitate his progress ; he is permitted to go to and fro freely where he likes, and, if need be, to have a guard for his protection. The letter was in effect a passport, intended to remove the real or simulated fear of Huss in traveliug through Germany, both on his way to and return from Constance, should he be acquitted ; but neither he himself nor his friends 1 Miscellanea, Vol. II., p. 25. '' Of. below, the section on the Inquisition, and punishment of heretics. » Conf. V. d. Hardt, T. IV., p. 12 sq. and p. 495-497. See ahove, p. 95Y n. 2. § 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— 77ie Hussites. 963 ever thought of its protecting him against the action of the Council, the supreme ecclesiastical court of judicature. To entertain so strange a notion would be to render the proceedings of the Council, to whose decision he expressed his willingness to submit until it was evident the decision would be adverse, in the highest degree farcical. Even the Bohemian nobles, in the memorial addressed to the Council after he had been imprisoned, claimed only that in virtue of the letter of safe-conduct he was entitled to a public hearing and should be allowed to explain his doctrine. They indeed admitted, that " if he were found guilty according to law and by legal procedure, he should be jjunished as he deserved." And in the vehement and denunciatory address sent to the Council, after the execution, these same Bohemian nobles, so devoted to the memory of Huss, did not by word or sjdlable intimate that the safe-conduct^ had been violated, which they certainly would have done had there been the slightest infrac- tion of it. !N"either do the words of the Emperor Sigismund, already given and again repeated, in reply to the King of Aragon, who had written for information on the point, in which he stated that a safe-conduct could not exempt one from deserved punishment,^ inaply that any promise of exemption was contained in the letter. The Council understood the safe-conduct in precisely the same sense as the one issued by itself to John XXIII. and Jerome of Prague, in each of which it was stated that its bearer should be protected against un- lawful violence, but not against the judgment of a competent tribunal of justice. It is therefore unjust and dishonest to accuse the Council, as Gieseler^ has done, of having, in order to clear the Emperor of the imputation of violating a safe- conduct issued by himself, enacted a decree declaring that no faith was to be kept with a heretic. This decree, given by Gieseler in an abbreviated form, but in full in the foot-note be- 1 Hisior. Polit. Papers, Vol. IV., p. 420-425 ; " John Huss and his letter of Safe-conduct," and in Belfert, p. 199. 2 See Befele, 1. c, p. 114. 8 Gieseler, Ch. Hist., Vol. II., Pt. IV., p. 418 ; the Catholic doctrine on the point in question is quite the reverse of this, and explained well in Holden, Analysis fidei, c. 9 {Braun, Bibl. regul. fidei, T. II.) 1)64 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. low,^ declares ^^T-si, that the Church enjoys in all spiritual mat- ters, such as heresy, an inherent and wholly independent jurisdiction, and that such jurisdiction being within her com- petency, she can not be restrained in the exercise of it by any general principle or special enactment, such as the granting of a safe-conduct, of civil authority ; second, that, when a prince promises to protect dny one, he is bound to keep to the strict letter of his word, unless, by so doing, he would violate the right of another — that is, he is positively bound by hii promise, and must make it good in so far as he has power to do so — a sense quite the reverse of what has been ascribed to this decree of the Council. Again, the dramatic scene of Huss pitching away the safe-conduct after his condemnation, and the Emperor's blushing,^ is a later fabrication of the Czechs intended to feed the imaginations of the people. Mladeno- wicz, secretary to the Knight of Chlum,the disciple and biog- rapher of Huss, who, had the incident occurred, would have been an eye-witness of it, and would not surely have omitted it, makes no mention of it.^ • Praesens St. Synodus ex quovis salvo oonduotu, per Imperatorem, reges et alios saeculi Prinoipes haeretiois vel de haeresi diffamatis, putantes eosdem slo a Buia eri'oribus revocare, quoounque vinculo se adstrinxerint, conoesso, nullum fidei catholicae, vel jurisdictioni eoolesiasticae praejudicium generari, vel im- pedimentum praestari posse sive debere declarat: quominus salvo dicto con- ducta non obstante lioeat judici competent! ccclesiastico de hujusmodi personsi- rum erroribus inquirere, et alias contra eas debite prooedere, easdemquo punire, quantum justitia suadebit, si suos pertinaciter recusaverint revocare errores, etiamsi de salvo conductu confisi ad locum venerint judicii, alias non venturi; nee sic promittentem, cum alias feoerit quod in ipso est, ex hoc in aliquo reman- sisse obligatum. In v. d. Hardt, T. IV., p. 521. Another decree, which the Protestant v. d. Eardt found in the codex Dorrianus, and_;?rs^ published, has the following ; " Quum tamen Joan. Huss fidem orthodoxam pertinaciter compug- nans, se ab omni conductu et privilegio reddiderit alienum, nee aliqua sibi fides aut promissio de jure naturali, divino vel humano fuerit in praejudicium catho- licae fidei observanda." Prom intrinsic and extrinsic reasons, it is evident that this decree is apocryphal. The signatures invariably affixed to the other de- crees are wanting to this, and it seems to have been specially designed to admit of the malicious interpretation that a promise may be given to a heretic vrtthoul the least intention of keeping it. 2 This is so stated by v. d. Hardt, Vol. IV., p. 393 : " Haec cum loqueretur, oculos in imperatorem defixos habuit. Ille vero statim vehementer erubuit, atque ejus verecundus tiuxerat ora rubor." Transl. from Neander's Oh. Hist., Engl, tr., Vol. V., p. 369. 8 Of. Hefele, Vol. VII., Pt. I., p. 264-283. § 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— T/ie Hussites. 965 Jerome of Prague, the restless and inconsistent friend of Huss, the philosopher, theologian, and man of the world, was more generally known, and exerted a wider influence than the latter. He acquired a great reputation as a reformer among all classes in distant and widely different countries, but chiefly in Bohemia and Moravia. At the universities of Heidelberg, Paris, and other cities, he created much disturb- ance by his skillful defense and ardent advocacy of the doc- trines of Wicklifl^e. He was arrested and brought to trial at Vienna, for exciting commotions, but escaped by making false representations to the magistrates.' In 1410 he appeared at Ofen, before the Emperor, who, on the complaint of Arch- bishop Sbinko of Prague, had him placed under arrest and handed over to the Archbishop of Gran, by whom he was im- mediately set at liberty. We hear of him again at Prague, which he quitted after the commotions of 1413, paid a visit to King Wladislaus of Poland and Witold, Duke of Lithu- ania, and sought to persuade the latter to apostatize to the Greek Church. He remained some time at Cracow, and as usual disturbed the public peace. Returning again to Prague, he learned the imprisonment of his friend Huss, and resolving to be near him him, arrived secretly, and in disguise, at Constance, April 4, 1415, whence' he went next day to the small town of Heberliugen, four miles distant. From this place he issued a public notice stating that if permission were given him to come to Constance and quit it again unmolested, he would answer to any charge of heresy that might be brought against him. Having been denied this he obtained from the Bohemian knights, residing in Con- stance, an ample vindication of his course, and set out on his way to Bohemia. The Council, in reply to the public notice of Jerome, published an edict summoning him to appear before that body and defend his doctrine in public ses- sion. Meanwhile, Jerome was arrested at Hirschau in Suabia. He secured a safe-conduct protecting his person in every way 1 Von der Hardi, 638. (,Te.) 966 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. consistent with justice.^ On May 23, 1415, he had his first audience of the Council, which, owing to the indignation of the Bohemian knights at the arrest and imprisonment of himself and Huss, was disposed to treat him kindly, and to make every concession consistent with his conduct, to bring him to retract his errors. To the various charges brought against him, he replied, like Huss, that he was prepared to abjure them when he should have been taught better. He was delivered to the Archbishop of liiga, and again conducted to prison, whence he was brought a second time before the Coun- cil, and, after a number of audiences, finally consented to read a prescribed form of recantation, in the nineteenth ses- sion, held September 23, 1415, by which he abjured the her- esies of "Wickliff'e and Huss, together with other errors he himself had taught. Having done all that was required of him, he demanded to be set at liberty, and the commission appointed to try him, headed by Cardinal d'Ailly, acknowl- edged the justness of the demand; but Palecz, Michael de Causis, and some monks who had come on from Prague, sus- picious of his motives, and persuaded that he would at once return to Bohemia and raise fresh disturbances, protested against allowing him to be set at liberty. Jerome had also, in conversation with his friends and others, let fall some ex- pressions which gave color to the suspicions of his enemies. But the commission which had acted solely upon the evidence brought forward during the trial, and could take no account of hearsay, offended that its action had been ignoi'ed, at once resigned, and refused to have anything more to do in the mat- ter. When the second commission had been appointed, Jerome, refusing to submit to a private examination, de- manded a public audience, which was granted him May 23, 1416. He was required to take an oath to speak the truth, which he declined doing because lie did not recognize the au- thority of the new commission, though it had been appointed by the Council, and had precisely the same sanction as the former one. He was again before the Council on the 27th 1 Ad quod a violentia, Justitia semper salva, omnem tibi salvum conductuin nostrum quantum in nobis est et fides exigit orthodoxa, tenore praesentium offeriraus. 0pp. II., f. 350, 351. (Tb.) § 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— 27ie Hussites. 967 of May, when he spoke in his own defense, attributing his persecution to the malignitj^of a corrupt and worldly minded clergy, who, he said, had been instrumental in putting to death all the great martyrs the world had ever seen ; and then reverting to his former recantation, said he wished to withdraw whatever he had said against either Wickliffe or Huss and their teachings ; praised the latter in the most ex- travagant terms, and finally turning to his judges summoned them to appear before him on the day of Great Assizes. Forty days were granted him to reconsider his step, and during the interval he was visited by many of the more prominent and holy members of the Council, among whom was Cardinal Zabarella, who used every means that charity and zeal could suggest to prevail upon him to retract, but to no purpose. The Council pronounced sentence upon him May 30th, after which he was handed over to the civil power, and was burnt at the stake, " enduring the torments of fire," says Poggio, an eye-witness, " with more tranquillity than was displayed by Socrates in drinking the cup of hemlock." * THE HUSSITE WAES. Shortly after the departure of Huss and his friend, Jerome of Prague, from the Bohemian capital, Jacob of Mies, called Jocobellus on account of his diminutive stature, who had been a professor of philosophy since the year 1400, started, toward the close of the year 1414, the question of Communion under both kinds, maintaining that it was absolutely necessary the laity should so receive. In this he went beyond the teaching of Huss, who, while favoring the innovation, desired to introduce it only with the approbation of the Church. The practice, which was called Utraquism, became the distinctive characteristic of the Hussites, and was embi-aced by the great bulk of the nobility. To prevent any misapprehension as to the mind of the Church on this question, the Council of Con- stance, in its thirteenth session, held June 15, 1415, prohibited the administration of the chalice to the laity, and condemned ■ Von der Hardt, T. III., p. 70. Cf. Refele, Vol. VII., Pt. I., p. 254-283. S68 I'eriod 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. the practice as leading to error.^ In the meantime, the news of Huss' execution had reached Prague, and its effect upon his partisans was to call forth the most inflammatory denun- ciations of the act and to raise their indignation to the high- est degree.^ Headed by Nicholas of Hussinecz and John Ziska, both chamberlains of King Wenceslaus, they resolved to maintain by force and violence the use of the Chalice among the laity. Revolt and anarchy everywhere succeeded to law and order. The new doctrine, which spread rapidly, produced everywhere the same results. A mob of its most enthusiastic advocates marched in procession through the streets of Prague, and, halting before the Senate Hall, forced their way into the' building, and, seizing seven of the sen- ators, dashed them headlong out of the window. E"or was this all. Churches and convents were sacked and plundered, and uncouth boors strutted through the city decked out in the rich and costly silk-stuff's thus sacrilegiously obtained. It at last occurred to the imbecile King Wenceslaus that perhaps it would be just as well to put a stop to these ex- cesses ; but, to his astonishment, those who had profaned churches and convents under pretext of zeal in the most sa- cred of causes, were irreverent enough to withstand even royalty itself. He and those of the monks and priests who opposed Huss barely escaped with their lives by precipitate flight. In 1419, ISTicholas founded on Mount Hardisstin, forty-nine ' Cone. Constant, decretum contra communion, sub utraque specie panis et vini (v. d. Hardt, T. III., p. 646; T. IV., p. 333. Harduin, T. VIII., p. 381 sq. Mansi, T. XXVII., 727 sq.) It is said here of ttie use of the chalice; " Lauda- bilem ecolesiae consuetudinem (sub una specie) rationabiliter approbatam (cf. Vol. I., p. 721, and below, § 293, note *) tanquam sacrilegam damnabiliter reprobare conantur." — The Council, on the contrary, says: " Et sicut haec con- suetude ad evitandum aliqua pericula et scandala est rationabiliter introducta, quod licet in primitiva ecclesia hujusmodi sacramentum reciperetur a fidelibus sub vitraque specie, tamen postea a conflcientibus sub utraque et a laicis tantum- niodo sub specie panis suseipiatur, cum firmissime credendum sit et nullatenus dubitandum, integrum, Christi corpus et sanguinem tarn sub specie panis, quam sub specie vint veraciter contineri. Unde quum hujusmodi consuetudo ab eccle- sia et SS. Patribus (especially the schoolmen) rationabiliter introducta et diutis- sime observata sit, habenda est pro lege, quam, uon licet reprobare, aut Hm ecclestae aucioritaie pro libito mutaro." » Theobald, Husaite war, 3 ed. 1750, 3 vols. 4to. § 280. John Huss (1373-1415)— ITie Hussites. 969 miles south-southeast of Prague, the city and fortress of Tabor, and gave Communion under both kinds to forty thou- sand persons'. The Calixtines, or the more moderate of the sectaries, had their headquarters in Prague. The indignation and grief caused by these events hastened the death of King "Wenceslaus, August 16, 1419. He was succeeded in the government of Bohemia and Moravia by Sigismund, to whom the Calixtines consented, and the Tabor- ites refused to take the oath of allegiance. The latter flew to arms, and, threatening the city of Prague, forced it to par- ticipate iu their revolt. Sigismund now marched against them with an army of fifty thousand men and a considerable auxiliary force of crusaders, raised by the publication of the bull of Pope Martin, but his eflForts were vain against the fanatical zeal of the Hussites. His throne was even declared forfeit (ISTovember, 1420). Ziska, who became their sole leader on the death of Hussi- necz, arrogantly demanded the concession of the four follow- ing articles: 1. The word of God shall be freely preached throughout the kingdom; 2. Communion under both kinds shall be given to all who. demand it and are not burdened with mortal sin ; 3. The clergy shall give up all property and secular pursuits, and live as did the Apostles; 4. Mortal sin, in either cleric or layman, shall be punished by the civil tri- bunal. "Under the head of mortal sin were comprised drunk- enness, theft, the wearing of the tonsure, and the receiving of stipends for Masses. These articles being rejected by the Emperor, the Hussites resolved upon a desperate resistance. They devastated the country far and wide, and kindled afresh the fires of civil war. In 1421, a second army of crusaders entered Bohemia. A great battle was fought at I^aby, in which Ziska, already blind of an eye, lost his second, but succeeded, notwithstand- ing this untoward accident, in dispersing the crusaders and completely I'outing the superior army of Sigismund. When the Calixtines of Prague made an offer of the crown to three different foreigners, Ziska threatened to destroy the city if they attempted to carry out this proposal, and was only de- terred from making good his threat by the influence of the 970 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Cha'pter 2. Hussite theologian, Rokyczana, who effected a temporary reconciliation between the parties. Ziska died shortly after (October 12, 1424), and the Hussites, no longer held together by his powerful will, split into four conflicting parties — di- vided, however, more by political than religious differences. There were the Taborites, under Procope the Elder; the Or- phans, under Proeope the Younger; the Horebites, and the Calixtines of Prague. Each fought fiercely against the other, and all made incursions into the neighboring countries. They invaded Saxony, the March of Brandenburg, and Silesia, and menaced the cities of Vienna and Ratisbon. The crusader.' sent against them in 1427 and 1431 were as unsuccessful ati their predecessors had been. When the ruinous and fruitless war had gone on for years, the Council of Basle considerately interposed and invited the Hussites to a conference (1433), but the latter, when told that the four articles could not be granted without limitations,^ withdrew, having accomplished nothing. Another confer- ence followed, at which an agreement was entered into, known as the Compact of Basle. By this was granted to the Plussites — 1. That the word of God should be freely preached, but under the immediate authority of the bishop; 2. That mortal sin should be punished, but by a competent tribunal; 3. That communion under both kinds should be given only to those who had arrived at the age of discretion and earnestly desired it, and who also firmly believed that Christ was re- ceived whole and entire {integer et totus Christus), under either kind, and this the clergy were enjoined to bring frequently before the minds of the people, " for," as the canon goes on to say, " though the Church did, for weighty reasons, suspend the usage of giving the Chalice to the laity, she may, as in the present case, restore it again;" 4. .Finally, that the clergy, while continuing to hold benefices, should apply the revenues 1 It is highly important to consult the four discourses delivered in the Coun- cil on this article ; Joan, de Ragusu, De communione sub utraque specie ; Aegidius Carelarius, De corrigendis publiois pecoatoribus ; Henr. Kalteisen, Da libera praedicatione Verbi Dei ; Joan. Polemar, De civili dominio clerieorum, {Harduin, T. VIII., p. 1655-1950; Mansi, T. XXIX., p. 699-1168. § 281. German Theology. 971 to the purposes specified iu the canons.^ The Galixtines ac- cepted and the Taborites rejected the compact. Again an appeal was made to arms, and at the battle of Bohmischbrod (May 30, 1434), the Taborites and the Orphans, under the elder and younger Procopes, sufii"ered a disastrous defeat. They submitted, in the following year, to King Sigismund, and in 1436 the treaty or Compact of Iglau was signed, ex- tending to all the Hussites the concessions of the Compact of Basle. This brought peace to the State, but not to the Church. On the one hand, the Galixtines, now called Utraquists, were jealous of their rights and vigilant in their main- tenance; while, on the other, the Catholics were desirous of restoring uniformity in divine worship, and anxious to abolish an exceptional usage. Both parties being thus sensitively suspicious of each other, and the one ready to repel the most distant invasion of its rights by the other, frequent collisions were inevitable. The efforts of the eloquent and holy John Capistrano, an angel of peace in human guise, sent by Pope Nicholas V. to preach forgiveness and unity, were of no avail. The extreme Hussites receded daily farther and farther from the Church, and ended by becoming petty sectaries, known as the Bohemian and Iloravian Brethren,'^ and were persecuted by Calixtines and orthodox Catholics alike. A fresh lease of life was given them by the breaking out of the Eeformation in Germany. § 281. German Theology. Among those writers who flourished during the present epoch, and were the authors of heretical opinions which ex- ercised a marked influence on their own and succeeding gen- erations of men, and notably on Luther, the author of a small ascetical work containing fifty-four chapters, holds a distinguished place. From Luther this work received the ' The acta of these negotiations are in Marthne, Amplissima CoUectio, T. VIII., p. 596 sq., and in Mmsi, T. XXX., pp. 590, 634, 688, and 692. 2 Of. Bossuet, Hist, des variations, liv. II., § 168 sq. ; Loehner, Origin and first destiny of the Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, Nurnberg, 1832; Gindely, Hist, of the Bohemian Brethren (1457-1671), Prague, 1857 sq., 2 vols. 972 Period 2. Upoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. title of "German Theologij."^ Its author lived probably iu the fifteenth century, and it is more than likely was a mem- ber of the society of mystics known as the Friends of God or Brethren of the Common Life. Having a decided tend- ency to speculation, and, as his work evinces, possessing a penetrating intellect and a deeply religious mind, he never- theless frequently loses sight of Christian principles and ideas, indulges in the pantheistic language of Tauler, and, if one may judge from numerous utterances of very doubtful and in- sidious import, was iu close sympathy with the opinions of Master Eckhart? The idea of God he makes synonymoui with the idea of goodness, thus drifting toward pantheism. Tht underlying and pervading idea of the German Theology^ brought out in endless variety of expression, resolves itself into the formula: "(xorf is all in all, and besides Him there is nothing." Connected with this idea is the dualistic prin- ciple that the natural and supernatural elements in man are ceaselessly warring against each other in irreconcilable antagonism. Holding not only that the finite \s void, a nega- tion, but also that it is purposeless and sinful, he goes on to infer a dual being — that is, one that is or exists, the simple act of being; and a complex state of being in which a. will is united to the simple act, thus forming the individual being, which exists for itself. The first kind of being, he saj's, is es- sentially divine, essentially good. To love, to wish, or to de- 1 Luther published the German Theology in 1516, believing it to be composed of selections from the works of Tauler. In the preface which he wrote for the volume he says : " This admirable little work, though lacking in worldly wis- dom and destitute of literary grace, is all the more precious in that it breathes a divine wisdom and exhibits a heavenly art. And, if I may be permitted to bring my old fool again into prominence, I will say that I do not hesitate to place beside the Bible and St. Augustine a work from which I have learned more concerning God, Christ, man, and in fact everything else, than from any other. Now do I fully comprehend, for the first time, how unjust are the many learned men who reproach us Wittenberg theologians with attempting to put forth something new, as if there did not exist in other times and countries as able men as in our own." There have been many editions of the German Theology in recent times, among which may be mentioned those of Orell, Berlin, 1817; Kriiger, Lemgo, 1822; Deizer, Erlangen, 1827; Troxler, St. Gall, 1837; Pfeiffer, Stuttg. 1861 (from the only manuscript, known to the present day, of 1497), 2 ed. 1855. 2 See page 679. § 282. The Heretics John Wesel and John van Goch, etc. 973 sire aught besides ^God, is, he says, all one with sinning; for as snch acts are not liis being, it therefore follows that they are the reverse of good. Hence the further deduction that per- sonal and free-will must be stifled, and that to wholly re- nounce one's freedom is the beginning of a Christian life. To God alone belongs the prerogative of willing and acting, and it is man's duty to remain quiescent and suffer God to will and act through him. In this way will man be ^'deified." The better to insure this passive state, he highly recommends abstinence from whatever may stir and rouse into activity the mental energies, such, for instance, as study and the cultivation of science, as understood by the degenerate Schoolmen.' He, like other mystical writers, distinguishes three stages in the process of ^'■deification," — viz., purification, illumination, and union with God. The characteristic of the highest stage is a pure and disinterested love embracing all things as a unit, that is, "One in all, and all in one." (Ch. 46). Were the many characteristic remarks of this work, which was intended solely to edify, and is in several respects very like the Following of Christ, taken in connection with the context in which they are found, they would be far less objectionable than they seem when standing isolated. The work is also much more ofi'ensive in the Latin transla- tion than in the original. It is entirely owing to Luther's mis- representations of its true drift and meaning that it ever came to be placed on the index of prohibited books. § 282. The Heretics, John Wesel and John van Goch; and the Zealots, John Wessel and Jerome Savanorola.^ I. John Wesel, whose family name was Euchrath or Rich- rath, but who took his new name from the place of his birth, the Upper- Wesel, near St. Goar, on the Ehine, was 1 Staudenmaier, Philosophy of Christianity, Vol. I., p. 654-666. Against this •■> Freiburg Cyclopaed., Vol. X., p. 875-884 ; French transl., Vol. 23, p. 324-336. Stoeckl, Vol. II., p. 1149-1159. Reifenrath, The German Theology of the Frankfort Friend of God, Halle, 1863. 2 Concerning them, conf. Schroeckh, Christian Ch. Hist., Pt. XXXIII., p. 278-298, and p. 543-586. Muurling, Comm. de Wessel. Gansf cum vita turn meritis etc., Traj., Pars I., 1831 ; and Ullmann, Reformers before the Eeforma- 974 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. in the early part of his career professor of theology at Er- furt, and afterward preacher at Mentz and Worms. While at Erfurt he had written a work entitled Adv. Indulgentias, in which he renounced the accepted doctrine ; and, after receiving his appointment as preacher, again toolc occasion to assail in- dulgences, and spread his anti-ecclesiastical and heretical teach- ings. The universities of Cologne and Heidelberg had rendered judgment unfavorable to his teachings, and he was in consequence, brought before the Inquisition at Mentz (1479), and sentenced to perpetual imprisonment in the Au- gustinian convent of that city, where he died two years later. He, however, retracted his errors, adding : "I bow to the Holy Catholic Cliurch ; I accept the advice of the doctors, and humbly sue for pardon." The following are some of his proscribed propositions: It belongs to Christ alone to ex- pound the Scriptures ; all other expositions are faulty and incorrect. The names of the elect of God are written in the Book of Life from all eternity ; as no excommunication can erase them, so neither can Pope, bishop, npr indulgences be of any service to these souls in working out their salvation. The commandments of the Church do not bind under sin. Christ maybe present in the Eucharist without change of the substance of bread. Peter, said he, did indeed celebrate Mass by command of Our Lord, but since his time the liturgy has become so complex and lengthy that it is now a burden to all Christians. I hold, he added, the Pope, the Church, and the councils in the utmost contempt, and do not believe that Christ ever prescribed fasts, pilgrimages, or any prayer other than the Our Father.' II. John (Pupper) van Goch, a native of the ITetherlands, and prior of a nunnerjr at Malines (f 1456), asserted that those doctrines alone were true which were drawn from, and had tion, especially in Germany and the Netherlands, Hamburg, 1841-42, 2 vols.; the second volume is at the same time the second thoroughly revised edition of the work, John Wessel, a forerunner of Luther's, Hamburg, 1834. ' His work, Adversus indulgentias, and De auctoritate, officio et potestata Pastorum ecol. (Walch, Monum. medii aevi, fasc. I. and II.) "Paradoxes of Dr. John of Wesel," in the Fasciculus rerum expetendarum. The acts of his trial, in Arrjenird, Uolleotio judiciorum de novis erroribus ab initio, saec. XII., T. I., Pt. II., p. 291 sq. § 282. The Heretics John Wesel and John van Goch, etc. 975 their warrant in the canonical books of Holy Writ. He said that' the purity and truth' >of Christianity had in every age been disfigured by error, a defect which it was his mission to correct. The Mosaic Law, he added, was the first blot on Christianity, to which succeeded the erroneous doctrine that Christian life consists partially in faith without works. More- over, Pelagius had eliminated supernatural grace from the Christian scheme, and vows had been declared essential to Christian perfection, an error introduced by the Thomists, to which he opposed nine conclusions, favoring a wider freedom in Christian religion. in. Johji Wessel, whom Ullmann has eri'oneously called the forerunner of Luther, was born at Groeningen, in 1419. In early life he attended the school of the Brothers of the Common Life, at Zwoll, where he was under the influence of Thomas k Kempis. After having acquired here the rudi- ments of education he went to Cologne, where he studied Greek and Eoman classical literature, Hebrew and theology, and after completing his course took a professor's chair. Throw- ing up his professorship, after a time, he visited successively Paris, Italy, and Pome. His admirers, who regarded him as a marvel of humanistic learning and scholastic erudition, and an able advocate of Ifominalism, which he had substituted for his earlier Eealism, surnamed him the Light of the World (Lux mundi); while his adversaries, who were at a loss to ac- count for his opposition to many of the current theological views and prevalent vices of the age, called him the Master of Contradictions {M agister Contradictionum). After making long and laborious journeys in pursuit of knowledge, he re- turned home, resolved to remain at rest and devote the remainder of his days to study and literary pursuits, and in preparation for a happy death. He devoted much of his time to prayer and meditation in many of the monasteries of Holland, and finally closed his life in 1489. With regard to the specific doctrines of Luther concerning the fall of man ; the denial of free-will ; the inability of the Pagans either to know or put in practice Christian truth ; 'De libertatB christ. ed. C. Orapheas, Antverp, 1521, 4to; de quatuor errori bus dialogus. ( Walch, 1. c, fase. IV., p. 73 sq.; cf. Walchii praef., p. xiii. sq.) 976 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. juslification by faith, denial of papal supremacy, and others, Wessel, instead of being his foreranner, was quite the re- verse. John Faber, subsequently Bishop of Vienna, had time and again denied (1528) any sympathy between the two, and Friedrich, by careful and elaborate investigation of the writ- ings of Wessel,^ has shown beyond all manner of doubt that they were as far apart in teaching as pole from pole. The stubborn persistence of Protestants in affirming the contrary must be ascribed either to ignorance of his writings or to a willful perversion of the obvious meaning of his words, and a misapprehension of the opposition which he drew upon himself in the earlier period of his life.^ IV. Jerome Savonarola, that severe censor of morals, de- serves a place here because of his vehement denunciation of Alexander VI. Born of a noble family at Ferrara, Septem- ber 21, 1452, and having completed his philosophical and theological studies, he withdrew from the world, and entered the Dominican Order at Bologna in 1474. He here gave lec- tures on philosophy, and applied himself to the study of the Fathers, particularly Cassian, Jerome, and Augustine, and of the Holy Scriptures. He comraenced his career as a preacher in 1482, and though his first attempts were signal failures, his earnestness and zeal gradually overcame his defects or caused them to be lost sight of, and the success of his subsequent efforts elicited general admiration and applause. When called to Florence to fill the pulpit of St. Mark's, he devoted a portion of his time to the composition of a pamphlet " On the Government of Florence" which, together with his apoca- lyptical discourses, had the effect of exciting the Florentines to revolt against the Medici, whose representative, Lorenzo the Magnificent, the great preacher is said to have irritated on his death-bed by demanding that the ancient republican constitution of Florence should be restored. Lorenzo was so indignant that he turned his head away, not deigning to give an answer. But Savonarola's most fierce and violent denun- ' Cf. against Ullmann's false statements and misrepresentations, the work of Friedrich, John "Wessel, a life-picture from the Ch. Hist, of the fifteenth cen- tury, Eatisb. 1862. 2 Compl. sd. of his theol. works, or Farrago Wesseli, Viteb. 1522, pref. hy Luiher. §282. The Heretics John Wesel and John van Goch, etc. 977 ciations were hurled against Pope Alexander VI., against bishops and monks, the pagan tendency of the hnraanists, and the extravagance and reiined profligacy everj^where manifest. He had foretold the expulsion of the Pope and the house of the Medici, and when Charles VIII. of France entered Florence and drove out the merchant princes, his jjrophecy seemed in part to have been verified by the event. The French were shortly compelled to quit the city, and on their departure a rej.iublic was j)roclaimed, of which Savonarola was the leading and guiding genius. It was to be a model Christian commonwealth. A severe censorship was estab- lished over morals, snmptuarjr laws passed, the haunts of vice and dissipation closed, and all sorts of follies repressed. The enthusiasm — an enthusiasm scarcely distinguishable from fa- naticism — ran so high that virtuous ladies and notorious courtesans, gay men of the town and grave schoiars from the schools and universities, came in one undistinguished troop and cast articles of dress, gems of art, literary productions, and whatever contributed to luxury or savored of pagan refine- ment, into one great pyramid, on the square before St. Mark's, to be there consumed by the flames. Pope Alexander, after having received many complaints against the preacher, cited him, in the j'car 1495, to appear at Rome and answer a charge of heresy. Refusing to appear, he was forbidden to preach. He did leave off' for a time, and, as Guicciardini says, niight have hoped to receive papal par- don and absolution within a comparatively short period ; but his impetuous temper could ill brook delay, and he again ap- peared in the pulpit, raging more furiously than ever against the Pope. In the meantime, the republic had become un- popular; it was found impracticable; a conspiracy was formed for the restoration of the exiled Medici. This was discov- ered, and six of the chief conspirators executed ; but the exe- cution was itself a violation of Savonarola's own law, and served to hasten his downfall. When political ditlieulties were thus gathering about him in menacing numbers and importance, a bull arrived from Rome (1497), containing a sentence of excommunication against him and a threat of in- VOL. 11 — 62 978 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chafter 2. terdict against the city of Florence, if steps were not taken to restrain his fanatical excesses. The following year the party of the Medici called the Ar- rabiati OY Enraged came into power. They had a represen- tative inthe Franciscan, i^;'a?2cesco da Puglia (Francis Apnias), who denounced Savonarola, his political policy, and religions fanaticism. To determine whicii was right an ajapeal was made to divine judgment by ordeal of fire. This was to de- cide whether or not the prophecies and acts of Savonarola were really what he represented or others believed them to be. But when the trial was about to come off, the great Do- minican and his party threw difficulties in the way, and evaded the test altogether. The revulsion in public feeling was in- stantaneous and complete. The fickle multitude wished to vent their anger upon their former hero, but being prevented, took their revenge in witty sarcasms and caustic irony. Sa- vonarola was now cast into prison and brought to trial before the new magistrate. The acts of the trial were forvi'arded to Rome, and on the evidence they afibrded he was declared a heretic, a schismatic, and a disturber of the peace. He, with two others of his Order, was given over to the civil power, and on May 23, 1498, the three were executed and their bodies burned. Savonarola sufi'ered death with courage and fortitude, and his true character is still an unsolved question with many,' but his Order has never ceased to cherish his memory with sympathetic affection. Judging, however, from the reliant assurance, the defiant tone, and the daring effrontery pervad- ing all Savonarola's discourses, it would seem that he is not unfairly charged with being a forerunner of Luther; but in all that concerns' the essential points of Catholic faith and tradition, there appears no reason to call in question his or- thodoxy. Iri some of his writings, as the "Tiiumphus Criicis" and the Exposiiio Psalmi 31 and 50, the latter of which was 1 His defenders, J. F. Picua de Mirandula, Vita Patris Hieronym. Savonar., ■with documents, ed. Jac. Q;uitif (Dominican), Paris, 1674, 3 T. PaciJ. Burla- macc/d, Vita Savon., ed. Mansi, in Baluzii Miscellan., Luc. 1761 f'., T. I., a^nd the modern Protestant biographies. See p. 913, n. 1. Freiburg Cyclopaed., Vol. IX., p. 638-648; French transl., Vol. 21, p. 239-250. 283. The Ingumtion. 979 also published by Lnther, he rivals in their peculiar literature the best mystics of his age. To make Savonarola, therefore, one of a group of reformers of the sixteenth century, as has been done in the monument recently erected to the memory of Luther at Worms, is an obvious falsitication of historic tnitli.' § 283. The Inquisition {cf. % 237). Nic. Eymericus (t 1309), Directorium inquisitionis, Barcin. 1503, c. comm F. Pegnae, Eom. 1578; Venet. 1G07 f. Ludovici de Parma, De origine, officio et progressu officii sanctae inquisitionis, libb. III., Matrit. 1598; Ant. 1619 f. Pliil. a Liniborch, Historia inquisitionis, Amst. 1092 f. Reuss, Collection of the Instructions given to the Spanish Court of Inquisition, transl. from the Spanish into German, with preface, by Spililer, Hanover, 1788. A. Llorenie, Histoire critique de I'inquisition d'Espagne, Par. 1817 sq., 4 toIs. ; Germ by Hock, Gmund, 1819 sq., 4 vols. As to the latter, see Tiibg. Quart. Eev. 1820-22. This '• Critical History of the Inquisition'' was translated into French, under the authors eye, by Alexis PelLicr, Paris, 1817-18, and also into most of the European languages. Prescott, in his Ferdinand and Isabella, III. 467-470; Eanke, in his Fiirston and Volker des siidlichen Europas, I. 242, and others, have shown the plainly partisan character of this work, which professes to be founded on authentic; documents, but abounds in exaggerations. (Tk.) The biography of Llorentc (t 1823), by PfcUscldfier (in the Catholic, Mentz, 1824, Vol. XIII., p. 1-35), and by Eckstein (in the Catholic, 1827, Vol. XXIV., p. 200-210). According to the excellent observations of Baron Eckstein, Llorente was a Jansenist in religion and a utilitarian in politics. Cf. de Maistre, Lettres a un gentilhomme Eusse sur I'inquisition espagnole; German, Mentz, 1836. ■''Be/ele, Cardinal Ximenes, ch. 18. (The Spanish Inquisition and the question- able authority of Llorente.) Te. add : J. Balme.% Catholicism and Protestantism compared in relation to Civilization. Innocent III, because he ordered heretics to be looked after in Southern France, and to be either instructed and brought back to the Church, or, if obstinate, prevented from doing harm by consigning them to perpetual imprisonment, has been generally credited as the author of the Inquisition. This, however, is far from correct. Previously to the time of Innocent III., the Eleventh Ecumenical or Third Council of Lateran, held in 1179, had published a decree declaring that, -though the Church thirsts not for hXoQil (ecclesia non sitit ■ianguinem), a fear of corporal punishment is nevertheless fre- quently salutary to the soul of man, and that therefore such 2 Cf. The Luther Monument of Worms, in the light of truth, 2 ed. Mentz, 1869. 980 Period 2. Eiioch 2. Part 2. Cha-pter 2. heretics and their abettors as would not be content to act silently and in private, but boldly insisted on preaching their errors ■publicly, thus perverting weak and silly people and in- flicting crueMes upon the faithful, sparing neither chnrches, widows, nor orphans, should be denied all intercourse with the orthodox, and that an indulgence of two years should be granted those who would wage war against them." The Council of Verona (1184), presided over by Pope Lucius III., and at which the Emperor Frederic I. was present, in com- pliance with the above decree, directed the bishops "to inform themselves, either personally or through their representatives, concerning persons on whom either popular rumor or i:)rivate denunciation had affixed the suspicion of heresy ; and in dealing with them to make a distinction between the sus- pected, the convicted, the repentant, and the relapsed, appor- tioning a proper punishment to each; and, finally, after pre- scribing spiritual punishment, to hand them over to the civil authority." Such was the real and true origin of the Inqui- sition. It was not till much later, when heretical fanaticism, spurning all overtures of the Holy See, and exciting public indignation by the cruel assassination of Peter of Castelnau, that Pope Innocent III. resolved upon vigorous measures for its sup[)ression ; not, as has been asserted, to give a sanction to- tyrannous and arbitrary measures, but in some sort unwill- ingly, fearing in his paternal solicitude, that the good grain might be plucked with the tares, that some might manifest a stubborn spirit, and the weak be driven into heresy. The Twelfth Ecumenical, or Fourth Council of Lateran (1215), gave the following instructions to inquisitors : '' The accused, shall be informed as to the charges preferred against him, that an opportunity may be given him of defending himself. His accusers shall be made known to him, and he himself shall have a hearing before his judges. Bishops shall either per- sonally or through their representatives make the circuit of their dioceses twice yearly, if possible, but once certainly ; they shall appoint two or three laymen of integrity, who shall bo bound by oath to seek out heretics ; they may also com- mit this otiice to the whole jjeople of a district {inquisitor es, inquisiiio), who shall also be bound by oath to look up and § 283. The Inquisition. 981 dononnce heretics." In the Council of Toulouse, \\e\il in 1229, diiriHg the pontificate of Gregory IX., the Episcopal Inquisition was formally established and received definite organization. Its courts were raised to the dignity of regular tribunals, the methods and duties of which were laid down in an instru- ment embracing fifteen chapters.' Lest bish-ops might be tempted to spare their friends, Gregory IX. sent foreign monks, chiefly Dominicans, to perform the duties of inquisi- tors (1232). ' The following aro the principal instmetions given to inquisitores hereticae pravitatis : The first chapter commands that every archbishop -and bishop shall appoint, in each parish, a priest and two or three laymem of piety and good repute, who shall bind themselves, under oath, to search out diligently heretics, their aiders, concealers, and protectors, and make them known to the bishop, the lord of the manor, or their officials. Chapters second and third make the same provision for the districts of ex- empted abbots and temporal princes. Chapter fourth ordains that any one who knowingly conceals a heretic shall be delivered up for punishment and have his lands confiscated. Chapters fifth and sixth provide that any landed proprietor on whose estates heretics have been discovered shall suffer the legal punishment of said neglect, and that the house in which the heretic has been found shall he destroyed and the estate confiscated. Chapter seventh decrees that any remissness on the part of ofiicials in the prosecution of heretics shall he punished with loss of ofiice and confiscation of property. Chapter eighth provides that in order to avoid the consequences of unjust or slanderous accusations, the arraigned shall not suffer punishment until he has been examined by either the bishoj) or his appointed delegate, and declared to be guilty of heresy. Chapter tenth ordains that those who have abjured heresy shall be removed into an uninfected district, be intrusted with no public charge, and wear upon their dress two colored crosses until absolved by either the Pope or his legate. Chapter eleventh prescribes that if the conversion of a heretic has been effected through fear, he shall be kept under arrest, to prevent his perverting others, and the expenses of his imprisonment be defrayed by himself, if in good circumstances, bat if poor, by the bishop. Chapter twelfth ordains that males over fourteen and females over twelve years of a"'e shall abjure heresy, and any one refusing to do so shall be treated as one suspected of heresy. Chapter thirteenth orders that those who do not go to confession and com- munion three times a yem — viz., at Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost — unless excused by their confessors, shall be held suspected of heresy. Chapter fifteenth forbids any one either suspected or convicted of heresy to practice medicine. This was intended to guard against the frightful crimes 982 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. The inquisition thus established was no longer as formerly a local tribunal, but one having general jurisdiction. Besides the reasons already giveu^ for the severity exercised toward heretics, it may be added that sectaries like the Cathari, Waldeusos, and Albigenses were equally dangerous to Church and State, and by boldly and defiantly attacking the universal belief of the One, True, and Only saving Church, excited the alarm of both the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, and drew upon themselves penalties of various degrees, not excluding perpetual imprisonment, tortures, and death. It is doubtful if in our own day sectaries as dangerous and malignant as the Albigenses and Cathari would be treated more leniently; and if so, why should we marvel at their treatment in the Middle Ages, so eminently religious in character, where public opinion breathed the very spirit of Our Lord's admonition : " Fear not those that kill the body and can not kill the soul, but rather fear him that can destroy both soul and body in hell ;"^ when Church and State were so intimately united; and when heresy was associated in the public mind as a crime equally offensive and dangerous to both, and apostasy from the faith, an evil more heinous and not less menacing to social order than lar- ceny and murder.^ Hence, once a person iudieted for heresy such persons were suspected of oommitting, known as the "erarfiira." {Mansi, T. SXIII., p. 194 sq. ; Harduin, T. VII., p. 176.) Speaking of these provisions,_the writer of an able series of articles on the Inquisition, in the Dublin Eeview for 1867, remarks: "These are the laws for the establishment of the Inquisition, and the rules which were given for its guidance; and when we take in view the frightful evils they were intended to counteract, and the state of Europe, then entirely destitute of a preventive and detective police, we must admit that they were far from being too severe. The rigor with which they were executed undoubtedly prevented a renewal of hostilities in the south of France ; and the fact that the Manichaeau heresy suc- cumbed before them is a proof that they were wisely adapted to the age in which they were enacted." (Tr.) 1 p. 669. 2 Matt. X. 28. 3 This is precisely the sense in which Bonortus HI. wrote to Louis VIII., King of France, concerning the Albigenses: "Since it is the duty of the civil power to bring brigands and thieves to justice, how can you, who are intrusted with the welfare of the whole State, neglect to rid your kingdom of heretics, who plunder and drag to perdition soids so much more precious than earthly treasures?" The same language is employed by Innocent III.: " Cum enim 283. The Inquisition. 983 had been found guilty, he was handed over to the civil au- thority for punishment, with the however invariable prayer that " he might be spared, and not condemned to death." As has already been observed, xjrinces of very different character, like the Emperor Frederic II., Raymond VII., Count of Toulouse, and Louis IX., King of France, enforced the inquisitorial laws with extreme severity, enjoining their faithful execution upou the magistracy.' It is to be noted that the Inquisition was at first nowhere established as a j9tTmaner(< tribunal, sucli as it became later on in Spain. Gregory IX. (1237-1241) and Innocent IV. con- fined its jurisdiction within narrow limits in Southern France, and Boniface VIII. (1298) and Clement V. (1305) consider- ably modified the rigor of its rules.- After these changes had been made, and partly in consequence of them, the Inquisi- tion was established in the whole of France, in Italy, Ger- many, and Poland, and by act of parliament in England (1400). One can not help deploring the fate of those heretics who, like the '■^witches" of a later day, expiated their of- fenses by the penalty of death, and regretting with St. Au- gustine, that efficient and progressive disciplinary enactments, sufficiently severe, but stopjiing short of extreme punishment, had not been employed to reclaim them from their error and bring tliem back to the Church ; but still we can not agree secundum legitimas sanctiones 7-cis laesae majestatis punitis capite bona confls- ceutur eorum, quanto magis qui aborrantes in fide Domini Dei filium offendunt, a capite nostro, quod est Christus, ecclesiastica dcbent restrictions praccidi et bonis temporalibus spoliari, cum longe sit gravlus aeternam, qaam tcmporalem laedere majestatem. Damnati vero praesentibus saecularibus potestatlbus aut eorum ballivis rolinquantur animadvorsione debita puniendi.'' It is worthy of note that many secular princes held the same ideas. As to Frederic II. {Petri de Vincis, epp. I. 25-27; Goldasti Constitut. Imper., T. I., p. 29<5); concerning Louis IX., Kin" of France (Lauricre, Ordinances des rois de Franco, Paris, \'2?i, T. I., p. 50 sq.)- on Eaymund VII. of Toulouse (Statuta Eaymundi super haerefi Albi- gensi an 1233, in Mansi, T. XXIII., p. 265 sq.) Wladlslaus Jagello, King of Poland also confirms the laws against the heretics, in the year 1424. See Januszawskl Statuta prawa, etc., Krak. 1600, fol. 260-268. 1 ""VVe should bear in mind," says the Protestant Bliihme, "that these things happened under an emperor (Frederic II.), who had made himself odious to the Catholic Church, and that the worst horrors of the Inquisition wore first perpe- trated after it had passed into the hands of the Spanish kings." (System of Canon Law, Bonn, 1858, p. 49.) 984 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 2. with Protestants in condemning the Inquisition and its meth- ods of dealing with heresy, as inducing mental servitude and affording a pretext and a means of taking a bloody revenge. To be just to the Middle Ages, they should be judged by the principles and ideas of those times and not of our own. Let any one wishing to get a definite notion of the legislation then iu force against heretics, look into the Mirror of Suabia and Saxony, or the Code of Frederic II., the Hohenstaufen, or the still more modern Code of Charles V. (1532.)' Prot- estants boasting of su[ierior mental freedom have afi'ected to ignore the weight of reason based upon coritemporanenus cir- cumstances, and while arraigning Catholics have passed in silence over the policy of Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, and Beza. Did not these men support by arguments at once solid and decisive the lawfulness of coercive measures against her- etics? Did they not prove the sincerity of their convictions by applauding in practice what they advocated iu theory? Did thaj not make a signal and terrible application of their principles to a vast number of persons?^ Did they not pun- ish witchcraft and sorcery as capital crimes, at the very mo- ment when Catholics like Cornelius Loos, at Mentz (f 1598), and, still later, the Jesuits Adam Tanner (f 1632), and par- ticularly Frederic von Spec (f 1635), were earnestly protesting against the policy as absurd ; and when Catholic sovereigns at tlie request of Catholic priests vv'ere abolishing these tri- bunals? (Vide infra, § 377.) Although it is PiOtorious that the Spanish Inquisition was wholly diii'erent in character and aim from that established by the Holy See, strenuous and numerous eiforts have been made to identify the two for the solo pnrjiose of aspersing the Catholic Church. After the kingdoms of Castile and 1 Cf. ffefele, Hist, of Cone, of Councils, Vol. VII., Pt. I., p. 214 sq. ■'To instiince ii few — Felix Mann, tlie Aniibaptist, was drowned at tlic insti- gation of Zwinglius (qui mergunt murgantur); ftervetun was Ijurncd by the nd- ificc of Calvin, because ho held heretical doctrines on the Trinity; GcniUvi was beheaded; Si/lmnus of Ladevhurg was put to the sword in the market-place of Heidelberg; Chancellor Crell, after suffering inhuman torture to the demoniacal amusement of his persecutors, was finally beheaded (or having embraced Cal- vinism; IJenning Brabant, after having been frightfully mutilated, was exe- cuted because of his pretended familiarity with the devil (see 2 337) ; Cartstadt § 283. The Inquisition. 985 Aragoii had been united into one by the marriage of Isabella and Ferdinand the Catholic (1479), no efforts were spared to .consolidate the new monarchy, increase its power, and curb the overbearing insolence of the nobilitj-. To secure these ends, and fill the depleted exchequer by fines and confisca- tions, the two sove"eigns determined to establish the Inquisi- tion, whose special office, from the year 1484, was to oppress the Moors and Jews, two numerous, wealthy, and influential classes, the implacable enemies of Catholic Spain.' Froni this time forth the Inquisition became a national institution in Sjjain, and not only the lower and illiterate classes, bat the nobility, men and women, might be seen in crowds at the Autos da Fe (actus Jldei), the scenes, not only of bloody execu- tions, but of solemn retractions. Those w!io abjured their and Hcsshustus were cruelly persecuted; Kepler, the celebrated astronomer, provoked, by his scientific teachings, the wrath of the Eeformers ; and last, but not least, were the Tictims of the Star Chamber, in England. In the small dis- trict of NUrnherr] alone, between the years 1577 and 1017, three hundred and fifty-six persons suspected of heresy and witchcraft were executed, and three hundred and forty-five flogged or mutilated. (See Bernards Eepertory, 1842, p. 301.) MeLanchthou' s opinion of the capital punishment pronounced against heretics by Calvin is given below, J 321, note 5. 1 The author of the articles in the Dublin Review, already referred to, after giving the history of the establishment of the Spanish Inquisition confirms the statement of the text. ■' Ferdinand, however," says he, '-had fully determined not to have any purely ecclesiastical institution retarded in its action by over- merciful papal restrictions, but that the inquisitors should be royal officers, paid by and subservient to the crown, whose duty should be strictly confined to determiiiing whether prisoners brought before them were guilty of Judaism or not; and the Pope had been grossly deceived with regard to the formidable position the King intended it should occupy towai'd his rebellious subjects." [HcJ'elc, Life of Card. Ximcnes, p. 265.) And again, " Ferdinand had so con- trived that the duty, which the Church was bound to perform, and which the Pope could neither refuse nor evade, of declaring whore errors in i'aith existed, should be made subservient to the State purpose of detecting high treason, then identical witli .Judaism; whilst the Church itself could exercise no controlling inlluenco vulpit against the Pagan spirit pervading all classes. " The refine- ment of our souls," said he, " loathes the banquet of Holy Sciipture. We listen to the eloquence of Cicero, to the music of the poet's song, to the mellifiuous language of Plato, and to the subtle reasoning of Aristotle. This we enjo}'', but the Holy Bible is far too simple for our tastes. Women may be pleased with this, but not we. Preach to us in a tone of scholarly sublimity if you would be abreast of the spirit of the age." It need astonish no one that tendencies so subversive of Christian principles and traditions should have been violently opposed by rigorous theologians and trained Schoolmen. Nov can any one fairly complain of such a course, or regard it as unfortunate. And if these champions of orthodoxy were sometimes carried bej^ond the bounds of legitimate warfare in their contemptuous denunciation of the new opinions, it should be borne in mind that they themselves did not escape ^Discorsi sopra la prima Dec. di T. Livio; Principe; Storia ]?iorentma. Conf. Possevini Judicium de Macchiavello. Pibadeneira, De principe Christiano adv. Macch. caeterosque huj. saec. politicos, Antv. 1603, and oftener. Bomts Eugu~ binus, lib. unus ctr. Maccliiavellum, Colon. 1601. ''(Artaud, Maocliiavelli, son ggnio ot ses erreurs, Par. 1833, 2 T. Freiburg Cyclopaed., Vol. VI., p. 712 sq.; French transl.. Vol. 14, p. 69-76. 1006 Period 2. Epoch 2. Fart 2. Chapter 3. the shafts of envenomed satire and fierce invective. Indeed, an antagonist with whom they might have occasional tilts was as indispensable to the Humanists of the fifteenth cen- tury as a lady-love to whom they might write amorous son- nets and say pretty things.^ It can not, however, be denied that in the early days of the revival, classic studies exercised a beneficial influence in Ger- many, and were turned to good account by the Brethren of the Common Life, who, in their schools, made them a vehicle for conveying religious instruction.^ With them, linguistic studies were made subservient to the attainment of a more complete and thorough knowledge of the Christian religion, which they regarded as the sumnum bonum and the end and object of all knowledge. In these schools did Nicholas de Cusa, and others equallj^ or less eminent, receive the first rudi- ments of literary culture and scientific training. Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam {the guest of popes and 'princes), t\\Q most accomplished literary scholar of this epoch, used the philological knowledge thus acquired in iilustratiug the text of Holy Writ and making translations of the Fathers of the Church, doing for ecclesiastical literature what he had done at an earlier age for the Pagan classics.^ Still, the same writer assailed in his work entitled " The Praise of Folly" (lyy.wiuov picopw.:;), with great severity, vigor of thought, and brilliancy of style, the ignorance of the monks, the degen- eracy of the Monasticism, and the worthlessness of the Scho- lasticism of his age. He also deplored the menacing ad- vances of Paganism, which exercised an extremely mischiev- ous influence on himself, in blunting,' and, in a measure, de- stroying in him his religious feeling and attachment to the Church. Rudolph Agricola, a native of Friesland and a pro- 'Cf. Roscoe's Lorenzo dei Medici (Grovm., Vienna, 1817). ^Delprat, Over the Broedersohap van G. Groote, Arnhem, (1830) 1856; witli additions, by Mohnilce, Lps. 1840. * Especially Colloquium. Cioeronianus. Adagia. Epistolae. Moriae encomium. Enchir. militis Christ. Eatio verae Theol. Matrimonii chr. institutio. Ecclesi- astes. Novum Tentamentum Graece ; versio, unnotationes, Paraphrasis N. T., bes edition of St Augustine, Berol. 1778-80, 3 T. 8vo. Conf. Ad. Muller, Life of Erasmus of Kotterdam, Hamburg, 1828. Lleberkiihn, De Erasmi ingenio et dootrina, Jenae, 1836. Durand de Laur, Erasme precurseur et imitateur de I'esprit moderne, Paris, 1872, 2 vols. § 287. The Study of the Holy Scrijitures, etc. 1007 fessor at Heidelberg, who exercised a paramount influence in promoting the scientific culture of Southern Germany, did not allow his love of classic literature to estrange him from the Church. Conrad Celtes,^ a professor at Vienna (1497), who published editions of many of the ancient authors, and was the first poet-laureate of Germany (f 1508), was not less devoted to the Church than the Heidelberg professor. Equally' loyal to Catholic principles were the Spaniard, Louis Vivhs (t 1540), and the Frenchman, William Budaeus (tl540, aged seventy-three years), who, with Erasmus, formed the famous literary triumvirate. Each of these three remarkable men Avas distinguished by a special gift. With Erasmus, it was a copious diction (dicendi copia) ; with Budaeus, a brilliant in- tellect {ingenio), and with Viv6s, a mature judgment (Judieio)? In England, also, there were such men as Fisher, Bishop of Rochester; John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, London; Lilly, professor in the cathedral-school of St. Paul's, and Thomas More,^ the statesman and faithful friend of Erasmus ; all of whom united to an enlightened zeal for reform in morals and discipline a sincere love of antiquity and an ardent attach- ment to the Church. § 287. The Study of the Holy Scriptures — Spread of the Bible among the People. ^Richard Stmon, Hist, critique des principaux commentatenrs du N . T. Eosen- miiller, Hist, interpretationis libror. sacror. in Eccles. Christ. ; ed. II., Lps. 1814' 5 vols. Meyer, Hist, of S. Hermeneutics, Gottingen, 1802-1809, 5 vols. Glaire, Introd. a TEcrit. s., Illeme ed., Par. 1861. Dixon, Introd. to the S. Script., Bait. 18-53. As Gerbert, in the tenth centxiry, had laid the foundation of his vast erudition among the Arabs of Cordova, so now 1 TresUng, Vita et merita Eud. Agricolae, Groning. 1830. KlUpfel, De vita et seriptis Conradi Celti, etc., Frib. 1813-1829, XII. Partic. ''Lowin Vivh deserves to be remembered on account of his celebrated commen- tary on St. Augustine's City of God, Z>e discipUnts, of which there were many editions. Cf. Vol. I, p. 496, n. 2. Of the writings of Budaeus, the most deserv- ing of study is his De transitu Hellenismi ad Cliristianismum, Paris, 1575. ' De optimo reipubl. statu deque nova insula Utopia. Cf. f'^Eudhardi, Thos. Morns according to the sources, Nurnberg, 1829. Thommes, Thos. Morus, Lord Chancellor of England, Augsburg, 1847. Ctv. Redwitz, Tho?. Morus, a tragedy, act ii., scene 2. 1008 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 3. the Christians, stimulated by the labors of the Jewish com- mentators of Spain,^ put aside, for a time, their Latin transla- tions and applied themselves to the study of the Eible, par- ticularly the Old Testament, in the languages iu which the various books were originally written, availing themselves of the philological researches of the age to acquire an accurate knowledge of the literal sense. The Church, far from dis- couraging, gave her most decided support to these eflbrts at a very early age. The Council of Vienne, held under Pope Clement V. in 1311, passed a decree providing for the founda- tion of chairs of Hebrew, Chaldaic, Arabic, and Greek^ at Eome, Paris, Oxford, Eologna, and Salamanca. It is indeed true that these were founded primarily with a view to facili- tate the work of foreign missions, but it is equally true that their influence in promoting higher studies generally, and sacred hermeneutics in particular, was highly productive of good. The first great name in this department of study is Nicholas de Lyra,^ a converted Jew. who afterward entered the Order of St. Francis, and became professor of theology at the Uni- versity of Paris (Postillator, Doctor planus et utilis) [-|-1341]. Nicholas, without entirely disregarding the allegorical, moral, and anagogical sense, gave special attention to the literal or grammatical and historical exposition of the Sacred Text, for which, by his thorough knowledge of the Oriental languages, he was so eminently qualified. His influence on succeeding ages is sufficiently attested by the familiar saying: "(Si Lyra non lyrasset, Lutherus non saltasset." In the fifteenth century, Alphonsus Tostatus, a Doctor of the University of Salamanca, and subsequently Bishop of Avila (f 1454), wrote exhaustive' commentaries on nearly all the books of the Old Testament and on the Gospel of St. Mat- thew, in which he displays great erudition, and satisfactorily answers the objections of Spanish Jews. Tostatus was pres- . ^ iSee p. 785. '-Clement, lib. V., Tit. I., c. 1 (Corp. Jur. Canon.) ^His principal work is Postillao perpetuae iu biblia, Rom. 1471, 5 vols, f., best edition cura Fr. Feuardeniii, J. Dadrei et Jac. de Cuilly, Lugd. 1590. Cf. Frc!.- burg Oyclopaed., Vol. VI., p. 688 sq.; French transL, Vol. 14, p. 39 sq. 287. The Study of the Holy Scriptures, etc. 1009 ent at the Council of Basle when the decree of Vienne was confirmed and rene\¥ed. Measures were now taken to carry its instructions into effect. Tiraboschi gives the names of several Italian Oriental schol- ars of the fifteenth century; among whom are the monk James Philip of Bergamo, Giovanni Pico clella Miramhla, Pal- mieri, Giavozzo, Manrtti, and many more. Shortly after the opening of the sixteenth cQuiwry , Agostino Giustiniano went to work on his polyglot edition of the Psalms, and Tesio Ambrogio was appointed by Leo X. pro- fessor of the Oriental languages at Bologna. In Spain, Cardinal Ximenes^ published a jDolyglot Bible, containing Hebrew, Chaldaic, Greek, and other versions. He also published dictionaries and grammars, specially prepared by Spanish scholars, to facilitate the acquiring of the biblical languages. It should be borne in mind here, that these great eflbrts had been made before the time of Reuchlin; for, even in our own day, there are still people ignorant enough to assert that "Hebrew was almost unknown among Christians when he appeared upon the earth." In the very town of Tubingen, and contemporary with Reuchlin, flourished the Franciscan Summenhardt, Paul Scriptoris, and Conrad Pelican, all Hebra- ists. Even as early as 1505, John Loeschenstein, who had acquired a knowledge of Hebrew by his own efforts, and wholly independent of either Reuchlin or Pelican, was in- vited by Doctor Eck to teach Hebrew at Ingolstadt. But the scholarly and classic Beuehlin, who was indebted to John Wessel for his knowledge of Hebrew, should not be deprived of the honor of having greatly promoted the study of the original text of the Old Testament; although rabbinical lore was to him a much higher authority than the truths of Chris- tianity.^ This will explain why the converted Jew, Pfeffer- 'Biblia sacra; vetus testam. miiltiplici lingua nunc primo impressum, T. I.- V.; N. T., T. VI., Compluti, 1-514-17, f. Conf. ^E. Flecluer, Histoire du Card. Ximenes, Par. 1643, 2 T.; Germ, by P. Fritz, Wijrzb. 1828, 2 Pts. J. de Mnrso- lier, Hist, du ministere du Card. Xim., Toul. 1694. '^Hefele, Cardinal Ximenes, and the condition of the, Church in Spain at the end of the fifteenth and begin- ning of th(! sixteenth centuries, Tub. 1844, p. 120-158. •'l\ verho mirifico libb. Ill, Tub. 1514, f. De arte cabbalist. libb. III., Hag. VOL. II — 64 1010 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 2. Chapter 8. korn,^ llogstraten, and the other Dominicans of Cologne carried their opposition to him to so violent an extreme as to demand that "all rabbinical books should be burnt." This opposi- tion, however, was not provoked by jealonsy, nor did it arise from any fear of what new lights might reveal, nor from a desire to check the growing interest in linguistic studies, but was directed solely against the undue importance attached to the learning of the rabbinists. Na}*, more; John Potken, Pro- vost of St. George's and one of the ablest Oriental scholars of that age, and Ortwiyi Gratius, equally eminent as a humanist and defender of the Dominicans, so far as their opposition was capable of defense," both resided in Cologne, w-hich, it was pretended, was the congenial home of obscurantism. 1517. De rudiment, hebr. Pliorcae, 1506, f. ; Bas. 1573, f. De accentib. et ortlio- graphia ling, hebr., Hagae, 1518, ff. ; Epp., Hag. 1514. Freiburg Cyclopaed., Vol. IX., p. 233 sq.: French transl., Vol. 20, p. 194. Mayerhoff, Keuchlin and his Age, Berlin, 1830; Lameij, John Keuchlin, being a biographical sketch, Pforzheim, 1855; Oelger, John Eeuchlin, his Life and his Works, Lps. 1871. ^ Pfefferhorn, De judaica confessione, Colon. 1508. De abolendis scriptis Ju- daeorum. JSfarratio de ratione celebrandi Pascha apud Judaeos. Cf. Hogsira- ten, Destructio cabbalae seu cabbalisticae perfidiae adv. lleuchlinum, Antv. 1518. Contra dialogum de causa Eeuchlini, et Apologiae contra Keuchlinum. Cf. v. d. Hardt, Hist, litter. Kef., Pars II. Groene, in the Tub. Quart. 1862, nro. 1, p. 132-188. 'Against the Epp. obscuror. viror. (lib. I., Hagenau, 1516; lib. II., Basil. 1517; new editions, by Munch, Lps. 1827; by Rotermund, Hanov. 1830; by jB. Hocking, Lps. 1858), Gratius wrote, by way of retaliation, the Lnmeniatlones obscur. viro- rum, of which there were many editions, and but recently, another in a revised text, edited by E. Hocking, Lps. 1865. Weislinger, Huttenus delarvatus, i. e. a true account of the authorship of the Epist. viror. ob.fcur., with a history of the quarrel between Reuchlin and Pfefferkorn, etc., Constance, 1730. New investi- gations on the authors of the Epp. obsc. vir., by Mohnike (Journal of Hist. Theol. 1843, nro, 3, and in Hocking). " The Epp. obs. viror. are a fictitious correspondence between Ortuinus Gratius, professor at Cologne, and his own and Pfefferkorn's friends. They are the pro- duction of a club of Erfurt humanists, and probably contain contributions from Crotus Eubianus, Mutian, Ulrich von Hutten, Eoban Hesse, and others. They are written in villainous monkish Latin, and supposed to portray the violence of party feuds and the private life and secret thoughts of monks, who are so unjustly assailed and so mercilessly ridiculed, that they have never quite recov- ered from the shock then sustained. "The Lamenf.nUoncs obscifrorum. virorum, as a reply, was feeble, and wholly inefficient. There can be no doubt that the Friar Preachers of Cologne, and their equally spiritless friends, the representatives and victims of an effete for- § 287. The Study of the Holy Scriptures, etc. 1011 That the zeal of the Dominicans against the study of the Oriental languages was extravagant and unenlightened, is evident from the rebuke of the Bishop of Spire, apostolic delegate of Leo X. (1514), who told them that the Church had at all times held the legitimate use of such study in highest esteem ; and from the failure of Hogstraten to secure a reversal of this judgment in Rome. It is to be regretted, however, that the Humanists abused their victory. They not only put into circulation libelous writings {Epistolae ohscurorum virorum) concerning their adversaries, but one of them, Vlrich of Hut- ten, availed himself of the favorable occasion to boldly attack the Papacy. We must not omit mentioning here the valuable services rendered by Erasmus to exegetics, by the publication of the G-reek text of the JSTew Testament, with a translation, a para- phro.se, and short explanatory notes, for which he drew largely upon the labors of Greek expounders. In France, the way was opened to an enlightened criticism by Lefebvre d'Etaples (j 1537), who wrote commentaries on the Sacred Text, and made translations of it into the vulgar tongue. His freedom of interpretation' was in some in- stances so unwarranted as to incur ecclesiastical censure. Although approved translations of the principal books of the Bible, which the Church has never prohibited,Miad existed malism, wove in the wrong from the beginning to the end of tiiis controversy. Moreover, it would seem tiiat the motives of Reuchlin's conduct were above suspicion, for his loyalty to the Church was proof against oven the seductive offers of Luther and of his own cousin, iAIelanchthon. But, on the other hand, as Pfefterkorn subsequently remarked, had it not been for the great scandal caused by the lleuchlin affiiir, it would never have entered into the heads and hearts of Luther and the disciples of the ^Obscurantists' to attempt what they did, now openly and boldly, against the Christian faith." Krmts, Ch. Hist., Vol. III. p. 4.31. (Tr.) •James Paber, surnamed d'Etaples, from his birthplace, near Boulogne-sur- nier. His works are Psalterium quintuplex, Paris, 1509; Comment, in epp. Pauli Paris, 1512; in IV. evang., Meld. 1522; French Bible, complete, in 1523, Antwerp, 1530, f. ' Hence the Catholic episcopacy of England publicly declared, in 1826 (see Vol. III., 5 404), that "the Catholic Church has never either prohibited or hin- dered the reading of the Holy Scriptures in authentic versions, or in the original text Neither has the Church ever made a general law forbidding the reading of 1012 Period 2. Ilpock 2. Pari 2. Chapter 3. since the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and were read by the people, the desire to acquire a knowledge of 8acr> d His- tory, and the efforts put forth to supply this desire, had never been so manifest as in the present epoch. The printing- presses of France, England, Germany, and Italy were kept busy turning out complete editions of the Bible in the various vernaculars, to supply the growing popular demand.' In Ger- many alone, between the year 1460 and the moment when Luther made his appearance, there appeared at least fourteen editions of the Bible in the High German and live in the Low German dialect.^ The assertion, therefore, that Luther was th.e first tO' extricate the Bible from the obscurity in which it had been so long concealed, to translate it into German and approved iramslaUnn» of the Holy Scriptures in the vulgar tongue." This free- dom: has never been restricted, except in individual instances and particular localities, and then, only because the restriction was justified by the spirit of the age. The Waldenses- and Albigenses, who, in attempting to overthrow Church and State, appealed to the Bible in justification of their conduct, supply exam- ples of our meaning. Those who cite the letter of Innocent III. (lib. II., ep. l41), as proving the contrary, seem ignorant of the fact that this Pope nowhere ■forbids the reading of a translation of the Bible; he simply admonishes the Bishop, of Metz to examine and correct the translation in question. The Coun- cil of Toulouse (1229) and that of Tarragona (1234), under circumstances similar to' those already referred, to, forbade the use of the French translation, and the Chffirchr for analogous reasons, employed the same caution in the sixteenth cen- tury; but m no shiffle instance did she ever prohibit the reading of the Bible in the language of any country. 1 A list of translations into different languages is found in Lelonr/, Bibliotheca sacra in binos syllabos distincta; subjiciuntur grammatica et lexica praesertim Orientalium, etc., Paris, 1723, 2 vols. fol. Cf. Freiburg Cyclopaed., Vol. XII., p. 1210-14; French transl., Vol. 24, p. 14-20. '^'Reuf:s, Hist, of the Holy Script, of the N. T., 4th ed., Brunswick, 1864, p. 440-519. 2 The first edition appeared without either date or printer's name, but with the armorial bearings of Frederic III. (in 1460 or 62 — probably at Mentz.) Other editions were published suocessivelj' at Mentz, 1467; at Niirnberg, 1477, 1483, 1490, and 1818; at Augsburg, 1477, 1480, 1483, 1487, 1490, 1494, 1507, 1518, and 1524; at Strasburg, 1485. These editions, all in High German, are not reprints, but new translations. Editions of the Bible in Low German were published at Cologne between 1470-80; at Delft, 1477; at Gouda, 1479, and at Louvain, 1518; and in the Lower Saxon dialect, at Liibeck, 1494, and at Halherstadt, 1522. See Panzer, .Literary notices of the most ancient German Bible in print, Niirnbei-g, 1774, and Hist, of the Eoman Catholic Bible, in Gorman, jSurnborg, 1781. Kehrein, Historical essay on German translations of the Bible before Luther, together with thirty-four different German translations of Matthew v., Stuttg. 1851. § 287. The Study of the Holy Scriptures, etc. 1013 bring it to the knowledge of his countrymen, is absolutely false, although he himself was not ashamed to lay claim to this honor. "It is as plain as the sun in the heaven," says he (Preface to his edition of the German Theology), "that nothing equal to this has for many a day been accomplished by the Universities, because there things have come to such a pass that the Word of God lies huddled away under the benches, dusty, forgotten, and worm-eaten." We are now in a position to take a comprehensive view of this seientitic revival. Let us, therefore, before passing judg- ment, try to appreciate at their true value the results of the historiccd criticism called into life by such men as Nicholas de Cusa, Laurentius V(dla, Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, John, Abbot of Trittenheim, and Canon Cranz; and the his- torical works of Macchiavelli, Bemho, Guicciardini, Aeneas Syl- vius, and so many others. Having done this, we shall not merely own to a deep feeling of satisfaction, but we shall be struck with wonder and admiration at the stupendous pro- gress made in every branch of scientific cultw~e. Our only cause of regret will be that science, once so closely allied to the Church, should now revolt against her authority, and seriously impede the growth of spiritual life, by needlessly hastening a moral revolution, which, of its nature, moves stubbornly and slowly. CHAPTER IV. SPIRITUAL LIFE — AVORSHIP — PENITENTIAL DISCIPLINE, § 288. Spiritual Life. Conf. ''Oams, The Saints of the Catholic Church during the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries [Moehler's Ch. Hist., Vol. III., p. 36-52, with copious bibli- ography). In treating of the spiritual life of the Church, Protestant historians have always been at special pains to ferret out, col- lect, and expose to public view whatever had the flavor of scandal or corruption, and not content with naked facts, they have, in many instances, exaggerated and misrepresented ; but, as if things were still not exactly to their purpose, they have concealed whatever of virtue the Church 2>reserved in evil times, and been silent when concealment was impossible. Faithful to our rule, we shall present facts fairly, and give praise and blame where they are deserved.' The deplorable condition of the Papacy was quite as disas- trous in its influence upon the spiritual life of the bulk of the faithful, as upon the body of the clergy. Throughout the whole of the great schism, men's minds were constantly torn by the strife of party conflict. Everything was unset- tled. "Which is the true Po[ie?" — "IIow shall we recog- nize him?" — "Under wliose obedience shall we range our- selves?" — were questions that were continually asked during those evil days, but never elicited a satisfactory reply. Re- ligious feeling seemed about to perish from the earth, and the secular clergy and the monks alike were, in their actual con- dition, incapable of either preserving what still remained oi reviving what had been lost. The glowing tender piety thai in former days had warmed the hearts of the faithful hao grown chill and lifeless; the va]giir lleistersingers had sue ceeded to the refined and lyric Minnesingers. Superstition > Krmis, Ch. Hist., Vol. III., p. 392. (Tr.) (1014) 288. Spiritual Life. 1015 sorcery, and ivitchcraft, in their various forms, had seized upon all, but particularly the lower and more ignorant classes of the people.^ Simuhaneously with the cultivation, in the fif- teenth century, of cabalistic science by the Moors and Arabs, who were much addicted to sorcery, magic, alchemy, astrology, theurgy, and necromancy, were introduced superstitious prac- tices among the Christians. .Petrarca had early ridiculed the vagaries of the former; Pope John XXII. published a bull against alchemy ; and the Sorbonne, at the instance of Gerson, condemned the manifold superstitions of the age in an instru- ment of twenty-eight articles. Sixtus IV. threatened with punishment any one who should have recourse to these illicit arts, and Innocent VIII. issued rigorous decrees aguiust sor- cery and appointed Sprenger and Henry Institor two special judges to try offenders in Germany, where the delusion was most widespread. The code enacted to try witches went by the naoie of the ^-Witches' Hammer" (llaUeus Malejica- ram), and the authorization for their condemnation was sought in the words of Leviticus xx. 27 : "A man or woman in wliom there is a pythonical or divining spirit, dying, let them die." Thousands of these deluded people expiated their folly at the stake. ^ The bulls issued by Popes to prevent such executions were as utterly disregarded and of as little effect as those published against the persecutors of the Jews. (See § 295.)' But, in the midst of this general decline, new orders and con- fraternities sprung up, won the affections of the people, made their influence felt, and prevented the religious sentiment from becoming wholly extinct. The faith, which the clergy had frequently neglected to preach to the people, was kept ^ I-Iauher, Bibliotheca, acta et scripta magica, Lemgo, 1789-43. Ifor-if s Da- monology, or Hist, of Sorcery and Satanic miracles, since Innocent VIII., L' pts., Prancf. on the Main, 1818. See also tlie Magic Library, by the same, Montz, 1821-26; 6 pts. SoUlan, Hist, of Witches' trials according to the sources, Stuttgart, 1843. Bonn Journal of Philos. and Catli. 1 lieology, year 1844, nro. 1, p. 71 sq. Dr. Haas, The Trials of Witches, Hist. lisaay on human Development, accompanied with Documents, Tubg. 1865. Lcd.y, iiist, of Ka- tionalism in Europe, New York, 1866, 2 vols., ch. 1. HU'. Freiburg Cyclopaed., Vol. V., p. 155 sq.; French transl., Vv}. 22, p. 301. s Still more unfavorable traits, especially concerning the clergy, are delineated iu Zinur.er's Chronicle, published by Barack. See p. 1. 1016 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. alive and fostered among them by the reading of tlie Holy Scriptures in the language of the country. John Tauler. Suso, Buysbroch, Thomas d, Kempis, the Society of the Friends of God,, and other mystics, edified the people of Germany by their exemplary lives; while their writings, composed, for the most part, in the vulgar tongue, made a powerfiil appeal to the noblest impulses of the heart. In Spain, Vincent Ferrer, the marvel of his own and succeeding ages, preached penance with such terrible vehemence as to again renew the extrava- gance of the Plagellants ; and Jo /m Capistran, a Franciscan, led an equally marvelous life in Italy, Germany, and Hun- gary.' The number of men who lived during this epoch, and whom the Church has enrolled among her canonized saints, is very considerable.^ IS'othing can be more edifying or more characteristic of these times than the life of Brother Nicholas of Flue among the Alps of Switzerland. Having done his duty by his native country, as a father, a v.'arrior, and a civil magistrate, ho was suddenly seized with a burning love and ardent desire for his heavenly home,' and, retiring into soli- tude, he held holy converse with his God, and for twenty years took no food other than the Holy Eucharist. He was . iPor the bibliography on both of them, see g 292. '^In the fourteenth century: Andreas Corsinus, Florentinus, episcop. Faesu- lanus; Joh. Nepomuoenus, canonicus Pragensis; Peregrinus e Foro Livii, ordin. server. B. Mariae; Conradus Placentinus, eremita of the Third Order of St. Francis; Rochus nations Gallus, sacris peregrinationibus dcvotus; Catbarina, fllia St. Brigittao, abbatissa; Catharina Senensis; .Julia Palconeria Florentina; Elisabetha, Portugalliae regina; Elzearius comes et Delphina uxor ejus In the fifteenth century; Joh.Cantius, presb. saecularis Cracoviae; Joh. a St. Facundo ij^ugustinianus Salmaiiticensis; Didacus Franciseanus, Lay-brother; Nicolaus (of Fliie); Casimirun, of the royal family of Poland; Ferdinandus, of the royal family of Castilo and Leon; Catharina Bouoniensis, Clarissa; Veronica, an Ital- ian Lay-sister; Coletta, virgo in Gallia; Ledwina, virgo in Ilollandia; Fran- cisca, matrona P>oraana, sancta vidua; Bernardinus Senens.; Antoninus, arohi- episcopus Florentinus; Hemming, archiepiscopus Upsalensis, oanonizatus A. j). 1518, et Nicolaus Suecensis, 1520. ^ John von .MiiUcr, Hist, of the Swiss Confederacy, Vol. VI. '\Widmer, Devel- opment of tlie divine element in the terrestrial element, proved bj' the exampis of Nicholas of Fliie, Lucerne, 1819; Businger, Brother Claus and his age, Lps. 1827. ttfon-es, God in Hist., Munich, 1831, 1st nro. ^Ming, Blessed Brother Nicholas of Flue, his Life and Influence, Lucerne, 1861 sq., 2 vols. § 288. Spiritual Life. 1017 constantly reciting this artless prayer: "0 God, withdraw me from myself; make me wholly Thine; destroy in me whatever may alienate me from Thee." It was the old cry — '^Deserere creaturas, quaei-ere Creatorem." To the shepherds on the mountain-sides his presence was a heavenly apparition, and a beacon-light to those afar off". Keenly sensitive to the evils that afflicted the Church, he showed her the loyal and loving devotion , of an humble child. In 1481 he effected, through his friendly mediation, the treaty of Stanz, and thus became an angel of jieace to his divided fellow-countrymen. The influence of St. Catharine of Siena was still more effi- cacious for good, and exercised a great power upon questions the most vital to the well-being of the Church.' Born of poor parents, she was, from her tendei-est years, given to the meditation of heavenly things, and was abundantly blessed with the gifts of the Holy Ghost. She regarded the Domin- icans as earthly angels appointed to protect her during life, and was so completely absorbed in the contemplation of our Savior's life that, like Nicholas of Fliie, she su bsisted for months together upon the Bread of Life. Next to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, her wide charity embraced the whole world, and yearned for its weal. All Italy flocked to her humble dwell- ing to consult her on their troubles and crave her mediation in allaying the bloody fends of those disastrous times. Pass- ing from a life of prayer and quiet to the bustle and distrac- tions of the world, she was taken with catalepsy. An inti- mate communing with God, the uninterrupied presence of a heavenly atmosphere, were conditions of hei- being. She could not live without them. She died, in 1-380, while pour- in"- forth aspirations of the most tender love to her Heavenly Spouse. Her canonization was temporarily retarded by tlie objections of the Franciscans, but Anally took place under Pius IL in 1461. Another example and manifestation of the interior life of 'See her Life in the BoUmuUxts, mens Apr., T. III., p. 80?. sq. Hor Writings (Letters, Colloquies, Kevelations), Ital. ed., by Girjli, yieii. 1707 sq., & vols. -J to. Cf. Fabric. Biblioth. med. et infirm. Lat., T. I., p. 303 sq. Her tlieolo,!j;3' of Love, Iransl. Ai.-c-la-Chapelle, 1833; Pned, Life of St. Catharine of Siena, accordins; ta her bion-raphy, by her confessor, Eaymond of Capua, General of the Domini- cans, Passau, 1841. For further bibliography, see above, p. 844, note 1. 1018 Period 2. Epoch 2. Fart 2. Chapter 4. the Church in this epoch is St. Bridget, daughter of the King of Sweden ; while the Maid of Orleans is a representative of the patriotic type of Christian heroes and heroines who, at intervals, rouse to the liighest point the national energies of whole peoples.^ It may be that the exclusive devotion of this heroic maiden to her country, or her premature death at the stake (Ronen, May 30, 1431), lias prevented her being num- bered among the saints of the Church. Be, this as it may, her memory is enshrined and held in veneration by the gal- lant people of France, which she loved with a religious en- thusiasm and freed from the ignominious yoke of England. Pope Calixtus III., at the request of Charles VII., ordered a revision of the proceedings so iniquitously conducted by the Uuiversitj' of Paris, to whose tender mercies she had been consigned by Peter Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, and the pliant tool of the English, which resulted in a reversal of the first verdict. Her memory was thus cleared of the charge, brought against her, of having suporstitiously fancied divine revela- tions and then professed to believe in them.^ Many monu- ments have been erected in her honor by the -inhabitants of Orleans. When we find characters such as these in every country of Europe, we think it may be safely affirmed that their ener- getic and united protest at the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basle would have wrought, even in spite of the opposi- tion of individual popes, a peaceable and steady reformation of abuses, much more speedily and more efficiently than did the terrible storms and insane excesses that characterized the opening of the succeeding period. At the last council held in the Lateran, which closed in 1517, Giles of Viterbo, an Augustiniau monk, pointed out the true principle of a fruitful reform. " It is," said he, " not lawful for man to change holy things, but to use them as in- struments of his conversion {Homines per sacra immutari fas ^''Guido Goms, The Maid of Orleans, Eatisbon, 1834. Dr. Strass (Juri4), Jeanne d'Arc, Iji-l. 1862. ^'Eijsell, Johanna d'Arc, Eatisbon, 1864. Hnse, Tiie Maid of Orleans, Lps. 1861. * Wallon, J. d'Are, 2d ed., Paris, 1867. ''^'Ginc/ierat, ProcCs de condemnation et de rehabilitation de J. d'Arc, 5 vols.; Paris, 1841-49. '^Vallet de ViriviUc, Proces, etc., Paris. 1867. (Tk.) § 289. History of the Older Religious Orders. 1019 est, non sacra per homines). The same fearless chnrchraan thus addressed Pope Julius II. : "Your whole attentiou should be given to providing means for the improvement of morals, the advancement of spiritual life, the restraining of vice, lux- ury, and the propagation of error." Germany had more reason than perhaps any other country to look hopefully to the future; for, if the narrative of an unfriendly and even hostile historian may be trusted, she possessed a learned and virtuous efiiscopacy, among whom we find such eminent names as John of Dalherg, at Worms ; John Wiode, at Bre- men ; Lawrence of Bibra, at Wurzbnrg; Conrad of Thungen, and Christopher of Stadion, at Augsburg; Matthias Lang, at Salzburg, and the pious Greifen, at Treves. There was noth- ing, at this time, capable of accomplishing so much good as the holding of synods at regular intervals, and, unfortunately, nothing to which churchmen were less inclined. § 289. History of the Older Religious Orders. SoUtenius, Codex regular, monasticar., etc. The works of Helyot, Biedenfeld, Henrion-Fehr, and others. See bibliography heading, § 142. Cf. Winter, The Cistercians of North Germany, Gotha, 1871, Pt. III. It is very evident from the canons of councils that the older religious orders had lost the spirit of their holy found- ers. To this, many causes contributed, but it may be ascribed chiefly to the disorders occasioned by the schism and the vast ■wealth of the monasteries, a great portion of which was ac- cumulated between the years 1347 aud 1350, when the Black Plague was desolating Europe, and people, in anticipation of death, bequeathed their property to the monks. As a conse- quence, the domestic life of monasteries underwent a com- plete change. Charity, wisdom, industry, and the love of science, which had formerly flourished in these retreats, were succeeded by luxurious living and relaxation of morals — dis- orders from which even female convents were not wholly exempt. Nicholas de Clemangc, sometimes more declamatory than truthful, has left the following startling account of the e.xist- ing condition of affairs. "We might," he says, "use hard 1020 Period 2. E-poch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. words of monks and nuns, were wc not restrained by fear of giving scandal. By tiieir vows they have laid upon them- selves the duty of being the most exemplary of the Church's children — of cutting themselves off entirely from the world and its concerns, and giving themselves op wholly to a life of contemplation ; yes, this is what they should be, but, un- fortunately, they are exactly the reverse. They are the most sordid and the most ambitious of human kind. Instead of shunning the world, they seek it, and nothing is more repul- sive to them than their cell and their cloister, reading and prayer, their Rule and their religious life.'" But, on the other hand, the Mendicant Orders present quite a different spectacle. Leading an active and self-sacrificing life, they also devoted themselves with enthusiastic ardor to scholastic studies, thus meriting and receiving the respect of all classes. The quarrel between the Franciscans and Domin- icans grew daily less bitter, and was almost entirely forgotten when the two Orders entered upon two separate and wholly distinct spheres of action. The children of St. Dominic as- sumed the special office of defending Catholic doctrine against the attacks of heretics, and those of St. Francis devoted themselves chieliy to the work of comforting and serving the people. Among the latter, the Spiritualists, whom John XXII. pursued with relentless severity (1318), were the only element of disturbance. A party of them, led astray by William Ock- ham, under their general, Michael of Cessna, took sides against the -Pope with the Emperor Louis the Bavarian ; but, after the death of that prince, they were reconciled to the Church in the Council of Constance.^ They wore shortly approved as a branch of the Franciscan family, under the name of the Brethren of the Strict Observance {Fratres regularis obseroantiae), and consequently obtained more ample favors than even the Coiioentualists {Fratres conventuales). The stubborn adherence of these Orders to the degenerate Scholasticism of that age, and their intemperate zeal in branding the humanist or clas- sical studies, so ardently pursued during the second half of ^Nicol. de Ckmmgis, De ruina eccl., c. 41 (v. d. Hardt, T. I., Pt. III., p. 83). 2Sess. SIX., in v. d. liardt, Oono. Const., T. IV., p. 515. § 290. Reform of the Older Orders. 1021 the fifteenth century, as heretical, lost them their former prestige, and exposed them to the taunts and ironical flings of contemporary satirists. § 290. Reform of the Older Orders. Cf. Joan. Busch, Be reformatione et visitat. monasterior., ed. Leibnitz (Scrip- tor. Brunsvicens., T. II.) «'Plus Gams, O.S.B., in Moehler's Ch. Hist., Vol. II., p. 607, ''Reformed Benedictines." The desire, so frequently expressed by councils, of seeing a reform in the head and members of the Church, naturally directed, attention to the notorious relaxation of discipline in the monasteries. The Council of Constance ordered the Bene- dictines of Germany to hold a Provincial Chapter,^ and the precedent thus set was approved and acted upon in many other countries. The Council of Basle took still more de- cided steps in the same direction, and Cardinal Nicholas de Cusa,^ as papal legate, labored eftectivcly in the cause of re- form in Germany. The great source of evil and disorder in the monasteries was the practice of dividing and parceling out the property of the community among individual monks. Energy and decision were requisite to correct this abuse, but they were, as they will always be when properly employed, efl'ective in spite of the opposition of guilty and interested parties. Moreover, there were many generous, self-sacrificing souls among the monks, who were uncompromising in de- nouncing the disorders of their more worldly brethren. John Dederoth (of Minden) introduced a reform into the Benedictine monastery of Bursfeld, near Gottingen, obliging the monks to a stricter observance of their Rule and to a life more in con- formity with the spirit of their great founder; and to this y)ell-regulated house many other monasteries of the same Order allied themselves. When this great reformer died (1439), his work was taken up and carried to a successful issue by his successor, John von Hagen (1439-1469), whom the papal legates, John Busch and Paul, had fully imbued with their own spirit and sentiments. 1 Oonf. Trithemil chron. Hirsaugiense ad a. 1417, T. II., p. 346 sq. The Acts, V. d. Hardt, Cone. Const., T. I., p. 1086. Conf. Mansi., T. XXVIII., p. 1037. ^Scharpf, Vol. I., p 156 sq. Dux, Vol. II. 1022 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. Pope Pins II. was filled with joy when he heard of the exem- plary condition of the Biirsfeld monastery, and, in gratitude, conferred upon the house many rights and immunities.^ The houses of the Mendicant Orders, the last to yield to the prevailing relaxation of discipline and decline of morals, and whose devotion to scientific studies had long secured them a high place in public esteem, also underwent a reform.^ The Council of Constance, in the hope of stimulating all branches of the Franciscan family to generous endeavor, ex- pressed its preference for the stricter party of the Conventu- alists;^ but, unfortunately, this appeal to their better nature, to their duty and sense of honor, was received in a spirit of cold indifference. § 291. New Orders. Spiritual life, even in the worst seasons, never entirely dies out in the Church. When wants are felt, new Orders spring into life to supply them, and fresh energies are put into action. The Order of Olivetans, or Brethren of St. JlJai-y of 31ount Olivet (Congrer/atio Sanctae Mariae Montis Olioeti), was founded in 1313, by John Tolomei of Siena, a distinguished professor of philosophy in his native city, in gratitude for the miracu- lous restoration of his sight. In company with a few com- panions, he established himself in a solitary olive-orchard, near Siena, obtained the approbation of John XXII. for his congregation, and, at the command of the latter, adopted the Eule of St. Benedict.* The Jesuates,'' so called from their custom of incessantly crying through the streets, " Praised be Jesus Christ," were ' Cf. Leuckfild, Antiquitates Bursfeldensos, or History of the former Monas- tery Bursfolde, Lps. 1713. Y'Evdt, The Beginning of the Congr. of Bursfekl- Benediotines, with u special regard to Westphalia, MUnster, \?,Qh. Scliers, in the Freiburg Cyclopaed., Vol. IT., p. 221-223; French transl., Vol. 3, p. 387. '' NicoL. de Clemangts, De ruina eccl., c. 33 (v. d. Hardt, T. I., Pt. III., p. 33} 'In V. d. Hardt, Cone. Const., T. IV., p. 515 sq. ' Cf. Itai/nald. ad a. 1820, nr. 50. Helyoi, 1. c. Vol. VI., ch. 24, p. 225 sq. Ho'. sten-Broc/de, T. V., p. 1 sq. 6 BoUand, Acta SS. mens. Jul., T. VII., p. 333 sq. Helyoi, Vol. III., c. 55, p 484 sq. Poed, Life of St. Colomb. of Siena, Eatish. 1846. § 291. iVfw Orders. 1023 founded by John Colombino, also a native of Siena. He was so fascinated by the lives of the Saints, particularly that of St. Mary of Egypt, that he resigned the highest civil prefer- ment the State could oft'er, to give himself wholly to the service of the poor and the sick. Urban V., on qaittin.g .Avignon to return to Rome, in 1367, approved the new con- gregation as a community of lay brothers, classed them among the Mendicant Orders, and ordered them to adopt the Rule of St. Augustine. In the beginning of the seventeenth century, permission was given to the Jesuates to take priests' orders; but the congregation was suppressed shortly after by Clement IX., because some of the houses of the wealth^^ Padri deir acqua vite, as they were called, engaged in the business of distilling lic[Uors and practicing pharmacy (1668). A number of solitaries residing among the mountains of Spain, Portugal, and Italy gradually formed into a commu- nity, and called themselves Hierony mites ^ either because ihny had compiled their Rule from the writings of St. Jerome, or because, adopting the Rule of St. Augustine, they had taken St. Jerome fortheir patron. Their first superior in Spain was Feter Ferdinand Pecha, chamberlain to Peter the Cruel. The community was approved by Gregory XL, in 1374. The famous monastery of Our Lady of Gnadaloupe, in Estrema- dnra; the magnificent Escurial, with its wealth of literary treasures, and the monaster37'of St. Just, where Charles V. sought an asylum in the decline of his life, attest their won- derful energy and zeal. The community was first introduced into Italy by Peter Gambacorta (Petrus de Pisis). In the be- ginning, they took only two simple vows; but Pope Pius V., in 1568, ordered them to take solemn vows. St. Bridget,^ a descendant of the royal house of Sweden, while still fulfilling the duties of wife and mother, had afiili- ' IIohten.-Brockie, T. III., p. 43 ; T. VI., p. 1 sq. Henrton-Fehr, Vol. I., p. 405 sq. ^Brlgittae revelationes, ed. Turreoremata, Lub. 1492, Eoin. IG'28. The Lif j of St. Bridget ( Vashvii vitis Aquilonia s. Vitae S.S. in Scandinavia, Gol. 1023 f. c. notis Erici^Benzel., Upsal. 1708). Clarus, The Life and Revelations of St. Bridget 1856, 4 vols. The Life of St. Bridget of Sweden, by a Eeligieuse of the Perp. Adoration, Mentz, 1875. The Bule, in Solst, T. III., p. 100 sq. l-Ii:. lyot, Vol. IV., ch. iv., p. 29 sq. 1024 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. ated herself to the Third Order of St. Fraucis, and, after the death of her husband, received divine revelations, which Ger- son vehemently attacked, and the pontiffs, Gregory XI. and Urban VI,, and the councils of Basle and Constance ap- proved. In one of these revelations, she was instructed by Our Lord to found a new Order, and accordingly built a monastery at Waclsfena, in 1803. The Order was approved by Pope Urban v., in 1370, under the name of the Order of St. Bridget, or Our Savior [Ord.o Stae Birgittae sea Saloatoris), and became, for the countries of IsTorthern Europe, an abundant source of graces and blessings (flSTS). Every house of the Order recognized the supreme authority of the abbej' of Wad- stena, into which onlj' sixty religious were received, whose spiritual care was intrusted to three jiriests and four deacons, while teu lay brothers looked after their temporal affairs. The whole number of monasteries corresponded to that of the thirteen (including Paul) Apostles and seveuty-two dis- ciples. Finally, Francis de Paula^ a native of the little town of Paula, in Calabria, was also the founder of an Order. Im- pelled by a holy rashness, he sought to follow Our Lord in His poverty more closely than did the children of St. Fran- cis, and retiring into solitude, in the neighborhood of his native town, he so macerated his body that he was oblivious of all that was going on about him, and, strange to say, his countenance was withal fresh and cheerful. In 1457 and succeeding years, he gathered about him a number of followers, fired with his own zeal and love of suf- fering, who, surpassing even the Minorites in the rigor of their penances, called themselves Minims. The heavenly piety of these monks, their angelic purity, and the miracles of their founder, raised their reputation so high, that they spread rap- idly through Italy, France, and Spain, particularly after the Orderyjiad been approved by Sixtus IV., in 1474 (Ordo Mini- morum fratrum Eremitarum., fratrum Francisci de Paula). In the course of a journey to France, undertaken by Francis for > Bolland. Acta SS. mens. Apr., T. I., p. 103 sq. § 292. Independent Associations. 1025 the purpose of attending at the deathbed of Louis XI., he was everywhere received with triumphal honors, and evei'ywhere left behind him tokens of his virtue and gift of healing. He predicted the king's death, saying : " Set thy house in order, for thou wilt die, and not live." Leo X. completed the joy of the Minims hj canonizing, in 1519, their holy founder, St. Francis, who died in 1507. The principal house of the Order, in Rome, is at Sant' Andrea delle Fratte; there is also an- other, called San Francesco di Paola, adjoining San Pietro in Vincoli. § 292. Independent Associations. When treating of the preceding epoch, we traced the origin and rise of the Beghards and Beguines (§ 250), whose hereti- cal opinions and erratic lives exposed them to persecution in the present. Still, these independent associations found favor in Germany and the Low Countries, and as their influence upon society was highly beneficial, they received, after being organized on a new basis, and in a more perfect form, the approbation of the Church. Gerard Groot of Deventer (f 1384), who had had a large experience, and well understood the needs of his eminently pi-actical countrymen, established an independent association of the clergy in Holland, known as the Clergy and Brethren of the Common Life {Clerici et fratres vitae communis). He had been educated at Paris, had lectured on theology with distinguished success at Cologne, and finally obtained important ecclesiastical benefices;' but, weai'ying of the worldliness he saw everywhere about him, he began to lead a more austere, though not less active life. His expe- rience as a preacher of penance had made him familiar with the needs of the people and the poverty of the clergy, and to provide for both he dedicated his entire fortune, which was considerable, to the foundation of an institute, whose mem- bers were to be, in a special sense, the imitators of the Apos- tles, earning their bread by the labor of their hands, and 1 His Life of Thomas a Kempis (Opp. ed. Sommalius, Antv. 1607, 4to, p. 765). Chronicon oollegii Windeshemensis, ed. Rosweyd, lib. I., c. 8. Joan. Busch, De origine coenobii et oongregat. Windeshemensis. — Delprat, over de Broeder- sohap van G. Groot, Utrecht, 1830, Arnheim, 1856; transl. by Dr. Mohnike, Lps 1840. Of. Ullmann, John Wessel, Hambg. (1834) 1842, Append. I. VOL. II — 65 1026 Feriod 2. Upoch 2. Pa 2. Chapter 4. teaching holiness of life by lesson and example. The monas- tery of the canons regular at Windesheim, founded in 1386 by Florence Sadeioijes, became the headquarters of these associa- tions, which, in the manner of the Beghards and Beguines, included among their members lay persons of both sexes, and existed in considerable numbers in the Low Countries and "Westphalia. In the latter country, the members prudently introduced among their exercises scientific, and especiall}- philological studies ; and it is worthy of note that Thomas d, Kempis and Gabriel Biel, the last of the sententiaries, were of their number. The better classes of the clergy, to escape the contagion of the prevalent disorders, sought refuge in these spiritual confraternities, to which numerous privileges were granted by Popes Eugene IV. and Paul II. § 293. Worship during This Epoch (1073-1517). Ivo Carnot, see heading of § 201. Ruperii Tuitlens., De divinis offlciis, lib. XII.; -''Guil. Durandt, Episc. Mimatens. (better, Duranti tl296) Eationale divi- nor. officio!"., libb. VIII., many edit., and Ven. 1609, 4to. The general works of Mamachi, Selvaggio, PelUccia, Mariene, De antiquis eccl. ritibus, and Binterim, Memorab., Vol. V., Pt. I. The tendency and elevation imparted to the Church by Gregory VII., in her external relations, were not without their influence upon her interior life, and, as a consequence, worship assumed a more imposing, impressive, and myste- rious character. After the crusaders returned from the East, where they had had an opportunity of admiring the temples of G-reece and Asia, they were desirous of producing some- thing comparable or superior to them. Moreover, the great bulk of the people were ardently attached to the feasts of the Church. From a long catalogue of them, drawn up, in 1229, by the Council of Toulouse, and a still longer one by the Council of Oxford,' in 1222, we learn that, in those days, about one-fourth of the year was dedicated to the service of God ; and yet, strange to say, we hear nothing of the famine and misery of which modern political economists have, or ' GtBarduin,T.YlI.,Tp. 180, and 117; Mans{,.T. SXIII. Of. also T. SXVI., p. 417, and, finally, Durandi Bationale, lib. VII., c. 7. Binterim, Hist, of Ger- man councils, Vol. VI., p. 534 sq. § 293. Worship during This Epoch. 1027 pretend to have, so much dread, if a few days be set apart in honor of Him who is the Lord of all. In this, as in every previous and succeeding age, the Sacra- ment of the Altar was the source of religious inspiration, the object of religious enthusiasm, and the sun in the firmament of Catholic worship. " Here," says Innocent III.,' " all is mystery ; from this source a heavenly sweetness goes forth. Tliree languages are used in the Mass (Latin, which is the ordinary language; Greek, in the words xupes lltqaov; 8.ytoz, d.d-dvo.Toz; and Hebrew, in the words Allelujah, Hosanna, and Amen), that the Father may be honored in the acknowledg- ment of the divinity of Jesus Christ, and to recall the three languages in which the title on the Cross was written." The greatest thinkers of every age have given their best energies to the consideration of this Mystery, and the first masters of spiritual life have strenuously exerted themselves to excite the jjroper sentiments in those who partake of It. The elevation of the consecrated Host, first introduced as a protest against the heresy of Berengarius, now became gen- eral ; and the practice of ringing a small bell to call attention to the act, derives its origin from Cologne, where it was intro- duced by the authority of the papal legate, Guido, who also directed that the presence of the Blessed Sacrament should be indicated by the same sign when It was being carried to the sick.^ Tabernacles, monstrances (ostensoria), and pyxes for preserving, exposing, and carrying the Blessed Sacrament, also came into general use about this time. 1 Innocent III. composed on the Eucharist a work, very remarkahle for those times, and having for its object the explanation of the ceremonies of the Mass. It tears the title, " Mysteriorum missae " libb. VI. (Germ, by Hurter, Schaffh. 1845); a second ed. appeared later on. ^ Caesarhis Ileisierhacensis said about 1225 (De Miraculis et visionib. sui temp, dialog., lib. IX., c. 51) : " Tempore schismatis inter Philippum et Othon. dominus Wido Cardinalis — cum missus fuisset Goloniam (a. 1203) ad confirmandam electionem Othonis, bonam illic consuetudinem instituit: praecepit enira, ut ad elevationem Hostiae omnis populus in ecclesia ad sonitum nolae veniam peteret, sicque usque ad calicis benedictionem prostratus jaceret. Praecepit etiam idem Cardinalis, ut quoties deferendum esset ad inflrmum, scholaris sive campanarius sacerdotem praecedens per nolam illud proderet, sicque omnis populus tam in stratis quam in domibus Christum adoraret." Honorius III. made this a posi- tive law (Decretal. Greg., lib. III., tit. XLI., c. 10). 1028 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. All the arts vied with each other in celebrating the Blessed Sacrament ; paintings the most perfect, and hymns the most divine, inspirations of Christian genius and love, w'ere laid upon the altar by the gifted and noble sons of the Church. In Spain, in Bohemia, and in Poland, thanks to the exertions of Gregory VII., the Mozarabic and Slavic liturgies w^ere re- placed by the Roman, which was regarded as a public sign and symbol of that union which every church must have with the See of St. Peter.^ Even in the preceding epoch, a fear, arising from feelings of profound reverence toward the Blessed Sacrament, began to be entertained that the general use of the chalice might be the occasion of accidents saddening to every pious soul. These feelings deepened and became more general as time went on, and were strengthened by the teachings of the most eminent of the Schoolmen, who held that the Body of our Lord was wholly contained under either species, and that, as a consequence, the faithful, in receiving the Body, received also the Precious Blood (concomitantia corporis et sanguinis). From this time forth, the ancient usage was gi-adually discon- tinued.* ^Gregor. VII. ep., lib. VII., ep. 11 {Harduin, T. VI., Pt. I., p. 1434). On the reproaches made to the popes with respect to tlieir efforts to improve public worship, see the Tubing. Quart. 1844, nro. 4. * Alexand. Halesius (in Sent., lib. IV., quaest. 53, membr. 1) answers the ques- tion : TJtrum liceat sumere corpus Christi sub specie panis tantum, etc. : " Dicen- dum, quod quia Christus integre sumitur sub utraque specie, bene licet sumere corpus Christi sub specie panis tantum, sicut fere ubique fit a laicis in Ecclesia," The chief objection urged against withholding the chalice, claims that the Body of Our Lord is present sub specie vini, non sacramontaliter, sed tantum ex unions naturali, and therefore communion sub una specie seemed to be imperfect ; but Si. Thomas Aquinas replaced the words, unio naiuralis, of Albertus M., by those of concoynitantia realis s. naiuralis. St. Bonaventure is still more explicit. The former says in his Summa, Pt. III., qu. 76, art. 1 : " Omniuo necesse est confiteri secundum fidem cathol., quod totus Christus (i. e. divinitas, anima et corpus) sit in Sacramento. Sciendum tamen, quod aliquid Christi est in hoc Sacramento dupliciter ; uno modo quasi ex vi sacramenti, alio modo ex naturali concomitan- tia. Ex vi quidem sacramenti est sub speciebus hujus sacramenti id, in quod dirocte convertitur substantia panis et vini praeexistens, prout signiiioatur per verba formae, quae sunt eflicativa in hoc Sacramento: — ex naturali autem con- comitantia est in hoc Sacramento illud, quod realiter est conjunctum ei, in quod praedicta conversio terminatur. Si enim aliqua duo sunt realiter oonjunota, ubicumque est unum realiter, oportet et aliud esse. Artie. 2 : Sub utraque specie § 293. Worship nuring This Epoch. 1029 Robert, Bishop of Liege, was the first to give full expression to the profound and universal sentiment of devotion toward the adorable Sacrament of the Altar, by instituting, in 1246, a special feast in its honor {Festum Corporis Christi). The occasion of this action was a vision of the nun Juliana of Retinna, in which she beheld the moon shining with brilliant effulgence, but darkened in one spot, which, she said, denoted the absence of a feast specially dedicated to the Blessed Sacrament, and shut out much light from the Church.* A circumstance equally strange led Pope Urban IV. to give his approbation to the feast. In 1264, while a priest was cele- brating Mass in Bolsena, near Orvieto, some drops of the con- secrated vi^ine accidentally fell upon the corporal. The cele- brant, desirous of concealing the negligence from those about him, folded the linen corporal several times, but the Sacred Species, passing through all the folds, left a blood-stain on each. The corporal may still be seen at Orvieto, where it is preserved, and the circumstance itself has been made the subject of one of Raphael's pictures in the " Stanze " of the Vat- ican. In 1311, the Ecumenical Council of Vienne extended the feast to the whole Church, with the remark, however, sacramenti totus est Christus, aliter tamen et aliter. Nam sub speciebus pania est quidem corpus Christi ex vi sacramenti, sanguis autem ex reali concomitan- tia, sicut supra dictum est de anima et divinitate Christi. Sub speciebus vero vini est quidem sanguis Christi ex vi sacramenti : corpus autem Christi ex reali concomitantia." Cf. quaest. 80, art. 12. And 'by Bonaveniure in Sent. lib. IV., dist. II., Pt. II., art. I., qu. 2, the question — An utraque species sit de integritate sacramenti — is thus answered: "Esse de integritate .Sacramenti dupliciter est: aut quantum ad eflBcaciam, et sic neutra species est de integritate, sed quaelibet est totum, quod habet efficaciam; aut quantum ad signationem vel significa- tionem, et sic sunt de integritate, quia in neutra per se exprimitur res hujus sacramenti, sed in utraque simul. — Ideo fideles recipiunt perfectum sacramen- tum suh una specie, quia ad efficaciam recipiunt. Sed quantum ad significan- tiam sufficit, quod Ecclesia facit in eorura praesentia, nee oportet, quod ipsi reeipiant, propter periculum eifusionis et propter periculum erroris, quia non crederent simplices in alterutra specie totum Christum recipere.'' 1 Barihol. Flaen, Origo prima festi corp. Chr. ex viso virgini Julianae divinitus oblato, Leod. 1619, 8vo. Cf. Bzovil annal. eccl. a. 1230, nr. 16. Acta SS. ed. Bolland. m. April., T. I., p. 437 sq. Mansi, T. XXIII., p. 1077. Bullarium magn. Koman. ed., Lugd. 1712, T. I., p. 146. Binterim, Memorab., Vol. V., Pt. I., p. 275. Bariha'^t, Hist, of the Establishment of the Eeast of Corpus Christi, together with the Life of Juliana. Transl. from the Er. into Germ, by Vecqite- ray, Coblenz, 1847. 1030 Period 2. E:poch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. that Holy Thursday, being within a season of mourning, was not a fit day to celebrate it.^ The feast called forth all the pomp and splendor of the Church's ritual, and, to contribute to its worthy celebration, St. Thomas Aquinas wrote the in- comparable office Sacerdos magnus, and the equally incom- parable hymns, Pa7ige lingua, Lauda Sion Salvatorem, Adoro te devote latens deitas, and esca viatorum. Moreover, apart from being a direct expression of faith and love, this feast, so dear to every Catholic heart, was also, by the outward and visible recognition of the Eeal Presence, a pointed protest, and an evidence of a reaction, against the various sectaries who denied the dogma. The practice of carrying the Blessed Sacrament about in processions subsequently became so gen- eral that it was found necessary to place it under certain re- strictions.^ The feast of the Immaculate Conception was also instituted about this time. It was first celebrated, in 1140, by the canons of Lyons, who, acting without ecclesiastical sanction, were re- buked by St. Bernard. Through the exertions of the Fran- ciscans it was rapidly introduced among the people, by whom it was joyfully received. The Dominicans in a body^ assailed the doctrine, and the controversy between the two Orders, gaining in acrimony and intensity as time went on, called eventually for the interposition of papal authority.* This deep and pervading tendency to honor the Blessed Virgin found expression in still another feast — namely, the Visitation — which St. Bonaventnre has the honor of instituting and Urban 'Cf. Raynald. continuat. annal. Baron, ad an. 1264, nro. 26; Benedict. XIV. Commentar. de festis Domini Jes. Chr., T. I., p. 212; Schrockh, Cti. H., Pt. XXVIII., p. 79 sq., incorrectly gives the cathedral of Civita Vecchia in place ■of that of Orvieto. "2 Of. Binierim, Hist, of Germ. Counc, Vol. VII., p. 531 sq. ' Dr. Ahorj saj-s that St. Thomas also attacked this doctrine ; a statement which we have disproved on a preceding page (p. 782, Rem.) (Tk.) *Bernardi ep. 174, ad Canonicos Lugdun. The quarrel between the two orders gained in importance when the council of Basle declared in its thirty-sixth ses- sion; "Immaoulatan conception em B. M. V. tanquam piam et consonam cultui ecclesiastico, fidei catholicae, rectae ratioui et sacrae scripturae, ab omnibus Catholicis approbandam, tenendam et amplectendam." [Uarduin., T. VIII., p. 1266.) The question was still discussed during the following Period. § 293. Worship during This Epoch. 1031 VI} extended to the whole Church in 1389. Finally, the in- habitants of Loreto, near Aucona,^ and of Zell, in Styria, with a view to perpetuating holy traditions, and to give expression to their grateful love, erected magnificent basiheas in honor ■if the Blessed Virgin Mary. About this time, also, was introduced the feast of the Most Blessed Trinity (festum SS. Trinitatis), or the last of the eccle- siastical year, whose origin, unlike that of all other feasts, is immediately connected with no historical fact,^ and seems to have been the outgrowth of cumulative religious conviction and feeling. In preceding ages, this underlying truth of Christianity, recalled by every ceremony of the Church, con- stantly reiterated at the close of every prayer, and specially consecrated by the sanctification of Sunday and the celebra- tion of the great feasts throughout the year, did not seem to stand in need of any explicit recognition or solemnization ; but from the twelfth century onward, particular churches — notably those of Liege and Aries — began to give distinct prominence to the mystery of the Trinity as the complement and crowning expression of the three chief Christian feasts, &n(!i as being intimately connected with that of Pentecost. Once brought distinctly before the faithful, it rapidly grew in favor, and was extended to the whole Church in 1834, as a feast of second rank {festum secundae classis) by Pope John XXII. Boniface VIII. raised the feasts of apostles, evangelists, and of SS. Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory the Great, the four great doctors of the Church, to the rank of what are known in ecclesiastical language, as doubles [festa duplicia). The feast of the Transfiguration of Our Lord, August 6th (jji£Tafji(opfOffi<; TOO yMpcou), was in the West only a, festum chori, or one observed by the clergy of chapters; while in the East it was one of the twelve great feasts of the year, a festum fori, or one of obligation. Fotho Prun, a monk of the twelfth century, expresses his astonishment that such a feast should ' Of. Bzovii ann. ad a. 1389, nr. 2. Cf. Binteriin, in 1. c. '^Horatius TurseUnus, Lauretanae hist. libb. V., Eom. 1597, and oftener. 'Baluz., Papae Aven., T. I., p. 177; cf. not., p. 793. Benedict XIV., De festis Christi et Mariae, lib. I., c. 13 (opp. T. X., p. 360). Launoi, Hist. aoad. Navar. II., p. 473. Cf. Bonn Periodical, nro. 13, p. 133 sq. 1032 Period 2. :EJpoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. ever have been instituted. It has been celebrated in the Western Church since the year 1457, when it was formally established by Calixtus III. in thanksgiving for the victory gained over the Turks near Belgrade in 1456.' The pomp and splendor of the ceremonial employed in the celebration of these feasts were greatly enhanced by the glo- rious hymns of the gifted sons of the Church, which, while adding to the collection of former ages, were among the proudest triumphs of the present.^ The praises of the name of Jesus were sung in pious and mellifluous language by St Bernard, in his canticle Jesu dulcis memoria, and his tender and child-like love of the Blessed Virgin, found expression in the hymn Dilatnre, aperire. Thomas of Celano (f 1220), a disciple of St. Francis, is the author of the Dies ikae, that sublime elegiac dirge of the Church ; and another Francis- can, Jaeopona (f 1306), contests with Innocent III. the author- ship of the Stabat Mater, the most beautiful and truthful ex- pression of a pure and holy sorrow that ever human mind conceived. A new feature wd^s now introduced into the hymnology of the Church, due chiefly to the influence of confi-aternities. While the Latin hymns were still retained in the general liturgy, and sung, on the greater feasts, side by side with them, sprung up in the church of almost every nation, a na- tional church-song in the vulgar tongue, consisting partly of translations of Latin hymns and partly of original produc- tions. In Germany, however, compositions of this character may be traced back all the way to St. Boniface. They be- came more numerous in the twelfth century, and it is evident, from a document bearing the date of 1323, that hymns were sung in the vulgar tongue, during divine service, in Bavaria.^ ^Potho, De statu dom. Dei, 1. 3. Raynald. ad an. 1457, nro. 23. Freiburg Cy- clopaedia, Vol. XI., p. 129. French transl.. Vol. 24, p. 27. (Tk.) ' Of. Daniel, Thesaurus hymnologicus sive hymnor. canticor. sequentium circa a. 1500 usitatorum, etc., Hal. 1841 sq., T. I. (hymni), T. II. (sequent, cant, anti- phonae), and the collections of ecclesiastical hymns, by '\Mohne. Schlosser, quoted on p. 786, note 4. Simrock, Lauda Sion, Cologne, 1850. !n4 dc las C'axa.^, Brevissima Kelacion de la Dostruicion do las Indias, 1552. 4to (Lat. 1014, Germ. 1005, and other Europ. lang.) IFeise, Las Casas (lUyen's Journal of Hist. Theol., 1834, Vol. IV., nro. 1). Freiburg Cyclop., art. 1064 Period 2. Epoch 2. Part 2. Chapter 4. § 297. Retrospect of the Influence Exercised by the Catholic Church during the Middle Ages. To understand precisely the character of this influence, it will be only necessary to compare the intellectual and moral condition of the Middle Ages at the opening and close of the present period. From this comparison, it will be clear that in the interval everything had undergone a change. Instead of savage hordes, ceaselessly at war with each other ; instead of deserts, morasses, and forests ; instead of the darkuess that was upon the whole north of Europe at the beginning of this era, we shall find, at the end of the Middle Ages, all the northern nations yielding a joyful obedience to the Gospel of Christ, lands everywhere reclaimed and in a high state of cultivation, governments well organized, social order solidly established, and an active intercourse existing among all peo- ples.^ The daring spirit of European enterprise discovered the other half of the habitable globe, which opened up new and abundant sources of material prosperity and intellectual en- joyment. The humble, obscure, and neglected schools exist- ing at the opening of the twelfth century were converted, by the pious zeal of their founders and their successors, into great and populous seats of learning, whence issued refined scholars, erudite savans, and accomplished literary men, to carry into every corner of Europe and to diffuse with un- wearied activity the wealth of their knowledge and the light of their wisdom. Sixty-six nni versifies, of which sixteen be- longed to Germany, existed in Europe before the year 1.517. These universities, all the legitimate outgrowth of the genius of Christianity, gave rise to Scholasticism, a science at once sub- tle and profound, which compels admiration equally for lofti- ness of conception and refinement of speculation, resemblino-, in this respect, those grand old Gothic cathedrals, the products of the same genius, in which one knows not which to admire more, boldness of design or delicacy of execution. The art 'tMoehler, Miscellanea, Vol. II., p. 5 sq.; Theol. Review of Freiburg, Vol. I, p. 114 sq. § 297. Retrospect — The Church during Middle Ages. 1065 of writing history was cultivated side by side with scholastic speculation. In every European countiy, there flourished, at an early day, one or more distinguished historians. Even Iceland had her spirited Snorro Sturleson. Poetry kept pace with history. The voice of the bard, the trouvere, and the troubadour might ho heard in cabin and castle and palace. Religious hymns and songs, inspired by faith, which, for vigor of thought, terseness of expression, and musical rhythm, will compare favorably with any similar productions of modern times, re- sounded through the aisles and along the vaulted ceilings of village churches and majestic cathedrals. Closely allied to poetry are the splendid triumphs of Christian architecture, which we now gaze upon with amazement, whose very con- ceptions our minds are unable to grasp, and whose vast pro- portions bring home to us, in unmistakable language, the consciousness of our inferiority. When the human mind had ceased to follow in the direc- tion hitherto pursued by speculative theology, because this was no longer adequate to the wants of the age, the love of classic literature revived, the study of the Greek ami Roman authors opened out new avenues of thought, furnished fresh material to the intellect, now prepared by long years of preced- ing labor to enter upon its new sphere, and the whole world set enthusiastically about acquiring a knowledge of those ancient works which the enlightened zeal of the monks had preserved. i^ay, more ; from whatever side the Middle Ages are viewed, they present an aspect of unapproachable grandeur. Animated and pervaded by a spirit unmistakably Chris- tian, which led to an alliance between the 2^riesthoo/l and the empire, they hastened the march of civilization ; called into existence, or rather transformed the institution of chivalry, thereby developing in man the principle of honor ; created a unity of sympathy and feeling among diverse nations, and, through the Crusades, gave them an impulse whose influence was felt for centuries ; inspired Christians with the virtues of courage and resignation, without which the Mendicant Orders could never have existed; ennobled the arts by dedicating 1066 Period 2. Epoch 2. Fart 2. Chapter 4. them to the service of religion ; softened and refined men and manners; triumphantly opposed the aggressions of brute force ; abolished servitude slowly indeed, but efl'ectually, and everywhere produced saints, heroes, scholars, artists, and pat- terns for all grades of society and every walk of life. Is it possible that a Church which accomplished triumphs so great and so numerous, in the midst of circumstances so trying and difficult, and which successfully united in one fiinglo family nations dissimilar and sometimes antagonistic, should not call up in us deep and sincere feelings of love, respect, gratitude, and joy? But the joy is mingled with sorrow. Evil times threaten ; there are breakers ahead. Spiritual life is chilled, discipline is relaxed, voices are raised in warning, but pass unheeded, and noble but ineffectual ef- forts are put forth to save the Churcli and reform her head and members. The Christian historian is borne down with pain and sorrow in beholding pontiffs, by their questionable lives and abuse of their high office, bringing dishonor upon the Church, snapping the bond uniting Christian people, and turning a deaf ear to the warning voice of saintly men who have the interests and well-being of the Church at heart. Were anything wanting to heighten the intensity of his grief, it might be found in the degeneracy of the regular and secu- lar clergy and their baneful influence upon the religious life and morals of the laity. He looks about him, and, seeing the spirit of revolt steadily gaining strength, he reads the signs of the times, and the fearful thought is borue in upon his mind that a tremendous oatastrophe is at hand. Turning his view from the present to the past, as if desirous of moving the great hand of time back a few centuries, his gaze sweeps over the vast theater where so many splendid achievements have been accomplished, and, contemplating the society of that age, when it was still one in spirit and form, one in faith and morals, and one in its religious and political institutions, he cries out, in the words of a contemporary writer:* " Bcau- ^ Novalis (Prince Hardenberg), Christendom or Europe, fragment written in ] 799. Cf. also the beautiful poem of LuiipoU of Bebenburg, in Bohmcr, Pontes rer. Germ., T. I., vers. fln. § 297. Retrospect — The Church during Middle Ages. 1067 tiful and memorable epoch, when Europe was still a Christian country, all its provinces hound together by one common in- terest, and governed by a single chief, the supreme arbiter of kingdoms, yet possessing only an inconsiderable, one himself. No better proof can be given or required of the benoiicent influence exercised by the spiritual government, or of its adaptability to the wants of the times, than the fact that under its inspiration every human energy leaped into life, every en- terpi'ise was successful, individuals achieved splendid triumphs in science, art, and politics, and an active intercourse, spir- itual and commercial, was maintained among nations, from one end of the earth to the other, thus constituting tbem all members of the great Christian family. That Germany was great and powerful during the Middle Ages, as long as the Church and the Empire were in alliance, is a fact as sig- nificant as it is undeniable. END OF VOLUME SECOND. I. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE POPES AND THE ROMAN EMPERORS, Being a continuation of Vol. I., p. 769. POPES. John VI. 701-705. John VII. 705-707. Sisinnius, 708. Constantine, 708-715. St. ''Gregory IT. 715-731. " ■'> Gregory III. 731-741. " Zaeliary,1il-1b2. Stephen II. 752, dietl without having been consecrated. Is not counted by the majority of historians. '''Stephen III. 752-757. St. Paul I. 757-767. Stephen IV. 768-772. •^'Hadrian I. 772-795. St. Leo III. 795-816. Stephen V. 81G. St. Paschal I. 817-824. Eugene II. 824^-827. Valentino, 827. Gregory IV. 827-844. Sergius II. 844-847. St. Leo IV. 847-855. No Popess .Toane. Benedict III. 855-858. St. Nicholas I. (the Great) 858-867. " Hadrian II. 867-872. John VIII. 872-882. EMrEROUa. Tiberius III. 698-705. Justinian II., once more Emperor, 705-711. Philippicus Bardanos, 711-713. Anastasius II. 713-71C. Theodosius III. 71C, 717. Leo III. (the Isaurian) 717-741. Constantine V. (Copronymus) 741-775. Leo IV. 775-780. Constantine VI. 780-797. Empress Irene, 797-802.* German Emperors. Charlemagne, 800-814. Louis the Mild, 814-840. Lothaire I. 840-855. Louis II. 855-875. Charles IL (the Bald) 875-877. * The last East Roman Emperors were descended from the dynasty of the Palaeologi, from Michael Palaeologus (since July, 1261) to John VIII. (1425-1448) and Constantine XL (1448-1453.) (1069) 1070 Chronological Table. POPES. Marinus I. 882-384. Hadrian III. 884, 885. Stephen VI. 885-891. Formosus, 891-890. Bonifaco VI. 896(15day3). Stephen VII. 896, 897. Romanus, 897. Theodore II. 897 or 898. John IX. 898-900. Benedict IV. 900-903. Leo V. 903. Christopher, 903. Sergius III. 904-911. Anastasius III. 911-913. Lando, 913. John X. 914-928. Leo VII. 928. Stephen VIIL 929-931. John XI. 931-936. Leo VI. 936-939, Stephen IX. 939-942. Mariniis II. 943-94G. Agapete II. 946-955. John XII. 95G-904. (Leo VIIL 963, Benedict V. 9G4, Anti- popes.) John XIII. 965-972, Benedict VI. 972-974. (Boniface (Franco) VII. 974,) Here, probably, nopope Domnus orDonus. Benedict Vll. 974-983. John XIV. 983-984. John XV. 984-996. Gregory V. 996-999 (1st Germ. Pope). (John XVI. 997, Antipope). Sylvester 11. 999-1003 (1st French Pope). John XVII. 1003. John XVIII. 1003-1009. Sergius IV. 1009-1012. Benedict VIII. 1012-1024. John XIX. 1024-1033. Benedict IX. 1033-1044. Gregory VI. 1044-1046. Clement II. 1046, 1047 (24 German Pope), Damasus IL 1048 (23 days; 3d Ger- man Pope). EMPERORS, Charles III. (the Fat) 881-887. Guido, 891-894, and Lamberl, 89'^896. Arnulpli, 896-899. Louis III. (the Child) 900-9U Conrad L 911-918. Henry I. 919-936. Olho I. 936-973. Otho II. 973-983. Otho in. 996-1002 Henry II. 1002-1024. Conrad II. 1024-1039. Henry IIT. 1039-1056. Popes ai^d Roman Emperors. 1071 POPES. EMPERO: St. ""Leo IX. 1049-1054 (4th German Pope). Victor II. 1055-10.57 (5th German Pope). Stephen X. 1057, 1058 (6th German Henry IV. 1056-1106, Pope). '■'Nicholas II. 1058-lOGl (7th German Pope). (■Alexander II. lOGl-107.'? (Honorius 11. , Antipope). *St. Gregory YII 1073-1085. Victor 111. 1086, 1087. TJrhan II. 1088-1099. Paschal IL 1099-1118. Gelasius II. 1118. Calixius II 1119-1124. Honorius II. 1124-1130. Innocent II. 1130-1143. Celestine 11. 1143. Lucius II. 1144, 1145. Et Eugene in. 1145-1153. Anastasius IV. 1153, 1154. Hadrian IV. 1154-1159 (an Enslish man). '-'Alexander III 1159-1181. Lucius III. 1181-1185. Urban III. 1185-1187. Gre-ory VIII. 1187. Clement IIL 1187-1191. Celestine III. 1191-1198. Henry V. 1106-1125. Lothaire IL 1125-1137. Conrad III. 1137-1152. Frederic I.. 1152-1190. ^Innocent III 1198-1216. Honorius III. 1216-1227. Gregory IX. 1227-1241. Celestine IV. 1241 (17 days). Innocent IV. 1243-1254. Alexander IV. 1254-1261. Urban IV. 1261-1264. Clement IV. 1264-1268. Bl. Gregory X. 1271-1276. Innocent V. 1276 (a Frenchman). Hadrian V. 1270 (38 days). John XXI. (XX.) 1276, 1277 (a Portu- guese). Nicholas in. 1277-1280. Martin IV. 1281-1285 (a Frenchman). Honorius IV. 1285-1287. Nicholas IV. 1288-1292. Henry VI. 1190-1197. Philip of Sualjia, and Otho IV. 1198- 1208. Otho IV. alone, 1208-1215. Frederic II. 1215-1250. Conrad IV. 1250-1254. Rudolph of Hapsburg, 1273-1291. Adolph of Nassau, 1292-1298. 1072 Chronological Table. POPES. St. Celestine V. 1294, resigns volun- tarily, t 1296. Boniface VIII. 1294-1303. Bl. Benedict XI. 1303, 1304. Popes of Avignon (Frenchmen). Clement V. 1305-1314. John XXII. 1316-1334. Benedict XII. 1334--1342. Clement VI. 1342-1352. Innocent VI. 1352-13G2. St. Urban V. 1302-1370. Gregory XI. 1370-1378. Popes at Rome axd Avignon. Urban VI. 1378-1389. (Clement VII. at Avignon, 1378-1394). Boniface IX. 1389-1404. (At Avignon, Benedict XIII. 1394- 1417). Innocent VII. 1404-1400. Gregory XII. 1406-1409. Alexander V. 1409, 1410, elected by the Council of Pisa. John XXIII. 1410-1415, deposed by the Council of Constance, May 29, 1415 ; so likewise Benedict XIII., April 1, 1417, and Gregory XII., re- signed voluntarily. Martin V. 1417-1431. Eugene IV., 1431-1447 (Felix V. Anti- pope, 1439-1448). Nicholas V. 1448-1455. Calixtus III. 145.5-1458 (a Spaniard). Pius II. 1458-1464. PauIII. J 464-1471. Sixtus IV. 1471-1484. Innoceut VIII. 1484-1492. Alexander VI. 1492-1503 (a Spaniard). Pius III. 1503. Julius II. 1503-1513. Leo X. 1513-1521. EMPERORS. Albert I. 1298-1308. Henry VII. 1308-1313. Louis the Bavarian, 131.3-1.347, and Frederic of Austria, 1314-1330. Charles IV. 1347-1378. Wenceslaus, 1378-1400. Rupert of the Palatinate, 1400-1410. Sigismund, 1410-1437. Albert II. 1438, 1439. Frederic III. 1440-1493. Maximilian I. 1493-1519. II. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE MOST IMPORTANT PERSOITAGES AND EVENTS DUEING THE SECOND PERIOD (700-1517), FIRST EPOCH (700-1073). DIONTSIAN ERA. 711. Invasion of Spain by the Saracens. 718. Wlnfried (St. Boniface) is authorized by Gregory II. (715-731) to evangelize the Germans (718). His labors in Friesland, Thuringia, and Hessia. 72.^. Before his consecration at Rome he takes the oath to the Pope. As bishop he tabes the name of Boniface. 726. The Greek emperor, Leo III. the Isauriati, issues an edict against the veneration of images. Corbinian founds the bishopric of Freislngen and become.s its first bishop (t 730). 732. Victory of Charles Martel over the Arabs at Tours. Gregory III. raises Boniface to the archiepiscopal dignity, and assigns to him Mentz as his metropolitan see, with thirteen suffragans (738). Synodal jurisdiction (Testes Syonadales.) Special penitentiary- discipline. Cases of conscience. 735. Death of Venerable Bede, the most learned man of his age. 741-752. Pope Zachary saves Eome from the ravages of Luitprand and Rachis, kings of Lombardy (745 and 750). Death of Charles Martel in 741. Reigns of his sons Pepin and Carloman. 742. Holding of the first German Council under the presidency of Boni- face, who makes all the bishops take the oath of fidelity to the Pope. Ecclesiastics are forbidden to bear arms. 744. St. Boniface and his disciple, Sturm, found the monastery of Fulda. 752-708. Pepin, king of the Pranks, is recognized hy Pope Zachary and anointed by Boniface. Stephen II., Pope (752-757), is severely harassed by the Lombards. He applies for aid to Pepin, whom he also anoints at St. Denys, and nominates Patritius — i. e.. Protector and Advocate of the Roman Church (753). 754. The Council of Constantinople condemns image-worship. St. John Damascene, the last great name in the literature of the Greek Church, dies shortly after. Pepin the Patritius descends into Italy against Aistolphus, first in 754, and again in 756. In conse- quence of these expeditions the estates of the Church and the Roman Republic are restored. (1073) 1074 Chronological Table. DIONTSIAN ERA. 755. St. Boniface, having transferred his bishopric to his disciple Lullus, is martj'red among the Frieslanders. C. 760. The Rule of Chrodegaiig of Metz is adopted for the secular clergy. 768-814. Intimate relations of Charlemagne and Hadrian I. (772-795.) 774. Pope Hadrian authorizes Heddo, bishop of Strasburg, to divide hla diocese into seven archdeaconries. Capitula ruralia had existed long before, under the supervision of archpriests. Expedition of Charlemagne against the Desiderius king of the Lombards; he adds to the donation of his father. 779. Charlemasrne publishes a law establishing the tithe. 780-814. To facilitate the conversion of the Saxons (772), Charlemagne founds the bishoprics of Osnabriick, Verden, Bremen (Willehad, Bishop, t 788), Minden, Miiuster (803j, Seligenstadt, Hildesheim (Elze). Ludger, first bi.shop of Monster (t 809). In 809, the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle uses the term " Filioque." 787. Seventh Ecumenical Council of Nice convenes to defend the ven- eration of images. 790. Canons of this council are unjustly censured in Caroline Books. 792-794. Adoptionism is condemned at Ratisbonne in 792, and again at Frankfort, 794. Image-worship is severely censured. Alcuin publishes his Libellus adversus haeresin Felicia (Adoptionism). 796. Alcuin founds the School of Tours. Paul Warnefried (Paulus Diaconus), t 799. Alcuin and Paulinus, t 804. 800. Having put an end to the kingdom of the Lombards, Charleniagne renews his donation at the Tomb of St. Peter, and is crowned Emperor b3" Pope Leo III., who thus re-establishes the Empire of the West on a thorough Christian basis. From this time forth Charlemagne assumes the title of " deiiotus sanciae Ecclesiae defensor humilisque adjutor. 813. Councils of Chalons-sur-Saone, Aries, Mentz, Eheims, and Tours. Capitularia interrogationis. 814-840. Charlemagne (t 814) is succeeded by Louis the Mild. Death of Leo III., 816. Pashal L (817-824.) After the death of Charlemagne, his secretary, Eginhard, quits court. 816, 817. Diet and Council of Aix-la-Chapelle. Chiefly through the efforts of Amalric of Metz, the clergy accept the Rule of Chrodegang. Agobard is made Archbishop of L3-ons. Monastic reform of St. Benedict of Aniane. Death of Benedict of Aniane, and Theodulph of Orleans, 821. 822, 827, 831. EbbO, Archbishop of Rheims, and the monk HaUtgar are ap- pointed to go as missionaries into Deninark and Northern Europe by the diet of Attigny (822). Activity and successes of Ansgar and Authert in Denmark and Sweden (827, 831, 853). 827-848. Gregory IV. Pope. Difficulties of his position arising out of his relations to the revolted sons of Louis the Mild. False Isidorian decretals. 831. Louis the Mild founds the Archbishopric of Hamburg, of which Ansgar becomes first archbishop. Paschasius Radbert, de corporc Important Personages, etc., of the First Period. 1075 DIONYSIAN ERA. et sanguine. Commencement of the controversy on the Euchar- ist, in which tlie most prominent names are Eatramnns ; Heriger, Abbot of Lobbes; Rhabanus Maurus; Amalrio of Metz; Haymo, Bishop of Halberstadt ; and still later, Scotus Erigena. 834. The emperor, Louis the Mild, having been unjustly deposed by his sons (83i)), and condemned to do public penance, is again placed upon the throne by Louis and Pepin. 841-84.3. After the death of Louis the Mild (840), his sons engage in battle at Fontenay, where Lothaire, the eldest, is defeated. This battle is followed by the treaty of Verdun (843), between Lothaire as emperor, on the one hand, and on the other, Louis, king of Ger- many, and Charles the Bald, king of Western France. Death of Jonas, Bishop of Orleans. 842. Council of Constantinople confirms the enactments of the council of Nice, concerning the veneration of images. The Feast of Orthodoxy is established to commenorate the event. 847-655. Leo IV. Pope. 848, 849. The error «f the raonkOottschalk, concerning predestination, is con- demned by the council of Mentz (848), presided over by Rhabanus Maurus; and by tliat of Crecy (849), presided over by the cele- brated Hincmar of Eheims. Walafried Strabo publishes the Glossa ordinaria in Bihlia (t 849). Second council of Crecy (843) ; Quaiuor eapiiula Carisiaeensia. Dangerous theories of Scotus Erigena. 855. Leo IV. dies, and is succeeded by Benedict III. (855-858), thus leaving no interval to the reign of the famous female pope, Joan. • Rhabanus Maurus (t 85(1). 858-867. Nicholas I. the Great; his contest with King Lothaire II.; he deposes the archbishops Gunther of Treves and Thietgaud of Cologne, and excommunicates the members of a council. Depo- sition of Ignatius, patriarch of Constantinople, and usurpation of Photius. 863. Methodius and Cyril evangelize the Moravians. Nicholas I. deposes Photius and recognizes Ignatius. The union of the Church of ' Bulgaria with Rome (866) still further alienates from each other the Churches of the East and the West. 867. Photius excommunicates the Pope in the council of Constanti- nople. The emperor Basil, the Macedonian, declares for Ignatius (867-886). Hadrian II. Pope (867-872). The council of Rome annuls the canons of the council of Constantinople. 869. SighiJi Ecumenical Council of Constantinople convoked to pass iudn-ment on the quarrel between Photius and Ignatius; the former and his adherents are excommunicated. Ignatius dies in 878. The council recognizes Photius as patriarch (879-880). He is again banished and dies in exile (891). 871-901. Alfred the Great, King of England, delivers his country from the yoke of the Danes (880), and carries ouf reforms equally bene- 1076 Chronological Table. DIONTSIAJf ERA. ficial to Church and State. John VIII. Pope (8f2-882). Anas- tiisius, Abbot and Librarian of the Roman Church (C. S70). 881-888. Charles the Fat chosen and crowned emperor bj' tlie Pope. Quar- rel of this prince with Pope Stephen VI. (885-891.) Leo VI. the Philosopher, Greek emperor (886-911). Bet. 870 and 880 or 895. Baptism of Borziwoi, dulie of Bohemia, by Methodius. Borziwoi, and his wife, St. Ludmilla, abdicate toward the end of their lives on account of the resistance encountered in endeav- oring to introduce Christianity. St. Wencoslaus (928-9.'!8) and Bole.^laus II. (from i)G7) prepare the triumph of Christianity. Shortly after (967), Pope John XII. recognizes and establishes the bishopric of Prague. 888-962. The death of Charles the Fat is followed by the complete disorgan- ization of his states. The humiliation and misfortunes of the Holj' See occasioned by its subjection to the powerful house of Tuscany. Ot.ho I. puts an end to this condition of things. 909. Councils of Metz and Trosly convene to check the decline of relig- ious life and public morality. 910. The abbot Berno founds the monastery of Clugny; he is succeeded by many abbots of great virtue, such as Ay mar, Maiolus, and especially Odilo (994-1048). 955. The Russian princess, Olga (Helena), is baptized at Constantinople. Her grandson, Wladimir the Great (980-1014), labors to establish the Christian Church among the Russians; the work is accom- plished by his son Jaroslaus (1019-1054). Kiew is raised to the rank of a metropolitan see, and the monastery of the Catacombs (Peczersky), in which the monk Nestor wrote his Annals in the vernacular (1056-1111), is founded. 962. Restoration of the empire, after a break of fort3'-eight years, in the person of Otho the Great, who, before being crowned, promises to protect the Church of Rome and her head, John XII. Saxon emperors: Otho I. (9:!6-97-!) ; Otho 11. (973-983); Otho IIL (983- 1002K The symbolical imperial globe. 963. John XII., degraded and dishonored, is irregularly deposed. Leo VIII. is equally irregularly elected. The election of Benedict by the Romans still further complicates the difSculties of the schism. Otho has John XIII. (965-972) recognized as lawful Pope. Atto of Vercelli (945-960) ; Ratherius of Verona (t 974). Luitprand, Bishop of Cremona, dies (970). 966. The Polish duke, Mieczyslaw, at the instance of his wife, Dom- browka, is baptized, and founds the first bishopric of Posen, of which the first bishop was Jordan, who was made a suffragan of the newly created archbishop of Magdeburg from 970. Flodoard of Rhelms (t 966). 968. Otho I. founds the archbishoprics of Magdeburg as a center of unity for the new bishoprics of Meissen (965), Merseburg and Zeltz (955), Havelburg (946), and Brandenburg (949). In 971, Otho 1. sends Christian missionaries to the grand-duchess Olga. Important Personages, etc., of the First Period. 1077 DIOXYSIAX ERA. 961). The council of London; enlightened zeal of St. Dustan, Archbishop of Canterbury, for the reformation of the clergy. Turketul, and the bishops Oswald and Ethelwold. 972-997. Geisa, duke of Hnngary, yielding to the suggestions of his wife, Sarolta, commences to introduce Christianity into his states. It is established there by St. Stephen (997-1038). 973. Death of Otho the Great. Fresh troubles at Rome. Imprisonment and murder of Benedict VI., recognized as Pope by Otho II. Creseentius, son of Theodora, and Cardinal Boniface Franco, livoswitha, nun of Gandersheim, dies (984). In the Greek Church, death of Simeon Metaphrastes (C. 977). 983-1002, Pope John XV. invites the emperor Otho III. into Italy, and having died while the latter was still in the country, Gregory V., a Ger- man (996-099), is elected his successor, chiefly through the influ- ence of Otho. Intimate relations between the Pope and the Emperor. In.surrection of the Wends under Mistewoi (983). Oecumenius, Bishop of Tricoa, in Thessaly, writes an excellent exegetical work (C. 990). The Commemoration of All Souls cele- brated at Clugny (998). John XV. canonizes Ulrich, Bishop of Augsburg; this being the first instance of a canonization by a Pope (993). 999-1003. Gerbert is elected Pope, and takes the name of Sylvester II. Extent of his power. First idea of the Crusades advanced in his Epistola ex persona Hierosohjmae vasiaiae ad universalem Eceh- siam. 002-1024. St. Henry II. Benedict VIII. elected Pope by the Tuscan party (1012-1024). He is driven from Rome; seeks au asylum with Henry, by whom he is again restored to his see, and whom he crowns emperor in Rome (1014). Canute the Great, king of Den- mark (1014-1034). St. Olaf establishes Christianity in Norway (1017-1033), and the grand-dulse, Wladimir the Great, is equally successful in his efforts to introduce it into Russia (t 1014). 1017, Boniuald founds the order of Camaldolites. Notker-Labeo, abbot of St. Gall (t 1022). The council of Seligenstadt is held in the same year. About the same time, the celebrated school of Liege flourishes under the direction of Notker, Bishop of that city (t 1007). He is succeeded by Wazo, equally zealous in the cause of education. Burkhard, Bishop of Wiirzburg (1025, 102G). Ful- berd. Bishop of Chartres, and disciple of Gerbert's (t 1029). Ditmar becomes bishop of Merseburg in 1008, and dies in 1018. 1032. The French bishops oppose the practice of making war, and their cry' of " Peace! peace! " resounds in numerous councils. 1038. John Gualbert founds the order of Vallombrosa. 1046. The council of Sutri, which, thanks to the intervention of Henry III., the second Franconian emperor (Conrad 11. was the first), puts an end to the rivalries of the three contending Popes, John XIX., Benedict IX., and Gregory VI. The emperor subsequently secures the election of Luidger, Bishop of Bamberg, who as Pope 1078 Chronological Table. DIONTSIAN ERA. takes fche name of Clement II. (1046, 1047.) After Clement's death, Benedict ajiain commences his guilty intrigues. Henry III. designates as Pope the bishop of Brixen, who reigns only twenty-three days (1048). ,1048-10o4. Leo IX. Pope; his efforts to put down simony and correct the unohastlty of the clergy. Liher (?omorrAian«s of Peter Damian. Influence of Hildebrand upon the Holy See. Death of Luitpold (1049), Archbishop of Mentz, a very important event for Germany. lOfjO. Berengarius is condemned in the councils of Rome and Vercelli. Lanfranc the Scholastic, abbot of Bee. 1054. Berengarius deceives Hildebrand at the council of Tours, but an end is put to the controversy by the council of Rome (1059). The rupture caused by Michael Caerularius becomes a formal schism, in consequence of the positive declaration made by the papal legates (July 16, 1054). Fruitless efforts of Theophylactus, Arch- bishop of Achrida, and Peter, Patriarch of Antioch, to prevent the schism. 1055-1057. Gebhard, Bishop of Eichstadt, is raised to the pontifical throne by the influence of Henry III. He takes the name of Victor II. Death of Henry in 1056. Victor endeavors, to secure the throne of Germany for the young prince, Henry IV. (1056-1106.) San- guinary contest occasioned at Milan by simony and clerical con- cubinage. 1057-1058. Stephen IX. (X.) raises Peter Damian to the Cavdinalate, and bestows upon him the bishopric of Ostia. Peter at once com- mences an open war against simonists and concubinaries. After the death of Stephen X., the wicked portion of the clergy and the Tusculan party bring abcut the election of Benedict X.; but the party in favor of reform soon triumphs and elects. 1058-1061. Nicholas II. Pope, who, to prevent the recurrence of irregular and stormy elections, has a canon passed in the council of Rome (1059), which was probably enlarged by other enactments of the council held at Rome in lOCl. Nicholas II. bestows Calabria and Apulia in fief upon the Norman duke, Robert Guiscard. 1061-1073. Alexander II. elected without the assent of the emperor, who raises up Honorius II. as Antipope. The latter is not able to main- tain himself The celebrated " Discepiafio inter regis advocatttm ei Romanae Ecclesiae defensor em," hj Peter Damian (t 1072). Benno, Bishop of Meissen, an apostle of the Slaves, dies in ll06. 1069. Abbot Wilham founds at Ilirschau a congregation on the model of that of Clugny. Gottschalk, grandson of Mistewoi, and founder of the bishoprics of Mecklenburg and Ratzeburg is assassinated by the Pagans in 1066. 1070. Lanfraue becomes bishop of Canterbury. SECOKD EPOCH (1073-1517). PAET PIEHT. (FKOM the accession of GREGORY VII. TO THE DEATH OF BONIEA(!E YIII, A. D. 1078-1303.) DIONTSIAN BKA. .- 1073-1085. Gregory VII. His struggle for the enfranchisement of mind; rise of Universities under the special influence and protection of tho Church. Eise of Scholasticism. The Seljuks in Palestine (1073). 1074-1075. Councils held at Eome against simony, concubinage, and lay- investiture. Strong reaction sets in against these abuses, and is manifested both in controversial writings and in practice. 107G-1077. Henry IV. has Gregory VII. deposed by the Council of Worms. The latter in turn excommunicates and deposes the Emperor. Tho diet of Tribur (October, 1076) obliges the Emperor to go to Ca^ nossa, where he does penance from the 25th to the 27th of January, 1077. Heated controversy for and against the Emperor and the Pope. 1080. Growing complaints against Henry IV. Gregory recognizes tho anti-king, Piudolph, and confers investiture on llobert Guiscard. Henry choses as his antipope Clement III., and Herman of Salm succeeds to Rudolph, slain in the battle of Merseburg (1081). 1085. Exertions at the diet of Gerstungen to heal these divisions, not by the sword, but by science. Death of Gregory, May 25th. St. Bruno founds the Carthusian Order (1084). 1088-1099. Urban II., the successor to Victor III. (1080-1087), boldly pursues the policy of Gregory VII., and threatens with inierdict lay- investitures. Conrad, the eldest son of Henry IV., revolts against his father. 1095. Clergy are forbidden by tho Council of Clermont to take the oath of fealty by placing their hands between those of hiymen. En- thusiasm for the Crusade; Peter the Hermit; Jerusalem recovered July 15, 1099, and Godfrey of Bouillon proclaimed King. Insti- tution of the Knights of St. John. St. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury (1093-1109), combats Eoscelin, canon iif Compiegne. Controversy on Nominalism and Kealism. 1098. Council of Bari in Apulia convened to define precisely th epointa of difference between the Greek and Roman Churches. Robert founds the Order of Citeaux, whoso cliiof importance is to be as- cribed to St. Bernard of Clairvaux, since lllS. 1109-1118. Paschal II. continues the controversy on investitures against Henry V. (1106-1125), and manifests an extremely conciliatory disposi- (1079) 1080 Important Personages, etc., of the Second Period. BIONTSIAN ERA. tion by accepting the treaty of 1111, with a view to the freedom of the Church ; his advances are obstinately resisted, ajid he finds himself engaged in a heated controversy, in consequence of which he is constrained to make a formal retraction in the Council oi Kome (1112), and the third treaty with Henry is annulled. 1109. William of Champeaux founds the Abbey of St. Victor. His dis- putation with Abelard on Nominalism. 1118-1119. Gelasius II. Foundation of the Order of Templars at Jerusalem. 1119-1124. Callixtus II. St. Norhert founds the Order of Premonstratensians (1120). Council of Soissons, in which Abelard is condemned (1121). 1123. NINTH ECUMENICAL, or first General COUNCIL of Lateran, which confirms the concordat of Worms, concerning investitures, concluded between the Pope and the Emperor; calls attention to the wretched condition of the Christians in the East and in Spain, and promulgates disciplinary canons. Otho, bishop of Bamberg, mi.ssionary in Pomerania (1124). 1124-1130. Honorius II., Pope; Lothaire II., Emperor (1125-1137). Now regulations concerning investitures. Lothaire goes twice to Kome to make some arrangements satisfactory to Innocent II. (1130- 1143), successor to Honorius II. Anacletus II., antipope; reestab- lishment of the ancient Senate. Under Lucius IL (1144-114.5), re- publicanism is revived, and the dignity of "Pairicius" is almost immediately established. Arnold of Brescia is still more extreme in his measures. St. Bernard. 1139. TENTH ECUMENICAL, or second General COUNCIL of Lat- eran, which confirms the peace of the Church under Innocent, and condemns Peter of Bruis and Arnold of Brescia. Council of Sens against Abelard (t 1142). Gilbert du la Porr^e, Bishop of Poitiers since 1142. Eobert Pulleyne. I'uin- Books of Senienci^s by Peter Lombard, appear about 1140. Hugh of St. Victor (1141). 1146-1153. Eugene III. resists the republican frenzy of the Komans, and is sustained by his friend St. Bernard, through whoso influence Con- rad III. participates in the second Crusade (1147). The Council of Eheims condemns Henry of Lausanne and Eudes de I'Etoile (1148). St. Hildegard. St. Bernard's hook DeConaidetdtione ad Eu;,einnin III. (1148-1152.) Both die the following year — Pope Eugene, July 8th; St. Bernard, Doctor of the Church, August 20th. The Dccreium Orntiaiii appears about 1162. 1152-1190. Emperor Frederic Barbarossa (Hohenstaufcn) aims at universal monarchy and asserts his claim to imperial rights in the pagan sense; the great Popes, Hadrian IV. (1154-1150) and Alexander III. (1159-1181) energetically resist his pretensions. Antipopes raised up by the Emperor. Hadrian IV. issues his bull concern- ing Ireland (c. 1155). Berthold of Calabria founds the Order of M-Ount Carmel, or of the Carmelites, about 1156. Chronological Table. 1081 BIONYSIAN EKA. 1158. Diet of Koncaglia, attended by Frederic Barbarossa, and the four famous jurisconsults, Bulgarus, Martin Gosia, James, and Hugh. Kichard, prior of St. Victor (1162-1173). 1164. St. Thomas a Becket is unable in the Council of Clarendon to pre- vent Henry II. from carrying out his designs of enslaving the Church, and in consequence appeals to the Pope. He is exiled, re- turns in triumph, and is murdered at the foot of the altar, Decem- ber 29, 1170. Gerhohus of Eeichersberg (t 1169). a. d. 1171, Alexander III. confirms Hadrian's bull concerning Ireland, and the whole Irish hierarchy accept its conditions. Minnesingers (1170-1250). 1179. Eleventh Ecumenical, or Third Lateran Cou7\cil. New decree of Alexander 111. on papal elections, requiring a two-thiid vote of the college of Cardinals for the validity of a Pope's election. Con- demnation of the "Waldenses and Albigenses. Disciplinary canons. John of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres (t 11S2). 1189-1190. Frederic Barbarossa undertakes the third crusade at the instance of Gregory VIII. (1187.) Philip Augustus and Eichard Coeur de Lion accompany the Emperor on the expedition, which, owing to the division among the princes, is onlj' partially successful. Cap- ture of Saint Jean d'Acre in 1191; a truce for three years is con- cluded in 1192. Walpot of Bassen founds the Teutonic Order in 1190. 1190-1197. Henry VI., son of Frederic, becomes Emperor. Popes Clement III. (1188-1191) and Celestine III. (1191-1198.) The Schoolman, Alanus of Eyssel (ab InsulW], Bishop of Auxerre, develop.? his comprehensive and independent system (f 1202). Meinhard, bishop of Livonia (t 1196). 1198-1216. Innocent III., guardian of Frederic II., has his ward highly edu- c'.ted. Wonderful activity and influence of this Pope through- out the whole of Europe; his solicitude about the Holy Sepulchre. He opposes the establishment of the Latin Empire at Constanti- nople, which lasts from 1204-1261. Children's crusade. 1204. Amalrie of Bena, the pantheist sectary, whose views and tendencies are propagated by David of Dinanto and the Brothers and Sisters of the Free-Spirit. 1209. A crusade is preached in France against the evergrowing heresy of the Albigenses. It is headed by Simon of iiontlbrt. Sack- ing of Beziers. Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse. Innocent III. sanctions, in 1215, the Mendicant Order of St. Francis of Assisi (f October 4, 1226) and the Order of Si. Dominic. Paramount importance of these orders in combating the errors of the times. Council of Paris, held in 1209, to condemn the ,vrit- ings of Aristotle. The Niebelungon (1210). 1215. TWELFTH ECUMENICAL, or fourth General COUNCIL of Lateran, in which the errors of Joachim de Floris. Amalrie of Bena, the Albigenses, and others are condemned. Se^'cnty verj 1082 Important Personages, etc., of the Second Period. DYONYSIAN ERA. important disciplinary canons. The word iransulsiontiaUon em- ployed as the most fitting to express precisely the Catholic dogma of the Eucharist. The obligation of confessing yearly and of re ceiving Holy Communion at Easter imposed upon all. 1215-1250. Emperor Frederic II,, in his relations to the Church, disappoint" the hopes at one time entertained, and his policy, at first doubtiul, becomes decidedly hostile to Popes Honorius III. (121,6-1227), Gregory IX. (1227-1241), and Innocent IV. (1243-1264.) By his Sicilian Code (1231), he establishesa legal despotism, and by at- tempting to make the Church a police institution, sets at defiance the spirit of the age. Heated discussion between the papal and imperial parties : De iribus Imposioribus. 1228. Frederic, notwithstanding that he was excommunicated, undertakes the fifth Crusade, after having frequently evaded the task. 1229. Council of Toulouse provides new measures for establishing an in- quisition against the heretics of southern France, who are equally dangerous to Church and State. In Germany, inquisitor Consad of Marburg is murdered (1223). 1230. Peace of San Germano between the Emperor and the Pope. Alex- ander of Hales {Doctor Irrefrngobilis), the first of the Franciscan Order to hold a professor's chair in the University of Paris. The Teutonic Order is established in Prussia. Corpus Juris Canonici is collected by the Dominican, Raymond of Pennafort {Decreta- lium Gregorii IX. libri V., 1234). 1245. TJdrteenth Ecumenicnl, or First Council of Lyons, endeavors to ef- fect a reunion of the Greek and Roman Churches, and solemnly excommunicates Frederic II. Death of Alexander of Hales. St. Thomas Aquinas, Dominican. St. Bonaventure, Franciscan." In- nocent IV. and St. Louis enter into negotiations with the Mongols, with a view to the conversion of the latter. "Western Carmelites are enrolled among the Mendicant Orders; also the Augustinian Hermits in 1256. 1248. St. Louis undertakes the sixth Crusade against Egypt, and is made prisoner. Death of Frederic II., a. d. 1250. 1254-1261. Alexander IV. Hugo de Sto Caro, author of the first concordance (t 1260). Procession of the Flagellants in Italy (1260). 1264. Urban IV. (1261-1264) institutes the feast of Corpus Christi. 1265-1268. Clement IV. Conradin, the last of the Hohenstaufons, is beheaded, notwithstanding the interposition of Clement. 1269-1270. The Pragmatic Sanction of St. Louis. Its authenticity is contested (1269). St. Louis undertakes the seventh and last Crusade against Tunis and Ptolemais in 1269. 1271-1276. Gregory X. Kudolph of Hapsburg, Emperor (1273-1291). Will- iam of Saint-Amour, the great opponent of the Mendicants and adversary of the Mendicant Orders, and likewise the celebrated preacher, Berthold of Bati.sbonne, die (1272). 1274. fourteenth Ecumenical Council, or Second of Lyons. Attempts at Chronological Table. 1083 BIONYSIAN ERA. reunion with the Greek Church; disciplinary canons concerning ecclesiastical elections are rendered more severe Conclave; St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Bonaventure, and Eobert, founder of the Sorhonne (1251), die in 1274. Albert the Great, master of St. Thomas (tl281). 1282-1283. Prussia is entirely subdued by the Teutonic Order in 1283. Andr<> nicus I., Greelc Emperor (1282-1328). Sicilian Vespers. 1288-1292. Nicholas IV. sends the Franciscan, John of Monte Corvino, as missionary to China. In 1291, the Christians lose Ptolemais, their last stronghold in Palestine. The Templars establish themselves in the island of Cyprus. 1294. Celestine V. establishes the Celestine Hermits, and dies. Death of Koger Bacon (Doctor Mirabilis). 1294-1303. Boniface VIII. His quarrel with Philip the Fair of France. James de Voragine (t 1298). Bonifacii Sextus Deeretalium, 1298. 1300. Boniface VIII. establishes the Jubilee and the indulgences con- nected therewith. PAET SECOND. (FKOM THE DEATH OF BONIFACE Till. TO THE WESTERN SCHISM, 1303-1517.) 1305-1314. Popes of Avignon. Benedict XI. succeeds Boniface VIII. (1303- 1304), a,nd after a short reign is followed by Clement V., who, in his servile submission to Philip the Fair, gives up his own see to reside at Avignon, which becomes the residence of the Popes from 1309 to 1378. The CapiivUy of Babylon. Libri V. CUmenft- narum are added to the Corpus Juris. Dolcino, leader of the Apos- tolicals, is burnt to death in 1307. Duns Scotus (Doctor Subiilis) (f 1308). 1311-1312. Fifteenth Ecumenical Council of Vienne. The Templars are abol- ished at the instance of Philip the Fair. The Fratricelli, Apos- tolicals, Beghards, and Beguines are condemned, and provisions made for promoting the study of oriental languages. Eeformatory canons. 1316-1334. John XXII. His twenty Extravcgantes and seventy-four Extraxa- ganles Coinmuiies are distributeo. in five books. The latter are re- . ceived into the Corpus Juris. Louis of Bavaria ('313-1347) triumphs over his rival, Frederic of Austria (1322). Quarrel between Louis and John XXII. Benedict XII. (lS84-134:i) and Clement VI. (1342-1352.) Louis is excommunicated in 1324. An impassioned discussion ensues between Marsilius of Padua (t 1328) and John of Jandun (t after 1338). William Ockham (f 1350) i Leopold of Bamberg (f 1354) ; Augustine Triumphus 1084 Important Personages, etc., of the Second Period. DIONTSIAN EKA. (1328); Alvarus Pelagius (f shortly afterl.340) ; the Dominicun, Durandus of St. Pour9ain ("1- 1333). Andronicus III. Palneolog^is, Greek Emperor (1328-1341). 1338. Meeting of the Electors at Erankfort and Khense. Nicholas de Lyra (t 1341). 1346-1878. Charles IV., Emperor. Louis of Bavaria (f 1347). Clement VI. (1342-1352) is succeeded by Popes Innocent VI. (1352-1362), Urban V. (1302-1370), and Gregory XI. (1370-1378.) Cola de' Kienzi, the tribune of the people, reestablishes the Pioman republic (1347). John Tauler (f 13fil). Henry Suso (Amatidus) {-f 1365). Wickliffe disquiets England in 1300. 1377. The return of Gregory XI. to Eome, which is effected by the united efforts of the Franciscan, Pedro, St. Bridget, and St. Catharine of Siena. Petrarca (f 1374). John Euysbroch (f 1381). 1378-1409. Papal Schism. Popes in Eome and Avignon at the same lime. 1386. Baptism of Jagello, Grand-duke of Lithuania. Gerard Groot of Deventer, founder of the Clerics and Brothers of the Common Life (j 1384). Nicholas do Clemange (1386) and Peter d'Ailly (1380) lecture in Paris. Henry of Hessia, or of Langenstein, lec- tures in Vienna (1384). Gerson becomes chancellor of the Uni- versity of Paris in 1305. 1408. The Councils of London (1382) and Prague condemn the errors of "Wickliffe. John Huss, preacher in the city of Prague, from 1402, joins the Wickliffites (c. 1406). 1409. Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. are deposed by the Council of Pisa, which appoints Alexander V. (1409-1410) to be their suc- cessor. Alexander V. is not universally acknowledged, and the inevitable result is t- o increase of the hitherto existing evil — throe Popes instead of two. Peter d'Ailly ; Gerscn. 1410-1437. Sigismund, Emperor; John XXIIL, Pope (1410-1415). Huss in a no less violent than turbulent man.ner inveighs against the indul- gence granted by the Pope to all who might engage in the cru- sade against Ladisluus of Naples. lie writes a book entitled "iTi'duiua de EccUsiu" and is in consequence excommunicated. The writing of the book and the sentence of excommunication both took place in 1413. 1414-1418. I'Jiu ■ enical Council of Covfiiavcc. A protracted and animated dis- cussion arises whether the Pope is superior to the Council or not. The three Popes, John XXIIL, Benedict XIII. , and Gregory XIL, are deposed, and Martin V. is chosen as lawful Pope in their stead (1417-1431 ). John Huss is burnt at the stake on the 0th of July, 1415, being declared an obstinate heretic. Jerome of Prague shares a like fate on tho 3Cth of May, 1 410. Instead of a reforma- tion "in capiie et n'cmbr s," Concordats are entered into with sev- eral nations; there are, however, several important canons bear- ing on general reform. St. Vincent Ferrer (f 1419). Chronological Table. 1085 DIOKYSIAN EKA. 1423. The Council of Pavia is transferred to Siena on account of a pesti- lence. The results of this Council arc insignificant. The Husa- iten split into Calixtinos and Taborites, after the death of Huss, in 1419, John Ziska (t 1424). Peter d'Ailly, Archbishop of Cam- hrai (t 1425); Gerson (t 1429). 1431-1449. Eugene IV. enters into negotiations with the Greek Emperor, John VIII. Palaeologus, at Constantinople, Perrara, and Plorence (1425 -1448). 1431-1449. Council of BanU. It is continued by that of Ferrara, held in 1438, and that of Florence, in 1439. Strange conduct displayed at the Council of Basle. Kieholas of Cusa publishes his work ^-De Con- cordantia CoihoUca;" he breaks with the Basilians, as does also Aeneas Sylvius. 1438. Albert II., Emperor. Second Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, The death of Nicholas de Clemange occurs about this time. 1439-1448. John de Turrecremata and Nicholas of Cusa defend Eugene IV. in the diet of Electors and States-general. They again defend him in 1441. Nicholas of Cusa, for the third time, pleads the cause of the Pope, at Frankfort, in 1442. Emperor Frederic 111.(1440- 1493) and the majority of the princes declare in favor of the Pope and against the Council of Basle. The new diet, in 1446, is followed by the concordat of Aschatlenburg, in 1443. 1453. Capture of Constantinople by the Turks. A new impetus is given to the revival of classics by the fugitive Greeks, who at the same time, undermine the prevailing religious spirit. The most cele- brated among them, Bessarion, formerly archbishop of Nice, dies in 1472, as Cardinal-bishop of Tusculum. Lorenzo Valla (t 1457), Paolo Cortesio, Marsilio Ficino, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Pietro Pomponazzo, and Angolo Poliziano, are contemporaries. Hellenism produces its desired effect in the school of the Brothers of the Common Li.fe in the Netherlands. Nicholas of Cusa (t 1464), Eudolph Agricola, Erasmus, etc. 1458-1464. Aeneas Sylvius ascends the throne of St. Peter, as Pius II. He exerts his influence to arrest the further progress of the Turks in Europe, and with this end in view convokes a Council at Mantua (1459), which, however, is not attended by the wished-for results. 14G4-1471. Pope Paul II. He is carried away by a love for pageantry and extravagance, but at the same time opposes the pagan tendency of the newly introduced studies. He persecutes Platina and Pomponio Leto, the disciple of Lorenzo Valla. In 1470, the epoch of the Jubilee is fixed at every twenty-fifth year. Thomas a Kempis dies in 1471. 1471-1484. Sixtus IV. John Goch (t 1475) and John Wessel (t 1481), reform- ers. In the kingdoms of Castile and Leon, Torquemada holds the position of inquisitor-general (1483-1498). 1484^1492 Innocent VIII. Jerome Savonarola comes to Florence in 1489. 1086 Important Personages, etc., of the Second Period. DIONYSIAN EUA. 1492-1503. Questionnblo pontificate of Alexander VI. Maximilian, Emperoi I'rom 1493 to 1519, Execution of Savonarola, at Florence (1498). 1500. Efforts of Bartolome de Las Casas in America. The University of Wittenberg established in 1502. 1503-1513. The short pontificate of Pius III. is followed by the warlike reign of Julius II., who, though bent upon enlarging his territories, shows himself a rigid observer of the ecclesiastical spirit. 1510. Death of the great preacher, Gailer of Kaisersberg. Luther goes to Eome for the purpose of negotiating the aiTairs of his Order. 1512-1617. The Council of Pisa is followed by the Fifteenih Ecumenical, or Fifth General Councilor Lateran, which is opened by Julius II., on the 10th of May, 1512. Austere views of the General ofthe Augus- tinians, Giles of Viterbo. Leo X., in his interview with Francis I., at Bologna, in 1515, contents himself with the conclusion of a concordat, and terminates the Council on March 16, 1517, whereupon, the general of the Dominicans, Thomas do Vio of Gaeta, shows signs of intense indignation, and predicts that the greatest evils would ensue. 1514-1517. Several very useful works, written with a view to aid the study of Holy Writ, and numerous translations of the entire Bible, espe- cially in German appear about this time. Cardinal Ximenos (t 1517), publishes his polyglot Bible. III. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE "OP THE COUNCILS HELD DUHING THE SECOND PERIOD.'' PEINCIPAL SYNODS HELD IN IRELAND BEFORE THE EIGHTH CENTUEY.t Synod of St. Patrick at Armagh. Synod of Bishops: of St. Patrick, Auxi- lius, and Isserinus, held at Armagh, probably about 456. About the year 599, a synod was convened in some part of Leinster, in which it was decreed that the Archbishopric of Leinster should be annexed to the See of Ferns. Synod of Old Leighlin, convened to settle the Paschal controversy, A. D. 630; another sj-nod on the same subject was held at Whitefield, in 63R or 634. Celebrated synod of Flan (Florent. Febhla), Archbishop of Armagh, held in 695 or 690, and attended by forty bishops. IN THE JilGHTH GENTUEY. Toledo, 701. Nesterfield, 701. Eome, 703. Niddarium (Adderbourn), 705. Constantinople, 715, 716. Rome, 721, 732. Germany, 7-i2. Liptinae, 743. Eome, 743. Soissons, 744. Franlcish General Synod, 745. Eome, 745. Germany, 747. Cloveshove, 747. Diiren, 748. Vermeria, 753. Quiercy and Mentz, 754. Constantinople, 754. Verneuil, 755. Compiegne, 757. Eome, 757. Constance, 758-759. Eome, 761. A schaim, in Bavaria, 763. Attigny, 765. Gentilly, 767. Eome, 769. Dingolfingen and Reuching, in Bavaria, between 769-772. Genua, 772. Paderborn or Lippstadt, 780 or 785. Worms, 781. Eatisbon (?), 781. Attigny, 785. Worms, 78G. Nice {Seventh Ecumenical), 787. Calchut, 787. Worms and Ingelheim, 787, 788. Narbonne. 788. Aix-la-Chapelle, 789. Eatisbon, 792. Great Synod of Frankfort, 794. Verulam, 794. Friuli, 796. Beeaneld, 797. Eome, 799. Aix-la-Chapelle, 799. Riesbach, Freisingen, Salzburg, Urgel, and Finchol, 799. Eome, Cloveshove, and Tours, 800. IN THE NINTH CENTURY. Aix-la-Chapelle, 802. Eatisbon, 803. Cloveshove, 803, 809. Salz, 804. Constantinople and Salzburg, 806-809. Aix-la^Chapelle, 809, 811. Constanti- *For the sources, consult the collections of councils, both general and par- ticular, by Manst, Harduin, etc. Cf. also the works thereon by Cahnssutms, Befele, etc. See also literature, Vol. I., p. 22, note 1. t Extracted from Lanigan's History. The statements of Irish synods down to the thirteenth century, supplemented in this table, are derived from the same Bource. (Tr.) (1087) 1088 Chronological Table. nople, 812. Rheims, 813. Montz, 813. Tours, 813. Chalons, 813. Constan- tinople, 814, 815. Celchyt, 816. Aix-la-Cbapelle, 816, 817. Aix-la-Chapel!e, Venice, Vannes, and Tbionville, 818. Altigny, 822. Rome and Conipiegne, 823. London, Clovosliovo, Oslaveslilen, and Ai.\-la-Chapelle, between 816-825. Paris, 825. Ingelbeim, Rome, and Mantua, 826, 827. Paris, 828, 829. Worms, 829. St. Denys, 829-832. Nimwegcn, 831. Compiegne, 833. Tbionville, 83o. Ingelbeim, 840. Pontenay, Aix-la-Cbapelle, Bourges, Milan, and Gcrmigny, between 841-843. Constantinople, 842. Lauriac, 843. Coulaines, 843. Tbion- ville, 844. Verneuil, 844. Meaux, 845. Beauvais, 845. Paris, 846. Mentz, 847. Bretagne, 848. Rome, 848. Sedan, 848. Mentz, 848. Paris, 849. Quiercy, 849. Pavia, 850. Rome, 850. Mentz, 851. Cordova, 852. Rome, 853. Paris, 853. Soissons, 853. Quiercy, 853. Leon, 854. Valence, 855. Pavia, 855. "Wincbester, 855. Quiercy, 857, 858. Constantinople, 858 (twice). Langres, 859. Savonnieres, 859. Aix-la-Chapelle, 860. Coblenz, 860. Tousi, 860. Milan, 860. Rome, 860. Constantinople, 861. Rome, 861. Soissons, 862. Aix-la-Cbapelle, 862. Pistes (Pistres), 862. Metz, 863. Rome, 863, 864. Attigny, 865. Soissons, 866. Constantinople 866, 867. Troyes, 867. Worms, 868. Rome, 869. Consianiitiople [Eighth Eciimenicnl), 869. Verberi and Metz, 869. Attigny, 870. Douzi, 871. Senlis, 873. Ravenna, 874. Douzi, 874. Pavia, 876. Rome, 876. Ravenna, 877. Rome, 877. Compiegne, 877. Oviedo, 877. Troyes, 878. Rome, 879. Constantinople, 879. Rome, 880, 881. Fimes, 881. Ravenna, 882. Toulouse, 883. Cbalons, 886. Cologne, 886. Metz and Mentz, 888. Pavia, 889 or 890. Vienne, 892. Cbalons, 894. Tribur, 895. England, 895. Rome, 896, 898. Ravenna, 898. Rbeims and Rome, 900. IN THE TENTH CENTURY. Rome, 901. In the province of Narbonne, 902, 900, 907. Trosly, 909. Altbeim, 916. Constantinople, 920. Trosly, 921. Coblenz, 922. Rheims, 922. Altbeim, 931. Ratisbon, Erfurt, and Dingolfingen, 932. Soissons, 941. Laon, 948. Ingelbeim, 948. Treves, 948. London, 948. Llandatf, 950. Augsburg, and Frankfort, 952. Llandaff, 955. Near Meaux, 962. Rome, 962, 963, 964. 967. Ravenna, 967, 968. England, 969. Canterbury, 969. Rome, 971. Com- postella, 971. London, 971. Ingelbeim, 972. Winchester, 975. Calne, 978. Llandatr, 988. Senlis, 988. Near Rbeims, 991. Rome, 993. Italy, about 995. Mouson, 995. Rome, 996. St. Denys, 996. Pavia, 997. Rome, 998. Ravenna, 998. Magdeburg, 999. IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. Rome, 1001. Frankfort, 1001. Rome, 1002. Poitiers, 1004. Tbionville and Constance, 1005. Frankfort, 1007. Enebam, 1009. Mentz, 1011. Coblenz, 1012. Loon, 1012. Ravenna, 1014. Orleans, 1017. Pavia, 1020. Orleans, 1022. SeligenstBdt,1022. Poitiers, Mentz, 1023. Paris, 1024. Arras, 1025. Anse, 1025. Mentz, 1028. Cbarroux, 1028. Limoges, 1029, 1031. Bourges, 1031. Aries, 1034. Aquitaine, 1034. Lyons, 1034. St. Gilles (Egydi), 1042. Sutri, 1046. Rome, 1047, 1049. Rheims, 1049. Mentz, 1049. Rouen, 1049. Rome, 1050. Paris, 1050. Brione, 1050. Vercelli, 1050. Coyac, 10.50. Rome, 1051, 1053. Bamberg, Ratisbon, Worms, 1052. Constantinople, 1053. Narbonne and Mentz, 1054. Rouen, 1055. Lisieux, 1055. Lyons, 1055. Florence, 1055. Tours, 1055. Counciis during the Second Period. 1089 Angers, 1055. Compostella, 1056. Toulouse, 1050. Eome, 1057. Melfi, 1059. Benevento, 1059. Rome, 1059, 1060. Yacca, 1060. Tours, 1060. Vienna, 1060. Osborn, 1062. Aradon and Eome, 1063. Chalons, 1063. Eome, 1065. London, 1065. Mantua, 1067. Gironne, 1068. Toulouse, 1068. Barcelona, 1068; again, 1068. Spain, 1068. Mentz, 1069. Normandy, 1070. "Winchester, 1070. Mentz and Treves, 1071. Winchester, 1072. Eouen, 1072. Eome, 1073. Erfurt, 1073. Eouen, 1074. Mentz, 1074. Poitiers, 1074. Erfurt, 1074. Eome, 1075. Mentz, 1075. London, 1075. Eome, 1076. Worms, 1076. Tribur, 1076. Autun, 1077. Eorchheim, 1077. Eome, 1078. Poitiers, 1078. Avignon, 1080. Bourgos, 1080. Brixen, 1080. Mentz, 1080. Lyons, 1080. Eome, 1080, 1081. Meaus, 1082. Eome, 1083, 1084. Lucca, 1085. Com- piegne, 1085. Quedlinburg, Mentz, 1085. Benevento, 1087. Capua, 1087. Bordeaux, 1087. Eome, 1089 (twice). Melfi, 1089. Toulouse, 1090. |]tampes, 1091. Benevento, 1091. Leon, 1091. Soissons, Compiegne, and Eheims, 1092. Troyes, 1093. Autun, Eheims, and Constance, 1094. Poitiers, 1095. Cler- mont, 1095. Piacenza, 1095. Tours, 1096. Nimes and Eouen, 1096. Bari, 1098. Saint Omer, 1099. Eome, 1099. Valence, 1100. Poitiers, 1100. Anse, 1100. IN THE TWELPTH CBNTUEY. Eome, 1102. London, 1102. Troyes, 1104. Paris, 1104. Lateran, 1105. Eheims, 1105. Thuringia, 1105. Plorence, 1106. Gtuastalla, 1106. Jerusalem, 1107. Troyes, 1107. London, 1107, 1108. Eome, 1110. Clermont, Toulouse, 1110. St. Benoit, 1110. Feadh Mac Aengussa, 1111. Beauvais, 1112. Vienna, 1112. Lateran, 1112.' Cologne, 1113. Gran, 1114. Windsor, 1114. Ceprano, 1114. Chalons, 1115. Cologne, 1115. Syria, 1115. Eheims, 1115. Lateran, 1116. Benevento, 1117. Capua, 1118. Eouen, Mans, Toulouse, 1118. Eath Breasail, 1U8.' Eheims, 1119. Toulouse, 1119. Beauvais, 1120. Naplous, 1120. Sois- sons 1121. Worms, 1122. Lateran {Ninth Ecumenical), 112S. Vienne, Chartres, Clermont, Beauvais, 1124. Westminster, 1125, 1126, 1127. Nantes, 1127. Troyes, Eavenna and Eouen, 1128. Chalons, London, 1129. Clermont, Btampes, Wiirz- buro-, 1130. Mentz, Eheims, Linegne, 1131. Piacenza, 1132. Jouare, 1134. Pisa, Oashel 1134.' London, Northumbria, 1136. London, 1138. Lateran (Tenth Ecumenical), 1139. Winchester, 1139. Constantinople, Antioeh, Sens, 1140. Constantinople, 1143. Tuam,1143.' Eome, Armagh, 1144. Vezelai, Chartres, 1146. Paris, Constantinople, 1147. Eheims, 1148. Treves, 1148. Augsburg, 1148. Holmpatrick, 1148.* Beaugenci, 1152. Kells, 1152.^ Mellifont, 1157.^ Brigh Mac- 'This synod decreed that (exclusive of Dublin) the dioceses of Ireland should be reduced to the number of twenty-four; twelve of these to be subject to Armagh, and twelve to Cashel. 2 Held by Domnald O'Conaing, archbishop, and by the other bishops of Munster who assisted at the consecration of the Metropolitan church. 3 Under Muredach, archbishop, for the liberation of Eoderic O'Connor, who was then held captive by Tiernan O'Eourke, for which purpose also the next Synod of Armagh, 1144, was convened. * Held by Gelasius, archbishop of Armagh, and by Malachy, in order to pro- cure the pallium for the archbishops of Armagh and Cashgl. 5 Under Cardinal Paparo, who, as legato of Pope Eugene III., divided Ire- 6 Convoked for the purpose of consecrating the church of that place. 1090 Chronological Table. Thadlig/ Roscommon, 1158. Anagni, Pavia, Nazareth, Oxford, 1160. Toulouse, Lodi, 1161. Montpellier, 11G2. Clane, 1162.2 Tours, 1163. Bheims, Northamp- ton, Clarendon, 1164. Aix-la-Ghapelle, Lombrea, Wurzburg, 1165. Constanti- land into four provinces and thirty-one dioceses. From the act of submission made by the Irish bishops to King Henry of England, during the pontificate of Alexander III., we learn the number and names of the archbishoprics and bishop- rics of Ireland during the twelfth century, which are as follows: I. The Arch- bishopric of Armagh, with the eight suffragan sees of the Episcopus Charensis, Odanus, Chondorensis, Thuenensis, Kathbotensis, Cenevensis, Ardaehaden- sis, and Cluencrardensis. II. The Archbishopric of Cashel, with the nine suf- fragan sees of the Episcopus Lismorensis, Ingmelleccensis, Arcmorensis, Lucap- niarensis, Kildarensis, Waterfordensis, Ardferdensis, Eofensis, and Pinabrensis. III. The Archbishopric of Bublin, with the five suffragan sees of the Episcopus Bistagnensis, Eernensis, Leighlinensis, Kindarensis, and Erupolensis. IV. The Archepiscopal See of Tuam, with the five suffragan sees of the Episcopus Kin- fernensis, Kinl.athensis, Maigonensis, Aelfinensis, and Achatkouvonsis. Many of these episcopal sees can now no longer be identified. See Art. Ireland, in Aschbach's Eccl. Cyclopaedia, written by Sparschuh. F. Pius Bonifac. Gums, in his Series Episcoporum, Eatisbon, 1873, resting on the authority of Waraeus, Gotten, Thos. Walsh, Aug. Theiner, etc., gives on pp. 204, sq., in alphabetical order, the following names and dates of their erection 1. Achonry, (Arcadensis) s. Lyney, 1152; 2. Ardagh (Ardachadensis ep.), 1152 3. Armagh (Armaoanus), 445 (455) ; 4. Cashel (Cashelien.), archepisc, er. 1152 Sedes de Emly, c. 527, postea Cashel et Emly unitse Sedes, c. 1567; 5. Clogher (Clogherensis), first bp., St. Maccartin, f 506, Episcopatus Louth, 534; 6. Glonfert (Olonfertensis), 558; 7. Olonmaenois (Cluenensis ep.), first bp. St. Kieran, discipulus S. Finniani, f 549; 8. Cloyne and Ross (Cloynen. et Eossen.), Cloyne fund, per St. Colman, c. 580; Eoss fund, per S. Eachnan, c. 570; 9. Cork (Corgacensis ep.), 606; 10. Derry (Derrensis ep.), 1158; 11. Down and Connor (Dunen. et Conoren.), 499; 12. Dromore (Dromorensis ep.), c. 510; 13. Dublin (Glendalough), S. Keivin (Coemgen), t 618; 1166, sedit Kinad O'Eonan, Epis- copi Dublinenses; 1038, sat Donatus (Dunan), a Dane, who built the Cathedral or the Most Blessed Trinity; 1074, Gilla [Patrici(an)us], consecrated by Lanfranc, archbp. of Canterbury; 14. Elphin, first bp. S. Asicus, c. 450; 15. Enachdune (Enagdunensis ep.), St. Meldan, in the 7th century; 1152; after 1484 united to Tuam; 16. Ferns, St. Aidan (Maidoc), t 632; 17. Kerry (Ardfer- tensis, ep.), Dermod. Mac Mael Brenan, t 1075; 18. Kildare-Lelghlin (Kildarien. et Leighlin.) (St. Bridget, 490), St. Coulaeth, t519; W. Killala, (AUadensis), S. Muredaoh, tempore S. Gokimba, Kellaoh, occis. c. 544, Muredach, t c. 590; O'Maelfogomair, op. de Tirawley et O'Fiachra, f 1151 ; 20. Killaloe (Laonensia ep.), 0. 640-650, St. Flafian; 21. KUmncduagh and Kilj'enora (Finaboren. et Buaeen.), St. Colman, before 620; 2'2. Kilmore (Kilmoron), (Brefny, Brefinia, Triburna), 1136; 23. Leighlin and Kildare (Leighlinensis ep.), 626, St. Gobban erects the Abbey of Leighlin, and a synod is held there, a. d. 630; c. 632, St. ^ (Co. Meath) held to promote ecclesiastical discipline. Derry made a regu- lar episcopal see. 2 Held by Gelasius of Armagh, for the promotion of discipline and morals. Councils during the Second Period. 1091 nople, London, 1166. Lateran, 1167. Gran, 1169. Armagh, 1170.' Ca.shel, 1172.2 Avranches, 1172. Tuam, 1172.S London, 1175. Waterford,1175.« Venice, 1177. Dublin, 1177.^ Lateran {Eleventh Ecumenical), 1170. Caen, 1182. Verona, 1184. Paris, 1185. London, 1185. Dublin, llSe." Paris, 1188. Eouen, 1190. Mentz, 1191. Montpellier, 1195. York, 1195. Bamberg, 1196. Paris, 1196. Sens, 1198. Dijon, 1199. Vienne, 1199. Dioolea, in Dalmatia. London, 1200. Dublin (c. 1200).' IN THE THIP.TEBNTH CENTUKY. Soissons, 1201. Paris, 1201. Meaux and Antioch, 1204. Laval, near Mans, 1207. Avignon and Paris, 1209. St. Gilles, 1209. Eome, 1210. Montpellier and Aries, 1211. Paris, 1212, 1213. Lavaur, 1218. London, 1213, 1214. Eouen and Bourges, 1214. Lateran {Twelfth Ecumenical), 1215. Paris, 1215. Montpellier, 1215. Melun, 1216. Gisors, 1218. Salzburg, 1219. Nice, by Sehismatical Greeks, 1220. Oxford, 1222. Slesvig, 1222. Erfurt, 1223. Hil- desheim, 1224. Montpellier, 1224. Mentz, Bourges, Melun, 1225. Paris, 1226. Cremona, 1226. Narbonne, 1227. Treves, 1227. Eome, 1228. Paris, 1229. Toulouse, 1229. Tarragona, 1229. Mentz and Wiirzburg, 1230. Noyon, 1233. Mentz, 1234. Aries, 1234. Beziers, 1234. Narbonne, Senlis, Eheims, Com- plegne, 1235. Tours, Bourgos, 1236. London, 1237. Treves, 1238. Tours, 1239. "Worcester, 1240. Lyons {Thirteenth Ecumenical), 1245. Lerida, 1246. Laserian founded the episcopal see and t 639; ^4. Limerick (Limirioensis ep.), 1106; 25. Lismore and Waterford (Waterfordien. et Lismorien.), St. Cartagh establishes the see in 633; 26. Heath (Midensis), 520, St. Einnian first bp. of Clonard, 1174, Eugene first bp. of Meath; 27. Osso7'y (Ossoriens.), St. Kiaran 588; 28. Raphoe (Eathbotensis, ep.); 29. Tuam (Tuamensis ep.), St. Jarlath, t e. 540, archbp. 1152; 30. Mayo, c. 665, 670, 1578, Bp. Patr. O'Hely, t a mar- tyr of the faith, and the see was united to Tuam; 31. Waterford (Water- fordien.), erected 1095. (Tr.) 1 By this synod, all the English, who were detained in servitude in Ireland were restored to liberty. 2 Convened by order of Henry II., to regulate ecclesiastical discipline. Neither the primate, nor any of his suffragans, assisted at this synod. 'Provincial synod, under Archbishop Cadla O'Dubhai. Throe churches were consecrated by the bishops who assembled on this occasion. *In this meeting of bishops, the bull of Hadrian IV. to Henry II. and the confirmatory brief of Alexander III. to the same prince, were, for the first time, publicly read in Ireland. 5 Under Vivian, legate for Ireland, Scotland, etc., who set forth Henry's right to the sovereignty of Ireland, in virtue of the Pope's authority, and incul- cated the necessity of obeying him under the pain of excommunication. ^The object was church discipline,ecclesiastical ceremonies. Confirmed by Pope Urban III. ''Under Matthew O'Henry, archbishop of Cashel and legate, who confirmed the donations made by Prince John to Cumin, archbishop of Dublin, and the union of the See of Glendalough to Dublin. 1 1092 Chronological Table. Beziers, 1246. Cologne, 1247. Paris, Breslau, and Valence, 1248. Utrecht, 1249. Tarragona and Saumur, 1253. Albi, 1254. Paris and Bordeaux, 1255. Sens, 1256. Compiegne and Gran, 1256. Lanciez, in Silesia, 1257. Eufiec, near Poitiers, and Mertou, in England, 1258. Fritzlar, 1259. Aries, 1260. Cognac, 1260. Cologne, 1260. Paris, 1260. London, Mentz, 1261. Eavenna, '1261. Paris, 1263. Nantes, 1264. Northampton and ^Westminster, 1265. Cologne, Bremen, 1266.' Vienna, 1267. Breslau, 1268. London, 1268. Sena and Bourges, 1269. Salzburg, 1274. Lyons {Fourieenih Ecumenical), 1274. Constantinople, 1275. Bourges, 1276. Saumur, 1276. Constantinople, 1277. Compiegne, 1278. Langres, 1278. Angers, 1279. Beziers, Avignon, Beading, and Ofen (Buda), 1279. Cologne, 1280. Constantinople, 1280. Paris, 1281. Salzburg, 1281. Lambeth, 1281. Avignon, Tarrcgona, Tours, and Saintes, 1282. Constantinople, 1283. Blaquere, 1283. St. Poelten, Melfi, 3284. Eiez and Lanoicz, 1285. Bourges, 1286. Eavenna, 1286. London, 1286. Piheims, 1287. JMilan, 1287. "S^'urzhurg, German National Council, 1287. Exeter- Eheims, andjMila-., 12>7. Salzburg and Lille, 1288, Chester, 1289. Paris, West, minste:-, and Nogaret, 1290. Milan, 1291, Salzburg and Ascbaffenburg, 1291. Tarragona, Bremen, and Aschaffenburg, 1292. Beziers and Grado, 1296. London, 1297. Eouen and Beziei-s, 12i;9. 3Ielun, Salzburg, and Merton, 1300. IN THE EOITRTEENTH GENTUEY, Eheims, 1301, Eome, Paris, Pennafiel, 1302. Paris, 1303 (Assembly in the Louvre). Compiegne, 1304, Armenian Unionist Synod, at Sis, 1307. Presburg, 1809, Paris, Salzburg, Treves, Cologne, andMentz, 1310, London, Eavenna, and Bergamo, 1311. Vienna [Fifleeiiih Ecumenical), 1311-1312, London and Tar- ragona, 1312, Eavenna, Paris, and Saumur, 1314, Senlis, 1315. Nougarot and Magdeburg, 1815. Mentz, 1316, Tarragona, Eavenna, and Bologna, 1317, Sens, 1320, Magdeburg, Cologne, and Valladolid, 1822. Paris, Toledo, 1324. Avignon, Senlis, Alcala de Henarez, and Mariac, 1826, Eufiec, 1327. Com- piegne, 1329. Tarragona and Benevento, 1831, 1332. Cologne, 1333, Paris, Eouen, 1334, Salamanca, 1335. Avignon, 1837, Treves, 1338, Aquileia, 1339. Ereisingen, 1340, London, and Armenian Synod, at Sis, 1342. Prague, 1343. Kalbe, in the territory of Magdeburg, and Spalato, in Dalmatia, 1344. Constantinople, 1851. Beziers, 1351. Cologne and Eichstiidt, 1353, 1354, Canterbury, 1362. Lambeth, 1362, Angers, 1366, York, 1367. Lavaur, 1368. Salamanca, 1371. London, 1372. Valence, 1370. Prague, 1381. London, 1382. Salzburg, 1386. Capua, 1391. Paris, 1392. London, 1396. Paris, 1398. IN THE EIETEENTH CENTUEY. At London, 1401-1403, three Councils. Paris, 1404, 1405. Prague, 1405. Hamburg and Wiirzburg, 1407, Perpignan, 1408. Paris, 1408. Oxford, 1408, Pisa, 1409, Aquileja, 1409, Salamanca, 1410. , Seville, 1412. Eome, 1418. London, 1413. Constance [Sixteenth Ecumenical), 1414-1418. Salzburg, 1418, 1420. Cologne and Treves, 1423. Pavia and Siena, 1423. Copenhagen, 1425. Paris, 1429, Tortosa, 1429, Eiga, 1429, Basle, 1431-1439, Bourges, 1431, 1438 (diet). Ferrara, 1438. Frankfort, 1438. Florence, (Seventeenth Ecu- menical), 1439. Mentz, 1439. Ereisingen, 1440, Eouen, 1445. Angers, 1446- Councils during the Second Period. 1093 1448. Lausanne, 1449. Constantinople, 1450. Mentz, Bamberg, and Salz- burg, 1451. Cologne, 1452. Soiasons, 1455. Avignon, 1457. Sens, 1459. Mcntz, 1459. Constance and Eichstiidt, 1403-1465. Toledo, 1473. Madrid, 1473. Aranda, 1473. Freisingcn, Constance, and Breslau, 1475-1480. Tour- nay, Constance, Eichstiidt, Bamberg, and Salzburg, 1481-1491. Sens, 1485. London, 1486. Camin, 1492. Treves, 1495. Ermeland and Breslaii, 1497. IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTUEY. Camin, 1500. Meissen, 1504. Magdeburg, Bamberg, Breslau, and Petricow, 1505-1510. Tours, 1610. Pisa and Milan, 1511. Laieran (Seventeenth Ecu- menical), 1512-1617. Elorence, 1617. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. The following additions and corrections were forwarded by the Author to the Translators too late for insertion in their proper place : Page 17, line 14 from bottom, after the words fourteenth century add: con- cerning Sturleaon, the eminent statesman of Iceland, of. Gfrorer, Pope Gregory VII., Vol. II., p. 527 sq. Page 104, line 16 from bottom, read: During the first balf of the ninth cen- tury, Keginbert founded an extensive library.^ Page 106, after bottom line add: Dummler, Supplem. to a Hist, of the Archd. of Salzburg from the 9th to the 12th century, Vienna, I860. Page 108, add to first line from bottom : Hennet, Hist, of the Archbishops of Mentz, ihid. 1867. Page 125, line 19 from top, add atter Schaflfh. 1865: Solbn, Jurisdiction of the clergy in the Prankish Empire, Tubg. 1870. Ancient Private and Public Law of Germany, "Weimar, 1871, Vol. I. Page 138, line 5 from the bottom, after (Comment, in Joan., c. 13), add the following: "Petrus specialiter Principatum judiciariae potestatis accepit, ut omnes per orbem credentes intelligant, quia quicunque ab unitate fidei vel socie- tatis illius quolibet modo semetipsos segregant, tales nee vinculis peccatorum absolvi nee januam possint regni coelestis ingredi." Horn. II. 16. Mipie, Ser. lat., T. 94, p. 223. Page 171, line 7 from bottom, after a. d. 799 add: Einhard, Charlemagne's biographer, was educated under the care of Alcuin, in the Palatine school, and, by his ability and acquirements, won the esteem and favor of the emperor, by whom he was appointed private secretary (scriba adjuratus) and superintendent of public works, or, more correctly, supervising architect. He was the empe- ror's inseparable companion. On the death of the latter, Einhard was made preceptor to Lothaire, son of Louis the Mild, and, being a skillful architect, still managed to retain much of his former infiuence. He was for many years lay-abbot of various monasteries, but finally, tiring altogether of secular life, lived a secluded life at the out-of-the-way town of Mvihlheim, where he built a monastery, and changed the name of the place from Miihlheim to Seligenstadi (City of the Blessed). After agreeing with his wife, Emma, that they should henceforth regard one another only as brother and sister, he became a monk, and died abbot of a monastery (p. A. D. 848).^ (This '' is transferred from line 10, and the corresponding note, by oversight, omitted at the proper place, is as follows:) ^Cf. the Life and Writings of Paulus Diaconus [Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Vol. X., p. 2il-ili). Abel, Paulus Diaconus and the other Lombard (1094) Additions and Corrections. 1095 Historians fHistorians of GRrman antiquity, in German, Berlin, 1849). SiilU hauer, The Life of Eginhard, Seligenstadt, 1872. The Catholic, yesir 1872, in the May number, "The Remains of Einhard," etc. Page 173, line 11 from "bottom, should read; Alciiin, opp. cura Erobenii abbati.'i ad St. Emmeranum. Page 224, after line 16 from bottom add; Von Jensen, Ch. Hist, of Slesvig- Holstein, edited by Michelsen, Kiel, 1873. Page 241, line 9 from bottom, for 1860, Vol. I., read: 1860-70, Vol. V.; and in the next line add: Watienbach^Tho Slavic Liturgy of Bohemia, etc., Breslau, 1857. Page 24.3, line 4 from bottom, for 1864-1866, 2 vols., read: 1864-1872, 3 vols.; and add; By the same, Hist, of the Bishops and Archbishops of Prague, being a Memorial for the Celebration of thi^ Ninth Centennial of the See of Prague, Ibid. 1873. Page 244, line 12 from top, before t'lie words, lie had, insert: Aided by the advances made by "Wolfgang, Bishop of Ratisbon. Page 246, place first in the IHcrature of (;182 ; Monumenta Poloniae historica, ed. Bialowski, Lemberg, 1875, 2 vols. Ibid., to last line at bottom add: Zmte'A Polish Historiography during the M. A., Lps. 1873. Page 284, line 5 from bottom, after T. V., p.