fytmll ^nivmii^ Jilrt^tg THE GIFT OF GL^f...jAj.....s. a.'iL.L%z'^- lUm/A. 6561 Cornell University Library BR375 .J17 1891 Study In comparative symbolics. The Luth olin 3 1924 029 248 106 The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029248106 ^\ <.*/>•<_ .7 -<-^,^_i_Xu>_v<- a^^ e^^-y-o-^,^*-/' Q-t-tjMH .-cMju, •'H--^^'-^^ - /2-o^_ov_v-<— cj^'^'^-L-lt^ ^ci-^>-^-v>uJ" /i_t/>-vH;^W'T-^ ^ ji- -t^f^^L. ,-i^Ct, 'Cl^^A-O --UW. -T,-V^_M,-i^-w-iJ ^l.,-C€/v_C,l,-, 'oC^J^yAA^t.,-,^ (^y^^y-U^X^ C«_-^i.,t^6^>./>O.V^ S e^^AU^-l-rt-lA^ L2y~<^_.v^-'^v^J-<^ , -^ ^v>vXj<- c^J^->r<' -OO^x. ^i-v->'T— ^-^^ yOL-o^.^ '^./y^VU/^-O "i-S^..,.,^^ ^'-ys.,i>i/\^^ '-._y^ -«->ii4_u--i.-«--* THE LUTHERM MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND. A pTUDY IN COjVlPAr^ATIVE gYMBOUCg. THE Lutheran Movement in England DURING THE REIGNS OF HENRY VIII. AND EDWARD VI., ITS LITEEAET MOISTUMENTS. HENRY EYSTER JACOBS, D. D., ,J^1*% c^. P'/^ Norton Professor of Systematic Theology in the Theological Seminary of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Philadelphia ; Translator and Editor of the " Book of Concord" Schmids " Doctrinal Theology of the Ev. Lutheran Church" etc. etc. REVISED. PHILADELPHIA: G. W. FREDERICK, 1891. Copynghted, iSgo, by G. W. Frederick. PEEFAOE. jOtNVESTIGATIONS into the history of the English transla- (S"' tions of the Augsburg Confession, made several years ago, in co-operation with the late Rev. B. M. Schmucker, D D., led the writer into a much wider field than he had originally intended to enter. Notes taken, in the beginning, for his own informa- tion, soon accumulated to such extent, that he embodied their results in a series of articles, that appeared in The Lutheran in 1887. During the preparation of the articles, every available source of information was laid under contribution for additional facts. The number of articles grew beyond expectation. Re quests having been made from various quarters, that they should be published in a more permanent form, this volume is the result. The material here given' has only in part appeared before. Much has been rewritten, while several of the earlier chapters, and near- ly all of the latter part of the book, are entirely new. It will speak for itself. Its facts, supported by the document- ary evidence, will suggest their own lessons. It has not been written chiefly in a polemical interest. Its great end is to pro- mote a thorough understanding of the historical relation of the Lutheran Church to the various English-speaking communions of this country, whose course has been influenced by the history of the Church in England during the Sixteenth Century. PREFACE. With so much material on the subject, readily accessible, it is surprising that a book filling this place, has not appeared before. English writers, however, as a rule, have felt little interest in acknowledging their dependence on the German Reformation ; a few, like Archbishop Laurence and Archdeacon Hardwick, forming brilliant exceptions. German writers have general- ly assumed that the English could be relied upon for the facts of their own history, and, therefore, have not exercised their characteristic caution, or their customary practice of being sa is- fied with nothing short of the first sources. Although the cor- respondence of Luther and Melanchthon, and that rich store- house of documentary evidence, Seckendorf 's Hisioria Luther- anismi abound in most valuable information on the subject, but little attention has hitherto been given to what, with a little in- dustry, could have been drawn from their pages. The time has come, however, for a more careful and thorough examination of these facts. In this country, the Lutheran Church has become a communion of over a million communicants, and not less than four or five millions of a population. The English language has again become the medium for the Lutheran faith. As the various nationalities which its adherents represent, merge in the one American nationality, so their various languages, soon- er or later, are laid aside for the common language of the coun- try. Even before this process is complete, the one medium through which those worshipping in different languages can con- fer with and know one another, must necessarily be the English. The problem of the hour for the Lutheran Church in America, is, how to unite these various elements in the historical faith of the Lutheran Church as embodied in her historical Confessions, and with the worship prescribed in her historical Liturgies and PREFACE. IX. Church Orders. As in the earlier efforts of Cranmer, Fox, Barnes, Coverdale, Rogers, Taverner and others in the Sixteenth Century in England, so here, the English language is again em- ployed to furnish the mould in which Lutheran Theology is to be recast. In this work, the historical connection is again preserv- ed. The good foundation then laid is not to be ignored. We gladly resume the undertaking, at the stage in which it was left by our predecessors in the same field, and, with humble recogni- tion of their admirable success, take it up simply where it was left incomplete by the intervention of the Calvinistic reaction, during the second period of the reign of Edward VI, as exam- ined in these pages. But in doing so, it becomes necessary to explain our relations to the Church of England, and to carefully discriminate between what is common territory, and vA-hat is pe- culiar to each Church. It is a matter, not of regret, but of re- joicing, that the Church of England, and her daughter in Amer- ica, have jealously preserved, and heartily commended by con- stant usage so much of the common heritage, not only antedat- ing the Reformation and extending even far back beyond the coriuptions of the Middle Ages, but also of what they have di- rectly drawn from the Lutheran Reformers. It must not, how- ever, be forgotten that the political complications, as well as other elements that entered, rendered the work of the Lutheran Church in reforming the old Church Service incomplete in many parts of Germany, and that even among those who have been faithful Lutherans in their Confessional position, there may be found those who are ready to indiscriminately censure what is common property, as though it were alien to the Lutheran Church. Nor must the aggressive attitude of the Churches of the Angli- X. PREFACE. can family be overlooked. The challenge to all other bodies of Christians to establish their historical position, has been bravely- made, and, with a determination, that shows that it will not be satisfied with skilful evasions of the question. It will certainly be of service, in giving this subject the serious consideration which it justly demands, to take into the account all the histori- cal factors accessible. The eifort to require all movements at union to rest upon a clear, distinct and unequivocal historical basis is certainly in the right direction. It is to be hoped, how- ever, that this principle will be consistently maintained. No progress can be made, nor any permanent results gained, by lay- ing emphasis upon one class of facts, and resolutely closing the eyes to another ; urging the examination of History at one point, and begging to be excused from looking into it at another. We sincerely hope that this book may inspire among our Lutheran people a true respect for much that is valuable and scholarly, and admirable in the results of the faith of the Reformation that have abounded in the English Church and her daughters in all periods since ; and, that, on the other hand, it may introduce some read- ers from these communions to the rich stores of gospel truth, with which their fathers were familiar, and which have most pow- erfully influenced their entire career since. The question of the revision of Creeds and Confessions, is now attracting wide-spread attention. This is a critical age, persistently demanding all professions to be put to a rigid test. Much light will be found upon the subject, by a careful reading of the accounts of the discussions between the English and the Lutheran theologians, in their several Conferences. There is scarcely an item which enters into a discriminating view of the subject that was not there anticipated. There were many hints PREFACE. XI. given then by the Wittenberg theologians which are just as ap- plicable to the present situation and movements, in the Presby- terian and Lutheran, as well as the Episcopal Church. At the risk of violating somewhat the unity of the subject, an Excursus on "The Typical Lutheran Chief Service," has been introduced. While treating of the relation of the English Ser- vice to the Lutheran Orders, there seemed to be a call for giving some attention to a Service, for whose explanation even Luther- ans are entirely dependent upon material not found in the Eng- lish language. * Beyond the acknowledgment of the generous aid rendered the writer, above all, by the late Dr. B. M. Schmucker, mention should be made of others to whose kindness he is much indebted. Among them, he wishes especially to name Rev. Elarl Wolters, Pastor of St. Peter's Church, Hamburg, Germany, who has taken much interest in making researches for this book in the Archives at Hamburg. We only regret that information he communicated concerning the visit of John ./Epinus, afterwards Superintendent at Hamburg, to England, and his conferences with Henry VIII, on ecclesiastical matters, before the sending of the English Com- mission to Wittenberg, whose history is given in Chapter IV, came after that chapter had already been set up. We refer to it for the information of those who may make this volume the starting-point foi further investigations. Rev. J. A. Seiss, D.D., LL. D., kindly furnished his copy of Cranmer's Catechism, with notes showing the results of his comparisons with the Latin edi- tion. Rev. Prof. W. J. Mann, D. D., LL. D., especially inter- ested himself in gathering information concerning Ernest Sarce- rius, the Nassau theologian. Rev. Prof. A. Spaeth, D. D., has freely given aid on Hymnological and Liturgical questions. Xll. PREFACE. Pencil notes of the late Rev. Prof. C. P. Krauth, D. D., LL. D., on the margin of books, now in the Library of the Theological Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia, indicate that he had pro- gressed far in similar investigations, and have repeatedly given us the clue to much valuable information. In addition to the many friends in the Lutheran Church who have assured us of their interest in these studies, we wish especi- ally to recognize the courtesy of Rev. Prof. George P. Fisher, D. D., LL. D., of Yale University, for urging that they should be embodied in a volume, as well as for his kind reference to what we had previously published on the Anglican Catechisms, in an address delivered in the Autumn of 1888, at Harvard Uni- versity. Trusting that the facts here given will contribute towards the clearer understanding of the causes of difference among the vari- ous American churches, and, thus, in God's own time, if possi- ble, towards their ultimate adjustment, we offer this volume to the calm and unprejudiced consideration of thoughtful readers. Henry E. Jacobs. TJieological Seminary of the Evangelical LutJieran Church at Fhiladelpda [Mt. Airy), July gth, i8go. OOI^TEK"TS. CHAPTER I. The Beginnings of the English Reformation, . . i CHAPTER II. Tyndale's Dependence on Luther, ... 14 CHAPTER III. The Political Complications, 39 CHAPTER IV. The English Commission to Wittenberg, . . 55 CHAPTER V. Progress of the War for the Faith in England, . 74 CHAPTER VI. The Ten Articles of 1536, 88 CHAPTER VII. The Bishops' Book of 1537, 104 CHAPTER VIII. The English Bibles OF 1535 AND 1537, . . . 115 CHAPTER IX. The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538, . . 127 (xiii.) XiV. CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. More Lutheran Literature, . . . . • 140 CHAPTER XL Fruitless Negotiations of 1539, ..... 148 CHAPTER XII. A Literary Forgery, 159 CHAPTER XIII. Luther's "St. Robert," 179 CHAPTER XIV. Closing Events of Henry's Reign, . . . 190 CHAPTER XV.. New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI., . .198 CHAPTER XVI. Conflict of Theological Parties in England during the Reign of Edward VI., .... 206 CHAPTER XVII. Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer, . 218 CHAPTER XVIII. The Litany of the English Church, . . . 230 CHAPTER XIX. The Communion Service of the English Church, . 241 CHAPTER XX. The Morning and Evening Services of the English Church, 245 CONTENTS. XV. CHAPTER XXL The Order of Baptism in the English Church, . • 253 CHAPTER XXII. The Orders tor Confirmation, Marriage, Visitation OF the Sick, Burial, 265 CHAPTER XXIII. The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI., . . •275 CHAPTER XXIV. An Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 283 CHAPTER XXV. The Anglican Catechisms, 314 CHAPTER XXVI. The Homilies of 1547, 333 CHAPTER XXVII. The Thirty-Nine Articles, ^^g CHAPTER XXVIII. The Subsequent History, 343 CHAPTER XXIX. Bibliographical, 350 THE LTJTHEEA]^ MOTEMEI^T IE EI^GLAKD DURING THE REIGNS OF HENRY VIII. AND EDWARD VI., AND ITS LITERARY MONUMENTS. CHAPTER I. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. Not independent of the movement in Germany. Not due to the controversy concerning the divorce of Henry VIII. Preparatory influences in the XIV Century. Thomas of Bradwardin. Wiclif. The Lollards. Dean Colet. Erasmus and the New Learning. Greeks and Trojans. Froude on the immediate effect of Luther's Theses. The war against Lutheran Books. Warham's Correspondence. Henry VIII vs. Luther. Bishop Fisher's Sermon. The Young "Lutherans" of Cambridge. Bilney. Latimer's Inaugural address i^ainst Melanchthon. His Conversion- The Hotise called- "Germany." Stafford, Barnes, Coverdale, etc. The Lutheran Colony transferred to Cardinal College, Oxford. Clark, Cox, Frith, etc. Persecution, Espions^e. The Humiliation of Barnes. Wolsey's Last Message. The Index Prohibitorum of 1529. Two VERY superficial theories concerning the Enghsh Refor- mation are current. One affirms that it was a movement origi- nating almost entirely within the English Church, and culminat- ing in the assertion of its independence of the Church of Rome by the casting off of the yoke whereby for centuries it had been unjustly oppressed, but having little to do with contemporaneous movements in Germany, The other regards its religiofas char- acter purely accidental, and ascribes it altogether to the quarrel of the King of England with the Pope, overlooking the fact, that the relation of Henry VIII to it was a. hinder^ince rather than an advantage, that it began against his will, and received its great- 2 (i.)j 2 The Lutheran Movement in England. est injury when he became its champion. A careful review of the facts, shows first, that the evangelical leaven had been work- ing in England for many years, and, secondly, that this latent power at length emerged into vigorous action and became a widely-extended and deep movement, as it received support from the fearless testimony proclaimed at Wittenberg, and diffused among the scholars of England by the instrumentality of the press. In the Fourteenth Century, already, the way for the Reforma- tion had been prepared. Thomas of Bradwardin (^Doctor pro- fundus), Professor in Merton College, Oxford, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1290, d. 1349) was the earnest representative of Augustinianism, who complained that "almost the whole world had fallen into the errors of Pelagianism," and started the career of his more eminent pupil John Wiclif. Wiclif spent the greater part of his life at Oxford, where in 1363, he became Professor of Divinity. The sole authority of the Holy Scriptures in matters of faith, the rejection of prayers to saints, of purgatory, of transubstantiation, of the necessity of private confession, the conception of the Church on its inner instead of its outward side, marked a new era, even though his teaching on justification and the most closely allied doctrines, was not as clear. But still wider influence was exerted by his translation of the Bible, industriously circulated in short sections throughout all England by followers so numerous, that one writer says, that every other person met on the road could be so reckoned. The Xollards, as those whose interest had been aroused by Wiclif, were called, after a continental sect, spread far and wide the seed of the future harvest. The Universities of Oxford in England and of St. Andrews in Scotland, became centers of the move- ment, which, although externally suppressed by bloody persecu- tion, still lived beneath the surface. Although men were con- signed to the stake for such utterances, yet in 1506 we find Dean Coletof St. Paul's, London, an Oxford alumnus (d. 15 19) ex- pounding the Scriptures thrice a week in the scientific form of Beginnings of the English Reformation. 3 divinity lectures. As late as 1521, the bishop of Lincoln ar- rested nearly five hundred Lollards, who probably had no con- nection with the movement then beginning in Germany. To this influence was added that of "the New Learning," of which Erasmus was the advocate at Cambridge. It is sometimes forgotten that while this great scholar belonged to Holland, his student life was passed in part at the two distinguished English universities. He was the intimate friend of Colet, and, return- ing to England in 1510, was, for four years from 1511, Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity and Lecturer in Greek in Queen's College, Cambridge. The stimulus which his attention to the original of the New Testament gave his pupils, may be traced in the many eminent names of reformers hereafter to be noted among them. Great teachers often inculcate premises, whose conclusions are so far-reaching that, instead of drawing them for themselves, they leave this work to their pupils. Erasmus never broke with Rome ; but his teaching led many to that act, for which he himfielf was too feeble, or, rather prepared them for the influence emanating from Wittenberg, The years of his Cam- bridge Professorship were not as serene as this great lover of peace desired. The publication of his Greek New Testament invalidated the authority of the Vulgate, and aroused the appre- hensions of those who were attached to the old order of things. The war of words between "Greeks," and "Trojans" or "Obscurantists," as the champions of the new studies and their opponents were respectively called, waxed fiercer and fiercer, and was of just such character as wotld excite the enthusiasm of stu- dents at that season of life when they are most apt to become in- tense partisans. When, therefore, they heard from him such statements as the following : "The Holy Scriptures, translated into all languages should be read not only by the Scotch and Irish, but even by Turks and Saracens. The husbandman should sing them as he holds the handle of his plough ; the weaver re- peat them as he plies his shuttle ; and the wearied traveler, halt- ing on his journey, refresh himself under some shady tree by 4 The Lutheran Movement in England. these goodly narratives,"' what wonder that aspirations were excited for a better order, wherein every Englishman might read the Word of God for himself, and that young hearts already re- solved, that if God would spare them, this should be accom- plished ? Luther's act of October 31st, 1517, was not altogether unex- pected. Who was to break the silence and first utter the protest, or in what form or place, it was to be given, no one, indeed, could divine. But many eyes were looking for the crisis, in which the oppressed conscience would speak with a power that could not be restrained. As Mr. Froude says : " The thing which all were longing for was done, and in two years from that day, there was scarcely perhaps a village from the Irish channel to the Danube, in which the name of Luther was not familiar as a word of hope and promise." ^ "As early as 1520, Polydore Vergil mentions the importation into England of a great number of 'Lutheran books.'"' To such an extent were Luther's writings diffused, and with such effect, that in March 1521, Archbishop Warham wrote to Cardinal Wolsey concerning the condition of affairs at the University of Oxford, in a letter which Sir William Ellis, formerly librarian of the British Museum, has published :* "I am enformyd that diverse of that Universitie be infectyd with the heresyes of Luther and others of that sorte, havyng theym a grete nombre of books of the saide perverse doctrine. . . It is a sorrowful thing to see how gredyly inconstaunt men, and specyally inexpert youthe, falleth to newe doctrynes be they never so pestilent. . . Pytie it were that through the lewdnes of on or two cankerd members, . . the hole Universitie shuld run infamy ofsoo haynouse a cryme, the heryng whereof shuld be right de- lectable and plesanf to open Lutheranes beyond the see. . . If all the hole nombyr of yong scolers suspectyd in this cause (which ' Paradesis adlect.fium, Vaughan's Revolutions in English History. I : loi. ^ History of England, II : 40. ' Hardwick's History of the Reformation, p. 182. * Original Letters, First Series, 1 : 239 sqq. Beginnings of the English Reformation. s as the Universitie writeth to me be marvelouse sory and repent- aunt that ever they had any such books or redde or herde any of Luther's opynyon) shulde be callyd up to London, yt shuld en- gendre grete obloquy and sclandre to the Universite, bothe be- hyther the see and beyonde . . the said Universite hathe de- syred me to move Your Grace, to be so good and gracyouse unto theym, to gjrve in commission to some sadd father which was brought up in the Univeristie of Oxford to syt ther, and examyne, not the hedds, but the novicyes which be not yet yet thoroughly cankered in the said errors. . . Item, the said Universite hath desieryd me to move your good Grace to ncte out, besyde iverks of Luther condemyd alredy, the names all other suche writers, Luther' s adherents and fautors." The request for such inquisi- tion was in accordance with a proclamation which Warham had succeeded in inducing Wolsey to publish, entitled "A commis- sion to warn all persons, both ecclesiastical and secular, under penalty of excommunication and of being dealt with as heretics, that, within the time assigned [fifteen days], they bring and de- liver into the hands of the bishop or his deputy, all writings ana books of Martin Luther, the heretic."^ The proclamation was accompanied by the rehearsal of forty-two alleged errors of Lu- ther, quoted from the Papal bull of excommunication, some of which are the greatest perversions of what he taught, while oth- ers, even as stated by enemies, can condemn only those who deem them reprehensible, as lb. 944. « lb. 948. »C. R. 11: 967 sqq. 6o The Lutheran Movement in England. was called into service to prepare State papers in which religious questions were involved, wrote for the Elector on November 1 7th, a letter which accepted the professed earnestness of the king, in regard to a religious reform as though it were serious, and informed him that so far as he and his associates were con- cerned their purpose is: "In this cause, nothing else but that the glory of Christ may be proclaimed, and godly and sound doctrine, harmonizing with the Holy Scriptures be restored to the whole world. . . . Let not the King of England have the least doubt but that the confederated princes and states are of such a mind, that since, by God's blessing, they have learned to know the truth of the gospel, so also they will use all care and diligence, throughout all life in defending this holy and godly doctrine, and, by God's help, will never depart from the truth which they have learned. It is, indeed, very agreeable for the princes and confederated states to learn that the King also de- sires to aid the pure doctrine ; and they pray that he may con- tinue in this opinion." Then, after stating how necessary har- mony among the members of the League on this subject, is, he continues : " Nor do those embraced in this confederation have among them any dissent in doctrine or opinions with respect^ to faith, and they hope by God's aid to persevere and be harmon- ious in that doctrine which they confessed at the Diet of Augs- burg before the Emperor and the entire Roman Empire. ' ' They close by expressing their great gratification that the King of England is of such a mind as to desire to agree with them in the matter of Evangelical religion and doctrine, being ready to declare, on every possible occasion his favor in, and zeal for, this most holy cause, as becomes a King of Christian and evangelical doctrine, and to afford with the greatest diligence every means for advancing the cause of the Gospel. ' ' Two more influential English commissioners now appeared upon the scene, representing more directly Henry than did Dr. Barnes in whom, the King had thus far used an agent, already committed to Lutheranism, and serviceable chiefly because it was The English Commission to Wittenberg. 6i supposed that he would most likely be heard by the Reformers. Among the English clergy of that period, the names of Edward Fox and Nicholas Heath, are of the very first rank. Fox was unquestionably one of the most brilliant men of his day. A graduate of Eton and Cambridge, his very first sermon had so captivated the King that he at once became his chaplain. He had been the King's Almoner, as well as Secretary of State. His gifts shone especially in the pulpit, where " his exposition "i was so thorough and clear, that the inference might be drawn that all his time was occupied with Biblical studies ; his division ' was so analytical, as to give the impression that his attention had i been devoted chiefly to Logic; while his development was as \ rich in thought, as though he had laid all the fathers and school- [ men under contribution." ^'' Cooper, in his Athenae Cantabrigienses, says, that he was called " the wonder of the University and darling of the court," that " he had a vast capacity for business and was an able and suit- able negotiator," and that his skill as a diplomatist expressed it- self in several proverbs that have become current phrases with posterity, as " The surest way to peace is a constant prepared- ness for war;" "Two things support a government; Gold to reward its friends, and iron to keep down its enemies ;" " Time and I, will challenge any in the world," etc. He had been sent by Wolsey to Rome in 1518 to negotiate with the Pope concern- ing the proposed divorce. He had been the prominent member of an embassy to France. He was largely instrumental in dis- covering Cranmer, and starting the series of events by which the latter became Primate of the English Church. He had fought the battle of Cambridge where after a long resistance, the nullity of the first marriage was affirmed. Although greatly distrusted by the Elector and Melanchthon, this visit to Germany seems to have decided his theological position, as after his return to Eng- land, he becomes the leading representative of Lutheran opinion I'H. L. Benthem's Neu-eroffneter Engelandischer Kirch und Schulen- Staat, p. 889 sqq. 62 TTie Lutheran Movement in England. in the negotiations that follow, and in the preparation of Henry's first formulary ; even though he be open to the charge of incon- sistency. Unfortunately his career was but a brief one, as he died in 1538. The third of the envoys especially fascinated Melanchthon, who in his private letters cannot speak in sufficiently high terms of his scholarship and character. Nicholas Heath , (born about 1 501), educated at Oxford and Cambridge, had been chaplain to Wolsey, and at the time when sent to Germany, was Heury VIII's , owri_chaplain. After some wavering, in 1548 he identified him- self with the Roman, Catholic side; in 1555 became Archbishop of York, and afterwards Lord High Chancellor of England. It was Heath who, under the reign of Mary, was to issue ,_tlie_wxit ^ for the executiojiJjf.Cranmer. No less than two hundred and seventeen persons were to be put to death for Evangelical con- victions when he would hold the seal. The executor of Queen/ Mary, he was made a member of the Privy Council at the begin- ning of the reign of Elizabeth ; but was soon committed to the tower and excomnumicated. After his release he lived in retire- ment until his death in 1579. Such were the ambassadors with whom the Lutheran theolo- gians were to treat. At first Luther and Melanchthon were di- rected to meet them at Jena, but Wittenberg was finally desig- nated as the place of conference. Meanwhile, however, the convention of the League was held at Smalcald. The English commission was present, and on the 24th of December, Fox, as their spokesman, delivereji an oration. Notes of it were taken by i I SpaJatin. He claimed that he and his associates were present) not on behalf of a human cause, but for the sake of the Word of God and truth. He showed with what incredible zeal and love in religious matters, their sovereign had been actuated, and how anxious he was to co-operate with the other princes in propagat- ing the pure-knowledge of God. The King, he says, does not heed the slanders which have been published concerning the members of the League, but esteems them as evangelical rden, The English Commission to Wittenberg. 63 who would neither design, nor commit anything unworthy of themselves as confessors the Gospel. The King acknowledges the abuses in the Church ofJEngland, and is endeavoring to re- form them. The cause and work of English Christians is the same as that of their brethren in Germany. They should aim at perfect harmony, and, as its basis, should endeavor to come to an understanding touching matters of Christian doctrine. Con- cert of action should also be determined, if possible, concerning the proposed Council. Peace and harmony of Christian doc- trine constitute, however, the very first thing, which, above all others, is to be settled. " Certainly a most admirable speech ! On the next day, Christmas, Melanchthon prepared a paper for the Princes which, after being amended, was adopted, and sub- scribed both by the Elector and Landgrave, and the English ambassadors, as " The Thirteen Articles of 1535." As the translation, given in Strype's Memorials of the Reforma- tion,"is defective, we translate aiiew from the Corpus Reforma- torum : " " I. That the Most Serene King promote the Gospel of Christ, and the pure doctrine of faith according to the mode in which the Princes and confederated States confessed it in the diet of Augsburg, and defended it according to the published Apology, un- less perhaps some things meanwhile justly seem to require change or correction from the Word of God by the common consent of the Most Serene King, and the princes themselves. II. Also, That the Most Serene King, together with the Princes and States confederated, defend andmainfain the doctrine of the gospel mentioned, and ceremonies harmonizing with the gospel in a future general council. III. That neither the Most Serene King, without the express consent of the confederated princes and states mentioned, nor the confederated princes and states mentioned, without the ex- " lb. pp. 1028 sqq. K lb. V : pp. SS9 sqq. " II : pp. 1032 sqq. 64 The Lutheran Movement in England. press consent of the Most Serene King mentioned, consent or assent to any call for a genera,! council, which the Pope of Rome, present or future, or any one else, whatever be the pretence of authority, now makes or shall make, nor agree to any place of a future Council, or to the Council itself, but that all these things be conducted and done with the advice and consent of the King and princes, provided, nevertheless, that if certainly, and by just arguments and reasons, it appear that such a Christian, free and general council have been called, as the confederates demand in their answer to Peter Paulus Vergerius, the ambassador of the Pope of Rome, such council is not to be refused. IV. Also, if it should happen that, without the consent of the Most Serene King and the confederated states, concerning the place of the council, or the calling of the council, and yet, the Pope of Rome and the other princes, joined with him in this matter should determine to proceed to the convening of the council or rather caucus {conciliabuli), and that, too, in a place upon which the aforesaid Most Serene King, princes and states have not agreed, that then, and in that case, the aforesaid Most Serene King, as well as the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes and States confederate shall first strive with all their power, that such calling be hindered and brought to nought, and reach no result. V. Secondly that they will make public and formal protests, and, likewise, cause them to be made by their clergy, by which they will both prove the purity of their faith, and that they dis- sent altogether from such convocation, nor, if such council ac- tually follow, will they be bound by the decrees or constitutions of that council, nor, in the future, will they, in any way, obey the same. . VI. Besides, that they never will obey or permit their subjects to obey any decrees, mandates or sentences, bulls, letters or briefs, from any council thus convoked and held, or which pro- ceed in the name of the Bishop of Rome himself or any other power, but that they will account and declare all such vnritings, decrees, bulls and briefs null and void, and, to remove all scandal, The English Commission to Wittenberg. 65 will cause such to be thus declared to the people by their bishops and preachers. VII. Also, that as the Most Serene King is, by the grace of God, united, both in Christian doctrine and in its conftssion with the confederated princes and states, so also is he deemed worthy, on honorable conditions, to be associated with their league in such manner that his Most Serene Majesty obtain the name and place of Defender and Protector of said league. VIII. Also, that neither the aforesaid Most Serene King, nor the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confederated, ever will recognize, maintain or defend that the primacy or monarchy be held to-day or ever hereafter de jure divino. Nor will they ever agree or concede that it is expedient for the Christian State that the bishop of Rome be over all the rest, or hereafter exercise, in any way, any jurisdiction whatever in the realms or dominions of the aforesaid Kings and Princes. IX. Also, if it should so happen, that war or any other con- tention, whether on account of religion, or even without such cause, for any other cause or matter whatsoever, should be excited or carried on by any prince, state or people, against the aforesaid Most Serene King, his realms, dominions or subjects, or, also, against the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confeder- ated, that neither of the parties mentioned bring aid, or supplies against the other party, nor by advice or favor, directly or indi- rectly, publicly or privately, assist prince or people, thus' invading and waging war. X. Also that the Most Serene King see fit, for the defence of the league and of the cause of religion, to contribute and deposit with these most illustrious princes, sureties being afforded, as is added below, the sum of 100,000 crowns ; the half of which money, it shall be lawful for the confederates to use, whenever there shall be need, for the purpose of defence. The other half, the confederates shall take of such money, as they themselves, have contributed and deposited to that sum. 6 66 7%,? Lutheran Movement in England. XI. That if there be need of a longer defence because of the continuation of war, or the invasion of enemies, in such event, since princes and confederates are under obligation not only for a further contribution of money, but also for mutual defence with their bodies and all their resources and property, the Most Serene King would not refuse, in urgent necessity, to contribute even more, viz. a second 100,000 crowns. This money, nevertheless, the confederates may use to the amount of one half, with their own. And should it so happen, that the war should end earlier, then what is left should be faithfully kept, and be mentioned to the Most Serene King at the conclusion of the confederation. XII. That if the King would have it so done, the Princes prom- ise that they will pledge with sufficient sureties, not only that they will not convert such money to another use than for the de- fence of the league and the cause of religion together with their own money, which they contribute in such confederation, but also that they will faithfully pay and restore to the same Serene Majesty, whatever sum either, be not needed, or that remains after the defence, in case it shall not have been devoted to that use. XIV. Also, since the Most Revered Legates of the Most Serene King are to remain for a time in Germany, and are to confer with men learned in sacred literature on certain articles, the princes ask that they would as soon as possible inquire and learn the mind and opinion of the Most Serene King, concerning the conditions presented in the League, and, that when they have been informed thereon, they would signify it to us, the Elector of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse. When this is done, the Princes will immediately send legates in their own name and that of the confederated States, to the Most Serene King, and among them one of eminent learning, not only to diligently confer with His Most Serene Royal Majesty on the articles of Christian doc- trine, and to deliberate faithfully concerning changing, estab- lishing and ordaining other ceremonies in the Church, but also The English Commission to Wittenberg. 67 to agree and conclude with His Most Serene Majesty concerning all the articles whereof we have spoken." Edward Herefordens, Nicolaus Heyth, Antonius Barns, John Frederick, Elector. Philip, L. of Hesse." " The English King was certainly placed in an embarassing po- sition, as men who dissemble, so often are. His ambassadors' word had been received in good faith, that he was anxious chiefly about a reform of doctrine, and wished the aid of Lutheran theo- logians j and accordingly, measures to which his representatives feel themselves constrained to assent, were taken to aid him in the important work. Yet a letter of Crumwell at this time, pre- y served in Burnet, '* declares : " The King, knowing himself to be the learnedest prince in Europe, thought it became not him ' to submit to them, but them to submit to him. ' ' The matter however, has assumed the shape that Fox and Heath, with Barnes, are to spend several months in theological conferences at Witten-/ berg, studying the Augsburg Confession and Apology, under the instructions of Melanchthon, and that then if they can accept such basis, some competent Lutheran doctor is to go to Eng-^ land to help them to complete the work. So scheme was met by scheme, the children of light being for once as wise as the chil- dren of this generation ; for the English historian is perfectly justified in his inference, that the coolness of the Elector came from the impression, that " the King had only a political design in all this negotiation, intending.to bring theiiLiatOL_ja,_depend-/ ence on himself, without any sincere intentions with relation to religion."" However, this may be, the course of our princes and theologians in this matter was perfectly clear and consistent. It was solely on questions of religion that they had been forced into a seeming opposition to the Emperor. On these and these "C. R. II : 1032 sqq. " XIII " is not found in the document. 15 Burnet's History, II : 698. "lb. p. 699. 68 The Lutheran Movement in England. . ionly, they were ready to stand or fall. They were unwilling to )be embarassed by any alliances that were based on any other 'grounds. Every convert to these principles, even though the I Pope himself, they were ready to welcome to the League ; every one, who sought the friendship of the League from other motives, whether he were the King of France, or the King of England, might as well understand from the beginning that he coulH not enter. These religious principles on which their League was founded, they had f-l^arly Hpfiriprl glrpaHy at Augsburg. Every applicant, therefore, was simply asked to read the platform there presented in the Confession and Apology ; and his future relation to the League must be decided by his willingness or unwilling- ness to subscribe what was there set forth. Nor must any oppor- tunity of winning over to the truth those who had come to them from what were probably other reasons than a regard to God's honor, be neglected. They would accept these ambassadors on their professions, however much they distrusted them, and devote on the part of the theologians, months of time and labor, and on the part of the Elector, the expense of the entertainment of royal commissioners in a style becoming their rank, even though he found it a heavy burden. After the adjournment of the S malcald League, the English ambassadors accordingly repaired to Wittenberg. The begin- ning of the conference there was delayed until the close of Jan- uary, partially because of the absence of Melanchthon on a tour of investigation and counsel concerning the Anabaptists. An- tonius Musa wrote from Jena on the day after Melanchthon's de- jparture for Wittenberg that "he is to discuss at Wittenberg the subject of 'Private Mass.' For the King of England has sent a bishop with several learned men to present their argument, and to endeavor to show that Private Mass ought to be retained. The King of England has become a Lutheran to this extent, viz., that since the Pope would not approve his divorce, he has forbidden all men in his realm at the peril of their lives to regard the Pope as Supreme Head of the church, but commanded them to regard The English Commission to Wittenberg. 69 himself instead. All other papistical affairs, monasteries, masses, indulgences, prayers for the dead, efc, they not only retain in England, but even obstinately defend. On this account, ambas- sadors have been sent to fortify and defend masses in a public disputation at Wittenberg." " Even after Melanchthon's return however, on January isth, there was a reluctance of the ambas- sadors to proceed to serious work. On January 21st, they as- sured Melanchthon that they were ready to begin the discussion " of each article of doctrine in order," '° yet it is not for weeks that they are disposed to treat on any other subject than the leg- itimacy of the king's divorce. "They are excessively fond of quibbling," Melanchthon writes. Luther's letters show how/ greatly he was annoyed by their course. First, he speaks play- fully of the great importance that must be attached to the opin- ion of himself and his associates, in that while eleven-uniyersitiesy have already given their decisions, it seems that all the world will be lost, "unless we poor beggars, the Wittenberg theologians, be^ heard. ' ' " He is determined, however, not to recede from his former opinion that the first marriage was legitimate, but "in other respects I will show myself not unfriendly towards them, in or- der that they may not think that we Germans are stonaor wood." Melanchthon testifies at first that " Luther lovingly embraces them, and is even delighted by their courtesy. ' ' But he becomes vexed that in three days they do not finish the entire matter,! stating that in four weeks he had completed much more impor- tant business than that which occupies them twelve years ; ™ and is indignant at the expense occasioned the elector by their enter- tainment. " Melanchthon grew weary of waiting for the discus- sion on matters of doctrine, and after two weeks at Wittenberg returns to Jena to continue his conflict with the Anabaptists. He "C.R. Ill: 12. 18 lb. p. z6. i»De Welte's, Luther's Bnefe, IV: 663, 668. MC. RIII: 26. « De Wette's Luther's Briefe, IV: 671. 70 The Lutheran Movement in England. wrote to his friends that nothing at all has been under consider- ation but the divorce. *^ Heath followed Melanchthon to Jena. The latter was much gratified by the visit; and on February loth, returned to Wittenberg. The whole plan of the English ambassadors was probably arranged for the purpose of gaining time, so as to receive instructions from England. They must have soon perceived that any attempt to have the Lutheran theo- logians justify the divorce was useless. We can scarcely conceive that they could have had in thought a bargain by which, if the divorce were endorsed by the Lutherans, every confessional re- quirement would then be at once met by the Anglicans, and the Augsburg Confession and Apology be received for the English Church. It would be a more charitable interpretation to re- gard the ambassadors as sympathizing more or less with the re- form in doctrine, and hoping to win over their sovereign to the faith which they recognize as truth, by obtaining from the Wit- .tenberg theologians a concession which would have been sure to 'have greatly gratified him. Had the divorce been endorsed, it '. iis probable that the English Church would have been pledged to ithe Augsburg Confession and the Apology ! ' However this may have been, the critical examination of the Augsburg Confession article by article, and the earnest discus- sion of the points of divergence began at length shortly after Melanchthon' s second return, and continued throughout the en- tire month of March. Strype is altogether in error, when he states : " The ambassadors returned home in January, excepting Tox, who, it seems, stayed behind, '"^as both Melanchthon's and Luther's letters of that period will at once show. Melanchthon again and again speaks of his discussions with them, and especially names H^ath ; and at the very close of the month (March 30th,) writes : Sic me Angli exercent, vix ut respirare liceat. ^* On the 28th, of that month, Luther sent to the Elector a translation of the articles on which they had been able to agree, " 22 lb. 2' Memorials, 1 : 367. ■^ C. R. Ill : 53. The English Commission to Wittenberg. 71 and stated that the English ambassadors before proceeding further, had referred the last four articles to the king, since if any serious modification of them were required, further confer- ence was useless. Two days later, Melanchthon wrote that " the contention between them had not been light, but, nevertheless, there was an agreement concerning most things." '^ Secken- dorf ^* gives more ample details : " They made an examination of all the articles of the Augsburg Confession, and the opinions I of Luther and his colleagues seem to have been given on all I things . . . There is extant a Repetition and Exegesis of the Augsburg Confession, elaborated by the Wittenbergers, and re- ceived and carried home by the Anglican legates. ... In ad- dition to the Repetition " of the Augsburg Confession, the Wit' tenberg theologians elaborated the most troublesome articles into i special dissertations." Among other stipulations upon which j they agreed was not only the denial of the power of the Pope by I divine law, but also the promise that neither side would under any consideration maintain any preeminence of the bishop of Rome over other bishops, as useful or expedient. "^ Although Fox affirmed that there had been an abrogation in England of godless pontifical abuses and especially of indulgences, Melanch- thon in one of the dissertations referred to, expressed his aston- ishment that in the English decree no reformation of the abuses , of the Mass was proposed. For on reading Henry's decree, the Wittenberg theologians saw at a glance that only the less impor- tant had been touched upon, while the chief abuses had all been retained. "^ Melanchthon writes on the margin the very signifi- cant Greek words ouden hygies, " nothing sound." 25 lb. p. 683. ''I p. III. sq. '*Ib. p. 112. " Of this " Repetitio," however, we can find no trace, the document or4i- narily known as the " Rep. Aug. Conf.," being the Saxon Confession of 1551. See Feuerlin, p. 250. Strype regards it confined to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. '^Seckendorf, III: 112. 72 The Lutheran Movement in England. . During these discussions, Henry's answer to the " Articles of 1535 " was received, and his legates communicated its purport, *■ stating among other things that harmony was unattainable, un- less "something first, in your Confession and Apology be modified by private conferences and friendly discussions between his and your learned men," and that his Majesty asks that "a man of ; eminent learning be sent to him, to confer diligently on the /articles of Christian doctrine, and changing, establishing and (ordaining other ceremonies in the Church." April 24th, the Protestant princes met at Frankfort, and early in the month, the English ambassadors made preparations for attendance there. Because of his distrust of the bishop of Here- ford, whom he evidently thinks well named Fox, the elector re- fuses a farewell audience." He- writes however, April 2 2d, '' that if the King would propagate in his kingdom " the pure doc- trine of the Christian religion according to the Confession and Apology," and adopt ceremonies in accordance with the pure doctrine of the Gospel, he would use every effort that the king should receive the title of " Defender of the Evangelical Faith." But that " if the King hesitated about admitting into his king- dom the pure doctrine of the Gospel according to the Confession and Apology" according to the articles recently drawn up at Witten- berg ; the Elector could not imagine what use it would be, either for the King or his allies to make a league or exchange ambassadors. In a letter to Henry of the same date, he assures him of his good will and begs him to undertake the thorough reformation of the English Church. Seckendorf states that the Elector en- deavored besides to have an embassy appointed to vLsit England, composed of George, Prince of Aiihalt, Melanchthon and Vice- chancellor Francis Burkhard. The Landgrave, proposed send- ing the theologians Biicer and Schnepf or Brentz,and the civil- ians. Count Solm and Jacob Sturm. There was some discus- 30 C. R. Ill: 49. ^'^ Seckendorf,\\\: III. 32 C. R. Ill : 62. 33 III: 113. The English Commission to Wittenberg. 73 sion among the princes as to the terms to be proposed by this embassy, but they were finally reduced, first to the acceptance of the Augsburg Confession, unless amended from the Word of God, and, secondly, its defence in the coming Council ; and, if the King did not approve of the articles, to treat concerning mutual assistance. But as most of the princes and cities were averse to any union with the King of England, the attempt was vain ; while new events in England suddenly made a very material change in the situation. CHAPTER V. PROGRESS OF THE WAR FOR THE FAITH IN ENGLAND. Conjectures as to the cause of Anne Boleyn's fall. Her sympathy -with the Reformation. Cranmer's Grief. Melanchthon's Indignation. Melanch- thon warned by Barnes not to visit England. Antagonistic Elements in the English Church. Tavemer's English Augsburg Confession and Apology. Convocation of Canterbury. Sensation caused by Latimer's Sermon. The Sides drawn. The Sixty-Seven Points. The Debates. Alexander Alesius, and his Speech. Foxe's Tribute to German Luth- eranism. It is not improbable that the fate of Anne Boleyn was sealed by Henry's failure to gain for his second marriage the endorse- ment of the Wittenberg faculty. We have already noted how closely connected she was with Cranmer; the months which he had spent in her father's house, and the effect of his visit. We have also seen that she was a diligent reader of Evangelical books, surreptitiously introduced from the Continent, as the dis- covery of lier copy of Tyndale's " Obedience of a Christian Man," and its influence upon Henry, prove. She had gener- ously maintained a number of scholars at the Universities ; and all of them, among whom was Heath, were during her life-time earnest champions of the Reformation. One of these scholars was especially active in circulating the works of Luther and Me- lanchthon. Strype gives a letter in which she intercedes for a merchant in trouble for circulating the New Testament : " Anne the queen, trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And whereas you be credibly enformed, that the bearer hereof, Ry- chard Herman, merchant and citizen of Antwerp, in Brabant was, in the time of the late Lord Cardinal, put and expelled from (74) Progress of the War for the Faith. 75 his freedom and fellowship of, and in the English House; there, for nothing else, as he affirmeth, but only for that, that he did both with his goods and policy, to his great hurt and hindrance in this world, help to the setting forth of the New Testament in English ; we therefore desire, and instantly pray you with all speed and favor convenient, ye woll cause this good and honest merchant, being my lord's true, faithful and loving subject, to be restored to his pristin freedom, liberty and fellowship aforesaid."' " The Romanists reckoned her (and that truly enough) a great instrument in putting the King forward to what he had done in reforming religion. Pole, in a letter to the King, written within two months after her death, takes leave to call her the King's domestic evil, which God, as he said, had rid him of ; and that she was thought to be the cause of all his evils. ' ' ' With such evidence, it is not difficult to see how Cranmer could say : "I never had better opinion in woman than I had in her. . . , Next unto your grace, I was most bound unto her of all creatures living. ... I loved her not a little for the love I judged her to bear towards God and his Gospel. ' ' ' Although her writings have no very high authority, it is, nevertheless, interesting to notice that Miss Benger in her " Memoirs of Anne Boleyn," also suggests the failure of the Wittenberg negotiations as one of the causes of the Queen's downfall. " Drs. Fox and Hethe were sent to Germany, on a mission to the Lutheran divines, with whom many conferences took place, of which the conclusion was little satisfactory to the pride or prejudices of Henry, since even Anne's popularity could not entice them to acknowledge the legality of his divorce, and neither arguments nor promises atoned for his rejection of the Confession of Augsburg. It is, however, more than probable, these difficulties might have been obviated in a subsequent nego- tiation, but for the influence of Gardiner, who was, at the same ' Memorials of Reformation, 1 : 446. » lb. p. 456- 'Jenkyn's Cranmer, I: 164 76 The Lutheran Movement in England. time, employed on an embassy to France, which afforded him facilities for counteracting the united efforts of Hethe and Me- lanchthon, and rendering the whole plan abortive. The un- prosperous issue of the negotiation, was a severe disappointment to Anne."* The death of Queen Catherine, January 6th, 1536, had intro- duced a new situation. As his marriage to Anne Boleyn was regarded illegal, not only by the Pope, but also by the Luther- ans, the opportunity was now offered, if he could in some way rid himself of her, to contract a matrimonial alliance which would be undisputed by all. Both Pope and Emperor might thus be reconciled, and an unquestioned succession be still ob- tained. Besides, the King's dignity had been offended by a just reproof from his queen ; and his superstitions had been quick- ened, as in the former marriage, by the birth of only princesses. These various motives combined to induce him to find some ground, if possible, for a capital charge. The Queen, who, un- conscious of the processes already begun against her, had sat by his side at the tournament at Greenwich, May ist, dies eighteen days later on the scaffold. It was a severe blow to Cranmer. " Do you know what is to happen to-day?'' the Primate asked Melanchthon's pupil, Alexander Alesius, who was tarrying with him. " No," said Alesius ; " since the Queen's imprisonment, I have not left my room. " " She who has been the Queen of England on earth," said Cranmer, his eyes raised to heaven, and his face wet with tears, " will this day be a Queen in heaven." The Wittenberg theologians, notwithstanding their position con- cerning the divorce, were so greatly shocked that they felt for the time as though all further negotiations with Henry must end. Melanchthon writes to Camerarius, June 9th : " I am altogether freed from anxiety about a journey to England. Since such tragic calamities have occurred there, a great change of plans has followed. The late Queen, accused rather than convicted of adultery, has suffered the extreme penalty. How astonishing the *Jeiikyns Cranmer, pp. 286 sq> Progress of the War for ih.e Faith. 77 t;harges, how they declare to all men God's wrath, into what calamities at this time do even the most powerful fall from the highest eminence ! When I think of these things, I maintain that all our troubles and dangers should be borne with the greater patience. " ' And in a letter to Agricola : " How hor- ribly does this calamity disgrace the king ! Such is the evil which the divorce has brought him ! " ° To Justus Jonas also he writes that Dr. Barnes has written to him not to undertake the voyage to Britain.' On the same day on which Melanchthon wrote these' letters, the Convocation met in England, at which the first Confession of the English Church was framed. This is a matter of such im- portance, that it will aid us to glance first at the course of ecclesiastical affairs in England, since the Act of Supremacy. Every record of those days bears the marks of confusion. " The Old" and " the New Learning," both had their warm adherents. There were those urgent for a thorough reform of religion, prom- inent among whom were both Cranmer and Crumwell. There were others to whom it seemed as though even the Wittenberg Reformers had not proceeded far enough. Without any fixed formulary by which to guide them, they passed by various grada- tions to Zwinglianism and even Anabaptism, although numbering among their adherents no names of influence. The zeal of Lati- mer, however, even then seems to be beginning to carry him be- yond the moderation of the Lutheran Reformation. Emissaries of the Pope were at hand, ready to excite the people against any innovations which might be proposed. Still others vigorously defended the Supremacy of the King, and assailed the Pope, while opposing to the very death any change of doctrine. Their ideal of the English Church was simply the Mediaeval Church minus the Pope. Their zeal for Roman orthodoxy was made a sufficient answer to the reproach of disloyalty from the successor of Corpus Reformatorum III : 89 sq. •lb. ' lb. p. 90 sq. 78 The Lutheran Movement in England. St. Peter. The Evangelical element liad favored the divorce sim- ply because in it they found an irreparable breach with the Papacy. These various elements had necessarily to come into conflict. Martyrs had fallen, like Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher, because they were faithful to the Pope ; and John Fryth, soon to be followed by Francis Lambert, because of ultra- Protestantism. BISHOP GARDINER. As in all periods of confusion, there were leaders that succes- sively rose and fell, now gained their point, and then had to submit to defeat ; and, as their fortunes had vicissitudes, so also the policy of the government veered now to the one side, and then to the other. The negotiations and deliberations that are now to occur cannot be appreciated without some estimate of the character and influence of Stephen Gardiner. Three young men had grown up together and been trained for their future work in the household of Cardinal Wolsey, viz., Thomas More, Thomas Crumwell and Stephen Gardiner. The last had proved an apt pupil of his great master, and become a veritable second Wolsey, only of greater acuteness and more obstinate will. The Cardinal was proud to call hira " mei dimidium,''' " half of my very self. ' ' Henry though distrusting him soon learned to use him. The young secretary was busy plotting with foreign cardinals for Wolsey's elevation to the Papacy, and at the same time carrying on a correspondence for the king on other matters, which was carefully concealed from the Cardinal's knowledge. With Fox, he had been active in effecting the divorce; with Fox, he had plead Henry's cause before the Pope in 1528; with Fox, he had brought Cranmer to the front, in order by his learning to support the king ; with Fox, he had shared in the honors of the victory of Cambridge. But he never forgave Cranmer for having been preferred to him as Archbishop of Can- terbury. As Bishop of Winchester, as Secretary of State, as Am- bassador to France, as Lord Chancellor, he henceforth had but one purpose, and that was to prevent any change within the Eng- lish Church beyond what had already been effected by the transfer Progress of the War Jor the Faith. 79 of the Supreme Headship to the King. " He deemed the work of reformation complete," says Archdeacon Hardwick, "when the encroachments of the foreign pontiff had beensuccessfully re- sisted.'" No life was so precious but that it must be sacrificed rather than be allowed to influence any inner change. Shakespeare did not err when he put into his mouth the words : " It- will ne'er be well, Till Cranmer, Crumwell, her two hands and she ' Sleep in their graves." "He was vindictive, ruthless, treacherous," says Froude, "of clear eye, and hard heart."'" Such a discriminating jurist as Lord Campbell in his " Lives of the Lord Chancellors,"" char- acterizes him thus : " Of original genius, of powerful intellect, of independent mind, at the same time, unfortunately, of narrow prejudices." " He was always a determined enemy of the gen- eral Lutheran doctrines ; but for a while he made his creed so far coincide with his interests, as to believe that the Anglican Church, rigidly maintaining all its ancient doctrines, might be severed from the spiritual dominion of the Pope." It was only "for a while;" as on the accession of Mary, he had no difficulty whatever in utterly ignoring all that he had written concerning Henry's true suppremacy, and in not only returning to servile obedience to the Pope, but also in wielding his power as " a man of many wiles," to suppress all other authority. A true Papist at heart through the whole period, and the type of a large class who still boast of the independence of the English Church, and pride themselves in having nothing in common with Pro- testantism ! To such persons, the Lutheran Reformation is still a great offence, and all traces of connection with it must be thoroughly eradicated ! Gardiner had not been inactive while Fox and his associates ' Hardwick " On the Articles" p. 48. ' Anne Boleyn. ^^ History of England,'^!: yio. "II: p. 61, 63. 8o The Lutheran Movement in England. were conferring with the theologians at Wittenberg, but from France, where he was watching the course of Francis, and where he had heard of the proposition of a union on the basis of the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, " unless some things be changed by common consent," he urges Henry, not to entertain such proposition, as " the granting of this article would bind the King to the sense of the Church of Germany, and this would be under an obligation, not to make use of the permissions of revelation.'"^ The great significance of Gardiner, however, becomes promi- nent in the series of deliberations we are about considering. THE ENGLISH AUGSBURG CONFESSION. Cranmer and Crumwell knew well the character of the conflict before them, and made preparations accordingly. We have no record of the precise circumstances which determined the publi- cation in 1536, of Taverner's translation of the Augsburg Con- fession and Apology, recently brought to the attention of the Church by the scholarly researches of the late Dr. B. M. Sch- mucker. But when in addition to the constant references to these confessions in the negotiations between the English and the German theologians, and the peremptory ultimatum of the Elector on the withdrawal of the English ambassadors, that only on such basis could any agreement in the future be hoped for, we read the speech of Bishop Fox, in the convention hereafter to be no- ticed, in which he glows with enthusiasm over what the German theologians are doing, and trace the influence of especially the Apology on the English Ten Articles of 1536, there seems little doubt. that it appeared prior to the Convocation. Its publication afterwards would not have been opportune, nor likely to have met the approval of the government, in view of the many Ro- mish errors still endorsed with emphasis in the same Janus-faced "Articles, " which nevertheless the Apology most severely arraigns and refutes. But, that it was not only for the deliberations of theologians and princes, that this book was published, its very '^ Collier's Ecc. History of Great Britain, II : 323, Progress of the War for the Faith. 8i preface shows. Richard Taverner, who even as a youth at Ox- ford, had been persecuted for his sympathy with evangelical doc- trine, had in view a still greater range of influence, and hoped by the use of the name of Crumwell to enlist the interest of a wide circle of English readers. " To the end," he says, "that the people, for whose sakes this book was commanded to be translated, may the more greedily devour the same," etc. As this transla- tion of the Augsburg Confession has so recently been reprinted and republished (Philadelphia, 1888), further comment upon it here is needless. THE CONVOCATION AT CANTERBURY. We come now to the formulation of the first Confession of the English Church, in the Southern Convocation which began its sessions in St. Paul's, London, June 9th, 1536." On that day, Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, by the appointment of Cranmer preached the opening sermon. Latimer, as a youth at Cambridge, had distinguished himself by his zeal against Luth- eranism, and had taken as the theme for his inaugural discourse, when in i524he received the degree of B. D., an "Examination of the Theological Opinions of Melanchthon," in which the Prae- ceptor Germaniae was severely criticised. Recognized on this occasion by Bilney as a frank, able and earnest novice, whose chief error was his ignorance of the subject which he handled ; a private interview soon put him on the track, which brought him to the lasting esteem of Protestantism, as an eccentric, but godly, fearless, and eloquent champion of the faith which he once assailed. Latimer did nothing by halves. His opening sermon, which seems to have continued through two sessions, was a most scathing denunciation of the great body of his au- dience for their indifference to a thorough purging of the Church of England, from Pontifical abuses, and while admirable as exhibit- ing the progress which the great preacher had made, was not calcu- lated to prepare the minds of his hearers for a calm and \va^zx- ^^ History of England, III: 57. 7 82 The Lutheran Movement in England. tial consideration of the great questions before them. " The mass," says Froude, " had been sung. The roll of the organ had died away. It was the time for the sermon, and Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, rose into the pulpit. Nine-tenths of all those eyes which were then fixed on him, would have glis- tened with delight, could they have looked instead upon his burning." His text was "The Unjust Steward." A few of his sentences which fully justify Ranke's remark, that " Latimer opened the war in a fierce sermon," may serve as a sample: "What have ye done these seven years or more? What one thing that the people of England hath been the better of an hair? Ye have oft sat in consultation, but what one thing is put forth, whereby Christ is more glorified or else Christ made more holy ? Then, after enumerating abuses : " Lift up your heads, brethren ; and see what things are to be reformed in the Church of Eng- land. Is it so hard for you to see the many abuses in the clergy, the many in the laity ; abuses in the court of arches, abuses in the consistorial courts of bishops ; in holidays , in images and pictures, and relics, and pilgrimages; in religious rites, in masses, etc." " The sermon," continues Froude,'* "has reached us, but the audience, — the five hundred fierce, vindictive men, who suffered under the preachers' irony — what they thought of it ; with what feelings on that summer day the heated crowd scattered out of the cathedral, dispersing to their dinners among the taverns in Fleet Street and Cheapside, all this is gone, gone without a sound. . . . Not often perhaps has an assembly collected where there was such heat of passion, such malignity of hatred." Crumwell took the precaution of himself presiding over the House of Bishops, as vicegerent of the King. Though two Arch- bishops were present, they were obliged to yield to a layman ; and when his duties in parliament required his absence, he sent another layman. Dr. William Peter, to temporarily fill his place. '* Demaus' Latimer, pp. 224-8. ^ History, \\\: 61. Progress of the War for the Faith. 83 The two sides were clearly drawn. There seems to be no differ- ence in the classification that has been made : Protestants, For the Reformation: Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury ; Thomas Goodrich, Bishop of Ely ; Nicholas Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum ; Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester ; Edward Fox, Bishop of Hereford ; John Hilssey, Bishop of Rochester ; William Barlow, Bishop of St. David's. HiERARCHiSTS, Against THE REFORMATION : Edward Lee, Archbishop of York ; John Stokesley, Bishop of London ; Cuth- bert Tunstall, Bishop of Durhaiii ; Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester ; Robert Sherborne, Bishop of Chichester ; Richard Nyx, Bishop of Norwich ; John Kite, Bishop of Carlisle. THE sixty-seven POINTS. While the Upper House, of the Convocation was thus about equally divided, in the Lower House, the hierarchists were largely in the majority. On June 23d, the Lower House accord- ingly sends the bishops a catalogue of erroneous doctrines, which were publicly preached in the realm, and ironically declares, that they are "worthy special reformation." They comprise sixty-seven items, which are compared by old Thomas Fuller^' to "Jeremy's basket of figs; those that are good, exceeding good, those that are bad, exceeding bad, Jer. 24 : 3. " It is a strange mixture of truly evangelical statements, with exaggerations and fanatical extravagances, of which some are perversions that are clearly traceable, and others can be explained by the well-known law concerning the relation between extremes. Wherever taught they were the penalty necessarily to be expected where the at- tempt is made to suppress the true conservatism of evangelical teaching. We have found many of the specifications presenting statements either directly given in the Augsburg Confession and Apology, or else such as have been twisted by sinister interpre- tation. The first charge that the sacrament of the altar is not to be es- teemed, is only a perversion of what those confessions teach " Church History of Britain, II : 74. 84 The Lutheran Movement in England. concerning the Romish Mass. The second concerning Extreme Unction correctly states what is taught in the Apology. The third, that priests have no more authority than laity to adminis- ter the Lord's Supper is a perversion of what may be found in the Apology, Article XXII. The fourth, concerning Confirma- tion is probably suggested by the Apology's treatment of the subject. The sixth, concerning Anti-Christ and the withholding of the cup is correct (Apology, pp. 280, 244). The seventh is the substance of Art. XXIV in both Confession and Apology. The eighth is especially interesting in its connection. "It is preached and taught that the church which is commonly taken for the church is the old synagogue." Now compare the Apology, page 164: 14: "What dif- erence will there be between the people of the Law and the Church, if the Church be an outward polity ?' ' The paragraph continues : " And that the church is the congregation of good men only." With this, compare the Augsburg Confession in Taverner's translation: "The church is a congregation of holy persons." The ninth item, concerning the Litany, is only a misrepresentation of what is taught in Art. XXI concerning the Invocation of Saints. The tenth, " that man hath no free will " at once suggests Article XVIII. The eleventh seems at first sight to be an Anabaptistic or Lollard extravagance : " That God never gave grace nor knowledge of Holy Scripture to any great estate or rich man ;" yet it is easily explained by what the confessions, in treating of the Freedom of the Will, declare con- cerning the impotence of those in the highest station, especially the learned of this world without the illuminating work of the Holy Spirit, to attain a knowledge of divine things ; the standard of these critics, with respect to eminent position, being that of wealth, instead of learning. In the twelfth, "that all religions and professions are clean contrary to Christ's religion " we find a distortion and misapplication of Art. XXVII " On Monastic Vows." The history of the controversies concerning the Luth- eran confessions in this country will supply many examples of Progress of the War for the Faith. 85 perversions and misinterpretations no less forced and absurd. Were it necessary we might in the same way continue the exami- nation of the entire list, and though we could not trace all, yet we could find the majority either incorrectly stating or misinter- preting what is taught in the Confession and Apology. This catalogue of alleged errors begins with the sacraments, and first devotes to them seven paragraphs, that had doubtless been the first, and we may even say, the main, subjects of heated and pro- longed debate in the Upper House ; and nearly two weeks of the session had passed before this paper from the Lower House ap- pears. DEBATES AMONG THE BISHOPS. " O ! what tugging was there betwixt those opposite sides," " writes one in the next century. Three speeches on the Protes- tant side are especially noticeable. One is that of Cranmer, in which he urges the consideration of " the weighty controver- sies," which he defines as not concerned about " ceremonies or light things," but such questions as the following : " The differ- ence between the Law and the Gospel, how to receive the for- giveness of sins, the manner to comfort doubtful and wavering consciences, .the true use of the sacraments, justification by faith, and not by any ex opere operato virtue of the sacraments, what are truly good works, whether human traditions be binding, whether confirmation, ordination, etc., should be called sacra- ments." '^ If he had intended to urge the adoption of the Apology how could he have introduced the subject better, or have presented with more correctness an outline of the scope of its matchless discussions? Another speech was that of a Lutheran scholar, whom Me- linchthon had sent from Wittenberg to Crumwell in August, 1535, as the bearer of the presentation copy of his Loci to the king, with the endorsement that " he was a man of such learn- ing, honor and energy that he could carry no recommendation "lb. p. 75. ** See extract in Hardwick^s Articles, pp. 52 sq. 86 The Lutheran Movement in England. higher than his own virtue." Alexander Alesius (Allan), bom in Edinburgh, and Canon of St. Andrew's had left his country because of his faith in 1532, studied at Wittenberg, was the con- fidential friend of Melanchthon, and after 1540 until his death in 1565, Professor in the University of Leipzig. Crumwell in- troduced him before the bishops to argue the question of the number of the sacraments, which he did with great vigor and learning, but his presence provoked the bishops, so that Cran- mer, on the ground that his life was imperilled, prevailed on him . not to return the day after he had begun his argument. Alesius himself narrates the occurrence in a document, part of which is published in Ellis' Original Records. " The date 1537 there given, has led some to infer that he narrates the circum- stances of another conference ; but the error is, as most writers maintain, most probably in the year stated. His argument began : " Right honorable and noble lord, and you most reverend fathers and prelates of the church, although I come unprepared unto this disputation, yet trusting in the aid of Christ, which promiseth to give mouth and wisdom unto us, when we be re- quired of our faith, I will utter my sentence and judgment of this disputation. And I think that my lord archbishop hath given you a profitable exhortation that ye should first agree of the sig- nification of a sacrament : Whether ye will call a sacrament a ceremony institute of Christ in the Gospel to signify a special or a singular virtue of the Gospel, or whether ye mean that every ceremony generally which may be a token or signification of an holy thing, to be a sacrament. For after the latter signification I will not stick to grant that there be seven sacraments and more too, if ye will. ' ' ™ When Alesius was proceeding to prove this "not only from Scripture, but by the old doctors and by the school writers also," Bishop Fox interrupted him : "Brother Alexander, contend not much about the mind and sayings of the doctors and school writers, for ye know that they in many "Vol. Ill: 196 sqq. ^^ Compare with this argument, Apology, p. 2 1 5. Progress of the War for the Faiih. 87 places do differ among themselves, and that they are contrary to themselves in almost every article. And there is no hope of any concord if we must lean to their judgment in matters of contro- versy." The speech of Fox, Bishop of Hereford, who only three months before had been conferring with Luther and Melanch- thon at Wittenberg, shows how he had been influenced by what he had seen and heard : " Think not that we can by any sophistical subtleties steal out of the world again the light which every one doth see. Christ hath so lightened the world at this time that the light of the Gospel hath put to flight all misty darkness, and it will shortly have the higher hand of all clouds, though we resist in vain never so much. The lay people do know the Holy Scripture better than many of us. And the Germans have made the text of the Bible so plain and easy by the Hebrew and the Greek tongue that now many things may be better understood without any glosses at all than by all the commentaries of the Doctors. And moreover they have so opened their controversies by their writings that women and children may wonder at the blindness and falsehood that hath been hitherto. There is nothing so feeble and weak, so that it be true, but it shall find place and be able to stand against all falsehood. Truth is the daughter of time, and time is the mother of truth : and whatsoever is besieged of truth cannot long continue ; and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not to be thought transitory as that it will ever fall. All things con- sist not in painted eloquence and strength of authority ; for the truth is of so great power that it could neither be resisted with words, nor be overcome with any strength, but after she hath hidden herself long, at last she putteth up her head and ap- peareth." It is also worthy of note that Alesius in the account above re- ferred to, reports also: "The right noble Lord Crumwell did defend the pure doctrine of the Gospel hard." CHAPTER VI. THE TEN ARTICLES OF 1536. Thomas Fuller's Comparison. Archbishop Laurence's Discovery. The Articles of Melanchthonian Origin. The Evidence in Parallel Columns. Romish Leaven. Explanation of Inconsistencies. Estimates of Foxe (1559), Fuller (1662), Strype (1694), Laurence (1804), Lingard (1819), Tracts for the Times (1836), Lathbury (1842), Hardwick (1852}, Ranke (1859), Blunt (1868), Schaff (1877), Geikie (1879), Perry (1879), Jen- nings ^1882), Franklin (1886). Canon Dixon's criticism examined. The result of the Convocation of 1536 was the subscription and publication of the iirst English Confession : " Articles de- vised by the Kinges Highest Majestic to stablyshe Christen Quietnes and Unitie amonge us, and to avoyde contentious opinions.'" It is certainly a strange medley, combining the evangelical and Romish doctrines in such strange, proportions and with such startling contradictions, as to vividly recall the Roman poet's figure : " If a painter would put a horse's neck to a human head, and attach feathers to the members," etc. Thomas Fuller, writing a little more than a hundred years after- wards says :^ "As when two stout and sturdy travelers meet to- gether and both desire the way, yet neither are willing to fight for it in their passage, they so shove and shoulder one another, that dividing the way betwixt them both, yet neither get the same ; so those two opposite parties were fain at last in a drawn battle to part the prize between them, neither of them being ^ They may be found in the Appendix to Burnefs History ; in Hardwick^ s Articles; m. Strype' s Memorials ; in Fuller's Church Historv ; and in Col- lier's Church History. ' Church History, II : 75. (88) The Ten Articles of J536. 89 conquering or conquered ; but a medley-religion as an expedient being made up betwixt them both, to salve the credits of both." We defer making an estimate of this unique document, until we have first examined its contents. The Melanchthonian origin of much that it contains was asserted by Archbishop Laurence in 1804, because of several sentences which he believed had been from Melanchthon's Loci. Every writer has peculiar phrases, and every teacher fixed def.nltions which are necessarily repeated in various connections. We propose to show that the Apology formed the ground-work for the articles. The Augsburg Con- fession was also used ; as well as certain Articles ' which in Feb- ruary, 1536, Melanchthon prepared against the Anabaptists. One of the papers which Melanchthon himself wrote during the March conferences, (possibly the Repetitio of 1536, which the commission carried with them to England) may have embodied all these elements ; or one of the evangelical English theologians as Bishop Fox, may have prepared a document thoroughly Luth- eran in its character. This was then amended, and interpolated by Romanizing qualifications, and supplemented by Romanizing articles, possibly by the King's own hand, possibly by that of hier^ archical theologians who were scarcely their monarch's equal, or possibly by Cranmer's policy of surrendering much to gain what he regarded more for the cause which he represented, until it is no wonder that its relation to the Apology has not been suspected by English writers. We submit the evidence that has con- vinced us. The " Ten Articles " are divided into two sections, the first treating of doctrines, and the second of ceremonies. The First Article, on " The principal articles concerning our faith " de- fines the relation of the English Church to the three oecumenical creeds, and is possibly in the main from the pen of Melanchthon, although we have not been able to trace it more definitely. It greatly resembles the Introduction to the First Part of the Cis»- fessio Saxonica of 155 1, and both may have a common origin. * Corpus Reformatorum III : 29 sqq. 90 The Lutheran Movement in England. The next three articles treat of the Sacraments, as this was the first subject of discussion in the Convocation. The very fact that the number of sacraments is here determined as three, first led us to suspect the fact that the Apology was used in its prep- aration, it being well-known that this is the number fixed in the Apology. The Sacrament of Baptism is treated at considerable length, principally in order to prove the validity of Infant Bap- tism. That one-seventh of the space devoted to doctrine should be occupied with the recapitulation of arguments on asubject con- cerning which there was no difference between the two sides, and no false charge made in the list of sixty-seven points, em- bracing as one would think, every conceivable item of misrepre- sentation, will scarcely admit of any other explanation, than that of the controversies with Anabaptists in Germany, with which Melanchthon was occupied during the presence of the English embassy in Wittenberg. Although Hardwick says of the Ana- baptists : * " Traces of them occur in England as early as 1536," yet they could not have had such importance as to have de- manded such conspicuous treatment at this time. Here we find Melanchthon's " Adversus Anabaptistas " used. ADV. ANABAPTISTAS.* " Outside of the Christian Church, there is no salvation ; therefore chil- dren must be incorporated into the Christian Church. But if children are to be members of the Christian Church, they must be cleansed by the Holy Ghost and baptism. Therefore Christ says : " No man can enter the Kingdom of Heaven except he be bom again of water and the Holy Ghost.' " " It is certain that the grace of Christ, remission of sins and salva- tion, promised in the gospel, belong also to children." * History of Reformation, p. 197. ' C orpus Heformatorum 3 : 33 sq. TEN ARTICLES. " The sacrament of baptism viras instituted and ordained in the New Testament by our Saviour Jesus Christ, as a thing necessary for the attainment of everlasting life accord- ing to the saying of Christ : ' No man can enter the Kingdom of Hea- ven except he be bom of wat-^r and the Holy Ghost. " " It is offered unto all men, as well as infants as such as have the use of reason, that by baptism they shall have remission of sins, and the grace and favor of God." The Ten Articles of jjjS. 91 The traces of the Apology become then more apparent. APOLOGY (173: 51.) Latin : " The promise of salvation pertaineth also to little children." German : " The promises of grace and of the Holy Ghost belong not alone to the old, but to children." Next the Augsburg Confession is called into service, AUGSBURG CONFESSION (ART. II.) [Original Sin] " is truly sin, con- demning and bringing eternal death now also upon all that are not bom again by baptism and the Holy Spirit." TEN ARTICLES. " The promise of grace and of ever- lasting life pertaineth not only unto such as have the use of reason, but also to infants, innocents and chil- dren." TEN ARTICLES. " Infants must needs be christened because they be bom in original sin, which sin must needs be remitted; which cannot be done but by the sac- rament of baptism, whereby they re- ceive the Holy Ghost." Passing to Article III, "The Sacrament of Penance," which with certain qualifications the Apology allows as a sacrament, although with a different conception of Poenitentia, which is no longer Penance, but Repentance, the resemblance is, if anything, more striking. AUGSBURG CONF., (art. XII : I.) " Such as have fallen after baptism may find remission of sins at what time they are converted." " The sacrament of perfect pen- ance which Christ requireth, consisteth of three parts, that is to say, contri- tion, confession and amendment of the former life, and a new obedient reconciliation unto the laws and will of God, which be called in Scripture, the worthy fruits of penance." APOLOGY, (i8l : 28.) " We have ascribed to repentance these two parts viz.. Contrition and faith. If any one desire to add a third, viz., fruits worthy of repentance, i. e., a change of the entire life and character for the better, we will not make any opposition." [Cf Melanchthon's Examen Or- dinandorum (1556) : " How many parts of repentance are there ? There are three : Contrition, Faith and Obe- dience.]* The hand of the Romanizing emendator is apparent in the above substitution of " Confession " for "Faith." As a com- * Although the Examen is twenty years later, we cite it to show that the formula is Melanchtbonian. TEN ARTICLES. " Such men which after baptism fall again into sin . . - whensoever they convert themselves . . . shall without doubt attain remission of sins." 92 The Lutheran Movement in England. promise, he introduces " Faith " as an element of " Contrition." The " Contrition " of the Ten Articles, therefore, is the "Re- pentance " of the Confession and Apology. AUGSBURG CONF., (XII: 3-5.) " Repentance consisteth properly of these two parts : One is contrition, or terrors stricken into the conscience through the acknowledgment of sin ; the other is faith, which is conceived by the gospel, or absolution, and doth believe that for Christ's sake sins be forgiven." APOLOGY, (181 : 29.) " Contrition is the true terror of conscience which feels that God is angry with sin." " And this contrition occurs when sins are censured from the Word of God. . . When this is taught, it is the doctrine of the Law." APOLOGY, (183 : 42.) " This faith is nourished through the declarations of the gospel, and the use of the sacraments ; for these are the signs of the New Testament." APOLOGY, (196 : 2.) " We also retain confession, espe- cially on account of the absolution, which is the Word of God, that, by divine authority, the Power of the Keys proclaims concerning individ- uals " 183 : 39 : " The Power of the Keys administers and presents the gospel through absolution." TEN ARTICLES. " Contrition consisteth in two spe- cial parts, which must always be con- joined together, and cannot be disse- vered ; that is to say, the penitent and contrite man must first acknowledge the filthiness and abomination of his own sin . . .; the second part, that is to wit, a certain faith, trust and con- fidence of the mercy and goodness of God, whereby the penitent must con- ceive certain fiope and faith that God will forgive him his sins and repute him justified, and of the number of elect, not for the worthiness of any merit or work done by the penitent, but for the only merits of the blood and passion of our Saviour Jesus „ Christ," " Feeling and perceiving in his conscience that God is angry with him for the same." " Unto which knowledge he is brought by hearing and considering of the Will of God declared in His laws." TEN ARTICLES. " This certain faith is gotten and also confirmed and made more strong by the applying of Christ's words and promises of His grace and favor, con- tained in His gospel, and the sacra- ments instituted by Him in the New Testament." " To attain this certain faith, the second part of penance is necessary, i. e., confession to a priest." [Here again in "priest," the hand of the emendator is seen.] " For the abso- lution given by the priest was instituted of Christ to apply the promises of God's grace and favor to the penitent." The Ten Articles of 1336. 93 AUGSBURG CONF., (XXV : 3.) " Men are taught that they should not lightly regard absolution, inas- much as it is God's voice, and pro- nounced by God's command." APOLOGY, (183 : 40.) " The voice of the one absolving must be believed not otherwise than we would believe a voice from hea- ven." Cf. Aug. Conf. XXV. 4 : " God requires faith, that we believe that absolution is a voice sounding from heaven." There is a very skillful combination of two arguments which by- changing the emphasis, and removing the passages from their connection, somewhat changes the meaning of our Lutheran Confessions : " They ought to believe that the words of absolution pronounced by the priest be spoken by authority given to him by Christ in his gospel." " That they ought and must give no less faith and credence to the same words of absolution . . . than unto the very words of God Hftnself if he should speak unto us out of heaven." APOLOGY, (204 : 43.) " Besides the death of Christ is a satisfaction not only for guilt, but also for eternal death." (212: 77.) " We have already frequently testi- fied, that repentance ought to produce good fruits, and what good fruits are the ten commandments teach, viz., prayer, thanksgiving, the confession of the gospel ... to give to the needy," etc. The argument of the Apology concerning the rewards granted the obedience of believers, not as rewards of merit, but as the promised free gifts of God's love, is also dexterously turned, to a Romish interpretation. TEN ARTICLES. ■' Although Christ and his death be the sufficient oblation, sacrifice, satis- faction and recompence, for which God the Father forgiveth and remit- teth to all sinners not only their sin, but also eternal pain due for the same ; yet all men truly penitent, con- trite and confessed, muat needs also bring forth the fruits of penitence, that is to' say, prayer, fastings, alms, deeds," etc. APOLOGY, (133: 147.) " Even we concede that the pun- ishments by which we be chastised, are mitigated by our prayers and good works, and finally by our entire re- pentance, 1 Cor. II : 31, Jer. 15 : 19, Zech. I : 3." Article rv. " Of the Sacrament of the Altar," is very Me- lanchthonian in its style, but seems at first sight to vary TEN ARTICLES. " By penance, and such good works of the same, we shall not only obtain everlasting life, but also we shall de- serve remission or mitigation of these present pains and afHictions in this world, I Cor. 11 : 31, Zech. 1 : 3. 94 The Lutheran Movement in England. from the Lutheran doctrine by maintaining that, " under the form and figure of bread and wine the very selfsame body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ is verily, substantially, and really contained and comprehended." Thus stated, it may be regarded as teaching- impanation. Yet the deviation from the phraseology which Melanchthon was in the habit of using at that time, before it was liable to be misinterpreted, is compari- tively slight. Thus the Schwabach Articles of Luther and Me- lanchthon, and their associates, of October ioth-i5th, 1529, forming the groundwork of the first part of the Augsburg Con- fession read (Art. X) : " There is truly present in the bread and wine the body and blood of Christ."' Melanchthon's opinion concerning the Sacramentarians of August ist, 1530, reads: " We teach that Christ's body is truly and really present with the bread, or in the bread," although with the limitation : "We reject the opinion of those who say that the body is contained in the bread like wine in a goblet. " "We deny that the body is locally present in the bread."' The "contained and compre- hended ' ' are possibly an interpolation and the article in its original form, is possibly also from Melanchthon. It does not teach transubstantiation as some have inferred. In Article V, " Of Justification," Archbishop Laurence found the sentence by which he connected the Articles with Melanch- thon's Loci. melanchthon's loci " Justification signifieth remission of sins and the reconciliation or ac- ceptation of a person unto eternal life." (C. R. xxi; 412.) APOLOGY, (IO9: 37.) " Since justification is reconciliation for Christ's sake, we are justified by faith, because it is very certain that by faith alone the remission of sins is received." Id. 114: 61: "We are justified before God by faith alone, because by faith alone we receive re- mission of sins and reconciliation." * Book of Concord, (Jacobs), II : 72. ' lb. p. 242, sq. TEN ARTICLES. " Justification signifieth remission of sins, and our acceptation or recon- ciliation into the grace and favor of God." The Ten Articles of 1336. 95 Even the passage in the Apology which seems to confound Justification with Renovation, and which finds its explanation in the fact that like the terms Regeneration, Sacrament, etc., the Protestant definition had not as yet attained its fixed form as determined in the Formula of Concord, is here employed : APOLOGY, (96 : 78.) " The making of a righteous man out of an unrighteovis." The correspondence in the definition of good works is espe- cially marked : TEN ARTICLES. " Our peifect renovation in Christ.' APOLOGY, (85 : 8.) " The Decalogue requires not only outward civil works, but also other things placed far above reason, viz., to truly fear God, to truly love God, to truly call upon God, to be truly convinced, that God hears." TEN ARTICLES. " God necessarily requireth of us to do good works commanded by Him ; and that, not only outward and civil works, but also the inward spiritual motions and graces of the Holy Ghost ; that is to say, to dread and fear God, tci love God, to have firm confidence and trust in God, to invo- cate and call upon God." These citations could be readily multiplied j but what have been given are sufficient to establish the fact that the evangelical statements of the articles were taken not only largely from the Apol- ogy, but also from the Augsburg Confession, and other writings of Melanchthon. " It has been denied," says Ca non Di xon in his recent " History of the Church of England," * "that there was -any Lutheranism in the First English Confession, and certainly it must not be forgotten that this time the doctrines of Germany were heresy in England. But with all that is known of Henry's negotiations with German princes, it seems impossible to explain away the plain evidence which Laurence has brought to prove that the reformed doctrine infused into the Confession came from Germany." And yet Archbishop Laurence's inference was based upon the evidence of but one or two sentences ! Mr. Froude's plea for Henry VIII, on the supposition that the deep theological reasoning, employed in the book, (which without sufficient evidence he thinks prepared by the King's own hand) 8 Vol. I: p. 418. 96 The Lutheran Movement in England. is a complete refutation of the generally received opinion of his guilt in the execution of one wife, and the marriage of another only three weeks before/ of course falls to the ground, when the parts of the Articles worthy of especial admiration are found to be the rich fruit of Melanchthon's labors. So far as the articles vary from the Apology, and the other Melanchthonian docu- ments, they certainly do not exhibit any distinguished merit. Ranke approaches very closely the true solution of the origin of the Ten Articles when he says that the first five have their origin " in the Augsburg Confession or in commentaries on it." '" THE ROMISH LEAVEN. While the main treatment in "The Ten Articles" has been shown to be from Melanchthon, yet a little Romish leaven, leavens the whole lump. Much that is conceded to the Luth- eran position is neutralized by other statements to which no evangelical Christian could knowingly subscribe. Scripture is to be received ' ' only as the holy approved doctors of the Church do entreat and defend the same. " Repentance is still "doing penance. ' ' Faith can be attained in no other way than through Confession and Absolution. The relation of faith to justifica- tion is altogether misinterpreted. It is placed in the same cate- gory with prayers, fastings, works of charity, as co-ordinate means of apprehending the merits of Christ. While the very language of the Apology is so freely appropriated, the main point of the most elaborate chapter in that matchless document is directly antagonized, when, "perfect charity" with "perfect faith," is made a condition of justification. Prayers to the saints ' " The King, then three weeks married to Jane Seymour, in the first en- joyment, as some historians require us to believe, of a guilty pleasure pur- chased by an infamous murder, drew up with his own hand, a body of artic- les, interesting as throwing light upon his state of mind, and of deeper mo- ment as the first authoritative statement of doctrine in the Anglican Church." Froude's History of England, (London edition^, III : 67. ^'' History of England, \: 157. Cardwell, Hare, Jennings and other An- glican writers concede the connection of the Articles with the Augsburg Confession, but know nothing of its closer dependence on the Apology. The Ten Articles 0/1336. py and Purgatory are strenuously maintained. The retention of images in the churches, and the long list of ceremonies approved, are less objectionable features, as their defence is accompanied with injunctions that the people shall be taught " they have no power to remit sins, but only to stir and lift up our minds to God," and the "kneeling to, and censing" of images is for- bidden. ESTIMATES. The evangelical theologians of the type of Cranmer. Fox, and Latimer, doubtless thought that so great an advance had been made in the acceptance of the principles of the Augsburg Con- fession, that the Romanizing elements interpolated could be al- lowed to stand and could even be subscribed, as liable, in the presence of the fuller light of the truth, to gradually die out. Of course such an agreement was doomed the very moment it was signed. Opposing systems cannot he reconciled by com- promise. What is truth is truth, and must disengage itself from all compromises with error. Yet we must not regard the Eng- lish Lutiieran theologians of that period mere temporizers. Men do not become great reformers all at once ; nor do they under- stand the full force of concessions they may be inclined to make in the interest of peace and external harmony. In the begin- ning, contradictory opinions may be held by the same person, in his unconsciousness that they are contradictory. Luther's Ninety-five Theses are as full of contradictions as the "Ten Articles," and, therefore, could never have had any permanence as a Church Confession. The two elements which they con- tained had to come into conflict, in which the one was to be conquered and expelled by the other. It has been said that when a man is found half way up hill, it makes all the difference, in judging him, if we find from which direction he has come ; and on the same principle we are not disposed to harshly con- demn those who unconsciously surrendered the cardinal doc- trines of the Reformation, while, at the same time, confessing so much that is precious. The Interim of 1548 has sometimes been 8 98 The Lutheran Movement in England. compared with these articles, as both being unfortunate compro- mises. But the Interim was favored by men who had had the full light of Evangelical truth, and had done praiseworthy ser- vice in its diffusion ; it was a retrogression by which expelled Papacy was again to be gradually introduced where the gospel had been established ; while "The Ten Articles," with all their objectionable features give royal endorsement to doctrines here- tofore known as heresies, and secure their introduction in churches where previously they had never been heard. Luther ap- preciated the real conditions involved when a few months before, after the negotiations at Wittenberg had ended, he wrote con- cerning affairs in England : " It is indeed true, that we ought to have patience even though everything in doctrine be not realized all at once, (as this has not occurred even among us.)"" Nevertheless we cannot but admire the consistency of Gardi- ner on the other side, in withholding his signature, however strongly we may suspect that his course was only a stroke of pol- icy. It is well to note some of the various estimates placed upon these articles. We must bear in mind in so doing, that from a Lutheran standpoint some of the principles maintained, must necessarily be seen in a far different light than from a Reformed standpoint. There are some features which the latter might judge as Romanizing, that we do not concede as such, however we may agreee in a joint condemnation of the articles on other subjects. John FoxE, (1559): " Wherein although there were many and great imperfections, and untruths not to be permitted in any true reformed church, yet notwithstanding, the king and his council, to bear with the weaklings which were newly weaned from their mother's milk of Rome, thought it might serve some- what for the time." " " Letter of April 20th, to Vice Chancellor Burkhard, De Wette^s Briefen, IV: 688. '" Acts and Monuments. The Ten Articles of 1536. 99 Thomas Fih-ler (1662) : " Some zealots of our age will con- demn the Laodicean temper of the Protestant bishops. Such men see the faults of the Reformers, but not the difficulties of the Reformation. These Protestant bishops were at this time to encounter with the Popish clergy, equal in number, not inferior in learning, but far greater in power and dependencies. Be- sides the generality of the people of the land, being nestled in ignorance and superstition, could not on a sudden endure the extremity of absolute Reformation. Should our eyes be instantly posted out of midnight into noonday, certainly we should be blinded with the suddenness and excellency of the lustre. Na- ture therefore hath wisely provided the twilight as a bridge, by degrees to pass us from darkness to light." " Strype, (1604): "We find, indeed, many Popish errors mixed with evangelical truths ; which must either be attributed to the defectiveness of our prelate's knowledge as yet in true re- ligion, or being the principles and opinions of the king, or both. Let not any be offended herewith, but let him rather take notice what a great deal of gospel doctrine came to light, and not only so, but was owned and propounded by authority to be believed and practiced. The sun of truth was now but rising and break- ing through the mists of that idolatry, superstition and ignorance, that had so long prevailed in this nation and the rest of the world, and was not yet advanced to its meridian brightness."" Archbishop Laurence, (1804), " Certain articles of religion were drawn up and edited in the king's name, which were evi- dently of a Lutheran tendency." " Lingard, (Roman Catholic, 1819-25): "Throughout the work Henry's attachment to the ancient faith is most manifest ; and the only concession which he makes to the men of the new learning, is the order for the removal of abuses, with perhaps the omission of a few controverted subjects." " w Church History, II : 76. " Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, 1 : 9a ^ Bampton Lectures, p. 20I. ^History of England, VI : 272. loo The Lutheran Movement in England. Tracts for the Times, (1836) : — " It is now universally ad- mitted as an axiom in ecclesiastical and political matters, that sudden and violent changes must be injurious ; and though our own revolution of opinion and practice was happily slower and more carefully considered than those of our neighbors, yet it was too much influenced by secular interest, sudden external events and the will of individuals, to carry with it any vouchers for the perfection and entireness of the religious system thence emerg- ing. The proceedings for instance of 1536 remind us at once of the dangers to which the church was exposed, and of its prov- idential deliverance from the worst part of them ; the articles then framed, being according to Burnet, in several places cor- rected by the king's own hand." " Lathbury, (1842) : " Though much error was retained, yet these articles were calculated to advance the Reformation, for they embody many sentiments at variance with the received doc- trines of the Romish Church. That Cranmer was concerned in the preparation of these articles, there is good reason to be- lieve."" Hardwick, (1852): "They are the work of a transition period, of men who had not learned to contemplate the truth in all the fulness of its harmonies and contrasts, and who conse- quently did not shrink from acquiescing in accommodations and concessions which to their riper understanding might have seemed a betrayal of a sacred trust. . . . They were treading upon ground with which few of them were as yet familiar, and we need not wonder if they sometimes stumbled or even wholly lost their way. An example of this want of firmness may be traced in the conduct of Bishop Latimer. Although one of the sermons which he preached at the assembling of the Convoca- tion is distinguished by a resolute assault upon the received doc- trine of purgatory, he ultimately put his hand to the statement, enjoining men to 'pray for the souls of the departed in the "Tract 71, vol. Ill: 25. '^History of the Convocation of the Church of England, p. ia6. The Ten Articles of 1336. loi masses and exequies, and to give alms to other to pray for them, whereby they may be relieved and holpen of their pain.' " " Ranke, (1859) : " The first five are taken from the Confes- sion of Augsburg or from commentaries on it ; as to these the Bishop of Hereford [Fox], agreed with the theologians of Wit- tenberg. In the following articles, the veneration, even the invocation, and no small part of the existing ceremonies is allowed — though in terms which with all their moderation, cannot disguise the rejection of them in principle. Despite these limitations the document contains a clear adoption of the principles of religious reform as they were carried out in Ger- many."™ Blunt, (1868) : " It will be observed, that the clergy were now feeling their way to a sound theological basis for the refor- mation of doctrine. . . . Both sides gave way in some particu- lars, for the sake of coming to a common standing ground." "' ScHAFF, (1877): "They are essentially Romish, with the Pope left out in the cold. They cannot even be called a com- promise between the advocates of the ' old^ learning ' headed by Gardiner, and of the. ' newjearning ' headed by Cranmer." '* Geikie, (1879J: "Like all compromises the Ten Articles pleased neither side." '^ Perry, (1879) : " The Ten Articles were the declaration as • to how far the English Church was prepared to go with the Augsburg Confession." " Jennings, (1882) : " In the preparation of the Ten Articles the king was helped probably by Cranmer and Fox. Policy or higher motives infused into this formulary, a spirit of concession, so that while it was a compliment to the Protestants, it enforced " History of Articles, p. 57. ^History of England,!: 157. ^ Reformation in the Church of England, 1 : 443. 22 Creeds of Christendom, 1 : 61 1. ^ English Reformation, p. 286. ^History of the Church of England, p. I47. I02 The Lutheran Movement in England. on the conservative part)j at home nothing which they would deem objectionable." ^* Franklin, (in Church Cyclopaedia, 1886) : " The hands of both Gardiner and Cranmer appear in them with not a little of the dash of Henry VIII." We defer, to the last, the words of Canon Dixon, whose " His- tory of the Church of England ' ' in three large octavos, has been received with high favor within -that communion and its affiliated branches : " From the beginning to the end, the English Confessions, (of which these articles were the first) have borne the impression of a settled intention which was such as caused them to be differ- ent from the curious, definite and longsome particularity of the Continent. They had the design of preserving the unity of the English Church. This was the characteristic of the nation, and exhibited an undeviating determination which has survived the violence of every age. . . . Though he enslaved and robbed the Church of which he was the Supreme Head, he had no thought of destroying her. ' ' '° This is a candid acknowledgment ; and it is worth while not only to seriously test the assertion here made, that it is the aim of the whole series of English Confession to avoid such " defi- nite particularity" as characterizes the Lutheran Confessions, but also, if the statement be true, to note the price that is paid, for readiness to accept even error, or to subscribe in the same document to contradictory and mutually exclusive doctrines, in order thereby to escape from the calamity of " destroying " the Church. There is also another matter worthy of some thought, viz., as to how if a communion be the Church, its clear and de- finite confession of the truth can destroy it, when to the truth of the Church's confession the promise is attached, that " the gates of hell shall not prevail against it ?" Can any association that is in such peril be the Church ? ^ ^ Ecclesia Angluana, -p. 1^2. ^History of the Church of England^: 411. The Ten Articles of 1536. 103 There is besides another important lesson here suggested, and that is the fatahty attending all efforts to modify and adjust to pe- culiar relations of time and place the unalterable principles set forth in the Augsburg Confession and Apology. CHAPTER Vn. THE bishops' book OF 1537. Failure of the Ten Articles. Cranmer and Luther's Catechism. The Com- mission to prepare another Document. Cranmer and Fox vs. Stokesley. Indebtedness of the " Book " to Luther's Catechisms, the Augsburg Con- fession, the Apology, and Luther's explanation of the Ave Maria. Other Sources. The King's Amendments, and Cranmer's Answer. The Articles of 1536, like all compromises, inspired no en- thusiasm. They were too Lutheran for the hierarchists ; they were too Romish for the Lutherans. They were too ambiguous for those whose consciences demanded the clearest and most definite answers to the questions which, by the agency of the Holy Spirit, most profoundly move the heart. They were too meagre, even where they were clearest. They were too theolog- ical for popular use. The evangelical leaven was doubtless spreading among the people ; a model of plain instruction to be furnished pastors was much needed. There can be no doubt, that Cranmer, during his stay in Germany in 1531 and 1532, and especially while tarrying with Osiandfer at Niirnberg, learned to know well Luther's Catechisms and their vast influence; and the result shows that they gave an important suggestion concern- ing a new Confession. Early in 1537, we find, therefore, a commission assembled at Cranmer's residence, composed mostly of bishops, en- gaged in the preparation of a book to be promulgated by auth- ority, for the purpose of meeting these various wants. Gardiner and Stokesley were the leading hierarchists. Cranmer and Fox, again headed the Lutheranizing element, while Latimer also was (104) The Bishops Book of 1^37 • 105 present with his practical and impetuous mind vexed at the labor spent in the discussion of speculative points of theology, which to him had little interest, and longing to escape from the tur- moil by once more becoming rector of Kingston, instead of Bishop of Worcester. At certain stages of the work, especially that pertaining to the sacraments, questions were submitted by the Archbishop to which each member of the commission gave his answers in writing, which, when gathered, were used in the final formulation of the document. It was completed early in the summer, and its publication was superintended by Bishop Fox. Although generally known as " The Bishops' Book," its proper title is that of "Institution of a Christian Man." Eras- mus, had published a book with this very same title in 15 18. Tyndale's book of 1528 was "The Obedience of a Christian Man." Cranmer is imiversally conceded to have contributed by far the most part to it, while Fox also must have much of the credit for the contents, as he was their chief advocate in the commission. Although still retaining some Romish elements, it was a great triumph for the Lutheran side, especially as all oppo- sition was for the first" time silenced, and even Gardiner added his signature. " By this work, the Reformation was placed on the loftiest ground which it was ever destined to reach during the reign of Henry." ^ "It is altogether an illustrious monu- ment of the achievements of Cranmer and his colleagues against the intrigues and opposition of a party, formidable at once for their zeal, number and power." ^ The very list of contents makes us suspect its origin. They are: " i. The Apostles' Creed. 2. The Sacraments. 3. The Ten Commandments. 4- The Lord's Prayer. 5. The Ave Maria. 6. Justification. 7. Purgatory." This is the frame- work of an exposition which in ordinary type would form a large volume. If some of its contents seem strange, it is well to re- member that among Luther's earlier catechetical works is his 1 Le Bas' Cranmer, p. 155. "Wordworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, III: 317. io6 The Lutheran Movement in England. " Betbiichlein " of 1522, containing : i. The Ten Command- ments. 2. The Apostles' Creed. 3. The Lord's Prayer. 4. The Ave Maria; and that Melanchthon's ' • Handbiichlein " of 1523 contains, i. The Lord's Prayer, 2. The Ave Maria, 3. The Apostles' Creed, etc. Our readers should remember that the angelic salutation in Luke certainly admits of an evan- gelical explanation, and, as such, is not to be lightly esteemed. Into this scheme, the material of the Ten Articles wherever possible is introduced, occasionally with slight changes, but gen- erally with verbal exactness. The exposition is to a great extent changed into the form of a personal confession, prayer, etc., after the model of Luther's Small Catechism. What Lohe says of Luther's Catechism : " It is a fact which no one denies, that no other catechism in the world can be made a prayer of but this," must be modified if parts of the Bishops' Book are exam- amined, which are after all nothing but paraphrases of Luther's Catechism, of exquisite beauty, and which should be cherished as of imperishable worth. Froude, writing entirely from a lit- erary standpoint, pronounces it' "in point of language beyond all question the most beautiful composition that had as yet ap- peared in the English language." For those well acquainted with the Small Catechism, we need only quote some extracts from this second confession of the Church of England. " I believe also and confess, that among his other creatures he did create and make me, and did give unto me this my soul, my life, my body, with all the members that I have, great and small, and all the wit, reason, knowledge and understanding that I have ; and finally all other outward substance, possessions and things that I have or can have in this world. ' ' This is not ex- actly Luther's Small Catechism, though the same in substance. But its correspondence with Luther's Large Catechism is still closer, which reads (p. 440). " I believe that I am a creature of God, that is, that he has given and constantly preserves to me ^ History of England, XiX: 229. The Bishops' Book of 1537. 107 my body, soul and life, members great and small, all my senses, reason and understanding, food and drink, shelter and support, wife and child, domestics, house and possessions, etc." The Bishops' Book continues : " And I believe also and profess that he is my very God, my Lord, and my Father, and that I am his servant and his own son, by adoption and grace, and the right inheritor of his kingdom, and that it proceedeth and cometh of his mere goodness only, without all my desert, that I am in this life preserved and kept from dangers and perils, and that I am sustained, nourished, fed, clothed, and that I have health, tranquility, rest, peace, or any other thing necessary for this corporal life. I acknowledge and confess that he suffereth and causeth the sun, the moon, the stars, the day, the night, the air, the fire, the water, the fowls, the fishes, the beasts and all the fruits of the earth, to serve me for my profit and my necessity. ' ' With the latter sentence compare again Luther's Large Cate- chism : " He causeth all creatures to serve for the necessities and uses of life — sun, moon and stars in the firmament, day and night, air, fire, water, earth and whatever it bears and produces, bird and fish, beasts, grain and all kinds of produce. ' ' The exposition of the Second Article of the Creed is of such extraordinary beauty and force, and so happily expands the most precious section of our Catechism, as to justify a long extract. " And I believe also and profess that Jesus Christ is not only Jesus, and Lord to all men that believe in him, but also that he is my Jesus, my God, my Lord. For whereas of my nature I was born in sin, and in the indignation and displeasure of God, and was the very child of wrath, condemned to everlasting death, subject and thrall to the power of the devil, and sin, having all the principal parts or portions of my soul, as my reason and un- derstanding, and my freewill, and all the other portions of my soul and body, not only so destituted and deprived of the gifts of God, wherewith they were first endowed, but also so blinded. io8 The Lutheran Movement in England. corrupted and poisoned with error, ignorance and carnal con- cupiscence, that neither my said powers could exercise the na- tural function and office, for the which they were ordained by God at the first creation, nor I by them cobld do or think any- thing which might be acceptable to God, but was utterly dead to God and all godly things, and utterly unable and insufficient of mine own self to observe the least part of God's commandments, and utterly inclined and ready to run headlong into all kinds of sin and mischief; I believe, I say, that I being in this case, Jesus Christ, by suffering most painful and shameful death upon the cross, and by shedding of his most precious blood, and by that glorious victory which he had, when he descending into hell, and there overcoming both the devil and death, rose again the third day from death to life, and ascended into heaven, hath now pac- ified his Father's indignation towards me, and hath reconciled me again into his favor, and that he hath loosed and delivered me from the tyranny of death, of the devil, and of sin, and hath made me so free from them, that they shall not finally hurt or annoy me. ... So that now I may boldly say and believe, as indeed I do perfectly believe, that by his passion, his death, his blood, and his conquering of death, of sin, and of the devil, by his resurrection and ascension, he hath made a sufficient expi- ation or propitiation towards God, that is to say, a sufficient satisfaction and recompense, as well as for my original sin, as also for all the actual sins * that ever I have committed, and that I am so clearly rid from all the guilt of my said offences, and frotn the everlasting pain due for the same, that neither sin, nor death, nor hell shall be able or have any power, to hurt me or to let me, but that after this transistory life I shall ascend into heaven, there to reign with my Saviour Christ perpetually in glory and felicity." We find also the following amplification of one of the articles in the Third Part of the Creed : " I believe that in this catholic church, I, and all the lively * See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3. The Bishops' Book of 1337. 109 and quick members of the same, shall continually and from time to time, so long as we shall live here on earth, obtain remission and forgiveness of all our sins as well original as actual,* by the merits of Christ's blood and passion, and by the virtue and effi- cacy of Christ's sacraments, instituted by him for that purpose, so oft as we shall worthily receive the same." We add yet the explanation of the First Commandment, which the reader will do well to compare with that of Luther in the Large Catechism : " To have God is not to have him as we have other outward things, as clothes upon our back, or treasure in our chests ; nor also to name him with our mouth, or to worship him with kneel- ing or other such gestures ; but to have him our God is to con- ceive him in our hearts, to cleave fast and surely unto him with heart, and to put all our trust and confidence in him, to set all our thought and care upon him, and to hang wholly on him, tak- ing him to be infinitely good and merciful unto us." THE bishops' book, AND THE OTHER LUTHERAN CONFESSIONS. We find in the Bishops' Book traces, not only of Luther's Cat- echisms, but also of the other Lutheran Confessions which were then extant. Not only does it incorporate within itself " The Ten Articles," which are based upon the Apology and the Augs- burg Confession, but other passages are directly taken from the same sources. Augsburg Confession, (Art. V.) " For the obtaining of this faith, the ministry of teaching this gospel, and administering the sacraments was in- stituted. For by the Word and Sac- raments, as by instruments, the Holy Spirit is given who worketh faith." Bishops! Book. " To the attaining of which faith, it is also to be noted, that Christ hath instituted and ordained in the world but only two means and instruments, whereof the one is the ministration of his word, and the other is the ad- ministration of his sacraments insti- tuted by him ; so that it is not possi- ble to attain this faith, but by one, or both of these two means." * See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3. no The Lutheran Movement in England. " I believe thatjthis Holy Church is catholic, that is, to say, that it can- not be coarcted or restrained within the limits or bonds of any one town, city, province, region, or country ; but that it is dispersed and spread univer- sally throughout all the whole world. Insomuch that in what part soever of the world — be it in Africa, Asia, or Europe, there may be found any num- ber of people, of what sort, state or- condition soever they be, which do believe in one God the Father, Crea- tor of all things, and in one Lord Jesu Christ, his Son, and in one Holy Ghost, and do also profess and have all one faith, one hope and one char- ity, according as it is prescribed in holy scripture, and do all consent in the true interpretation of the same scripture, and in the right use of the sacraments of Christ.' ' Apology {Latin Eng. Trans, p. 163.) " It says Catholic church, in order that we may not understand the church to be an outward government of certain nations, but rather men scattered throughout the whole world, who agree concerning the gospel and have the same Christ, the same Holy Ghost, and the same sacraments." Apology {German, Mueller, p. 153.) " That no pne may think that the church is like any other outward polity, bound to to this or that land, kingdom or rank, as the Pope of Rome wants to say ; but that it abides certainly true, that that body and those men are the true church, who here and there in the world from the rising of the sun to its setting, truly believe in Christ, who have one Gos- pel, one Christ, one Baptism and Sac- rament, and are ruled by one Holy Ghost." It will be noticed that the English paraphrase follows the German almost as closely, as the German translation follows the text of the original Latin. The explanation of the Ave Maria shows traces of a sermon of Luther of 1523. ° Bishops' Book. This Ave Maria is not properly a prayer, as the Paternoster is. Never- theless the church hath used to ad- join it to the end of the Paternoster, as an hymn, laud and praise, partly of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, for our redemption, and partly of the blessed virgin for her humble consent. Even the Smalcald Articles which had been subscribed only on February 2 2d, 1537, in their completed form being but four months earlier than the English Confession may have been util- ized. For the resemblance between not only the historical por- tions of Melanchthon's Appendix " On the Power and Primacy ^Erlangen Ed. xv: 318. Luther. Da siehestu dass hierinne Kein Gebet, sondern eitel Lob und Ehre begriffen ist. Gleichiwie in den ersten Worten des Vater Unsers auch Kein Gebet ist, sondern Lob und Ehre Gottes, dass er unser Vater and im Himmel sei. The Bishops^ Book of 1537 • 1 1 1 of the Pope," but also Luther's treatment in Part II. Art. IV., and the argument against the Papacy in the formula before us, is very marked. The Augsburg Confession, the Apology and the Smalcald Articles all seem to have been laid under contribution in the preparation of the chapter on " The Sacrament of Orders," although a hierarchical doctrine pervades it not found in the Lutheran formularies. ' We know that on March 5th, Melanch- thon's paper on the reasons why " the princes, estates and cities of the Empire, professing the pure and catholic doctrine of the Gospel, declined to attend the Council at Mantua," was signed, that it was at once published, and copies sent to the Kings of England and France, ' that it was " immediately translated into English, ' ' ' and published. The translator was Miles Coverdale, distinguished as a translator of the Bible. Such was the impor- tance which the evangelical element of the English Church then attached to everything which emanated from the Wittenberg Faculty. Even though Melanchthon's " De Recusatione Con- cilii" were not officially transmitted until November 14th, as seems probable from a letter in the Corpus Reformatnrum, the argument for proving the dependence of the English theologians is in no way invalidated. Nor would time be lost, if space permitted, in a careful exam- ination of the source in Lutheran authorities of much of the teaching of this book, even where no special formulary has been closely followed. Sometimes it has been regarded as receding from "The Ten Articles," since while the former, following ' The argument is summarized by Hardwick {History of the Christian Church during the Reformation) : " They contended that the fabric of the Papal monarchy was altogether human ; that its growth was traceable partly to the favor and indulgence of the Roman emperors, and partly to ambitious artifices of the popes themselves ; that just as men originally made and sanc- tioned it, so might they, if occasion should arise, withdraw from it their con- fidence, and thus reoccupy the ground on which all Christians must have stood anterior to the Middle Ages." « Corpus Reformatorum III : 314. ^ Hardwicl^s Articles, p. 31. 112 The Lutheran Movement in England. the Apology, gives only three sacraments, the Bishops' Book al- lows the full number of seven claimed by the Romanists. But the Rev. Henry Jenkyns who has edited the works of Archbishop Cranmer, found a manuscript in the. Chapter House at Westmin- ster showing that this supposition is erroneous. In connection with the Ten Articles a declaration had been made and signed by the evangelical theologians, conceding the name of sacrament to the four other ordinances, but with limitations which the advocates of the Old Learning were unwilling to publish. In the Bishops' Book, what is essentially this declaration comes to light. Its argument is mainly that of the Apology, which is directed entirely to the importance of making a distinction between rites instituted by God's command, in which, through a visible ele- ment, the promise of the gratuitous forgiveness of sins is sealed, and all others. If this distinction be conceded, Melanchthon maintains that it does not make much difference what is called a sacrament, and suggests that even prayer and almsgiving and afflictions might be called sacraments, provided the distinction be- tween them, and what he regarded then as three sacraments, be . kept unimpaired. So the Bishops' Book declares : " There is a difference between them and the other three sacraments. First. These three be instituted of Christ. Secondly. They be com- manded by Christ to be ministered and received in their out- ward visible signs. Thirdly. They have annexed and enjoined unto their said visible signs, such spiritual graces whereby our sins be remitted and forgiven, and we be perfectly renewed, re- generated, purified, justified, so oft as we worthily and duly re- ceive the same." THE king's amendments. Without attempting an examination and enumeration of Ro- manizing elements still retained, which are principally those of " The Ten Articles," though to a considerable extent less, there is yet one item of interest connected with its history, that is worthy of notice. There is in the Bodleian Library a copy of " The Institution," or Bishops' Book, with marginal criticisms The" Bishops' Book of 15 27- 113 in the handwriting of Henry VIII., and in the Library of Corpus Christi College at Cambridge, the annotations of Cranmer upon these proposed corrections of his sovereign, are to be found. Henry's notes indicate no little critical ability, but, at the same time, his real want of thorough understanding or appreci- ation of the doctrine of the Gospel as there set forth. It is his main purpose to introduce limitations and qualifications, whereby the universality of the divine provisions and promises maybe modified, so as to include, if possible, the conditions of the application. Cranmer shows that he has been a sufficiently faithful pupil of the Reformers, to be able with clearness and de- cision to declare to his monarch the real points of discrimination that should be made. For instance, in the explanation of the First Article of the Creed, where the Bishops' Book, says : " He is my very God, my Lord, my Father, and that I am his servant and his own son,"' Henry proposes to add "as long as I perse- vere in his precepts and laws. ' ' To this Cranmer would not hear. The declaration, he maintains, is that of " the very pure Christian faith and hope which every good Christian man ought to profess." It belongs to the sphere, he says, of special faith, and not to that of general faith, which even devils have. The voice of true faith claims God as its own, without the interposi- tion of any such condition ; although of course when this condi- tion is not present, the pure faith thus confessed is " only in the mouth," and not in the heart. He maintains that every man should examine himself as to whether he actually have " the right faith and sure trust of God's favor;" but, this done, " it shall not be necessary to interline or insert in many places, where we protest our pure Christian faith, these words or sen- tences, that be newly added, namely, ' I be'ing willing to follow God's precepts,' ' I rejecting in my will and heart the Devil and his works,' 'I willing to return to God,' 'If I continue not in sin,' 'If I continue a Christian life.' " When the Second Ar- ticle is reached " that Jesus is my Lord," the king again wants this limited by the clause, " I being Christian, and in will to fol- 9 114 The Lutheran Movement in England. low his precepts ;" and when it says " I am restored to the light and knowledge of God," he proposes the insertion of " Reject- ing, in my will and heart, the Devil and his works,' ' both of which receive a similar answer. There are other corrections of the king, showing more decidedly his essentially Romanistic posi- tion, as, for example, where he qualifies the statement, which to Cranmer is so important, that Christ's sufferings were a satisfac- tion for original as well as for all actual sins, by a clause limiting the actual sins for which atonement was made, to those alone which were committed "before my reconciliation." Unfortu- nately, Cranmer' s answer shows at this point a weakening, since while opposing the insertion of the qualifying clause, he, at the same time, concedes that the propitiation of Christ cannot be extended to sins committed after reconciliation. CHAPTER VIII. THE ENGLISH BIBLES OF 1535 AND 1537. Petition of the Convocation of 1534. Miles Coverdale. His Bible of 1535 from " the Douche and Latyn." His dependence on the Zurich Trans- lation. Relation of the Zurich Translation to Luther. Relation to Tyndale. Influence on the Authorized Version. His Exposition of Ps. XXII., a literal Translation from Luther. His Hymns, from Lutheran ■ Sources. Illustrated by a number of Examples. Herford's Table of Coverdale's Hymns, and their German Originals. His Theory of their Origin. Matthew's Bible of 1537. John Rogers. His Residence in Wittenberg. A Lutheran Pastor. The first Martyr under Mary. Why he used a Pseudonym ? Probably printed at Wittenberg. We leave for awhile the diplomatic side of the history of the English Reformation, and turn to the less public sphere, in which the quiet work of scholars from the privacy of their studies, was making itself felt. It was one of Cranmer's first efforts to secure a complete trans- lation of the Bible into English, and to authorize and promote its circulation among the people. But, in accord with the well- known unwillingness of men to recede from a false position, un- less under some expedient whereby to give the appearance of consistency to their action, the Convocation, in petitioning the king, December loth, 1534, that the Bible should be translated by some learned men, also asked that a demand should be made for all books of suspected doctrine, and that, within three months, they should be surrendered.' This was followed by the publication, October 4th, 1535 of The Bible: that is, the holy 1 Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, p. 50. ("5) ii6 The Lutheran Movement in England. Scripture of the Old and New Testament, faithfully tianslated out of Douche and Latyn into Englishe. MDXXXV. The translator was Miles Coverdale, afterwards bishop of Exeter. Coverdale, born about 1488, was one of the band of Cambridge students, whom we have seen meeting for prayer and the study of the Bible and Luther's works, in the house called "Germany." He had entered the monastery of the Augustinians at Cambridge, and there had come under the influence of its prior. Dr. Robert Barnes, so active afterwards at Wittenberg, to whom he ever re- mained a most faithful friend. When Dr. Barnes was arrested in 1526, Coverdale had voluntarily accompanied him, and helped to support him under the trial ; and when, after his mar- tyrdom in 1540, his Confesssion at the stake was maliciously as- Sailed by John Standish, Coverdale again came nobly forward, and published a book in vindication of his deceased friend. He had early formed the acquaintance of Crumwell, and enjoyed his confidence, as is shown by letters which have been preserved, and are published in his collected works. When Tyndale's New Testament was published, Coverdale appears among those most prominent in its circulation. For some years, before the first publication of the Bible, the precise residence of Coverdale is not known. Foxe, who knew him well, states that he was for a time with Tyndale at Hamburg, and had assisted the latter in the translation of the Pentateuch. This statement, generally dis- credited by modern writers, is accepted by Westcott. The work on his own translation undoubtedly occupied his time for years. When the Convocation of December 1534 had, accordingly, passed the resolution above given, Crumwell probably informed him that the time had come for its publication. The title-page gives no information as to the place where it was printed and published. Those who have made a special study of the typo- graphy of bibles of that period, have no hesitancy in saying that it came from the press of Froschover of Zurich, the publisher of the Zurich Bible." Notwithstanding the fact that the title-page ex- ' The comparison may be made in the library of the Lutheran Theological Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia. The English Bibles of 1535 and T537. 'l'i■^ pressly states the dependence of the translation upon the (German and Latin versions, recent writers have undertaken to deny it. Not only the title-page, but the " Prologue to the Translation " is against this theory. " To help me herein," says Coverdale, " I have had sundry translations, not only in Latin, but also of the Dutch interpreters, whom, because of their singular gifts and special diligence in the Bible, I have been the more glad to fol- low for the most part." In the light of such words by Coverdale himself. Canon West- cott is undoubtedly not unjust when he says : " His critics have been importunately eager to exalt his scholarship at the cost of his honesty. If the title-page, said one who had not seen it, runs so, 'it contains a very great misrepresentation.' To an- other, the notice appears to be a piece of advertising tact. Ex- pediency, a third supposes, led Coverdale to underrate his la- bors. And yet it may be readily shown that the words are sim- ply and literally true." * Ginsburg, followed by Westcott, Mombert, and others, has shown the great dependence of Cover- dale upon the Ziirich translation of the Bible. This is mainly Luther's translation of the other books, with a translation of the prophets by Leo Judae, Zwingli, Pellicanus and others. It appeared at intervals 1524-9, while Luther's Bible was not complete until 1534, the translation of the prophets not having been finished until 1532. Coverdale, therefore, followed the Zurich edition, largely in order to have the benefit of that in which it anticipated Luther. The direct, as well as the indirect influence of Luther, may be traced. Tyndale was also laid un- der contribution. While some knowledge of the Hebrew and Greek original is not denied, he followed closely preced- ing translators rather than ventured to use his own judgment. * » History of the English Bible, p. 213. *" His Old Testament is not taken at all from the original Hebrew, either professedly or in fact, but is only a secondary translation, based chiefly on the Swiss-German, or Zurich Bible." Eadie, I: 285. "In every instance, where he forsakes Tyndale, he is led by Luther and the Zurich Bible/' lb. p. 294. ii8 The Lutheran Movement in England. " Though he is not original, yet he was endowed with an instinct of discrimination which is scarcely less precious than originality, and a delicacy of ear which is no mean qualification for a popu- lar translator.'"* "No little of that indefinable quality that gives popular charm to our English Bible, and has endeared it to so many generations, is owing to Coverdale. The semitones in the music of the style are his gift. What we mean will be apparent to any one who compares the Authorized Version, es- pecially in the Old Testament, with the exacter translations of many of the books which have been made by scholars and critics. Tyndale gives us the first great outline distinctly and wonder- fully etched, but Coverdale added those minuter touches which soften and harmonize it. The characteristic features are Tyn- dale' s in all their boldness of form and expression, the more delicate lines and shadings arc the contribution of his successor, both in his own version, and in the ' Great Bible.' "° Two years afterwards, in 1537, two editions of a reprint of Coverdale's Bible of 1535, were published in London. The same year, Coverdale published "A very excellent and swete exposition upon the two and twentye Psalme of David, called in latyn : Dominus regit me, et nihil. Translated out of hye Almayne in to Englyshe by Myles Coverdale, 1537." This is a very literal translation of Luther's Der 2jst Fsalm auf einen Abend uber Tisch nach dem Gratias ausgelegt, 1536." This exposition was very likely delivered during the stay of the English ambassadors at Wittenberg. As Dr. Barnes, Coverdale's friend, was a frequent table guest of Luther, he was possibly at the table {uber Tisch') where this explanation was given. A still more important work must have been occupying him at this time, if not already finished. His " Goostly Psalmes and Spirituale Songs, drawn out of the holy Scripture ' ' is without date. But as it is on the list of books prohibited by Henry VIII in 1539, its publication is necessarily prior to that date. It is 5'Westcott, pp. 216, sq. 6 Eadie, The English Bible, 1 : 302. The English Bibles of 1533 and 1337. 119 especially interesting as furnishing the beginning for English Hymnody. They are nearly all readily traceable to Lutheran sources. We are sure that a liberal selection from them will be appreciated. Of Luther's Kotnm, Heiliger Geist, Herre Gott, there are three translations. If the readily accessible rendering by Miss Winkworth be consulted by the English reader, he will note how nearly one of the translations of the Sixteenth, an- ticipated that of the Nineteenth Century : Come, holy Spirite, most blessed Lorde, Fulfil our hartes nowe with thy grace ; And make our myndes of one accorde, Kyndle them with love in every place. O Lorde, thou forgevest our trespace, And callest the folke of every countre To the ryght fayth and truste of thy grace, That they may geve thankes and synge to thee, AUeluya, AUeluya. O holy lyght, moste principall, The worde of lyfe shewe unto us ; And cause us to knowe God over all For our owne Father most gracious. Lord, kepe us from lemyng venymous. That we may folowe no masters but Christe. He is the veritie, his word sayth thus ; Cause us to set in hym our truste. AUeluya, AUeluya. O holy fyre, and conforth moste swete, Fyll our hertes with fayth and boldnesse, To abide by the in colde and bete. Content to suffre for ryghteousnesse ; O Lord, geve strength to our weaknesse. And send us helpe every houre ; That we may overcome all wyckednesse, And brynge this olde Adam under thy power. AUeluya, AUeluya. Luther's summary in verse of the Ten Commandments, is an- other of Coverdale's translations. 120 The Lutheran Movement in England. Mensch, willt du leben seliglich, TJnd bei Gott bleiben ewiglich : Sollt du halten die zehn Gebot, Die uns gebeut unser Gott. Kyritleis. Man, wylt thou live vertuously, And witli God r.eign eternally, Man, must thou keep these com- mandments ten. That God commanded to all men. Kirielyson. Nun freut euch lieben christen gmein appears in the following form. There is no abbreviation by Coverdale. We select sev- eral stanzas. Be glad now, all ye Christen men. And let us rejoyce unfaynedly. The kindnesse cannot be written with penne, That we have receaved of God's mercy ; "Whose love towards us hath never ende He hath done for us as a frende ; Now let us thanke him Iwurtely. I was a prysoner of the devell ; With death, was I also utterly lost ; My synnes drove me dayly to hell ; Therein was I borne ; this may I host. I was also in them once ryfe ; There was no virtue in my lyfe, To take my pleasure I spared no cost. Than God etemall had pitie on me, To ryd me fro my wyckednesse. He thought of his plenteous great mercy, And wolde not leave me comfortlesse. He turned to me his fatherly herte. And wolde I shoulde with hym have parte Of all his costly ryches. He spake to his deare beloved Sonne, The time is now to have mercye ; Thou must be man's redempcyon. And lowse hym from captivite. Thou must hym helpe from trouble of synne ; From paynfull death thou must hym wyime. That he may lyve eternally. Luther's paraphrase of In media vita is closely followed. The English Bibles of 1335 and IS37- 121 Mitten wir in Leben sind Mit dem Tod umfangeu ; Wen such wir, der Hiilfe thu, Dass wir Gnad erlangen ? Das bist du, Herr, alleine. Uns reuet vmser Missethat, Die dich, Herr, erziimet hat. Heiliger Herre Gott, Heiliger starker Gott, Heiliger, bannhertziger Heiland, Du ewiger Gott, Lass uns nicht versinken In des bittern Todes Noth. Kyrieleyson. In the myddest of our lyvynge, Deathe compaseth us rounde about : Who shulde us now sucour brynge, By whose grace we maye come out ? Even, thou, Lorde Jesu, alone : It doth oure hartes sore greve truly, That we have offended lie. O Lord God, most holy, O Lord God, most myghtie, O holy and merciful Savioure, Thou most worthy God eternal], Suffre us not at our laste houre For any death from the to fall. Kyrieleyson. ON THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. Gelobet seist du, Jesu Christ, Dass du Mensch geboren bist Von einer Jungfrau, das ist wahr, Des freuet sich der Engel Schaar. Kyrieleis. Des ewigen Vaters einig Kind, Jetzt man in der Krippen findt. In unser armes Fleisch und Blut, Verkieidet sich das ewig Gut. Kyrieleis. Now blessed be thou, Christ Jesu ; Thou art man borne, this is true : The angels made a merry noise, Yet we have more cause to rejoyse. Kyrielyson. The blessed son of God onely, In a crybbe full poore dyd lye : With oure poore flesh and our poore bloude, Was clothed that everlasting good. Kyrielyson. ON THE RESURRECTION. Christ lag in Todesbanden, Fiir unser Siind gegeben, Der ist wieder erstanden, Und hat uns bracht das Leben : Dess wir soUen frohlich sein, Gott loben und dankbar sein, Und singen Halleluja. Halleluja. Es war ein wunderlich krieg. Da Tod und Leben rungen, Das I^eben behielt den Sieg, Es hat den Tod verschlungen. Die Schrift hat verkiindet das, Wie ein Tod den andern frass, Ein Spott auB dem Tod ist worden, Halleluja. Chrift dyed and suffred great payne, For our synnes and wickednesse ; But he is now risen agayne. To make us full of gladnesse. Let us all rejoyse therfore, And geve him thanks for evermore, Synginge to him, AUeluya. Alleluya. It was a marvelous great thynge, To se how death with death dyd fyght; For the one death gat the wynnj-nge, And the other death lost his myght. Holy Scripture speaketh of it. How one death another wolde byte : The death of Christ hath wonne by ryght. Alleluya, 122 The Lutheran Movement in England. NUNC DIMITTIS. Mit Fried imd Freud, ich fahr dahin, In Gottes Wille. Getrost ist mir main Herz und Sinn, Sanft und stille. Wie Gott mir verheissen hat ; Der Tod ist mein Schlaf worden. With peace and with joyfull gladnesse. And with a mery harte, Accerdynge to thy swete promesse, Lorde, let me now departe : Now geve me leave, that I may dye ; For I would be present with the. In Einfeste Burg, the meter is adopted, but Coverdale fol- lows the Forty-Sixth Psalm more closely than he does Luther. Oure God is a defence and towre, A good armoure and good weapen ; He hath been ever oure helpe and sucoure, In all the troubles that we have ben in. Therefore wyl we never drede, For any wonderous dede By water or by lande. In hilles or the see side : Oure God hath them al in his hand. Of Other Psalms paraphrased by Luther, there are translations of the Twelfth (^Ach Gott von Himmel siek darein ) the Four- teenth (^Es spricht der Unweisen Mund wohl,') Sixty-seventh, One hundred and twenty-fourth. One hundred and twenty-eighth, and One hundred and thirtieth. "UNTO THE TRENTIE." Gott der Vater wohn uns bei, Und lass uns nicht verderben, Mach uns aller Siinden frei, Und helf uns selig sterben. Fiir dem Teufel uns bewahr, Halt uns bei festem Glauben, Und auf dich lass uns bauen, Aus Herzengrund vertrauen. God the Father, dwell us by, And let us never do amysse ; Geve us grace with wyll to dye. And make us redy to thy blysse. From the devel's myght and powre, Kepe us in fayth every houre ; And ever let us buylde on the. With hole herte trustynge stedfastly. Another Lutheran hymn-writer from whom Coverdale drew was Paul Speratus, from whom two hymns were taken (^Es ist das Heil uns Kommen, "Kirchenbuch," No. 270, and In Gott gelaub ich, Wackernagel, Kirchen-Lied, III: 33.) Lawrence Spengler, whose acquaintance Cranmer must have The English Bibles of IS35 and 1537. 123 formed while at Niirnberg, is represented by his principal hymn, afterwards quoted in the Formula of Concord " Durch Adam s Fallist ganz verderbt" (Kirchenbuch, No. 271). Hans Sachs also furnishes a hymn ( Wach avfin Goites Name, Wackernagel III: 58). Justus Jonas' paraphrase of Psalm 124, found in Kirchenbuch, No 171, is also followed. Agricola appears in Ich rufzu dir, Herr Jesu Christ (Kirchenbuch No. '415), and Decius in Allein Gott in der Hoh sei Ehr. One of the most interesting translations is that of a Reforma- tion hymn, of uncertain authorship, but composed before the Diet of Augsburg, O Herre Gott, Dein goitlich Wort (^Kirchen- buch, No. 191.) O hevenly Lorde, thy godly worde Ilath longe bene kepte alwaye from us : But thorow thy grace now in oure dayes, Thou hast shewed the so plenteous. That very well we can now tell. What thy apostles have written al ; And now we see thy worde openly Hath geven anthyechrist a great ifall. It is so cleare, as we may heare, No man by ryght can it deny, That many a yeare thy people deare Have been begyled perlously With men spirituall, as we them call. But not of thy Spirite truly ; For more camall are none at al, Than many of these spirites be. They have bene ever swome altogether, Theyr owne lawes for to kepe alwaye ; But mercyfuU Lorde, of thy swete worde There durst no man begynn to saye. They durst them call great heritikes al. That did confess it stedfastly ; For theycharged, it shuld be hyd. And not spoken of openly. 124 The Lutheran Movement in England. O mercyfull God, wliere was thy rod, In punyshynge soch great tyranny ? Why slept thou then, knowynge these men Resist openly the veritie ? For such a hymn semi-papal England was not yet prepared, as the martyrs of 1540, and the six Articles were yet to show. That a volume containing such an arraignment of much that still existed, under authority in England, and with which the king sympathized, should have been proscribed, is only what could have been expected. To recapitulate : Of Coverdale's forty-one hymns, twentyr two are from Luther, two from Speratus, one each from Spen- gler, Sachs, Agricola, Justus Jonas, Decius, and Greiser, four are well-known Lutheran hymns of uncertain origin, and seven we have not been able to identify, although their entire structure and spirit plainly show where they belong.' When, then, the Church of England, and her various daugh- ters, cling so tenderly to the Psalter in the "Book of Common Prayer," and prefer its animated and rythmical expressions to the acknowledged more accurate translation of the Authorized Version, the secret of the charm is found in the influence which the treasures of the first period of Lutheran hymnology had upon the style of him who came to the work of translating the Psalter, with the notes of so many of the masterpieces of Luther and his associates ringing in his ears, and filling his heart with a glow of _ devout feeling. Coverdale's forty-one hymns were probably the growth of years. None of the originals which he translated is ' Reference may be made to the interesting tables, tracing the origin of Coverdale's entire list by Prof. Mitchell in The Academy for June 28, 1884 ; and in Herford's Literary Relations of Gertnany and England in the XVI. Century (Cambridge 1886) pp. I7_sqq. The summary of the latter is : From the Latin 6; from Luther, 18; Creutziger, i ; Speratus, 2; Hegenwalt, i; Agricola I ; Moebanius, I ; Sachs, I ; Spengler, I ; Dachstein, I ; Greiser, I j Decius, 2; Anonymous, 5- The English Bibles 0/1333 and 1337. 125 later than 1531.' The translations of the hymns and the trans- lation of the Bible may have proceeded cotemporaneously, the former having afforded a relief from the severer work of the latter. We are not through with Coverdale, but must interrupt the narrative at this point, to consider another edition of the English Bible, and its translator, rapidly following that which has just been noticed. John Rogers, born about 1500, was an- other Alumnus of Cambridge ; but does not seem to have been influenced by the Protestant movement until, after being rector for two years of "Trinity the Less," in London, while chaplain to the merchant adventurers in Antwerp, he became intimate with Tyndale. The latter having been martyred October 6th, 1536, Rogers the succeeding year married Adriana Pratt or de Wey- den, and moved to Wittenberg. All authorities agree in this, and state that he so thoroughly mastered the German, that he became superintendent or pastor of a church at Wittenberg, "to which he ministered for many years with great ability and suc- cess." We can find no trace of such pastorate among German authorities. It may have been a church near Wittenberg which he served. Salig ' states that he was ordained at Wittenberg ; which necessarily implies a pastoral rare. On his trial, '" he ex- plained and defended the order of service used in Wittenberg. Previously he had translated and published in English "Me- lanchthon on the Interim," in connection with a defence of Melanchthon's course, then severely criticized. All these facts show the substantial truth of the cotemporaneous account. He remained in Wittenberg or its neighborhood from 1537 to 1547 8 " Of the Lutheran hymnology of 1524-31, Coverdale's ' Goostly Songs' is a fair selection. . . Almost devoid of lyric faculty, his verse limps labor- iously after the stirring measures of Luther. . . He has not the 'good trans- lator's sensitiveness and elasticity of style. Yet his very sincerity and sim- plicity often do the work of refined \s&\.t"—Herford, pp. II, 15. »II: 491. 10 British Reformers, (Philada.;, p. 9 ; Salig, II : 491. 126 The Lutheran Movement in England. or '48. Returning on the accession of Edward VI., in whose reign he enjoyed great influence, he was the first of the martyrs under Mary, having been burned at Smithfield, February 4th, 1555. The story of his farewell to his wife and eleven children when on the way to martyrdom, is well known to readers of Eng- lish history. His son, Daniel, was afterwards educated in part at Wittenberg, some affirm at Melanchthon's cost, and became a distinguished diplomat under Queen Elizabeth. Rogers fell heir to the manuscripts which Tyndale left at his death. It is well known how diligently employed he was during his imprisonment in completing his translation from the Hebrew of the Old Testament. As St. Paul sent from the Roman dun- geon, for his books and parchments, so also Tyndale had asked : "I wish permission to have a candle in the evening. . . But above all I entreat . . that he may kindly permit me to have my Hebrew Bible, Hebrew grammar and Hebrew dictionary, that I may spend my time with that study." Rogers, therefore, took the printed New Testament and Pentateuch of Tyndale, added to them Tyndale's manuscript translation from Joshua to the end of 2 Chronicles, and completed the Bible by adopting Coverdale's version in what was lacking. Foxe says : " He added prefaces and notes out of Luther." Thomas Matthewe was given as the name of the translator, possibly because he hesi- tated to claim as his own what was only a compilation, or be- cause the publishing of Tyndale's name would have prevented its endorsement and circulation in England. Some assume that Thomas Matthewe was the name of the person who, in the be- ginning, assumed the financial responsibility. Before the print- ing was complete, the English printers, Grafton and Whitchurch, became its proprietors. Itwas printedin 1537. Dr. Mombert" argues that the printer was Hans Luft, and the place of printing Wittenberg, whither Rogers moved that year. Thus the first authorized version, of the English Bible, like its two .predeces- sors, was prepared and published under Lutheran influences and auspices. " Handbook of English Versions, p. 176. CHAPTER IX. THE LUTHERAN COMMISSION TO ENGLAND OF 1538. An ominous Silence. Anxiety of Melanchthon. His letter to Henry VIII. His Criticism of the Ten Articles. Henry seeks Renewal of Negotia- tions. Christopher Mount at Brunswick. Arrangements for Conference of 1538. The Lutheran Commissioners. Sketch of Myconius. Luth- er's letter to Fox. Death of Fox. Its Effect on the Lutheran Move- ment. Reception of the Commission. The Augsburg Confession Dis- cussed. Agreement on the Doctrinal Articles. Conflict on " Abuses." An Agreement Imminent. Henry's Schemes to end the Conference. The Commission withdraws. Their admonition. Handsome Presents for Inhospitable Entertainment. Results. XIII Articles of 1538. Relation to Augsburg Confession shown in parallel columns. While the English Bible was thus working like leaven among the English people, the diplomatic side of the Reformation was also progressing. In chapter VI. we have traced the formulation of " The Ten Articles " of 1536, and shown their relation to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. It becomes an interest- ing subject of inquiry to note how the movement in England, in which they originated was regarded by the leaders of the Ref- ormation in Germany. In reading their correspondence, we find that for a long time, they were almost entirely cut off from direct communication with England. Gardiner's plots to defeat the adoption of the Augsburg Confession and Apology compre- hended also the prevention of any communication between the English party of reform and those upon whose labors and judg- ment they were so dependent. We have previously referred to the fact that after his return to England, Dr. Barnes, noting the change that had occurred, wrote to Melanchthon (June, (127) 138 The Lutheran Movement in England. 1536),' not to think of making the visit to England, for which the king had been so importunate. July 31st, of the same year, Alesius, desiring to send a copy of "The Ten Articles" to Melanchthon, could accomplish his purpose only by transmit- ting it to Aepinus, from 1529 pastor, and from 1532 the Luth- eran Superintendent at Hamburg, who was on most intimate terms with Crumwell, and asking him to have it sent from Ham- burg to Wittenberg.^ Certainly it was not the most considerate treatment of the accomplished author from whose pen a great portion of "The Ten Articles" was derived, that he could re- ceiv'e a copy in no other way than through such a surreptitious channel. But, to be sure, it was the king's own book, and "the learnedest prince in Christendom," could do with it as he saw best ! Yet before the Articles could reach Melanchthon, the Elector of Saxony grew very indignant at the long silence. Bishop Fox was regarded by some of the princes and theologians as having most shamefully falsified, since his promises were un- fulfilled. We shall see later that in this impression, Luther did not share. July 12th, 1536, the Elector thought of sending some one to England to find out what was the matter, or of re- questing Aepinus to intercede with those in authority there.' Six weeks more passed, and on September ist, Melanchthon wrote a letter for the Elector to Henry, in which he said, among other things : "We do not doubt that your Royal Highness has learned from the Bishop of Hereford what was our will and that of our confederates at the conference at Frankfort, as well as our dispo- sition towards your Royal Highness. We are under the impres- sion, too, that the letters which were sent, June 5 th, fromNaum- burg have been delivered to your Ro3'al Highness. We expect a reply from your Royal Highness, or at least we hope that the Bishop of Hereford will write, as we asked in the letter from ' Corpus Reformatorum, III : 89. 2 lb. 104. ' Seckendorf, III : 113. The Lutheran Commission to England of i^^8. 129 Naumburg, informing us what was the will of your Royal High- ness, when he had read (he articles concerning doctrine on which the legates and the Wittenberg theologims had agreed.''^ At last on November 28th, Melanchthon had received "The Ten Articles," and wrote to Veit Dietrich: "We have the Anglican Articles complete, which I will have described by Cruciger ; they have been put together with the greatest confu- sion. There are, it is true, still intervals taken from my affairs. But I will write of them at another time. ' ' * Three days later, he wrote to the same correspondent : " We hear that in Eng- land everything is full of seditions. I wonder that you have not indicated with what countenance Dr. Osiander has regarded the picture of his prophecy. ' ' THE COMMISSION OF 1538. Henry at last responded, January 2d, 1538, in a very concili- atory strain. He praised the course of his German brethren concerning the proposed Council, thought that every Christian man must admire it, and hoped that by future conferences, with the Divine assistance, they may come to an agreement, and that the pure doctrine of Christ which cannot lie hidden long may be displayed to the salvation of all.* At the close of the next month, he sent Christopher Mount to the meeting of the League at Brunswick with the assurance that he would use every effort for the promotion and establishment of the pure religion, and stat-- ing that it was now the time to send the promised embassy " It was accordingly determined to accept the proposition, and the embassy was constituted by the appointment of Francis Burk- hard, Vice Chancellor of Saxony, George a Boyneburg, LL. D., a Hessian nobleman, and Frederick Myconius, Superintendent of Gotha — a statesman, a jurist and a theologian. The very constitution of the commission showed that it was not antici- * The translator is compelled here to be an interpreter :. " De, meis rebus adhuc quidem sunt induciae." lb. p. 192, » Seckendorf, III : 180. 10 130 The Lutheran Movement in England. pated to admit of any compromises. Melanchthon was evi- dently kept at home intentionally. Myconius (1491-1546) who supplied his place, is described as a man of deep spirituality, a former monk, whose experience in his search for the assurance of the forgiveness of sins in many respects resembled that of Lu- ther, small of stature, and for years a victim of consumption, of scholarly habits, wonderful energy, distinguished executive abil- ity, and marked eminence as a public speaker, with Melanch- thon's calm and unruffled disposition, love of peace and habits of introspection, tinged with well-tempered sentiment, but with- out Melanchthon's fondness for diplomacy, — a man deeply be- loved by both Luther and Melanchthon, who, when the circum- stances demanded it, on more than one occasion, showed that he could be a true Boanerges, as well as the St. John of the Lutheran Reformation. However such a representative might win the love of all with whom he dealt, he could be implicitly relied upon not to yield an hair's breadth, as in his inner expe- rience he had fought over every point involved in the contro- versy, and knew that life or death hung upon them all. What better representative could be selected to encounter the disguised Romanism, than he who, as a youth, still in the toils of the Pa- pacy, had stood before Tetzel begging an indulgence upon the ground that to the poor it must be given gratuitous!]'-, and, when offered the price by some of Tetzel's attendants, refusing it with the words : " No, I purchase no forgiveness. I must have it gratuitously," and charging the indulgence vender to his face: ' ' You will have to give an answer before God, if for the sake of a couple of pennies, you regard the salvation of my soul of no account." LUTHER ON BISHOP FOX. Already on March nth, the instructions of the commission were prepared. May 1 2th, Luther wrote a letter to Bishop Fox commending its members to his kind reception. Alas the ac- complished prelate had died four days before ! With his death, Lutheranism in England received a blow from which it never re. The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 131 covered. If that same hand, whose chief work, one would think, should have been, to transmit the holiest office to those who were to be the ambassadors of the Gospel of peace and love, but which so ot^en touched the key at whose signal, the friends of a purified church, fell beneath the blows of the executioner, had administered poison to one whose power and influence were too great to admit of his removal by ordinary methods, he could not have accomplished his plans more effectually. Without the vacillation of Cranmer, every movement which the Bishop of Hereford had made, showed a steady progress towards the ideal position. He had greater depth of character, wider range of ex- perience, and more facility and readiness as an ecclesiastical diplomat, than the archbishop. Besides he had always access to the king — a privilege which Cranmer enjoyed only on rare oc- casions. The letter of Luther shows in what esteem the Re- former held him, and fully counteracts the suspicions felt by Melanchthon, who, we must acknowledge, was readily deceived in his estimate of men. Nor do Luther's letters deal in empty compliments. Whatever he writes he means. Here is his letter : " Grace and peace in Christ our Lord. As these men, our friends and the legates of the princes, are about making a journey to your Most Serene King, I could not refrain from giving them a letter to you, dreading especially lest I might incur the charge of being an ungrateful and forgetful man. For since, in addition to the most agreeable intimacy which we enjoyed here, you also did, me a very great favor, and profited me by your advice against my enemy, the stone; it is impossible for me to forget you. Often has our conversation been concerning you, espe- cially since affairs have been taking such turns in your kingdom, that either you have been unable to send us letters, or when sent they were possibly intercepted. By such suppositions we com- forted our anxiety. For we were hesitating and dreading, lest possibly this persistent silence might be a sign of some sadder calamity against the progress of the Gospel. There were some 132 The Lutheran Movement in England. who imagined that your King, circumvented at some time by skilful Romanists would return again into favor with the Pope. We here prayed, and amid hope and fear besought that Satan be beaten under your feet. Neither are we informed what is being done, among you, with respect to the Gospel, or how. But we hope on the return of these legates to hear a good report con- cerning your Anglican Church with respect to what is verily the Gospel. How the State and Church are in Germany, you will learn fully and thoroughly from our representatives. The Lord Jesus Christ increase in you and in uS both grace and his gifts to the glory of God the Father. Amen. My Katie reverently salutes you. In Christ, farewelL Your most devoted, " Martin Luther. ' ' * the embassy in england. The ambassadors received a very cordial reception. They were honored with the embrace of the king, who expressed his great regret at the absence of Melanchthon, but candidly stated that there were some points in the articles of the Protestants which he did not approve, and that he thought that they ought to make the platform sufficiently broad that the French also might be included. The ambassadors, however, were duly warned by the friends of the Evangelical cause that he was greatly influenced by bishops opposed to the Gospel, and that they should not place much dependence upon his. flattery.'' This they soon found to be only too true. Three bishops and four doctors of divinity, with Cranmer, as president of the commission, were appointed to represent the English side, while Dr. Barnes was assigned by the king a place in the conference on thfe Lutheran side !■ There is perfect agree- ment concerning the facts of the Conference. "The two par- ties went together through the Augustan Confession."' "The course of the discussion was regulated by the plan pursued in the ^De Wette's Luther's Briefe, V: no sq. ' Seckendorf, III : 180. ' Dixon's History- of the Church of England', V<^. II : p. Jj The Lutheran Commission to England of 1338. 133 Augsburg Confession." "The king appointed certain bishops and doctors, to enter into conference and debate with them, of each of the heads of Christian doctrine contained in the Augus- tine Confession, and of divers abuses brought into the church." ' They were not long in coming to an agreement on the Doctrinal Articles, but after these were finished, a disagreement arose, the Lutherans insisting that the consideration of the Confession must be finished, and the articles on Abuses also included, while the bishops were just as urgent that the seven sacraments must form the next subject of consideration. Back of the bishops was the king ; but the Lutherans had the satisfaction of having on their side Cranmer, who wrote with no little feeling to Crumwell con- cerning the course of his associates. The fact could not be con • cealed that it was the intention of the King by this procedure to break up the conference, which threatened to go too far. It actually began to look as though, if the discussions were to con- tinue, the whole Augsburg Confession would be approved. Me- lanchthon wrote to Brenz on the basis of the reports received at Wittenberg : " There is hope that the Anglican churches will be reformed, and the doctrine and godly rights restored." "• Nevertheless it would have been a serious matter from a political standpoint to have dismissed the representatives of the Smalcald League too abruptly. So Henry announced that he himself would undertake to answer the Lutheran argument on Abuses. Cranmer also describes the entertainment furnished the Luth- eran ambassadors as being such as would lead them to desire a summons homeward at the earliest moment. "As concernyng the Oratours of Germanye, I am advertised, that thei are very evill lodged where thei be : For besides the Multitude of Ratts, daily and nyghtly runnyng in their chambers, which is no small Disquietnes ; the Kechyn standeth directly against their Parlar, where they dayly Dine and Supp ; and by reason thereof, the ' HardwicU's History of Articles, p. 70. "• Corpus Reformatorum, III : 587. 134 The Lutheran Movement in England. House savoreth so yll, that it offendeth all Men that come into it."" The king was trifling; and the ambassadors were quick- enough to perceive it. "He wants," writes Myconius, "noth- ing else than to sit as Antichrist in the temple of God, and that King Harry be Pope. The precious treasures, the rich income of the Church— these are Harry's Gospel."^'' The Bishop of Hereford is no longer at hand to plead for the evangelical faith with his hardened monarch. Political considerations have again interfered. Francis and Charles V. have concluded a peace. Charles V. has sent a proposition to the afflicted wid- ower on the throne of England, that his fourth wife should be the Emperor's niece. Henry interprets this as an indication that his power is actually feared by the Emperor, and that he can now cope with the Pope without bothering himself with the terms of church fellowship which these obstinate and narrow- minded Lutherans want to impose. The ambassadors understood the situation and prepared to re- tire. Myconius felt his strength failing, and feared that if he tarried much longer in the fogs of London, his struggle for life would soon end. He wrote to Cranmer September loth. " Al- though for the sake of advancing Christ's glory I am ready also to suffer all things ; yet since, in the articles and summary of Christian doctrine, we have advanced so far as to agree now concerning the chief; and since, as to what is left touching abuses, we have explained the opinion of our princes, doctors, churches and of ourselves both verbally and in writing, and the doctors now know our judgment, they will be able also in our absence to weigh them, and to determine what they see to be pleasing to the divine will and useful to the church of God." " Nor is the ofificial letter which they left in England without great " Burnet, Record Book III : xlviii. '^ Piper's " Die Zeugen der Wahrheit" Vol. Ill : p. 445, 13 Strype^s Memorials, VI : 139. The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 135 interest. We quote from the summary of it which the king had prepared : " After they had related what was given them in command- ment, and that they had conferred of the articles of the Chris- tian religion for two months with some bishops and doctors of divinity, appointed them by the King's Majesty ; they doubt not that a firm and perpetual concord betwixt their princes and the king's majesty, and their bishops, divines and subjects would follow in the doctrine of the gospel, to the praise of God, and the ruin of the Roman Anti-Christ. And because they cannot stay for the rest of the disputation concerning abuses, before they depart they think it their duty to declare their sentence of some articles of abuses ; which, after their departure, the king's majesty may take care that his bishops and divines confer together of. They say, the purity of doctrine cannot be con- served, unless those abuses be taken away, that fight with the Word of God, and have produced and maintained the tyranny and idolatry of the Roman Anti-Christ." Yet when the time for the departure of the commission came, the king was profuse in compliments. Writing to the Elector he styled them his "most blameless friends, who have presented arguments so eminent in sound learning, wisdom, uncommon candor, and supreme devotion to Christian godliness, that their intercourse has been in the highest degree charming and agree- able to us, and we entertain the well-assured hope that, with God's assistance, fruit and success will follow the counsels that have been begun." The Saxon Vice-Chancellor took with him, as a memorial of his sumptuous entertainment, three horses and a carriage presented by the king. When, a few weeks later, their owner exhibited them at Smalcald, the ludicrousness of the whole procedure was such, that Luther could not refrain from some amusing remarks, which may be found in his Table- Talk. " The subject, however, has its serious as well as its humorous " Erlangen Ed. Luther's Works, Vol. 62, p. 453. 136 The Lutheran Movement in England. side. As Seckendorf remarks: "The just judgment of God against the horrible vices of the king ought to be recognized." '^ "The failure of these negotiations with the German princes was one of the heaviest blows sustained by the English Reforma- tion during the reign of Henry VIII. It both removed the sal- utary restraint hitherto imposed on the King's caprices by an un- willingness to break with those who were embarked in the same cause, and it also enlisted his personal feelings on the side of the tenets he had so zealously pledged himself to defend." '° THE THIRTEEN ARTICLES OF 1538. If the question, theii, be asked, why is not the Church of Eng- land a Lutheran Church ? the true answer is, Because a wicked ruler interfered within a sphere that did not belong to him, and abruptly terminated the measures of the true representatives of the Church, which clearly indicated a readiness to accept the Lutheran Confessions." This is shown further by the Articles of 1538, evidently drawn up at the Conference, and preserved with other documents per- taining to it, which were discovered about 1830 by Dr. Jenkyns among the manuscripts of Cranmer. They have no weight ex- cept as historical evidence of the facts which we are tracing, having failed of their purpose, and not having received any formal sanction. They were filed away, to serve an important purpose afterwards in the preparation of the Articles of 1552, through which they continue to live in the Thirty-Nine Articles. The subjects of the articles are I. Of the Unity of God and the Trinity of Persons. II. Of Original Sin. III. Of the Two Natures of Christ. IV. Of Justification. V. Of the Church. VI. Of "Baptism. VII. Of the Eucharist. VIII. Of Repea- ls Vol. Ill: p. 180. 1^ Jenkyn's Cranmer, I : xxv. " " It is an unjust scandal of our adversaries, and a gross error in ourselves, to compute the nativity of our religion from Henry the Eighth ; who, though he rejected the Pope, refused not the faith of Rome." — Sir Thomas Browne's Seligio Medici, \ J- The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538. 137 tance. IX. Of the Use of the Sacraments. X. Of the Ministers of the Church. XI. Of Ecclesiastical Rites. XII. Of Civil Af- fairs. XIII. Of the Resurrection of Bodies, and the Final Judgment. The reader may judge for himself how closely the Augsburg Confession is followed : Augsburg Confession, (1530). Art. I. The churches with common con- sent among us, do teach that the de- cree of the Nicene Synod concerning the unity of the divine essence and of the three persons is true, and without any doubt to be believed : to wit., that there is one divine essence, which is called and is God, eternal, without body, indivisible, of infinite power, wisdom, goodness; the Creator and Preserver of all things visible and in- visible ; and that yet there be three persons of the same essence and pow- er, who are also co-eternal, the Fath- er, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. And they use the name person in that signification which the ecclesias- tical writers have used it in this cause, to signify, not a part or quality in an- other, but that which properly sub- sisteth. They condemn all heresies which have sprung up against this article, as the Manichees, who set down two principles, good and evil; in the same manner, the Valentinians, Ari- ans, Eunomians, Mahometans and all such like. They condemn also the Samosa- tenes, old and new ; who when they earnestly contend that there is but one person, do craftily and wickedly trifle after the manner of Rhetoricians about the Word and the Holy Ghost, that they are not distinct persons, but that the Word signifieth a vocal word, and the Spirit a motion created in things. Articles (1538.) Art. I. We judge that the decree of the Nicene Synod concerning the unity of the divine essence and the three per- sons is true, and without any doubt to be believed : to wit., that there is one divine essence, which both is called and is God, eternal, without body, in- divisible, of infinite power, wisdom, goodness; the Creator and Preserver of all things visible and invisible ; and that yet there be three persons of the same essence and power, and co-eter- nal, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. And we use the name person in that signification which the ecclesias- tical writers have used in this case to signify not a part or quality in an- other, but that which properly sub- sisteth. We condemn all heresies which have sprung up against this article, as the Manichees who set down two principles, a good and an evil ; also the Valentinians, Arians, Eunomians, Mahometans and all such like. We condemn also the Samosatanes old and new, who when they earn- estly contend that there is but one person, do craftily and wickedly trifle after the manner of Rhetoricians about the Word and the Holy Ghost, that there are not distinct persons, but that the Word signifieth a vocal word, and the Spirit a motion created in things. 138 The Lutheran Movement in England. Art. II. Also they teach that after Adam's fall, all men begotten after the com- mon course of nature, are born with sin ; that is, without the fear of God, without trust in him, and with fleshly appetite ; and that this disease or origi- nal fault is truly sin, condemning and bringing eternal death now also upon all that are not born again by bap- tism and the Holy Spirit. They condemn the Pelagians and others, who deny this original fault to be sin indeed ; and who, so as to les- son the glory of the merit and benefits of Christ, argue that a man may, by the strength of his own reason, be jus- tified before God. Art. II. All men begotten after the common course of nature are bom with original sin ; that is with an absence of the original righteousness that ought to be in them,'* on which ac- count they are children of wrath, and fail in knowledge of God, fear of God, trust towards God, etc. And they have fleshly appetite conflicting with the law of God ; and this disease or fault of origin is truly sin, con- demning and bringing eternal death now also upon those who are not bom again by baptism and the Holy Spirit. We condemn the Pelagians and others, who deny the fault of origin to be sin ; and who, so as to lessen the glory of the merit and benefits of Christ argue that man can satisfy God's law by his own natural strength without the Holy Spirit, and by the good works of reason be pronounced righteous before God. Article III. corresponds to Article III. of Augsburg Confes- sion except in the second word, where we find " doc emus,'' in- stead of ' ' docent. ' ' Art. IV. "Of Justification ' ' is much longer than the corresponding Article of the Augsburg Confession, which it includes but amplifies. The definition of the " Ten Articles ' ' is introduced, but so modified by qualifying clauses as to bring it into nearer accord with the Confession. Objec- tions to the Lutheran doctrine are also met by the formulation of the statement that the faith described is not inoperative knowl- edge, or simply a knowledge of the articles of faith, etc. It closes with a verbal reproduction of Art. V. of the Augsburg Confession. Art. V. discusses at length the definition of the Church in harmony with the Lutheran Confession, drawing ma- terial both from the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. i^This variation from the Aug. Conf. is derived from the Apology (78: 15) : " The ancient definition, understood aright, expresses the same thing when it says : ' Original sin is the absence of original righteousness' " Tlie Lutheran Commission to England of 1238. 139 Art. VI. includes Art. IX. of the Augsburg Confession, and Art. I. of "The Ten Articles" of 1536, concerning Infant Baptism, taken as we have seen from Melanchthon's " Adversus Anabap- tistas," and adds a statement concerning Adult Baptism. Art. VII. teaches the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper in the terms agreed upon at Wittenberg in 1536. The only article of the " Repetitio " there framed of which we have any knowledge is quoted by Seckendorf : Articles (1538). " Of the Eucharist we constantly believe and teach that in the sacra- ment of the Body and Blood of the Lord, Christ's body and blood are truly, substantially and really present under the forms of bread and wine, and that under the same forms, they are truly and really tendered and dis- tributed to those who receive the sac- rament, whether good or bad." Of the remaining Articles, IX., X. and the first paragraph of XL are substantially derived from the Augsburg Confession, though expanding the doctrine, guarding it from misconceptions and answering objections. Articles VIII. "Of Repentance," XII., "Of Civil Affairs," and XIII. "Of the Resurrection," are treated at much greater length, but also bear clear marks of the source whence they come. Repetitio (1536). " We constantly believe and teach that in the sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord, Christ's body and blood are truly, substantially and really present under the forms of bread and wine, and that under the same forms, they are truly and cor- poreally tendered and distributed to all those who receive the sacrament." CHAPTER X. MORE ENGLISH LUTHERAN LITERATURE. The Firet English Systematic Theology. Tavemer's Sarcerius. Its bignifi- cance and Purpose. Connection between Myconius and Sarcerius. Sarcerius and the Reformation of Nassau. Count William of Nassau. Sarcerius as an Organizer. His Examinations. His Skill as a Teacher. Relation to William of Orange. Henry VIH's delight with the Book of Sarcerius. Letter of Sarcerius to Henry. The Wittenberg Faculty on Henry's Study of Sarcerius. Coverdale's Revision of Matthewe's Bible (the Great or Crumwell's Bible) ; of the Great Bible (Cranmer'sj. Tavemer's Revision of Matthewe's Bible. While these negotiations were pending, (August 12th, 1538) the first English work on Systematic Theology appeared in a translation of "The Common Places" of Erasmus Sarcerius. Even the German language could not boast of a Lutheran sys- tem of theology as early as this, which appeared, first in Latin, and then, so soon afterwards, in English. The dedication to Henry VIII, by the translator, Richard Taverner, states that it was translated by order of Crumwell. " Now of late he hath impelled me to translate into English this book of Erasmus Sar- cerius, a treasure inestimable unto Christian men." "Whatso- ever this book is, like as by the impulsion and commandment of my said old master, my Lord privy seal, I have translated it into our vulgar tongue ; so his Lordship hath willed me to offer and dedicate the same unto your most noble and redoubted Ma- jesty." It is also stated that this treatise of Sarcerius was pre- ferred to the "Common Places" of Melanchthon, in making the selection of the work to be translated, because "only in this they differ, that Melanchthon directeth his style to the under- (140) More English Lutheran Literature. 141 standing only of the learned persons well exercised in Scriptures. This tempereth his pen also to the capacity of young students of scripture, and such as have not had much exercise in the same. ' ' We see, therefore, in this book, another provision made for the thorough reformation of the Church of England. It was hoped that entire harmony would be reached in the confessional basis adopted ; that, not only the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg Confession, but also those on abuses, would be received ; and that, then, since, in other Lutheran countries, the Church Orders contained a summary of doctrine, according to which the pastors were to conform their preaching, such a provision would be made in this translation of Sarcerius. Myconius, the theologian of the embassy, possibly had recommended this course to Cran- mer or Crumwell. At the birth-place of Sarcerius, Annaberg in Saxony, Myconius had not only been educated, but had lived for years as a Franciscan monk. Although Sarcerius was ten years younger, they had both attended the same Latin school ; and though scarcely cotemporary in school, the son of one of the most wealthy and influential citizens of the place could not have been unknown to the young monk even in the days of his subjec- tion to the Papacy. Since both were now active in the same cause, the local attachments were not without their influence. Just at that time, Sarcerius was engaged, at the call of Count William, father of the great William of Orange, Stadtholder of Holland, in re-organizing the church in Nassau upon an evan- gelical basis. He had been prepared for this work by studying at Wittenberg, under Luther and Melanchthon and by extensive experience as a teacher. He had left Wittenberg in 1530, and, from 1530-36, had been Subrector of a Gymnasium at Liibeck established, in 1530, by Bugenhagen, with the exception of sev- eral brief intervals during which he taught at Rostock, and at Gratz. Called as teacher to Nassau in 1536, when, in 1538, the time had come for a more thorough reformation of that country, he was appointed Superintendent and at once set vigorously to work. 142 The Lutheran Movement in England. The story of the preparatory efforts at reformation in Nassau is exceedingly interesting. Count William, and his family had always been on intimate terms with Charles V. ; and personal considerations were, therefore, an obstacle to his acceptance of the purified Gospel. But Tetzel's sale of indulgences in his realm had excited his opposition. He had heard Luther's de- fence at Worms with admiration ; and, on returning home, had sent to the Elector Frederick for Luther's writings, which Fred- erick transmitted with the message: "By God's help, I will make, through these, a good Christian of you." Again at the Diet of Augsburg, he was impressed by the arguments of the re- formers ; but was so much under the influence of the Emperor, of whose retinue his brother was a member, that, after the diet, he accepted a commission to Wittenberg, for the purpose, if pos- sible, of winning the young elector from the Lutheran cause. But his visit to Wittenberg, instead of changing the elector, brought Count William to a decision ; and he returned in full sympathy with the reformers. Two evangelical preachers, Heil- mann of Van Crombach, and Leonhard Mogner, were appointed by him to important positions, the former, as his chaplain, at Dillenburg, and the latter at Siegen, and entrusted with the work of preparing a new " Church Order," which appeared in 1531, and abolished the grosser Papistical abuses. Entering the Smal- cald League in 1534, at Dillenburg and Siegen the Brandenburg- Niirnberg Order was introduced. Sarcerius' call as a teacher was to prepare for the more radical changes to be effected in 1538. His first work was to thoroughly instruct the pastors. He was still the accomplished teacher, who regarded it his first work to drill his new pupils, the clergy of Nassau, in fundamental defi- nitions. Both at the Synods which he held, and in his visita- tions, the pastors were thoroughly examined, and were expected to show their familiarity with the definitions which their Super- intendent had carefully wrought out and published for their use. We read in his report to Count William how he examined the pastors " Concerning God j the Trinity in general; the Father; More English Lutheran Literature. 143 the Son ; the Holy Ghost ; the holy angels ; the Wicked Angels ; the Creation of man and his Fall ; the promise to the Church ; the Law, and its species ; the Gospel and its revelation ; Faith ; Justification and Life Everlasting j Good Works ; the Cross ; the Sacraments; Prayer; the Magistracy and Ministers;" and, then, examined the people, to learn what their pastors had taught them on these topics. This was certainly far more thorough than even the excellent plan elsewhere pursued of attaching to the "Church Order ' ' adopted, a simple outline of dectrine for the guidance of pastors. Besides as Gerdesius remarks,' the philosophical training of Sarcerius rendered him especially happy in his doc- trinal statements. It was, therefore, one of these books 'prepared by Sarcerius for his clergy, that Taverner translated. From the reprint ofTaverner's translation, published in 1577, when William of Orange was in the midst of his conflict with the Duke of Alva, the placid but determined features of this skilful teacher and organizer stand forth in an excellent engraving, which we find also precisely reproduced in the second volume of Gerdes' Miscellanies. Underneath the engraving are the Latin lines connecting the work of Sarcerius in the reformation of Nas- sau, with the work of the son of his patron in the Netherlands. Quam claram fads, haec eadem Nassavia clarum Te facit ; et Scriptis nobile nomen babes ; Romanum oppugnas ; MAGNUS GuiHELMUS at ille Hispanum, Factis nobile nomen habens. " Nassau, which thou dost make renowned, this maketh thee re- nowned. By thy writings, thou hast a noble name ; thou at- tackest the Roman ; but the Great William, by his deeds, hav- ing a noble name, is attacking the Spaniards." This means simply that the work begun by Sarcerius was not understood in its full significance, until the great struggle in the Netherlands occurred. Williani of Orange, until his fif- teenth year, was trained under the influences determined by Sar- ' Miscellanea Groningina, II : 606. 144 The Lutheran Movement in England. cerius ; his temporary Romanism was due to the attractions of the Imperial Court, and the confidence of Charles V., when, as a youth, he became his page ; but his sound Lutheran early edu- cation at length gained the victory over the error in which he was bound. Nevertheless, not being a theologian, the form of Pro- testantism of which he was the champion in that terrific struggle, was that of Calvinism. King Henry was at first greatly delighted with this book of Sarcerius. In March 1539, in a conference at Frankfort to be hereafter mentioned, his ambassadors met Sarcerius, and refer- ing to the translation of his book, induced him to write a letter, to be carried by them to England. It is as follows : " Grace and peace from our Lord Jesus Christ. Most Serene King: When a few days ago, by command of the illustrious prince, William of Nassau, my most clement lord, I came to Frankfort, I found that at the abode of Philip Melanchthon, the ambassadors of your Serenity, men of high repute both in doc- trine and in integrity of life ; who, since, among other things, they heard my name, asked whether I were that Erasmus Sarce- rius, who had published ' a method ' upon the chief articles of Scripture, I replied that I was he. Then they at once began to tell me, that, by the command of your Serenity, my method had been translated into the English language ; and that I am now speaking English. Then they added that if I would please write to your Serenity, they would see to it that my letter would be delivered. Although disinclined to follow their advice, since I measured myself by my own rule, i. e., considering my inexperience and amount of learning inadequate to satisfy your Serenity, since you are endowed with talent unexcelled in acute- ness and depth both of knowledge and judgment, yet when I heard of the kindness of your Serenity towards all zealous for, and lovers of the pure religion, I began to write in my unlearned style, commending myself humbly to your Serenity. If I see that my writings please you, I will see that you shortly receive my ' Common Places, methodically arranged ' somewhat en- More English Lutheran Literature. 145 larged, more topics being added, and also terms for vices, of which Scripture makes mention. Since also in the realm of your Serenity, the true religion is now being planted, to the glory of God and the benefit of men, I will send also Postils upon the Gospels for the Lord's Days and the Festivals; as well as upon the Epistles for the Lord's Days and Festivals, dedicated to your Serenity. The Lord keep your royal Majesty safe an J secure, to the glory of the Gospel and the peace of the church. Frank- fort, March loth, 1539. Erasmus Sarcerius." A few months later, (October 2 2d, 1539), the Wittenberg Faculty, in a paper to be hereafter more fully described, de- clared that Henry, with respect to " The Six Articles," was acting against his conscience, because " he himself has had a little book of Sarcerius translated and printed in his own language, which he has used as a prayer-book, wherein the matter is briefly pre- sented.'"' Steadily also the work of Bible revision and Bible circulation advanced. With Matthews' or Rogers' version, the English Bi- ble was at last complete, but very unequal in the merits of its several parts, and requiring early revision. With remarkable self-abnegation, Coverdale undertook this work. That he had already prepared a translation, whose defects he thus acknowl- edged, was with him no consideration. He was content to make Matthews' Bible the basis. Paris was determined upon as the place of publication, and thither he went, with his publisher Grafton, in May 1538. Obtaining a royal license from the French Eling, the work of printing continued until December 17th, when, by the interference of the French ecclesiastics it was prohibited, editor and publisher compelled to flee, and the sheets confiscated. Sold, however, for waste paper, instead of being burned, the most of them were- saved ;. and the printing was completed in April 1539, the book being called from its size, (15 X9 inches) the " Great Bible,"' or Crumwell's Bible, as it owed its origin to the "Lord Privy Seal," Copies were ' Corpus Reformatorum, III: 796; De Wette's LutKai'i Briefs, V: 213. II 146 The Lutheran Movement in England. placed in every church where parishioners could always have access to them, and where the people would congregate in large numbers, as successive readers would take their turn in reading aloud from the Word of Life. Almost everyone who could command the means sought a copy for himself. " Even little boys flocked among the rest to hear portions of the Holy Scrip- ture read."' In making this revision, Coverdale omitted the polemical notes and prefaces of Rogers, doubtless in order to make the edition less offensive to those inclined to the old order. This is the edition from which the Psalter of " The Book of Common Prayer," was taken. Again, revising the "Great Bible" of 1539, in 1540 (April, July and November) and in 1541 (November and and Decem- ber), Coverdale gave the public what is known as Cranmer's Bi- ble, making many changes in his previous work, and in some instances reverting to his older renderings. Dr. Eadie* has reached the conclusion that though it was a double revision of Matthew's of 1537, the Great Bible is not only inferior as a translation, but has interspersed through it a great variety of par- aphrastic and supplementary clauses from the Vulgate, some being preserved in the Bishops." The two editions which are known as Tonstal and Heath's, are not revisions as they profess to be, but only Cranmer's Bible with a deceiving title-page. The Romish power was in tempo- rary sway, but the king and the people still demanded the Bible ; hence these representatives of the hierarchical party, unable to prevent the demands, adopted this futile expedient. Prior, however, to this, and almost cotemporaneous with the first appearance of the " Great Bible," the revision of Matthews' Bible by Richard Taverner, the learned translator of the Augs- burg Confession and Sarcerius' "Common Places," was pub- lished. Taverner was a very accomplished Greek scholar, and ' Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, 1 : 142 ; < The English Bible, 1 : 383. More English Lutheran Literature. 147 a number of his changes have been incorporated into our Auth- orized Version. His accuracy in the rendering of the Greek; article has been especially noted. For this work, he was im- prisoned after the death of his friend, Crumwell. But we must not anticipate events too far. The political negotiations of 1539 have been already passed over. CHAPTER XI. FRUITLESS NEGOTIATIONS OF 1539. Pharaoh again seeks Moses. Conferences; at Frankfort. Another Commis- sion asked for. Lutherans decline to send Theologians. An Embassy of Civihans. Melanchthon's- Hopes. His long letters to Henry. Gar- diner in the Ascendant. Henry's Answer to the Articles " On Abuses" — "the Bloody Statute of the Six Articles." Luther's Indignation. Shall Melanchthon go to England ? Negotiations concerning Anne of Cleves. Firmness of the Elector of Saxory. Opinion of the Wittenberg Faculty. Their Opinion adverse to further Negotiations. Melanch- thon's Minute Review of " the Six Articles."' An Eloquent Appeal. The English King soon apprehended that he could not afford to be as independent as he imagined, when he broke up the conference of 1538, after the doctrinal articles of the Augsburg Confession had been received. Pharaoh again seeks Moses. A cloud was. rising on the continent, which seemed to portend that, unless, prompt measures be taken, the lightning of the Vatican might yet strike England. Henry becarr.e uneasy, lest the Lu- theran princes and the Emperor might reach an agreement, in the conferences held at Frankfort-on-the-Main from February to April 1539, and that he would be left alone to oppose Charles. A fgrmidable array of Lutheran theologians was present at Frankfort; among them Melanchthon, Spalatin, Myconius, Aepinus, Blaurer, Osiander and Sarcerius. Christopher Mount and Thomas Paynel were sent to represent the English cause. They protested against any action on the part of the Lutheran princes without a previous consultation with Henry. Again the proposition was made that a commission of theologians be sent to England. To this, the princes answer that it would be use- (148) Fruitless Negotiations of ij^g. 149 less, since there could be no change from what had been already decided in the conferences of 1536 at Wittenberg with Fox, Heath and Barnes ; ' and give a summary of the Scriptural argu- ments against abuses, to aid the King in coming to a correct de- cision. Until the force of these be conceded, no provision is to be made for negotiations on theological points. Two civilians, however were appointed to confer personally jvith Henry, ex- plain the situation, and arrange the preliminaries for a military alliance in case they were attacked by the same enemy. Vice Chancellor Burkhard and Ludwig a Baumbach were designated for such service and proceeded to England. Melanchthon once more is hopeful. It seems to him as though his scheme, " that an agreement with respect to godly doctrine be established among all those churches which condemn the tyranny and god- lessness of the Bishop of Rome," * had another fair opportunity for consideration. Henry had spoken to the commission of 1538 in such exalted terms of Melanchthon, that the latter now treats the English monarch to two long letters (March 25th, April ist), ° full of those compliments in which the king delighted, and which the classical pen of Melanchthon could so gracefully give. He praises Henry's heroic virtues, and -compares him to Achilles. Melanchthon, alas, was using carnal weapons, instead of those which are mighty through God for the pulling down of strongholds. Yet, however ill-chosen the weapons, there is no questioning the ultimate purpose of his letters. He is urgent that the subject of abuses be at once considered. " Your High- ness has already successfully begun to remove certain supersti- tions. I ask, therefore, that the reform of the other abuses be undertaken." * Nor is he content with addressing Henry. He not only recalls his delightful intercourse with Heath three years before and writes to him, but also sends a long communication ^ Seckendorflll: 224; Strype's Memorials, \l: 156. ^ Corpus Reformatorum III : p. 672. 3 lb. pp. 671, 682. -t'»z the Confession of Augsburg, which had been approved by the consent of the most eminent theologians. To which, if they had firmly adhered, as they ought, neither that most mischievous Zwinglian sect, nor the Anabaptists, nor the Antinomians, nor the Adiaphorists, and authors of change in re- ligion, would have disturbed, as they have done, the best con- "Ib. p. 1 109. >* Calendar, Edward VI. (Foreign) p. 219. New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI. 205 stituted churches, and inflicted a wound that seems almost incurable. ' ' Again it began to look as though an Anglo-German Lutheran alliance might yet be made. With John Frederick liberated, they had now a leader who could be trusted, especially as he was supported by Francis Burkhard who, in 1538, with Myconius, had so nearly gained the victory in the negotiations in London. Hence we find, in the "Calendar" of May 25th, 1553," the' record that commissioners appointed for the purpose recommend to the Royal Council the formation of "a league with the Ger- mans, including the Emperor," and "suggest that for the nam- ing of the matter, John Frederick is the fittest person to hear of it first ; because as he cannot but like, so he is better able to fiirther it, than they, having a man, Francis Burkhard, who has been thrice in England, as fit as any in Germany to handle the subject." But this was not to be. Providence again mysteriously inter- fered. Within less than six weeks, (July 5th, 1553) the young King of England died, and the reign of Bloody Mary began. On the third of March following, the heroic Elector, broken down by the severe sufferings through which he had passed, was added to "the noble army of martyrs" in the Church Tri- umphant. When Amsdorf visited him on his death-bed, to re- ceive his confession and impart the consolations of the Gospel, he heard this dying testimony : "This I know: Whether I live, I live unto the Lord, or whether I die, I die unto the Lord. Of this I am certain." " ^ lb. Domestic Series, ^*-Salig,\x 681. CHAPTER XVT. CONFLICT OF THEOLOGICAL PARTIES IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF EDWARD VI. Effect of the deaths of Fox and Barnes. Reaction against Transubstantiation. Ridley and Hooper, Zwinglians. Bullinger's Influence. John a Lasco, and his congregations. Polanus and the Flemish weavers. Peter Mar- tyr at Oxford. His theological position. Bucer at Cambridge. Was he a Lutheran ? Loscher's Argument. Correspondence between Bucer and Brentz. Bucer on the Real Presence. His Doctrine compared with that of Martyr. Switzerland free from the desolations of Smalcald War. English Negotiations with the Reformed Cities. BuUinger and Lady Jane Grey. Calvin's Correspondence. Cranmer yields. His course explained. When and how he became a Calvinist? His Cate- chism. Indication of process of change afforded by Zurich Letters. In the last chapter, we noted how the cause of Lutheranism in England was weakened by its sad condition on the Continent at the time of the Smalcald War and the Interim. But there were other reasons, why it did not gain the ascendency. The stricter Lutherans of the type of Bishop Fox, and Dr. Barnes, had de- parted. Cranmer, whose connection with Lutheranism in Ger- many had been maintained, largely, through his intimate cor- respondence with Osiander, felt the weakening influence of the latter' s defection on the doctrine of Justification, even though he had no sympathy for his relative's error; and, doubtless, was influenced by Osiander's increasing bitterness against the Wit- tenberg theologians. Melanchthon, to whom he had looked for advice, was also found at this time untrustworthy. A reaction against Romish transubstantiation had manifested itself for years in the denial of the doctrine of the real presence, one extreme violently asserted inevitably producing the other, especially as (206) Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 207 the leaven of Anabaptism was to a greater or less extent diffused. No sooner had the reign of Edward begun, than iconoclastic zeal was ready to tear the crucifixes, out of churches, and otherwise to manifest feeling that had been suppressed so long. Promi- hent leaders of the English Reformation had not realized the importance of the issue involved concerning the Lord's Supper. Long before this, Tyndale had advised Frith not to allow it to be a matter of discussion. " Barnes will be hot against you. My mind is, that nothing be put forth till we hear how you have sped. I would have right use preached, and the presence to be an indifferent thing, till the matter might be reasoned in peace at the leisure of both parties."^ As early as 1545, Nicholas Ridley, afterwards Bishop of London, especially distinguished as a preacher, and probably the most learned divine in the English Church after the death of Bishop Fox, had been influenced by one of Zwingli's treatises against Luther and by the study of Ratramnus to reject both the Roman Catholic and the Lutheran doctrines. John Hoper or Hooper, afterwards bishop of Glou- cester and then bishop of Worcester, a former Cistercian monk, " infected with Lutheranism by books brought from Germany," had been driven by the persecutions concerning " The Six Arti- cles," from England to Switzerland, where he became intimate withBulIinger, the scholar and successor of Zwingli, first at Basle, and afterwards at Ziirich. The death of Henry VIII., and ac- cession of Edward, brought him back to England, not only as a zealous advocate of Zwinglianism, but also as an obstinate pole- mic, giving great trouble to Cranmer and Ridley, and most of all to Peter Martyr, then Professor at Oxford, who dreaded lest the Continental Reformers should be held responsible for his ex. treme position. Although imprisoned, because, when nominated as bishop, he both refused to wear Episcopal robes at consecra- tion, and ill a tract bitterly attacked this custom as one which he regarded a relic of the Papacy, he yet had sufficient influence to overcome the opposition against him, and to secure a prominen' - Jenkyn's Cranmer' s Remains, I : XX. 2o8 The Lutheran Movement in England. place in the councils of the English Church. He diligently circulated the theological writings of his friend Bullinger. Blunt traces to his influence the order which Cranmer actually sent the Dean of St. Paul's in 1552, " to forbid playing of organs at di- vine services." Hooper's disposition towards Lutheranism may be learned from a letter to Bullinger (January 25th, 1546) in which he says: "The Count Palatine has lately provided for the preaching of the Gospel throughout his dominions : but as far as relates to the eucharist he has descended, as the proverb has it, from the horse to the ass ; for he has fallen from Popery into the doctrine of Luther, who is, in that particular, more erroneous than all the Papists." (Original Letters, I. 38). How bitter was the prejudice of Bullinger against Lutheranism, may be learned from another letter in the same collection (p. 251), in which Richard Hilles writes concerning a student at Strassburg, that Bullinger had written requesting that his lodging be changed, since Mr. Marbaoh, with whom he boarded was " not one with whom the father of Lewis would like his son to have any intercourse," the reason being " that Marbach is altogether a Lutheran." It is interesting to note the answer: "If we consider this, there is no reason for your friend Lewis again to change his lodging ; since he will have just such another, if he should lodge with any learned man in this place." With the Interim, there were learned divines glad to find a refuge in England ; and whom Cranmer was glad to call to assist him in his great work. Protestants in large numbers had con- gregated in London, driven from various portions of the Conti- nent. In 1549, there were no less than four thousand Germans there. John a Lasco, was made Superintendent of the several congregations of foreigners, all apparently worshipping in one church. A Lasco was a Polish nobleman, not an exile, but ab- sent from his country by leave of his King, in order to preach the Gospel. He was an intimate friend of Erasmus, whose lib- rary he had generously purchEised, allowing the owner the use of it for the rest of his life. He had been converted to the Re- Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 209 formed faith, and induced to devote himself to the ministry by Zwingli at Basle. He was an intimate friend and correspondent of Melanchthon. He is described by Goebel, ^ as "in science an Erasmian, in faith a Lutheran, in cultus a Zwinglian, in church organization a Calvinist, as a dogmatician loose and indefinite." On the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, he was either Calvinistic or Zwinglian. He supported Hooper in his controversy, being especially extreme in his opposition to clerical vestments and to kneeling at the communion. There was a congregation of foreigners at Glastonbury in Som- ersetshire, consisting chiefly of weavers who had been driven by the Interim from Strassburg. Of this congregation, which doc- trinally seems to have been in sympathy with a Lasco, Valeran- dus PoUanus was pastor. Peter Martyr, Paul Fagius and Martin Bucer, all from Strass- burg, were welcomed lo professorships of theology, Mart}r at Oxford, and Fagius and Bucer at Cambridge. V. E. Loscher, Walch and Buddeus, all maintain that up to this time Martyr had been a Lutheran, ' and a letter of Bucer to Brenz which we shall shortly quote, seems to confirm it. However this may be, in a public disputation at Oxford in 1549, into which he was forced by Richard Smythe, an advocate of transubstantiation, he virtually yielded the doctrine of the real presence, much to Bu- cer's dissatisfaction. Even this Buddeus* explains as only a ' Herzog Real Encyclofadie. 'Buddeus, /ja^ff^^, 1120: " It has been observed by learned men, that in the beginning he did not differ much from the position of Luther, which also pleased the English, until at last he went over to the side of Calvin." Even of his answer to Bishop Gardiner, of 1562, Walch {Bibl. T/ieol. Sel. II : 439) says : " Previously he was not alien to the true doctrine, but now seems to approach the opinion of those who deny the real presence." The Calvinistic element in England, regarded him in the same light. Burcher to Bullinger (October 29th. 1548) : " The Archbishop of Canterbury, moved, no doubt, by the advice of Peter Martyr, and other Lutherans." Or. Letters, II : 542. * Vita Petri Martyris, per Josiam Simler, in Gerdesius' Misscellanea Groningana, III: 38, 48., Melchior Adam's Vita Germ. Theol. II: I3sqq. 15 2IO The Lutheran Movement in England. temporary inconsistency. Martyr was the spiritual father of Bishop Jewel, whose "Apology" is almost a symbol in the An- glican church. Jewel was Martyr's pupil, and took down the discussion with Smythe. Driven from England on the accession of Mary, the charge of disloyalty to the Augsburg Confession was made against him at Strassburg. His answer shows how he wished to be regarded as subscribing to the confession, while he tried to read into it a Calvinistic interpretation. Writing to the Senate, " he professed that he cheerfully embraced the Augsburg Confession, and whatever does not differ therefrom, provided it be correctly understood ; and that, if there were need, he would maintain them with all his might." Concerning the Wittenberg Concord between Luther and Bucer, he replied " that to this he had not subscribed ; that it could not be conceded by the Word of God and conscience, that those destitute of true faith, in par- taking of the sacraments, receive the true body of Christ. ' ' As years advanced, his opposition to Lutheranism increased, and in 1561, in negotiations at the Colloquy of Paissy, with, the King of Navarre, " when he was asked his judgment concerning the Augsburg Confession, he answered that the Word of God seems to us sufficient, as it clearly contains all things which pertain to salvation. For even if that Confession be received, reconcili- ation with the Romanists will not follow ; since they proscribe it as heretical. ' ' ^ He ended his life as Professor at Ziirich. Fagius was known to have very decided Lutheran sympathies, but was more distinguished as an Old Testament scholar than as dogmatician, or ecclesiastical leader, and died before he could enter upon his duties. Bucer had endeavored to mediate between Lutheranism and Zwinglianism. In 1536, however, he had come to an under- standing with Luther and Melanchthon in " the Wittenberg Concord," in which the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper was subscribed, Bucer reserving the nature of the communion of the unworthy as a point not yet settled in his mind. In subse- ^ Isagoge ^. 1 120. Conflict of Theological Parties in England, 211 quent years, he does not seem to have materially varied from this position. Loscher, in his Ausfuhrliche Hi^toria Motuum, devotes an entire chapter, to prove that "although with consider- able weakness, he is, nevertheless, to be reckoned among evangel- ical Lutherans." * Hard wick pronounces him "a moderate Lu- theran, and, as such, decided in his opposition to the school of Hooper." ' It is certain, however, that the very point in which he failed at Wittenberg in 1536, continued to render the transi- tion to the Calvinistic doctrine very easy. Possibly he attempted to render the Lutheran doctrine more acceptable to Calvinists by concessions, or possibly he was never entirely in the clear as to what was involved in statements which he maintained. In " the Sententious Sayings of Master Martin Bucer upon the Lord's Supper," ° of 1550, written while professor at Oxford, there is much that, if taken by itself, would seem to be an entire surrender to Calvinism, e. g., (22) "There is no presence of Christ in the Supper, but only in the lawful use thereof, and such ^\s, obtained and gotten by faith only." (33): "I define Or determine Christ's presence, howsoever we perceive it, either by the sacraments or by the word of the Gospel, to be onfy the at- tainms, and perceiving of the commodities we have by Christ, both God and man, which is our Head reigning in heaven, dwelling and living in us, which presence we have by no worldly means, but we have it by faith." A letter, however, of Bucer to Brentz, May isth, 1550,' apologizing for Peter Martyr's discussion is in a different key. He writes, as in full harmony with Brentz, whose strict Lutheranism has never been questioned, and as though discussions were in progress, in which the Lutheran doc- trine was vigorously assailed, and he were being overpowered. This is the letter: "With respect to the book of Dr. Martyr, I undoubtedly have as much regret as any one else j but the discus- ' Ausfuhrliche Historia, II : 27. ''History of Reformation, p. 220. * Strype's Memorials .of Archbishop Crammer, II : S97 sqq. 'Anecdota Brentiana, :p. 304. 212 The Lutheran Movement in England. sion was announced and the proposition formulated before I had arrived in England. At my advice, he has introduced much in his preface, whereby he expresses more fully his faith in the presence of Christ. With the heads of government, they have much weight who contract their ministry within a narrow sphere, and are not anxious about restoring the discipline of the church ; the violence of these has also to certain extent influenced this friend of ours. While he was with us, all things were presented more correctly and amply. In wishing to prevent us from inclu- ding in the bread, our Lord taken from Heaven, and from giving him to men to be eaten without faith, which none of us imagines, they fall into the error of including him in a fixed place in Hea- ven, although for this they are absolutely without Scripture tes- timony, and of his presentation and presence in the Supper they speak so feebly (yea they do not even mention these words), that they seem to hold that in the Supper nothing but bread and wine are distributed. Our simple position, as held by me, no one as yet has reproved, nor have I heard of any one able to refute it by any firm declaration from Scripture. Neither as yet has any such attempt been made. Their chief argument is : ' The mys- teries of Christ ought to be intelligibly explained.' They would be correct in saying this, if they were to add : ' To faith, not to reason. * They now assume that it can in no way be under- stood how Christ is now circumscribed in a physical place in Heaven ; and since he is thus in Heaven (which they assume not only without any warrant, but even without any firm reason), it cannot be understood how the same body of Christ is in Heaven and in the Supper. When, then we say that in the Supper none should suppose a local presence of Christ, they again say that the body of Christ cannot be understood to be anywhere, unless its presence be that of local circumscription. The substance of their argument, therefore, is : ' Reason does not perceive what you teach concerning the presentation and presence of Christ in the Supper, and hence it is not true. The Scripture passages which seem to prove it, must be understood otherwise. ' Let us Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 213 pray for them. Thus far I have met no true Christians who were not entirely satisfied with our simplicity in this matter." So important was Bucer, until his death in February, 1 551, as one of the chief advisers of Cranmer in the determination of the formularies of this period, that we add yet the explanation of his inconsistencies given by Loscher : " We must not deny that he resorted to many worldly counsels from carnal prudence, mingled with love for peace, which were of great damage to the Evangel- ical Lutheran Church, that he had too little zeal for truth in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, that in the side-questions per- taining to the Lord's Supper he was still not in the clear, that he always had a /fwc^a^/ for seeking to reconcile the two con- tradictories. 'The body of Christ is substantially present, etc.,' and ' The body of Christ is not substantially present, etc.,' an impossible work, at which, nevertheless, he labored until the close of his life. Yet these points must not be mingled with the chief question, in the investigation of historical truth."" It is certain, however, that the Anti-Lutheran element in Eng- land regarded him an exponent of Lutheranism, and was anxious that he should be displaced, as the following shows : "Bucer has a most dangerous relapse into his old disease. Richard writes that there is little or no hope of his recovery. In case of his death, England will be happy, and more favored than all other countries, in having been delivered in the same year, from two men of most pernicious talent, namely Paul Fagius and Bucer." (Burcher to Bullinger, April 20th, r55o)." So after Bucer's death : " The death of Bucer affords England the great- est possible opportunity of concord. If you know any one qual- ified for so important an office, pray inform me. ' ' (Or. Letters, p. 678). " There were political considerations which increased the influ- ^'' Aiisfuhr. Histor. II : 26 sq. For additional infonnation concerning Bu- cer's theological position, see my edition of " Book of Concord," Vol. II : p. 253 sqq., and the authorities there cited. J^ Original Letters, II : 662. 214 The Lutheran Movement in England. ence of the anti-Lutheran element in the Church of England. While Lutheranism seemed to be almost ruined by the Smalcald war and the Interim, there was peace in Switzerland. Francis I. held the Roman Catholic cantons back from supporting Charles V., and, however much they sympathized with the Em- peror, they were powerless to aid him. Hence Zurich and Ge- neva knew nothing of the persecutions that overwhelmed Wit- tenberg and other Lutheran centers. The English court sought, therefore, an alliance with the Reformed cities. Thus, October 2oth, 1549, Edward VI, writes to the Senate of Ziirich: "We have understood by the frequent letters of our faithful and be- loved servant, Christopher Mount, both your favorable disposi- tion towards us, and ready inclination to deserve well of us. In addition to which, there is also a mutual agreement between us concerning the Christian religion and true godliness, which ought to render this friendship of ours, by God's blessing, yet more intimate." " Those high in position in the State were also in frequent cor- respondence with the Reformed leaders in Switzerland. Bul- linger was directing the studies of Lady Jane Grey. Thus, July 12th, 155 1, she writes to him in reference to her Hebrew, and pays this tribute to the Swiss theologian : " Oh, happy me to be possessed of such a friend, and so wise a counsellor, and to be connected by ties of intimacy and friendship with so learned a man, so pious a divine, and so intrepid a champion of true re- ligion." '^ Calvin was in correspondence with the Lord Pro- tector, " the young king, '^ and Cranmer, ^' giving them in long and tedious letters, a great deal of advice. There are published in the " Original Letters," chiefly from the archives at Zurich, no less than one hundred and seventy letters written to Bullinger alone, during the six years of Edward's reign, by friends in Eng- 1^ Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Vol. I : I. « lb. p. 5. " lb. Vol. II : p. 704. W lb. p. 707. i«Ib. p. 7H. Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 215 land, most of whom were exerting all their power to transplant thither the theology of Switzerland. Every change and waver- ing in Cranmer that can in any way be noticed, is promptly and faithfully reported at headquarters in Zurich. It is no wonder, then, that a man of the temperament and dis- position of Archbishop Cranmer, pressed on every side, grad- ually yielded to Calvinism, just as during Henry's reign he had so often allowed his better judgment to succumb for a time to Romanizing tendencies. His change must not entirely be ascribed to vacillation amidst fixed prijiciples. In himself there existed simultaneously the contradictory positions, which had never been thoroughly fought over in his 9wn experience. We would not question his sincerity ; but again and again when he firmly maintained a doctrine, he seems not to have understood it in its relations. With Fox and Crumwell and Barnes to aid him, he was a Lutheran ; deprived of them, he drifted between the conflicting elements, in hope of a better day when he thought he would be able to act with less embarrassment. But when these came with new complications, "he considered," says Dr. Jenkyns, " the exchange from the long established and absolute sway of Henry, to the new and unsettled authority of Edward, as a loss, rather than a gain to the cause of the reforma- tion. He may perhaps have been mistaken in this view ; the flexi- bility of the son may in truth have been no less favorable to the construction of a new system, than the obstinacy of the father to the demolition of the old one. But the inference is almost un- avoidable, that the difficulties of his situation under Henry were less, and under Edward greater, than is usually supposed."" The precise time when the Archbishop became a Calvinist on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper cannot be accurately deter- mined. He himself stated that it was through Ridley's argu- ments that the change in his opinion began. '' Although in the ^''Remains of Thomas Cranmer, D. D., I : p. xliv. '* " Dr. Ridley did confer with me, and by sundry persuasions and auth- orities of doctors, drew me quite from my opinion." Examination, Jenkyns IV: 97. 2i6 The Lutheran Movement in England. preface to the Embden edition of the defence, generally ascribed to his intimate friend, Sir John Cheke, tutor to Edward VI., this change is assigned to the year 1546, this probably marks only the beginning, especially as the Niirnberg Kinderpredigten, improperly known as the Catechism of Justus Jonas' because of Jonas' Latin version, which he translated in 1548, and, which in English, is usually designated Cranmer's Catechism, not only teaches most emphatically the Lutheran doctrine, b>it also con- tains verbatim Luther's Small Catechism. Here the Zurich let- ters are of service : 1548, August ist. Traheran to BuUinger : "All oiir coun- tr3rmen who are sincerely favorable to the restoration of truth entertain in all respects like opinions with you. I except the archbishop of Canterbury, and Latimer, and a very few learned men besides. ' ' '' August 1 8th. John ab Ulmis to BuUinger: " He has lately published a Catechism, in which he not only approved that foul and sacrilegious transubstantiation of the papists in the holy sup- per of our Saviour, but all the dreams of Luther seem to him sufficiently well-grounded, perspicuous and bold." ^° October 29th. John Burcher to BuUinger: "The arch- bishop of Canterbury, moved no doubt by the advice of Peter Martyr and other Lutherans, has ordered a catechism of some Lutheran opinion, to be translated and published in our lan- guage. This little book has occasioned no little discord," ^^ September 28th. Traheran to BuUinger: "Latimer has come over to' our opinion respecting the true doctrine of the Eucharist, together with the archbishop of Canterbury, and the other bishops, who heretofore seemed to be Lutherans." ^ November 27th. " Even Cranmer, by the goodness of God, and the instrumentality of that most upright and judicious man, " Original Letters, I : p. 320. 20 lb II: p. 381. 21 lb. p. 643. 22 lb. I : p. 322. Conflict of Theological Parties in England. 217 Master John a Lasco, is in a great measure recovered from his dangerous lethargy. ' ' '' December 27th. Hooper to Bullinger: "The archbishop of Canterbury entertains right views as to the nature of Christ's presence in the Supper, and is now very friendly towards my- self." " December 31st. Traheran to Bullinger : "The archbishop of Canterbury, contrary to general expectation, most openly, firmly and learnedly maintained your opinion on this subject. I perceive that // is all over with Lutheraw'sm, now that those who were considered its principal and almost only supporters, have altogether come over to our side, ' ' ^ 23 lb. II : p. 383. '*Ib. I: p. 73. '^ lb. p. 323. CHAPTER XVII. LUTHERAN SOURCES OF THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER. Uniformity of Worship in the Western Church, prior to the Reformation, only relative. Influence of Reformation on present Roman Order. Groups of Liturgies. Sources of the Roman Liturgy. Confession of the Open- ing of the Reformation. The old English Orders. The three-fold task of the Reformers of the Service. Introduction of the Vernacular. De- velopment of the Lutheran Service. Luther's Reformation of the Ser- vice. Principles laid down in his Formula Missae of 1523. The old Worship, not to be abolished. Scripture-lessons, Sermons and Hymns to be in German. Luther's German Mass of 1526. German, Latin, Greek, Hebrew may all be used in the same service, if there be those who un- derstand them. Translation of New Testament of 1523. Hymns, mostly of 1524. Formula of Baptism, 1523. Translation of revised Mass, 1526. Bugenhagen's Order of 1524. The Nurnberg Service. Volprecht. Doeber's Mass, 1525. Osiander's Order of Baptism, 1529. Branden- burg-Nurnberg Order, 1533. Refonnation of Cologne, 1543 (Bucer, Me?anchthon, Sarcerius). Its Sources. Order of Morning Service in three typical Lutheran Liturgies. The tentative Order of Bucer in the Strassburg Agende of 1524. If, however, those who controlled the work of the reorgani- zation of the English Church, after many vacillations, at, last failed in a full appreciation and confession of the Lutheran faith, the results of the first glow of awakening love for the Gospel in England and of years of contact and negotiation with the lead- ers of the Lutheran Reformation in Germany, have not been without fruit, but have left their permanent record in the great ecclesiastical documents which are the glory and pride of the English Church, and upon which its very existence depends. Turn where we may in the history or the worship of the English Church and its descendants, we meet at every step with what (218) Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 219 they owe to that memorable time, and to the incomplete and greatly embarrassed work of the first English Lutherans. We have already traced the origin of the English Bible to German soil, and Lutheran influences. We now enter upon the exami- nation of the influence of Lutheranism upon the worship of the English Church. It is a great misconception to imagine that prior to the Refor- mation, the worship in the Western Church, was uniform. Uni- formity of worship, like the subjection of the churches of the va- rious countries to the see of Rome, was a gradual growth. The uniformity in the Romish Church of to-day, is, in large measure, the result of the Council of Trent, and even now, is not entirely absolute, as e. g. the continuance of the Mozarabic Liturgy at T'oledo in Spain still attests. Liturgiologists classify the various liturgies into groups, and in the Gallican group trace a very de- cided oriental influence, some conjecturing that their origin was at Ephesus. The Roman I,iturgy, Mss. of which as far back as the Ninth Century remain, representing or purporting to repre- sent the Liturgy, as current under Leo I. (440-61, Sucramenta- rium Leonianuni) Gelasius (492-96, Sacr. Gelasianuni) and Gregory the Great (590-604), continued to press its way, espe- cially in accordance with the schemes of Gregory, in some places entirely supplanting other liturgies, in others adopting some of their features, and in still others only engrafting some of its own features upon liturgies which it could not supplant. Hence at the opening of the Reformation, there was much con- fusion. Niirnberg and Bamberg are only thirty-three miles apart ; and yet the Niirnberg Missal of 1484 differs from the Bamberg Missal of 1492 in the very first Gospel lesson that is given, viz. that for the First Sunday in Advent, where Niirnberg had yielded to the prevailing practice of Rome by surrender- ing Matth- 21 : i sqq. for Luke 21 : 25 sqq., a change which affected the Gospel for every Sunday in Advent. The old con- flict between the Gallican and the Roman Missal had not been fully decided ; and, therefore, some of the discrepancies in the 2 20 The Lutheran Movement in England. services of Lutheran churches in various lands, may be traced back to discrepancies in the Ante-Reformation services which they undertook to reform. In England also, when the Reformation opened, the various dioceses had divergent orders, as the proportion of Rome or Gal- ilean elements was more or less decided. The chief of these are the Missals according to the use of Sarum (Salisbury), Bristol, York, etc., the former of which dating back to 1085, is the best representative of liturgies of the English type. Upon the basis of these liturgies, therefore, the Reformers both on the Continent and in England, had alike to labor in provid- ing for the reformation of public worship. They had a three- fold work to perform : first, to translate the service which up to this time had been exclusively Latin ; secondly, to correct Ro- mish errors by omission and amendment ; thirdly, to supplement what was lacking, by reintroducing whatever was wholesome in the service of the Early Church that had fallen into disuse, and by inserting whatever changed circumstances rendered needful, in order to guard against prevalent abuses. As long as public worship was congregational, it had been conducted in the language of the people ; only when it ceased to be congregational, and became a work of the priests for the congregation, could a language unknown to the people become that of the entire service. The dominancy of the Romish, over the provmcial liturgies, and the fact that all the culture of the West was Latin, explain how it supplanted all other languages. Luther soon felt the necessity of reintroducing the vernacular. We can trace his desire for it, to a statement in his sermon of 1520 on the Mass. During his absence at the Wart burg, Carl- stadt having radically changed the service, on his return he began to reform it upon conservative principles. Even then, he recognized the fact that it was impossible at one stroke, to at- tain everything desirable, and that the work must be gradually wrought. This is shown very clearly in his " Formula of the Mass" of 1523, where he begins by saying: "I have not ex- Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 221 changed old things for new, always hesitating, both because of minds weak in faith, who could not be suddenly freed of what is old and established by custom, and with whom so recent and unusual a mode of worshipping God could not be introduced ; and especially because of frivolous and fastidious spirits, who, without faith, and without mind, .rush forward, and delight in novelty alone, and then grow nauseated with whatever ceases to be new ; as the latter class of men give more trouble than others, in other matters, so, in holy things, they are most troublesome aiid intolerable, although, while ready to burst with wrath, I am compelled to endure them, unless willing to remove the Gospel itself from the public. But since there is now hope, that the hearts of many have been illumined and strengthened by the grace of God, and the subject itself demands, that scandals be removed from the Kingdom of Chlrist, something must be at- tempted in Christ's name. . . . First of all, we, therefore, pro- fess that it has never been our intention to entirely abolish all wor- ship of God, but only to reform that in use, which has been cor- rupted by the worst additions, and to demonstrate its godly use."' He asks, therefore, only that the Scripture-lessons and sermons be in German, and that after the Gradual, and the Sancius and Agnus Dii in the Communion Service, German hymns, as far as possible, be sung. But he realizes the poverty of the German as yet in hymns ; and hence he felt himself so soon constrained to provide by his own pen, for this want in pub- lic worship Three years later, (1526), in his German Mass he has directed that the most of the liturgical acts shall be in German, but " for the sake of the youth," wishes part of the service still to be in Latin. For, it must not be forgotten that the pupils of the schools, where the Latin was faithfully taught, up to through the Gymnasia, were compelled to take their places in the choirs, and daily, at Matins and Vespers, to chant the Psalms, as well as to 1 A full translation of Luther's Formula ■m2ir] be found in Lutheran Church Review for 1889 and 1890. 222 The Lutheran Movement in England. aid in the regular Sunday services. So, too, the Apology says : " We retain the Latin language, on account of those who are learning and understand Latin, and we mingle with it German hymns, in order that the people also may have something to learn, and by which faith and fear may be called forth. It has nowhere been written or represented that the act of hearing les- sons, not understood, profits men, or that ceremonies profit, not because they teach or admonish, but ex opere operate, because they are thus performed or looked upon. Away with such phari- saic opinion !" But wherever a language be understood and edify, there Luther would give it a place in the service : "Were I able, and the Greek and Hebrew were as common as the Latin, and had in them as much fine music and song as the Latin has. Mass would be held, sung and read one Sunday after the other, in all four languages, German, Latin, Greek, Hebrew. I have no regard for those who are so devoted to but one language, and despise all others ; for I would like to educate youth and men, who might be of service to Christ and converse with men, also in foreign lands, so that it might not be with us, as with the Waldenses and Bohemians, who have so confined their faith to their own language, that they cannot speak intelligently and clearly with any one, until he first learn their language. But the Holy Ghost did not so in the beginning. He did not wait, un- til the whole world came to Jerusalem and learned Hebrew, but he gave various tongues for the ministry of the Word, that the Apostles might speak wherever they went. This example I prefer following ; and it is also proper that the youth be prac- ticed in several languages ; for who knows how God may use them in time?" Accordingly he provided for the service in German, f^rst of all by his translation of the New Testament of 1523; then, by his hymns, the first of which were composed the same year, and twenty-one of the thirty-seven which he wrote having originated in 1524; by his German forms for Baptism {Tavfbuch leiri) of 1523; and his translation of the revised Mass in 1526. His Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 223 colleague, Bugenhagen, was likewise active in similar work, by his Order of Service of 1524. On the Twentieth Sunday after Trinity, 1525, the Mass was said for the first time in German at Wittenberg. Niirnberg, whose intimate relations with the English Reforma- tion, because of the connection between Osiander and Cranmer, has been already noticed, requires special consideration in this connection. Here Wolfgang Volprecht, Prior of the Augustinian cloister, (d. 1528) on Maundy Thursday 1523, administered the communion in both forms to members of his order, and on Eas- ter, 1524, to three thousand persons. In 1525, Doeber's Evan- gehcal Mass was introduced. In 1529, Osiander published an Order of Baptism, partly translated from the Bamberg Order, and partly taken from Luther's Taufbiichlein. In 1533, the very important Brandenburg-J^urnberg Agende was published, having been prepared, as we have before seen, by Osiander, with the assistance of Brentz, and having been submitted to, and re- ceived the endorsement of the Wittenberg Faculty. It is the model, after which many succeeding Lutheran liturgies were con- structed, holding a place, in the first rank, for conservatism, purity of doctrine and correctness of usage. Altogether between 1523 and 1555, Augusti asserts that there were published one hundred and thirty-two Lutheran Agende and Kirchenordnungen. Their great variety is partly explained by historical and local relations, but, at the same, indicates that the Lutheran Church lays less emphasis upon external uniformity, than upon fidelity to the common Evangelical principle. These orders may be distributed into three classes : i. Those pure in doctrine, but adhering most strictly to the received Roman forms. Of these, Mark-Brandenburg, of 1540, the Pfalz-Neuberg and the Austrian of 1571, are types. 2. Those of the Saxon Lutheran type, among which Luther's Formula of the Mass is most prominent. Among them are the Prussian (1525), the various orders pre- pared by Bugenhagen, as Brunswick (1528), Hamburg (1529), Minden and Gottingen (1530), Lubeck (1531), Soest (1532), 2 24 The Lutheran Movement in England. Bremen (1534), Pomerania, (1535), the Brandenburg-Nurnberg ('^SSS)) Hanover (1536), Herzog Heinrich of Saxony (1539), Mecklenbuig (1540), etc. 3. Those which mediate between the Lutheran and the Reformed type, as Bucer's in Strassburg; the Wiirttemberg Orders, and, to a greater or less extent, the orders of S. W. Germany in general. Of these, there is one that exerted an especial influence above all the rest, upon the orders of the English Church, viz., the Lit- urgy for the Reformation of Cologne of 1543. Hermann the Archbishop and Elector of Cologne, having become a convert to the Lutheran faith, expected to reform the churches in his realm according to the Lutheran doctrine ; and, at his request, a Church Constitution, with orders of Service, was drawn up by Bucer, and thoroughly revised by Melanchthon, with the aid of Sarcerius and others. It is derived chiefly from the Branden- burg -Niirnberg order of 1533, and the orders of Herzog Hein- rich, of Saxony, prepared by Justus Jonas in 1536, and published, after revision by Cruciger, Myconius, etc., in 1539, and of Hesse Cassel, (Kymens) of 1539. Carefully guarding against any explicit statements of a polemical character towards both the Romanists and the Reformed, it did not meet with the favor of Liither, who demanded that beyond the positive presentation of doctrine in the service, the negative should also be unmis- takably expressed, and, therefore, had not patience to read it thoroughly. The Order of Morning Service, {Hauptgottesdiensi) as given in these typical Lutheran liturgies, is as follows : I. Luther's German mass, (1526). 1. A Spiritual Song or Psalm in German, as " I will bless the Lord at all times." (Ps. 34). 2. Kyrie Eleison, three, not nine times. 3. A Collect, as follows : " O God, the Protector of all that trust in Thee, without whom nothing is strong, nothing is holy," etc. 4. The Epistle. Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 225 5. A German Hymn : " Nun bitten wir den Heiligen Geist," or some other. 6. The Gospel. ' 7. The Creed in German : " Wir glauben all in einem Gott." 8. Sermon on the Gospel for the day. 9. Paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer, and Exhortation to the Communion. 10. Words of Institution. 11. Sanctus. 12. Agnus Dei in German: "O Lamm Gottes unschuldig." 13. Distribution. 14. Collect: "Almighty God, we thank Thee that Thou has refreshed us with this salutary gift, and we beseech Thy mercy graciously to strengthen us in faith towards The^, and in fervent love towards one another," etc. XIV. Benediction. II. BRANDENBXniG-NURNBERG, (1533.) I. When the priest comes to the altar, he may say the Cotifiteor. 2. Introit or German Hymn. 3. Kyrie. 4. Gloria in Excel- sis. 5. "The Lord be with you," etc. 6. One or more col- lects, according to the occasion. 7. A chapter from the Epis- tles of Paul, Peter or John. 8. Hallelujah, with its versicle, or a Gradual, from Holy Scripture. 9. A chapter from the Gospels, or Acts. 10. The Creed. 11. Sermon. 12. Exhortation. 13. Words of Institution. 14. Sanctus. 15. Lord's Prayer, 16. "The Peace of the Lord," etc. 17. Distribution, accompanied by the singing of the "Agnus Dei." 18. Prayer of thanks- giving: "Almighty and everlasting God, we heartily thank Thee," etc. "Almighty God, we thank Thee," as in Luther's German Mass. 19. Benedicamus. 20. Benediction. " The Lord bless thee," etc.; or, " God be merciful unto us, and bless us," etc.; or, "God, the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, bless and keep us;" or "The blessing of God the Fa- 16 226 The Lutheran Movement in England. ther, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, be and abide with us all. Amen." III. SAXONY {Herzog Heinrich, 1539). 1. Introit de tempore. 2. Kyrie Eleison. 3. Gloria in Excelsis. 4. Creed (^Wir glauben'). 5. Sermon. 6. Saluta- tion. 7. Sursum Corda. 8. Prefaces. 7. Sanctus. 8. Admo- nition with Paraphrase of Lord's Prayer, or Lord's Prayer un- paraphrased alone. 4. Admonition with Words of Institution, or Words of Institution alone. 10. Agnus Dei, on Festivals, or if there be many communicants, ir. At close of Communion, Thanksgiving Collect; "Almighty God," as in Luther's Mass, or " Ach du lieber Herre Gott.''' 12. Benediction. IV. REFORMATION OF COLOGNE, (1543). 1. Public Confession. " I will confess my transgression, etc. Almighty and eternal God and Father, we confess and lament that we are conceived and born in sin, and are full of ignorance and unbelief of Thy divine Word ; that we are ever inclined to all evil and averse to all good ; that we transgress thy holy commandments without end ; and that thereby we have incurred everlasting death, and our corruption ever increaseth. But we are sorry, and crave Thy grace and help. Have mercy upon us all, O most merciful God and Father, through Thy Son, and Lord Jesus Christ. Grant unto us Thy Holy Spirit, that we may learn our sins, and thoroughly lament and acknowledge our unrighteousness ; and with true faith accept Thy grace and forgiveness in Christ, our Lord, Thy dear Son ; so that we may die more and more unto sin, and live a new life in Thee, and may serve and please Thee, to Thy glory and the profit of Thy Church. Amen. 2. Consolation of the Gospel. Hear the Consolation of the Gospel : John 3 : 16; i Tim. 1:15; John 3 : 35, 36 ; Acts 10 : 43 ; i John 2 : 1,2. 3. Absolution. Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer. 227 Our Lord Jesus Christ hath left to his Church the great conso- lation in that he hath enjoined his ministers to remit sins unto all those who are sorry for their sins, and in faith and repentance desire to amend, and hath promised that unto all such, their sins shall be forgiven in Heaven. Upon this gracious com- mand and consolation of our Lord Jesus Christ, I announce unto all those who are penitent for their sins, console themselves in our Lord Christ, and thus desire to amend their lives, the remis- sion^of all their sins, with the assurance of divine grace, and eternal life, through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. 4. Introit. 5. Kyrie. 6. Gloria in Excelsis. 7. "The Lord be with you." 8. Collect. 9. Epistle. 10. Hallelujah, Grad- ual or Sequence. II. Gospel. 12. Exposition of Gospel (Ser- mon). 13. General Prayer : " Almighty and everlasting God and Father, Thou hast com- manded us through Thy dear Son and his Apostles, to come unto Thee in His name, and hast promised, that whatsoever we, when thus assembled, ask Thee in his name. Thou wilt graciously grant j we pray Thee, in the name of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, first that Thou would graciously forgive us all our sin and misdeeds which we confess unto Thee," etc. 14. Creed, during the singing of which the offerings are gathered. 15. Warning against unworthy reception of the Lord's Supper. 16. " The Lord be with you," etc. 17. " Lift up your hearts," etc. 18. "Let us give thanks," etc. ig. "It is truly meet, right and salutary," etc. 20. Sanctus. 21. Words of Institution. 22. Lord's Prayer. 23. " The Peace of the Lord," etc. 24. Distribution, during which the Agnus Dei is sung. 25. " The Lord be with you," etc. 26. Collects, as in Brandenburg-Nijrnberg. 27. Benediction, as in Brandenburg- Niirnberg. To these, we add Bucer's tentative, but still earlier work, in the Strassburg Mass of 1524, although published without authority. This is of especial interest, because of Bucer's connection both with the Reformation of Cologne, and the Revision of I Edward VI. 228 The Lutheran Movement in England. I. In the Name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. 2. Kneeling. I said, I will confess my sins unto the Lord. And Thou forgavest, etc. I, a poor sin- ner, confess to God Almighty, that I have grievously sinned by .trangression of his commandment, that I have done much which I should have left undone, and that I have left much undone which I should have done, by unbelief and want of confidence towards God, and by lack of love toward my neighbor. For this, my guilt, whereof God knows, I grieve. Be gracious, be merciful to me, a poor sinner. Amen. 3. This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, etc. This I believe. Help, Thou, mine unbelief, and save me. Amen. 4. The priest then says to the people : God be gracious, and have mercy upon us all. 5. The Introit, or a Psalm. 6. Kyrie Elei- son. 7. Gloria in Excelsis. 8. Salutation. 9. Collect, or Common Prayer. 10. Epistle. 11. Hallelujah. 12. Gospel. 13. Sermon. 14. Apostles' or Nicene Creed. 15. Admonition to Prayer. 16. Sursum Corda. 17. Prefaces. 18. Sanctus with Benedictus. 19. Prayer : Almighty, Merciful Father, as Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ hath promised that what we ask in His Name, etc. 19. Words of Institution. 20. How great is Thy goodness, in that Thou not only hast forgiven us our sins, without any merit of our own, but that Thou hast given us as an assurance thereof, the memorial of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ in the bread and wine, as Thou art wont to seal other promises by outward signs. Therefore we have now great and irrefutable assurance of Thy grace, and know that we are Thy children. Thine heirs, and coheirs with Christ, and that we may pray freely as Thine only begotten Son hath taught us, saying: Our Father, &tc. 21. Lord, Deliver us from enemies, seen and unseen, from the devil, the world and our own flesh. Through Christ, our Lord. Amen. 22. Agnus Dei. 23. Lord Jesus, Christ, Thou Son of the Living God, who, by thy Father's will, and with the working of the Holy Ghost, hast, by Thy death, brought the world to life ; deliver us, by this Thy Lutheran Sources of the Book oj Common Prayer. 229 holy Body and Blood, from all our unrighteousness and wicked- ness, and grant that we may alway obey Thy commandments, and never be separated from Thee eternally. Amen. 24. Ad- monition to the profitable remembrance of Christ's Death. 25. Distribution, with the words alone of the Evangelists or Paul. 27. Thanksgiving Hymn : " Gott sei gelobet und gebenedeiet iDer unS selber hat gespeiset Mit seinem Fleische und mit seinem Blute, etc." (Lather.) CHAPTER XVin. THE LITANY OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. Provision for the reading of Scripture Lessons in English. Introduction of Homilies. Purification of the Mass, a gradual Process. Revision of the Litany. The old English Litany (1410). Luther's Revision (1529). Cranmer's of 1544, from the Reformation of Cologne (1543), and this from Luther. Earlier Revision of Marshall (1535), also follows Luther. Luther's and Marshall's in parallel columns. Hilsey's Revision of 1539, dependent on Marshall. Luther's changes in the Litany, transferred to- England, examined in detail. Dr. Blunt's singular mistake. As with the German, so with the English Reformation, the first step in reforming the service, was to provide what is the chief part of the service, the Holy Scriptures, in the language of the people. We have noted the difficulties attending the trans- lation of the Bible, and how it gradually overcame opposition. First we find a proclamation of the King, of November 14th, 1539, (1538) " allowing private persons to buy Bibles, and keep them in their houses." ' Eighteen months later. May 5th, 1541 ^1540), all curates were commanded, under penalty of a fine of forty shillings a month, to set up Bibles in their church, in a convenient place for the people to read. In St. Paul's, London, six Bibles were thus provided.' But in accordance with his vacil- lations, two years later, the king took measures again to suppress their circulation, and Grafton, the publisher, was committed to the Fleet for six weeks, and released only on condition that he . would " neither sell nor imprint any more Bibles, till the King and clergy should agree upon a translation. . . And from hence- * Strype's Cranmer, III : 387. •Strype's Cranmer, I: I91 sq. (230) The Litany of the English Church. 231 forth the Bible was stopped during the remainder of King Henry's reign." ' In 1542, however, the Convocation ordered that "one chap- ter of the New Testament in EngKsh ' ' should be read every Sunday and holidays, and "when the New Testament was through, then to begin the Old."* Provision was made for Homilies at the same time. Every morning and evening, one chapter of the New Testament was to be read in each parish. Provision was also made that "all mass books, antiphoners, porturses in the church of England should be corrected, re- formed and castigated from, all manner of mention of the Bishop of Rome's name ; and from all apocryphas, feigned legends, su- perstitions oraisons, collects, versiclesand responses.'" Nothing, however, in the way of liturgical reform was effected during Henry's reign, except in the Litany. The Litany was the processional prayer of the Early Church, used especially on occasions of great or impending calamity, appointed as early as A. D. 450 by Mamertus, Bishop of Vienne, for the three days before Ascension Day, known as Rogation Days. It was used also at other times, especially during Lent, and had a powerful hold upon the people. It was not strange, therefore, that in 1544, Cranmer undertook to revise it ; for it had forced itself into the language of the people long before the Reformation, filled, however, with all the abominations of the worship of saints. In an English Primer, according to Dr. Maskel's conjecture of about 1 410, it is found, in a form, of which the following are some of the petitions : " Lord : Have mercy upon us. Christ : Have mercy upon us. Christ : Hear us. God the Father of Heavens : Have mercy upon us. ' lb. p. 194. * Strype's Henry VIII., 1 : 602. ' lb. p. 601. 232 The Lutheran Movement in England. God the Son, azenhier of the world : Have mercy upon us. God, the Holy Ghost : Have mercy upon us. The Holy Trinity of God : Have mercy upon us. From fleshly desires : Good Lord, deliver us. From wrath and hate and all evil will : Good Lord, deliver us. From pestilence of pride and blindness of heart: Good Lord, deliver us. From sudden and unadvised death : Good Lord, deliver us. From lightning and tempest : Good Lord, deliver us. From covetousness of vain glory : Good Lord, deliver us. By the privity of thine holy incarnation. By thy holy nativity. By thy blessed circmucision and Baptism. By thy fasting and much other penance doing. By thy blessed burying. By thy glorious rising from death. By thy marvelous stigying to Heaven. By the grace of the Holy Ghost, the Comforter. In the hour of our death. In the day of doom." They are accompanied by such petitions as : " St. Mary : pray for us. Holy Virgin of virgins : pray for us. St. Michael : pray for us. St. Gabriel : pray for us. St. Raphael : pray for us. All holy angels and archangels : pray for us. All orders of holy spirits : pray for us. St. John the Baptist : pray for us. All holy patriarchs and prophets : pray for us. St. Peter, Paul, Andrew, John, James, Philip, etc. All holy apostles and martyrs." Down to " St. Mary the Egyptian, Perpetua, Anne, Catherine, Margaret, Agatha, Agnes, Felicitas," etc. As early as 15 21, when Luther was summoned to Worms, a Litany (^Litany for the Germans) * was adapted at Wittenberg « This is found in Luther's Works, Walch's Ed. XV: 2174 sqq. Litanei, das ist, demiithiger Gebet zu dem dreieinigen Gott, fiir Deutschland, gehalten in einer gewissen beruhmten Stadt in Deutschland am Aschermittwock. The Litany of the English Church. 233 into a prayer for Luther's cause. Its petitions are not alto- gether free from the Romish leaven and sound very strangely : " Christ, hear the Germans." God, the Father in heaven, have mercy upon the Germans." "St. Raphael, pray for the Ger- mans." "All holy angels and archangels, pray for the Ger- mans." "From all evil, help the Germans." "From those who come to us in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves, help the Germans." "From the horrible threats, bulls and banns of the Pope, protect the Germans, Lord God." " From all godless and heretical doctrine, cleanse the schools, dear Lord God. " From all unspiritual questions, protect the theologians, dear Lord God." " From all evil suspicions against Lutheranism, free the minds of the great." " We, Germans, do beseech Thee to hear us." " To guard and protect Martin Lu- ther, the firm pillar of the Christian faith, as he will soon enter Worms, from all Venetian poison." "To support that valiant German Knight, Ulrich von Hutten, Luther's trusted friend, in his good purpose, and render him steadfast in the work under- taken for Luther." " To testify to the Italians, Lombards and Romans, that Thou art Lord God. " "And graciously to hear us, Germans." The accompanying Psalm begins: "Make haste, O God, to deliver us Germans. ' ' This may be character- ized as a popular adaptation of the Litany, in violation of churchly taste and character. Nevertheless it indicated that the Litany could readily be utilized in the service of the purified faith. Before March 13th, 1529, Luther had revised the Litany, in both German and Latin, and introduced it, as revised, into the service at Wittenberg. He writes that the Latin was com- monly chanted after the sermon on Sunday by the school boys. He is quoted as saying that it was, next to the Lord's Prayer, the best that could be prayed. Cranmer follows Luther closely, either immediately, or through the Litany in the Reformation of Cologne, which is Luther's. " The whole Litany very much resembles that of Hermann, the reforming Archbishop of Co- logne."' He ."had before him the litany formed upon the ' The Prayer Book Interleaved, p. 77. 234 The Lutheran Movement in England. same ancient model, by Melanchthon and Bucer (1543) for Her- mann. ' ' * Both the writers from whom these statements are de- rived, have overlooked Luther's earlier work, of which Cranmer probably heard during his abode in Germany. Dr. Blunt knows of Luther's Litany, but thinks that its date was 1543. The relation of Cranmer's work to Luther's, becomes manifest when we examine the manner in which the Reformed Anglican Litany attained its present form. In 1535 already, a translation of the chief parts of the service, as a private attempt at its refor- mation, known as Marshall's Primer, was published. It retains, in the Litany, the intercession of saints. With these omitted, it will be seen at a glance how closely it corresponds to Luther's Latin Litany. Luther, iS2g. Kyrie, Eleison. Christe, Eleison. Kyrie, Eleison. Christe, Eleison. Pater de coelis Deus, Fill redemptor mundi Deus, Spirite sancte Deus, Miserere nobis. Propitius esto. Parce nobis, Domine. Propitius esto, Libera nos, Domine. Ab omni peccato, Ab omni errore, Ab omni malo, Ab insidiis diaboli, Marshall, IJJS. Lord, have mercy upon us. Christ, have mercy upon us. Lord, have mercy upon us. God the Father of heavens, have mercy ^Ipon us. God the Redeemer of this world, have mercy upon us. God the Holy Ghost, have mercy upon us. The Holy Trinity in one Godhead, have mercy upon us. Be merciful to us, And spare us, Lord. Be merciful to us. And deliver us. Lord. From all sin, From all error, From all evil, From all crafty trains of the evil. From the eminent peril of sin, From the posession of devils, From the spirit of fornication. From the desire of vain glory. From the uncleanness of mind and body, From unclean thoughts, , From the blindness of the heart, 'Procter's History of Book 0/ Common Prayer, p. 17. rhe Litany of the English Church. 235 Luther, Ij2g. A subitanea et improvisa morte, A peste et fame, A bello et caede, A seditione et simultate, A fulgvire et tempestatibus, A morte perpetua ; Per mysterium sanctae incamationis tuae, Per sanctam nativitatem tuam, Per baptismum, jejunium et tenta- tiones tuas. Per agoniam et sudorem tumn sanguineum, Per crucem et passionem tuam, Per mortem et sepulturam tuam, Per resurrectionem et ascensionem tuam, Per adventum Spiritus Sancti, Paracleti ; In omni tempore tribulationis nos trae, In omni tempore felicitatis nostrae, In hora mortis. In die judicii, Libera, nos, Domine. Peccatores, Te rogamus, audi nos ; Ut ecclesiam tuam sanctam Catho- licam regere et gubemare digneris ; Ut cunctos Episcopos, Pastores et Ministros ecclesiae in sano verbo et sancta vita servare digneris ; Ut sectas et omnia scandala tollere digneris; Ut errantes et seductos reducere in viam veritatis ; Ut Satanam sub pedibus nostris conterere digneris ; Ut operarios fideles in messem tuam mittere digneris : Marshall, IS3S- From sudden and unprovided death, From pestilence and famine. From all mortal war. From lightning and tempestuous weathers. From seditions and schisms, From everlasting death ; By the privy mystery of thy holy incarnation, By thy holy nativity, By thy baptism, fastings and temp- tations, By thy painful agony in sweating blood and water. By the pains and passions on thy cross. By thy death and burying, By thy resurrection and ascension, By the coming of the Holy Ghost ; In the time of tribulations. In the time of our felicity. In the hour of death. In the day of judgment; Deliver us. Lord. We sinners, Pray thee to hear us. Lord. That it may please thee. Lord, to govern and lead thy Holy Catholic Church ; That thou vouchsafe that our bish- ops, pastors and ministers of thy Church, may in holy life, and in thy sound and whole word, feed thy peo- ple; That thou vouchsafe that all per- verse secrets and slanders may be avoided ; That thou vouchsafe, that all which do err and be deceived may be re- duced into the way of verity ; That thou vouchsafe, that we may the devil, with all his pomps, crush under foot ; That thou vouchsafe to send us plenty of faithful workmen into thy harvest ; 236 The Lutheran Movement in England. Luther, JS^tp. Ut incrementum Verbi et fructum Spiritus cunctis audientibus donare digneris ; Ut lapses erigere, et stantes com- fortare digneris ; Ut pusillanimos, et tentatos con- solan et adjuvare, digneris ; Ut regibus et principibus cunctis pacem et concordiam donare digneris ; Ut Principem nostrum cum suis praesidibus dirigere et tueri digneris ; Ut Magistratui et plebi nostrae bene- dicere et custodire digneris ; Ut efflictos et periclitantes respicere et salvare digneris ; Ut praegnantibus et lactentibus felicem partum et incrementum lar- gire digneris ; Ut infantes et aegros fovere et cus- todire digneris ; Ut captivos liberare digneris ; Ut pupillos et viduas protegere et providere digneris ; Ut cunctis homnibus misereri digne- ris ; Ut hostibus, persecutoribus, et cal- umniatoribus nostris ignoscere et eos convertere digneris ; Ut fruges terrae dare et conservare digneris ; Ut nos custodire digneris ; Te rogamus, audi nos. Agne Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, Miserere nobis. Marshall, IS3S- That thou vouchsafe, Lord, to give the hearers of thy word lively grace to understand it, and to work there- after by the virtue of the Holy Ghost; That all extreme poverty, thou please. Lord, to recomfort ; That they which*are weak in vir- tue, and soon overcome in temptation, thou, of thy mercy, wilt help and strengthen them ; That thou vouchsafe to give univer- sal peace amongst all kings and other _ rulers; That thou vouchsafe to preserve our most gracious sovereign lord and King, Henry VIII, his most gracious queen Anne, all their posterity, aid- ers, helpers and true subjects; That our ministers and governors may virtuously rule thy people ; That thy people in affliction, or in peril and danger, by fire, water, or land, thou wilt vouchsafe to defend and preserve ; That teeming women may have joyful speed in their labor ; That all young orphans and sick people, thou please. Lord, to nourish and provide for ; That all being captive, or in pris- ons, thou wilt send deliverance ; That unto all people, Lord, thou wilt show thine inestimable mercy ; That thou wilt forgive all warriors, persecutors, and to convert them to grace ; That the fruits. Lord, on the earth, may give good increase, and that thou wilt conserve them ; That Thou, Lord, wilt hear our Prayer ; We pray Thee to hear us. O the very Son of God, We pray Thee to hear us. O Lamb of God, which taketh away the sins of the world. Have mercy on us. The Litany of the English Church. 237 Luther, iJ2g, Agne Dei, etc. Miserere, etc. Agne Dei, etc. Dona nobis pacem. Christe, Exaudi nos. Kyrie, Eleison. Christe, Eleison. Kyrie, Eleison. Amen. Pater noster, etc. Vers. Domine, non secundum pec- cata nostra facias nobis, Ans, Neque secundum iniquitates nostras, retribuas nobis. Deus misericors Pater, qui contri- torum non despicis gemitum, et moerentium non spemis afTectmn, adesto precibus nostris quas in afflic- tionibus, quae jugiter nos premunt, coram te effundimus, easque clementer exaudi, etc. Vers. Peccavimzis, Domine, cum Patribus nostris. Ans. Injuste egimus, iniquitatem fecimus. Deus, qui deliquentes perire non pateris, donee convertantur et vivant, debitam, quaesumus, peccatis nostris suspende vindictam, et praesta propi- tius, ne dessimulatio cumulet ultion- em, sed tua pro peccatis nostris misericordia semper abundet. Luther adds three collects : " Omnipotens aeterne Deus, cujus Spiritu;" "Omnipotens Deus, qui nos in tantis periculis constitutes;" and " Parce, Domine, parce pec- catis." In 1539, Bishop Hilsey, of Rochester, at the commandment of Crumwell, prepared a "Primer," giving us the first official form of the Reformed English Litany. It very closely follows Marshall, reducing the number of saints, but including the arch- angels, apostles, evangelists and a few martyrs, confessors and virgins. In other respects, the correspondence with Luther of Marshall, IS3S- O Lamb of God, etc. Have mercy on us, etc. O Lamb of God, etc. Give peace and rest upon us. P Lord, hear thou my prayer That my calling m-ay come unto thee. O Omnipotent and merciful God, the Father eternal, which dost not despise us sinners, bewailing with contrite heart for offending the high majesty, we pray thee, by thy holy grace and mercy, to draw us near to thee, to hear our prayers, to forgive our offences, and to comfort us in our afflictions, etc. We have sinned with our forefath- ers. Iniquity have we wrought with un- just living. Lord, God, which dost not suffer sinners to perish and die in their works, but rather wilt that they shall convert and live, we humbly pray thee to forgive us now, while we have time and space. And give us grace that we do not abound in sin, nor in iniquity, no more, lest Thou, Lord, be wroth with us, etc. Marshall adds one collect : " O most high and mighty Lord God and King of peace," etc. , for the King and counsellors, etc. 238 Tlie Lutheran Movement in England. 1529, while not as close, in general continues. The closing collects differ. In the Litany prepared in 1544, which is that of the Book of Common Prayer, the simple Kyrie was omitted, and a begin- ning made with its expanded paraphrase, to -which " miserable sinners" was added, the dogmatic statement of the procession being inserted in the third petition. The Ne reminiscaris was transferred from the close of the Penitential Psalms, to the begin- ning of the deprecations. The deprecations themselves are multi- plied from the pre-Reformation English Litanies. Luther's Litany, after the Roman, furnished : "From Sin." Luther's German Litany of 1529, suggested the double translation of " Insidiis " as " crafts and assaults " {Trug und List') " of the devil," and, as in 1535, the translation of " perpetua" as "everlasting"'' (^fUr den ewi^en Tod). A more accurate rendering of the Latin of 1529, than that of Marshall gives "From battle and murder." " Sudden and unforseen death," found even in Sarum, however, has been changed into "Sudden," while Luther's German, fol- lowed by Reformation of Cologne, has made it " idsen schnillrn Tod.'" The Obsecrations almost precisely reproduce Luther's Latin, adding however "Circumcision," changing "Tempta- tions" into the singular, and omitting "Comforter" from "By the coming of the Holy Ghost." The intercessions are ex- panded, and the order is changed for apparent reasons. While Luther's Litany defers praying for temporal rulers until the tenth intercession, the Litany of 1544, according to Henry's preten- sions as Head of the Church, inserts five petitions for him before that for bishops and pastors. In the American " Book of Com- mon Prayer," this inversion has not been changed, and prayers for temporal, are made in Episcopal churches before those for spiritual rulers, even with the assumption which the change de- clares no longer received. The " Bishops, Priests and deacons " of the Prayer Book are the " Bishoffe, Pfarrh^rr und Kirchen- diener" of Luther's German. Concerning the petition : "To give to all thy people an increase of grace," Blunt says: "A The Litany of the English Church. 239 beautiful combination of the passage about the good ground with James i: 21 and Gal. 5: 22. Its date is 1544." Cf. how- ever Luther (1529) above: " Ut incrementum Verbi," etc. So also all the clauses which he is unable to trace to earlier English Litanies or Roman use, and assigns to 1544; but which are found already in the Primer of 1535. Marshall's probable misun- derstanding of Luther's Latin is rectified in the petition : " That it may please Thee to strengthen such as do stand, and to com- fort and help the weak-hearted, and to ra'se up them that fall." So also Luther is again more accurately rendered in the " To beat down Satan under our feet," and while not precisely, yet far more nearly than in 1535, in the clause : "To succour, help and comfort." Of the intercession : " To defend and provide for the fatherless children and widows, and all that are desolate and oppressed," Blunt says : "One of the tenderest petitions in the Prayer Book, and full of touching significance, as offered to Him who entrusted His Mother to His Apostle. It was placed here in 1544 (the words being clearly suggested by such passages asPs. 146: 9; Jer. 49: 11)." Again Luther has been over- looked, even though Hermann of Cologne, is referred to : " CT pypillos ei viduas protegere et providere.'' So in the next peti- tion, "expressing" as the same author says, "the same all comprehensive charity, ' ' Cranmer turned from Marshall to Luther, and translated literally: "That it may please thee, to have mercy upon all men." The same may be said of the next petition. The versicle and collect that directly follow the Litany, are from Luther. Dr. Blunt gives the form of the collect from the Sarum Mass in his parallel with the English; but Cranmer fol- lowed Luther with all his variations from that text. Into that collect, Luther inserts, or follows another text that inserts: " Misericors Pater" and the English Litany reads : " O God, Merciful Father." Sarum reads : " quas pietati tuae pro tribu- latione nostra offerimus;"'LnihRr : "quas in afflictionihus quae jugiter nos premunt coram te effundimus;" and then, the English 240 The Lutheran Movement in England. Litany: " I'hat we make before thee in all our troubles and adversities whensover they oppress us." Sarum reads; — " Imp lor antes ut nos clementer respicias ;'" Luther: " Efsgue clementer exaudi ;" and then, the English Litany: "And gra- ciously hear us." It is certainly very patronizing for Dr. Blunt to remark: "Hermann's and Luther's 'form is very like ours. " ° But it is still more surprising to read his remark: "It is some- what doubtful whether in the case ot the Litany, our English form was not in reality the original oi that in Hermann's book ! ! " In a foot-note, he adds that " Cranmer had married a niece of Osiander, who is said to have prepared the Nuremberg formularies /«)r Luther," etc. Can it be, that any one could think ot tracing the liturgical reformation of the Lutheran Church, in this way, to an English source ? It certamly is in- verting history 1 The English Litany thus formed was set forth for public use, June nth, 1544. With it ended the work of liturgical reform in the reign of Henry VIII. , the Primer of 1545 excepted, which has significance only as an aid to the more thorough preparation of what was to follow, and not for its influence on public wor- ship. * Introduction to " Annotated Book of Common Prayer" p. xxvii. CHAPTER XIX. THE COMMUNION SERVICE OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. The Order of March 1548. First Exhortation traced to Cassel Order of 1539. Second, from Volprecht of Numberg, 1524. Idea of the Admonition from the Cassel Order. Prayer of Confession from the Cologne OrdeK Absolution compared with that of Cologne, in parallel columns. Origin of the Formula of Distribution. Expansion of this in 1549. Later Cal- vinistic Modifications. Hilles' Testimony of 1549. The death of Henry, and the accession of Edward, at length gave Cranmer the opportunity to carry out his plans of a thor- ough reform of the liturgical and doctrinal formulas. After giving his first attention, in lack of a ministry properly trained in purity of doctrine, to the preparation of " Homilies," to fur- nish the churches with sound preaching, and, with a Catechism, for the instruction of children, he began the reformation of the Communion Service. For this purpose, a commission of bishops assembled in January, 1548 ; and early in March, the results of their deliberations were published, that the formula might be in- troduced the succeeding Easter. It was a mere temporary pro- vision to supplement the Latin Mass ; but has left its impression, upon the service afterwards provided. It begins with an exhor- tation to be made by the minister, " the next Sunday, or holy, day or at the least one day before he shall minister the com-- munion. ' ' This exhortation is constructed after the model of the. first exhortation in the Reformation of Cologne, which, in turn, was taken from the Cassel Order of 1539. The second exhorta-j tion,the third in the Book of Common Prayer, was constructed after the model of the second in the Reformation of Cologne, whicl> is the Numberg Exhortation of Volprecht (1524). Then foli 17 (241) Our blessed Lord, who hath left power to his Church, to absolve peni- tent sinners from their sins, and to re- store to the grace of the Heavenly Father such as truly believe in Christ, etc. 242 The Lutheran Movement in England. lowed a warning : "If any man here be an open blasphemer, an advouterer, in malice or envy, or any other notable crime," etc, which follows the idea of the conclusion of the Cassel Ex- hortation, where the offences against each commandment are briefly enumerated, and those guilty of such sins, and impeni- tent, are urged not to come to communion. The prayer of confes- sion is an adaptation of that in the Reformation of Cologne, as contained in the order given above. The "Absolution" is a free rendering of the Reformation of Cologne. Unser lieber Herre Jesu hat seiner Kirchen den hohen trost verlassen, das er seinen dieneren befohlen hatt, alien denen, welche ihre siinden leidt sindt, im glauben und vertrauen, und sich zu besseren begehren die siind zuverzeihen, etc. The "comfortable words" are taken from ^ne same source, where, however, they precede the Absolution. " The prayer of humble access " seems to have been derived from another source. The formula of distribution adopts from the Niirnberg formula, the clauses "which was given for thee," " which was shed for thee," etc., unknown to the Mass, Roman and Sarum. This addition was in accordance with Luther's declaration in the Small Catechism, that the words " given and shed for you," were besides the bodily eating and drinking the prmcipal parts of the Sacrament, and with the prescription of the Reformation of Cologne that "ministers should always admonish the people with great earnestness to lay to heart the words ' given for you,' ' shed for you for the remisssion of sins.'" In other respects the formula resembles that of Schw.-Hal. (Brentz) of 1543: " The body of our Lord Christ, preserve thee unto everlasting life. The blood of our Lord Christ cleanse thee from all thy sins. Amen;" the English formula of 1548 being: "The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, pre- serve thy body unto everlasting life. The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy soul to ever- lasting Ufe." The Communion Service of the English Church. 243 This form was embodied in that of the Book of Common Prayer of 1349, where the Communion Service takes the follow- ing form : I. Collect for Purity. (From the Sarum Missal.') 2. Kyrie. 3. Gloria in Excelsis. 4. Salutation and Response. 5. Collect for day, with one for the King. 6. Epistle. 7. Gos- pel. 8. Nicene Creed. 9. Exhortation (based on Volprecht's). 10. Passages of Scripture, instead of Oifertory. 11. Salutation and Response. 12. Sursum Corda. 13. Preface. 14. Sanc- tus. 15. Prayer of Consecration, including words of institu- tion (modelled after Sarum, and also following, in part, Cassel and Cologne), closing with the Lord's Prayer. 16. Pax. 17. Christ our Paschal Lamb, is offered up, etc. 18. Invitation. 19. Confession (Cologne). 20. Absolution (Cologne). 21. Comfortable Words (Cologne). 22. Prayer of Humble Access (Roman). 23. Distribution, during which the Agnus Dei is sung. 24. Scripture passages after Communion. 25. Salutation. z6. Prayer of Thanksgiving from the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order. Brandenburg-Numberg, 1533. tst Edward, 1549. O Almechtiger ewiger Gott, wir Almighty and everlasting God, we sagen deiner Gotlichen miltigkeit lob most heartily thank thee, for that thou nnd danck, das du uns mit dem hayl- hast vouchsafed to feed us in these samen flaysch und blut, deines ayni- holy Mysteries, with the spiritual food gen Suns Jesu Christi, unsers Hemn of the most precious body and blood gespeyst imd getrenckt hat, etc. of thy Son, our Saviour Jesus Christ, etc. The increasing influence of Calvinism is shown in 1552 by the insertion of the Ten Commandments, probably as Procter sup- poses from the formula of Pollanus, but having the precedent of the Lutheran Order of Frankfort, 1530, and the change of the words of distribution into "Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with thanksgiving." "Drink this, in remembrance that Christ's blood was shed for thee, and be thankful." In 1559 both form- ulas were combined. In 1552 the Lord's Prayer was transferred to the post-communion service, and the Gloria in Excelsis placed after the Brandenbrng-Niirnberg Thanksgiving Collect. ' Preparatio ad Missam. 844 The Lutheran Movement in England. ' It is certainly not remarkable that in June 1549, four days be- fore the first Book of Edward appeared/ Hilles wrote to BuUin- ger concerning the "Order of Communion:" "We have a uniform communion of the eucharist throughout the entire realm, yet after the manner of the Nurnberg churches and some of the Saxons. The bishops and magistrates, present no obstruction to the Lutherans. ' ' ' The most un-Lutheran part is the Consecra- •tory Prayer, where prayer for the departed and other Roman- izing elements still remain, the formula of Cologne being fol- lowed only in its beginning. • Original Letters, CXXI. ; also in Procter, p. 26. CHAPTER XX. THE MORNING AND EVENING SERVICES OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. The Ancient Matin Service. The Lutheran Revision of the Matin Service. Luther's Explanation of its parts. The typical Lutheran Matin Service and that of Edward VI.; in parallel columns. The earlier English M*- tin Service. The Vesper Service of I Edward VI. Kliefoth's Expla- nation of the Structure of the Lutheran Matin and Vesper Services. I. Edward's Substitution of Psalms for Introits according to Luther's Formula Missae of 1523. Not followed by the Lutheran churches. Loss of Introits by English Church. The Collects in the Lutheran Or- ders. Why the English Church anticipated the Lutheran, in revision of the ancient Collects. New Collects. Gospels and Epistles in the two systems. Minor Variations explained. How the English Orders sometimes follow Luther, where he has not been followed in the Luth- eran Church. In noticing the later changes in the Communion Service, we have anticipated the historical order. The commission which prepared the temporary order for communion, continued its la- bors, and by the close of the year had the entire book ready to be submitted to the King, by whom it was laid before Parlia- ment, and was finally published, Pentecost, 1549 (June 9th). The chief members of the commission besides Cranmer, "were probably Ridley, Goodrich, Holbeach, May, John Taylor, Haynesand Cox." (Procter.) The "Order for Daily Morning Prayer" of the English Church does not grow, like the Hauptgottesdienst of the Lutheran Church, front the Communion Service or Mass of the Ancient Church but from its Matin Service, to which it appends tliat of the Mass. The Matin was the early service before day, pro- vided not for the laity, but for the clergy alone. From the very (245) 246 TJie Lutheran Movement in England. beginning, Luther pointed out the great profit which would be derived by an adjustment of it to the uses of schools, (1523). " For Matins, of three lessons . . are nothing but words of di- vine Scripture ; and it is beautiful, yea, necessary that the boys be accustomed to reading and hearing the Psalms and the lessons of the Holy Scriptures." (1526): "Early, about five or six, several psalms are sung as at Matins ; then there is a sermon on the Epistle for the day, chiefly for the sake of domestics, that they may be cared for and hear God's Word, since they cannot attend other preaching. Afterwards there is an antiphon, and the Te deutn laudamus, or Benedictus with the Lord's Prayer, Collects and the Benedicamus domine. ' ' ■ This simple service is almost precisely that of the Prayer Book of 1549. It is interesting to compare it with the old Lutheran Matin Service given in Lohe's Agende. ' Lutheran. 1st Edward VI. [Schleswig-Holstein (Bugenhagen, 1542') begins with, Creed; Ix>rd's Prayer ] O Lord, Open thou my lips And ray mouth shall, etc. O God, make speed to, etc. O Lord, make haste to, etc. Gloria Patri. Hallelujah. • Venite, Ps. XCV. Gloria Patri. Hymn O satisfy us early with thy, etc. And we will be glad, etc. One to three psalms. Gloria Patri at end of each. First Lesson. [" Ordinarily from the Old Testa- ment," Prussian KO, 1525.] Te Deum. Second Lesson. Benedictus. Kyrie. Lord's Prayer. Lorcl's Prayer. O Lord, open thou my lips And my mouth shall show, etc. O God, make speed to save me. O Lord, make haste to help me. Gloria Patri. Hallelujah. Venite, Ps XCV. Gloria Patri. Certain psalms. Gloria Patri at end of each. Old Testament Lesson. Te Deum or Benedicite. New Testament Lesson. • Benedictus. Kyrie. Creed. «Cf. direction from Schleswig-Holstein, 1542: "The Lessons should be taken only from the Bible, i. c. from the Old and New Testaments." Morning and Evening Services of English Church. 247 Lord's Prayer. Veisicle and Response. Versicles and Responses. Salutation and Response. Salutation and Response. Several Collects, the first being Collect of day, followed by collect for the day. for peace and for grace. Salutation and Response. Benediction. Let this be compared with the far more complex Matin Ser- vice in Bishop Hilsey's Primer of 1539, or Henry's of 1545, and the determining influence of the Lutheran liturgies will be apparent. The same may be said of the Order for Evensong of 1549. We give it for comparison with the Vesper Service, familiar te many of our readers from its place in the Common Order of the Lutheran Church : Lord's Prayer. O God, make speed to save us. O Lord, make haste to help us. Gloria Patri. Hallelujah. Psalms in Order. Old Testament Lesson. Magnificat. New Testament Lesson. Nunc Dimittis. Same suffrages as at Matins. Collects. Concerning the structure of the Lutheran Matin and Vesper Services, which have been thus followed by the Church of Eng- land, Kliefoth ' has some observations that may be of importance to our readers : •'The Matins begin with an introduction consisting of the Domine labia mea, Deus in adjutorium and Venite, in which God is, on the one hand, invoked to grant his aid against all enemies and hindrances to the preaching of his Word ; and the congregation, on the other hand, is invited, by such proclama- tion and confession, to call upon the Lord. Then follows the psalmody, consisting of Psalms 1-109 in order, and when they are finished, beginning anew. While, however, the contents of the psalms are general and always identical, regard to the facts of salvation which the day affords in accordance with the order of the Church Year, is had by the antiphons which they include. Following the psalmody is the reading of Scripture ; tlie entire Scripture is read continuously, but, again, with regard to ' Liturghche Abhandlztngen, VIII., 179 sqq. 248 The Lutheran Movement in England. the Church Year, the chief facts or fundamental thoughts con- tained in what is read being always presented by the responsories. But after the congregation has been- fed by the Word of God in the two-fold form of psalmody and lesson, it allows the Word of God to bring forth fruit ; and such fruit appears in the hym- nody. The Te Deum and the Benedictus, or a hymn and the Benedictus, or a hymn and the Athanasian Creed are sung ; for in singing the Athanasian Creed or Te Deum or Benedictus, we make confession of our acceptance of the salvation which has been heard from the Word of God, and bring the sacrifice of the fruit of our lips ; since when a hymn or the Te Deum or the Ben' tdtctus is sung, God and his salvation is praised and the sacri- fices of thanksgiving are offered. At the same time, this hymnody gives Matins the character of Morning Worship, since a morning hymn is naturally chosen. But a Christian not only has to thank and praise God ; hence, following the hymn is the act of supplication j in the Kyrie, God's mercy is implored, the Lord's Prayer, the common prayer of all children of God is prayed, and finally everything is summarized in the Collect, which, since it is de tempore, recurs again to the particular fact of salvation given in the Church Year, and presented already by tjie antiphons of the psalms and the hymn. Nothing then re- mains, but finally in the Benedicamus, to implore God's bless- ing. All this is both liturgically and musically connected in the closest and most beautiful manner ; between the various parts, there ascends unto Heaven, at intervals (after the Deus in adjur tofium, after the Psalms, after the responsories, after the Bene- dictu() the Gloria Patri, bearing the whole as a morning offering to the throne of grace. The Matin Service, therefore, can be simply arranged in the succession of: "Introduction, Psalmody, Lessons, Hymnody, Prayer and Conclusion." We find precisely the same succession in Vespers. The dis- tinction is confined to the somewhat briefer arrangement of the introduction, the use of the Vesper (Ps. 110-150) instead of the Matin psalms, and the difference of Hymnody. The last is Morning and Evening Services of English Church. 249 the most important distinction between Vespers and Matins, as it is given thereby the character of an Evening Service of Prayer. In Vespers, it is not the jubilant Te Deum, nor the morning hymns, but the Magnificat and the Nunc Dimiitis and evening hymns, that are sung ; and the Nunc dimittis is a hymn of part- ing, for the close of the day, as well as for the close of life. Thus there is in Lutheran Matins and Vespers, a structure just as thoughtful, as in the chief service. It has here just as fixed an order and organization, and, yet, with this, provision is made for the richest impartation of the entire divine word, and the most careful adaptation to the peculiarities of the seasons and days of the Church Year." Next to the orders for " Matins and Evensong throughout the year," the Liturgy of 1549 gives the variable parts of the service for each day of the Church Year. The Introits are not those of the Roman or Sarum Missals, but entire psalms, viz., i. Sunday in Advent, Psalm i. 2d, Ps. 120. 3d, Ps. 4. 4th, Ps. 5. Christmas Day, At First Communion, Ps. 98 ; At Second Communion, Ps. 8. St. Stephen's Day, Ps. 52, etc. This change was made according to Luther's advice in 1523, when in his " Formula Missae" he writes : " We would prefer psalms. ' ' In this, however, he was not followed by the Luth- eran churches generally. TheliturgyofSchwabach Hall of 1526, however, directs that for the Introit, psalms be sung. In the Lutheran Church, the retention of the Introit was attended with no little difficulty. It was sung neither by the pastor, nor by the people, but by the choir ; as announcing to both the leading thought that the Lord had for his Church on that day. There was much trouble encountered in its translation. In the Latin, each Introit had its own musical arrangement, and to such a de- gree was the effort made to give each word and shade of thought its proper tone, that it is impossible to sing the Introits transla- ted into German, according to the setting which they have in Latin. ^ For a time in some orders, the Introit of the leading ' Kliefoth's Liturgische Abhandlungen, VI : 224. 250 The Lutheran Movement in England. festivals was used on the Sundays belonging to the period of which it was the center, thus rendering such difficulties less nu- merous. But they all were finally overcome ; and the Luth- eran Service rejoices in the retention of the old Introits. In the English Church, the substitution of the Psalms was unsatisfac- tory, for the reason that no series of Psalms can be used to express the precise thought of each Sunday and, therefore, in the revision of 1552, they fell out. Wheatly has some just observa- tions on the defect caused by this suppression of the Introits.* As with the Introits, so with the Collects, the Lutheran Orders encountered peculiar difficulties in adapting them to the revised service. They are in the original so condensed, and so much of the form often depends upon alliteration and other peculiari- ties not readily translatable, that time was required for this work. Besides this, in a number, though, as Luther remarks in his For- mula Missae, not in most of those for Sunday, unevangelical doc- trine had entered, of which they had to be purged. In the Ro- man Church, contrary to the order of Gregory where but one occurs, three Collects were read together, the first being that of the day. Luther insisted that there should be one Collect, and, for the time, thought that this, instead of being varied every Sunday, should be more frequently repeated, in order that the people, by becoming familiar with it, might the more heartily en- ter into its spirit. The Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order contains, therefore, eighteen Collects, without designation of day, one each for the Birth of Christ, the Passion of Christ, Easter, Ascension Day, Whitsunday, Trinity, the Coming of God's Kingdom, the Doing of God's Will, and two Pro pace. Soon the attempt was made to compose anew Collects for each Sunday, the most noted being those of Veit Dietrich, pastor of St. Sebald's Nurn- berg, (Wittenberg, iS4r,) and of Johann Matthesius, (Niirnberg, 1568,) a rich collection for all Sundays and Festivals appearing also in the Oesterreich unter Ems Order of 15 71. The Lutheran Church was, therefore, anticipated by the Church of England, * Rational Illustration of Book of Common I'rayer, p. 205. Morning and Evening Services of English Church, 251 in the work of the more complete revision of the old Collects. This was undoubtedly owing partly to the far greater ease with which translations of prayers could be made from Latin into English, than from Latin into German, the Latin elements in the English offering much aid ; for it must not be forgotten that, in devotional language, only the very simplest words are allow- able, and a single technical and scientific term, on the one hand, or a colloquial phrase, on the other, would mar an entire Collect. The compilers of the Book of 1549, however, also followed the example of the Lutheran reformers of the Service, in substituting for the old Collects a number which they either composed or, in some cases, probably derived from Lutheran sources. The new Collects of 1549 are those for I., IL, IIL Advent, II. for Christ- mas day, Quinquagesima, Ash Wednesday, I. Lent, I., II. p. Easter, Sts. Thomas, Matthias, Mark, Philip and James, Barna- bas, John the Baptist, Peter, James the Apostle, Matthew, Luke, Simon and Jude and All Saints' , Days, changes being made in those for Sexagesima, Sunday p. Ascension, Conversion of St. Paul and St. Bartholomew. The Gospels and Epistles of I. Edward VI. and of the Luth- eran Orders, exhibit only a few variations. Some of these are more noticeable in the Second Book (1552), as e. g. where in the First Book, provision is made for two Communion Services on Christmas and Easter, double sets of lessons are given, in the Second Book, with only one Communion Service, the lessons for the second Christmas Service, and for the first Easter Service are adopted, while the permanent lessons in the Lutheran Church become those for first Christmas Service, and the second Easter Service. These differences thus are entirely those of a later time. Luther in 1524' gave Heb. i : 1-12, and John i : 1-14, as the lessons for High Mass; on the day after Christmas the proper lessons were Tit. 2 ; 11-15 and Luke 2 : 1-14. The use of Sarum shows the former lessons as those for Christmas at Midnight, and the latter as those for the third mass. 6£r/. .£) : " Whereby they not only do a kindness unto the child by public prayer, but every one is admonished of his Baptism, that he direct his life accordingly." The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 255 Sax. Vis. Articles (1528) : Thus Baptism is not only a sign to chil- dren, but also draws and admonishes adults to repentance." Cf. Wiirtemb. (1553). For which cause also, it is expedient that Baptism be minis- tered in the EngHsh tongue. Schw. Hall (1526) : " It is not only useless, but unreasonable to bap- tize in a strange language." Wurtemb. (lS37) : " Baptism should be ministered in German." " Nevertheless (if necessity SO require) children ought at all times to be baptized, either at the church or else at home." Schw //all (l^z6) : " Baptism may, as necessity requires, be admin- istered at all times and places " iVawa« (1536) : " Baptism should be administered on festival days before the assembled congregation, but dare not be denied sick chil- dren." Cologne {1^42,) : " Where there be not danger of death . . where the child be not sickly. . . But if this cannot be, the child shall be bap- tized at any time when brought. For, without Holy Baptism, they must not be allowed, so far as we concerned, to depart." The rubric directs that information of the desire to have the child baptized, be given, "overnight or in the morning," while the Reformation of Cologne prescribes that it be given "in good time." The question is first asked whether the child be bap- tized or not, evidently in order that where Lay or Noih-taufe have occurred, parents may be prevented from any such erron- eous practice as that of a supposed rebaptism. Such practice the Prussian Order of 1 5 25 explicitly forbids, as " a blasphemy of holy baptism." Hence the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1533 ex- plicitly states : " The priest shall first ask, whose the child is, what it shall be named, and whether it have rtcsivzA Jachiavfi'," (Lay Baptism), and the Reformation of Cologne : " The pas- tors should ask whether in haste they have before received Bap- tism, or, as it is called, genothtavft sein. For if this have oc- curred according to the proper order, the pastors should main- tain the order." The service begins with an Exhortation, which most English 2s6 The Lutheran Movement in England. writers trace to the Reformation of Cologne. It is unworthy of Blunt's scholarship that he tries to resolve the connection of the two formulas into a mere suggestion. Nor does he seem to be acquainted with more than the opening sentence. The exhorta- tion is older than the Reformation of Cologne. In its first form, it was prepared by Luther in 1523, was repeated in a number * of the older Orders, as the Saxon of 1539, and the Pomeranian of 1542, and was amplified and combined with a similar Exhorta- tion from Brandenburg-Nijrnberg of 1533, in Mark-Brandenburg, 1540, Schw. Hall, 1543, Ott-Heinrich, 1543, and Reformation of Cologne, 1543. This Exhortation, in the various fprms in which it occurs in the Lutheran Orders, may be found in Hofling's Das Sacrament der laufe. ' The compilers of the English formula seem to have had Luther's original formula before them, which they greatly condensed. Luther (/Jsj). Dear friends in Christ : We hear daily out of the Word of God, and learn by our own experience, that we all from the fall of Adam, are con- ceived and born in sin, wherein, be- ing under the wrath of God, we must have been condemned and lost eter- nally, except we be delivered by the only begotten Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ. I beseech you, therefore, that, from Christian love, ye earnestly intercede for this child with our Lord God, that ye bring it to the Lord Jesus Christ, and unite in imploring for it the for- giveness of sins and entrance into the Kingdom of Grace and Salvation. Z Edward VI., [ij^g). Dear beloved : Forasmuch as , all men be conceived and bom in sin, and that no man born in sin can enter into the Kmgdom of God, except he be regenerate and born anew of water and the Holy Ghost; I beseech you to call upon God the Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ, that of his bounteous mercy, he will grant to these children that thing which, by nature, they cannot have, that is to say, that they may be baptized with the Holy Ghost, and received into Christ's holy church, and be made lively members of the same. Palmer says of this : " We can perhaps scarcely find any par- allel to this amongst the primitive rituals of the church, except in those of the churches of Gaul. The Gothic and ancient Gallican liturgies published by Thomasius and Mabillon, prescribe an ad- 5 Vol. II: 64sqq. The Order of Baptism, in the English Church. 257 dress or preface of this kind at the very commencement of the office of baptism. ' ' * But the example which he gives shows only a very remote resemblance. It is : "Beloved brethren, let us in the holy administration of the present Mystery, humbly beseech our Almighty Creator and Saviour who has deigned by his grace to restore the adornments of nature, lost by the fall, to impart his virtue to these waters, both that the presence of the Triune Majesty may assist in producing the effect of most holy regener- ation," etc. The reader will see how little influence such an Exhortation could have had, either on Luther, or on the English reformers. Concerning the prayer which followed, there can be no ques- tion that it comes from Luther. Blunt says : ' " This prayer is not derived from the old office of the English Church, but is probably of great antiquity. Luther translated it into German from the ancient Latin [?] in 1523, and it appears again in his revised baptismal book of 1524. From thence it was transferred to the Niimberg office, and appears in the Consultation of Arch- bishop Hermann in 1545 [?]. The latter was translated into English in 1547, and the prayer, as it stands in the Prayer Book of 1549, is almost indentical with this translation as given above," i. e. the prayer in I. Edward. This prayer was some- what abbreviated in II. Edward, 1552, and, therefore, also in the English Book as now known. Palmer, after all his labor to find the "original," from which Luther translated, gives a prayer from the Gothic Missal, in which there is one clause of eight words similar : " O God who didst sanctify the river Jordan for the salvation of souls. ' ' Procter ° frankly says : " The first prayer seems to have been originally composed by Luther." Hofling, after the most thorough search among the Mediaeval Agenda, has failed to find a trace of this prayer. Its absence * Origines Liturgicae,\\: 172. '' Annotated Book of Comnion Prayer, p. 218. • On the Book of Common Prayer, p. 364. 18 258 The Lutheran Movement in England. from : the Romanizing Protestant liturgies is also significant. He concludes, therefore, that, although in Luther's Taufbilchlein of 1523, everything else has been translated, "the hypothesis of Luther's authorship has most foundation. This excellent prayer has also, within the sphere of the Lutheran Church, not merely the most extensive diffusion, but also the most permanent acceptance and adoption.," ' As given in the first English Prayer Book, it reads : " Almighty and everlasting God, which of thy justice didst destroy by floods of water the whole world, for sin, except eight persons, whc^m of thy mercy (the same time) thou didst save in the Ark; and when thou didst drown in the Red Sea wicked King Pharao, with all his army, yet (at the same time) thou didst lead thy people the children of Israel, safely through the midst thereof; whereby thou didst figure the washing of thy holy bap- tism ; • and by the baptism of thy well-beloved Son Jesus Christ, thou didst sanctify the flood Jordan and all other waters to this mystical washing away of sin ; we beseech thee (for thy infinite mercies) that thou wilt mercifully look upon these children, and Fanctify them with thy Holy Ghost, that by this wholesome laver of regeneration,, whatsoever sin is in them, may be washed clean away; /that they, being delivered from thy wrath, may be re- ceived into the ark of Christ's Church, and so saved from perish- ing : : and being fervent in spirit, steadfast in faith, joyful through hope; rooted in charity, may ever serve thee : And finally attain to everlasting life, with all thy holy and chosen people." The use of the sign of the cross at this point, the manner in which it was made and almost the very words follow the Refor- mation of Cologne. The precious collect that follows is from the old ofi&ces : "Deus, immorfale presidium." "O Gott, du unsterblicher Trost." "Almighty and immortal God, the aid of all that need," etc. In the ancient service, it belonged to the order for the Baptism of Adults, or Scrutinary Order. Luther, following some mediaeval orders, transferred it to Infant Baptism. ''Das Sacrament der Taufe, Vol. II : p. 53 sq. The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 259 Even the Exorcism which Luther transferred from the Order for Adult Baptism, is retained. The single sentence of the Ref- ormation of Cologne, and Brandenburg-Niirnberg, was not suffi- cient, and to it was added the substance of Luther's vigorous formula of 1524: Luther, IS^S- I- Edward VI., IS49- Danim, du leidiger [Vennaledey- Therefore, thou cursed spirit, xt- ter, Mk-Br., 1540] Teufel, erkenne member thy sentence, etc. dein Urtheil, etc. I Blunt, who regrets its omission in later editions, throws the blamfc upon " the half-sceptical Germanism oi'&wcetV^ The Gospel read was, in the ante-Reformation offices, from Matth. 19: 13-15. The Enghsh Reformers followed the Refor- mation of Cologne, which in turn followed Luther, in substitut- ting Mark 10: 13-16. Palmer * explains what immediately succeeds : " The address and collects which follow the Gospel, and terminate the Intro- duction of the baptismal office, do not occur in the ancient offir ces of the Ancient Church, as far as I can perceive. . . The forms themselves are in part taken from the Ritual of Hermann of Cologne." He should have said, that the Collect " Almighty and everlasting God, heavenly Father " is a literal translation, only a qualifying clause of the Lutheran Order being suppressed). The rest of the service is almost precisely that of Luther. The closing Collect which at one time was the subject of much con- troversy in the Church of England, originally was used in the baptism of proselytes in connection with the chrism that followed baptism : "Almighty God, Father of otir Lord Jesus Christ, who hath regenerated thee of water and the Holy Ghost, and hath ' given unto thee remission of all thy sins, anointeth thee with the unction of salvation unto everlasting life, in the name of Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen." "Almighty God, grant unto thepij remission of all sinS, send, »II: p. 176. 26o T}ie Lutheran Movement in England. Lord, upon them, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter, and give them the spirit of wisdom and understanding," etc. Luther, in 1523, when his revision of the old order, was as yet only tentative, retained the chrism and therefore left the Collect in its first form, only translating it. This Order was retained by Mk-Brandenburg, 1540, and Ott-Heinrich, 1543. The English Commission retained the chrism, modifying the form only by the change of the conclusion into "vouchsafe to anoint thee, with the unction of his Holy Ghost, and bring thee to the in- heritance of everlasting life." Luther, however, in 1526, had omitted the chrism, and amended the Collect accordingly, being followed in this by Brandenburg-Niirnberg, into the simpler form : " And who hath forgiven thee all thy sins, strengthen thee by his grace unto everlasting life." Had the more thor- ough Lutheran revision been followed by Cranmer and his asso- ciates, the subsequent revision in the English Prayer Book, tvhich has greatly marred it, might have been prevented. The address to the Sponsors, while derived partially from the Sarum and York Uses, is far more dependent upon the formula originally introduced by Osiander in 1524, into his Tavfbuche^ and thence adopted by the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1533. The Cassel Order of 1539, shows other points of resem- blance, which reach a more complete development in the Wiir- temberg Order of 1553. I. Edw. (1549). "Forasmuch as this child hath promised by you his sureties to renounce the devil and all his works, to be- lieve in God and to serve him ; ye must remember, that it is your parts and duties to see that this infant be taught, so soon as he shall be able to learn what a solemn vow, promise and profes- sion, he hath here made by you. And that he may know these the better, ye shall call upon him to hear sermons, and chiefly ye shall provide that he may learn the Creed, the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments in the vulgar tongue, and all other things which a Christian ought to know and believe to his soul's • Richter's Kirchenordnungen, 1 : 10. The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 261 health ; and that this child may be virtuously brought up to lead a godly and a Christian life ; remembering always that baptism doth represent unto us our profession, which is, to follow the exi- ample of our Saviour Christ, and to be made like unto him .} that, as he died and rose again for us, so should we, who are bap- tized, die from sin, and rise again unto righteousness ; contii^ ually mortifying our evil and corrupt affections, and daily pro ceeding in all virtue and godliness of living." Brandenburg-Niirnberg, (1533) : " I beseech you from Chris"'- tian love, as to what ye have now done in Baptism, in the place of this child, that if it be deprived of its parents by death or othet misfortune, before it come to the use of reason, ye diligently and faithfully instruct and teach it, first the Ten Commandments, in order that thereby it may learn to know God's Will, and its sinsj then, the Creed, whereby we receive grace, the forgiveness of sins, and the Holy Ghost ; lastly, also the Lord's Prayer, in order that it may call upon God, and pray to him for aid to withi stand Satan, and to lead a Christian life, until God shall fulfil that which he has now begun in Baptism, and it shall be eternally saved." If we find nothing in Brandenburg-Niirnberg, corresponding to the closing words from "Remembering," etc., anyone who is familiar with the close of Luther's treatment of Baptism, in his Catechism, knows whence they are derived. ■■ The corresponding Wiirtemberg admonition of four years latei is so rich and beautiful that it is here added:. It almost precisely corresponds with the Cassel Order of 1539, and therefore, in its most essential features, was in the hands of the English Com- mission. " Ye all, parents and relatives of this child, and as many as be here present, should now acknowledge and regard this child since Holy Baptism, as none else than a ch'ld of the Almightj^ and a member of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom also the angels of God's serve, in no wise doubting that whatsoever ye do thih child, whether ill or good, that ye do God Himself, and our 262 The Lutheran Movement in England. Lord jesus Christ. Nor should effort or labor be spared by any one, according to his calling and relation with this child, to bring it up well for the Lord and to instruct and teach it, to ob- serve all that the Lord has commanded us to be observed ; and accordingly, ye parents, relatives and sponsors should spare no pains, and have the child, so soon as it have attained the proper age, faithfully brought to the church for catechetical instruction, in order that it may learn thoroughly what great and inexpressi- ble gifts have been bestowed and transmitted it in Holy Baptism, and then, in the church, willingly and cordially confess and affirm for itself its faith, and in act and deed renounce the devil and the world, with all their works and lusts, and declare that it will abide by the Lord and his Holy Church, in entire obedience to his Holy Gospel, live faithfully to our Lord Christ unto the end, and, as a living member of Christ, and faithful branch of Christ's vine, bring forth much fruit to the glory of God, and the advancement of his Holy Church, kmen." Passing to the Order "Of them that be in Private Houses in time of Necessity," the dependence is no less manifest. With- out entering into all the details of the service, a few of the main features may suffice. I. Edward : " They shall warn them that without great cause, and necessity, they baptize not children at home in their houses, j^nd when great need shall compel them so to do, that then they minister on this fashion : First let them tbat be present call upon God for his grace, aid say the Lord's Prayer, if the time will suffer. And then one of them shall name the child, and dip him in water, or pour water upon him, saying these words : ' I baptize thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.' And let them not doubt but that the child so baptized is lawfally and sufficiently baptized, and ought not to be baptized again, in the church. But yet nevertheless, if the child which is after this sort baptized, do afterwards live, it is expedient that he be The Order of Baptism in the English Church. 263 brought into the church, to the intent that the priest/ may ex- amine and try whether the child be lawfully baptized or no." Compare this now with Reformation of Cologne (1543, on the basis of the Saxon Order of 1539, the Wiirtemberg of 1536, and Hamburg of 1529) : " The pastors should instruct the people in their sermons, that they should not readily hasten to Nothtaufe, unless extreme neces- sity require, that baptism be administered, and if so that they must first call upon our Lord God, pray the Lord's Prayer, and then baptize the child, as Christ commanded his apostles, in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, nothing doubting that the child is properly and sufficiently baptized, and should not be baptized again in the church, or otherwise. Yet such child if it live, should be brought into the church, that the pastor may ask the people whether they be certain that the child have been properly baptized. ' ' Reformation of Cologne, {iS4S-) The Pastor shall ask further : Through whom was this done ? And who were present ? Whether they who baptized the child, called properly upon the name of the Lord ? And baptized the child with wa- ter? In the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost ? Whether they know that these words were used according to Christ's command ? Now, my dear friends, I declare that ye have done right and well, in doing all this in the Name, and ac- cording to the command of our Lord Jesus Christ. The rest of this service is a repetition of what is found in the order for Public Baptism. The form for "Conditional Bap- tism:" "If thou be not baptized already," etc., is not in ac- cordance with the Cologne Order, although the act is. It was /. Edward, {ij4^.) The Priest shall examine them further : By whom the child was baptized ? Who was present, when the child was baptized ? Whether they called upon God for grace and succour in that necessity ? With what thing or what matter they did baptize the child ? With what words the child was baptized ? Whether they think the child to be lawfully and perfectly baptized ? I certify you that in this case ye have done well, and according unto due order, concerning the baptizing of this child. 264 The Lutheran Movement in England. prescribed in the ancient orders, and afterwards endorsed by the Council of Trent. The old Lutheran Orders vary. The Reforma- tion of Hesse (1526) and Hamburg (1529) present it, while that of Schleswig-Holstein (1542, Bugenhagen) expressly forbids it. Cologne and Saxony, simply say that the child shall be baptized, precisely as though it were known to be not baptized. CHAPTER XXII. THE ORDERS FOR CONFIRMATION, MARRIAGE, VISITATION OF THE SICK, BURIAL. Rome's Exaltation of Confirmation to a Sacrament, explained. Chemnitz on Confirmation. Examinations in Lutheran and English Orders. Cate- chisms of the two Orders. The Anglican Collect derived from the Co- logne and Cassel Orders. The Act of Confirmation and its Words. The Marriage Ceremony. The old English Orders. Amendments and Ad- ditions from the Lutheran Orders. The " Visitation of Sick " and " Burial " as likewise modified. Dr. Cardwell's Testimony. Confirmation, although now universally practiced in the Lutheran Church, and highly esteemed as a most valuable eccle- siastical rite, for a long time fell into disrepute, in the reaction from the Romish overestimate of its importance, and the errors and superstitions connected with it. Rome, without any Scrip- tural authority, urged its necessity, and raised it, to the place of a Sacrament ; made the chrism an essential, if not the most impor- tant part ; and so exalted it, as to disparage the efficacy of Bap- tism. How thoroughly Rome undermines the value of Baptism, both by her doctrine of Penance and of Confirmation, is not generally understood. Baptism, with her, is the sacrament for the beginning of the Christian life ; but its influence is evanes- cent, and other sacraments bring comfort to the more mature Christian. The great end of its teaching to those who have been baptized, is not, therefore, daily to return to God's covenant in baptism ; but to seek new ordinances in which a new covenant is made. As Chemnitz has stated, the error was " that in Baptism, the Holy Spirit is given solely for regeneration, but that, for (265) 266 The Lutheran Movement in England. other necessary gifts, he is not given in Baptism, but only in Confirmation." ^ The disuse of Confirmation, therefore, speedily followed, when there was an embarrassment in retaining it without continuing in the minds of the people the false estimate. Nevertheless, it did not become entirely obsolete throughout the Sixteenth Century. The writer above mentioned, the greatest theologian of the Lu- theran Church, in his "Refutation of the Council of Ttent," presents the Lutheran view of Confirmation, as follows : " Our writers have frequently shown, that, with the useless, superstitions and unscriptural traditions removed, the rite of Confirmation may be used after a godly manner, and in harmony with .Scrip- ture, so that they who have been baptized in infancy (for such is now the state of the Church), when they have attained to years of discretion, may diligently be instructed in a fixed and simple catechism of Church doctrine. And when they seem to have at- tained the elements in a moderate degree, they are afterwards presented to the bishop and the Church ; and there the child, baptized in infancy, is first admonished, in a brief and simple exhortation, concerning his baptism, viz., how, why and into what he was baptized, what the Holy Trinity conferred and sealed upon him in Holy Baptism, viz., the covenant of peace, and the compact of grace ; how renunciation of Satan, profession of faith and promise of obedience were there made. 2. The child makes a public profession of its own before the entire Church. 3. He is asked concerning the chief topics of Christian doctrine, and answers to each ; or if he do not understand, is more cor- rectly instructed. 4. He is admonished, and, by this profession, proclaims that he dissents from all heathen, fanatical and profane opinions. 5. An earnest exhortation is added from the Word of God, to persevere in the covenant of Baptism, and in that doctrine and faith, and by advancing to be gradually confirmed. 6. Public prayer is made for these children that God would deign to govern, preserve and confirm them in this profession. 1 Ex. Condi. Trid. 1 : 296. The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 267 To which prayer, the laying on of hands may, without super- stition, be added. Nor is the prayer vain ; for it is based on the promises concerning the gift of perseverance and the grace of Confirmation. Such rite of Confirmation would confer great profit for the edification of the young and the entire Church." Although this was published nearly thirty years after I. Ed- ward, it shows the estimate of Confirmation which thus far had obtained. Even Confirmation by a bishop or superintendent is here allowed, although, in the same connection, the error of the Council of Trent, is shown, in anathematizing all other than episcopal Confirmation ; for if any priest, or, even in case of ne- cessity a layman, may baptize, while only a bishop may confirm, Confirmation, the human rite, is elevated above Baptism, the di- vine ordinance. The order for Confirmation, of the English book, agrees with the preceding Lutheran Orders, in requiring a knowledge of the Creed, the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments. No one, in either communion, was to be admitted without an exami- nation concerning these parts of the Catechism. See Luther's vigorous language, in the beginning of his Preface to the Small Catechism. So Brandenburg -Niirnberg : " Those who neither can, nor will learn the Ten Commandments, Creed and Lord's Prayer, shall not be admitted to the sacrament." Hence the most diligent examination is uniformly required before the first communion. The Private Confession, then prevalent in the Lu- theran Church gave pastors the opportunity for such examina- tion, and hence rendered the desire for such public rite as that of Confirmation less urgent. Afterwards there came a time when Private Confession had fallen into disuse ; and then, the need of some such ceremony as Confirmation, on the eve of the first admission to communion, asserted itself, and brought about its restoration. Nevertheless, as the above extract from Chemnitz in- dicates, the public examination was by no means unusual, pro- vision being made for it especially in such Orders as furnish the Common Prayer so much material, as the Cassel Order of 1539, 268 The Lutheran Movement in England. and the much quoted Reformation of Cologne. " Before all the congregation" (Cassel, Cologne), "public in the church be- fore the people" (Ott-Heinrich, 1543) is the very language of those old Orders. I. Edward places the examination . in charge of the bishop, Cologne says that " this work would be especially appropriate to the bishops, if the dioceses were not so large," and assigns it to a "Visitator," the pastor, however, asking the questions. Mark- Brandenburg (1540), notwithstanding its Romanizing reputation, says : " Since, thank God, the population in our lands is great, and the bishops few, so that there will be too many for them to hear and instruct each one, they may commit this to their pas- tors. Nevertheless we think it well, that whenever Confirmation by the pastors occur, some one of those learned be with them to see that the pastors attend to it properly, and do not reintroduce former abuses or carelessness ;" and the Reformation of Cologne: " It is not the prerogative of bishops, so that no one else may administer it, as baptism which is more, is administered by ordi- nary ministers, yea, in case of necessity, by any Christian." It is assigned to bishops only " that they may learn to know their hearers and especially the young people." It would not be diffi- cult to reconstruct the first three rubrics of the first English book from the Cologne Order, and the final one is thoroughly Lutheran in doctrine, although we cannot trace its origin. The Catechism which follows "to be learned of every child, before he be brought to be confirmed of the bishops," we treat of in a sepa- rate chapter. It is sufficient here to say, that Cologne is again followed by the introduction of the Catechism in this place, as well as in its subject matter. Of the two Collects in the first English Order, the first was the second prayer in connection with the unction at Adult Baptism in the ante-reformation Or- ders; and the second, "Almighty, everlastin*g God," is conceded by most English authorities to be from the Cologne Order. The prayer from the Eighth Century,of Egbert, bishop of York, which Palmer gives as its source, has only the faintest resem- The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 269 blance. It is found also in the Cassel Order of 1539, and, thence, has been traced by Hofling ■* to Bucer. In various revisions, it is generally found in the Lutheran formularies, and "can with difficulty be supplanted by any other, since it is excellent."' The act of Confirmation in I. Edward, was according to that of the ancient form: "I sign thee with the sign of the holy cross," etc., and was replaced in II. Edward (1552) by the prayer said by the bishop while his hands rested upon the one confirmed : " Defend, O Lord, this child with thy heavenly grace, that he may continue thine forever and daily increase in thy Holy Spirit, more and more, until he come unto thy everlast- ing kingdom." This also resembles the Cassel and Cologne Orders : " Receive the Holy Ghost, as thy protection and de- fence against all evil, and thy strength and aid unto all good, from the gracious hand of God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost. Amen. ' ' The Marriage ceremony in the English Book, is to a large extent from the old English, with very important additions introduced from the Lutheran Orders. The opening address, which has been left unchanged in succeeding revisions in Eng- land, has been much condensed in the American edition. In the Sarum Order, the address read : " Brethren, we are gathered together in the sight of God, and his angels, and all the saints, in the face of the Church, to join together two persons, — to wit., this man and this woman, that, whatsover they have done aforetime henceforth they may be one body, yet two souls, in the faith and law of God, [" to knyt these two bodyes togyder." York Use] to the end they may to- gether attain eternal life." This was condensed into an introduction : " Dearly beloved friends, we are gathered together here in the sight of God, and in the face of his congregation to join together this man and this woman in holy matrimony." The resemblance to the Introduction of the Reformation of Cologne fully justified the retention of the old formula. It ran : ' II : 366 ; Lohe's Agende, II : 47. »Ib. 270 The Lutheran Movement in England. •' Ye appear before God our Heavenly Father, and Christ Jesus, our Lord, and his Church," etc. What follows is chiefly a condensation of the long address in Schwab-Hall of 1543, no precedent for it being found in the older English Orders. It follows the order and uses the very language of this liturgy of Brentz. English Prayer Book (1549) ■. " Which is an honorable estate instituted of God in Paradise, * in the time of man's inno- cency, signifying unto us the mystical union that is betwixt Christ and his Church ; ^ which holy estate Christ adorned and beautified with his presence, and first miracle that he wrought in Cana of Galilee, * and is commended of St. Paul to be honor- able among all men ; and therefore is not to be enterprised or taken in hand unadvisedly, lightly or wantonly, ' to satisfy men's carnal lusts and appetites, * like brute beasts that have no under- standing, but reverently, discreetly, advisedly, soberly and in the fear of God. ° One cause was the procreation of children, to *Schw-Hall, (1543) : "For the Marriage estate has not been devised by human reason, but was found and instituted by God himself in Paradise." * From Collect at close of Osiander's ("1526) and Luther's (1529). Branden- burg-Nurnberg, (1533), Schw. Hall, (1543), Cologne, (1543^, and most Lu- theran Orders : " Wherein the Sacrament of Thy dear Son, Jesus Christ and the Church, his Bride, is signified unto us." There is a similar Collect in Sarum, firom the Gelasian Sacramentary : " Who hast consecrated the state of matrimony to such an excellent mystery, that in it is signified the sacra- mental union and marriage of Christ and the Church." ' Schw. Hall : " This estate, the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, so highly esteemed, that not only when bidden, with his Mother and disciples, did he honor the marriage with his first miracle." Cassel, (1539), Cologne, (1543) : " Who also honored and richly adorned the marriage estate by his presence." ' Osiander (1524), Brandenburg- Numberg (1533) : " To the end that this may not be done without understanding of the Word of God, as do unbe- lievers." ' Schw. Hall, (1543) : " For it has not been instituted for worldly or car- nal wantonness." 'See 4. The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 271 be brought up in the fear of and nurture of the Lord, and praise of God. '° Secondly, it was ordained for a remedy against sin, and to avoid fornication, that such persons as be married might live chastely in matrimony, " and keep themselves undeiiled members of Christ's body. " Thirdly, for the mutual society, help and comfort, that the one ought to have of the other, both in prosperity and adversity." " The Exhortation that, "if any can show just cause, why they may not, lawfully, be joined together, let him now speak," is.j)artly according to the older English Orders, but the words : "Or else hereafter forSver hold his peace," come from Osi- ander's Orders of 1526, followed by Brand-Niirnb. (1533), Mark-Brandenburg (1540), Ott-Heinrich (15 43), Cologne (1543), ■ etc. : " If any one hath aught to say thereon, let him speak in time, or afterward be silent, and refrain from interposing any hindrance." In the Lutheran Orders, however, this declaration is made in connection with the publication of the banns. The questions addressed bride and groom, follow the York and Sarum Orders, the earlier Lutheran forms being much briefer, although, in this, the later Orders of the Sixteenth Century more nearly ap- proach the English. The Lutheran custom generally provided for the use of the ring, but without any words concerning the ring, on the part of those being married. Osiander (1526) fol- '" Schw. Hall : " That therein children might be brought up by their pa- rents to the glory and knowledge of God, and the doctrine of the true Chris- tian faith might be transmitted from children to children's children, and be diffused and maintained throughout the world, unto the Last Day. For God has not created man to live a beastly life here on earth, and to care only for that which is earthly, but that he may learn to know God." " Schw. Hall : " God has appointed and ordained matrimony, that every form of imchastity might be avoided.' ' 1' Schw. Hall : " And besides God wishes the love and communion of his Son, our Ix)rd Jesus Christ with the Christian Church, as his Bride, to be thus known and represented." '' The thought probably enters here, as Schw. Hall ends with the predic- tion of the cross, and the divine comfort under it. 272 The Lutheran Movement in England. lowed by Brandenburg-Niirnberg, etc., prescribes that first the groom shall say after the minister : " I, N., take thee N. to my wedded wife, and plight thee my troth," and then the bride also, in the same way, plights her troth to her wedded hus- band. We are compelled here to dispel an illusion which has misled some of the English writers on the Prayer Book. Palmer " says : " The succeeding rites in which the priest, with a certain formu- lary, joins their right hands together, and afterwards pronounces the marriage to be complete, are perhaps peculiar to the Church of England. ' ' Blunt : " This is a nolJle peculiarity of the Eng- lish rite, though probably derived originally from Archbishop Hermann's Consultation." ^ The hint thus given, however, at once destroys the idea of peculiarity. The sentence "What God hath joined together, let no man put asunder," is found in every Lutheran Order which we have examined, from Osiander's of 1526, on: " Was Goit zusammen gfficgtt hat, sol Kein Mensch scheiden. ' ' ^' Nor have we to search long for the decla- ration, unknown to the old Orders. Luther s Traubilchletn, 1529 ■ Weil dann Hans N. und Greta N. einander zur Ehe begehre, auch die Ehe Einander versprochen, und solches hie offentlich fiir Gott und seinen Gemein bekennet, darauf die hande und Trauringe einander gege- ben haben, so spreche ich sie ebelich zusammen, im Namen Gottes des Vaters, und des Sohnes, und des Heiligen Geistes. Amen. English Book. Forasmuch as N. and N. have con- sented together in holy wedlock, and have witnessed the same here before God and this company ; and thereto have given and pledged their troth either to other, and have declared the same by giving and receiving gold and silver, and by joining of hands, I pronounce that they be man and wife together; In the Name of the Fa- ther, etc. In accordance with Osiander's Order, and the Lutheran Orders in general, following it. Psalm 128 was designated as the first to be sung. Cologne give Ps. 127 first, and then Ps' 128. The English Service closes with a long Address to " All ye which be married, or which intend to take the holy estate of "2: 217. ^ Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. 270. The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, &c. 273 marriage upon you," which is only an elaboration of the portion of the Address in Luther's Order, beginning : " Since ye both now are given in marriage, in God's name, hear first the com- mand of God touching this estate," etc. . In the Order for "Visitation of the Sick," the most impor- tant feature derived from a Lutheran source is the "Exhorta- tion.',' The ancient Exhortation from the old Orders quoted by Palmer, Blunt, Procter, etc., has little more resemblance to that of the English book, than that it is an exhortation to a sick per- son. The compilers of the English book adopted that in the Reformation of Cologne, originally found in the Saxon Order of IS 39) condensing and very freely rendering it, rather follow- ing the thought than the words. The two exhortations begin : English, iJ4g. Dearly beloved: Know this, that Almighty God is the Lord over life and death. . . Wherefore whatsoever your sickness is, know you certainly that it is God's visitation. And for what cause soever this sickness is sent unto you, etc. The Order for the "Burial of the Dead," has been much changed in the EngUsh book, since I. Edward VI. Prior to the same period, the Lutheran Orders also have a relatively less com- plete development. The essential features however are the same. They retain from the old Orders:' "I am the resurrection and the life," "In the midst of life, we are in death," "Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord," — and the lesson i Cor. 15 : 20 sqq. The first Collect : " Almighty God, we give thee hearty thanks, ' ' which Palmer declares to be of modern origin — we find in the Reformation of Cologne. The concluding Collect for the forgiveness and peace of the departed is not found in any Lutheran authorities examined, as it retains Romish error. The first Collect, now found in the Anglican Order, was in I. Edward VI., in the " Celebration of the Holy Communion when there is a burial of the dead." It occurs in the burial service of Lower Saxony (1585), as " O Herrjesu Chrisie, der du bist der Aufer- Saxon, IS39- Dear friend: Since our Lord Jesus Christ hath visited you with bodily sickness, in order that you may take to heart God's will, know : First, that such bodily sickness come to us from God for no other causes, etc. 2 74 The Lutheran Movement in England. stehung u. das Leben," from which it would be interesting to trace it to its source. Such was in general the First Book of Edward VT. Dr. Card- well is right in saying : " The new Liturgy was greatly in- debted, wherever it deviated from the ancient breviaries, to the progress made upon the continent in religious worship." After alluding to its indebtedness to the Reformation of Cologne, he adds : "In the Occasional Offices, it is clear on examination that they were indebted to the labors of Melanchthon and Bucer, and through them to the older Liturgy of Niirnberg, which those reformers were instructed to follow." " '* The Two Liturgies of Edward VI. contrasted. Preface, xv. sq. CHAPTER XXIII. THE SECOND PRAYER BOOK OF EDWARD VI. The Calvinistic Reaction. The " Censures " of Bucer and Martyr. Orders of PoUanus and A Lasco. The " Confession" introduced. Its derivation. Mistake of English Liturgiolists. Traced to Bucer's Strassburg Order of 1524. Revisions of Bucer's Formula by Calvin and Zwingli. Source of the " Absolution." Other changes. The Ten Commandments in the Communion Service. The General Prayer. The original in its un- abbrevated form in Cassel, Cologne, and Calvin's condensation, given in full. Results of the Revision of 1552. Hardwick's Testimony. The Book of 1549 was found in some of its features to be un- satisfactory. As shown in the preceding pages, a number of causes combined to increase the influence of Calvinism in Eng- land. Cranmer himself first wavered and then succumbed. The first book was too Lutheran, and besides, like in all such movements, much was suggested by the experience of its use. The history of the revision does not concern us ; we have to do only with the results attained. The general facts are well known. Cranmer was again at the head of the commission. Bucer and Martyr, then Professors at Cambridge and Oxford, prepared " Censures" of the First Book, (published about January 1552) while the French Order of PoUanus, and the German of A Lasco had also been published and afforded suggestions. Coverdale had translated it into Latin for Calvin's examination. The new book thus prepared was issued in September 1552. The Preface disclaims any very important changes from the First Book. The first difference appears in the introduction of a confes- sional service before the regular morning service. The ancient Orders provided such service for the priest who was to minister, (27s) 276 The Lutheran Movement in England. in order that, before coming to the holy mysteries, he might himself privately confess and be absolved. The public service of the Mass, however, began with the Introit, and in this the Lutheran Orders had made no change, the Confession subsequently becom- ing general, especially when private confession lost its position, or a corresponding Saturday evening service was disused. The English authorities are much perplexed as to the origin of the Confessional Service introduced in 1552, and still retained. The usual explanation is that it was suggested by the Orders of Polla- nus and A Lasco. " The hint was taken from two books of Ser- vice, used by congregations of refugees in England."' The formula of Pollanus has been traced by Archbishop Laurence ' to Calvin. Pollanus had succeeded Calvin as pastor at Strassburg, and had thence emigrated with his congregation to Glastonbury in Somersetshire. The formula is the sanie as that prescribed by Calvin for the church of Geneva in 1545. ' It resembles that prepared by Zwingli for Zurich and Berne in 1536.* But its sources are still more remote. In June 1524, Bucer, whose influ- ence on the Book of Common Prayer enters at so many points, had prepared a Reformation of the Mass, which he published, as his biographer Baum says, without the knowledge or consent of the clergy of Strassburg, who, in a radical reaction against Rome, were opposed to any fixed form.^ This Order was, at the close of the same year, reported in abstract to Luther by the council of the city, as in use in their churches. It is here given with the others above mentioned. STRASSBtlRG ORDER (1524). " In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. Confess unto God the Lord ; for he is good, and his mercy is 1 Procter, p. 48. ' Bampton Lectures, p. 209. ^ Niemyer' s Coll. Conf., p. 171. * lb. p. 73. * Baum's Capita and Bucer, p. 266. The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 277 unto everlasting. I said I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord ; and Thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. I, a poor sinful man, confess unto God Almighty, that I have grievously sinned by the transgression of his commandments, that I have done much that I should have left undone, and that I have left undone much that I should have done, by unbelief and distrust of God, and weakness of love towards my fellow- servants and neighbors ; for which, as I acknowledge myself guilty before God, I grieve. Be gracious unto me ; be merciful unto me, a poor sinner. Amen. This is a ^faithful saying and worthy of all acceptation that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am chief This I believe. Lord, help my unbelief and, save me. Amen. The priest then says to the people : God be gracious and merciful unto us all. Amen. ' ' Then come the Introit and the Mass proper. Calvin's order (1545). " Our help is in the Name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth. Amen. Brethren, let us each place himself before the Lord, "and con- fess his sins, following me in these words : O Lord God, Eternal and almighty Father, we acknowledge and frankly confess before Thy Holy Majesty that we have been conceived as miserable sinners, and have been born in iniquity and depravity, prone to wickedness, useless unto every good work, and that, being vicious, we do not cease to transgress Thy holy commandments. Wherefore we would receive destruction from Thy just judgment. But, Lord, we sincerely lament that we have offended Thee ; we condemn ourselves and our offences, seeking in true penitence for Thy grace to relieve our misery. Deem us, therefore, O Most kind and merciful Father, worthy of Thy mercy, for the sake of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. Blotting out all our offences and washing away all our filth, in- 278 Tlie Lutheran Movement in England. crease in us daily the gifts of Thy Holy Spirit, so that, from our . hearts, acknowledging our iniquity, we may be more and more dissatisfied with ourselves, and thus be aroused to true repent- ance ; and mortifying ourselves, with all our sins, may oring forth fruits of righteousness and innocency grateful unto Thee, Through Jesus Christ our Lord." Then follows a Psalm. There is no absolution. The form of Pollanus (1551) varies only in a few words, but adds: "Absolution. Here the Pastor recites to the people in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, a passage of Holy Scripture concerning the remission of sins." Upon the basis, then, chiefly of the Strassburg form, together with that of Calvin and of the Reformation of Cologne, used in the Preparatory Service, the English Confessional Prayer was constructed. "We have erred and strayed like lost sheep " was probably suggested by the shorter Prayer, before Communion, of the Cassel and Cologne Orders. ° The Absolution was taken from that in the Preparatory Service of the Reformation of Co- logne, Bucer's earlier and later work being thus combined. The other important changes in the Matin Service, were in making the Jubilate alternate with the Benedictus, and in chang- ing the Apostles Creed from directly after, to directly before the Kyrie. By those who refer to the American " Book of Common Prayer," this cannot be traced, since the American revisers have still further mutilated the old Matin Service by omitting the Kyrie and the Lord's Prayer ; the latter, doubtless, because it had already been used, out of its place, after the Absolution. In the Communion Service, the Kyrie disappears, and the Gloria in Excelsis is transferred to the Post Communion Ser- vice. The Ten Commandments, we have seen above, are in- serted, not simply as Blunt suggests after " the jejune liturgy of Pullain" (Pollanus), since they are found already in the Lutheran Liturgy of Frankfort-on-the-Main of 1530.' "Glory ' "Ddne zerstreuete SchSfiein." 1 Richter's jTO. p. 141. The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 279 be to thee, O Lord," after the reading of the Gospel, is omitted. The Nicene Creed continues, as the proper Creed for the Com- munion Service. The direction that the sermon shall follow the Creed, disappears. The Admonition of I. Edward, is transferred to a later place ; so also the Salutation, Sursum Corda, and the words: " It is meet, right and our bounden duty." What in I. Edward VI. is in another place as the " Consecratory Prayer," is now changed into a prayer for the Church and rulers — the Cassel-Cologne Order being more closely followed, and the Ro- manizing taint of the First Book being excluded. This Cassel- Cologne prayer was already outlined by Bucer in his Strassburg Mass of 1524. We translate it, unabridged, from Cassel (1539) as the form, in which Cranmer and his associates used it. " Almighty, Everlasting and Gracious God and Father, Thou hast command- ed us through Thy dear Son and Lord Jesus Christ, and his holy apostles, to assemble ourselves before Thee in His Name, and hast promised that whatso- ever we thus unitedly pray Thee in His Name, Thou wouldst graciously give. We pray Thee, therefore, through the same Thy dear Son, our only Saviour ; first, that Thou wouldst graciously forgive us all our sins and offences, which we here all confess and acknowledge before Thee, and that Thy just wrath, which, by our grievous transgressions, we have merited, Thou wouldst gra- ciously turn away from us, for the sake of the Blood and precious Satisfaction of Thy Son, our Mediator. Strengthen also Thy Holy Spirit within us, that we may wholly surrender ourselves to Thy good pleasure, that, now and ever, we may pray Thee in all true faith for ourselves and others, and may richly obtain Thy help and grace. We pray Thee also especially for Thy Church and congregation. Deliver it from all wolves and hirelings, who desolate it, and, by their corruptions, array themselves against Thee. Grant and sustain godly and faithful pastors, through whom all Thy scattered sheep may be brought back unto Thy dear Son, the Chief Shepherd and Bishop of our souls, and into his true commu- nion, that there may be one Shepherd and one fold. We pray Thee for all rulers, Emperors, Kings, princes and lords, and es- pecially for those of our land, and the counsellors and magistrates of this city. Grant and increase unto them all grace to rule, that they may acknowledge and embrace Christ Thy Son our Lord, as One to whom Thou hast given all power in Heaven and Earth, and that they may so govern their subjects, as Thy creatures and children ; that we, here and everywhere, may lead a quiet and peaceful life in all godliness and honesty. 28o The Lutheran Movement in England. We pray Thee further, Holy Father, for all men, even for those estranged from Thy Kingdom. Draw unto Thy Son our Saviour, all those who flee from Him, and those whom Thou hast drawn to Him and enlightened, grant that they now may know to find in Him alone the forgiveness of sins and all good. Strengthen them, in this knowledge, and make it ever more ac-' tive within them, unto all good works. We pray Thee also. Gracious God and Father, for all upon whom Thou hast imposed any special chastisement. Whether it be by poverty, exile, sickness, or any other distress and trial, give them to recognize Thy gracious fatherly hand, comfort and deliver them from all evil, and grant that they may acknowledge and consider in every chastisement, that they have deserved what is far more grievous, and thus may be turned the sooner and the more com- pletely from all evil unto Thine alone good will. Finally, we pray Thee, Everlasting and Faithful God and Father, that, as we are here assembled in Thy Divine Presence, for Thy Holy Word, Prayer and the Holy Sacraments, enlighten the eyes of our understanding, and grant we may acknowledge and remember, that we, alas ! of ourselves and from our parents, are of such perverse and condemned nature, that in our flesh and blood, we cannot inherit Thy Kingdom of righteousness and blessedness ; that we can deserve nothing but eternal wrath and all misery; but that Thou, Gracious God, out of thy boundless mercy, didst regard our misery and corruption, and didst will that Thy Eternal Word, Thy dear Son, shouldst be- come flesh and our brother, whereby flesh and blood again might become holy, and we, poor condemned men, might be renewed and sanctified again through Him, unto Thine image and unto all Thy divine will and good pleasure. Therefore he giveth us to eat and to drink, in his Holy Sacrament, that very holy flesh and blood which he hath offered upon the cross unto the Father for our sins, and whereby he hath paid the ransom for all our sins, and reconciled us unto Thee, in order that he might live in us, and we, in himi might live a holy and godly life. Grant, Heavenly Father, that we may ac- knowledge all this, in true living faith, and, now and at all times, meditate thereon, that, renouncing reason and all wicked lusts, we may devote our- selves entirely unto Thy dear Son, our Lord and Saviour, seek and obtain all help and consolation in Him alone, and in His death and resurrection ; and may now receive his holy Body and Blood with all thankfulness, and wor- ship and praise Thee, because of His bitter suffering and death, His Heavenly governance, and the gifl: of Himself which he makes unto us, for food and drink, unto life everlasting." The prayer ends with a brief paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer. Both in Cassel and Cologne, there is a shorter form of this prayer. The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. 281 " Merciful God, Heavenly Father, Thou hast promised that if we come to- gether in the Name of Thy dear Son, our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ," etc. Calvin has appropriated the thoughts, but rewrought the lan- guage in the form, prepared for Geneva (1545), which begins: •' Almighty God, Heavenly Father, Thou hast promised us that Thou wilt hear the prayers which we offer Thee in the Name of Thy dear Son and Lord Jesus Christ ; and we have learned both of Him and of His Apostles, that we should come together in one place and in his Name, the promise being given that He will be present with us to intercede with Thee for us, and obtain all things which, with one consent, we ask of Thee on Earth. First, Thou hast commanded us to pray for those whom Thou hast ap- pointed over us as rulers and governors ; then to approach Thee as suppli- ants for all things necessary unto Thy people and all mortals. Since, then we have come into Thy presence, relying upon Thy holy commands and promises, assembled in the Name of Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, we, as suppliants, sincerely beseech Thee, O God and Father, in the Name of the same, our only Saviour and Mediator, so deign to forgive our sins and to turn our hearts unto Thee, that we may call upon thee,," etc. Calvin presents, at length, the topics, in the same order, as in Cassel, except that he prays for rulers before praying for the Church. His prayer ends also with the Confession ofsin, original and actual, and the paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer. From these sources, therefore, the prayer was condensed : " Almighty and Everliving God, which by thy holy apostle hast taught us to make prayers and supplications, and to give thanks for all men ; we hum- bly beseech Thee most mercifully to receive our prayers which we offer unto Thy divine Majesty," etc. The latter part of the prayer in I. Edward, containing the Words of Institution, is transferred to another part of the service. The modification here of the formula of distribution has been noticed in a preceding chapter. The only change in the Vesper Service, was in the insertion of "O Lord open thou my lips," etc., from the Matin >Service, the omission of the Hallelujah, and the provision that the Psalm Cantate Domino (XCVIII.) may alternate with the Mcgnificat 282 The Lutheran Movement in England. and the Deus Miser eatur (Ps. XVII.) with the Nunc Dimittis. The Athanasian Creed was retained as in I. Edward VI. In the Baptismal Service, the Exorcism was omitted, the sign of the cross changed to after the baptism, Luther's Collect ab- breviated, the thanksgiving Collect rewrought, the Lord's Prayer and Creed after the Exhortation omitted, several Collects from the former Order for Consecration of the Font introduced, etc. In the Burial Service, prayers for the dead were suppressed, etc., details interesting in the history of the Book, but whose exami- nation lies outside of the scope of our undertaking. The result of the revision was, on the one hand, to remove a number of Ro- manizing elements, but, on the other, to sacrifice much of its Lutheran to a Calvinislic Spirit, and to make changes which se- riously impaired the service as an organism. Archdeacon Hardwick has well said: "His" (Cranmer's) " Lutheran predilections are also manifested in the formation of the First Service Book of Edward VI., put forth in the month of June, 1549 ; for, like the corresponding work of the Saxon Reformers, our own is derived almost entirely from the ancient or mediaeval Liturgies, and, in no inconsiderable degree, through the medium of a Lutheran compilation, itself based upon the older Ofi&ces of Nuremberg."^ ^History of the XXXIX Articles, p. 80. CHAPTER XXIV. AN EXCURSUS ON THE TYPICAL LUTHERAN CHIEF SERVICE. Application of the Evangelical Principle to the Sphere of Worship. The distinctive features of the Lutheran Service. The Sacramental and Sacrificial factors with respect to the Roman, the Reformedand the Lu- theran Services. The " Common Service " examined. Preparatory Service of Confession. Its Origin ; its Structure. The Declaration of Grace. No Absolution. The Declaration analyzed. The Service Proper. First Act— The Word : Part I. A. The In- troit. Agreement of Lutheran Orders. Origin. Structure. When and by whom chanted. B. The Kyrie. Relation to Introit. No Con- fession of Sin. C. The Gloria in Excelsis. Significance of its place- Its Structure. Its Origin. Part II. A. The Salutation. Where only to be used. B. The Collects. The Oremus. Why called Collect. Origin. Structure. C. The Epistle. The New Testament Law. D. The Hallelujah. Significance of its place. Luther's Rule. Graduals, Se- quences, etc. E. The Gospel Origin of attending Responses. Part III. A. The Creed. Variations in its place, and its significance as so changed. Lutheran Orders prefer the Nicene Creed. B. The Ser- mon. The Explanation of the Gospel. Votum. C. Offertory. Improp- erly so called. D. General Prayer. Analogy of Roman Mass. Em- phasizes the Church as the Communion of Saints. Various forms used, Luther's Litany greatly enriches the ancient Litany. Structure. Not a mere penitential prayer. Second Act — The Communion : The Lutheran Conception of the Commu- nion, in its relation to the Word. Communion, not to be separated from the Preaching Service. Part I. iNTRonnCTlON. A. Salutation. B. Preface. C. Sanctus Structure and Significance. Meaning of the " Benedictus." D. Exhortation, Origin (Volprecht, Niimberg, 1525) Unliturgical. Why retained? Part II. Consecration. A. The Lord's Praver. Not properly consecratory. Why the Lord's Prayer is (283) 284 The Lutheran Movement in England. used ? B. Words of Institution. Meaning of their recitation in this place. C. The Pax. Luther's Explanation. Part III. The Dis- tribution. A. Agnus Dei. Origin. The Dona nobis ; when intro- duced, and what it signifies. B. Distribution Proper. Meaning of the words. Luther's addition. Benediction. Is " true " to be used ? Consecration not complete until in the Distribution. Part IV. Post Com- munion . A. The Nunc Dimittis. In the oldest, but not the most Or- ders. Significance. B. Verside. C. Collect. D. Benedicam-us. The First Part of Service, variable ; the Second part, fixed. Exceptions. Klie- foth's Comments. Simpler Services for villages and country churches. A typical Simple Service. The tracing of the relation between the Orders of Edward VI. and those of the Lutheran Church, having led to the incidental discussion of various details of the latter, it may not be out of place to introduce here a brief presentation of the Chief Service {Hauptgottesdiensi), as it has attained a fixed form, where the reformation of the ancient ' Orders of public worship upon the principles laid down by Luther and his associates, has been car- ried out. We, of course, fail to find any form so rigidly fixed, and uniformly used, as the Roman Order. In the various Lu- theran countries, the application of the same principles was mod- ified by varying circumstances, as Romanizing or Reformed in- fluences, or, as in South-Western Germany, even the prejudices diffused by Carlstadt, through his connection with Strassburg, are traceable. Then, as even the principles themselves were more strongly or more feebly apprehended, there were varying results. The application and elaboration of the evangelical principle,' within the sphere of worship, could not be realized at one ' This principle within the sphere of worship, is that the public worship does not in itself convey the forgiveness of sins, and the blessings of salva- tion. These are found only in the gracious assurances of the Gospel, which are appropriated only by faith. This principle had to assert itself against the Romish error that the public service was an institution appointed by God, di- rectly conditioning salvation. The Public Service, according to the evangeli- cal principle , is not a means of grace, as Rome makes it ; but a means, through which the means of grace. Word and Sacrament, are brought to men. In it, the Holy Spirit comes to men, as Word and Sacrament are administered ; Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 285 stroke, but only through a gradual process. In the consideration of a typical Lutheran service, we must constantly eliminate from any given Orders the factors pertaining to historical and local relations, and having, therefore, only transitory significance. We will follow here "The Common Order of Service," which three of the Lutheran General Bodies in America, have agreed upon as exhibiting the Consensus of the pure Lutheran litur- gies of the Sixteenth Century. Preliminary, however, to the examination of the Service, it is important to keep in mind a principle marking the worship of the different Confessions, which Dr. Kliefoth has discussed at length in his Liturgische Abhandlungen, and whom we shall mainly follow here. In all true worship of God, two things are implied, viz., God offers and communicates, and man not only receives what God offers, but also returns something to God. The former is the sacramental ; the latter, the sacrificial element in worship. A sacrament may, in a wide sense, be defined as "a ceremony in which God gives that which the promise attached thereto offers." Thus Baptism is no act of ours, but one which God brings to us, and through which he bestows upon us the blessings announced at the institution of Baptism. The Son of God was not content with providing for us salvation by his sac- rifice on the cross ; but he has ordained means whereby the effi- cacy of his sacrifice, is applied. The Lord's Supper was insti- and men, in tum, through the Holy Spirit, attending Word and Sacraments, receive what the Holy Spirit offers. The perfection of the liturgical Service depends, therefore, upon the provision made for this constant reciprocation, God giving and man receiving, like the tv?o sides of one breath. There could be no such conception of the Service whera everything was spoken in a language not understood. Nor could it occur, where the doctrine of the con- stant presence of the Holy Spirit with the Word and Sacraments was deniedl and an inner Word made the more prominent and important. All questions, then, concerning places, times, forms and books of worship, fall under the category of adiaphora; they are of value, not in themselves, but in the degree that they promote true worship, i. e. edification from Word and Sac- rament, and invocation of God based thereon. Cf. Koestlin's Geschichtt des Christlichen Gottesdienstcs (Freiburg, 1887), pp. 152 sqq. 286 The Lutheran Movement in England. tuted not that we might thereby bring anything to Christ, but that he might bring something to us. So the reading and preaching of the Word, bring with them the very grace which the Word proclaims. . The sacrificial element is when we bring something to God. There are two forms of sacrifice, the propitiatory and the eu- charistic. Under the New Testament, there is but one propitia- tory sacrifice, viz., that of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, made by both his active and passive obedience throughout life, and finally offered once for all upon the altar of the cross. Eu- charistic sacrifices are those of prayer, praise and thanksgiving, made in response to what is given us in Word and sacraments. In every true act of worship, there is a reciprocation between the sacramental and sacrificial elements. God gives through Word and sacraments ; and we give back to him in prayer and praise. The fundamental element in every Service must be the sacramental ; for God must give to us, before our faith can render worship, good works, etc. Hence the fundamental principle of Lutheran worship is that the individual Service must never consist merely of sacrificial parts, but must always have some- thing sacramental, /. e. the application of Word and Sacraments. For the sacramental is the divine address ; and the sacrificial, the human answer. In the Romish worship, the sacramental element was crowded out by the sacrificial. The Mass, instead of being a sacrament, was made a sacrifice; and that, too, a propitiatory sacrifice. By becoming a sacrifice, it ceased to be a real means of grace. God's act, they changed into man's work. Man's believing and thankful reception they transformed into a meritorious transac- tion whereby to purchase grace. Hence participation in the Eucharist was regarded unimportant. If it be a sacrifice made for us, even our presence is unnecessary. So the Word need not be understood when read. Presence, at its public reading, whatever the language, becomes a propitiatory act. In the Reformed Church, the sacramental was also crowded Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 287 out by the sacrificial element ; but in another way. In antago- nizing the Romish propitiatory-sacrifice, they make the Service almost entirely Eucharistic-sacrificial. As is well known, Zwingli denied the reality of means of grace. The application of grace is conceived of as occurring immediately from Spirit to spirit. The constant presence of the Holy Spirit with tlie Word and Sacraments is denied. All liturgical acts are expressions of faith already wrought. The sacraments offer nothing from the Lord, but the faith or piety of those celebrating them. The Word does not bring the Spirit ; but the Spirit brings the Word. Through the exposition of the Word, the preacher simply gives testimony as to his faith. Believers come together chiefly by common prayer, confession, praise, thanksgiving, etc., to exer- cise their faith. The Lutheran Church, laying emphasis upon both elements, provides for both, throughout every part of her Service. They interpenetrate each other, the sacramental always evoking the sacrificial-eucharistic, and the sacrificial-eucharistic never occur- ing except as the sacramental has preceded. And yet, as we shall see, certain parts of the Service are predominantly sacra- mental, and others predominantly sacrificial. With this principle understood, we proceed to the presentation of the Service : I. THE PREPARATORY SERVICE A. Confession. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. Beloved in the Lord ! Let us draw near with a true heart, and confess our sins unto God, our Father, beseeching him, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to grant us forgiveness. Our help is in the name of the Lord. Who made heaven and earth. I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord. And thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. Almighty God, otir Maker and Redeemer, we poor sinners confess unto thee, that we are by nature sinful and unclean, and that we have sinned s^ainsl thee by thought, word and deed. Wherefore we flee for refuge to 288 The Lutheran Movement in England. thine infinite mercy, seeking and imploring thy grace, for the sake of cm' Lord Jesus Christ. O most merciful God, who hast given thine only begotten Son to die for us, have mercy upon us, and for his sake, grant us remissiop of all our sins ; and, by thy Holy Spirit, increase in us true knowledge of thee, and of thy will, and true obedience to thy word, to the end that by thy grace we may come to everlasting life, through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen, This does not belong to the Service properly so called. The Service of the Mass does not have it as such. The Consensus of the Lutheran liturgies of the Sixteenth Century does not contain it. It has its origin in the Confiteor or Praeparatio in Missam, said by the officiating priest for himself, first secretly, but in course of time, publicly, before beginning the service.^ Thence revised, so as to exclude the Roman errors, it was transferred to a num- ber, but not the majority, of the Lutheran services. Thus the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order begins: "When the priest comes to the altar, he may say the Confiteor, or whatever his meditation suggests." Even an earlier Order (Strassburg, 1524) prescribes it in a form similar to that here given.' The form adopted is that of Mecklenburg, 1552.* The structure of the Confession is not manifest in the English translation. The Ger- man is : " Ich armer sUndiger Mensch," showing that it is the officiating minister, who begins under the deep sense of his un- worthiness of that which his office communicates (Is. 6 : 5 sq.). Then, in the second part of the prayer, the people join, or as in the Meckenburg Order, a second minister. There is also pro- gress in the thought. The first is a general prayer for God's mercy ; the second, passing to what is more specific, presents the plan of salvation, with the prayer that (?od would fulfil his ' Confiteor Deo Omnipotenti, beatae Mariae semper virgini, beato Michaeli archangelo . . omnibus Sanctis et vobis, fratres, quia peccavi nimis cogitatione, verbo et opere. Mea culpa, mea culpa, mea maxima culpa. Ideo precor beatam Mariam semper virginem — et vos fratres orare pro me ad Domimmi, Deum nostrum. Then his fellow ministrants continue : Misereatur tui Om- nipotens Deus, et dimissis peccatis tuis perducat te ad vitam aetemam. ' See above Chapter xxii. ^ Richter, 11:122. Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 289 promises connected with that plan. The second petition has almost the force of an absolution by his congregation, of the min- ister who has prayed the first petition, and, at the same time, joins therewith the congregation's prayer for the same blessing. In the first petition, a most important addition has been made to'the Confiteor of the Roman Order, in that Original Sin is included, and made prominent. The German traces sin from the act to its source in Original Sin ; the English begins with the source, and shows how it has developed in outward manifestations. B. The Declaration of Grace. Almighty God ; our heavenly Father, hath had mercy upon us, and given His only Son to die for us, and for His sake forgiveth us all our sins. To them that believe on His Name, He also giveth power to become the sons of God, and bestoweth upon them His Holy Spirit. He that believeth, and is baptized shall be saved. Grant this, O Lord, unto us all. Amen. In this form, the declaration is found in Mecklenburg, 1552. It is often, but improperly, called an absolution. An absolu- tion is, however, the individualization of the general proniise of the Gospel, the application to the individual of the forgive- ness which is offered to all. Such absolution cannot be spoken to an entire congregation, or even to two or three persons, but only to one. In a wide sense, the term general, as distinguished from private or personal, absolution may be used. But such gen- eral absolution occurs wherever the Word of God is preached. Any other form of general absolution detracts either from preach- ing, on the one hand, or from the personal absolution on the other. The subject was involved in controversy at Niirnberg in 1533, where Brentz and Osiander objected to the custom which previously obtained.^ ■ Brentz urged that it could not be a true absolution, since it is nowhere read in Scripture, that a mixed assembly could be absolved, in which are found unbelievers, fan- atics, impenitents, adulterers, usurers, drunkards, murderers, and where none asks for absolution ; that such absolution would be ' For details see Kliefoth, II : 335 sqq. 20 290 The Lutheran Movement in England. either conditional, /. e. I absolve you, if you have repentance and faith, or unconditional, i. e. I absolve, you whether you have or have not repentance and faith. But a conditional absolution is no absolution ; and an unconditional absolution of such kind, " is a lie and blasphemy." Luther and the Wittenberg Faculty tried to mediate between the two sides. ° But Brentz more con- sistently carried out the Lutheran principle. In the Reformed churches, the public absolution is not objectional, since, accord- ing to the Reformed conception, the absolution does not communicate that which it announces. We have here, therefore, not an absolution, but only a declara- tion of the Order of Salvation, and its general offer to the sinners who have confessed. A more admirable and thoroughly logical statement could scarcely be framed : 1. God's General Benevolence. His Antecedent Will. ((7.) His pity'for fallen man. "Hath had mercy upon us," /. e. from all eternity, as he foresaw our fall. (J).") His provision for man's recovery. " And given his only son to die for us." {c.") The fruits of this mercy and redemption. " For his sake forgiveth us all our sins." All being redeemed by Christ, all through Christ are potentially forgiven. There is forgiveness for all, though all do not avail themselves of it. 2. God'' s Special Benevolence. His Consequent Will. (a.) The Manner; (3.) The Means, by which the forgiveness provided for all is bestowed. The manner — Faith, Regener- ation, the Holy Spirit. The means — Faith, Baptism. 3. Prayer that the Holy Spirit may work this faith, and apply to each heart the forgiveness which, for Christ's sake, belongs to it. In Dober's Mass (1525) where the outlines of this form are found, it ends: "Be it to each according to his faith. Pray God for me. I also will do likewise." (Lohe). * See De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV : 480 sqq. Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 291 THE SERVICE PROPER. Lohe has said that every complete Service is a mountain with two summits : The preaching of the Word is one, the adminis- tration of the sacrament is the other. As Sinai is higher than Horeb, so the latter rises above the former. We reach both by a gradual recent. First Act— The Word. Part I. A. The Introit. The normal Lutheran service al- ways begins with the Introit. " In this there is complete agree- ment among all Lutheran Orders until the middle of the XVII. Century" (Kliefoth), the only exceptions being in the occasional use of introductory hymns or psalms, and the confes- sional service just considered. To what has been already said in chapter XX., we add the following : The Introits appear first in Gregory the Great, and in the es- sential form which they have since had. Every Introit consists of three parts : An Antiphon, a Psalm and the Gloria Patri. The Antiphon presents, by means of a brief passage of Scripture (with a few exceptions from the Psalms), the leading thought of the particular day. The Psalm is a brief passage from the Psalms, in which the joy of the heart at what the Antiphon announces, finds expression. Originally an entire Psalm was chanted here. This usage can be traced from the fact that, of the sixty-one Introits included in the appended table, fiftv-two have as the Psalm-verse, the first verse of the Psalm used, the intention gen- erally being that the entire Psalm should follow. Where the verse is not the first of a Psalm, the Introit, as a rule, has begun with the first verse, or first and second verses, which is then followed by the rest of the Psalm. 292 The Lutheran Movement in England. I. Sunday in Advent. II. TABLE OF INTROITS. Antiphon. Ps. 25 : 1-3 a. f Zach. 9 : 4. III. " " IV. " " " Christmas. Sunday after Christmas. Circumcision. Epiphany. I. Sunday after Epiphany. III., IV., V. « " VI. Sunday « " Septuagesima. Sexagesima. Quinquagesima. Ash Wednesday. I. Sunday in Lent. II. " " " III. " " « IV. " " " "y ti a it YJ it tt <( Monday in Holy Week. Tuesday and Thursday in H.W Wednesday in Holy Week. Good Friday. Easter. First Sunday after Easter. Second " " " Third " " « Fourth « " " Fifth Ascension Day. Sunday after Ascension. ils. 30: 30. Is. 30 : 29. . Phil. 4 : 4-6. Is. 45 : 8. Is. 9 : 6. (Ps. 93 : 5, 2). (Ps. 8:1,4). Mai. 3: I. fis. 6: I. \Rev. 19 : 6. Ps. 66 : 4. Ps. 97 : 7, 8. Ps. 77 : 18. Ps. 18 : S, 6. Ps. 44 : 23-25. Ps. 31 : 2, 3. Ps. 57: 2; I b. Ps. 91 : IS, 16. Ps. 25 : 6, 2 b., 22. Ps. 25 : 15, 16. 'Is. 66: 10. Ps. 43 : I, 2. Ps. 22 : 19, 21. Ps. 35 : I, 2. Gal. 6 : 14. Phil. 2 : 10, 8. Is. S3 : 3-6. f Ps. 139 : 18, 5, 6. i or, ( Luke 24 : 6 a., 5 b., 6 b., 7 I Pet. 2 : 2. Ps. 33 : 5, 6. Ps. 66 : I, 2. Ps 98 : I a., 2 b. Is. 48 : 20. Acts I : n. Ps. 27 : 7, 9. Psalm. 25:4. 80: I. 85:1. 19:1. 98 : I. 95 : 1- Is. 63 : 16. Ps. 72 : 1. 100 : 1. 66 : I, 2, 97: I. 84: I. 18: 1,2. 44: I. 31:1. 57 : I a. 91:1. 25:1. 25:1. 122 : 1. 43:3. 22 : I. 35:3- 46 : I. S : I. 2. 5 : I, 2. 139 : I, 2. 8: Sb.,6a. 81 : I. 33:1- 66:3. 98 : I b. 100: I. 47: I- 27 : I. Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 293 Antiphon. Psalm. Whitsunday. fWisd. I : 7 a., \Ps. 68: 3. 68:1. Partly from Job 13:6. Partly ecclesiastical. 8: I Trinity Sunday. or, Is. 6:3. ^Rom. 11 : 36. 8:1. First Sunday after Trinity. Ps. 13 : 5, 6. 13:1- Second " er'') prefaces for the chief festivals, chiefly from the Gregorian Sac- ramentary. (■'). The Sursum Corda, found in the Greek form : avm rd? xapSiaq- [j.r]Sh -pjivov ijyijaaa&e. "Lift up your hearts; think of nothing earthly." An exposition of this is giv»n by Cyprian in his treatise "On the Lord's Prayer:" "When we stand praying, beloved brethren, we ought to be watchful and earnest with our whole heart intent on our prayers. Let all carnal and worldly thoughts pass away, nor let the soul at that time think on anything, but the object onlyof its prayer. For this reason also the priest, by way of preface before his prayer, prepares the minds of the brethren by saying ' Lift up your hearts, ' that so upon the people's answer : ' We lift them up unto the Lord,' he may be reminded that he himself ought to think of nothing but the Lord. How can you ask to be heard of God, when you yourself do not hear yourself?" Cyril : " It is necessary at that important hour to lift our hearts to God, and not to sink them to earth and earthly things. In this sentence, therefore, we are commanded to relinquish, in th%,t hour, all cares and domestic anxieties, and to have the heart in Heaven with God, the Lover of the human race. " Augustine: " The hearts of believers are in Heaven, because daily directed towards Heaven, when the priest says : ' Lift up your hearts,' and they confident reply : ' We lift them up unto the Lord.' " (/5.) Augustine's explanation of the Gratias, is : " That we lift up our hearts to the Lord is by God's gift ; for which gift, then, we are bidden to give thanks to our Lord God." Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 307 (r.) Dignum: " To praise God above all things is meet, so far as God is concerned ; for he is our Lord God ; it is just, so far as we are concerned ; because we are his people. It is meet, because Thou hast made us by Thy pure will ; it is just, because Thou hast redeemed us by Thy pure mercy ; it is right, because Thou dost gratuitously justify us ; it is salutary, because Thou dost perpetually glorify us." (Innocentius, quoted by Du- randus). C. The Sanctus. Having offered numerous petitions for the Church on earth, the congregation of believers now unites with the Church in Heaven which does not need its prayers, in the an- gelic trisagion. For it is about to sit in heavenly places with Christ Jesus. The Benedictus from the Great Hallelujah (Ps. 118 : 26) of the Passover, added to the Sanctus, tells that Christ is now coming to his people through his real presence in the Lord's Supper. They are to eat and drink in remembrance not of an absent, but of a truly present, though unseen Lord. Hence they exclaim : " Blessed be he that cometh in the name of th^ Lord — Hosanna." As the Sanctus emphasizes the divine, the Benedictus emphasizes the human nature of of our Lord. Lu- ther separated the Sanctus from the Preface, in order probably to bring the Benedictus directly before the Consecration.- The Hosanna is found in the earliest Communion Service on record, viz., that in " The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles." (Chapter IX., §6). D. The Exhortation. Composed by Volprecht of Niirn- berg, 1525, is unliturgical, and causes a break in the Service; since this is not the place for preaching. It was prepared to an- swer the necessity for instructing the people, who had been raised under Romish error, concerning the true significance of the. Lord's Supper. In the original, it is piuch longer. The edifying character of its teaching has made it especially dear to the Lutheran Church, and, even when not used, its presence in the book gives an excellent practical exposition of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. The Exhortation took the 3o8 The Lutheran Movement in England. place of the Sancta Sanctis, to. ayia ron; aywi^, of the early Church, /. e. "Holy things for holy persons." "If any one be not holy, let him not approach. He does not say ' abso- lutely free from sin,' but ' holy;' for not absolute freedom from sin, but the presence of the Spirit, makes holy." (Chrysostom). Part II. Consecration. The Consecration properly speaking consists only of the Words of Institution. Accedit verbum ad elementum etfit sacramentum. But without prayer, we cannot come at Christ's invitation, to partake of what He is about to give. A. The Lord's Prayer. This prayer is not really conse- cratory, so far as the elements are concerned ; but it is conse- cratory of the believers who are ready to receive the heavenly blessings. We have heard : " Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord;" and in the Lord's Prayer, we go forth to meet the coming King. "That a prayer given by the Lord is preferred to any furnished by the Church, is explained ^because at this center of the communion act, we prefer to deal v.'ith the Lord alone and to use no words other than his." " The doxology to the Prayer is here omitted. That it is not simply the prayer of the officiating minister is manifest from the Ore- mus : "Let us pray."" The Lord's Prayer, however highly prized in the Lord's Supper, is not an essential part; and, hence, is omitted in a fevir'Orders. B. The Words of Institution. As they here occur, they are not oifered to the congregation to awaken their faith; but are recited to the Lord, in connection with the Lord's Prayer, as a part of the act of prayer. Hence the minister turns, not towards the congregation, but towards the altar, as he reads the words. The significance of the entire act is as though he were to say : " O Lord, we come at TJiine invitation ; for here are Thy gracious words, unto which Thou wilt assuredly be faithful." Great stress is laid upon the neces- 15 Kliefoth, VIII. (V.) 96. "See above, Act I., Part II., B. Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 309 sity for clearness and distinctness in the utterance, as over against the inaudible mumbling of the Romish administration of the Mass. The raising of chalice and paten was intended to render everything visible as well as audible. C. The Pax. Of this. Luther sa)s : " It is truly the voice of the Gospel announcing the forgiveness of sins, the only and most worthy preparation for the Lord'sTable,provided it be apprehended by faith, in no respect different than if it proceeded from the mouth of Christ. Hence I want it announced with face towards the people. It is an absolution of the communicants from sin," /. e. " Come hither, and receive from God's own Word, and through the pledges of the very body and blood, which have been given for thy sins, the peace of God which is in reality made ready for thee." PART III. THE DISTRIBUTION. A. The Agnus Dei, sung during the Service, is said to have been introduced by Pope Sergius I. (687-700). It is based on John 1 : 29. Ths Dona nobis paccm ("Give us thy peace") has been introduced since the XI. Century ; and is a reminis- cence of the wars and general disorder of that disturbed period. In the Lateran Church at Rome, Alt says that the old form, without the Dona, is still maintained ; as the Church should be an image of the heavenly Jerusalem, where already all is peace. In the Lutheran Service, it is a beautiful response to the Pax : God's Word: " The Peace of the Lord be with you alway." Man's Answer: Ah, Lord, Thou knowest how we need what Thou dost here offer. " O Lamb of God, have mercy on me." " Grant me this. Thy peace." B. The Distribution Proper. Then the Lord says : " Here is that for which thou prayest. _ Thou hast been redeemed by 1 Christ's blood. Here is the very Body and the very Blood which purchased thy forgiveness and salvation. Just as cer- tainly as they are here offered thee, just so certainly art thou a redeemed sinner, for whom God has only thoughts of love. Come, receive what God has provided thee. " Take and eat, 3IO The Lutheran Movement in England. this is the Body of Christ, given for thee. ' ' Take me at my word, and receive my peace. "Given for thee," is an addition to the formula, referred to Luther. ^^ The Catechism tells us that the " for you," are "the chief things in the sacrament," and "require truly believing hearts." " For thee," as a formula of distribution is preferable to "for you," since it is the office of the sacrament to indivi- dualize grace. The Benediction is found in Luther's German Mass of 1526. " Preserve you in true faith," is better than " in the true faith," as the reference is to the personal faith of the believer. The introduction in the same Orders of " true " before Body and Blood, is traced no further than a Branderlburg-Niirnberg Agende of 1591, and then to the Coburg of 1626. ^^ The in- troduction of a confessional statement reflecting the violent con- troversies of the times, seems out of place, in that moment, when, of all .others, the soul is alone with its Saviour. The acceptance of what such formula declares, should be presupposed in every administration. The sacramental union occurs in the sacramental action, and, therefore, neither until, nor after the taking and eating. The consecration is, therefore, not completed until in the distribu- tion. In his earlier liturgical writings, Luther advises strongly that the bread shall be consecrated and distributed before the wine is consecrated. He argues that this occurred at the insti- tution of the Lord's Supper. This practice preserves the unity of the consecration and distribution. It is adopted in the com- munion of the sick. PART IV. POST COMMUNION. A. The Nunc Dimittis is found at this part of the Service in the oldest Lutheran liturgies (Bugenhagen, 1524; Dober, 1525; Strassburg, 1525), although not generally adopted in the XVI. '^ It is not however witliout precedent in the Oriental Liturgies, although not in this precise form : " Which shall be given for you.'' (Mozarabic). 16 Kliefoth VIII., (V.) p. 125 Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 311 Century. Casaubon, quoted by Calvor, traces it to the Liturgy of Chrysostom, adding : " In. most Protestant churches, the en- tire action of the celebration of the Lord's Supper, is concluded with this hymn, which the people chant on bended knees — which is a most beautiful and holy institution." The peace offered in the "Fax," prayed for in the ".^^«j Dei," received in the "Distribution," is now than)cfully ac- knowledged, " Now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace." The child of God is as near Heaven as he can be in this life ; nearer yet he one day shall be, when this sinful flesh is entirely put off. He is ready for the blessed exchange this very mo- ment, as he also is ready for everything assigned by his Lord. Whithersoever the Lord sends him, will he go ; whatsoever the Lord commands him, will he do. For the peace of God is his ; and the salvation of God is a possession, whereof he is so fully conscious that he can exclaim : " Mine eyes have seen Thy salvation." The use of the Nunc Dimittis accords with the practice at the institution, Matth. 26 : 30 : " When they had sung a hymn, they went out into the mount of Olives." B. The Versicle. The Nunc Dimittis, however, is indivi- dual. The thanksgiving is yet to be rendered by the entire congregation. This is introduced by the versicle, which ap- pears first in the Coburg KO of 1626, and afterwards was gen- erally introduced into Lutheran liturgies. C. The Collect. That adopted in the " Common Service " is from Luther's German Mass of 1526, replacing the Post-Com- munion of the Roman Mass which abounded in doctrinal cor- ruptions. That heretofore used in the English churches of the General Council is from the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1533, which, as seen elsewhere, has reappeared, in a revised form, in the Book of Common Prayer. D. The Benedicamus is found already in the liturgy of Chrys- ostom. The Romi.sh Mass has it: "Benedicamus Domino." 312 The Lutheran Movement in England. "Deo Gratias." " Goit sei gelobet vnd gebenedeiet" is a Ger. man metrical rendering. Of the Service as a v/hole, it may be said that the First Act is variable, the Second invariable in its parts. In the First, there is a constant change according to the day or season of the Church Year. In the Second, whatever be the day or season, the uni- formity is almost complete. The only exception to the varia- tions of the First Act, is the permanence of Kyrie, Gloria in Ex- celsis, and Creed. The only exceptions to the permanence of the Second Act, are the ' ' Proper ' ' Prefaces, and, where the music is thoroughly elaborated, the melodies of the Sanctus, Agnus Dei and Benedicamus, changing according to the season of the Church Year. " In a series of acts, covering thousands of years," says Klie- foth, " God has borne his testimony to men, and has spoken to them in thousands of words. So also every one of the people that enters God's house, brings with him an entire world of cares and blessiiigs, joys, necessities, and sins. Varied, too, and manifold, are the ways in which the Word of God finds men, and man finds himself related to the Word. It is right, therefore, that the Act of the Word should present the saving deeds of God to men in their ever fresh richness, and thus lead men to salva- tion. But all the acts of God, and all the cares and hopes of the human breast, have one goal ; so also all divine services and all divine dealings with men, lead to but one goal : Redemption through the Blood of Christ. Hence it is proper, that the act of the Service which gives his Blood, and, in it, the forgiveness of sins, life and salvation, should also be externally one and the same, offering the one thing for all in but one form."" Another general remark is necessary. From the very begin- ning, the Lutheran Orders recognize that a difference must be made between the cities where the necessary musical resources are at hand for the full rendering of the Service, and the vil- "VIIL (V.) 148 sq. Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service. 313 lages and country where they are absent. Care was taken that a modified Service should be provided, in which the structure of the full Service and the significance of its parts were preserved unbroken. The following is a t)'pe: i. German Hymn. 2. Kyrie. 3. Hymn — metrical version of the Gloria in Excelsis. 4. Salutation. 5. Collect. 6. Epistle. 7. Hymn. 8. Gos- pel. 9 Metrical rendering of the Creed. 10. Sermon. 11. General Prayer. 12. Hymn. 13. Preface. 14. Exhortation. 15. Lord's Prayer. 16. Words of Institution. 17. Distribu- tion during the singing of " Christi, Du Lamm Gottes." 18. Post Communion. 19. Benediction. 20. Closing Hymn. (Liineberg, Calenberg, etc.) CHAPTER XXV. THE ANGLICAN CATECHISMS. Cranmer's Catechism of 1548, a translation of tlie Numberg Catechism of 1533. Changes by Cranmer. Cranmer's Version of Luther's Catechism, in full. The Numberg Catechism's theory of " Apostolic Succession." — Archdeacon Hook's mistake. Becon's Catechism dependent on Lu- ther. The Catechism of Dr. John Brentz (1527), the Cassel Catechism (1539), Revision of the Cassel Catechism in Reformation of Cologne (1543). The Church Catechism compared with those of Brentz, Cassel- Cologne and Luther. Catechisms of Ponet and Nowell. The Church Catechism is a part of the Book of Common Prayer, being included in the Order for Confirmation. But sq important is the history of the development, that it requires sep- arate treatment. We have already noticed the " Bishop's Book ' ' or "Institution of a Christian Man" of 1537, and shown its de- pendence on Luther's Catechisms. .cranmer's CATECHISM. In 1548 Cranmer made another attempt to supply the want of a popular book of religious instruction, which was published un- der the following title : " CATECHISMUS ; That is to say a shorte Introduction into Christian Religion for the synguler commoditie and profyte of childre end yong people. Set forth by the moste reverende father in God Thomas Archbyshop of Canterbury, Primate of all England and Metropolitane. Gualterus Lynne excudebat, 1548." It was introduced by a dedicatory letter to to Edward VI., in which, after referring to the deplorable ignorance of the people, and the king's desire to remedy it, he continues ; "I knowing (314) The Anglican Catechisms. 315 my selfe as a subjecte greatly bounden to set forward the same, am persuaded that thys my smal trauyall in thys behalfe taken, shall not a lytle helpe the sooner to brynge to passe your godly purpose." Although the sub-title, i. e., the title above the Pre- face, in the words, "oversene and corrected by the moste rev- erende father in God, the Archebyshoppe of Canterburie," gives the hint that it was not original, Burnet has entirely overlooked this, in the statement that the Catechism "was wholly his own without the concurrence of any others." At his examination on his trial at Oxford, Cranmer testified that he had translated the Catechism from Justus Jonas; in his "Defence" concern- ing the Lord's Supper, he speaks of it as "a catechism by me translated," while the testimony of one of his chaplains, Dr. Rowland Taylor, that " he made a catechism to be translated into English," seems to imply that the translation was made un-. der his supervision. Bishop Gardiner already gives the key to this Catechism of Justus Jonas, when in his " Explication and Assertion of the true Catholique Faith, he says: "Justus Jonas hath translated a catechisme out of Douch into Latin, taught in the city of Noremberge in Germanye, where Hosiander is chiefe preacher — which catechisme was translated into English in this auctor's name about two yeares paste." ' The Latin Catechism of Justus Jonas mentioned is that whose title is given in Feuerlin's Bib. Symb. (p. 260) : " 1122. Catechismus pro pueris et juventute in Ecclesiis et ditione III. Principum Marchionum Brandeborgensium et inclyti senatus Norimbergensis breviter conscriptus, e germanico latine redditus per Justum Jonam, addita epistola de laude Decalogise. 'Viteberg,.l539, 8." Strype's statement ' that it was made by Justus Jonas, Jr. , is incorrect. It is nothing more than the Sermons on the Cate- ' Quoted in Burton's Cranmer's Catechism, Oxford, 1829, pp. v. vi. A more accessible editon of Cranmer's Catechism, with the part concerning the Sacraments and the Power of the Keys omitted, and the orthography mod- ernized, was published by the Presbyterian Board of Publication, Philadel- phia, 1842, in their series of writings of the British Reformers, among the se- lections from Cranmer. ' Strype's Cranmer, 1 : 227. 31 6 The Lutheran Movement in England. chism, originally appended to the Brandenburg-Nurnberg Kirch- ■snordnung of 1533, and frequently republished since. The Kirchenordnung was the joint work of Osiander and Brentz. It is not improbable that it was in preparation while Cranmer was an inmate of Osiander's house. The changes made by Cranmer are very slight. The chief are the addition of fourteen pages on, "Thoushalt not make unto thee any graven image," — foretokening the adoption of the Calvinistic division of the commandments — and of a page on the Introduction to the Lord's Prayer; the omission of nineteen lines on the Second, of three lines on the Fourth, and of a page on the Seventh commandment ; of six lines and a repetition, on the Third Article of the Creed, and of a paragraph of fifteen lines, on Baptism. When it is borne in mind that, in the edition mentioned, the English Catechism fills two hundred and fourteen pages, it will be noticed that the Archbishop left the body of the Brandenburg-Nurnberg Explanation untouched. A striking feature of the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Explanation is, that at the close of each sermon the words of Luther's Small Catechism are always recalled, as the sum of what has been said. Its method is synthetic. Instead of beginning with Luther, it discusses the various parts contained in each answer, and then only at the conclusion brings them together. We give as an example the close of the Sermon on Baptism : " Wherefore, good children, learne these thinges dilygentlye, and when ye be demaunded, What is baptisme, Then you shal answer, Baptism is not water alone, but is water inclosed and joyned to the word of God and to the covenante of God's promise." By bringing these summaries together, we may, therefore, con- struct Luther's Catechism, in the earliest English form, thus far discovered, as follows ; The Anglican Catechisms. 317 CRANMER'S LUTHER'S CATECHISM. I. THE TEN COMMANDMENTS. I. In this precept we be commaunded to feare and love God with al cure harte, and to put our whole trust and confidence in him. 11. We ought to love and feare God above al thyng, and not to abuse his name to idolatrie, charmes, periure, othes, curses, ribaldrye, and scoffes, that undre the pretence and coloure of his name we begile no man by swearynge, for- swearynge, and lyinge, but in al our nedes we should cal vpon hyra, magnifie and prayse him, and with oure tongues confesse, utter and declare our faythe in him and his doctrine. III. We ought to feare and love our Lord God above all thinges, to heare dili- gently and revel ently his holy worde, and with all diligence to follow the same, IV. We ought to love and dreade our Lorde God, and for his sake to honoure oure parentes, teachers, meters and governors, to obey them and in no wise despise them. V. We ought to love and dreade our Lorde God above all thinges, so that for hys sake we hurt not our neyghbour, nether in his name, goodes, cattel, life or body, but that we ayde, comforte, and succour him in all hys necessities, troubles and afflictions. VI. We ought above all thynges to love and dreade our Lord God, and for his sake to lyve chastly in wil, worde and dede, and every man is bownde to love and cheryse his wife. VII. We ought to feare and love our Lord God above al thinges, and for hys sake willingly to absteine from our neyghbor's goodes and cattell, to take nothing from him, but to helpe him in his neede, and to defende and aug- ment his ryches and commodities. vni. We ought to feare and love oure Lorde God above all thynges, and for his sake to absteyne from all lyinge, backe bytynge, slaunderynge, and yll re- portynge, by the whiche oure neyghbour's good name, fame and credit may be impeched or decayed, and rather to excuse, hydde or gentely to enter- prete another manne's faute, then maliciously to make the wourste of the 31 8 The Lutheran Movement in England. same, and wytli the loude trumpe of our tongue to blaste it abrode^ to the knowledge of all the towne or place wherein we dwel. IX. We oughte to feare and love our Lorde God above all thynges, and for hys sake so to chastise oure eyes and lustes, that we desyer not oure neyghboure's house, nor other thynge belongynge unto hym, but helpe him (as muche as shall lye in us), to retayne and kepe hys landes, goodes and all that is his. X. We ought to feare and love our Lord God above al thinges, and for his sake willyngly to absteyne from our neighbour's wife, familie, goodes and cattel, and to helpe hym as muche as lyeth in vs, that he may kepe and pos- sesse the same. II. THE CREED. I. I beleve that God the Father hath made me and al creatures in heaven and earth, that he hath gyven to me and conserveth my bodye and soule, reason, senses, eyes, eares, and all my other members. And I beleve that the same almightye Lorde and God doth dayly gyve to me and to us all, meat, dryncke, cloth, wife, children, house, lande, riches, cattell, and all thynges necessarye to the mayntenaunce of our lyves, and that he doth dayly defende, kepe and preserue vs from all.perell, and delyver vs from all evel. And all thys he dooth of hys owne mere mercie and goodnes, without Our worthynes or deseruynges. For the which benefites it is our dutie to render to hym continuall and everlastyng thankes, to obey hym in all thynges, and to take hede thatt we be not unkynde to hym, that hath shewed so greate kyndnes towardes vs. II. I beleve that Jesus Christ, veray God, begotten of God the Father, and and verye manne, borne of the Virgin Marie, is my Lorde, whiche by hys precyouse bloode and holy passyon, hath redeemed me, a myserable and damned wretch, from all my synnes, frome death etemall, and from the tyr- annie of the Devell, that I should be his own true subject, and lyve within his kyngdome, and serve hym, in a newe everlastynge lyfe and iustice, even as oure Lorde Christe, after he rose from deathe to lyfe, lyveth and raygneth everlastyngly. III. I beleve, that neither by man's strength, power or wysdome, neyther by myne owne endeavor, nor compass of myn owne reason, I am able to beleve in Jesus Christ, or come unto hym. But the Holy Goost did call me by the worde of the gospell, and with the giftes of his grace, he hath hitherto en- The Anglican Catechisms. 319 dowed me, and halowed me, and in the true faith, he hathe hitherto pre- served and confirmed me, and this he hath not done only to me, but also he calleth and gathereth togyther in the unitye of one faith and one baptisme, all the vniversal churche, that is here on earth, and he halloweth, kepeth and preserveth the same, in the true knowlege of Christ, and faith in his promy- ses. And in this churche, he giveth free and generall pardon, to me and to al that belfeve in him, of al our synnes, offences and trespasses, and at the last day he shall rayse me, and all other that be deade, and all that dyed in the true faith of Jesus Christ, he shall glorifye in the lyfe everlastyng. III. THE LORD'S PRAYER. The name of God of it selfe is holy, but here we do aske, that it be hal- owed of vs. And when you be asked, how it is halowed of us, answere, whan the worde of God is puerly and syncerelye taught, when we leade our lyfe in this worlde holyly and godly, as it becommeth the veray true children of God. Here in this point succour us, good Lorde, helpe us, O heavenly Father. For he that either teacheth or liveth otherwise than the worde of God reqmreth, he dyshonoreth and polluteth the worde of God. II. The kyngdom of God commeth of it selfe, without our prayer, but here we pray that it may com to vs. Whiche commeth to passe, whan the heavenly Father gyveth vs his spirite, to beleve his holye word, to lyve wel and godly, here in his churche, for a tyme, and after in heaven for ever. III. Althoughe God's holy wyll be done without our praier, yet we pray that it may be done in vs, and fulfylled amonge vs here in earth. Whiche is done, whan God doeth overthrow and destroy the wicked counsels of the Devell, of worldley people, and of oure owne fleshe (which dti all that lieth in theim, to let and hynder the kyngedome of God, and the halowynge of his name) and doeth kepe vs in the true knowledge of hys worde, in the lyvely fayth of Christ, in hys love and obedience of his commandments. For this is the holye and perfecte wyll of God, whiche God graunte vs to keape nowe and ever. Amen. IV. God doeth sufficientlye provyde for vs meate and lyvyng without our desyre, neverthelesse we desyre hym, to graunt vs, that we maye knowe that we have all thynges at his handes, that we may gyve to him due thgnkes for the same. And yf further anye maurwyll aske you, what is mente by his worde, oure dayly breade, you answere that by dayly breade is understande 320 The Lutheran Movement in England. all thinges necessarie for cure lyvynge, as meate, drynke, clothe, house, lande, cattell, monye, housholde stuff, a good wyfe, obedient children, trustye ser- vantes, good governors, a well ordered common wealth, common pease and tranquilitie, seasonable wether, holsome ayer, health of body, constant frendes, honest neighbours, and suche lyke thynges, whereby we maye leade in thys worlde a godly and quiet lyfe. V. Herein we desyere that our heavenly Father wil not Inke upon our synnes, and for them, cast vs awaye. For we have not deserved those greate gyftes and grace whiche we desir at God's hands, nor be not worthye to have the same, but we desyer God, that althoughe we dayly offend him, and deserve grevous punishmentes for our synnes, yet he of hys mere grace and mercie wil heare oiu' prayers, and frely forgyve us cure offences. And we offer our selves for his sake from the botome of our heartes to forgyve them that have offended vs. VI. God tempteth no man. But here we praye, that God wil kepe and defende vs, that the Devel, the world and the ileshe deceave us not, and leadde us not into ungodlynes, ydolatrie, blasphemie, desperation, and other horrible synnes. And althoughe we be tempted with these synnes, yet we desyer God, that at length we may overcome them, and triumphe over them, by the helpe and assistence of the Holy Gost. VII. Herein we generally desyre our heavenly Father, to delyver us from all evell and perell, bothe of body, soule, lande, catell and riches. And that when we shall lye on cure deathbed, he wyll than graunt us a good houre, that we maye departe oute of this vale of miserie, in his favour, and from this transitorie lyfe, enter into life everlastynge. The whiche God graunte us all. Amen. IV. BAPTISM. I I. Baptism is not water alone, but it is water enclosed and ioyned to the worde of God, and the covenante of God's promyse. And these be the wordes, whereby our Lorde Jesus Christ did ordeine baptisme, which be written in the laste chapter of Saint Mathew. Go and teache al nations, baptisynge them in the name of the Father, and the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. II. And when you shal be asked what auayleth baptisme ? you shal answere : Baptisme worketh forgyvnes of synne, it delyvereth from the kyngdome of the The Anglican Catechisms. 321 Devel, and from death, and giveth lyfe and everlastyng salvation, to all them that beleue these wordes of Christ, and promyse of God, which are written in the laste chapter of Sainct Marke his gospell, He that wil beleue, and be baptised, shall be saved. But he that wil not beleue shall be damned. III. Yf a man aske you, how can water brynge to passe so great thynges ? ye shall answer. Uerely the water worketh not these thynges, but the worde of God, whiche is joyned to the water, and fayth whiche dothe beleue the worde of God. For without the worde of God, water is water, and not baptisme, but when the worde of the lyuing God is joyned to the water, then it is bap- tisme, and water of wonderful holsomnes, and the bath of regeneration, through the Holy Ghost, as Sainte Paul writeth. God saved vs by the bath of regeneration, and renewyng of the Holy Ghost, whom he powred upon vs, plenteously by Jesus Christ our Saviour, that we beyng made righteous by his grace, maye be heyres of everlastyng lyfe. [In another connection : " But peradventure some wil saye. Howe can water worke so greate thynges ? To whome I answere, that it is not the wa- ter that dothe these thinges, but the almyghtie worde of God (whiche is knyt and joyned to the water), and faith, which receyueth God's worde and pro- myse. For without the worde of God, water is water, and. not bapjisme. But when the worde of the living God is added, and ioyned to the water, then it is the bathe of regeneration, and baptisme water, and the lyuely sprynge of etemall salvation, and a bathe that wassheth our soules by the Holy Ghoste, as saynct Paule calleth it saying : God hath saved vs thorowe hys mercye, by the bathe of regeneration, and renewyng of the Holy Gost, whome he hath poured vpon vs plenteously, by Jesus Christ ome Savioure, that we beynge made ryghtuous by his gracej maye be heyres of everlasting lyfe. This is a sure and trewe worde."] IV. Yf a man aske you, what doth the baptisynge in the water betoken ? aun- swere ye, it betokeneth, that olde Adam with all synnes and. euel desyers, ought daylye to be kylled in vs, by trewe contricion and repentance ; that he may rise againe from death, and after he is risen with Christ,. may be a new man, a new creature, and may line everlastyngly in God, and before God, in rightuousnes and holynes. As saincte Paule wryteth, saying. All we that are baptized, are buried with Christ in to death, that as Christ rose agayne, by the glorie of his Father, so we also should walke in newnes of lyfe. V. THE lord's supper. Yt is the trew body and trew bloude of our Lorde- Jesus Christe which was ordeyned by Christ him selfe, to be eaten and dronken of vs Christen 22 322 The Lutheran Movement in England. people, vnder the forme of brede and wyne. Furthermore, yf any man wil aske ye, wher is this written ? ye shall answer. These be the wordes which the holy Evangelistes Mathewe, Marke, Luke and the Apostle Paul do writ. Our Lorde Jesus Christ the same nyght, etc. II. Fiulhermore yf any man aske ye, what auayleth it, thus to eate and drynke ? ye, shall answer. These wordes do declare what profit we receave thereby, my bodye which is given for you, my bloude whiche is shed for you, for the forgyuenes of synnes. By the whiche wordes Christe declareth, that by this sacrament and wordes of promyse, are gyuen to us, remission of synnes, lyfe and salvation. For whereas forgyuenes of synne is, ther is also lyfe and salvation. III. Againe yf a man wil go further with you, and aske you. How can bodily eatyng and drynkynge have so greate strength and operation ? ye shall an- swer. To eate and to drynke, doth not worke so great thynges, but this worde and promyse of God, my bodye which was giuen for you, my bloude whiche was shede for you, for the remission of sinnes. This worde of God is added to the outward sygnes, as the chiefe thing in this sacramente. He that beleueth these wordes, he hath that thing, whiche the wordes do pro- myse, that is to saye, forgyvenes of his synnes. Besydes this, yf a man aske of you, who be they, that do worthily receave this sacrament ? ye shal answere. That fastyng, abstinence and suche other lyke, do perteyne and are profitable for an outward discypline or chastice- ment of the bodye. But he receaueth the sacrament worthily, that hath faith to beleve these wordes. My bodye whiche was gyven for you, my bloude whiche was shed for you, for the remission of synnes. But he that belueth not the wordes, or doubteth of them, he receaueth the Lorde's supper un- worthily. For this worde, gyven for you, doth require a faithful and be- leuyng harte. How little this origin of Cranmer's Catechism has been known to the more distinguished scholars of the English Church, may be illustrated by a singular error of the late Dr. W. F. Hook, Dean of Chichester, author of the " Lives of the Archbishops of Can- terbury," (i2 vols , 8vo.), " Church Dictionary," etc. In his sermon on " A Call to Union on the Principles of the English Reformation," published in Vol. II. of "Tracts for the Times," The Anglican Catechisms. 323 he cites Cranmer with the greatest assurance, as an advocate of the doctrine of Apostolical Succession, and attempts to substan- tiate his position by a quotation in the Appendix (p. 103 sqq.), from what he calls " Cranmer's Sermon on the Apostolic Suc- cession and Power of the Keys." To one not understanding the historical relations, he must seem to prove his *point. But alas ! the words are not Cranmer's. They are only a section of this Lutheran Catechism, translated from the German with almost verbal exactness. The reader, familiar with Luther's writings, at once sees at the basis of the Brandenburg-Nurnberg explanation of this section, a portion of Luther's argument in his book " Von der Winkelmesse," published the same year, 1533, translated into Latin also by Justus Jonas, and in another part of which he maintains the identity of bishops and presby- ters. It is the strong emphasis that those who preach must be rightly called, and that the Apostolic mode of recognizing this call, and formally inducting men into office was only by the lay- ing on of hands, and, as Luther says, "neither by chrism or butter," that misled Dr. Hook. The following passage of " Cranmer " could not be misleading, when used under the cir- cumstances of the time and place of its composition in Germany, though when tranferred to another land and tongue, and applied in other relations, a more careful guarding of some of its state- ments would be necessary. As it is, nothing is intimated of " an Episcopal Succession." Damach haben die Apostel andem frommei heyligen leuten solchs pre- digampt auch mitgethailt und befohlen, sonderlich an deu orten, da schon Christen waren, und Prediger bedorfften, und doch die Apostel selbs bey ihnen nicht bleyben konten, dann sie musten immer weyter ziehen, und an andem orten auch predigen. Wo sie nun fromme heylige leut funden, die zum Predigampt tuglich waren, denselbigen legten sie die hende auff, -und theyleten ihn den heyligen Geist mit, wie sie ihn von Christo zti solchem ampt auch hetten empfangen, dieselbigen waren dann auch richte ordentliche beruffene Prediger, gleich so wol als die Apostel selbs, wie das alles der heylig Paulus in den Episteln zum Timotheus klarlich anzeygt. Und ist also das Predigampt, das Christus unser Herr selbs angefangen, eingesetzt, und verordnet hat, immer von einem auff den andem kommen, durch das auffle- 324 The Lutheran Movement in England. gen der hende, iind mittlieylen des Heiligen Geists, bis auff dise stund. Und das ist, auch die rechte weyhe, damit man die Priester weyhen sol, und allweg geweyhet hat, und sol noch also bleyben, dann das, was man sonst fiir andere Ceremonien darbey hat getrieben, die sein on not, von menschen erfunden, und hinzu gesetzt warden. becon's catechism. Dr. Burton'' has conjectured that Cranmer's Catechism was translated for him by one of his chaplains, and mentions Taylor, Ponet or Poinet, and Becon, as possible translators. Both Ponet and Becon have left catechisms of which they were themselves the authors. As the former gives no indication of any influence on the part of Luther's Catechism, or the Brandenburg-Nurn- berg Explanation, and the latter shows their traces on almost every page; of these three, Thomas Becon was probably the chaplain who performed the work, or aided the Archbishop in it. He was born in 151 1. B. A. Cambridge, 1530-31 ; was a dili- gent hearer of Hugh Latimer ; took orders in 1538 ; was brought before Privy Council in 15 41, on charge of heresy, and recanted, but under an assumed name continued by his pen to disseminate the principles of the Reformation. Was again compelled to ab- jure in 1543. His books were prohibited by a proclamation, July 8th, 1546. Chaplain to Cranmer from March 24th, 1547. In the tower after Mary's accession from August i6th, 1553 — March 2 2d, 1554- An exile at Strassburg and Marburg. Books again prohibited by a proclamation, June 13th, 1555. Returned to England at Elizabeth's accession, aiid, after being rector in a number of parishes, died July 2d, 1567.* His works in two vol- umes were republished by the Parker Society in 1844. While his career shows great weakness and vacillation in the presence of danger, his writings are among the most profoundly spiritual which the English Church has produced. His Catechism, pre- pared for his children, is without date, and while its very first words are : "Though I be small in quantity," contains more ' Cranmer's Catechism, viii. * Cooper's Athence Cantabrigienses, Art. Becon. The Anglican Catechisms. 325 matter' than our entire "Book of Concord," and is, in ^ fact, an extended system of theology. It is evidently of later origin than Ponet's, as it shows the change in the order of parts, which it enumerates, as: I. Repentance. II. Faith. III. Law. IV. Prayer. V. Sacraments. VI. Offices of all degrees. It is an independent development by one in whose mind and heart, Luther's explanations, often in their very words, are deeply fixed and who, with great freedom, expands and developes what he has drawn from this source and thoroughly assimilated. ° The traces of the Calvinistic movement, however, are very apparent. On the Lord's Supper, the Calvinistic influence leaves only a few traces of Luther. The last part of Becon's Catechism is oc- cupied with the Haustqfel, amplified and explained. THE CHURCH CATECHISM, which appeared originally in the liturgy of Edward VI. of 1549, and which, with the addition of Bishop Overall on the Sacra- ments made in 1604, is contained in the Book of Common Prayer, belongs to another class of Catechisms. It is a Catechism of the Brentian type, which begins with Baptism, and then de- duces, from the profession made in Baptism, the several parts of the Catechism. John Brentz, the Suabian Lutheran Reformer published a Catechism, probably first in 1527-28. Another Ger- man edition was published in 1536. The first Latin edition (15 5 1-2) is before us, from which we translate: brentz' S CATECHISM. What is your religion ? The Christian religion. Why? Because I believe in Jesus Christ, and was baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. What is Baptism ? A sacrament or divine seal, whereby God the Father, through Jesus Christ, ' In Parker Society edition 410 pp. 8vo. 58 lines to the page. • The evidence for this will be found in Lutheran Church Review, for July, 1888, pp. 174 sqq. 326 The Lutheran Movement in England. witli the Holy Ghost, surely testifieth that God is propitious to him who is baptized, and out of gratuitous kindness forgiveth him his sins for Christ's sake, and adopteth him as son and heir of all heavenly benefits. Recite the passages of Scripture which prove the institution of the sacra- ment. Matt. 28: 19, 20; Mark 16 : 15, 16. Recite the Symbol of faith. I believe in God the Father, etc. Of what profit is this faith ? That, for the sake of Jesus Christ, I am reckoned by it, righteous and holy before God, and there is given me the spirit of prayer and of calling upon God as Father, and of ordering my life according to God's commandments. In what prayer, are you wont to call upon God ? The Lord's Prayer, which Christ hath taught us. Recite the Lord's Prayer. Our Father, etc. What are the Commandments of God ? Those contained in the Ten Commandments. Recite the Ten Commandments. I am the Lord thy God, etc. For what purpose were the Ten Commandments given ? First, that from them we may learn to recognize our sins. Secondly, that from them we may learn what works please God, and are to be done, that we may lead an honorable life. » Can we, by our works, perfectly fulfil God's commandments ? In no way. For our works are not perfectly good, and we have been con- ceived and bom in sin. But to provide for our salvation, our Lord God hath given us his Only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, who did no sin and most per- fectly fulfilled all of God's commandments. If, therefore, we believe in Jesus Christ, God with his gratuitous favor reckons us for Christ's sake, just as though we ourselves had fulfilled all of God's commandments. Why ought we to do good works ? Not that, by our works, we may make satisfaction for sins and merit life eternal. For Christ alone hath made satisfaction for our sins, and merited for us life eternal. But we should do good works, that by them We may at- test our faith, and render thanks to our Lord God for his benefits. What must be done to strengthen our faith in adversity, and receive conso- lation in affliction ? We must use the Lord's Supper. What is the Lord's Supper ? The Anglican Catechisms. 327 A sacrament or divine seal, whereby Christ truly presenteth, offereth and giveth us, with the bread and wine, his Body and Blood, and certifieth to us that our sins are remitted us, and that the right to life eternal belongeth to us. Recite the Words of Institution. Our Lord Jesus Christ, etc. What are the Keys of the King of Heaven ? The Ministry of proclamation of the Gospel concerning Jesus Christ. Recite from the Evangelists some passages, in which Jesus Christ hath in- stituted the Ministry of preaching his Gospel. Luke 10: 16; Matth. l6 : 19; John 20: 22,23. A comparison made with variations of the older editions, as given in Hofling's Sacrament der Taufe, II. : 326, 327, shows no important changes, so far as the subject here treated is con- cerned. The Catechism of Brentz was adopted by, and included in the Church Constitution for Schwabisch-Hall of 1543. In 1539, when a Church Constitution was prepared for the Lu- theran churches in Cassel (Hesse Cassel), an Order for Confirma- tion was inserted, including a brief Catechism to be used, at a public examination, immediately precediiig and in connection with the Confirmation. In 1543, this Cassel Order for Confirma- tion was adopted, with some slight changes, in the famous book prepared by Melanchthon and Bucer for the Reformation of Co- logne, which became so important in the preparation of the Book of Common Prayer, Bucer himself being Professor at Cam- bridge while the work was in progress. This Catechism follows the model of Brentz. THE CASSEL CATECHISM. Art thou a Christian ? Yes. Whence dost thou know this ? Because I have been baptized in the name of God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost. What dost thou believe of God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost ? All that the Articles of the Creed contain. How do they run ? I believe in God the Father, etc. What dost thou mean, then, in confessing God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost? 328 The Lutheran Movement in England. That there are three persons and yet one God, of one nature and power. Why dost thou say : God is Almighty and that he is Creator of all things ? That God is, doeth and giveth all good, hath made all things from noth- ing, and maintaineth and preserveth them ; He also is present, by His power, to all things, and worketh all in all, from His only good and righteous will and counsel. What dost thou understand in the Second Article, of Christ our Lord ? That, through Adam, we are so corrupt that no angel or man could pay the price of our sins, but the Eternal Word and Son of God, had, and willed to become, flesh, and was born a true man, yet without all sin, by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary. By his death, He hath paid the price for all our sins, and by His resurrection and ascension hath placed us again in a heavenly na- ture to whom the Father hath given all power in Heaven and on earth, etc. After a similar long explanation of Article III, the question is asked : Art thou in the church and congregation of Christ ? Yes. How didst thou enter therein ? By Holy Baptism. What is it ? The washing of regeneration, wherein I was washed from inborn sin, in- corporated with Christ my Lord, and clothed in Him, Wilt thou remain in this fellowship ? Yes, by the help of God, eternally. Questions are then asked and answered concerning the duties which this fellowship within the church through baptism brings. Then follow several concerning the Lord's Supper, and the du- ties pertaining to its fellowship. There is no allusion to either the Ten Commandments or the Lord's Prayer. Hermann's consultation. The Cassel Catechism, as revised and introduced into the Con- sultation of Cologne, translated into English, and published in 1548, varies somewhat from the above, as may be learned from extracts given in Blunt's Annotated Book of Common Prayer, and Campion's and Beaumont's Prayer Book Interleaved. Demaunde. Dost thou profess thyself to be a Christian ? Answer. I profess. The Anglican Catechisms. 329 D. What is it to be a Christian ? A. To be borne agayne in Christ, and to have remission of synnes, and participation of everlastyng lyfe through him. D. Whereby trustest thou that these thynges be given thee ? A. Because I. am baptized in the name of the father, the Sonne, and the holye gost. D. What belevest thou of God the father, the Sonne, and the holy gost ? A. The same that the articles of our crede do comprehend. D. Rehearse them. A. I do believe in God, etc. ****** ** * * D. Doeth that please thee then, and doest thou allowe it, and wilt thou con- tinue in the same, that thy godfathers promysed and professed in thy name at holy baptisme, when in thy steede they renounced Satan, and the world, and bound thee to Christe and to this congregation, that thou shouldst be thorowlie obedient to the Gospel ? A. I allow these things, and by the healpe of our Lord Jesus Christe, I will continue in the same unto thende. We give the old English rendering, quoted by the English writers on the " Book of Common Prayer," in order that it may appear in what form it was present to the compilers of that book, although a comparision of the original, with the Cassel Catechism shows no variation in the introductory questions. The same writers might have added, that, after the question, whether the catechumen would abide by all that was promised by his spon- sors, the Order of Hermann continues : Q. Dost thou renounce, now and here, before the eyes of God and his Church, with thine own heart and mouth, Satan and all his works ? Atis, I renounce. Q. Also the world and all its lusts ? A. I renounce. Q. And dost thou surrender thyself in all obedience to our Lord Jesus Christ, and his holy Chiurch 'i A. \ surrender. Q. How wast thou first received by God unto sonship, and into his Church ? A. By Holy Baptism, **.(?. Wilt thou continue in this fellowship of the Lord unto thine end ? A. Yes, by the Lord's help, unto eternity. If now we turn to "The Church Catechism," found in the Book of Common Prayer," its close dependence upon the Bren- tian type of Lutheran Catechisms is very manifest. It is in vain for the writers of the Church of England to plead that the com- 330 The Lutheran Movement in England. pilers of " The Book of Common Prayer," found only the hint there.' The order of parts first of all shows this : Church Catechism. Brentz. Cassel- Cologne. 1549. Baptism. Baptism. Baptism. Creed. Creed. Creed. Commandments. Lord's Prayer. Lord's Prayer. Commandments. 1604. Baptism. Lord's Supper. Lord's Supper. Lord's Supper. But beyond this, the thought that underlies the entire devel- opment, if compared with the Catechisms above given, will be seen to be taken from them. Even where Brentz and the Cassel Catechism have nothing to say concerning the relation of spon- sors to Baptism, the thought with which the Church Catechism opens, comes from Hermann's Consultation. We can trace also some of the very brief explanations, back through Cranmer's, to Luther's Catechism. FIRST COMMANDMENT. Cranmer'i Luther. We be commanded to feare and love God with al oure hearte and to put our whole trust and confidence in him. Church Catechism. My duty towards God is to believe in him, to fear him, and to love him with all my heart, [and] to put my whole trust in him. Cranmer's Luther. To call upon hym, magnifie and prayse him. SECOND CQMMANDMENT, Luther. To call upon him . . . and worship him, with prayer, praise and thanksgiving. Church Catechism.. To worship him, to give him thanks, and to call upon him. ' " The idea is probably due to Hermann's Consultation. No part, how- ever, of our Catechism was borrowed from this source." Procter, History of the Book of Common Prayer, p. 389. "As the same arrangement is found in Hermann's Consultation, the notion of an authoritative form of instruction to be thus inserted in the Ritual, was probably derived from that source. There is no resemblance, however, between the English and foreign formularies." Trollope on the Liturgy, p. 233. The Anglican Catechisms. 331 THIRD COMMANDMENT. Cranmer's Luther. Toheare diligently and reverently his holy worde, and with al diligence to folow the same. Church Catechism, To honor his holy Name and his Word, and to serve him truly all the days of my life. FOURTH COMMANDMENT. Cranmer's Luther. I To honoure oure parentes, teach- ers, masters and governors, to obey j them and in no wise despise them. Church Catechism. To love, honor and succour my fa- ther and mother ... to submit my- self to all governors, teachers, spiritual pastors and masters. EIGHTH COMMANDMENT. Cranmer's Luther. To absteyne from all liynge, back- bytyng, slaunderynge. Church Catechism. To keep my tongue from evil- speaking, lying and slandering. PONET S AND NOWELL S CATECHISMS. The Church Catechism, being only a formula for the public examination of catechumens belonging to the Order for Confir- mation, was deemed inadequate for full instruction, and, hence, as the Calvinistic tendency strengthened, there were various ef- forts to provide a substitute for Cranmer's ample Lutheran ex- planation. The first of these, known as Edward VI. 's Cate- chism, is generally ascribed to Bishop Ponet or Poinet. It was first published in 1553, in connection with the Articles of Reli- gion of 1552. Ponet, one of Cranmer's chaplains, was bishop of Rochester after 1550, and in 1551 succeeded Gardiner as Bishop of Winchester. He fled to Strassburg on the accession of Mary, where he died in 1556. The Catechism is even polemical in its attitude towards Lutheranism, devoting a large page and a quarter to discussing the impossibility of the presence of the Body of Christ on earth. It treats in order, the Ten Command- ments, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer. Although published by authority, it did not answer its purpose, and soon was lost in ob- scurity. Before its republication in the " Liturgies of Edward VI.," issued by the Parker Society, it was almost impossible even for scholars to find a copy. 25^ T/ie Lutheran Movement in England. A far more important work is the Catechism of Alexander Nowell (1507-1601), Dean of St. Paul's and Prolocutor of the Convocation under Elizabeth that revised the Articles of Edward VI. There are, in fact, three Catechisms which bear his name, but his Large Catechism is what is generally so known. It was published in 1570, and follows the order of the Ten Command- ments, Creed, Lord's Prayer and Sacraments. It combines the- ological exactness with catechetical skill. It appropriates some of Poinet's material, but is still more dependent upon Calvin's Institutes, whose order it follows, and whose very language it frequently uses, as we could readily show. In some parts it is not without controversial bitterness and unfairness, where it touches points on which the antagonisms to Lutheranism are es- pecially prominent. Bishop Overall's additions in 1604 to "The Church Catechism," were derived from Nowell. It is a significant fact that the English translator of this Catechism, in 1570, Thomas Norton, was the translator also of the first English edition of Calvin's Institutes. It is worthy of examination whether there be not a close relationship between Nowell's work and Calvin's Catechism of 1536, which was afterwards sup- planted by the Catechismus Genevensis (1538.) CHAPTER XXVI. THE HOMILIES OF 1547. Tavemer's Postils, a temporary Expedient. Preparation of an authorized Book. Reasons for its Unpopularity. Merits and Defects. Permanent Rescdts. Symbolical Authority. Homily on " The Salvation of Man- kind " examined. Sources whence it was compiled. Indebtedness of other Homilies. Homilies of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. The line of the liturgical development of the English Church, has led us some years beyond the period of the English Hom- ilies Taverner, as we have seen, had already made a temporary effort to supply the lack of preaching, by, the preparation of "Postils," to be used for this purpose. A more formal and complete work was to appear later. Ordered by Convocation in 1542, it seems to have been completed in 1543, and, then, after awaiting revision for several years, finally appeared in the sum- mer of 1547- A second edition was issued the same year. One of the Homilies was to be read "every Sunday at high mass," "except a sermon be preached," and, then, the Homily had to be read the succeeding Sunday. When the Homilies had all been read, the clergyman was to begin the volume anew, and read and re-read it, until he received further instructions. The book, though highly commended by Bucer, from Strassburg, did not prove popular. Sometimes when read, " there would be such talking and babbling in the church, that nothing could be heard. And if the parish were better affected, and the priest not so, he would 'so hauk and chop it,' that it were as good for them to be without it, as for any word that could be understood."' No ' Strype's Memorials of the Reformation, II : 49. (333) 334 The Lutheran Movement in England. wonder. For, first, the book reflected the inconsistent position of the Enghsh Church, the advocates of the various tendencies having taken part in its preparation, and the evangelical posi- tion of Cranmer being balanced by the hierarchical position of Bonner. Even though there be few direct antagonisms, the very mode of treatment was affected. Secondly, the Homilies are not popular, but largely didactic in their character. The doctrinal Homilies are essays in Dogmatic Theology, burdened with technical terms and abounding in arguments from the Fath- ers : and even those of a more practical nature show the hand of the student cloistered among books, rather than that of one who had much experience in the care of souls. There is, in this respect, a great contrast between them, and the expositions of doctrine for plain pastors which are found in the introduction to so many of our Lutheran Church Orders. Thirdly, they entirely ignored the Church Year, and caused an interruption of the true idea of the Service, which, even though it may be borne occasion- ally, nevertheless, when occurring as a rule becomes awkward and tedious. They exhibit no progressive unfolding of the life of Christ. Compared with -the earlier effort of Taverner, there was here by no means an improvement. Although, the Homilies did not long serve the purpose for which they were composed, and as sermons were failures ; yet their importance as theological treatises, must not be over- looked. Art. XXXIV, of the Church of England and of the Pro- testant Episcopal Church of America, gives them, with the later Homilies of Queen Elizabeth, symbolical authority j and Art. XI. gives still more emphasis to one particular Homily. To the study of this Homily, thus ofScially endorsed, which was con- structed from Lutheran material, John Wesley ascribed the ori- gin of the Methodistic movement. Cranmer seems to have en- deavored in those which he prepared, to clearly explain and de- fend at length the cardinal doctrines of Sin and Grace, and espe- cially that of Justification by Faith alone without works. No doc- ument that has come into our hands, shows that he has merely The Homilies of XS47- 335 translated. Yet his close dependence not only in order of treatment, and of thought, but also in language, cannot be questioned. The order with which the opening Homilies are arranged, shows that Osiander's influence has wrought here, as elsewhere, upon his relative. If the Homilies begin : I. The Reading and Knowledge of Holy Scripture ; II. the Misery of all Mankind; III. the Salvation of all Mankind; IV. True and Living Faith ; the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Instruction pro- ceeds : I. Of Doctrine ; the Old and New Testaments. II. Peni- tence, ihe Law; III. the Gospel, etc. In many of the Homilies, we do not claim any Lutheran elements. Patristic and scholastic learning,rather than the " New Learning," are fre- quently manifested. But examining especially that on the " Sal- vation of Mankind by only Christ our Saviour," we at once find that we are treading the same ground as that traversed when the " Common Prayer " was examined. The opening sentence of the Homily is taken directly or indi- rectly from the Schwabach Articles of Luther and Melanchthon of October isth, 1529. Schwabach Articles. (Art. V.) Because all men be sinners, subject to sin and to death, besides to the devil, therefore can no man by his own strength or good works, deliver himself thence, so that he may again be made righteous or godly ; yea, he cannot even prepare or dispose him- self for righteousness, but the more he attempts to deliver himself, the worse it is for him. But that the only way to righteousness and deliverance from sin and death is, if, without all merits or works, we believe in the Son of God who suffered for us. . . For God regards as righteous and godly all those who have this faith in his Son, that, for his Son's sake, they are re- ceived into grace. Cf. also Apology of Augsburg Confession, p. 90 : § 40. The close of the paragraph introduces the very language of Art. III. Homily. Because all men be sinners and offenders against God, and breakers of his Law and commandments,there- fore can no man by his own works, acts and deeds (seem they never so good) be justified, and made righteous before God ; but every man of neces- sity is constrained to seek for another righteousness or justification, to be re- ceived at God's own hands, in such things as he hath oifended. And this justification or righteousness, which we so receive of God's mercy and Christ's merit, embraced by faith, is taken, accepted and allowed of God, for our perfect and full justifica- tion. 336 The Lutheran Movement in England. of the Augsburg Confession, supplementing it, however, by a clause referring to the "Active Obedience" of Christ. This is a matter of much interest, since the doctrine of the "Active Obedience" has generally been traced to Flaciusin 1552, who is said to have formulated it, in order to counteract the error of Osiander on Justification.' This Homily of 1547, however, says that God sent. his only Son " to fulfil the Law for us and to make a sacri- fice," and a few pages later : " Christ is now the righteousness of them that truly do believe in him. He for them paid their ransom by his death. He for them fulfilled the Law in his life. So that now in him, and by him, every true Christian man may be called a fulfiller of the Law ; forasmuch as that which their in- firmity lacked, Christ's justice hath supplied. ' ' But the doctrine of the "Active Obedience," was derived from the Reformation of Cologne, which, in turn, had taken it from Brandenburg-Nurn- berg of 1533, where even Osiander had assisted in formulating the following : " First, he directed all his life according to the will of the Father, did for us what we were obliged, and yet were unable, to do, and fulfilled the Law and all righteousness for our good, as He himself says, Matth. 5:17, and Paul says, Gal. 4 : 4; I Cor. I : 30; Phil. 3: 9. Secondly, he took upon himself all our sins, and bore and suffered all that was due us, John i : 29; Is. 53; 4-6; Rom. 8: 32; Gal. 3: 13." The statement of the Augsburg Confession that Christ was "a sacrifice not only for original guilt, but also for all actual sins, ' ' carries Cranmer at once, in thought, to Art. IX.- of the Con- fession. Aug. Conf., Art. IX. Children are to be baptized, who by baptism, being offered to God, are received into God's favor. And then to Art. XII. Homily. Infants being baptized . . are, by this sacrifice washed from their sins, brought to God's favor. ^ See Schmid's Dogmatik, English Translation, First Edition, pp. 377 sqq., Second Edition, pp. 360 sqq. The Homilies of ij4y. 337 Aug. Conf., Art XII. Such as have fallen after baptism, may find remission of sins at what time they are converted. Homily. They which in act or deed do sin after baptism, when they turn again to God unfeignedly, they are like- wise washed by this sacrifice from their sins. ' Then after two passages of Scripture are cited, another of Me- lanchthon's statements appears. Melanchthon's Loci Comm. (De Evangelic'). Justification is given freely, that is, not on account of our worth, yet there must be a ransom for us. Homily. Although this justitfication be free unto us, yet it cometh not so freely unto us, that there is no ransom paid therefor. After proving and illustrating this statement, Cranmer con- tinues : " The Apostle toucheth specially three things, whith must go together in our Justification j upon God's part, his great mercy and grace ; upon Christ's part, justice, i. e. the satisfaction of God's justice or the price of our redemption by the offering of his Body, and shedding of his Blood . . ; and upon our part, true and lively faith." The Apology (1531) had said: " As often as we speak of Justifying Faith, we must keep in mind that these three objects concur : \he promise s.n^ that too gratuitous, and the merits of Christ, as the price and propitia- tion. This promise is received "by faith" (p. 92: §53). "Which" [faith] "yet is not ours, but by God's working in us." continues the Homily. "It is not my doing, not my pre- senting or giving, not my work or preparation," says the Apol- ogy (p. 91 : § 48). " Faith doth not shut out repentance, hope, love," says the Homily. "Love and works ought to follow faith. Wherefore, they are not excluded," says the Apology. "It excludeth them," says the Homily, "so we may not do them, to this intent, to be made good by doing of them." "Confidence in the merit of love or of works,." says the Apol- ogy, "is excluded in Justification." ' Cf. above chapter. The Ten Articles. 23 338 The Lutheran Movement in England. It is unnecessary to illustrate further. The Homilies " Of our Salvation " and " Of Faith," are almost mosaics of passages from approved Lutheran authorities. We would not infer that they were mechanically joined together ; but that they were deeply fixed in the mind of the writer, were thoroughly assimilated and flowed forth almost spontaneously from his pen. Nevertheless this, in no way diminishes the extent of the indebtedness. We recognize also many corresponding similarities in the Homily " Of Good Works," and, to a less extent, in that "Of Christian Love and Charity. ' ' Those first mentioned, are worthy of far wider study than has been accorded them. They are among the most valuable memorials which the struggle of the Gospel for the English Church, has left to succeeding genera- tions, and, as models of a pure and -eloquent English style, are scarcely to be surpassed. Among those added in the next reign, were the two of Taverner on the Death and Resurrection of Christ. The great devotion of the author to Lutheranism has been previously shown, in connection with what has been said concerning his translation of the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. CHAPTER XXVII. THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES. Archdeacon Hardwick's Researches. Dr. Schaffs " Creeds of Christen- dom." Retrospect to Preparatory Work in the preceding Reign. The XLII. Articles of 1552. Revision under Queen Elizabeth. Table showing the parts of each article taken from the Augsburg Confession, Apology, Smalcald Articles and Wiirtemberg Confession. The minute investigations which Archdeacon Hardwick has made, and whose results are embodied in his well-known "His- tory of the Articles of Religion," relieve us of the necessity of any extended examination. So thorough has been his work, and so full his treatment of the relation of the articles of his Church to the Augsburg and Wiirtemberg Confessions, that it will supply the most needed information concerning what yet remains. He has overlooked, however, the connection of the Articles with the Apology and Smalcald Articles. The first vol- ume of Dr. SchafTs "Creeds of Christendom" also presents a very satisfactory summary. The pamphlet of Dr. Morris has collected the statements of many English writers on the fact, which no scholar, or well-informed person will any longer ven- ture to dispute, that the Thirty-Nine Articles are of Lutheran origin. We have above traced the history of the Wittenberg negotia- tions of 1535-6, the Ten Articles of 1536, the Memoranda of 1538, etc. After the accession of Edward, Cranmer seems to have delayed the preparation of a Confession, possibly in the hope that the various Protestant communions might be induced to unite in one common Confession against Rome. (339) 340 The Lutheran Moveme?it in England. The first sketch of the English Articles was made in the sum- mer of 1551, chiefly, as cotemporaries aflSrm, by Cranmer him- self. This rough draft was submitted to the bishops throughout the country, and after receiving their suggestions, was submit- ted to two learned laymen. Sir William Cecil and Sir John Cheke. Then it was submitted to the King, and referred to his six chaplains, among whom was John Knox. Revised again by Cranmer, the Articles finally were issued with authority in 1553.' In the previous year, however, they seem to have been privately circulated. They are known as the XLII. Articles of 1552. Ten years later, after the accession of Elizabeth had restored the Reformation in England, Archbishop Parker undertook a re- vision of the XLII. Articles, in which he made free use of the Wiirtemberg Confession^ prepared by Dr. John Brentz in 1551, and published under the authority of Duke Christopher, for sub- mission to the Council of Trent. The document, thus completed, is known as the XXXIX. Articles of 1562. It omitted the loth, i6th, 19th and 41st articles of 1552, and introduced as new art- icles, the 5 th, 12 th, 29th and 30th. The Convocation did not ratify the last three, and the 29th was omitted during printing, making the number actually only thirty-eight. But in 15 71, when the final revision occurred, the 29th was reintro- duced, and then the entire document, receiving the sanction of Parliament, was made obligatory upon the clergy. The fol- lowing table will show the relation of the several Articles to the Lutheran formularies. I. Aug. Conf., Art. I. ; XIII. Articles, 1538. II. Aug. Conf, III. ; XIII. Articles 1538; Revision of 1562 introduced : " Begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very and eternal God of one substance with the Father," from the Wiirtemberg Confession. ' For details, see Har^wick, pp. 84 sqq. ' " All the alterations are drawn chiefly from the Wiirtemberg Confessioti," Adolphus, Compendium Theologicum, p. 438. The Thirty-Nine Articles. 341 III. and IV. Each following a clause in Aug. Conf., Art. III., but not identical with the Confession. V. Wurtemberg Confession, Art. III. Not in 1552. VI. [V. of 1552.] , VII. [VI. of 1552.] VIII. [VII- 1552]. Articles of 1536, I. Saxon Arts., (1551, Melanchthon), I. IX. [VIII., 1552]. Aug. Conf., II. ; XIII. Articles (1538), II. X. [IX]. Former Sentence from close of Art. Ill,, Wurtem- berg Confession ; " the latter almost verbatim from St. Augus- tine." XI. Aug. Conf. IV. ; Arts, of 1536, V. ; XIII. Arts., IV. See preceding chapter on Homilies. XII. Hardwick refers this in part to the Wurtemberg Confes- sion. It is nearer the argument of the Apology which in fact it condenses, and may possibly be connected with the Homilies. Almost the very words of Apology however reappear, p. 139: §172. XIII. [XII]. Also condensing the thought of the Apology, pp. 89; 147 sqq.; 230. XIV. [XII]. Apology, 285 : 24, 25. XV. [XIV]. Amplifying a thought of Aug. Conf., Art. II. XVI. [XV]. Partly from Aug. Conf., Art. XII. XVII. XVIII. XIX. [XX]. Aug. Conf., Art. VII; XIII. Arts., V. XX. [XXI]. Cf. Aug. Conf., Art. XXVIII. Melanchthon's Appendix to Sihalcald Articles, II. XXI. [XXII.]- XXII. [XXIII]. Possibly from Smalcald Articles, Part II : Art. II., § 12. " Purgatory and every solemnity, rite, and pro- fit connected with it, is to be regarded nothing but a spectre of the devil. {" Mera diaboii iarva)." 'Eng. Axi: " Hes est futilis" 342 The Lutheran Movement in England. XXIII. fXXIV]. Based on Aug. Conf, Art. XIV.; XIII. Arts., X. XXIV. [XXV]. Cf. Apology, 259 : 4. XXV. [XXIV]. Based on Aug. Conf., Art. XIII. ; XIII. Arts., IX. XXVI. [XXV]. Aug. Conf. Art. VIII; XIII. Arts., X. XXVII. [XXVIII]. The Articles of 1536 and 1538, based on Augsburg Confession and Melanchthon "Against the Anabap- tists," were probably, as Hardwick supposes, before the compiler; but there was a very decided weakening to conform it to the Calvinistic doctrine. XXVIII. (XXIX) (Calvinistic). XXIX. § ;; Calvinistic. First published in 1571. XXX. Cf. Aug. Conf., Art. XXII. Added in 1562. XXX. (XXX). Based on Aug. Conf., Art. XXIV: 22-27. XXXII. (XXXI) Cf Aug. Conf., Art. XXIII: 3 sqq. XXXIII. (XXXII). XXXIV. (XXXIII). Based on Aug. Conf. Art. XV. Cf. Apology, Art. XV: 1, 3, 8, 51. XXXV. (XXXIV) XXXVI. (XXXV). XXXVII. (XXXVI). Partly from Aug. Conf., Art. XVI. XXXVIII. (XXXVII). Partly from Aug. Conf., Art. XVI, and its explanation by Apology, Art. XVI : 36, 61, etc. XXXIX. (XXXVIII). From same Article. The suppressed Art. XLI. of 1552 was based on Aug. Conf., Art. II. CHAPTER XXVIII. ^THE SUBSEQUENT HISTORY. The Refugees of Mary's reign. The Congregations of Exiles at Frankfort- on-the-Main. The Revised Service. John Knox. The Conflict be- tween Puritanism and the adherents of the Prayer-Book, Dr. Richard Cox. Knox withdraws. A Question as to Lutheran Baptism. Calvin at Frankfort. His later opinion of the Augsburg Confession. An An- glican Theological Seminary at Frankfort. Kindness shown the refu- gees. Archbishop Grindal. Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg. Bishop Aylmer at Jena ; nearly becomes Schnepf 's successor as a member of the theological Faculty. The Restoration under Elizabeth. Robert Brown and the " Independents." The fate of English Lutheranism. Its con- tinued Influence. Accession of the House of Hanover. New attempts at examination of historical relations, Pufendorf s Principles. Con- clusion. The limit fixed for this survey has been the close of the reign of Edward VI., with a reference to the permanent memorials of the Lutheran movement which remain. Another interesting field opens to the historical student in the development of the English Church among the bands of exiles scattered on the Con- tinent during the Marian persecution. Mary came to the throne, July 5th, 1553. Before her formal coronation, in October, the leaders of the evangelical movement had, with only one or two exceptions, been deprived of their positions and cast into prison. Cranmer was sent to the Tower September 14th. During the same month, Polanus with his congregation of exiles fled to Frankfort-on-the-Main. Here the chief Lutheran pastor was Hardtmann Beyer, distinguished for his courage and zeal in the days of the Interim, an alumnus of Wittenberg, and frequently (343) 344 The Lutheran Movement in England. mentioned in the correspondence of Luther and Melanchthon. They were kindly received, and were given the Weissfrauen- kirche for their services, which were begun in the French lan- guage, April 2 1 St. They were followed (June 27 th) by a num- ber of English Protestants who were given the same church for services in English at a different hour, William Whittingham, brother-in-law of Calvin, being their first pastor. One year la- ter, (June 15*55), Johii 3, Lasco and his congregation came, and they worshipped in the same place in the Dutch language. Very soon a controversy began among the English. The Calvinistic party had fretted even in England, that the revision of the Book of Common Prayer in 1552, was not more radical. A new Ser- vice was prepared. It "was concluded that the answeringe alowde after the Minister shulde not be vsed, the letanye, sur- plice and many other thinges also omitted. The Minister in place off the Englishe Confession shulde vse another, bothe off more effecte, and also framed according to the state and time. And the same ended, the people do singe a psalme in meetre in a plaine tune . . that don, the minister to praye for thessistance off gods holie spirite and so to proceade to the sermon. After the sermon, a generall praier for all estates and for oure countrie of Englande was also devised, at thende off whiche praier, was coined the lords praier, and a rehearsall of tharticles off oure be- liefT, which ended the people to singe an other psalme as afore. Then the minister pronouncinge this blessinge : The peace of God, etc." ^ John Knox was called from Geneva to take charge of this congregation, and accepted, being its pastor from No- vember 155410 March 1555. But this change of the Service proved too radical, and caused a reaction.' More exiles sympa- thizing with a more conservative course arrived from England. Knox was strengthened by the interference of Calvin. In March 1555, Dr. Richard Cox arrived. He was one of the band of first English Lutherans at Cambridge, mentioned in the beginning ' A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort, 1554. Reprint Ixjndon 1846, p. VII. The Subsequent History. 345 of this book, and had actively co-operated in the preparation of the principal English formularies, especially the Book of Com- mon Prayer. He at once antagonized Knox. " The sundaie folowinge, one off his company withowt the knowleg off the con- gregation gate upp suddainly into the pulpit, redd the lettany, and D. Cox withe his companie answered alowde, whereby the determination of the churche was broken." * Such is the record of the one side. In two weeks time, Knox had left Frankfort. Thus the struggle between Puritanism and the English Church began in Lutheran Germany, and was to be tranferred to Eng- land for fuller development during the reign of Elizabeth. The congregation was hopelessly divided. One party would not al- low the English minister to baptize their children. They car- ried them to the Lutheran ministers. Then came another con- troversy. Peter Martyr was called upon to prepare an opinion on the question: "An liceat hominibus evangelicis baptismum a Luther anis ac dpi" "May evangelical men receive baptism from Lutherans ?" He thought not. This did not settle matters, and he had to write again to the effect, that while "he would not say it was unlawful, yet he disliked the practice." Here are a few of Martyrs arguments : " Since the Lutheran faith and ours is diverse, we cannot commit ours to be sealed by the Lu- therans. . . What advantage or spiritual edification is had from baptism sought for at the hands of the Lutherans ? The salva- tion of your infants is not imperilled if they die without baptism, since neither the grace of God, nor the effects of predestination are to be bound to external things and sacraments."' Calvin himself repaired to Frankfort in 1556. He avoided the Luth- eran pastors, his relations towards Lutheranism having changed some three years previously. A few years later, he wrote to the Prince of Conde, "the Confession of Augsburg is neither flesh nor fish, and is the cause of great schisms and debates among the 2 lb. XXXVIII. " Strype's Cranmer, III : 162 sqq. 34^ The Lutheran Movement in England. Germans j" * and to Admiral Coligny : ^ " It is such a meagre composition, so feeble and so obscure, that it is impossible to stop short at its conclusions. ' ' ° Thus Puritanism showed in its very outstart the same hostility to Lutheranism, as to the Eng- lish formularies drawn from Lutheran sources. The other portion of the congregation found, with little diffi- culty, sufficient material among its members for a theological faculty, and established for the time a Seminary, with Dr. Horn, previously Dean of Durham, for Hebrew ; Dr. John Mullins for Greek, Dr. Traheron, previously Dean of Chichester, for Di- vinity. Not only at Frankfort, but also in Reformed centers, English exiles received kind treatment. Frankfort, however, is of most importance in its historical relations. Dr. Edmund Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1576-83, bears most emphatic testi- mony to its influence on the later history of the English Church : " That England had so many bishops and other ministers of God's Word, which at that day preached the pure doctrine of the Gospel, was owing to Strasburgh, Zurich, Basel Worms, but above all the rest, to Frankfort. You received our people to harbor, and, being received, embraced them with the highest hu- manity, and defended them with your authority. And if we should not acknowledge and speak of this piety of yours, we were, of all mankind, the most ungrateful. " ' His biographer says: "In truth, the remembrance of the former kindness, received by him and the rest of the exiles in Germany, under Queen Mary, stuck close upon his grateful mind ; and he thought he could not suf- ficiently express it upon all occasions."* Duke Christopher, of Wiirtemberg, the prince for whom Dr. John Brentz prepared the Wiirtemberg Confession, and distinguished for his decided * Sept. 24tli, 1561. Letters. 'May loth, 1563. See Letters. 'Strype's Memorials, V : 71. ' Strype's Grindal, p. 16. " lb. p. 182. The Subsequent History. 347 Lutheran convictions, was held in particularly grateful recogni- tion, because of his kindness to the exiles. • ' The Duke had been very kind unto the English exiles, having at one time be- stowed among them at Strasburgh four or five hundred dollars, besides more given to them at Frankfort." ' This act was duly acknowledged by Queen Elizabeth, when the Duke sent a repre- sentative to England in 1563, and by Bishop Grindal who en- tertained him and discussed with him Brentz's doctrine of the Omnipresence of Christ's humanity, which the Duke cordially approved. " But this without heat. They were contented to hear one another's arguments, and each to suffer other to abound in his own sense." '" Of John Aylmer, Lord Bishop of London in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, we are told that he improved the time of his exile by attending the University of Jena, and that he came near becoming the Professor of Hebrew in that institution. " He should, if he had not come away," says his biographer, "have had the Hebrew lecture there which Snepphinus [Erhard Schnepf J had, having been entertained there to read in that University both Greek and Latin, and with the good love of those famous men, Flacius Illyricus, Victorius Strigelus, D. Schnepphinus (whom they termed the other Luther), with divers others." " But on the accession, of Elizabeth, all elements again were found in the Church of England, and the former system of compromise continued, postponing, although not averting, the crisis which at length came, in the entire separation of Pres- byterianism, and the Westminster formularies of the next cen- tury. The " Independent " (" Congregationalist ") movement of Robert Brown, which sent the Pilgrim fathers to America be- gan as early as 1 5 71. While it repudiated Calvin's theory of Church government, it was in other respects a development of the Calvinistic principles that had entered the Church of England •Ib.p. 132. i»Jb. " Strype's Life of Bp. Aylmer, pp. 10 sq. 348 The Lutheran Movement in England. during the reign of Edward, but whose development had been greatly stimulated by the closer contact with Calvinistic centers during the succeeding reign. Between Hierarchism and Puri- tanism, Lutheranism seemed to have been completely overcome. But it continued to live in the Liturgy and other formularies, and though checked in its course by foreign principles with which it is mingled, occasionally started some evangelical movement, which, however, from lack of intelligent consistency, fell short of a true and thorough reformation. Such was the Methodistic movement, which soon became one sided, and so concentrated its force only on a few points of faith and life, that John Wesley whose work was especially that of awakening and arousing the slumbering conscience, in his later years was surprised that in his earlier years he could have so warmly commended Luther on Galatians. When the Lutheran House of Hanover was called to the Eng- lish throne, again the question of the relation of the Church of England to the Lutheran Church became a matter of consider- ation. It was in this interest, that Theophilus Dorrington, Rec- tor of Wittresham in Kent, published a translation of a posthu- mous book of Baron Pufendorf with the title : "A view of the Principles of the Lutheran Churches; showing how far they agree with the Church of England ; being a seasonable essay to- wards the uniting of Protestants upon the accession of His Ma- jesty, King George to the throne of these Kingdoms. London, 1 714." The book was written by Pufendorf, not with respect to the Church of England, but to exhibit the reasons why there could be no union between the Lutherans and the Romish Church, and what difficulties there were in the way of a uniting of Protestants. Mr. Dorrington says in his Preface : " I thought that it might be of use to us in England, to understand and know the principles and practices of the Lutheran churches (which are the true Protestant churches beyond the seas) better than for aught I can find we commonly do." This statement we would particularly commend to the mem- The Subsequent History. 349 bers of the Church of England and her affiliated churches of to- day. The close dependence of the English Church on the work of the Lutheran Reformers, which has been above shown, cer- tainly calls for more extensive acknowledgement and remem- brance. Here in America, the two churches have again been brought into close local relation. Each must justify before God and men the reason for its separate existence j and this requires of necessity the careful and thorough review of historical rela- tions and connections. In such review, the questions formerly at issue may be judged without that violence done conscience by the sacrilegious interference of a godless King, which English writers universally so deeply lament and condemn. The work begun by Cranmer may here be carried to its desired conclusion. The Lutheran Church should also recognize the many elements of strength and edification in the English Church ; and judge with discrimination her noble formularies. Any claim, however, to the acknowledgement of a succession of bishops as a mark of the Church cannot be conceded without abandoning Art. VII. of the Augsburg Confession, upon which, even in the time of Henry VIII., there seems to have been no controversy. The various other English communions that have originated by a re- action against hierarchical elements, retained by the incomplete- ness of the reformation of the English Church, can be judged with the greater charity. The attainment of an ultimate union of Protestants does not lie in the way of ignoring, but of bravely facing, differences, and examining the grounds of their origin. It is to humbly contribute something to such attain- ment, that we have prepared the foregoing summary of facts. CHAPTER XXIX. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. Sixty-five English Lutheran Books of the XVI. Century. No BETTER indication of the extent of the influence of the Lutheran Reformation upon that in England can be given, than that afforded by the subjoined list. It probably might be largely increased by more extensive researches : SOME ENGLISH LUTHERAN BOOKS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 1536. The Confessyon of the Fayth of the Germaynes, ex- hibited to the Most Victorious Emperour Charles the V., in the Councill or Assemble holden at Augusta, the yere of our Lord, 1530. To which is added the Apologie of Malancthon, who defendeth with Reasons invincible the aforesayd Confessyon, translated by Richard Taverner, at the commandment of his Mas- ter, the ryght honourable Master Thomas Cromwel, chefe secre- tare to the Kynges Grace. London, Robert Redman. 1536. A compendious letter which John Pomerane — curate of the congregacion of Wittenberge sent to the faithful! christen congregacion in England. London, Richard Charlton. 1537. How and whither a christian man ought to flye the horrible plage of the pestilence. A sermon out of the third Psalme : Qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi. By Andrew Osian- der. Translated out of the hye Almayne by Miles Coverdale. London, Richard Charlton. 1537. M. Luther's exposition of the Twenty-third Psalm, translated from the German by Miles Coverdale. Southwark, John Nicholson. (350) Bibliographical. 351 1537- The causes why the Germanes will not go nor con- sente onto the councill which Paul the 3 now Bp. of Rome, hath called to be kept at Mantua in Italy, and to begynne the 23 daye of Maye. Southwark, James Nicholson. Before 1548. The Apology of the Germans against the Coun- cil of Mantua. Translated by Miles Coverdale. 1538. Common places of scripture orderly and after a com- pendious forme of teachyng set forth. By Erasmus Sarcerius. Translated into English by R. Taverner. London, J. Byddell. 1541. A very godly defense full of lerning, defending the marriage of priests, gatthered by Philip Melancthon, and sent unto the Kyng of England, Henry the aight. Translated out of Latine into the English by Lewis Beauchame. Lipse, Printed by Ulryght Hoffe. 1542. The acts of the disputation in the cowncell of the em- pyre, holden at Regenspurg ; that is to say, all the artycles con- cerning the christen relygion, both agreed upon and not agreed upon, even as they were proposed of the emperour unto the no- bles of the empire, to be judged, delebered and debated, etc. Translated out of Latyne into English by Mylys Coverdale. 1544. De Libertate Christiana. The liberty of a christian Man. Cum priveligio regali. A lytle worke moost necessary to be knowen, of the freedome and bondage of the soule and body. God save the Kynge. Imprynted at the same by me John Byddell. 1545. The dysclosyng of the canon of ye popysh Masse, with a sermon annexed unto it, of ye famous clerk of worthy memory D. Marten Luther. ^ Apocal. XVIII: "Come away from hyr my people, that ye be not partakers in her synnes. ' ' Imprinted have at al Papiste, By me Hans hitprycke. 1545. The exposicion of Daniel the Prophete, gathered out of P. Melancton. Printed at Geneva, afterwards in London, Edward Whitchurch. * Archbishop Laurence comments on this title to show how much greater in England was the influence of Luther than that of Calvin. — Bampton Lectures, P- 23s. 352 The Lutheran Movement in England. 1546. The true hystorie of the christen departynge of the reverende man D. Martyne Luther, collected by Justus Jonas, Michael Celius, and Joannes Aurifaber, whych were thereat, & translated into Englysh by Johan Bale. 1547. The Epistle of P. Melancton made unto Kynge Henry the Eighth, for the revokynge and abolishing of the six articles set forth and enacted by the craftie meanes and procurement of certeyne of our prelates of the clergie, translated out of laten in- to Englishe by J. C. Weesell. 1547. A Simple and religious consultation of vs Herman by the grace of God, Archbishop of Colone, and prince Electour, &c., by what means a Christian reformation, and, founded in God's Word, of doctrine, administration of the devine sacra- mentes, of ceremonies, and how the holy cure ofsoules and other ecclesiastical-ministries, may be begun among men committed to our pastorall charge. Imprinted in the yere of our Lord 1547. The XXX. of October, I. P. 1548. Of the true auctorities of the churche, compyled by the excellent learned man Philippe Melancthon, and dedicate unto the noble Duke off Prussia, newly translated out of the Latin into Englyshe. Ipswich, John Owen. 1548. The Justification of Man by faith only. By Philip Melanchthon. Translated by Nicholas Lesse. Greenwich, Wilham Powell. 1548. Conjectures of the end of the World, gathered out of the scriptures by A. Osiander, and translated by G. Joye. 1548. A declaration of the twelve articles of the christen faythe with annotations of the holy scriptures where they be grounded in. By D. Urban Regium. Richard Jugge for Geu- alter Lynne. 1548. The Olde Learning and the newe compared together, whereby it may be easely knowen which of them is better and more agreyng wyth the everlasting word of God. Newly cor- rected and augmented by Wyllyam Turner. Translated from Urban Regius. London, Robert Stoughton. Bibliographical. 353 1548. A lytle Treatise after the maner of an Epistle wryten by the famouse clerk Doctor Urban Regius to his friend, about the causes of the great controversy, that hath been & is yet in the christian .church. 1548. A frutefull and godly exposition and declaration of of the Kyngdom of Christ, and of the Christen lybertye, made upon the words of the Prophete Jeremye in the XXIII chapter with an exposycyon of the VIII. Psalme, intreatyng of the same matter, by the famous clerke Doctor Martyn Luther, whereunto is annexed a godly sermon of Doctor Urbanus Regius, upon the IX chapyter of Mathewe, of the woman that had an i.sseu of blood, & of the ruler's daughter, newly translated out of the hyghe Almayne. Imprinted for Gwalter Lynne. 1548. The chiefe and pryncyple Articles of the Christen faythe, to holde against the Pope and al Papistes, and the gates of hell, with other thre very profitable and necessary bokes, the names of tytles whereof are conteyned in the leafe next follow- ynge. Made by Doctor Marten Luther. To the reader. In thys boke shal your fynde Christian Reader the ryght probation < of the righte Olde Catholyke church, and of the newe false church, w4iereby eyther of them is to be knowen. Reade and iudge. London, Gualter Lynne. 1548. M. Luther's sermon of the Keys, and of Absolution, on John XX: 21, 22. Translated by R. Argentine, Ipswich, An. Scoloker. 1548. Melanchthon, his wayihg and considering of the In- terim, translated by John Rogers. London, Edward Whitchurch. 1548. Catechism, set forth by Thomas Archbyshop of Can- terbury [Translated from the Brandenberg-Niirnberg Kinder- predigten.'\ 1548. A simple and religious consultation of vs Harma by the grace of God, Archbishop of Colone, etc. About 1548. Herman, archbishop of Colen, Of the right institution of baptism ; also a treatise of matrimony, and buriall the dead by Wolph. Muscul. Translated by Richard Rice. 24 354 The Lutheran Movement in England. Before 1549. The Confessyon of Fayth, deliwered to the Emperour Charles the Vih. by the Lordes of Germany, written in Latyn by Phylyppe Melancthon, and translated into English by Robert Syngylton. Printed by John Mychell, Canterbury. 1549. A briefe collection of all such of the scriptures as do declare ye most blessed and happye estate of them that be vyset- ed with syckness and other visitations of God, and of them that be departinge out of this lyfe, wyth most godly prayers and gen- eral confessions, very expedient and mete to be read to all sicke persons, to make them wyllynge to dye. Whereunto are added two fruitfull and comfortable- sermons made by the famouse clarke doctor Martin Luther, verye mete also to be reade at the buri- alles. Ecclesiastes VII. Imprinted on Somer's Kaye. 1550. The censure of J[ohn] B[rentz] in the cases whiche are concerning matrimony. 1556. A very fruitfull exposition upou the syxte chapter of Saynte John, divided into X Hornelies or Sermons. Written in Latyn by the ryghte excellent Master John Brencius, and trans- lated into English by Richard Shirrye, London, 9 April, 1550. 1550. A treatise of the argumentis of the old and new Tes- ment, by John Brentius : translated by John Calcaskie. Lon- don, Richard Charlton. 1550. A homelye of the Resurrection of Christe by John Brentius, translated by Thomas Sampson. London, Richard Charlton. 1550. A Godlye treatyse of Prayer, translated into Englishe by John Bradforde. From the Latin of P. Melancthon. [Also in 1589, John Wight, Publisher.] 1554. Preface of Melancthon to "A Faithful Admonition of a certain true Pastor and Prophet sent unto the Germans." 1 561. A famous and godly history, contaynyng the lyves and actes of three renowned reformers of the christian church, Mar- tine Luther, John Ecolampadius and Huldericke Zuinglius : the declaration of Martin Luthers faythe before the Emperour Charles the fyft, and the illustre estates of the empyre of Germanye, wyth Bibliographical. 355 an oration of hys death : all set forth in Latin by Philip Me- lancthon, Wolfgangus Faber, Capito, Simon Grineusand Oswald Miconius. Newly Englished by Henry Bennett, Collesian. Lon- don, John Sampson. 1566. P. Melancton upon the "VIII chapter of Paules epistles to the Romanes, Whether it be mortall sin to transgress civil lawes. 1569. The Miseries of schoolmasters, uttered in a Latine Oration made by the famous clearke, Philip Melanchthon. Lon- don, Henry Denham. 15 70. Newes from Niniue to Englande brought by the proph- ete Jonas. By Brentius ; translated by Thomas Tinime, Minister. 1573. An Exposition of Solomon's Booke, called Ecclesias- tes or the Preacher. By Martin Luther. London, John Day. 1573. A Commentarie of M. Doctor Martin Luther on the epistle of St. Paul to the Galatians. London, Thos. Vautrollier. [In the library of British Museum, there are English editions of Luther on Galatians of 1577, 1580, 1588, 1616.] 1577. M. Luther's Exposition on 130 Psame. Translated by Thos. Potter. London, Hugh Shyngleton. 1577. A commentaire upon the fiftene psalmes callel Psalmi Graduum, that is Psalmes of Dyejrees : faithfully copied out of the lectures of D. Martin Luther. — Translated out of the Latin by Henry Bull. Cum priveligio. London, Thos. Vautrollier. 1577. A commentarie of M. Doctor Martin Luther upon the epistle of Paul to the Galathians first collected and gathered word by word out of his preaching, and now out of Latine faith- fully translated into English for the unlearned. Diligently re- vised, corrected and newly imprinted again. Cum priveligio. London, Thos. Vautrollier. [See above 15 73- J 1577. A newe worek concernyng both parties of the Sacra- ment to be receyved of the lay people as well as under the kynde of breade, with certen other articles, of bysshops, the chapters whereof are conteyned in the next leafe : m.ade by Philip Me- lanchthon and now translated out of the Latyn. London, Rich- 35 S TJie Lutheran Movement in England. ard Jugge. [Of this translation, (here were earlier editions, Basle, probably 1543, and London, probably 1560. See cata- logue of books published prior to 1640, in Library of British Museum] 1578. A very comfortable and necessary sermon in these our dayes, made by the right reverend father and faithful servant of Jesus Christ Martin Luther, concernyng the coming of our Sa- viour Christ to iudgement, and the signes that go before the last day. Whiche sermon is an exposition of the Gospell appointed to be read in the church on the second Sunday in Advent, and is now newly translated out of the Latin into English, and some- thyng augmented and enlarged by the translator with certaine notes in the margent. Imprinted cum gratia et priveligio — Majestatis, London, John Byddell. 1578. M. Luther on Is. ix: 2-7; being a prophecieof Christ, wherein the conquest of Christ and his members over sin. Death and Sathan is declared. London, H. Bynneman for Gregory Seaton. , 1578. Special and chosen sermons of D. Martin Luther, col- lected out of his writings and preachings. Englished by W. C. (Will Gace). [These 34 sermons are dedicated "To — Syr Thomas Heneage." He was fined for printing this book with- out license, xs. Another edition 1581.J 1578. A Right Comfortable Treatise containing fourteen pointes of consolation for them that labor and are laden. Writ- ten by D. Martin Luther to Prince Frederick Duke of Saxony, he being sore sicke, thereby to comfort him in the time of his great distress, Englished by W. Gace. [Another edition 1580.] 1578. The sermon which Christ made on the way to Emaus to those two sorrowful disciples, set down in a dialogue by D. Urbane Regius, wherein he hath gathered and expounded the chief prophecies of the old Testament concerning Christ. Lon- don, Jobn Day. [Another edition 161 2. J 1579. Phil. Melangton, his praiers, translated by RichareJ Robinson. London, Henry Denham. Bibliograph ical. 357 1580. A Right Godly and Learned discourse upon the booke of Ester. Written in latin by J. Brentius, and new turned into English by J. Harrison. Lond'jn. 1581. A commentarie or exposition upon the twoo Epistles generall of Saint Peter and that cf Saint Jude. First faithfullie gathered out of the Lectures and Preachings of that worthie In- strumente in Goddes Churche, Doctour Marline Luther. And now out of the Latine, for the singuler benefite and comfort of the Godlie, familiarle translated into Englibhe by Thomas New- ton. Imprinted for Abr. Veale in Paule's chv.rch yard. 1581. A Manuell of christian praiers by divers devout and godly men, as Calvin, Luther, Melangton, etc., augmented and amended by Abr. Flehiing. London, Henry Denham. 1581. Singuler and fruitfull manner of prayer used by D. M. Luther, paraphrastically written on the Lordes praier, beliefe and the comman dements. 1582. A descouerse and batterie of the great Fort of unwrit- ten Traditions, otherwise, An examination of the Councill of Trent, touching the decree of traditions. Done by Martinus Chemnitius in Latine, and translated into Englishe by R. V. London, Thos. Purfoot. 1583. A declaration made by the Archbishop of Collen, opon the deede of his marriage. Sent to the States of his Archbishop- rike According to the coppielmprented at Collen, 1583. Lon- don : Printed by John Woolfe, 1583. 1588. Luther's sermon on the Angels. London, Hugh Syngelton. 1588. An instruccyon of christen faythe how to be bolde upon the promyse of God and not to double of our salvacyon, made by Urbanus Regius. Translated into englyshe. Dedicated by J. Fox the translator. Londown, Hugh Syngelton 1590. A homelie or sermon of the good and evillAngell; on the 18 Mat., ver. 10, Preached at Zelle in Saxony, 1537. By Urbanus Regius. First translated by Richard Robinson, citizen of London. Licensed in 1582. [Another edition in 1593,] John Charleswood, London. 358 77^1? Lutheran Movement in England. 1584. Solace of Sion, and Joy of Jerusalem, being an expo- siton on the LXXXIII Psalm. Translated into English by R. Robinson. 1596. The force of Faith, containing a most sweet and com- fortable treatise of the divine talke between Christ and the wom- an of Canaan. Also a Dialogue between a sorrowfull sinner, and God's word concerning him. Written in Latin by Nicholas Sel- neccerus. Translated by R. M. Printed for Chr. Hunt. WITHOUT DATE. A fruitfull sermon of D. Martin Luther concerning Matrimo- ny, taken out of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Declaration of the Order that the churches in Denmarke and many other places in Germany do use, not onely at the holye Supper, but also at Baptisme. By Miles Coverdale. Printed beyond the sea. A brefe and playne declaratyon of the dewty of married folkes, gathered out of the holy scriptures, and set forth in the almayne tonge by Hermon Arcbjfshop of Cologne, whiche wylled all the hosholdes of his flocke to have the same in their bedchambers as a mirror or glasse dayly to loke in, etc. Newly translated into ye Englishe tonge by Hans Dekyn Imprynte — in Temestrete by Hughe Syngyleton, at the dobbel hoad, over agaynst the Stylyarde. IITDEX. Absolution, 93, 278. Abuses, Articles of Augsburg Confession on, 133, 141, 150, 156, 177 scj Active Obedience of Christ, 336. Adiaphorists, 204. Adult Baptism, 258 sq. Aepinus, John, Superintendent at Hamburg (b. I499, d. 1553), 128, 148. Agende, Medijeval, 257. Agnus Dei, 221, 309. Agricola (Schneider) John, (of Eisleben, b. 1492, d. 1566), 13, 76, 123, 200. Alcuin (b. 735, d. 804) 299. Alesius, Alexander, Professor at Leipzig, (b. 1500, d. 1565), 57, 76, 85, 87, 128, 151. Allen Thomas (d. 1558), 9. Alva, Duke of, (b. 1508, d. 1582), 143. Amsdorf, von, Nicholas (b. 1483, d. 1565), 205. Anabaptism, 68, 77, 89, go, 139, 180, 183, 204, 267, 342. Anderson, Christopher, (b. 1782, d. 1852). His " Annals of the English Bi- ble,' ' 1 7 sq. Annaberg (town in Saxony), 141. Anne Boleyn, (b. 1507, d. 1536), 32, 41, 43, 44, 74-76. '93- Anne of Cleves (b. 1515, d. IS57), 152, 167, 168, 178, 183, 189, I96. Anti-Christ, 134, 135, 156. Antinomians, 204. Antiphons, 291. Antwerp, 125, 181. Apology of the Augsburg Confession (1531), 52. 63. 67, 68, 70, 72, 80, 83 sq., 89, 91-96, 103, 109, HO-112, 127, 138, 167, 179, 199, 335, 341 sq- Apostolical Constitutions, The, 296. Apostolical Succession, 323 sq. Aquinas, Thomas, {Doctor angelicus, b. 1227, d. 1274), 41, 298. Argentine R., 353. 360 Index. Arthur, Prince, brother of Henry VIII., (b. i486, d. 1502), 40. Arthur, Thomas, (d. 1532), 7, 9, 12. Articles, on Abuses, see Abuses. Six, The (1539), I4S sq., IS0-I5S, '59. 167 sqq., 191 sqq., 201. Ten, The (1536), 80, 88-104, 128, 138, 139. Thirteen, The (1535), 63. Thirteen. The (1538), 136-139. Thirty Nine, The (1563;, 136, 339-42. Forty-two (15S3), 340. Augsburg, 200. Augsburg Confess'.on, (1530), 52, 63, 67 sq., 70-3, 75, 80, 83 sq., 91-3, 96 sq., lOI, 103, 109, III, 127, 132 sq., 136-9, 141, 146, 148, 150, 152, 167, 178 sq., 192, 195, 197, 199, 201-4, 210, 336-42, 349, 35°, 354- Augsburg, Diet, (1530), 142. August!, Prof. C. J. W. (b. 1771, d. 1841), 223. Augustine, St. (b. 354, d. 430), 306, 341. Augustinianism, 2. Aurifaber, Johann (b. 1517, d. 1568), 352. Austrian " Order of Service," (lS7i), 250, 303. Authorized Version, (1611), I47. Aylmer, John, Bishop of London, (b. 1521, d. 1594), 347. Ealhorn, John (Printer), 189. Bamberg Missal, 219. Bamberg Order, 223. Baptism, Order of, 253-8. Ten Articles on 90. Tyndale on, 37. Barlow, Wm., Bishop of St. David's, afterwards of Chichester, (d. 1568), 83. Barnes, Robert (b. 1495 martyr, d. 1540), 7, 8, 9, II, 12, 49, 55-60, 67, 76, 116, 118, 127, 132 sq.. 149, 151, 178, 181-92, 196, 206 sq., 215. Basle, 346. Eaum, John William (Biographer of Bucerl, 276. Baumbach von, Ludwig, 149. Beauchame, Louis, 191. Becon, Thomas, (b. 1511, d. 1567), 324 sq. Benedicamus, 311 sqq. Benger, Elizabeth Ogilvy (b. 1778, d. 1827), 75. Berne (Switzerland), 276. Beyer Hardtmann (b. 1516, d. 1577), 343. Bible, English, 14, li5r-26, 145-7. Index. 361 Billican, Theobald (d. ISS9), 13- Bilney, Thomas (b. 1500, martyr 1531), 6 sq., 11 sq., l8l. Bishops, Luther and Melanchthon on, 160. Bishops' Book of 1537, 104-14, 314. Blakeney, Richard PaiJ (b. 1820, d. 1884) 253. Blage, Mrs. 191. Blaurer, Ambrose (b. 1492, d. 1567), 148. Blunt, John Henry (b. 1823, d. 1884), loi, 208, 234, 238-40, 253, 257, 259, 272 sq., 328. Boleyn, Anne, see Anne Boleyn. Boleyn, Sir Thomas (b. 1477, d. 1539), 44. Bona, Giovanni, Cardinal (b. 1609, d. 1674), 300. Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London (b. 1490, d. 1569), 191 sq., 334. Boyneburg, a, George, LL. D. (a Hessian diplomatist), 129. Bradford, Rudolph, 10. Bradwardin, Thomas of. Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1290, d. 1348), 2. Brandenburg, Elector of (1546), 196. Brandenburg- Niimberg Kinder Predigten (1533), 4, 316. Brandenburg-Numberg Order (Osiander, Brentz, 1533), 47, I42, Ziyi), 243, 250, 25s sq., 259 sqq., 267, 270 sqq., 282, 289, 303, 310, 316, 335 sq. Bremen, 169. Brentz, Dr. John, the Swabian Reformer (b. 1499, d. 1570), 13, 46 sqq., 72, 200,209,211, 222, 242, 270, 289 sq., 325.340,342,354,355.357- His Catechism, 325-7. Bristol, Use of, 220. Browne, Robert, Foraider of " Independents " (b. 1550, d. 1631), 347. Browne, Sir Thomas (b. 1605, d. 1682), 138. Brunswick, 199. Bucer (Kuhhorn) Dr. Martin (b. 1491, d. 1551), 13, 48, 72, 152, 155, 167, 196, 209-213, 224, 227, 234, 259, 269, 274 sqq., 278.sq., 327, 333. Bucler, Walter, 194. Buddeus, Dr. J. F. (b. 1667, d. 1729), 209. Bugenhagen, Dr. John, Pomeranus (b. 1485, d. 1558),, 13, 58, 153, '67, 187, 223, 240, 302, 310, 350. Bull, Henry (d. 1575) 355. Bullinger, Henry, the Swiss Reformer (b. 1504, d. 157/4.), 20Jsq., 213-17, 244. Burcher, 213 sq. Burials, Orders for, 273 sq. [205. Burkhard, Francis, Vice-Chancellor (b. 1504, d. Ii5i5o)i 72, 129, 149, 153, ig6, Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury (b. 1643,, d. 1715), 48, 59, 67, 100. 362 Index. Calcaskie, John, 354. [349. Calvin, Dr. John, (b. 1509, d. 1564), 214, 275, 277 sq., 281, 337, 344 sq., 347. Calvinism, 243, 342, 344, 347. Calv5r, Kaspar (b. 1650, d. 1725), 295, 303. Cambridge, University of, 3, 6, 8, 10, 11, 14 sq., 43 sq., 48, 61 sq., 117, 125, 181,192,209,275,327,344. Camerarius (Liebhard), Dr. Joachim (b. 1500, d. 1574), 46, 56, 76. Campeggi, Lorenzo Cardinal (b. 1474, d. 1539), 42. Campion and Beaumont's " Prayer- Book Interleaved," 253, 328. Cardwell, Dr. Edward (b. 1787, d..l86l), 87 sqq. Carlstadt (Bodenstein) Dr. Andrew (b. I483, d. 1541), 13, 220, 284. Cassel (Hesse) Catechism (1539), 327 sq. Cassel (Hesse) Order (1539), 224, 24I sq., 260 sq., 267 sqq., 278-81, 327. Catechism in Confirmation, 267. Anglican, 314. Calvin's, 332. Genevan, 332. Luther's, 104-9. Nowel and Ponet's, 331. [188. Catherine of Aragon, Queen of England (b. i486, d. 1536), 40 sqq., 49 sq., 76, Catherine de Medici (b. 1519, d. 1589), 52. Catherine Parr, Sixth Queen of Henry VIII. (b. 1513, d. 1548), 193. Celius, Michael, Court-Preacher at Mansfeld, (1546), 352. Cecil, Sir William, 340. Cellarius (Kellner) Martin (b. 1499, d. 1564), 13. Ceremonies, 161-163. " Charity," in Justification, 96. Charles V., Emperor (b. 1500, d. 1558), 41, 43, 134, 142, 144, 148, 160, 166, 188, 193, 200, 202 sqq., 214. Chemnitz, Dr. Martin (b. 1522, d. 1586), on Confirmation, 285. Cheke, Sir John (b. 1514, d. ISS7), 216, 340. Christ, Vicarious Satisfaction of, 93, I14, 181, 184. Christopher, Duke of Wurtemberg (b. 1515, d. 1568), 342, 346 sq. Chrysostom, John (b. 350, d. 407), 308. Church, The, Definition of, 84, no, 185. Marks of, 182, Qark or Clerke, John (at Cambridge, JS25), 10, n, 44. Clement VII. (Pope 1523-34), 42, 52. Coburg Order (1626), 310, Cochlsus (Dobeneck) John (b. 1479, d- 'SS^), 17, 19, 35. Colet, John, Dean of St. Paul's (b. 1466, d. 1519), 2, 15. Index. 363 Coligny, Admiral (b. 1517, martyr 1572), 346. Collects, 250, 251, 297, 311. Cologne, Hermann of (b. I477i d. 1552, Electorand Archbishop, 1515-1546), 196, 224, 233 sq., 239 sq., 253, 328, 336, 352, 353, 357 sq. Order of (1543), 224, 226 sq., 241 sq., 244, 253-9, 263 sq., 268-74, 278-80, 302, 327 sq., 336. Commission, English to Wittenberg (1536), 55-73. Lutheran to England (1538), 127-139. English and Lutheran, at Frankfort (1539), 148 sq. Common Prayer, Book of, 11, 124, 218-34, 243. Communion in Both Kinds, 164, 178 sqq., 182. Communion Service of Edward VI., 278. in Lutheran Orders, 305 Conde, Prince of, 345. Conditional Baptism, 263 sq. Confession, Augsburg, see Augsburg. Saxon, see Saxon. Confession, to a Priest, 92, 153, 156, 162. Confessional Basis, 52, 58 sqq., 63, 67, 70-3, 80, 103, 132 sqq., I41, 169 sqq., 177, 194 sq., 197, 203. Confessional Service of II. Edward VI. (1552), 276. Confirmation, 265-9. Confiteor, The, 288 sq. Congregationalists, 347. Consecration of Elements, 308. Convocation, English, 77, 81, 83, 88, 100, 115, 116, 192, 231, 342. Corvinus, Antony (b. 1501, d. 15S3), 52, 180. Cottiswood, 191. Councils, not infallible, 182. Cox, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Ely (b. 1499, d. 1581), 11, 44, 245, 344 sq. Cranach, Lucas (b. 1472, d. 1533), 168. Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1489, martyr 1556), 43 sqq., 57, 6l sq., 74, 76 sq., 79 sq., 83, 85, 89, 97, IOO-05, 112, I15, 122. 131 sq., 134, 136, 141, 150 sq., 153, 155 sq., 178, 192 sq., 197 sq., 200, 206, 214, 21S-7, 223, 231, 233 sq., 239 sq., 245, 275, 279, 314 sqq., 334, 336, 339 sq., 343- Creed in the Service, 301 sq. Creed, Catechetical Exposition of, 106 sqq. Crespy, Peace of (1544), I93- Crome, Edward (d. 1562), 9. Crook or Croke, Richard (b. 1489, d. 1558), 48. 364 Index. Cross, Sign of, 258. Cruciger, Caspar (b. 1504, d. 1548), 5-8, 124, 129, 199, 224. Crumwell, Thomas (b. 1490, d. 1540), 43, 49, 59, 67, 77-80, 82, 86 sq., 128, 140 sq., 145, 147, 150 sqq., ISS, 168, 178-81, 183, 192, 196, 215, 237, 35°- Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage (b. 200, d. 258), 306. Cyril of Jerusalem (b. 315, d. 386), 306. Dachstein, Wolfgang, German Hymn-writer (d. 1530), 124. Damianus, Peter (b. 1007, d. 1072), 297. Days, Distinction of, 182. Decius (Hovesch) Nicholas, German Hymn-writer (d. 1541), 123, 124. Demaus on Tjmdale's Relation to Luther, 24 sq. Denmark, Alliance with, 1 82. Derrick, 191. Dietrich, Veit (Luther's amanuensis, afterwards pastor of St. Sebald's, Num» berg, b. 1507, d. 1549), 129, 250. Dixon, R. W., Dean (b. 1833), 95, 102. Dober's Mass, 223, 290, 302, 310. Dorrington, Thomas, 348. Diirer, Albrecht (b. 1471, d. 1528), 45. Durandus, William (b. 1237, d. 1296), 297, 299, 302, 306 sq. Eadie, John (b.iSio, d. 1876), 18, 35, 117, 146. Easter, a season for Baptism, 254. Edward VI. (b. 1537, d. 1553, reigned from IS47), 9, n, 198-205, 214 sq., 241, 314, 343- First Book of, 243 sq., 246, 249, 251-3, 257, 200, 202 sq., 282. Second Book of, 251, 257, 269, 275, 281, 344. Egbert, Archbishop of York (d. 767), Prayer of, 268. 347. Elizabeth, Queen (b. 1533, d. 1603, reigned from 1558), I26, 191, 194, 342, Ellis, Sir Henry (b. 1777, d. 1869), 86. English, Melanchthon speaks, 144. Erasmus (Gerard) Desiderius (b. 1465, d. 1536), 3,7, IS, 23, 43 sq., 105,208. Ethiopic Order, 301. Evening Service, 245-52. Excommunication, Papal, 182. Exhortation in the Communion Service, 307. Exorcism, 259, 282. Extreme Unction, 84. Faber, Jacob, Stapulensis (b. 1450, d. 1536), 43. Fagius (Biicher) Paid, (Prof, in Cambridge, b. 1504, d. 1549), Index. 365 Faith, 92, 96, 109, 181. and Works, Tyndale on, 31 sq. Fasting, 182. Ferdinand I., of Germany (b. 1503, d. 1564), 53. Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester (b. 1459, d. 1535), S, 6, 12, 42. Flacius lUyricus (b. 1520, d. IS7S), 347. Forgery, A Literary, 159-178. Forty-two Articles, 136. Fox, Edward, Bishop of Hereford (b. 1496, d. 1538), 6i sq., 67, 70, 75, 78, 80, 83, 86 sq., 89, 97, loi, 104 sq., 128, 130 sq., 134, 149, 150, 152, 207, 215. Foxe, John (b. 1517, d. 1587), 12, 15, 98, 181, 185. France, Spurious Articles in, 159. Francis I. (of France, b. 1494, d. 1S47 ; King from 1515), 41 sq., 52 sq., 80 134. 145. 153. 193, 199. 203, 214- Frankfort on the Main, Conferences at, 1536 — 72, 128. 1539—144, 148. 1546—196. Exiles at, 343, 344, 346 sq. Order of (1530), 243, 278. Frederick III., the Wise, Elector of Saxony (b. 1463, d. 1525), 142. Frederick II., Elector Palatine (b. 1482, -d. 1556), 196. Freedom of the wiU, 84, 162, 182. French Lutherans, 52. Frith, John (b. 1503, martyr 1533), 11, 38, 78, 207. Froschauer, Christopher (Publisher at Zurich, b. 1485, d. 1564), 116. Froude, J. A. (b. 1818), quoted 4, 79, 82, 95 sq<, 197. Fuller, Thomas (b. 1608, d. 1661), 88, 99, 190. Gace, William (Translator), 356. Galilean Liturgies, 219. Missals, 219. Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester (b. 149S, d. 1555), 75, 78 sq., 83, 98, lOI sq., 104 sq., 127, 150, 154, 157, 178, 182 sq., 192, 196, 315. Gavanti, Bartholomew (b. 1570, d. 1638), 297 sq. Geikie, Cunningham (b. 1824), lol. Gelasius I. (Pope 492-6), 219, 297. Geneva, 214, 276, 281,344. George of Anhalt, Bishop and Prince (b. 1507, d. 1553) 72. George I. of England (b. 1660, d. 1727, reigned from 1714), 348. Gerbert, Martin, Baron of Homan (b. 1720,'d. 1793), 294, 298, 299, 302. Gerdesius, Dr. Daniel (b. 1698, d. 1765), 143. 366 Index. Germans, The, Coverdale on, 186. Fox on, 87. Litany of, 232 sq. Gennany, the house called, 8. Orders of South-Westem, 284. Ginsburg, Christian D., 117. Glastenbury, 209, 276. Gloria in Excelsis, 295. Patri, 294. Glosses, Tyndale's, 29 sqq. Gochius, John (d. 1475). I3- Goebel, Maximilian, 209. Good Works, 37, 9S, 15S. 182, 185. Goodrich, Thomas, Bishop of Ely (b. 1480, d. ISS4), 83. Gospels and Epistles, 252. Grace, Declaration of, 289 sq. Gradual, The, 221. Grafton, Richard (Publisher, d. 1572), 14S, I91, 230. Gratias, The, 306. "Great Bible, The," (1539-41), 118. Gregory the Great (b. 550, d. 604), 219, 250, 291, 297. Greiser (Greiter) Matth., (d. 1550), 124. Grey, Lady Jane (b. 1537, d. 1554), 214. Grindal, Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1519, d. 1583), 346 sq. Guelders, 1 69. Hallam, Henry (b. 1777, d. 1859), 23. Hallelujah, The, 300. Hamburg, 17, 116, 128, 151, 169, 181 sq., 263. Hanover, House of, 348. [339) 342. Hardwick, Charles, Archdeacon (b. 1821, d. 1859), 79, 100, in, 211, 282, Hare, Julius Clark (b. 1795, d. 1855), 96. Heath, Nicholas (b. 1501, d. 1579), 61 sq., 67, 70, 74-6, 146, 149 sq. Hegenwald, Erhard, M. D., (Wiirtemberg Hymn-writer), 124 sq. Heidelberg, 196. Heilmann, 142. Henry II, King of France (b. 1518, d. ISS9, reigned from 1547), 52. Henry VIII, King of England (b. 1491, d. 1547, reigned from 1509), I, 39-, 44, 46, 48-60, 62-69, 71-80, 89, 95 sq., 99, 105, 112-14, 128 sq., 132- 6, 140, 144 sq., 148-58, 168 sq., 177-9, 182, 187-99, 207, 215, 231, 238, 241, 349. Index, 367 Herford, Charles H., 124. Hermann, Archbishop of Cologne, see Cologne. Hermann, Rychard (Merchant), 74. Herzog, Heinrich, of Saxony, Order of (lS39), 224, 226, 256, 273. Hesse Cassel, Order of (1539), see Cassel. Heynes, Simon (d. 1552), 9, 10, 245. Hilary of Poictiers (d. 366), 296. Hilles, (Hills or Hils) Richard, (London Merchant), 208, 244. Hilsey, John, Bishop of Rochester (d 1538), 83, 237, 247. Hofling, Dr. J. W. F. (b. 1802, d. 1853), 256 sq., 269, 327. Hoffe, Ubright (Leipzig Publisher), 191. Holbeach, Laurence, 245. Holstein, Duke of (iS4S), 194. Homilies of the Church of England, 231, 241, 333-8. Hook, Dr. W. F., Dean of Chichester (b. 1768, d. 1875), 322. [217. Hoper or Hooper, John, Bishop of Worcester (b. 1495, martyr 1555), 207-11, Home, Dr. Robert, Dean of Durham, Bishop of Winchester (b. 1519, d. 1579). 346. Hymns from the German, 1 19-123. Christ lag in Todesbanden. Durch Adam^s Fall ist ganz verderbt, Einfeste Burg ist unser Gott. Es ist das HeU uns Kommen. Gelobet seist du Jesu Christ. Gott der Vater wohn uns bet. In Gott gelaub ich. Komm, Heiliger Geist, Herre Gott, Mensch, wilt du leben seliglich. Mit Fried und Freud, ichfahr dahin. Mitten wir im Leben sind. Nun freut euch lieben Christen. Incarnation, The, 347. Index Prohibitorum, 12 sq. Independents (Congregationalists), 347. Indulgences, 130. Innspruck, Battle of (1552), 203. " Institution of a Christian Man," 105, 314. Interim of 1548, 97 sq., 125, 166, 201-3, 208 sq., 214, 343. Introits, 249 sq., 276, 29I-4. Invocation of Saints, 164, 182, 185. 368 Index. Jane Seymour, Queen (d. 1537), 96. Jena, University of, 200, 347. Jenkyns, Rev. Henry, 112, 136, 215. Jennings, loi. Jewel, John, Bishop of Salisbury (b. 1522, d. 1571), 210. John Frederick, Elector of Saxony (b. 1503, d. 1554, Elector from 1532), 67, 128, 159, 166, 194, 199, 200-05. Jonas, Dr. Justus (b. 1493, d. 1555), 76, 123, 153, 167, 216, 224, 315, 352. Jr-, 315- Joye, George (d. 1553), 34. Juda, Leo (b. 1482, d. 1542), 117. Justification, Definition of, 95, 138. Condition of, 96, 162. Justin Martyr (b. 103, martyr 165), 299. Keys, Power of, 182. Kite, John, Bishop of Carlisle (d. 1537), 83. Kliefoth, Dr. "Theodore (b. 1810), 247 sq., 285, 291, 312. Knight, Charles (b. 1791, d. 1873), 150. Knox, Dr. John (b. 1505, d. 1572), 11, 340, 342, 344. Kostlin, Dr. Heinrich A. (now Prof, at Friedberg), 285. Kymseus, John (b. 1498, d. 1552), 224. Kyrie, 294 sq. Lambert, Francis (b. i486, martyr 1530), 7, 13, 18, 183. Language of Public Service, 222, 260. Lasco a, John (b. 1499, d. 1560), 208, 217, 275 sq., 344. Lathbury, Thomas (b. 1798, d. 1865), 100. Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Worcester (b. 1491, martyr ISSS), 6sq., nsq.,77, 81-3, 97. i°°, 104 sq-, 150 sq., 153, 216. Latin Versions of the Bible, 117. Laurence, Richard, Archbishop of Cashel (b. 1760, d. 1839), 56, 89, 94 sq., 99, 253, 278. " League, The Christian,'' 197. Learning tfee Old and the New, 3, 77, 192. Lee, Edward, Archbishop of York (b. 1482, d. 1544), 20, 21, 35, 83. Leo I. (Pope 440, d. 461), 219,297. Leonine Sacramentary, 297. , I>esse, Nicholas (Translator), 352. < Lessons, 299. Lewis, Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine (d. 1534), 7. Lingard, John (b. 1771, d. 1851), 99. Index. 369 Link, Wenceslaus (b. 1483, d. 1547), 46. Litany, 84, 230-41, 303 sq., 344. Litui^es, Galilean, 219, 256. Gothic, 256. Mozarabic, 219. Roman, 219. L5he, William (b. 1808, d. 1872), 106, 24(5, 290 sq., 297. Lollards, 2, 3, 84. Longfellow, H. W. (b. 1807, d. 1882), his poem on Numbeig, 45. Lonicerus (b. 1557, d. 1590), 13. Lubeck, 147. Luft, Hans (b. 1495, d. 1584), 19, 126. Luther, Dr. Martin (b. 1484, d. 1546), 4-7, 9-13, 17-32, 34-38,40.43, 45, 50, 51. 57. 58, 62, 69-71, 74, 94, 98, 104, 106 sq., no, 117-122, 124, 126, 130-32, 13s, 151-3, 159-67, 178, 181 sq., 187-9, 210,220-26, 233-40, 251-3, 256-60, 272, 284, 290, 296, 300-5, 309 sq., 316-325, 330, 344. Lutheran, 35-38, 68, 211, 213. Baptism, Is it valid ? 345. Orders Classified, 223. Lutherans, 4, 6, 10, 21, 36, 52. Mabillon, John (b. 1632, d. 1707), 256. Magdeburg, 200. Mamertus of Vienna (d. 475), 231. Mammon, Luther and Tyndale on, 30 sq. Mantua, Council at, in, 351. Marbach, John (b. 1521, d. 1581), 208. Margaret of Navarre (b. 1492, d. 1577), 53. Mark-Brandenburg Order (1540), 223, 256, 260, 268, 271. Marlborow, 19. Marriage, vifith brother of deceased husband, 40 sqq., 49 sqq. of priests, 153, 157, 165, 182. Order, 269-72. Marshall's Primer (1535), 234,237. Martyr Peter (b. 1500, d. 1562), 207, 209-1 1, 216, 275, 344. Mary, Queen (b. 1516, d. 1558, reigned from 1553), 4I1 43, 49i 62, 79, 126, 191, 194, 198, 205, 210, 343. Ji^one, John (d. 1566), 196, 201. Maskell, William (b. 1814), Mass, Luther's Formula of, 220, 249. Sermon on (1520), 220. 37° Index. Mass, Roman, 182. Masses, Private, 156. Mathesius, John (b. 1504, d. 1564), 250. Matins, 246 sq., 249. Matthews, Thomas (Pseudonym), 126, 145 sq., 191. Maurice, Duke of Saxony (b. 1521, d. ISS3), I94, I99 sq., 203. May, William (d. 1560), 245. Mecklenburg Order (1552), 288 sq. Mekins, Richard (martyr, 1540), 192. Melanchthon, Dr, Philip (b. 1497, d. 1560), 13, 49-51, 53, S5-S9. 61-63, 67- 72, 76 sq., 81, 86, 89-96, 125-131, 139, 141, 148-67, 199 sq., 206, 224, 337, 341 sq., 344- Methodists, 8. Missals, Bamberg, 219. Gallican, 219. Gothic, 251. Niirnberg, 219. Roman, 219, 249, 252. Mitchell, Prof., 124 Moebanus, Ambrose (b. 1494, d. 1554), 124. Mogner, Leonard (Pastor at Siegrau), I42. Mombert, Dr. J. I. (b. 1829), 19 sq., 24, 117, I26. Monasticism, 165, 174 sq., 182. Monmouth, Humphrey (London Alderman, d. 1537), 16, l8l, 183. More, Sir Thomas (b. 1480, d. 1534), 17, 35, 78. Morning Service, 245-252. « Morris, Dr. John G. (b. 1803), 339. Morysinne (Morrison), Sir Richard (d. 1556), 201, 204. Mount (Mont), Dr. Christopher, (d. 1572), 129, 148, 152, 194, 196, 20l, 214. Mo^rabic Liturgy, 219, 310. Muhlberg, Battle of (1547), 199. MuUins, John (d. 1591), 346. Muratori, Ludovico Antonio (b. 1672, d. 1750), 2g8. Musculus, Wolfgang (b. 1497, d. 1563), 353. Myconius, Frederick (b. 1491, d. 1546), 129-134, 141, 148, 167, 177, 196, 205,224. Nassau, Reformation in, 141. Church Order, I42 sq., 254 sq. Naumburg, 128 sq. Navarre, King of (1561), 210. Index. 371 New Learning, The, 3, 77, 192, 352. Nicholas, John,. 7. Nicholson, Sygar, ic Nordhausen, 199. Norton, Thomas, (b. 1532, d. 1584), 332. Noth-Taufe, 255, 262 sq. Nowell, Alexander (b. 1507, d. 1601), 332. Novatus, Heresy of, 163. Numberg, 45 sqq., 104, 123, 196, 223, 244, 250, 274, 289, 307, 315. Kinder-Predigten, 2 1 6. Order of Service, 46, 240-2, 257, 282, Peace of, 51 Nunc Ditnittis, 310. Nyx, Richard, Bishop of Norwich (d. 1536), 83. " Obedience of a Christian Man,'' 32 sqq., 37, 105. Occasional Offices, 274. CEcolampadius, John (b. 1482, d. 1531), 49, 354. Offertory, 303. Order, Common, of Service, 48, 285. Orders, Sacrament of, HI. Original Sin, 91, 137 sq. Osiander, Andrew (b. 1498, d. 1552), 46 sqq., 104, 129, 148, 206, 223, 240, 260, 270-2, 289, 315, 335 sq., 352. Ott-Heinrich Order (1543), 256, 260, 268, 271. Overall, John, Bishop of Lichfield (b. 1559, d. 1619), 332. Oxford, University of, 2, 4, 8, 10, 14 sq., 44, 48, 62, 192, 209, 275. Paissy, Colloquy of (1561), 210. Palmer, William (b. 1803), 256 sq., 259, 268, 272 sq. Papacy, 161, 182. Parker, Matthew, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1504, d. 1575), 8. Passau, Peace of (1552), 203. Paul III. (b. 1466, Pope 1534, d. 1549), 194. Pax, The, in the Communion Service, 309. Paynell, Thomas (d. 1563), 9, 148. Pellicanus, Conrad (b. 1478, d. 1566), 117. Penance, Sacrament of, 91. Perry, George S., loi. Peter, Dr. William, 82. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse (b. 1504, d. 1567), 67, 152, 194, 197. Pirkheimer, Willibald (b. 1470, d. 1531), 45. 372 Index. Pole, Reginald, Cardinal (b. 1500, d. 1558), 44, 7$. Pollanus (Poullain), Valerandus (d. 1558), 343, Polydore, Vergil (b. 1470, d. 1550), 4. Polygamy, Melanchtbon on, 50. Pomeranian Order of 1542, 304. Ponet (Poinet), John (d. 1556), 33I. Potter, Thomas, 355- Prayer, Tyndale on, 31. Confessional, 278, 281 sq. General, 303. Preface, The, in the Service, 306. Preparatory Service, 278, 287. Prologues, lyndale's, 25 sq. Private Baptism, 262. Confession, 267. Mass, 68. Procter, Frances, 243, 257, 273, 330. Prussian Order, 223, 255. Psalter of " Common Prayer,'^ 124. Public Baptism, 263 sq. Puffendorf, Samuel, Baron (b. 1632, d. 1694), 348. Purgatory, 165. Puritanism, II, 346. Ranke, Leopold von (b. 179S, d. 1886), 96, loi. Ratisbon (Regensburg), Diet of (1532), 45, 196, 351. Reformation, English, Theories*of, i. Regius, Urban (b. 1490, d. 1541), 13, 52 sq., 150, 352 sq., 356 sq. Repentance, 93, 96. Repetitio of 1536, 89. Repetition of Augsburg Confession, 71. Rice, Richard, 353. Ridley, Nicholas, Bishop of London (b. 1500, d. ISSS), 9 sq., 207, 215, 245. Ring, The, in the Marriage Ceremony, 271. Robinson, Richard, 357 sq. Rogers, Daniel (b. 1538, d. IS91), 126. John (b. 1500 or 1509, martyr 155S), 125 sq., 145 sq., 181. Roman Liturgies and Missals, 219. Romish Leaven in the X Articles, 96. Rostock, 141. Roy, William (martyr, 1531), 17. Rupertus (d. 911), 297, 299. Index. 373 Sachs, Hans (b. 1494, d. 1576), 46, 123 sq. Sacrament, Definition of, 86, 112. Sacramental and Sacrificial Elements of Worship, 285 sqq. Sacramentarians, 94, 180, 297. Salig, Christian August (b. 1692, d. 1738), 125, 203. Salutation, The, 296, 365. Sampson, Thomas (b. 15 17, d. 1589), 354. Sanctus, The, 221, 307. [35 !• Sarcerius, Erasmus (b. 1501, d. 1559), 140, 146, 14S, 153, 167, 179, 180, 224, Sarum, Use of, 220, 239, 242, 251 sqq., 260, 269, 271. Sastrow, Earth. John (b. 1520), 179. Saxon Order of 1539, 256, 273, see Herzog-Heinrich. Visitation Articles, 255. Articles of 1551, 341. Lower, Order of (1585), 273. Schaff, Dr. Philip (b. 1819), loi, 339. Schmucker, Dr. Beale Melanchthon (b. 1827, d. 1888), 80. SchnepflF, Erhard |b, 149S, d. 1558), 52, 72, 347. Schoeberlein, Dr. Ludwig Frederick (b. 1813. d. i88i), 294. Schoeffer, P. (b. 1430, d. 1503), 20. Schwabach Articles (1529), 91,335. Schwabach-Hall Order (1543), 242, 249, 254-6, 270 sq., 327. " Schwarmerians," 180. Scotland, Reformation in, z. [196- Seckendorf, Veil Ludwig von (b. 1626, d. 1692), 71 sq., 136, 139, 159, 166, Selnecker, Nicholas (b. 1530, d. 1592), 358. Sermon, The, 302. Service, The Lutheran Chief, 283-313. Seymour, Edward, Duke of Somerset (b. 1500, d. 1552), 198, 214. Shakespeare, 193. Shaxton, Nicholas, Bishop of Salisbury (d. 1556), 10, 83, 150, 156. Sherborne, Robert, Bishop of Chichester (d. 1536), 83. Shirrye, Richard (martyr, 1556), 354. Sick, Visitation of the, 273. Six Articles, The, 145 sq., 150-9, 167 sqq., igi sqq., 201. Sixty-seven Points, The, 83. Skip, John, Bishop of Hereford (d. 1552), 10. Smalcald Articles, no sq., 160 sq., 164, 166, 203, 34I. League, 51-62, 142, 168, 194, 196, 199. War, 197, 214. Smithfield, 183. 374 Index. Smythe, Richard (d. 1563), 209 sq. Solm, Count (d. 154S), 72- • Somerset, Duke of, see Seymour, Edward. Spalatin, Dr. George (b. 1484, d. 1545). 62, 148. Spengler, Lazarus (b. 1479, d. 1534), 46, I2Z, 124. Speratus, Paul (b. 1484, d. 1551), 122, 124. Sponsors, Address to, 260. St. Andrew's, University of, 2. St. Lawrence's, Nurnberg, 45 sq. St. Paul's, London, 2, 5, 12, 230. St. Sebald's, Nurnberg, 45 sq., 250. Stafford, George (d. 1529), 9. Standish, Dr. Henry (d. 1535), 39. Dr. John (b. 1509, d. 1570), l86. Staupitz, Dr. John (d'. 1524), 45. Stokesley, John, Bishop of London (d. 1539), 83, 104. Strassburg, 152, 208-10, 333, 346 sq. Mass (1524), 227-9, 276-9, 303. Strigel, Victor (b. 15^14, d. 1569), 347. Strype, John (b. 1643, d. 1737), 74, 99, 150, 160, 166, 315. Sturm, Jacob (b. 1489, d. ISS3). 72. Sumner (d. lS2g), II. Surplice, 344. Sursum Corda, 306. Syngylton, Robert (Translator of Augsburg Confession, hanged March 7th, 1544). 354- Synods in Nassau, 147. Taveraer, Richard (b. 1505, d. lS7S)i ", 44, 80 sq., 140, 143, 146 sq., 179 192,337.351- Taylor, John, Bishop of Lincoln (d. 1554), 245. Te Deui>i, 183, 302 sqq. Telesjjhorus (Bishop of Rome 128-139), 296. Ten Articles of 1536, 80, 88-104, 128, 138 sq. Testament, Erasmus' New, 3, 7 Tetzel, Dr. John (b. between 1450 and '60, d. 1519), 130, 142. Thirteen Articles of 1535, 63. 1538, 136-9. Thirty-Nine Articles, 136, 339-42. Thixtell, 9. Toledo, 219. Index. 375 Tonstall, C^uthbert, Bishop of London (b. 1475, d. 1559), 16, 21, 83, 146, 150. Tracts for the Times (1833-^1), 100. Traheron, Bartholomew (Dean of Chichester, 1550), 216 sq. Transubstantiation, 164. Trent, Council of (1S4S-63). I94, 20°. 219. 264, 267, 342, 357. Trinity, 137, 184. TroUope, William, 330. Turner, Wyllyam (d. 1568), 9, 352. Turrecremata (Torquemada) Juan de (b. 1388, d. 1468), 297. Twelve Apostles, Teaching of, 306. Tyndale, Wiliiam (b. I484, martyr 1536), n, 14-39, 74, 105> 116-8, 126, 181, 183, 207. TJlmis ab, John, 216. Ulrich, Duke of Wurtemberg (b. 1487, duke from 1503, d. 1550), Vergerius, Peter Paul (b. 1498, d. 1565), 64. Vespers, 221, 247 sqq., 281. Vestments, Episcopal, 207. Votum, The, 303. Walch, Dr. J. G. (b. 1693, d. 1775), 159, 209. Walpole, Thomas, 19I. Walter, Henry, 17 sq., 30. Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1450, d. 1532), 4, 22, 43. Wartburg, 220, Weimar Archives, 160. Welsh, Sir John, 15. Wesleys, The, 8, 348. Wessel, John (b. 1420, d. 1489), 13. Wescott, Dr. Brooke Foss, Bishop of Durham, (b. 1825), 23, 25, 29, 116 sq. Wheatly, Charles (b. 1686, d. 1742), 250. Whitsunday, a time for Baptism, 254 Whittingham, Dr. William (b. 1524, d. 1579), 344. Widif, John (b. 1324, d. 1384), 2, 10, 13. William, Count of Nassau, 141 sq., 144. William, Prince of Orange (b. 1533, assassinated 1584), I4I, 143. Winkworth, Catherine (b. 1825), 119. Wittenberg, Barnes at, l8l sq. Beyer at, 343. Captured, 200. Concord, 210 sq. 376 Index. Wittenberg, Faculty, 74-7, 80, loi, 129, 145, 169, 177, 223. Negotiations at (1536), SS. 62, 68,74, 144, 152- Rogers at, 125 sq. Sarcerius at, 14I. Wolsey, Cardinal Thomas (b. 147', ^- '53°), 4, 10, 12, 32, 41-3, 61, 78. Worms, Luther at, (1521), 192. WUrtemberg Confession (1552), 339, 341, 346. Order (iSS3). 2S4 sq., 260-3. York, Use of, 220, 260, 271. \ Zurich, 210, 214 sq., 276, 346. Bible, 116 sq. Zwingli, Ulrich (h. 1484, d. 1531). 38, 49, "7, 166, 207, 209, 276, 287, 354.