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Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092229214 
 
PUBLICATIONS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 AMERICANA GERMANICA 
 
 Monographs devoted to the Comparative 
 Study of the Literary, Linguistic and other 
 Cultural Relations of Germany and America. 
 
 Merion Dexter Learned, Editor 
 
 D. APPLETON & COMPANY, Agents, New York 
 
Fort Christina (1654), section of Lindestrom's plan of Christineliamn . See below, p. 
 
 518. 
 
THE 
 
 SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS 
 ON THE DELAWARE 
 
 THEIR HISTORY AND RELATION TO THE 
 INDIANS, DUTCH AND ENGLISH 
 
 1638-1664 
 
 WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE SOUTH, THE NEW SWEDEN, AND 
 
 THE AMERICAN COMPANIES, AND THE EFFORTS OF 
 
 SWEDEN TO REGAIN THE COLONY 
 
 VOLUME I 
 
 BY 
 
 AMANDUS JOHNSON, Ph.D. 
 
 INSTRUCTOR AT THB UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 SOHETIHE HARRISON FELLOW FOR RESEARCH AT THE UNIVERSITY OP PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 SECRETARY OF THE SWEDISH COLONIAL SOCIETY 
 
 MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, ETC. 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 D. APPLETON & COMPANY, AGENTS, NEW YORK 
 1911 
 
Copyright, 191 1 
 By Amandus Johnson 
 
 PRESS OF 
 The NSW ERA PRINTINQ COUPANV' 
 
 Lancaster, pa. 
 
H. M. KONUNG GUSTAF V 
 
 TILLEGNAS DETTA VERK 
 OM 
 
 NYA SVERIGE 
 
 UNDERDANIGST AF 
 FORFATTAREN 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 "The springs of American civilization," says Francis Park- 
 man, "unlike those of the elder world, lie revealed In the clear 
 light of history." 
 
 It Is the purpose of the present investigation to reveal one of 
 these many small springs of American civilization. It will not 
 be a complete history of the Swedish settlements on the South 
 River, for a complete account of New Sweden, or of any other 
 colony, will never be written; but it will present, in as clear a 
 light and as extensive a manner as the documents at hand 
 allow, the rise and progress of the Delaware settlements, not 
 only as to their political, but also as to their social, economic and 
 religious aspects. The settlements were small and it might seem 
 that two volumes devoted to so short a period of a single colony 
 will tend to emphasize its significance unduly and that the labor 
 expended in the preparation of so exhaustive a study is not at 
 all commensurate with the relative Importance of the theme; 
 but the beginnings, however small, and the springs, however in- 
 significant, whence some of the civilization and culture, some 
 of the strength and power, of a great nation have sprung, are 
 worthy of the closest consideration and the most painstaking 
 research. 
 
 The investigation was begun five years ago. The author's 
 Intention was then to write an account of the religious and edu- 
 cational activity of the Swedes on the Delaware from 1638 until 
 1 83 1, and a mass of material was collected for that period; but 
 It was soon found that, since a great deal of new matter on the 
 political history of the colony was discovered In the archives of 
 Sweden, it would be necessary to limit the treatise. If anything 
 like an exhaustive study was to be produced in a reasonable time. 
 The author has made three trips to Sweden, two to Holland and 
 
viii Preface. 
 
 England, and one to Finland, in search of documents and mate- 
 rials. The first of these was largely devoted to the visitmg of 
 Swedish church archives and to the collecting of material which, 
 to a great extent, could not be used for the present work, as the 
 matter mostly covers a period later than 1664. The other two 
 journeys were confined to the searching for material relating to 
 the years 1638 to 1664, and the author visited The Hague, 
 Amsterdam, London, Oxford, Stockholm, Lund, Upsala, and 
 other principal places in Sweden and Finland, where documents 
 of any kind were preserved. The great bulk of the new 
 material has, of course, come from Stockholm and Upsala, 
 while London, The Hague and other places have furnished 
 some important data. The facts relating to the companies and 
 their activities and to the colony are based entirely on sources 
 and almost two-thirds of the introduction is likewise the result 
 of original investigation. All the books on the subject, whether 
 important or not, have been examined, which are given in the 
 bibliography (none being knowingly omitted), while works on 
 other subjects than New Sweden that have been referred to 
 once or relatively few times are not listed in the bibliography 
 but are included in the index. 
 
 The author has examined and read every document on the 
 subject known to exist. Copies or photographic reproductions 
 were made of the more important of those of which no copies 
 existed in this country, and since the author has, except in the 
 case of the photographic reproductions, been compelled to rely 
 on copies for the proof reading, it is possible that minor varia- 
 tions have crept in, that would have been removed had the 
 author been able to compare the proofs with the originals, but 
 not. It is hoped, in such number as to detract from the value of 
 the work. 
 
 A glance at the table of contents will reveal the method of 
 treatment. The work is divided into books, further sub-divided 
 into two parts each, the first part of books IL-V. treating of 
 the activities in Europe for the period covered by each book, 
 the second part giving the story of the settlements for the same 
 
Preface. ix 
 
 period. There are obvious advantages and disadvantages in a 
 treatment like this, but the author hopes that the keeping of the 
 activities in Europe (the. sending out of the expeditions and the 
 other events in Sweden that had direct bearing on the colony) 
 separate from the events in the settlements will make the pre- 
 sentation clearer and more logical than if the facts had all been 
 related in an intermingled mass. 
 
 The introduction giving the European background is, as far 
 as the author is aware, the most complete account of the 
 economic conditions in Sweden at this time, and of the trading 
 companies, that has so far appeared in English, and might seem 
 too long and detailed; but as this period (1612-1664) of 
 Swedish history is of general interest, as the conditions in 
 Sweden and Finland will help to explain conditions and the 
 trend of events in New Sweden and as the New Sweden Com- 
 pany was only one of the many trading societies in Sweden 
 during this period, similar In type though not entirely similar In 
 their objects, the author hopes that the somewhat extended 
 account of these things will not be out of place. 
 
 The path of the investigator is a thorny one, and much of 
 his time Is consumed in hunting for documents that once existed, 
 but which have disappeared decades ago, when the zeal for pre- 
 serving everything and anything was not so general as now. 
 This path, however. Is sometimes made easier by men who have 
 gone before and who have cleared the way, and by those who 
 through their aid. Interest and encouragement, lighten the labor. 
 It now remains my pleasant duty to express my obligation to 
 those who have aided me In Europe and In America. I wish In 
 the first place, to express my appreciation of the valuable serv- 
 ices rendered me by the officials of the Royal Archives at Stock- 
 holm, Dr. Edelstam, Dr. Brulln, Dr. Malmsten, Dr. Baat, 
 Count Lewenhaupt, Dr. Bergh, Dr. Hildebrand, and the late 
 Dr. Hammarskold, but, more especially, the archivists Dr. Per 
 Sonden and Dr. Theodor Westrin, whose invaluable aid and 
 assistance, so freely given at all times, made the author's 
 researches in the archives not only possible but in so high a 
 
Preface. 
 
 degree fruitful. My acknowledgments for assistance are like- 
 wise due to the officers of the Kammararkiv, including Dr. 
 Afzelius and others, and to the officers of the Royal Library at 
 Stockholm, particularly to Dr. Lundstedt, Dr. Settervall, and 
 the lamented Dr. Karlsson, whose great memory and encyclo- 
 pedic information were always a source of aid to the author. 
 To the officers of the University Library at Upsala and espe- 
 cially to Dr. Aksel Andersson the author is under great obliga- 
 tion for aid and encouragement. I wish also to tender my 
 thanks to Dr. Bratt, then at the Landsarkiv at Upsala, and to 
 the officers of the Archives of the Archbishop at Upsala, to Dr. 
 Zettersten of the Archives of the Navy, to the Archivist of the 
 Archives of War, to Dr. af Petersens, Librarian of the Univer- 
 sity Library of Lund, to Captain Mahnberg of Stockholm, and 
 to all other friends in Sweden and Finland too numerous to men- 
 tion who have aided me by answering questions and otherwise. 
 In this connection I also desire to express my gratitude to Dr. 
 Bruggman, the Royal Archivist, Dr. van Riemsdijk and other 
 officers of the Royal Archives at The Hague, as well as to the 
 officers of the archives In Amsterdam and to Professor Kern- 
 kamp and the Archivist Dr. MuUer at Utrecht. To Dr. Wood 
 of the British Museum and to the officers of the Public Record 
 Office In London thanks are likewise due for the courtesies ex- 
 tended to me during my investigations in these institutions, as 
 also to the officers of the Bodleian Library at Oxford. 
 
 Among men in this country who have been of service to me, 
 are to be mentioned Dr. J. W. Jordan, Mr. Spofford, and others 
 connected with the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, especially 
 Dr. Gregory B. Keen who has read the proof sheets and offered 
 many suggestions. Dr. I. M. Hays, Librarian of the American 
 Phdosophlcal Society, the Librarian of the Ridgway Branch 
 of the Library Company of Philadelphia, Dr. R. H. Kelby 
 Librarian of the New York Historical Society, Dr. A. J. van Laer' 
 Archivist at Albany of the State of New York, the Archivist of 
 the Library of Congress, the officers of the Mercantile Library 
 of Philadelphia, the officers of the Library of the University 
 
Preface. xi 
 
 of Pennsylvania and Captain A. J. Erikson, of Philadelphia, 
 for making some of the drawings for the work. My grateful 
 acknowledgment for helpful suggestions and encouragements are 
 also due to Albert Cook Myers, to Professor Albert Bushnell 
 Hart, of Harvard, Professor Herman V. Ames, Professor E. P. 
 Cheyney, and Professor D. B. Shumway, of the University of 
 Pennsylvania, to the Swedish Minister to the United States, His 
 Excellency Dr. Johan Ehrensvard, to the Swedish Vice Consul, 
 at Philadelphia, M. A. Viti, to my friend and former teacher 
 Professor J. A. Edquist, of Gustavus Adolphus College, St. 
 Peter, Minnesota, who has read the galley proofs and pointed 
 out many misprints, and lastly, to Professor M. D. Learned 
 who suggested the investigation and who has followed its prepa- 
 ration with great interest and always been a source of encour- 
 agement. 
 
 It remains to record my gratitude to the Committee on Fel- 
 lowships of the University of Pennsylvania and to Dr. Charles 
 Custis Harrison, former provost of the University, for making 
 It possible for the author to undertake the last two journeys to 
 European archives, to Dr. J. G. Rosengarten, for his interest 
 and aid in the work, to Professor C. G. Child, President of the 
 Publication Committee of the University of Pennsylvania, to 
 the Publication Aid Fund of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
 vania and especially to the Swedish Colonial Society for making 
 the publication of the work possible In its present form. 
 
 Unfortunate delays, some beyond the control of every one, 
 have kept the work in press for nearly a year and It is with a 
 breath of relief the author is able to state that the book is 
 at last ready. 
 
 The Author. 
 
 Philadelphia, March, 19 ii. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Introduction : Sweden Immediately Preceding and 
 During the Occupation of the Delaware. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Political, Social and Religious Conditions in Sweden, 
 1611-1660. 
 
 CHAPTER. PAGE. 
 
 I. Political History, 161 1-1660 3 
 
 II. Relation of Sweden to other Countries, 1625-1660. . . 9 
 
 III. The Government 15 
 
 IV. Religion, Language, Science, Classes of Society, Popu- 
 
 lation 22 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Industries, Commerce and Trading Companies, i 607-1 660. 
 
 V. The Industries 33 
 
 VI. Commerce and Trade 38 
 
 VII. The African Company and the Minor Trading Soci- 
 eties, 1607-1663 44 
 
 VIII. The South Company, 1624-1630 52 
 
 IX. The United South-Ship Company, 1629- 1642 69 
 
 X. The New South Company, 1632-1634 81 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 The Founding of the New Sweden Company and the 
 Colony, 163 5- 1643. 
 
 PART I. 
 Activities in Europe, 1635-1642. 
 XI. Samuel Blommaert and the Copper Trade to the West 
 
 Indies 87 
 
 xiii 
 
xiv Table of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER. PAGE. 
 
 XII. Peter Minuit and the Plans for the Founding of a New- 
 Sweden Company 93 
 
 XIII. The Preliminary Preparations of the First Expedition 
 
 and the Establishment of the New Sweden Company. 104 
 
 XIV. The Final Preparations and the First Expedition, 
 
 1637-1639 109 
 
 XV. The Second Expedition, 1639-1640 120 
 
 XVI. The Company Becomes Entirely Swedish 131 
 
 XVII. The Utrecht Colony and the Third Expedition, 1639- 
 
 1641 135 
 
 XVIII. The Fourth Expedition, 1641-1642 145 
 
 XIX. The Trade of the Company" in Europe, 1 640-1 643. . . 157 
 
 PART II. 
 
 The Colony, 1638-1643. 
 
 XX. The Early History of the Delaware until 1638 164 
 
 XXI. The Coming of the Swedes and their Occupation of 
 
 the Country, 1638-1640 182 
 
 XXII. The Colony under Ridder, 1640-1643 197 
 
 XXIII. Relations with the Neighbors, 1 640-1 643 207 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 The Reorganized New Sweden Company and its Activ- 
 ity; AND THE Social, Economic and Political 
 Life in the Colony, 1642-1653. 
 
 PART I.> 
 
 Activities in Europe, 1642-1653. 
 
 XXIV. The Reorganization of the New Sweden Company, 
 
 1642 221 
 
 XXV. The Fifth Expedition, 1642-1643 237 
 
 XXVI. The Sixth Expedition to New Sweden and the Trading 
 
 Voyage to the Caribbean Islands, 1 643-1 647 242 
 
 XXVII. The Seventh Expedition, 1645-1647 250 
 
 XXVIII. The Eighth Expedition, 1647-1648 ] 258 
 
 XXIX. The Ninth Expedition, 1649-1673 266 
 
Table of Contents, xv 
 
 CHAPTER. PAGE. 
 
 XXX. Preparations to send other Expeditions to New Swe- 
 den, 1650-1653 281 
 
 XXXI. The Trade of the Company, 1643-1653 288 
 
 PART II. 
 The Colony under Printz, 1643-1653. 
 
 XXXII. The Social and Economic Life in the Colony 301 
 
 XXXIII. Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists, 1643-1653. . 345 
 
 XXXIV. Religious worship and the Ministers of the Gfospel, 
 
 1643-1653 366 
 
 XXXV. Relations with the Indians, 1643-1653 375 
 
 XXXVI. Political Relations with the English, 1643-1653 380 
 
 XXXVII, Relations with the Dutch, 1643-1653 405 
 
 XXXVtiI. The Government of New Sweden, 1643-1653 450 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND REPRO- 
 DUCTIONS OF DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Facing page 
 
 1. Fort Christina Frontispiece. 
 
 2. Carl X 8 
 
 3. Stockholm during the time of Christina i8 
 
 3a. Johan Stiernhook 20 
 
 3b. Johannes Loccenius 20 
 
 4. Riksdaler and ore 40 
 
 5. Willem Usselinx 52 
 
 5a. Charles 1 52 
 
 6. Seal and signature of Gustavus Adolphus 54 
 
 7. Gustavus Adolphus 68 
 
 8. Title page of the Argonautica Gustaviana 82 
 
 9. The research-room in the Royal Archives (Stockholm) 88 
 
 10. Reading-room in the Royal Library (Stockholm) 88 
 
 1 1 . Axel Oxenstierna 90 
 
 12. Last page of Blommaert's letter of June 3, 1635 92 
 
 13. First page of Minuit's letter of June 15, 1635 96 
 
 14. Last page of Minuit's letter of June 15, 1635 97 
 
 15. Castle and fort of Elfsborg 108 
 
 16. First page of the Journal of the New Sweden Company 110 
 
 1 7. Second page of the Journal of the New Sweden Company .... 1 1 1 
 
 18. Gothenburg and its harbor in the Seventeenth Century 112 
 
 19. Harbor of Amsterdam 118 
 
 20. Disembarking from a Swedish ship 118 
 
 21. Letter of Hans Weis 124 
 
 22. First page and superscription of Van Dyck's letter to Fleming. 128 
 
 23. Second and last page of Van Dyck's letter 129 
 
 24. Letter from Johan Beier 132 
 
 25. First and last pages of Van den Bogaert's letter to Beier 142 
 
 26. Type of a Finnish woman 1 48 
 
 27. Type of a Finn 148 
 
 28. Spiring's letter to Fleming 154 
 
 29. Landing place of the Swedes 182 
 
 xvii 
 
xviii List of Illustrations 
 
 Facing page 
 
 30. First page of the relation made before Ruttens 184 
 
 31. Second and third pages of the relation made before Ruttens. . 185 
 
 32. Fourth and last pages of the relation made before Ruttens. ... 184 
 
 33. Indian Family according to Lindestrom 188 
 
 34. Strings of sewant {wampum) 192 
 
 35. Bill showing that at least 450 bricks were shipped over on 
 
 first expedition 194 
 
 36. First page of Ridder's letter of June 8, 1640 198 
 
 37. Second page of Ridder's letter 199 
 
 38. Bill signed by Van Langdonk 200 
 
 39. Castle at Viborg 202 
 
 40. Wind mill 204 
 
 41. Copy of a letter from Berkeley , . . 216 
 
 42. Queen Christina 220 
 
 43. Stockholm in the seventeenth century showing the Royal 
 
 Palace , 222 
 
 44. Tido palace 230 
 
 45. Account of the barber-surgeon Hans Janeke 232 
 
 46. Van Schotting's bill of June, 1643 233 
 
 47. Commission of Gov, Printz 238 
 
 48. Klas Fleming 250 
 
 49. Admiral Fleming's flag-ship 251 
 
 50. First page of Peter Trotzig's letter of March 12, 1652 282 
 
 51. Last page of Trotzig's letter 283 
 
 52. Governor Johan Printz 300 
 
 53- Types of Swedes in national costumes 302 
 
 54. Bill of lading signed by Printz and Huygen 318 
 
 55- Water-mill 328 
 
 56. Wind-mill ^28 
 
 57. Kota (kata) 3^6 
 
 58. Cross-section of the kota {kata) 346 
 
 59- Wooden hook used in the kota {kata) 346 
 
 60. Porte from Sweden _ .0 
 
 61. Porte in Finland _ .g 
 
 62. Interior of a porte _ . o 
 
 63- Types of wooden chimneys , ,q 
 
 64. "Fire-rake" ^^^ 
 
 65. "Slide-board" !!!!!!!.'!!!!!!!."."."" 
 
 66. Burning splint with holder " ' 
 
List of Illustrations xix 
 
 Facing page 
 
 67. Movable splint-stick holder of wood 350 
 
 68. Interior of a dwelling, showing " clothes-hangers " and wooden 
 
 utensils 352 
 
 69. Interior of a dwelling, showing bedsteads, the clock, etc 352 
 
 70. Wooden spoons 354 
 
 71. " Beer-pot" of wood 354 
 
 72. Wooden shoe 356 
 
 73. " Slipper with wooden bottom (sole) " 356 
 
 74. Shoes of birch-bark 356 
 
 75. Basket of birch bark 356 
 
 76. Interior of a bath-house 358 
 
 77. Interior of a small bath-house 359 
 
 78. A small storehouse 359 
 
 79. Store-house from Finland 360 
 
 80. Interior of the store-house from Finland 360 
 
 81. Small store-house on posts 362 
 
 82. Store-house from Sweden of two stories 362 
 
 83. Store-houses in Finland 364 
 
 84. Sled used in Finland for hauling hay and grain 364 
 
 85. Types of wooden hay-forks 364 
 
 86. Threshing in the North 365 
 
 87. Threshing flails 365 
 
 88. Belfry or bell tower 366 
 
 89. Per Brahe 376 
 
 90. Indian woman in costume 377 
 
 91. Copy of Governor Winthrop's letter to Governor Printz. . . . 396 
 
 92. Stuyvesant's letter to Governor Printz, July 24, 1650 432 
 
 93. Copy of the Indian declaration, July 3, 1651 438 
 
 94. Copy of the Indian relation of July 13, 165 1 440 
 
 95. Copy of the Indian certificate of July 16, 1651 441 
 
 96. First page of Printz's letter of August i, 1651 444 
 
 97. Second page of Printz's letter 445 
 
 98. Third page of Printz's letter 446 
 
 99. Fourth page of Printz's letter 447 
 
 100. Governor Printz's seal 450 
 
 lOi. First page of Monatgelderbuch, showing the budget of the 
 
 colony, 1642 452 
 
 102. First page of Papegoja's letter of May, 1648 454 
 
 103. Last page of Papegoja's letter of May, 1648 455 
 
XX List of Illustrations 
 
 MAPS. 
 
 Sweden, i6i 1-1655 2 
 
 Routes to and from New Sweden 86 
 
 New Sweden and neighboring districts 164 
 
 Lindestrom's map of Virginia, New Sweden, New Netherland 
 and New England 206 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 Sntro&urttan. g'm^hftt Smmthmtths P««huis anJi 
 Swrttts % (irrupatton of % iflmua». 
 
"^Districts occupied by Sweden at this time 
 
 "WMii Districts ivhence the majority of the -ibVi 
 
 Delaware Co/onJsta came. J^' 
 
 ■e provinces 3ohus, Hallanc^, SKane and f 
 King ivere ceded by DenmarK to Sweden .() hf 
 in I658.(5eep6^/) ^J)/)^6* 
 
PART I. 
 
 POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN 
 SWEDEN, 1611-1660. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Political History, i 611- 1660. 
 
 The decades preceding and following the year 1600 mark 
 a turning point in history. The Germanic peoples begin to as- 
 sert themselves in European politics and one of the character- 
 istics of the following centuries is the growing influence of these 
 races in the history of the world. England destroyed the 
 Armada and laid the foundation for her greatness ; the Nether- 
 lands defeated Spain, became the leading mercantile nation of 
 the age and introduced a new era in painting; the Germanic 
 nations laid the foundation for a commonwealth destined to 
 become the greatest republic and to develop from various 
 heterogeneous elements into the most extensive homogeneous 
 settlement on record; the Reformation inaugurated by Ger- 
 many was saved by Sweden, and the invention of printing, due 
 to Germanic genius, now attains to its full significance in the 
 new era of freedom of thought and of conscience. The 
 proudest chapter of Swedish history belongs to the same period, 
 more accurately to the first half of the seventeenth century, the 
 era of Gustavus Adolphus and of Oxenstierna, of Christina 
 and of Charles X. 
 
 It was preeminently an epoch of war and of great archieve- 
 ments. When Gustavus Adolphus ascended the Swedish 
 throne in 1611,^ his country was at war with three nations. 
 Having been refused peace by Denmark, he was compelled to 
 
 ^He was crowned at Upsala in October, 1617. Hildebrand, Sv. hist., V. 98. 
 
 3 
 
4 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 bring the struggle with that nation to a bitter end. Although 
 the Swedish people gave their undivided support to their king, 
 the enemy gained considerable advantages and Gustavus Adol- 
 phus had to submit to rather hard terms in 1613, when both 
 parties were finally tired of the useless and bitter warfare.^ 
 
 Troops could now be spared for the Russian campaign, 
 which had been conducted with marked ability and singular 
 success by Jacob de la Gardie and Evert Horn, and the king 
 went in person to lead the operations in the summers of 16 14 
 and 1615. After lengthy peace conferences, which lasted 
 nearly a year and a half, English and Dutch commissioners 
 acting as mediators (although the Dutch are not mentioned in 
 the treaty to satisfy the vanity of King James), the treaty of 
 peace was signed at Stolbova on February 27, 1617.^ Through 
 this peace the territory of Sweden was increased by Ingerman- 
 land and Keksholmsldn, and Gustavus Adolphus had won two 
 of his great objects — Russia wis pushed back from the Baltic 
 and a natural northern boundary was secured for Finland.* 
 
 The truce with Poland, which had been renewed several 
 times, came to an end in 1617.^ Rumors of great preparations 
 in Poland and Spain for an attack on Sweden were freely circu- 
 lated and Gustavus Adolphus kept his army and navy in readi- 
 ness. A Swedish fleet manned by Dutch soldiers captured 
 Diinamijnde and Pernau the same year, but a new truce was 
 made in the autumn of 161 8. Now followed a period of com- 
 parative quiet; however, in 1621 the struggle began anew. 
 
 Poland, having lately renewed and firmly established the 
 Catholic religion, was ruled by a king of the Vasa house, who 
 had a legal right to the Swedish crown. She was the leading 
 European power in the east and the standard bearer of Catho- 
 licism against Turks and heretics, and hence a natural enemy 
 of Sweden, and finally she possessed territory along the Baltic 
 that must be brought under Swedish control, if the dream of 
 
 "Cronholm, I. 27 ff.; Geijer, HI. 68 ff.; Odhner, 191 ff. 
 'Cronholm, L 194 ff.; Hildebrand, Sv. hist., V. 37 ff. 
 •See map in Sv. hist., etc., V. 117. Also Odhner, p. 243. 
 ° Hildebrand, Sv. hist., V. 109 ff. 
 
Political History. 5 
 
 making the Baltic a Swedish inland sea should be realized. 
 There were therefore various circumstances that might pro- 
 voke hostilities. The immediate cause of the war, however, 
 was Sigismund's pretentions to the Swedish throne and his re- 
 fusal to recognize Gustavus Adolphus as the rightful king of 
 Sweden. 
 
 In the summer of the above-mentioned year (1621) a 
 Swedish fleet of one hundred and forty-eight war ships and ten 
 yachts set sail for Riga, with about 14,000 selected soldiers on 
 board, some being mercenaries from Scotland and Holland.* 
 Brilliant campaigns followed under the leadership of the king, 
 De la Gardie, Gustaf Horn, Johan Baner and others, arresting 
 the attention of Protestant Europe, and many voices from the 
 camp of the new faith called upon the Swedish king to become 
 the leader of their forces. He expressed his willingness to do 
 so^ on certain conditions and presented a comprehensive plan 
 of operations, while diplomatic conferences were held with 
 representatives of England and Holland, having this end in 
 view. But King Christian, always jealous of his northern 
 neighbor, also offered his services in the pending struggle, and, 
 as his conditions were more moderate and his demands on the 
 'allies less exacting than those of Gustavus Adolphus, he was 
 chosen to be the Gideon of the Evangelical Union in the fierce 
 combat with the Catholic League.® The Swedish army had 
 been reorganized and the navy had been largely increased, but 
 it was not yet to be used against the imperial forces. Gustavus, 
 hoping for more favorable times, went to finish his war with 
 Poland. After several victorious expeditions, through which 
 Sweden gained great advantages and extended her territory, 
 a six years' truce was concluded at Altmark in 1629.® 
 
 King Christian in the meantime, having lost his battles with 
 
 • Cf. Cronholm, I. 372 ff. 
 
 ' A truce having been effected with Poland. 
 
 'Rydfors, De dipl. forb. met. Sv. och Eng., p. i ff. ; Gardiner, Eng. under the 
 Duke of Buckingham and Charles I., I. 139 ff. 
 
 ' For these campaigns see Cronholm, II. i ff. ; Hildebrand, S'V. hist., V. 
 125 ff. 
 
6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the veteran Tilly, was forced to withdraw from the field. The 
 time was now ripe for action. England and Holland were 
 willing to submit to the plans of Gustavus Adolphus. The 
 Protestant princes requested him to become the defender of 
 their faith, and Richelieu advised him to take an active part in 
 the war. He negotiated with England through Spens and Roe, 
 with Holland through Camerarius, and Lars Nilsson was sent 
 on an embassy to France; but England gave no support, no 
 treaty being made,i* and Nilsson's mission to France had 
 little result." 
 
 The Swedish king was now fully determined, however, to 
 enter the lists — it was a case of averting a future danger from 
 his own kingdom. The Polish war not only prepared him for 
 this struggle; it also furnished means for its prosecution, and 
 when he returned to Sweden it appears that his decision had 
 been made.^^ Shortly after his arrival in his country in the 
 autumn of 1629 he called a meeting of the Council of State 
 to determine what action was to be taken. The meeting be- 
 came a turning point in modern history, for it was decided that 
 Sweden should take an active part in the Thirty Years' War. 
 The motives of Gustavus Adolphus for beginning the war are 
 clearly stated in the minutes — they were religious, political and 
 commercial.^ ^ 
 
 After large preparations the King set sail for Germany with 
 an army of about 13,000 men and landed on the island of Use- 
 dom in June, 1630. His achievements in Germany and his 
 death in the midst of victories, are well-known facts. The 
 Swedish forces were successful for some time after the Battle 
 of Liitzen, but at Nordlingen, Gustaf Horn and Duke Bern- 
 hard were defeated by Ferdinand and Gallas. The years 1634, 
 1635 and 1636 were dark and full of trials for the Swedish 
 leaders. Johan Baner indeed won a brilliant victory over the 
 
 ^°A private treaty was made with Hamilton, however. 
 "Rydfors, De dipl. forb. mel. Sni. och Eng., p. 21 flF. 148 ff 
 Sweden collected the duties at PiUau, Memel, Danzig, Libau and Windau. 
 
 Jp?" ^o" i-T ^;°- ^"^ """'""'^ '° '*29. Hildebrand, S-v. hist. V. 150. 
 Fries, Sv. Kulturb., p. 19 fiF. ^ 
 
Political History. 
 
 Emperor's forces at WIttstock, but he was soon after com- 
 pelled to retreat, before a superior army. Gradually, however, 
 things became brighter for the Swedes. Swedish statesmen like 
 Oxenstierna and Swedish generals like Baner and Torstensson 
 wrought success out of what appeared to be disaster. 
 
 Denmark had played false to Sweden in her years of trial. 
 To revenge these and former wrongs the Swedish government 
 determined to use its armies against its southern neighbor and 
 to compel this power to recognize the Swedish rights. Lennart 
 Torstensson was ordered to bring his army by forced marches 
 into Denmark and to deliver a decisive blow before the enemy 
 had time to make necessary preparations. The plan was 
 eminently successful^ ^ and soon the Swedish armies could again 
 be sent against the Imperial forces. The Thirty Years' War 
 finally came to an end in 1648, through the treaty at West- 
 phalia, and Sweden enjoyed a short period of almost undis- 
 turbed peace.^^ 
 
 Christina, having ruled for ten years, abdicated in 1654, and 
 was followed on the throne by Carl X. The Polish King, John 
 Casimir, would not recognize Carl as the lawful king of Swe- 
 den, even using the titles and coat of arms of the latter in 
 royal proclamations. Carl X. therefore determined to com- 
 pel him to resign these titles and pretensions as well as to 
 recognize the Swedish right to Livonia. 
 
 The Swedish treasury was empty and the two great parties, 
 the nobility and the commoners, were pitted against each other 
 In a social struggle; but the diet of 1655 gave permission to 
 the King to begin hostilities and voted funds for his use. There 
 was great enthusiasm for the war in Sweden and wealthy noble- 
 men contributed large sums from their own means. Foreign 
 soldiers flocked to Sweden to enlist under her victory-crowned 
 banners, and soon Carl X. was able to move against his foe. 
 
 A period of war was now inaugurated and the four years 
 
 " Cf. below, Chap. XXVI. 
 
 "Cf. Geijer, III. 303 ff.; Gardiner, The Thirty Years' War, p. 121 flF.; Hilde- 
 brand, Sv. hist., V. p. 289 ff., 466 ff.; Hist. Tid., XXII. 169 £F.; Otte, Scand. 
 Hist., p. 272 ff., 289 ff.; Bain, Scandinavia, 177 ff. ; Ward, A. W., Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist.. IV. 178 ff., 364 ff., 430 ff., 560 ff. 
 
8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 from the autumn of 1655 to the beginning of 1660 were almost 
 a continuous chain of battles and sieges. Few men in history 
 have given greater surprises to their age than Carl X.; few, 
 perhaps none, have accomplished equal results with the same 
 means and in so short a time. In a few months Poland lay 
 bleeding at his feet, destined never to regain her former power. 
 Russia, Austria and Denmark made war on him almost simul- 
 taneously, but by a march over a frozen sea, one of the greatest 
 feats on record, he led his army into the heart of Denmark, 
 compelling this power to sue for a peace, which secured to 
 Sweden the most valuable territorial acquisition in her history.^® 
 The great warrior king, however, soon broke the peace, the 
 total annihilation of Denmark being his aim, but fortune failed 
 him for the first time. Cromwell, on whose influence he had 
 relied, died, changing the attitude of the commander of the 
 English fleet; France fell off, the Netherlands took sides with 
 the enemy and the Danish people were aroused to fight for their 
 existence. In the midst of tremendous activities, the King be- 
 came ill during a diet in the beginning of 1660, and on the 
 morning of February 13 he died, at the age of thirty-eight 
 years.^^ 
 
 "Another important historic event at this time was Carl X.'s treaty with 
 Brandenburg in 1656. This treaty laid the foundation for the Kingdom of 
 Prussia, which was destined to play such an important part in European history. 
 
 "For this period of Swedish history see Carlson, S<v. hist., etc., I. 156 ff.; 
 Hildebrand, S-v. hist., V. 504 ff. Fridericia, Dan. Hist.; Bain, Scandinavia, 
 p. 238 ff.; Ward, etc., Cambridge Mod. Hist., IV. 576 ff.; V. 558 ff., 562 ff.; 
 Hist. Tid., 1904, p. 35, etc. 
 
Carl X. From a painting at Gripsholiii. (H.) 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Relation of Sweden to Other Countries, i 625-1 660. 
 
 Through these wars and through her efforts to extend her 
 power, her commerce and her trade, Sweden came in contact 
 with the outside world to a degree unknown in her previous 
 history. Swedish statesmen wove a network of diplomatic con- 
 nections, which brought their country in touch with almost every 
 important nation in the world, and the government at Stock- 
 holm^ stretched the webs of its diplomacy to Holland, Eng- 
 land, France, Russia, Spain, Portugal, the German States and 
 even to Venice, Italy, Persia and Turkey.^ 
 
 The king of Spain, being a member of the league, was an 
 enemy of Sweden on general principles. Rumors were often 
 afloat that a Spanish Armada was under way to attack Gothen- 
 burg.* Oxenstierna tried to avoid an open break for commer- 
 cial reasons and in 1639 there was talk of trying to make a 
 treaty with Spain in order that commerce might have its free 
 course, so that iron wares could be sent there. The salt trade 
 was the most important, however, and much of the salt con- 
 
 * A great many foreigners were employed by Sweden in her diplomatic ser- 
 vice of this period, Hollanders, Englishmen, Germans, Frenchmen and even 
 Italians, such as Camerarius, Spiring, Spens, Van Dyck, Rutgersius, Le Blon, 
 Blommaert, Grotius and others. "The first native Swedish diplomat" was 
 Anders Swensson Odell. Nordisk Familjebok, Vol. XVIII. (old ed.), 558, says 
 of him that he became " haradshofding " in 1612, and that he died in 1634.. 
 Hildebrand says that he died in 1630 {Hist. Tid., IV. 161). There seems to be 
 a confusion of two persons with the same name in N. Famil. Another Swedish 
 diplomat at this early time was Lars Nilsson. (See Hist. Tid., IV. 157, ifii. 
 Cf. above.) 
 
 ^Buhring, Gustav Adolf und Rohan (1885); Hist. Tid., I. p. cix; Bullo, 
 // Fiaggio, etc.; Odhner, Sv. forb. med. den venit. repub., Nordisk Tidsk., 
 1867; Sv. in. hist. Cf. Hist. Tid., I. 63 flf. It has even been said that Gustavus 
 Adolphus studied at Padua under Galileo, Hist. Tid., VI. 95. 
 
 " Concerning the coalition between Spain, Poland, Denmark and Brandenburg, 
 see Fridericia, Dan. ydre poL, II.; Sillen, IV. 50 ff. 
 
lo The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sumed in Sweden was imported from Spanish ports, although 
 Swedish ships were arrested from time to time* and the 
 Spaniards caused much damage to the South and the New Swe- 
 den Companies.® 
 
 After the Thirty Years' War the relations between Sweden 
 and Spain became more cordial. In the beginning of 165 1 
 Palbitsky was sent to the latter country to establish friendly 
 intercourse and to request the right and liberty for Swedish 
 subjects to sail to Spanish countries and harbors in Europe, 
 Africa, America and Asia.® In 1654 he was again sent to 
 Madrid. His instructions required him to secure commercial 
 privileges for the Swedish Colony on the Delaware and per- 
 mission for the Swedish African Company to trade in slaves 
 In America.^ Spain also sent representatives to Sweden® and 
 Pimentelli had great influence with Queen Christina, who, to 
 further Spanish interests, declared in 1654 that she no longer 
 recognized John of Braganza as King of Portugal.* 
 
 During this period more intimate commercial and political 
 relations were established with Portugal. In 1634 the council 
 
 'Rddspr.. II. 8, 74, 91 S.; VH. 69, 117, 191, 412, 501 flf.; VHI. 61 ff.; IX. 
 240 ff.; X. 121 ff.; XI. 250, etc. Wine also seems to have been imported from 
 Spain. Cf. Samlaren, 1883, p. 125. Privileges for trade with Spain were 
 issued m December, 1638. R.R., December 30, 1638. 
 
 " Cf. below, Chap. XXIX. 
 
 'Memorial for Palbitsky, etc., Jan. 31, 1651 R.R.; letter to the King of 
 Spain, Jan. 31, 1651 R.R. (Latin). Several other documents concerning his 
 mission found in R.R. Jan. 31, 1651. Till Cam. for Palbitsky, Aug. 13, 1653 
 R.A., etc. A "Patent about the Spanish Trade" was published on Dec ? 
 1651 R.R. (R.A.). ^' 
 
 In the Diarum and Titular Reg. to R.R. is given a memorial for Palbitsky 
 dated Jan. 30, 1653, but it is not found in R.R. for this date. 
 ... '^t^"''}'''' ^"=-' J^"- 3°. 1654- Instruction, etc., Jan. 30, 1654- Oppet bref 
 tor Palbitsky, etc., Jan. 30, 1654 R-R- and documents in " Hisp. StrUda handl 
 1606-J813" (R.A.). 
 
 'As early as 1578 Philip IL sent Eraso to Sweden to make a treaty with 
 that nation and to contract for ship materials {Hist. Tid , VI i-co) Con- 
 cerning later relations with Spain, see Deklaration ang. S-veriges s'atisf. af 
 Spanska kronan, 25 April, 1668. England No. 7, D. Trakt. (R.A.). 
 
 "Hildebrand, Sv. hist., IV. 466; cf. Starback, Berat. ur S'v. 'his' V 486 ff 
 490-2. ' • t •> 
 
Relation of Sweden to Other Countries. ii 
 
 discussed the practicability of finding a market for copper in 
 that country. In the summer of 1641 a Portuguese embassy 
 arrived in Sweden, and the ambassador, De Sousa Coutinho, 
 was well received by the Swedish government. When he re- 
 turned to his country in the autumn, an alliance and a com- 
 mercial treaty had been made and Lars Skytte was appointed 
 Swedish Resident in Lisbon. In 1643 Rodrigo Botello was 
 sent to the Swedish capital and later De Guimares was located 
 there to look after Portuguese interests. Several commercial 
 expeditions were made to Portugal, cannon, firearms, masts 
 and lumber being shipped there, but the salt trade was the most 
 important,'" and ships returning from New Sweden stopped on 
 their way and took on board Portuguese salt.'' 
 
 With France Sweden stood in close relation, even in the pre- 
 ceding century, and the former country often proved a helpful 
 friend.^ ^ 
 
 England's policy was generally one of friendship.'^ To the 
 English of this period, " Svecia was a kingdom rich in gold, 
 silver, copper, lead, iron, fruit, cattle, and exceeding increase of 
 fish of the rivers, lakes and sea."'* In 1620 one G. Vischer ( ?) 
 proposed to bring " out of Swedland . . . men skilful in making 
 pitch, tar, potash and soapashes " for the Virginia settlement, 
 and Swedish cannon and iron works soon acquired fame in 
 England.'^ Several English representatives were sent to Stock- 
 holm, Spens acting as a minister for both nations, and Swedish 
 ambassadors went to London. But Swedish ships were often 
 captured by the English and put under arrest, leading to com- 
 
 " Concerning Portuguese salt trade to England see Shillington, Com. Rel. of 
 Eng. and Portugal, p. 64, 73, etc. 
 
 '^Rddspr., Vm. 515 ff.; IX. 139 ff.; X. 45 ff.; XI. 28 ff.; etc.; R.R., Feb. 6, 
 April 3, 8, June 26, Aug. 13, 1653. The Collection Portugalica in R.A. contains 
 a great deal of unused material. 
 
 "Cf. Hildebrand, Sv. hist., IV.; Starback, Berdt., etc., V. 487. See Bibl. 
 below. 
 
 "A treaty was made between Sweden and England during the reign of 
 Henry VIII. and Gustaf I. Cf. Troil, Ur Hand. u. Sjof. Hdfder, p. 16. 
 
 "Arber, First Three English Books on America, p. 305. 
 
 ^'Records of the Virginia Co., I. 420 ff. ; V^hitelocke, Embassy. 
 
12 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 plaints and complications.^® In 1653 Whitelocke was sent on 
 his well-known embassy to Queen Christina. An alliance and 
 a commercial treaty was effected in the spring of 1654, later 
 ratified by the Protector and the Queen. In the beginning of 
 1655 Coyet set out for London with instruction to work for 
 an increase "of the good confidence, which existed between 
 both nations," and for an agreement upon the limits between 
 New Sweden and the English colonies. 
 
 In the summer of the same year George Fleetwood^ ^ was 
 sent to England on a secret mission, and on July 28 Christer 
 Bonde made his brilliant entrance into London with his two 
 hundred followers. In this manner the friendship with Eng- 
 land was established^® and continued and no danger threatened 
 the Swedish possession across the ocean from that direction.^* 
 
 Of foreign nations, except the immediate neighbors, Holland 
 stood In closest connection with Sweden. From Holland, Swe- 
 den received many of its best and most useful citizens, capital- 
 
 "Bonnell was sent to London in 1651 and 1652 and in 1653 Bonnell and 
 Lagerfelt were in London to guard Swedish rights. Lagerfelt delivered a 
 Latin oration in Parliament on April 8 and another oration before the Coun- 
 cil of State on April 15, 1653. His mission was to further the commercial 
 relations between England and Sweden. Letters Jan. 20, Aug. 13, 1653 R.R. 
 (R.A.); Foreign Entry Books {Sweden), 151, Pub. Rec. Office. Cf. Biography 
 of Bonnell, below. 
 
 "The son-in-law of Cromwell. 
 
 "'A commercial treaty was made in July, 1656. A new treaty was made in 
 i66i and another in 1665. Treaty Papers, Siueden, No. 60. Pub. Rec OfBce 
 Cf. also below, Chap. XLVIH. 
 
 " For the relation of Sweden and England during this period see State Papers 
 For., Sweden, Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 1613-71. (In these collections are letters, 
 and copies of letters from Gustavus Adolphus, A. Oxenstierna, Feb. 27, 1630- 
 Aug. 23, 1637 (mostly originals), Christina, Appelbom, June 8, i8, Oct. 11 
 1652, De Geer, Fleetwood, Coventry, Wood, Leijonberg and others; also copies 
 of mstructions, etc.) Letters from J. Thurloe, Feb. 4, 1653, Whitelocke, Upsala, 
 Mar. 10, 1653, Mar. 17, 1654, in Brit. Mus. See also Treaty Papers, Sweden, 
 ^018-71, No. 69. Pub. Rec. Office. Letters from Bonnell, Christina, Lagerfelt, 
 A. Oxenstierna, Bodleian Library. Anglica and other papers in R.A. Rddspr. 
 Vol. L and following vol. Riks. R. (a great number of entries) (R.A.). Cf. 
 Index below. See also Gardiner, T'Jie Per. Gov. of Charles I., I. 130, 207 ff. ■ 
 11. s^ 63 ff-, 87; Gardiner, Hist, of the Com. and Prot., 1649-60, I. 207- 212 
 221 ff.; II 377 37 ff.; Gardiner, Eng. under the D. of Buckingham and 
 Charles 1., I. 4, 83 ff. ; 138 ff. 
 
Relation of Sweden to Other Countries. 13 
 
 ists, merchants and warriors. Dutch soldiers served in Swed- 
 ish armies and Dutch captains and skippers commanded Swed- 
 ish ships; Swedish students went to Holland to study com- 
 merce*" and Swedish scholars gained inspiration from Dutch 
 teachers; Dutch money helped Sweden to support its armies 
 and found its commercial companies and Dutch brains devel- 
 oped the industries of the country, and from Holland came the 
 first impulses for transatlantic trade. 
 
 The political relation between Sweden and Holland was 
 friendly as a rule before 1655 and the States generally followed 
 Oldenbarnevelt's policy. Several Dutch embassies were sent 
 to Stockholm and Sweden had constant representatives, corre- 
 spondents, consuls and residents in Holland from an early 
 date. Several treaties were made between the two nations 
 (1614, 1618, 1633, 1644, etc.), and in 1638 and 1639, the 
 years that mark the beginning of the colony on the Delaware, 
 the States drew closer to Sweden. In 1644 and 1645 Holland 
 proved a fast friend, but the friendly relations were soon to 
 be severed. 
 
 Holland and Sweden reached their highest political im- 
 portance about the same time, and here lies the explanation 
 of their estrangement. The Dutch controlled th« shipping 
 on the Baltic, half of their enormous merchant fleet sailing on 
 Its waters. Over two thirds of the Swedish imports and exports 
 for the period 1 637-1 643 were carried on foreign ships, the 
 majority of which were Dutch. Swedish statesmen, however, 
 endeavored to wrest this supremacy from the Hollanders, and 
 through their efforts Swedish commerce and shipping increased 
 greatly. Sweden soon became the leading power in the north. 
 The States, fearing this supremacy, sided with her enemies and 
 ruined many of her great plans. When Sweden stood almost 
 ready to weld the three Scandinavian nations Into one and 
 make the Baltic a Swedish inland sea, Holland Interfered, 
 crushing her last hope of success. The Swedish colony on the 
 
 " Rising advised his countrymen by all means to go to Amsterdam, " which 
 was the best organized commercial city in the world." 
 
14 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Delaware passed over to the Dutch and the Swedish posses- 
 sions in Africa (1648-63) were captured by the same people. 
 Swedish merchant vessels were now often taken by the Dutch*^ 
 and they did much damage to Swedish shipping and com- 
 merced^ 
 
 '^ In Aug., 1665, they arrested four Swedish ships belonging to the Salt 
 Company. See State Papers, For., Sweden, No. 5, 1639-65. Pub. Rec. Office. 
 
 "^For the relation between Sweden and Holland, see Aitzema, III. 5, p. i6z 
 ff. ; Fridericia, Dan. ydre pol, etc.; Sveriges traki. med frdm. makt.; Handl. ror. 
 Skan. Hist., XVII.-XXXVI., and the bibliography below; Strodda handl; Hol- 
 landica (R.A.). 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Government. 
 I. 
 
 As may be gathered from the brief statements of the pre- 
 ceding pages, Sweden developed a highly organized military 
 system in this period, the best in Europe, retaining its main 
 features for several centuries; and through its statesmen the 
 machinery of state was brought to a degree of perfection not 
 attained by other European powers at this early date. The 
 government of the King lost most of its patriarchal features, 
 and "division of labor" becomes the watchword of this epoch. 
 The military affairs of the nation were placed in the hands of 
 the College of War, and the management of the navy was 
 assigned to the College of Admiralty (fully organized in 
 1634) ; the College of Mines (1637) superintended the min- 
 ing industries and the reorganized financial system was placed 
 under the direction of the College of the Exchequer (Kammar- 
 kollegium, organized in 1618) ; the custom house service was 
 headed by " a general collector of customs," aided by one 
 hundred and ten assistants, and an inspector was appointed to 
 superintend the surveying of the country (the last two depart- 
 ments being branches of the Kammarkollegium) .^ 
 
 In the same year, which marks the founding of the New 
 Sweden Company, it was decided to establish a commercial 
 college, to regulate, control and encourage trade. As this 
 organization has special bearing on our subject, a short history 
 of its origin and work will be given down to the time when the 
 directorship of the company was intrusted to its officers.^ The 
 
 ^ Odhner, S<v. in. hist., 135 ff. ; Hildebrand, Sv. staisf., p. 294 ff. ; Carlson, 
 I. Intro.; Zettersten, S<v. flat, hist., I. 16 £f. German surveyors were employed by 
 Gustavus Adolphus. See Ekstrand, Sv. landtmdtare, XVII. £F. 
 
 "The following is the most complete account of the college that has so far 
 appeared. 
 
 15 
 
i6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 idea of a commercial college, suggested perhaps by Oxenstierna 
 or Spiring, was brought before the Council of State in the 
 autumn of 1637,^ although there is no mention of the fact in 
 the minutes.* On November 28, the same year, "a commis- 
 sion . . . for the recently established Commercial College "^ 
 was issued by the government. The special function of the 
 college was to supervise, Increase and extend foreign and 
 domestic trade. Klas Fleming was appointed president, while 
 Lars Grubbe and Marten Augustinsson were selected assessors 
 at a later meeting of the council, and on December 22, 1637, 
 Johan Beier, the only officer drawing a salary, was appointed 
 secretary. It Is likely that the college held meetings in 1638 
 and discussed commercial matters, especially with reference to 
 the New Sweden Company (the management of which was 
 placed under its charge), but there is no trace of its labors, 
 except the statement that certain questions and requests of a 
 number of cities were referred to It the same year.*' Already 
 in the beginning of 1641, however. It was considered dead, for 
 the colleges of the kingdom were then only five in number.'' 
 During the next few years the question of founding a com- 
 mercial college was brought up in the council several times. 
 On July 28, 1643, that body discussed a " Commercial Council, 
 which should keep up correspondence" and supply news; again 
 on April 9, 1644, it was thought that "an organization of this 
 kind ought to be established," and three days later a whole 
 session was devoted to the deliberations concerning a trading 
 college. In the spring of the following year proposals were 
 made to the Queen for the establishment of such a college, and 
 m the fall It was again up for consideration In at least two of 
 the council meetings. It seems that an organization was effected 
 about this time, for In December, 1645, the Queen suggested" 
 
 'Stiernman, Kungl. br., etc., II. no. 
 
 'The first mention of the commercial college in the minutes of the council 
 IS on December i, 1637. 
 
 °R.R. November 28, 1637, fol. 364. .Printed in Stiernman. 
 
 Rddspr., VII. 121 ; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 167. 
 ''Rddspr., IX. 351; cf. also Holm, Sv. all. postv., II. 4. 
 
 ",l^;?f' "• '^''^ '°^" '''""* *'^^Sha Handels Collegium derom, hvadh dee 
 mena," Rddspr.. XL 255. ' 
 
The Government. 17 
 
 that the commercial college should be requested to express its 
 opinion about a certain subject and in December, 1646, a sum 
 of money was assigned by the government for an assistant 
 to Secretary Beier " until a certain budget and ordinance for a 
 certain commercial college . . . could be made and established."* 
 
 But the reestablished college was as short-lived as the first 
 and soon new plans were presented for its revival. In 1649 
 Eric Oxenstierna wrote that a commercial college would prove 
 very profitable for the kingdom. Some progress was made at 
 this time towards the realization of the old plan and Daniel 
 Behm prepared an instruction for its officers and stated certain 
 principles and objects of such an organization. The matter 
 was also brought into the council, but it did not get beyond " the 
 paper state."^" It is not quite clear why the college as estab- 
 lished in 1637 and reestabhshed in 1645 ^^s not a success, nor 
 why a firm organization was not effected in 1649. Financial 
 difficulties could not alone be responsible, for surely the state 
 treasury was not in a more prosperous condition in 1651-1653 
 than in 1649 or ^^en in 1645 and 1637. The main trouble was 
 probably that suitable men could not be found to manage the 
 college nor spared from other fields of work. 
 
 In 1 65 1 there was again activity in the matter. It was also 
 referred to the diet, where the idea was well received and the 
 college was finally and firmly established. A new instruction 
 was issued, prescribing in more definite and detailed terms the 
 object of the college and its jurisdiction." The main office 
 should be located at Stockholm (two other offices should also 
 be maintained), and all "navigation and trade" to foreign 
 countries were to be placed under its jurisdiction. The college 
 
 ' Rddspr., X. 233, 498, 505-6; XI. 28, 147-8, 150, 255, R.R. Dec. 31, 1646 
 (R.A.). 
 
 "Fries, E. Oxenstierna, 120 ff., 339; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 167 ff. 
 
 " A commercial college was founded in Denmark in 1668. Barfod, Hist., 
 p. 1318; Fridericia, Dan. Rig. Hist., 1588-1699, p. 490. Mention is made of a 
 Handelskollegium long before, however. Barfod, p. 462. A commercial college 
 was founded in Amsterdam in 1663. See H. Brugman, De Notulen en Min. van 
 het Col. van Com. te Amsterdam, 1663-65, in Bijdr. en MededeeL, XVIII. 
 181 ff. 
 
1 8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 should correspond with Swedish ambassadors and residents 
 abroad, as well as with servants of the commercial companies 
 and in cities of sufficient importance, where there were no rep- 
 resentatives, such should be appointed. The instruction for the 
 college is dated August 23, 165 1. Four days later Berndes was 
 appointed general director, and on September 30, Marten 
 Leijonskold was made vice-director and Anders Olofsson, secre- 
 tary. A general commission for the three chief officers was 
 issued on October i,^^ defining their collective duties, which 
 were to consist in seeking for the welfare of Sweden and the 
 advantage and prosperity of the commerce and manufactories 
 in the kingdom and its colonies and dependencies.^^ 
 
 The budget of the college was at first provided for by the 
 
 tobacco-excise, but later part of the money for the necessary 
 
 expenses was taken from the "large sea-toll." We learn from 
 
 the budget of 1654, that the college had one director, three 
 
 assessors, one secretary, two scriveners, one bookkeeper, "one 
 
 scrivener under the bookkeeper," one janitor, one servant and 
 
 ten correspondents in foreign countries. The general director 
 
 had no salary, since he was a member of the Royal Council. 
 
 Each of the assessors was paid a salary of 1000 D. a year; the 
 
 bookkeeper 500 D.; the scriveners 300 D. each; the janitor 
 
 150 D. ; the servant 50 D. ; and the salary of the correspondents 
 
 was 750 D. ; expenses for light and extras were 100 D. and rent 
 
 amounted to 300 D. a year, making a total of 13,100 D." 
 
 " Johan Lelliencrantz is designated as " assessor." 
 
 ''The college was also to inspect hospitals, insane asylums, and orphan homes 
 and to demand annual accounts from these. 
 ' Handels Colle[gi]um Anno 1654. 
 
 14 (( ■ 
 
 Behofwes 
 For eftersckrefne Nembl. Anordnas. 
 
 General Director hafr sin anordning Aff 1654 Shrs stoora Siotull, 
 ibland Rickzradh^ N. uttaf Toobackz-tullen 
 
 3 Assessorer a looo D , nno 
 
 1 Secreterare goo 
 
 2 Skrifware a 300 D 5qq 
 
 1. Bookhollare -qq 
 
 1 Skrifware under honom 300 
 
The Government. 19 
 
 The work of the college began in 1651 and in 1652 we find 
 it giving instructions, writing letters, and the like. In the be- 
 ginning of 1652, the general director died and Lejonskold was 
 appointed in his place. The work of the college does not seem 
 to have been managed with the energy and power necessary to 
 make it a force of any importance. But in the autumn of this 
 year, Eric Oxenstierna was placed at the head of it and when 
 he returned to Sweden in the summer of 1653, new life and 
 vigor were infused into its work,^^ and now begins its manage- 
 ment of the New Sweden Company.^® 
 
 II. 
 
 The government was constitutional. Gustavus Adolphus 
 having given his " Royal Assurance," virtually a constitution, 
 " ruled with the aid of his people " and he decided on no im- 
 portant measures without reference to the diet or the council. 
 
 A constitution, written by Oxenstierna and sanctioned by the 
 King before his death, was adopted in 1634 and Sweden now 
 took the first place among the governments of Europe. After 
 the death of Gustavus Adolphus the kingdom was ruled by 
 " the five high officers "^^ until the Queen was of age. Headed 
 by the great chancellor, this government was one of the wisest 
 that ever ruled a nation and many of the plans originated by 
 the King were perfected and executed by it. It made the first 
 
 I Wachtmestare 150 
 
 I Drangh 50 
 
 Till huushyra 300 
 
 Till Lius och andra Extraordin. 
 
 Expenser 100 
 
 10 Correspondenter a 750 D 7,500 
 
 Summa 13,100. 13,100. 
 
 Datum, Ubsala den 31 Martij Anno 1654. Pa dragande kails och Embetets 
 wegner, Herman Fleming," etc. (This document was discovered by the author 
 among some unclassified papers in Kam. Ar. in 1907.) Ellen Fries, taking her 
 facts from R.R. states that the total sum was 13,100 R.D. My copy has 13,100 
 D., however. 
 
 "R.R. Aug. 27, September 30, 1651, fol. 455 ff.; Stiemman, II. 669 S.; Fries, 
 E. Oxenstierna, p. 122 ff. ; R.R. Oct. 1, 1651. 
 
 " Cf. below. 
 
 " This government was called " formyndare regeringen." 
 
20 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Swedish settlement on the Delaware and, had it continued in 
 power, the colony would probably have suffered less neglect.^* 
 In 1644 the government was handed over to Christina, who 
 like her father gave a Royal Assurance. In the beginning she 
 took interest in the state business, but she soon tired of the 
 arduous duties. Her mind reverted to literature and arts. She 
 collected books and art treasures, she called the greatest men of 
 Europe to her court, and she sought to establish learned 
 societies. The splendors of her court were far in excess of the 
 resources ; pageants, court balls and festivities of every descrip- 
 tion drained the treasury and occupied the time of the Queen. 
 Gifts in estates and privileges were showered on favorites with- 
 out number and without reference to results. Soon the five 
 million R.D. paid to Sweden through the Westphalian treaty 
 were gone and five millions more had followed, leaving the 
 nation in great debt. At last conditions became impossible. 
 She resigned her scepter to a stronger hand and joined the 
 Church against which her great father had fought.^ ^ 
 
 Self-government in Sweden dates from antiquity. The king 
 circumscribed to some extent this prerogative of the people, as 
 the political organization of the country was perfected, but 
 municipal self-government was never fully relinquished by the 
 commons and the .people who came to the Delaware between 
 1638 and 1664 were accustomed to partake in the administra- 
 tion of their local affairs, secular and religious. The diet was 
 made up of the four estates (the Nobility, the Clergy, the 
 Burgesses and the Peasantry) , giving the people an opportunity 
 to participate In the government of the whole country. It was 
 summoned by royal authority as circumstances required and as 
 questions of great Import arose, and the members were elected 
 or appointed to represent the various districts of the kingdom.** 
 The Council of State became an important body during this 
 period. According to the constitution of 1634 it was to con- 
 
 "See Odhner, Sv. in. hist., p. i ff.; Hildebrand, Sv. stats f., p. 34., ff.- Sv 
 hst.^ V. 290 ff.; Bain, Scandinama, p. 208 ff. ' 
 
 "Hildebrand, Sv. hist.. V. 397 ff.; Bain, Scandinavia, p. 218 ff. 
 Hildebrand, Sv. statsf., 372 ff. 
 
1 w ~ ' \ ^~~. — : — m 
 
 ■■^it^-'^ 
 
 ^3?fe^'*^'-'''' • 
 
 
 IP ^' " 
 
 WHF ^ -"i 
 
 fijfiiSEMpi^^" ' 
 
 
 
 siapiifi^;;' 
 
 
 s 
 
The Government. 2j_ 
 
 sist of twenty-five members. Practically every phase of public 
 life was discussed at its meetings. It decided questions of peace 
 and war; it deliberated about foreign and domestic commerce; 
 it discussed the ways and means of trading companies ; it settled 
 disputes between city officials and between companies and indi- 
 viduals; " it revised judgments of courts," as well as court- 
 martials; in short, the entire religious, social and economic life 
 of the nation received Its attention. ^^ 
 
 The judicial system was reorganized and perfected during 
 this period. Laws were printed, commentaries were written, 
 foreign books on the subject were translated, the old Swedish 
 law began to be studied at the University of Upsala,*^ disser- 
 tations and treatises on the old Swedish as well as the Roman 
 law were published and men like Jonas Magni, Olaus Cruslus 
 (the first professor of law in Sweden 1625-31),^* Sidenlus, 
 Rosengren, Jonas Bureus and above all Loccenius (Rising's 
 teacher) and Stiemhook attained renown In this field. The old 
 Swedish law was the foundation for all proceedings, but the 
 Roman law made its influence felt, and in many cases "the law 
 of Moses" was followed, when a paragraph in the secular law 
 could not be found to apply to the case in question. Thus thirty- 
 six paragraphs from the laws of Moses were printed as an ap- 
 pendix to the edition of the Swedish law published by Carl IX.'** 
 It is quite probable that Printz and Rising used one or more of 
 these ordinances and commentaries published before 1653 ^"^ 
 we have at least one Instance, in which the " laws of Moses " 
 were followed on the Delaware. 
 
 "Hildebrand, Sv. slatsf., p. 268 ff. ; Radspr., I. £F.; R.R. 1637 ff.; Rddspr. mss., 
 1649 ff., 1650, March 20, etc. 
 
 ^The Roman law alone was studied at the universities of other countries, at 
 this early date (Schiick). 
 
 ^ Messenius was really appointed "juris professor" in 1609, but he does not 
 seera to have done anything in the field (Schuck, 488). 
 
 ""Schuck, I. 482 ff.; Hildebrand, Sv. stats)., 286 ff.; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 
 p. 138 ff.; De la Card. Arch., II. p. 220 ff. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Religion, Language, Science, Classes of Society, 
 Population. 
 
 The Reformation had fully permeated Swedish religious 
 thought even before this era. It had accomplished permanent 
 results and the Church, under the direct control of the govern- 
 ment, had become firmly established. " The Bible of Gustavus 
 Adolphus," a revision of the old translation of 1541, was pub- 
 lished In 1 61 8, and several new editions were Issued. "A 
 church-handbook" was published in 1614 (based on earlier 
 editions), which continued to be used until 1693; revised and 
 enlarged editions of the Psalm-book (several private collections 
 were also printed) appeared in 1610, 1616, and in a more final 
 form in 1645.^ New editions of Luther's catechism (trans- 
 lated in 1548?) were printed from time to time, as well as 
 other translations of foreign catechisms. 
 
 The large masses were moved by the new life — the Lutheran 
 Reformation was a movement of the people — and it improved 
 their morals and standard of life. The Lutheran clergy in 
 Sweden were generally well educated, many of them having 
 studied abroad, and there were no more learned preachers In 
 America in the seventeenth century than those sent here by the 
 Swedish government. 
 
 The vigorous religious and spiritual life of the Reformation 
 period soon gave way, however, to a cold, narrow theology, but 
 foreign religions were tolerated in the larger cities and there 
 were churches of the Reformed sects in Stockholm and Gothen- 
 burg.^ 
 
 ■ Concerning the earliest Psalm-books in Sweden see Samlaren, 1891, p. 5 ff. 
 
 " Anjou, Hist, of the Reform, in Sweden (transl. by Mason) ; Norlin, Svenska 
 kyrk. hist, I.; Cornelius, Sv. kyrk. hist. eft. reform.; SilUn, IV. 42. Schuck, 
 Sv. lit., 215; Schuck och Warburg, II. Sv. lit. hist., I. 173 ff., 410 ff.; Odhner, 
 Sv. in. hist., 309 ff.; Lovgren, Kyrkohist., p. 261 ff.; Lundstrora, Ndr utk. 
 
 22 
 
Religion, Language, Science, Population. 23 
 
 The language was passing through a period of transition. 
 The Reformation emphasized the use of Swedish and the Re- 
 formers of religion also became Reformers of the language, 
 endeavoring to free it from foreign influence and make It a 
 cultured speech. The period Immediately following the Refor- 
 mation was unpropltlous for "the cultivation and growth of 
 the language," however; but with Gustavus Adolphus begins a 
 new era. An A-B-C Book was published In 1611;^ a new edi- 
 tion of the Bible, as we have seen, in 1618; In 1629 instruction 
 was given to the " antiquarian and historian of the kingdom " 
 to collect words for a complete Swedish Dictionary,'^ and a 
 few years earlier the King recommended to the professors 
 at the University of Upsala that they should strive to present 
 in Swedish^ the learning of the world.® These efforts were not 
 in vain. " The language of the chancery," which had attained 
 some regularity already in the preceding reign, became the 
 standard for good Swedish and three quarters of a century 
 later the chancery language of the period of Gustavus Adolphus 
 and of Christina and of the Bible of 1618 was selected by a com- 
 mission as the norm for " the regulation of the written lan- 
 guage."^ There were principally four lines of foreign Influence 
 — Danish, German, Dutch and Latin. * Danish Influenced the 
 phonology and inflexion and the Latin, German and Dutch 
 furnished many new words. Traces of these influences and of 
 the humanistic learning (which In general tended to add foreign 
 expressions and words to the vocabulary) are found every- 
 where.^ 
 
 Luthers I. kat., etc., Samlaren, 1897, p. 172 ff. and references given there. 
 Bang, Dokum. og Stud., etc., I. (Christ., 1893) ; Samlaren, 1893, p. 9 ff.; De la 
 Gard. Arch., X. p. 163 ff. 
 
 'New editions in 1612 and 1624. Samlaren, 1884, p. 15; Hernlund, Sv. skr. 
 spr. regl., p. 7 and notes i and 2. 
 
 * Other works of this character were also published by Stiernhjelm and others. 
 
 " Mainly by translating foreign works. 
 
 ' Cf. Hernlund, Sv. skr. spr. regl., p. 6. 
 
 'Ibid., 30 ff. 
 
 ' Hernlund gives only three. 
 
 ' Cf. Hernlund, p. 3 ff. ; Hist. Bibl., VI. 259 ff. and references given in these 
 works. De la Gard. Arch.. VI., VIII., X., XII. 
 
24 The Swedis h Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The Swedish language was divided into several dialects, well 
 defined within certain geographical areas. The Swedish 
 colonists on the Delaware came largely from Upland and the 
 Northern Provinces, and hence they spoke the dialects of these 
 districts. The language of the peasants was purely Germanic; 
 but the soldiers of the Thirty Years' War and foreign merchants 
 and warriors brought in many new words, which gradually 
 found their way even into the vocabulary of everyday speech. 
 
 The national language was not taught in the schools and 
 there was no standard of authority. Hence literary monuments 
 present great variations in spelling and other respects. The 
 dentals, d, t, and th are often indiscriminately used to spell the 
 same word, often by the same man.^" Ch is often used instead 
 of ck, especially before t, probably with no difference of sound,^^ 
 and before / (sometimes h) we find g in some cases, where it 
 has been entirely replaced by its corresponding tenues in the 
 modern speech.^^ In many instances the old Swedish 8 (pro- 
 nounced much like th in father) is retained, indicated by dh}^ 
 H combined with g formed a spirant,^* but sometimes h seems 
 to have served no purpose in a word (unless to lengthen the 
 vowel) }^ I and ;' were often interchanged^® and an i is found 
 where it has dropped out in modern Swedish.^ ^ P and b were 
 often silent;!* ^ and j were Hsed to represent the same sound,!' 
 and sometimes p was replaced by its corresponding medial.^" 
 Consonants were often doubled to express length, but there was 
 no uniformity.^! 
 
 '°Det, tet, thet; thetta, detta, dy, ty, etc. 
 
 "Mackt, macht, plicht; ock, och, ach, ack, etc. 
 
 "Magtig, ogh, etc. 
 
 ^'Wedh, medh, gudh, dherhos, kommandhe, etc. 
 
 "Borgh, sigh, etc. 
 
 '■ Wahl, ahre, f ahna, etc. 
 
 ^° Sporja, sporia, biuda, etc. 
 
 "Laggia, sokia. (Mod. Swedish lagga, soka). 
 
 "Lamb, sampteliga. 
 
 " Landzhofding, skepzk., landshof., skepsk., etc. 
 
 =°Ubsala, etc. 
 
 ^Effter, efter, skepp, skep, skeep, etc. 
 
Religion, Language, Science, Population. 25 
 
 The vowels had different values in different dialects and a 
 variety of uses can be observed in the same document. The 
 vowels a and e are used to indicate the same sound. The word 
 silver is written " solfver," and " silfwer" due to phonetic spel- 
 ling, and a is often replaced by 0. Long vowels were some- 
 times indicated by doubling, but here again no uniformity is 
 observed.^^ The letters, documents and books of the period 
 contain a large number of foreign words, such as river, voagie, 
 compagnie, ungefdr, glorwurdig, etc.^^ Long and unwieldy 
 sentences, often loosely and illogically constructed, are almost 
 the rule and the inverted and transposed sentence-order, due to 
 German influence, often predominates. Punctuation and cap- 
 itahzation follow no rules; they are sometimes entirely want- 
 ing.'"' 
 
 Before the seventeenth century Sweden had had no poet of 
 importance and no works of great literary value were produced. 
 But in this epoch of enthusiasm for Swedish language and 
 antiquities a list of names meets us, which have received a per- 
 manent place in Swedish history and literature. Bureus^^ 
 studied the old language, collected runes and wrote a grammar 
 and other treatises. His disciple, Georg Stiernhjelm, composed 
 a dictionary, tried to prove that Swedish was the mother of the 
 Germanic languages, foreshadowed Grimm's law and through his 
 poems gained the name of "the father of Swedish poetry. ""^^ 
 
 '"Weet, skeep, reesa, etc. Cf. Beckman, Bidr. till kdnned. om 1700-taleU 
 svenska, Arkw. for Nord. Fil., XI. 154 ff., and the references to Kock, Noreen, 
 Lundell, Kullin and others found there. The examples are taken from documents 
 relating to New Sweden, the letters of Lindestrom, Rising, etc. 
 
 ^The following is an extreme case of "Germanized" Swedish: " Ihn getreu 
 undt fleisigst informiren, samt i synnerhet bibringa honom anyo det som nu en 
 tid var forsummadt; han skulle och alltid hSlla so <uiohl Ihn alls den knabeen so 
 neben Ihme," etc. (From a letter written by J. De la Gardie, Sept. 29, 1649. 
 De la Gard. Arch., VI. 90.) 
 
 " For samples of the " letter style " of this period see De la Gard. Arch., VI. 
 30 ff. Cf. ibid., VIII. 139 ff. Words like voagie, river, etc., were common in 
 the other Germanic languages as well. In M. H. German they often occur. 
 Cf. Parzival, ii8, 4-22, etc. 
 
 "Samlaren, 1883, p. 12 ff., 71 ff., 1884, p. 5 ff., 1890, p. 55 ff. Schuck och 
 Warburg, Lit. hist., I. 254 ff. 
 
 " Swartling, Birger, Ndgra bidr. till Stiernhjelms biogr. l6j6-So; Stud, tilldg. 
 H. Schuck; Schuck och Warburg, Lit. hist., I. 258 ff., 321 ff. 
 
26 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Wivallius (the first great poet In Sweden) wrote verses with 
 pure lyric touch"^ and a host of other authors wrote ballads and 
 stories.^^ 
 
 The "devotional" and moral literature^^ was very rich, con- 
 sisting of sermons, psalms, hymns, long sacred poems, such as 
 The Suffering and Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ, and 
 didactic and moral pieces, such as Concerning Drunkards and 
 their Destruction, and the like. Folk-ballads also abounded, 
 and prose romances were published and circulated. Gei-manic 
 productions such as Reyneke Fosz and Thil Ulspegel and Italian 
 novels^*' such as " All's Well that Ends Well " and others were 
 translated and printed. These books were not read by the 
 people in general, but it is probable that the stories soon be- 
 came common property and we may assume that at least a few 
 of the colonists on the Delaware had some knowledge of them.*^ 
 
 Education, measured by our present-day standards, was on 
 a low level. The Reformation broke down old customs and 
 practices, and it can hardly be said that it improved the culture 
 and the higher education in the country. It took a generation 
 to reestablish what had been changed, in some cases with too 
 violent a hand. But the early reformers laid much stress on the 
 education of the masses and their efforts were not without re- 
 sult. The knowledge imparted was largely religious and the 
 first instruction was given at home, which was afterwards sup- 
 plemented by the Church. 
 
 '^ For various " principles employed in writing Swedish verse " see Samlaren, 
 1894, p. [ fF.; Schiick, S-v. lit. 'hist., p. 541, note. "Ad Poesin Svecanam" (a 
 book in imitation of Optiz, Buck von der deutshen Poeterei. Cf. Georg 
 Witkowski, Martin Opitz, etc.) was published in 1651. See Samlaren, 1894, 
 p. 79 ff. 
 
 '"Schuck, p. 351 ff.; Schuck och Warburg, L 30o(?) ff.; Samlaren, 1887, p. 58 
 ■ff., 176 ff., i8go, p. 27 ff.; i8g2, p. 5' ff.; 1898, p. 44 ff.; /Spp, p. i ff. Many 
 of these poems and literary works have been edited in our day. Schuck edited 
 the poems of L. Wivallius, etc. Wieselgren also printed some of these early 
 poems in De la Gard. Arch., VIH. 168 ff. 
 
 ^ Uppbyggelselitteratur. Cf. Samlaren, 1883, p. 175 ff.; 1884, p. 18 ff.; 1888, 
 p. 99 ff. 
 
 *"'The first Swedish novelist," Olof Broman, was born in 1676. Samlaren, 
 1897, p. 2. 
 
 "For the books found in a cultured man's library of that day, see Schuck 
 och Warburg, I. 207. Wieselgren, De la Gard. Arch., VL 200 ff.; Samlaren, 1887, 
 p. 183 ff.; Samlaren, 1899, P- "3 ff- 
 
Religion, Language, Science, Population. 27 
 
 During the first half of the seventeenth century public schools 
 were established in many places and commercial colleges were 
 planned, where merchants could obtain instruction in the most 
 necessary business branches. Secondary schools and so-called 
 Gymnasier were founded, giving courses preparatory to the 
 university. The university at Upsala was reorganized and 
 new universities were chartered at Abo and Dorpat. The 
 Royal Library in Stockholm and the University Library at 
 Upsala date from this period; the Royal Archives and the 
 *' College of Antiquity" owe their existence to the enterprising 
 statesmen of this age, and the first newspapers were published 
 during this time.*^ Education (especially that of the people) 
 was under the direct control of the Church. It was her busi- 
 ness to see that the members understood her teachings and 
 her best men, such as Paulinus, Rudbeckius, Angermannus and 
 others, wrote books on pedagogy and labored with much dili- 
 gence " to scatter the spiritual darkness " of their country. As 
 early as 1571 a chapter "concerning schools and the order of 
 instruction in schools " was inserted into " the Ordinance of the 
 Swedish Church," and several other school ordinances were 
 drafted from 1611 on. But laymen like Per Brahe, Axel 
 Oxenstierna, Johan Skytte, De la Gardie and Gyllengren, also 
 had a large share in improving the instruction and organizing 
 the school-system of their people; and Amos Comenius (or 
 Komensky), the greatest pedagogue of his age, several cen- 
 turies in advance of his contemporaries, went twice to Sweden 
 (in 1642 and again in 1646) through the influence of his 
 patron, Louis de Geer, for the purpose of reorganizing the 
 schools of the country, according to his educational theories. 
 At the expense of the government he was engaged to write a 
 series of pedagogical works and several of his books were trans- 
 lated into Swedish, in some cases going through a number of 
 •editions.^* 
 
 "a. Samlaren, 1888, p. 174; 1892, p. 125 ff. ; Key, Forsok till sv. tidningspr. 
 hist., I. 
 
 "^For the labors of the great Bohemian and his relation to Sweden, see 
 Lutzow, Hist, of Boh. Lit. (New York, 1900), p. 249 ff. ; Hollander, Sv. underv. 
 hist., I. 352 ff. ; Schuck, Sv. lit. hist., 569 ff. ; Carlson, Hist., I. 92. 
 
28 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 It was natural that such efforts should bear fruit. Even in 
 1632 Professor Menius, of Dorpat, said "that Melanchthon's 
 prophecy was about to be fulfilled, that the liberal arts, expelled 
 from the countries where they formerly flourished . . . would 
 find refuge in the North." The pedagogic thought and discus- 
 sion of the early part of the century finally crystallized into the 
 school-ordinance of 1649, "with a system of instruction equal 
 to which no other country could show a parallel, whether we 
 refer to the completeness and thoroughness of the formal and 
 pedagogic principles or the extent and content of the material 
 studied." 
 
 The illiteracy of the common people, however, was great, 
 and superstition and ignorance held sway over their minds. 
 They were not always willing to accept the innovations and im- 
 provements offered, and fines and other punishments were often 
 inflicted " to compel the stubborn to submit to the new order of 
 things." Gradually, however, there came a change. In 1638 
 Bishop Gothus found that " the members in some congregations 
 could give good answers to the questions he put to them," and 
 in 1663 Terserus asserts "that in Leksand^* and mostly in 
 East Dalarne it is counted as a monstrosity that a boy or girl of 
 ten to eleven years can not read in a book." A common gunner 
 on the expedition of the ship The Cat m 1649,^5 kept an 
 interesting journal of the events, and several of the soldiers who 
 had served In New Sweden sent '■written supplications to the 
 government. It seems that twenty-seven or more out of forty- 
 eight colonists who signed the oath of allegiance at New 
 Gothenborg on June 9, 1654, could write. The other nineteen 
 signed only their initials or made their marks.^" It Is therefore 
 probable that a fair number of the early settlers on the Dela- 
 ware could not only read but also write, and the illiteracy among 
 
 ;^ A district in Dalarne, northern Sweden. See map. 
 ^ Cf. below, Chaps. XXIX., XLIV. 
 °°Cf. below, Chaps. XLI., XLIL 
 
Religion, Language, Science, Population. 29 
 
 them was not larger, perhaps less, than among the colonists of 
 other plantations in America.^^ 
 
 The natural sciences received little attention before 1600, 
 and medicine and doctors were almost unknown. Foreign phy- 
 sicians were gradually invited, however, medical works were 
 written and professors were appointed to teach the subject at 
 the University of Upsala, but it required half a century before 
 the science could divorce itself from theology and the authority 
 of the Bible, and not before Rudbeck (1630-1702), who as a 
 youth of twenty-two, discovered the lymphatic canal, did Swe- 
 den produce an investigator of note in this field. The barber- 
 masters (barber-surgeons) and their journeymen were the doc- 
 tors of the period^* and they were employed on the navy, in the 
 army and by the people at large.'* 
 
 The class distinctions were more pronounced than at a later 
 period. The peasants and burghers were classes by themselves ; 
 above these stood the nobility, and a middle class can hardly be 
 spoken of at this time. The Swedish peasant was a free man. 
 His voice was heard at the ting, and he retained much of the 
 old-time liberty that his fellows in other countries had lost long 
 before. Many heathen customs still clung to him, and he even 
 possessed a knowledge of runes, as late as the time of Olaus 
 Rudbeck. Much of the old Viking nature lived in his strong 
 form and he objected to rigid laws and stringent rules. 
 
 "For a history of Swedish education in 1600-1664 see Westling, Hufv. af den 
 sv. folkund. hist., p. 5 ff ., especially p. 29 ff. ; Wieselgren, De la Gardiska Arch., 
 VIII. I ff.; VI. 193 ff.; R.R. Sept. 22, 1651; Hollander, Sv. underv. hist., I. 
 302 ff. ; Schiick, 495 ff. ; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 326 ff. ; of. also Sillen, IV. 126; 
 Bang, Dokum, etc. (Christiania, 1893) ; Paulson, Hist, af folkund. i Sv., Stkh., 
 1866; Anjou, Sv. kyrk. hist.; De la Gard. Arch., VI. 89 ff.; XIL 131. 
 
 ''There were a few physicians, however, in Sweden at this time. At 
 Gothenburg we find Doctor Nalvick, Georg Mascovius and von Hattingh; and 
 others were employed at Stockholm and Upsala. See Berg., Saml., I. 2 ; 
 Schiick, Lit. hist., 576 ff. The Barber-surgeons were well-known in England 
 at this time. 
 
 "Odhner, Sv. in. hist., p. 222 ff. ; Zettersten, Sv. flat, hist., II. 112 ff. ; 
 Schuck, Lit. hist., p. 576 ff. Cf. Carlson, Hist., I. 91 ff.; De la Gard. Arch., 
 VI. 113 ff. ; Hasser, H., Grundriss der Gesch. d. Medicin (Jena, 1884), p. 208 ff. 
 Cf. below. Chapter — . Hofberg, Sv. Biogr. Lex., II. 381-2; Encyclo. Britan., I. 
 (article on anatomy), 811; The New Intern. Encyclo., XV. p. 215. 
 
30 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 He was skilled in all kinds of manual arts.*" He made his 
 wagons and his sleds, his plows and his harrows, his rakes and 
 his hay- forks; he made his shoes of wood, birchbark or leather; 
 he made his furniture, his wooden spoons and dippers, his cups 
 and saucers and practically everything he used, and the Swedish 
 housewife could weave, knit and sew skillfully. Since the com- 
 mon people never lost their freedom to the same extent as in 
 other European countries, poverty was less prevalent in Sweden 
 than elsewhere at this time, and Ogier says that " the Swedish 
 peasants were neither poorly nor inconveniently dressed, and 
 prosperity was more evenly divided in Sweden than in other 
 countries."*^ 
 
 The national consciousness was strong. It was an epoch 
 when Swedish generals led victorious armies over half of 
 Europe, it was an age when Swedish statesmen held the destinies 
 of nations in their hands. There was an enthusiasm for Swed- 
 ish language and Swedish history. Foreign ambassadors were 
 welcomed in Swedish — "the mother of the other languages" — 
 and foreign representatives were addressed in the same tongue, 
 if they were pretentious enough to use their native speech. It 
 was a period when Swedish scholars delved into the misty past 
 and located the cradle of the human race in their country; when 
 Swedish kings dreamed of world-power, and when Swedish 
 leaders stretched their arms across the oceans and made settle- 
 ments on two continents, that were to become New Swedens. 
 The enthusiasm of youth permeated the nation and drove it on 
 to deeds that an older power of twice its size would not have 
 attempted. Patriotism ran high and national pride verged on 
 chauvinism. No wonder that Printz with a handful of men 
 talked the language of a general with an army at his back to 
 
 Slbjd." 
 
 40 (( 
 
 T rr^a'^f' ^^' ^°' ^'"' '^°"'''''°ns in Sweden in this period see Fryxell, Hand., 
 I. 66 ff (extracts of Juel's letters to the Danish government) ; Whitelocke's £/»- 
 
 H,-!/'t,' 1 a l.'''l \^- ^' *- ^"'"^'" "^^ Strindberg, Gamla Stockholm; 
 tiist iia. 1. XX it.; Brahe, Oeconomia (written in 1581) ; Carlberg, J. O., Hist. 
 saml. omSv bergsverk, etc, 91 ff.; Mankell, J., Stockh. i forna dagar.; Holm- 
 berg, Bohuslans htstona; Granberg, Gotheborgs beskrifning; Per Brakes timke- 
 
Religion, Language, Science, Population. 31 
 
 give emphasis to his words, and that Rising with high-handed 
 authority captured Fort Casimir. 
 
 Conditions in Finland, whence many of the Delaware colon- 
 ists came, resembled those in Sweden. The country, being 
 united with Sweden since the Middle Ages, had absorbed much 
 of the superior culture of its conquerors and adopted their 
 rehgion.*^ In 1639 a bishop related that the people "can read 
 their pieces from the catechism and morning and evening 
 prayers" and Terserus, bishop in Abo (Turko), asserted that 
 " it had come so far that almost all below [the age of] twenty 
 or thirty years are able to read their mother tongue fluently." 
 Quite similar reports came from other bishops. The Swedish 
 language had made great headway among the Finns at this time, 
 and Andreas Bureus wrote about 1630 that "the nobihty of 
 Finland, burghers and priests as well as the richer farmers see 
 to it that their children learn Swedish already in the cradle," 
 making it easy for the Finns and Swedes to associate. 
 
 The country was poor and the Finns seem to have had a great 
 desire to migrate, large numbers going to Sweden and other 
 places. It has been said that the Finn was lazy and indolent at 
 home and that he would rather spend his time over the fireplace 
 of his primitive dwelling than clear away the forests or sow his 
 grain, but in new surroundings he became industrious and 
 "worked for two."** 
 
 The population of Sweden and Finland was about one mil- 
 lion in 1645, making these extensive areas very sparsely 
 settled.** The entire city population was only about 125,000.** 
 Queen Christina's remark in 1649, when two hundred Finns 
 applied for permission to go to America, that she found it 
 strange that they should ask for such permission, when there 
 
 * For a good account of Finnish history from the time of the Swedish con- 
 quests to 1600 see Yrjo Koskinen, Finlands historia, I. 26-285. 
 
 *' For a short sketch of the social condition of Finland in the 17th Century 
 see Finlands hist., I. 272 ff. Cf. Westling, Sv. folkund. hist., p. 86. Cf. also 
 Usselinx" letters to Oxenstierna. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 ** There were about 120 inhabitants to every Swedish square raile, a 
 Swedish mile being more than six and one half English miles. 
 
 * Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 349; Carlson, Hist., I. 16 ff. 
 
32 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 was enough laad to settle at home, was pertinent, and there 
 was no overflow population, which was compelled through lack 
 of room to seek new homes on the other side of the Atlantic.*" 
 And yet, other things being normal, the reason for migra- 
 tion is not always over-population, in a relative sense, for what 
 would be a large population in England or Belgium would be 
 more than over-population in Sweden. There seems to have 
 been an element in Sweden that could have been spared without 
 pnuch loss to the nation, and Rising said that all those who 
 would not work ought to be sent to the Delaware colony, where 
 they would either have to work or starve. There were a great 
 number of poor in the cities, who were out of work. Their 
 migration to America would have relieved them of suffering 
 and given them an opportunity for improving their condition, 
 and a burden to the community would have been removed. 
 
 * It is said that laborers were so scarce in the time of Christina that women 
 were often compelled to handle the plow. See Sillen, Sv. hand. o. ndr. hist.. IV. 
 89. Cf. Whitelocke, Embassy, I. p. 209, etc. 
 
PART II. 
 
 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE AND TRADING COMPANIES, 
 
 1 607-1 660. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Industries. 
 
 In her military and political systems Sweden was In advance 
 of her age In the seventeenth century, offering models to 
 France,^ Denmark^ and other countries, but her Industrial and 
 commercial organization was on a low plane compared with 
 nations like England and the Netherlands. The many wars 
 and intimate foreign relations, however, brought Sweden In 
 close touch with the greatest commercial and Industrial coun- 
 tries In the world and marked advances were made during the 
 period of Swedish rule on the Delaware. The armies needed 
 cannon, muskets, swords and other implements of war. It was 
 cheaper to make them at home than to import them from 
 abroad, and besides money was lacking with which to buy those 
 things. The country being new and undeveloped, offered larger 
 opportunities to capitalists than the old Industrial centers, and 
 In return for special privileges, titles and land grants, besides the 
 regular remuneration that comes to the shrewd business-man, 
 wealthy Dutchmen, like De Geer, Spiring, Von der LInde and 
 others, were Induced to Invest capital In Swedish Industries and 
 to establish manufactories of various kinds. Foreign laborers 
 
 ' France organized its government during the infancy of Louis XIV. along 
 the plans of the Swedish government during the infancy of Christina. Cf. 
 Ranke, Fran. Gesck., III. 10. 
 
 ' Denmarlc organized its commercial college in imitation of the one in 
 Sweden. Cf. Carlson, Hist., I. 39, note. It was founded in 1668, but Barfod 
 in his Danish Hist, mentions a handels-koUegium long before. See Barfod, p. 
 462, 1318; Fridericia, Dan. Reg. Hist., 1588-1699, p. 490. 
 
 4 33 
 
34 The Swedish Se ttlements on the Delaware. 
 
 were engaged in large numbers and Swedish mechanics were 
 sent abroad to study the best methods used there. 
 
 As a result Swedish iron works and especially Swedish cannon 
 and firearms became famous throughout Europe. Whitelocke 
 was ordered to buy cannon on his embassy in 1653-4, and in 
 1642 a thousand muskets, a thousand cuirasses and large quan- 
 tities of other implements of war " could be sold or given to 
 Portugal."^ 
 
 The textile and clothing industries likewise receive an impe- 
 tus from the wars. To buy clothes and other wearing apparel 
 for the soldiers and sailors from Holland or England appeared 
 uneconomical, since Sweden shipped large quantities of wool, 
 unprepared hides, skins and other raw materials to these coun- 
 tries. In 1 6 19 Gustavus Adolphus held a conference with rep- 
 resentatives from cities and provinces of his kingdom concern- 
 ing the establishment of textile and clothing factories, so that 
 the needs of the army could be supplied. Successful private 
 factories were also established during this period and a Countess, 
 Oxenstierna, founded a clothing factory at Tyreso, a few years 
 later, which proved a paying venture. Shoe and glove factories 
 are also mentioned at this time, but they appear to have been 
 run on a small scale. Kettles and all kinds of utensils for the 
 house as well as axes, knives and the like were made at a num- 
 ber of places. Glass factories are also reported. Paul Gang- 
 unkel built a factory at Bergkvarna, where window-panes and 
 glasses of all kinds were made, and Melchior Jung established 
 glass-works near Stockholm in 1643, securing workmen from 
 abroad, probably from Holland.* To aid this industry import- 
 ing of glass articles to Sweden was forbidden in the same year. 
 
 Copper mining reached its highest development during this 
 period and proved a great source of revenue for the Crown. 
 
 'And this at a time when Sweden had large armies on the German battle- 
 fields, which had to be supplied with arms. Cf. Sillen, IV. 137 ff. ; Rddspr., X. 
 382 ff. ; Whitelocke, Embassy. In the middle of the sixteenth century Olaus 
 Magnus says that the Helsingar (inhabitants of Helsingland, a province of 
 northern Sweden) were splendid blacksmiths and could compete with those of 
 foreign countries, yes even with those of Italy. Cf. Hist. Tid., IV. 319. 
 
 * Cf. below. 
 
The Industries. 35 
 
 Silver mining was also conducted with great energy, but the 
 results were unsatisfactory. 
 
 Brickyards were common in Sweden during the first part of 
 the seventeenth century and earlier. A considerable number of 
 bricks were exported from Upsala, Stak and Strangnas. 
 Members of the aristocracy established brickyards where bricks 
 were made for their large buildings, and in a few cases they 
 produced bricks for sale. The colonists on the Delaware were 
 therefore not unaccustomed to this industry. 
 
 Paper was manufactured at Upsala at an early date. Rags 
 were bought from the peasants for 4 ore a lb. and the paper- 
 makers were commanded to instruct Swedish youths in the 
 trade. Soapworks for making soft-soaps as well as complexion- 
 soaps and starch, sugar and potash factories were established 
 on a small scale. Salt works were also begun, but they proved 
 unsuccessful.® Powder was manufactured in large quantities, 
 which in its turn gave rise to the saltpeter industry. 
 
 Brewing was an important industry, beer being the favorite 
 beverage of the time, and every city had its brewery. Certain 
 rules were prescribed for the manufacture of beer and names 
 were given in accordance to its strength as spisol, fogdcol, 
 svenneol, sotol, etc.* 
 
 Ship-building received a new impetus after 161 1. The Swed- 
 ish navy and merchant marine had fallen in importance since 
 the time of the great Vasa ; but with Gustavus Adolphus begins 
 a new era, due to the wars and the increased commerce. Ships 
 were built in the native harbors and others were bought from 
 Holland, while officers for the vessels and carpenters for the 
 shipyards were hired abroad, largely in Holland. The results 
 were soon to be seen. Stockholm, which in 161 1 was without 
 a single ship,'' possessed 49 vessels in 1651, Gothenburg, in the 
 same year, had 18 and in 1654 the staple towns owned 1,000 
 ships and Gothenburg alone 147.* 
 
 ' Cf. R.R. April 3, 1640. 
 
 'Ci. Chaps. XXXIII., XLIIL, below, and Sillen, IV. 137 ff. 
 
 ' If the statement in the histories is correct. 
 
 'Carlson, Hist., I. 79-80; Zettersten, I. 51, etc.; II. 190 ff., 563 ff. 
 
36 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Shipbuilding tended to develop other industries. Lumber, 
 nails, bolts and ship materials of every kind were needed at the 
 shipyards and the new ships wanted sails, cords, anchors, masts, 
 and the like. In each case the Swedish statesmen and leaders of 
 industry tried to provide these things without going abroad for 
 what could be made at home. Rope-walks were established In 
 Stockholm, at Vastervik and other places ; sail cloth was manu- 
 factured at Stockholm and was also bought in large quantities 
 from the peasants of northern Sweden, who were skillful In 
 weaving and other home-sloids ; anchors, nails and iron articles 
 necessary for shipbuilding were either made in Stockholm at the 
 factories of the government, or bought from private parties In 
 Sweden ; masts were cut in the forests of northern Sweden, and 
 planks, boards and such materials were secured from the saw- 
 mills of the various provinces.® 
 
 Agriculture was the most important Industry and there was a 
 large export of grain, except in years of famine and failure of 
 crops, over 1,600,000 bushels being exported in the years 1637- 
 1642.1* Great efforts were also made to improve the industry. 
 German and Dutch farmers were Invited to Sweden to teach the 
 Swedes better methods of farming and introduce new species of 
 grain and new breeds of cattle and sheep, and German and Dutch 
 sheep were Imported, which the peasants were compelled to ex- 
 change for their own. The dairy Industry was also fostered by 
 the government. Dutch farmers skilled in butter and cheese 
 makmg were induced to settle near Gothenburg and at other 
 places, and from them the Swedish peasants learned new and 
 better methods." Despite all these efforts the agriculture of 
 Sweden and Fmland declined or did not make very great ad- 
 vancement during this period. The continual conscriptions re- 
 moved large numbers of the farming class, and hundreds of 
 farms were left untilled on account of the wars. The govern- 
 in 2"ZT"' ^"'- ^"'u ''"'■' ^- '" ^■' "■ 3°° «■ For manufacture in Sweden 
 lzS%rl%Z?,S. *' seventeenth century cf. Hist. Tid., V. p. x ff.; Sillen, 
 
 " " Over 400,000 tunnor." Carlson, Hist., I. c6 
 "Sillen, IV. 84, 97, etc. 
 
The Industries. 37 
 
 ment tried to remedy this by giving freedom from taxes for a 
 number of years and other privileges to those who took posses- 
 sion of deserted homesteads, but not always with great success.* ^ 
 
 The government's policy of favoring the cities at the expense 
 of the country was one of the obstacles to the prosperity of the 
 farming communities. The spirit of the age was commercial. 
 It was thought cities alone could trade to advantage, and as it 
 was an aid to the custom service to have the trade concentrated 
 at a few points, laws were made to favor the cities. The coun- 
 try people were allowed to trade with the cities only, all trade 
 among themselves or in the country being forbidden, and goods 
 shipped to foreign ports must first be sent to the staple towns, 
 which were given special privileges. 
 
 Many new towns were founded. Farmers, mechanics and 
 skilled workmen were often ordered to remove to cities or 
 towns. In case of refusal they were pressed into military service 
 or their homes were demolished and they were carried by force 
 into the cities. By these stringent means, many cities became 
 prosperous and increased in population, aiding industry and 
 
 "For deserted farms in Finland and Sweden see Hist. Arkisto, V. 32-36. 
 De la Gard. Arch., VI. 141 ff., 192. Poor crops were common. Sillen, IV. 
 84 ff. 
 
 ''Cf. Sillen, IV. 120 ff., 186 ff.; Bist. Tid., II. 29-66. Stiernman, Kungl. br. 
 sladg. u. f'orord., II. 57 ff. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Commerce and Trade. 
 
 The government naturally paid much attention to means of 
 communication. Country roads, canals and other inland water- 
 ways were the highways of domestic commerce and of immense 
 importance in the transportation of troops and munitions of 
 war. The old country roads were greatly improved, new roads 
 were constructed into the northern provinces and even into the 
 borders of Russia, and soon Sweden had one of the best systems 
 of roads in Europe. 
 
 When Whitelocke made his long journey from Gothenburg 
 to Stockholm in 1654 he could write: 
 
 The way was very good, and it was very much to the cheering of 
 Whitelocke and his company, in so long a journey, a time of so much 
 hard weather, and where other accommodations were wanting, to find 
 generally so good highways . . -^ Hardly any other country affords 
 better ways than these, though in some places very mountainous, and 
 several desperate precipices down to great lakes, and but a very narrow 
 track to pass there, and with great danger. But generally the ways 
 are hard and even, and if at any time broken, the particular officers for 
 that purpose do summon the inhabitants, and forthwith cause the ways 
 to be sufficiently repaired. In low places they use to cast up a cause- 
 way, large and high in the middle, with a sloping and fall on each side, 
 where they make ditches to receive the water, which falls from either 
 side of the causeway into them; and the way is filled with stones, yet 
 even, and in places which require it conveyances are made with trunks 
 of timber, laid cross the way underground, to pass the water and keep 
 the way from bogs. . . . 
 
 'The statement in Jameson's Usselinx, p. 193, Carlson's Hist., I. 84, and one 
 or two other places, that the roads were poor and that " Whitelocke's men 
 found them so bad that they nearly mutinied," hardly agrees with the above 
 quotation. The cause of the dissatisfaction was poor food and accommodations, 
 rather than poor roads. 
 
 38 
 
Commerce and Trade. 39 
 
 Their officers for the highways are not like ours in England, where 
 two poor men in every parish are chosen for overseers of them, who 
 favoring their neighbors and themselves more than intending the busi- 
 ness, seldom do much good in it; but these Swedish officers are constant 
 for that service, and like the Romans' curatores viarum publicarum, 
 have the charge and care of looking to the public ways that they be kept 
 in repair, and upon any default presently amended ; for which end they 
 have power to cause the inhabitants in their precincts who are fit to 
 work that they labor in their persons, and others to contribute by their 
 purses."^ 
 
 An extensive system of canals was proposed for Finland and 
 Sweden. As early as 1629 the construction of the Hielmare Canal 
 was begun and it was ready for traffic in 1640^ and a number 
 of other canals and water ways were projected and in some 
 cases executed in this period.* 
 
 Regular communication of news from foreign countries at 
 short intervals became a necessity in the beginning of the 
 seventeenth century, and correspondents were appointed at 
 various important centers, Englishmen, Hollanders, Germans, 
 Frenchmen and even Italians being induced to enter Swedish 
 service before a sufficient number of trained Swedes could be 
 found for such posts. Out of this institution grew the post- 
 office, and as early as the summer of 1620 a regular postal 
 service once a week was established between Hamburg and 
 Stockholm.^ The mail service continued with a few breaks until 
 1636, when "the post-office within the country . . . was ex- 
 tended to ' all the provinces ' in the whole kingdom of Sweden." 
 In 1642-3 the system was reorganized and Johan Beier, the 
 treasurer of the New Sweden Company, was made postmaster 
 general. Several changes were made from time to time, but 
 Beier remained in the service until 1654. The postal service 
 
 'Whitelocke, Embassy, I. 204 ff. 
 
 ' This at a time when England did not possess a single canal. 
 
 'Carlson, Hist., I. 84; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 258 ff.; Sillen, IV. ii ff.; Oxen- 
 stiernas Skrifter, 2, XI. 60; Styffe, Om Sveriges kanalbyggnader, m. m. 
 
 " For the history of the Swedish Post-office in 1620-62 see Holm, Sv. allm. 
 postv., I.-II. ; Sv. postv. alder, i ff. ; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 255 ff. 
 
40 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 was of great importance for the Swedish commerce, as the 
 trading companies, merchants and others, interestedl in the 
 foreign markets, could now obtain correct information about 
 prices and the movements of ships.® 
 
 The home trade attained large proportions in the seventeenth 
 century, money playing a larger role than before, and It passed 
 more from foreigners into the hands of native merchants,'^ com- 
 plaints even being made that too many people left their farms 
 and became traders.* 
 
 The export and import trade also increased greatly. A large 
 percentage of Swedish shipping was in the hands of foreigners, 
 as we have seen, but the government encouraged shipbuilding 
 and the increase of shipping through favors and privileges, 
 reduction in duty on goods carried on Swedish vessels, etc., and 
 the tonnage of the Swedish merchant marine increased over a 
 hundredfold in the years i6i i to 1660. Swedish ships went to 
 England, Holland, Spain, Portugal, Russia and practically 
 every port in Europe, Barbadoes,' the Canaries and to America 
 and Africa. The principal articles of export were masts, lum- 
 ber, grain, copper, iron ore, cannon and other implements of 
 war. The incoming cargoes consisted of shoes, cloth, salt, 
 tobacco and articles of luxury.^" 
 
 Drafts were used very extensively at this time. Insurance was 
 also common and both ships and cargoes were often insured 
 against loss. Agents for the buying and selling of goods and 
 ships were much employed and they were paid a salary or a 
 certain brokerage.^ ^ 
 
 "For Swedish correspondents in foreign countries see Rddspr., II. 9, 41, 46, 
 50, 57. fi3> etc.; III. and following volumes. Cf. Hist. Tid., 1884, p. 155 ff. 
 
 A large number of foreign names meet us among the merchants in the cities 
 as late as 1650, however. 
 
 ' Some restrictions were later imposed. 
 In 1665 Leijonberg applied for permission from the English authorities for 
 four Swedish ships (St. Peter, St. Hop, Konung Carl, Chistina) to sail to 
 Barbadoes and trade there. State Papers, For., Sweden, No. 5, 1639-65. Pub. 
 Rec. Office. 
 
 "Sillen, IV. 198, 221 ff.; Stiernman, Kungl. br. stadg. 0. forord., 11. 144 ff., 
 192 ff., 232 ff., 247 ff., 466 ff., 508, 567, etc. (Lists of articles and the duties on 
 them are given there.) 
 
 "^Journal, N. S., III. (K.A.) ; Odhner, S'v. in. hist.; Sillen, IV.; Rising, 
 Kophand., etc.; Whitelocke, Sivedish Embassy. 
 
Riksdaler, 1641. 
 
 Riksdaler, 1647. 
 
 Ore, 16,3S. 
 
Commerce and Trade. 41 
 
 The money used in the business transactions of the company 
 (and in Sweden in general at the time) was the Riksdaler 
 (R-D. rixdollar), the Daler (D.) and the Florijn {ft. florin) 
 or Gulden {gl. guilder, sometimes gold-gulden).^^ The Riks- 
 daler was divided into 48 skilling (shillings) and a skilling into 
 4 styfver^^ (Dutch stuiver). The Z)fl/er was divided into 32 ore, 
 the ore being further divided. The (Dutch) Florijn so largely 
 used as a standard of value in the colony and in hiring sailors 
 for the expeditions in Sweden or Holland was divided into 20 
 stuivers (penny). A stuiver was worth about, or little more 
 than, 2 cents. Hence a Florijn would be worth from 40 to 45 
 cents or, in round numbers, half a dollar of our money. A 
 Swedish Riksdaler was worth 2}^ Florijn, varying some- 
 what at times, and a Daler was valued at % Riksdaler, that 
 is a Riksdaler was one and a half Daler'* Hence a Riks- 
 daler equalled about $1.20 or $1.25 of American money, and a 
 Daler was worth about 80 cents.' ^ This Daler was called the 
 silver Dollar to distinguish it from the copper money,'* which 
 was used to a large extent. The copper money (Swedish k.m.) 
 was of less value than the silver money, a Daler silver money 
 in 1643, being worth 2}^ Daler copper money.'^ The Riks- 
 daler, the "Florijn and the copper money were always reduced 
 to Dalers silver money in the official journal of the company, 
 and the salaries of the officers in the employ of the company in 
 Sweden were paid in " Daler s.m."'* 
 
 The Swedish weights and measures used in the colony and 
 
 " The florijn or guilder was the Dutch coin and whenever this was used in 
 Sweden it was reduced to Rixdollars or Dalers. See Journal, N. S., III. 
 (K.A.) and bills in Soderk., 1637-5 (R-A.). 
 
 ^° These were of course not the same as the English and Dutch money of the 
 same name. 
 
 "See Journal, N. S., III. (K.A.) and bills in Soderk., 1637-5 (R-A.). 
 
 " To get the real values we must multiply these sums by about five, making 
 the Riksdaler worth about $6, the Daler about $4 and the florin about $2.25. 
 
 "The designations were D. s. m. (Daler silver money) R.D.; D. k. m. (Daler 
 copper money). 
 
 " See Nordisk Familjeb., article Daler. Soldiers were often paid part of 
 their salaries in copper money before going to America. 
 
 " See Journal. " Tunna guld " (^ 25,000 kronor or about $7,000) was some- 
 times used. 
 
42 The Swe dish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 by the company In Europe were the aln, " about twenty Swedish 
 decimal inches" or nearly two English feet,!'* the fot (ten 
 inches, a Swedish inch being .9714 Eng. in.), nearly equal to 
 the English foot, 2" the famn (German and Dutch Faden), 
 about one and nine-tenths of a yard;^! the Swedish mil,^^ a little 
 over six and a half English miles in length; the German com- 
 mon mile, which was about four and six-tenths English miles ;2* 
 the tunnlmd, a piece of ground a little over an acre in size ;** the 
 tunna (barrel) for measuring grain and the like, containing 54 
 kannor or 6 skappor (bushels) ; the ankare, a measure with 
 the capacity of about ten gallons j^^ the fat, somewhat larger 
 than the Swedish tunna, which contained about 33 gallons 
 or 48 Swedish kannor, a kanna being somewhat more than 
 two quarts English measure; the stop, about a quart and a 
 half; the lispund about i8>^ English^^ lbs.; the Swedish 
 pund or the skdlpund, a little less than the English lb." 
 and the Dutch lb. which was ten per cent, heavier than the 
 Swedish lb.; the skeppund (varying) generally contained 400 
 Swedish lbs., depending on the articles weighed, and finally the 
 last, representing the tonnage of a ship, was about two tons^* 
 or a little more.^* 
 
 " A Swedish foot was divided into ten " decimal inches.'' A Swedish aln 
 was not therefore as is commonly stated (even Bjorkman, p. 43) the same as the 
 English yard. See Falkman, Om matt., etc., H. 83 ff. According to Alexander, 
 Weights and Measures, etc., p. 3, the modern Swedish aln is .64.763 yard. 
 
 "A Swedish foot was about 11.65 inches. 
 
 "A Swedish famn was about 1.94 yds.; the Dutch was a little shorter, about 
 1.85 yds. • 
 
 ^ A Swedish mile of that period was longer than the modern Swedish mile, 
 being i8,ooo alnar or " 36,000 pedibus " or about 6.62 English miles. 
 
 * " In Saxony a mile is 4,000 paces, in other places in Germany 5,000 paces." 
 A pace was 5 feet, hence a common German mile was 25,000 ft. or about 4.615 
 English miles (Lex Mercatoria, p. 40). 
 
 ^ Called tunneland from the fact that land was sometimes measured by the 
 number of tunnor (barrels) that could be sown on a piece of ground. A tunne- 
 land was to be 14,000 square alnar in 1643. 
 
 ^ The old ankare was larger than the modern one. 
 
 °'The Swedish lispund contained 20 Swedish lbs. 
 
 ^ About 425/454 of an Eng. lb. 
 
 °' " The Last which is two Tonnes lading" (Lex Mercatoria, p. 34). 
 
 "Cf. Journal, N. S., III. (K.A.) ; Falkman, Om matt och mgt i Sverige, 
 Part 2; Alexander, Univ. Die. of Weights and Measures; Bjorkman, Ordbok; 
 Klimpert, Lexikon der Miinzen, Masse und Geiuichte, etc. 
 
Commerce and Trade. 43 
 
 The old Julian calendar was used In Sweden and in New 
 Sweden, being ten days earlier than the Dutch calendar of this 
 period and that of the present day. The English — we shall 
 meet their method of designating time In the following pages — 
 began their year on March 25.*" In other respects their time 
 was the same as that of the Swedes,^^ the only chance for con- 
 fusion being that the first two months of the Swedish year were 
 the last two months of the English. 
 
 It was an age of combinations and societies. Merchants 
 were restricted by law to the handling of but one article of trade, 
 except by special permission. They belonged to certain privi- 
 leged societies, according to their particular trade, and on festive 
 occasions they wore uniforms as marks of distinction. The 
 master workers of practically all trades were divided into guilds 
 and corporations, which were very exclusive and guarded with 
 the greatest jealousy against the Intrusion of " outsiders." " In 
 Sweden," said Klas Fleming, " a person may by chance become 
 king, but to become a tanner Is impossible." As time went on, 
 however, the restrictions were to some extent removed.^^ 
 
 "The English often employed first, second and third month, etc. Hence 
 when they wrote March 23, 1644, it was Mar. 23, 1645, according to the 
 Swedish calendar, and April 2, 1645, according to the Dutch — written by the 
 English I mo. 23,164!. 
 
 " Cf. Goldscheider, Uber die Einf. des n. Kalenders in Dan. und Schia. 
 (Berlin, 1898). 
 
 "Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 275; Sillen, IV. 133 ff.; De la Card. Arch., X. 204 ff. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The African Company and the Minor Trading 
 Societies, i 607-1 663. 
 
 It was preeminently the age of commercial companies. 
 Christian II. of Denmark (1481-1559), who was also for a 
 time king of Sweden, was perhaps the first to suggest a trading 
 company for the north. Seeking means for checking the power 
 of the Hansa League, like Gustaf Vasa after him, he proposed 
 to found a large company, which should include all northern 
 Europe. The company was to appoint agents in foreign coun- 
 tries and four principal factories were to be established, one 
 in Copenhagen, a second in Stockholm, a third on the Russian 
 boundary and a " fourth in the western countries." It was a 
 great idea, and if carried out would undoubtedly have become 
 of immense importance to the three northern countries, which 
 were just then awakening to national consciousness and secur- 
 ing a place among the civilized nations of Europe. The time 
 was perhaps not ripe for such a scheme. At any event political 
 complications killed the plan in its inception,^ and years passed 
 before a trading society was established in the Scandinavian 
 countries. 
 
 The first successful trading company of the north was organ- 
 ized in Denmark in 1616.^ Combinations of this kind were 
 early planned in Sweden also, and in 1607 a commercial 
 
 ^ Sillen, V. 23 ; Dansk Biog. Lex., III. 481 ff. 
 
 ''In i6o2 the Iceland Company was established; in 1616 a Greenland Com- 
 pany; in 1636 a " Genian Company" and an "East India Company," etc.; in all 
 about fifteen companies were founded in Denmark at this time. See Barfed, 
 p. 694. Morris is mistaken in stating that the Dutchman Boscower founded the 
 Danish East India Company. Gjedde had already decided to send some ships 
 to the East Indies when Boscower arrived in Denmark. Barfod, 1594 fi. ; 
 Morris, II. 282 ff. Cf. the large number of companies founded in England, 
 Holland and France in this and in the preceding century. 
 
 44 
 
The Minor Trading Societies. 45 
 
 company was chartered at Gothenburg for the purpose of con- 
 ducting an extensive trade.* 
 
 A general trading company was founded in 1615. The 
 charter was to be in force for ten years, it was to be managed 
 by a governor, assisted by directors, and Stockholm was to be 
 its main office; it could hire, buy and sell ships; it could carry 
 on foreign trade and erect warehouses; it was free from all 
 taxes in 1615, and for the following three years it should pay 
 no import duty and only one fourth of the usual export duty, 
 but after that it should pay half of the ordinary rate of each. 
 Abraham Cabeliau* was appointed general director or governor 
 and the King promised to recommend the company and assist 
 It with ships and money.^ 
 
 Again In the summer of 1619 It was decided to organize a 
 commercial company, which was given a monopoly of the 
 foreign copper trade and granted privileges to buy and sell all 
 kinds of merchandise. The Inhabitants of the kingdom were 
 invited to join by contributing 100 D. and upwards before 
 January 11, the following year; but the scheme failed.* From 
 1620 to 1626 a copper company, an Iron company and a Persian 
 company were chartered. The copper company was the most 
 Important and did a large business, but, being badly managed, 
 it ran into heavy debts and was soon dissolved. A new com- 
 pany was founded In 1636 but this had as little success as the 
 first.'^ In the spring of 1626 still another trading company was 
 established by Gustavus Adolphus (probably) at Riga for the 
 benefit of the Finnish and Livonian trade.^ In 1629 plans were 
 
 ° Sillen, IV. 153; Stiernman, I. 538. ("Patent," etc., in German, dated Sept. 
 8, 1607.) 
 
 ' For him see below. 
 
 ° Stiernman, I. 660 ff. 
 
 ° Stiernman, I. 708 ff., Hallenberg, V. 191 ff. 
 
 'A large number of letters concerning the company in R.R. See Jan. 8, 9, 
 Mar. 14, etc., 1636, etc. Sillen, IV. 114 ff. ; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 242 ff. See also 
 the letters of Spiring to A. Oxenstierna, and Oxenstiernas Skrifter, 2, XI. 536 ff.; 
 Handl. ror. Shan. Hist., XXIX. 26 ff., 204 ff., 277 ff.; XXXVII. 148 ff.; 
 XXXVIII. 204 ff.; Kam. Reg., 1636, etc. (K.A.). 
 
 ' De Nieuwe Comp:e die men voor heeft in Lyflandt op te rechten, etc. 
 Usselinx. (spring), 1626. See Jameson, p. 144 and note 190. On May x, 
 1626, the town council of Riga thanked the king for the recent decree, issued 
 by him, establishing the company. 
 
46 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 on 
 
 foot for founding a colonizing company in Holland, which 
 should settle large tracts of land in Swedish Livonia, but privi- 
 leges were not granted. A company on a smaller scale was 
 organized, however, and an expedition was sent from Holland 
 the same year with colonists and supplies. The venture was of 
 limited success and the company was soon discontinued, leading, 
 as was usual in such cases, to complaints and lawsuits.* 
 
 A so-called French company was formed the same year 
 (1629?) for trade with Russia through the efforts of the 
 French sea captain, Abraham de Quesne, who was given special 
 privileges by the King. The government supplied some of the 
 capital, but the undertaking led to small results and it was 
 abandoned in 1633 or soon after that year. A Russian com- 
 pany was later formed, but it was without success.^" 
 
 In 1630 the "English Eastland Company at Danzig" ap- 
 plied for a renewal of its privileges at Elbing. The king 
 promised to grant the request and Oxenstierna sent a number of 
 articles and proposals in answer to the company's solicitations.^^ 
 
 Two years later plans were made by the Duke of Holstein 
 for the formation of a large trading company in connection 
 with Sweden which should bring the valuable merchandise of 
 silk, spices and the like from India and Persia across the country 
 to Nyen and Narva and from there to Holstein. Embassies 
 were sent to Russia and Persia and privileges were granted by 
 Sweden, but nothing but expense came out of it.^^ 
 
 In the spring of 1635 some English merchants at Gothen- 
 burg sent representatives to the Council of State with an appli- 
 cation for the privilege of establishing a commercial company. 
 Fleming favored the plan, but final agreements were postponed, 
 
 ' See Ohlander, Bidrag, etc., p. 34 ff., 95 ff. 
 
 ^"Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 294; Ohlander, Bidrag till kdn. om Ingerm., etc., 
 p. 92 ff. 
 
 "Copy of letter to A. Oxenstierna, Aug. 16(26), 1630; Oxenstiernas Memorial, 
 dated Elbing, Feb. 27, 1631, cop. of his Maj :s letter, etc., 1631, State Papers, 
 For., Sweden, No. 3, 1629(7)— 32. Pub. Rec. Office, London. As early as Feb., 
 1600, Charles IX. offered privileges to English merchants. Copy in State Papers,. 
 For., No. I. Pub. Rec. Office. 
 
 ^'Rddspr., III. 121, 184; Ohlander, Bidrag, etc., 97 ff. 
 
The Minor Trading Societies. 47 
 
 due to the absence of the chancellor. In the autumn the Eng- 
 lish commissioners were again at Stockholm. In August they 
 appeared before the council and presented a memorial and 
 probably a draft for a charter. The council, thinking that 
 Sweden would be greatly benefited by the company, granted 
 many of the privileges and freedoms that were requested^ ^ and 
 wrote to the magistrates at Gothenburg concerning the affair 
 and the place for a storehouse, which the company was under 
 obligation to build. The company, however, soon misused its 
 privileges and, having become indebted to the Crown, it was 
 dissolved in 1639 and its storehouse was confiscated.^* 
 
 In the autumn of 1636 Alexander Forbes was sent to Sweden 
 to establish more intimate commercial relations with that coun- 
 try and England and to present plans, as it would seem, for a 
 cloth company with a factory at Gothenburg for the purpose of 
 monopolizing the cloth trade in the Baltic " and drawing off the 
 trade from Archangel."^ ^ 
 
 A salt company was formed in 1641, which received special 
 privileges, being permitted to import salt from Portugal into 
 certain cities duty-free.^® 
 
 In 1642-4 "some prominent merchants in Amsterdam re- 
 quested . . . privileges from Her Royal Majesty for the erec- 
 tion of a West-Indian Company in Gothenburg," and an ex- 
 tract of the charter was sent to Oxenstierna.^^ 
 
 About the same time (probably in 1642) a hemp company 
 was formed at Riga. It was apparently successful, but some 
 
 " Tlii company had a right to trade in Sweden as well as in foreign countries. 
 
 "R.R. Aug. 18, 1635, fol. 749 f.; Rddspr., V. 69, 132 ff.; VI. 776-7; VII. 526. 
 
 ^^Rddspr., VI. 771 ff. Cf. Ohlander, Bidrag, etc., 103. 
 
 " Sillen, IV. 50. " Privileges for the Spanish salt-trade " were issued at 
 Stockholm in Dec, 1638. Stiernman, Kungl. br. siadg. 0. forord., II. 202 ff. An 
 open letter for salt companies in Gothenburg was issued by the government in 
 1650. Stiernman, Kungl. bref, etc., II. 628 ff. 
 
 " " Extract off Privile., sora nagre fornemlige Kiopman i Amsterdam," etc. 
 No date but from internal evidence it can be determined that it was written in 
 or after 1642. Two copies, one with marginal references to the D.W. India 
 Co. (no date) in Vdstind. komp. (R.A.) ; the other (no date) in Oxenstiernska 
 Saml. (R.A.). 
 
48 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Holland merchants, who had been admitted, changed Its char- 
 acter, causing Riga to send representatives to Stockholm In the 
 summer of 1643, pr^yi"g for the "discontinuation of the trad- 
 ing company" since "the citizens had little benefit" from It.^* 
 
 In 1646-7 plans were made for the formation of a new ship 
 company and the Council of State discussed the practicabihty 
 of the scheme. Prominent merchants were asked to contribute 
 and De Geer wrote in 1647 t^^t ^^ would not fail to aid the 
 undertaking according to his means.^® In 1648 the company 
 was fully organized, privileges being given to it by the govern- 
 ment in the beginning of 1649, ^^^ about the same time the 
 Royal Copy Book states that the newly organized ship company 
 intended to equip two warships for commercial voyages.^* In 
 April of the same year, the company was given freedom from 
 duty on sails and all articles necessary for the equipment of Its 
 shlps.21 In March, 1652, the Queen proposed that the capital 
 of the company should be employed in the service of the New 
 Sweden Company or that the two should be joined, but the 
 chancellor objected to this and the two companies remained 
 separate. It had a long existence, and traded In coal and other 
 articles. This company was sometimes called the "Large 
 Vastervlks Company " to distinguish It from " The Lltde 
 Vasterviks Company " which did business during this period." 
 
 A tar company was founded in 1648 which became of great 
 importance and was reorganized several times. The follow- 
 ing year another tar company was established on the island 
 
 ''R.R. Jan. 31, June 3, Rddspr., IX. 318; X. 
 J°r)e Geer to A. Oxenstierna, July 15, 1647. Kernkamp, Zweed. Arch., p. 304. 
 Thi^ IS not the Old South-Ship Company as Professor Kernkamp thinks. 
 
 There is some uncertainty in the mind of the author as to the above. It 
 IS possible that we have tvyo different projects to deal with. Cf. Zettersten, 
 i>v. not. hut., II. 191, and R.R. Jan. 19, 1649, but being away from the 
 sources the writer is unable to go into the subject any further. 
 
 ^R.R. Jan. 19, 1649, April 26, 1649. Stiernman, Kungl. href, etc., II. 575. 
 Am. Reg., 1649 (Fl. Ar.). Till Johan Lejonberg for Vesterviksskepskomp., 
 
 7p a\'°' l^P' , "*• ^°'- 7*9- ^°™- <=°'- ^''"f- '"' Kungl. Maj., July 21, 1657 
 (R.A.). Wieselgren, De la Card. Arch., X. p. 178 ff. ; Zettersten, Sv. flat, hist, 
 11. p. 191. > / < 
 
The African Company. 49 
 
 of Gothland and a wood company was given privileges about 
 the same time.** 
 
 The Delaware Colony was not the only settlement made by 
 Sweden in this period. In 1647 ^ Swedish African Company** 
 was organized for the purpose of trade and territorial acquisi- 
 tion*"* and a charter was given to it about two years later.*® 
 Johan Beier, Oxenstierna and other members and officers of the 
 New Sweden Company finally joined the African association 
 and Hans Kramer, the bookkeeper of the former company also 
 became bookkeeper of the latter. A ship was sent to the " Gold 
 Coast " in 1648, land was bought from the natives, several forts 
 and factories were erected and a profitable trade was begun. 
 The company also traded with slaves and efforts were made 
 to extend the trade to America. The capital stock was rela- 
 tively large and tended to divert money from the treasury of 
 the New Sweden Company. The colony came under Danish 
 and Dutch rule for a short period, was reoccupied by Sweden 
 and captured by the Dutch in 1663.*^ 
 
 ^Hist. Bibl. Vn. 289 ff.; Sillen, IV. 113 ff.; R.R.; Carlson, Hist, I. 76 flF.; 
 Stiernman, Kungl. bref, etc., II. 608 ff. In the Diarium to R.R. the date given 
 for the privileges of the Gothland Tar Company is Dec. 12, 1649, but in 
 Stiernman it is printed correctly as Nov. 22, 1649. 
 
 "* There is no good account of this company. Granlund's En svensk koloni 
 i Afrika is incomplete and biassed. 
 
 " Granlund, however, thinks that the company was not founded before 1649. 
 En sv. koloni, p. 7. But it does not follow that the company was not organized 
 before the " Privileges " were given. 
 
 ""The Octroy is dated Dec. 15, 1649 R.R. ; Stiernman, II. 615; Acrelius 
 erroneously assigns this document to the New Sweden Company. Beskr., etc., p. 
 34, note (a). 
 
 ^ For documents concerning the African Company not made use of by 
 Granlund, see K. Koll. Reg. 1657, f"'- '*5> '^7 (Nov. 26) ; fol. 174, 176, Aug. 
 12 (6) ; 1654, fol. 118 ff. ; Nov. 29, 1654, fol. 137, etc. Also in K. Kol. Prot; 
 Trotzig to de la Gardie, Sept. 18, 1666, and other letters, Radspr., 1647; Oct. 
 Dec, 1649, p. 619, etc.; and other documents in Kam. Ar. Wieselgren, De la 
 Gard. Arch., X. 182, and Bibliography below. 
 
 Also documents in the archives at Copenhagen, at Upsala, at the Hague and 
 at London. 
 
 In the summer of 1906 the author examined a bundle of papers from Kom. 
 Kol. concerning this company, but they could Jiot be found again in 1909. 
 
 For other plans of Swedish colonization see Hogstrora, E.O.E., S. Barthelemy 
 under sv. •valde (not a very satisfactory work) ; Dahlraan, Sven, Beskr. om 
 S. Barthelemy, etc.; Nordisk familjeb., X. 543; Wachtmeister, Hans, Om S'veriges 
 
 5 
 
50 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 In the autumn of 1651 a Northern Company was organized, 
 which seems to have conducted trade with foreign ports.^* 
 
 In 1652 privileges were granted to Daniel Junge^* and four 
 others for the establishment of a "Fish-company according to 
 the use and manner which was customary in Hamburg and other 
 commercial cities on the Baltic Sea."^" 
 
 A new Russian Company was organized in 1653 through 
 Pierre Terreau, and Nils Nilsson, Nils Skunck, Truls Kahre 
 and a large number of others became stockholders. Terreau 
 was appointed factor. The first trading expedition was suc- 
 cessful, giving a dividend of 25 per cent. " which was added to 
 the capital (38,000 R.D.)." The second expedition, however, 
 ruined the company. A large quantity of rhubarb was pur- 
 chased from Czar Alexis Michaelivitsch, but it seems that fraud 
 was practiced both by the Czar and Terreau and the company 
 came to an end in a few years, although lawsuits and litigation 
 about the transactions were instituted in Holland, Germany and 
 Sweden as late as 1672.^^ 
 
 Planer och Atgarder rorande Sjorof. fa Madagascar (about the plans of Swedish 
 colonization and occupation of Madagascar) ; for New Sweden in South 
 America, see Nya S-verige i SSdra Amerika, etc. (no author given), Stockh., 1841; 
 Hildebrand, Den sv. legenden i Guiana, Hist. Tid., 1899, p. 71 flf. ; Edmundson, 
 G., Eng. Hist. Review. 
 
 2 It owned at least one ship Harnosand. R.R. Aug. 26, 1651 ; Oct. 8, 1652, etc. 
 
 "Who later became director of the American Company. 
 
 *'Stiernman, Kungl. bref., etc., II. 682 ff. (dated Mar. 4, 1652). Cf. Starbacfc, 
 Beriit., V. 556. 
 
 ^ Wieselgren, De la Gard. Arch., X. p. 176 ff. 
 
 ""In 1665 a scheme for a large English-Swedish trading company was con- 
 ceivM by some English merchants and a charter was drafted. The company 
 should consist of Englishmen and Swedes, with equal privileges in both 
 countries; the capital of the company should be placed at from £200,000 to 
 £260,000, one third to be furnished by the Swedish stockholders, either in goods 
 or money; a number of directors, chosen by both nations "to rule the trade," 
 should constitute a college and Englishmen and Swedes should preside alter- 
 nately at the meetings; the whole trade of the kingdom of Sweden should be 
 m the hands of the company and all goods in Sweden such as tar, masts, iron, 
 copper, grain, etc., should be exchanged for "the commodities and manufac- 
 tories of England and the East Indies or other southern parts" at a certain price 
 to be agreed upon, but if the balance of trade was in Sweden's favor, the com- 
 pany should pay the difference in cash; no new mills or iron furnaces should 
 be erected m Sweden during the existence of the charter without consent of the 
 
The African Company. 51 
 
 The above is not a complete list of the companies organized 
 or planned In Sweden during this period, but those that have 
 been mentioned will give us an idea of the great activity along 
 these lines.^^ 
 
 company; only Swedish and English vessels should be used and one third of 
 the goods should be carried in Swedish ships. 
 
 A copy of the charter was delivered by Lord Arlington to H. Coventry at 
 Stockholm on May 31, 1665, for presentation to the Swedish government. It 
 was referred to Count Leijonberg, the Swedish ambassador to England, who 
 inserted " his private observations and sentiments touching these articles," and 
 returned the charter. It was an ambitious plan, not unlike that proposed by 
 Willem Usselinx, a quarter of a century before, but to monopolize the Swedish 
 trade by one company, would have required, even in 1665, a larger capital than 
 it was possible to raise. Leijonberg, observing this and making other objections 
 to the charter, did not favor the plan and nothing seems to have come out of it. 
 
 In the draft of the charter are answers to these objections by some Englishman. 
 
 Copy of the paper delivered by Lord Arlington to Mr. H. Coventry at 
 Stockholm, May 31, 1665; "Paper del. to me by Mr. Vice Chamberlain from 
 Mr. H. Coventry," etc. State Papers, For., Stoeden, No. 5, 1639-65, Public 
 Record Office, London; another copy in Treaty Papers, 1618-72, No. 6g, P.R. 
 Office, London. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The South Company, i 624-1 630. 
 
 We must now revert to the year 1624, to the founding and 
 progress of the South Company, which stands in closer relation 
 to the New Sweden Company than any of the other schemes of 
 trade and colonization. Willem Usselinx, the famous founder 
 of the Dutch West India Company, failing to receive "what he 
 thought to be his just dues" in his native land, after several 
 rebuffs and disappointments, left Holland in the beginning of 
 1623, with the avowed purpose of going to Danzig to enter the 
 service "of several Dutch mercantile houses." On his way, 
 however, he wished to visit Glyckstadt, Gothenburg, Copen- 
 hagen and two or three other commercial cities in the north. 
 At Copenhagen he was introduced to the King by Christian 
 Fries and received offers from His Majesty to enter Danish 
 service. But he determined to see Gothenburg and left for that 
 city soon afterwards.^ The young king of Sweden through his 
 brilliant campaigns against Poland, had attracted the attention 
 of Europe and the success of the Swedish arms in Russia had 
 spread his fame far and wide.^ Hundreds of Hollanders had 
 settled in Sweden; many of them entered Swedish service and 
 rose to positions of distinction and honor.^ May we not there- 
 fore suppose that Usselinx had some faint hope of finding Swe- 
 den a more propitious place for the furtherance of his plans 
 than the ungrateful republic on the Zuyder Zee, and King Gus- 
 tavus Adolphus a more ardent supporter and a more liberal 
 
 'Jameson, p. 83 ff. 
 
 ^For the struggle in Russia see Geijer, IH. 76 ff. ; Cronholm, I. 194 ff. ; and 
 for the Swedish-Polish campaigns, see Geijer, III. 83 ff. ; Cronholm, I. 287 ff. 
 Cf. Chapter I. 
 
 ° Such men were Van Dijck, Cabeliau, Welshuisen, Blommaert, Spiring, Erick 
 von der Linde and others. 
 
 52 
 
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The South Company. S3 
 
 patron than the States General 1* Events were favorable to his 
 schemes. Gustavus Adolphus was now (in the autumn of 1624) 
 in Sweden and he had opportunity for thinking of internal 
 affairs. About the time of Usselinx's arrival at Gothenburg, the 
 King was expected in the city also. Usselinx was persuaded by 
 two friends (and we may feel sure that it was not hard to 
 persuade him) to remain there until the King came and to 
 apply for an audience with his majesty. The audience was ob- 
 tained towards the end of October or in the beginning of No- 
 vember.^ It lasted for six hours and Usselinx found time to 
 explain fully his schemes and the great advantages Sweden 
 could reap from them. Memorials and expositions were later 
 presented, setting forth in more definite and compact form the 
 ideas that had been considered at the audience. Trading com- 
 panies as we have seen were no new ideas to the King. The 
 proposals therefore found in him a willing supporter and he 
 made the great projector offers of service and of freedom to 
 carry out his plans in Sweden.* Usselinx, thinking that he had 
 now found a field for his activities, accepted the offers and at 
 once set about to launch his schemes. On November 4, his 
 draft of the charter was ready, a few days later the prospectus 
 of the company was issued,^ and on December 21, 1624, the 
 King gave " commission to Willem Usselinx to establish a Gen- 
 eral Trading Company* for Asia, Africa, America and Magel- 
 
 * Professor Jameson (p. 89) suggests that Usselinx might have gone to 
 Copenhagen with the purpose of laying his plans before the Danish King. 
 
 ' Geijer, III. 93. I am informed in a letter from Dr. Theodor Westrin, of 
 the Royal Archives, that Gustavus Adolphus was at Elfsborg and in Gothenburg 
 between Oct. 17 and Nov. 5, 1624 (or Oct. 27-Nov. 15). 
 
 ' See Jameson, p. 91 ff. 
 
 ' The prospectus set forth the great advantages to be derived by the sub- 
 scribers and the country at large. See copy in Usselinx Mss., No. 2, Penn. Hist. 
 So. ; Doc, XII. p. I ff. 
 
 'It was generally called The South Company (Soderkompaniet), but various 
 other names were used, as the General Trading-Company (General Handels- 
 kompaniet). The Indian Company (Indiska Corapaniet; Indianska Compagniet), 
 The Southern Company (Soderlandska Komp.), East Indian Company (Ostin- 
 diska Komp.), The Sea-trading Company (Sjohandelsk.), The Sea-Company 
 (Sjo-komp.), or simply the Trading Company (Handelskomp.), The General 
 Company (Generalkomp.), The Company (Komp.). Rddspr, I. 54, 75, 96, 155, 
 
54 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 lanica."* Usselinx, says the commission, proposed to found a 
 trading company and he had presented such good reasons that 
 the King was led to believe that it would be a great success and 
 that it would bring large gains to the kingdom. On these 
 grounds the commission was issued and the " governors, state- 
 holders, captains, mayors and councils in the cities " and other 
 public servants were commanded to aid and assist the founder 
 in raising subscriptions for the company.^" Some time later 
 Usselinx printed " The Contract of the General Trading Com- 
 pany of the Kingdom of Sweden . . . with its conditions and 
 terms," again presenting the great advantages of the society 
 and referring to the wealth of Spain and the Netherlands gained 
 through their commercial activities in the New World and 
 claiming that Sweden had as great possibilities and was as well 
 equipped for such a trade as any other country in Europe." 
 Although the King greatly favored the scheme and other influ- 
 ential men were interested in it, the project advanced slowly. 
 Usselinx was busy, however. He approached the members of 
 the Supreme Court and obtained promise of contributions from 
 many of the councillors and he suggested to Oxenstierna various 
 ways of furthering the cause. In order to spread the news of 
 their intentions far and wide he made arrangements to have his 
 arguments translated and he had hopes of interesting France in 
 his great scheme.i^ In the summer of 1 626, Gustavus Adolphus 
 was again in the capital and on June 6 the charter of privileges 
 of the company (in 37 articles) was signed by the King.^^ The 
 
 166; II 46, 119, 129; m. 71; IV. 168; V. 277, 281; VL 21, 354; vin. 16: 
 
 letters from Ussehnx, Ox. Saml.; N.S., I.-II. (R.A.) ; N.S., I.-II. (K.A.). Cf. 
 Chapter XIII., below. 
 
 There was an English South Sea Company in the next century. See 
 Broadsides, I. 22. By-laws, etc., printed in 1726 by E. Symon. 
 
 lo^'p ^"^ ""' '*^*' ^""*"* ^' Stockholm. Cf. Jameson, p. 100, note 167. 
 c .^rn ,f;/ *' J^"^^""' PP- loo-ioi. See also "Usselinx and the 
 
 South Company Mss. copies. No. 4, Penn. Hist. So. 
 
 ^Published in Swedish and Dutch. See Jameson, Bib. no. 13, 14. 
 Ussehnx drew up a memorial for C. Baner, who was sent on a diplomatic 
 mission to France. See Jameson, p. 103 ; Mss. in Penn. Hist. So. 
 
 R.R. June 6, 1636, fol. 332 ff. The printed copy is dated June 14, for what 
 reason is not clear. 
 
Seal of Gustavus Adolplius. 
 
 Signature of Gustavus Adolphus 
 
The South Company. 55 
 
 purposes of the company were to establish commercial relations 
 with almost the whole world,^* outside of Europe, and to make 
 settlements (although a secondary object) on hitherto unoccu- 
 pied ground, with the hope that the prosperity of Sweden would 
 be largely increased, the Gospel would be spread among un- 
 civilized peoples, and the private shareholder would reap a 
 large gain. " We have maturely considered it," says the charter 
 in the name of the King, " and as far as is in our power we have 
 sought to bring about that the advantages, profits and welfare 
 of our kingdom and of our faithful subjects, as well as the prop- 
 agation of the Holy Gospel, might be in the highest degree 
 improved and increased by the discovery of additional com- 
 mercial relations and navigation." The charter was to be in 
 force for twelve years (from May i, 1627, until May i, 1639) 
 and during this time the company was given sole right to trade 
 " in Africa, Asia, America and Magellanica or Terra Australia, 
 beginning on the coast of America at the same latitude as . . . 
 [the Strait of Gibraltar] unto the 36th^^ degree" and no one 
 else [from Sweden] was permitted to sail to these parts "nor 
 to any country or island between Africa and America " on pain 
 of confiscation of ships and cargoes. The condition of member- 
 ship was liberal and foreigners were admitted and given special 
 privileges. March i, 1627, was the limit set for subscriptions 
 promised in the kingdom, and May i for foreign membership 
 (all subscriptions to be paid in four yearly instalments) and 
 after that date no new members would be received and no sub- 
 scriptions could be withdrawn before the expiration of the 
 charter, except after the end of six years, when the company 
 could be dissolved by a majority vote of the shareholders. 
 The size of the subscriptions was left with the subscribers, but 
 inducements were given to encourage the subscription of large 
 sums, only those contributing 1,000 D. or more having a right 
 to vote for directors, which were to be chosen from among the 
 
 " A later document says that the King had decided to establish a " General 
 Trading Company which could trade in all places in the world where profit was 
 to be found." Fullm. for Dir. P. Anderson, etc., Mar. 19, 1627. R.R. fol. 103. 
 
 " Hence not including the Delaware region. Cf. below. 
 
56 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 shareholders contributing 2,000 D. or more; cities, countries, 
 towns or individuals, foreigners as well as natives, who invested 
 100,000 D. had the right to appoint a director,^* and the sum 
 of 300,000 D. should entitle any country or city to a separate 
 department and to the right of sending out ships in proportion 
 to their invested capital. 
 
 The management of the company was minutely provided 
 for. One director (with a salary of 1,000 D.) was to be 
 elected by the majority of the shareholders qualified to vote, 
 or appointed from the eligible members, for every 100,000 
 D. subscribed. The directors were to hold their office for the 
 term of six years; upon the expiration of this time they were 
 all to be discharged; but at the new election two-thirds of 
 the outgoing directors must be reelected and the other third 
 chosen from the shareholders qualified for the office. De- 
 partments or offices of the company were to be established in 
 various places and a certain number of supervisors should be 
 elected for each department to inspect the accounts and delib- 
 erate with the directors. The head office was to be at Gothen- 
 burg, where each department was to have a director, and from 
 there all ships were to depart. The governing body was to be 
 made up of twelve directors (an additional vote to be held by 
 the King), furnished by each department according to the pro- 
 portion of its shares in the company,*'^ and its duty should be to 
 plan the commercial voyages, to set the price on all arriving 
 goods, to audit accounts and to superintend other business of 
 the company. The place of meeting of the board was to rotate 
 among the departments, beginning with the office holding the 
 largest share of the capital and the next year with the next in 
 order, and so on. 
 
 The relation of the company to the Swedish government 
 
 "They had the right to appoint two if they so desired, but with the salary 
 of one. 
 
 " Hence, if a department held half of the capital it should send six directors. 
 No account is taken of the fact that the capital may be less than 1,200,000 D., in 
 which case the number of directors would be less than twelve. Usselinx seems 
 to have been so sure of his ability to raise that sum that nothing less was 
 thought of. 
 
The South Company. 57 
 
 and to foreign powers was set forth in several paragraphs. 
 The company was to pay a duty of four per cent, on all 
 exports and imports,^ ^ but coined or uncoined silver and gold 
 received in payment for merchandise was to be duty free. Be- 
 sides the duty the government was to receive one fifth of all 
 minerals found in the occupied territories and one tenth of the 
 produce of the cultivated lands in the established colonies,^® all 
 booty taken by the company from pirates and other enemies was 
 to be used for the defense and protection of the trade, but in the 
 case of the presence of a Swedish man-of-war at the capture of 
 such booty, a certain share was to go to the government. As a 
 compensation the company was to be under the special protec- 
 tion of the government; the King was to appoint a council from 
 among the most prominent shareholders, which, at the expense 
 of the government, was to provide for the building and garrison- 
 ing of all fortifications necessary for the protection of the colonies, 
 establish courts of justice, make good laws, appoint governors, 
 commanders and other ofHcers, as well as to settle all difficulties 
 between the colonists and the natives in the occupied districts 
 and all disputes between themselves and the directors, as well 
 as between the departments and the shareholders. The com- 
 pany was also given the right to build its own fortifications as 
 well as cities and castles, it could make treaties with the repub- 
 lics, princes and kings of the countries lying within the scope of 
 the charter. It had a right to defend itself against enemies but 
 could not begin hostilities.^" To compensate Usselinx for " his 
 services, trouble and great expense " the company was to pay 
 him one per mill of all goods and merchandise sold and bought 
 as long as the charter was in force. 
 
 The charter was soon printed in Swedish and German^^ (the 
 
 ^' The duty should be paid only once for the same goods, and merchandise 
 once paid for could be shipped out of and into the country as often as necessary. 
 
 " On " tionde " or tithes in Sweden, see E. Hildebrand, Sv. statsf. 56, 188, 
 313. H. Hildebrand, Sv. Medeltid, I. 285 ff. ; Odhner, Sv. in. hist., p. 335. 
 
 ^ Preveligium for Gen. Kiop. Comp., June 6, i6z6, R.R. fol. 332 ff. (Copy in 
 Jameson Mss., Penn. Hist. So.); Arg. Gust.; Cronholm, IV. p. 367 ff. ; Acrelius, 
 p. 5 ff. ; Hazard, p. 15 ff. ; Adelns Riksd., I. 2, p. xi. 
 
 "A later edition appeared in Dutch at the Hague, see Jameson, Bib. 
 
S8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 preface being dated July 2, 1626) , and Usselinx had high hope; 
 of success. He distributed his books freely to spread knowledge 
 of the company, sending them even to Venice; he urged its re 
 printing in Germany, and he planned to place a French and i 
 new Dutch version before the public. Subscription was gradu 
 ally obtained and the council took a hand in the affair.^^ 
 
 In the beginning of 1627 the business of the company was 
 brought before the diet and on January 31 Usselinx was pres- 
 ent at the deliberation of the estate of nobles and his great 
 project was presented to the House by Gabriel Bengtsson Oxen- 
 stierna, who explained the advantages to be derived from the 
 same by the private participants and the country at large. The 
 land-marshal answered that the House would take it into con- 
 sideration, not doubting that the members would be found will- 
 ing to contribute on the information that had been presented. 
 Didrick von Falkenberg then spoke in favor of the company, 
 and told of the large gains it would be sure to bring, if it should be 
 properly started, which he thought could be done without diffi- 
 culty, since large sums were already subscribed. The charter 
 was then read by the Secretary, Johan Larsson, and the meeting 
 was closed with a speech by Gabriel Gustafsson Oxenstierna, 
 who further recommended the project and advised the nobles 
 to subscribe liberally.^^ The efforts had some result and at the 
 meeting of the House on February 6 " as many as had a desire " 
 subscribed.^* 
 
 But the subscriptions came slowly and something more effec- 
 tive had to be done. To facilitate the work and fully establish 
 the company the King appointed two of his directors,^^ Peter 
 Andersson (recommended by Usselinx) and Christian Welshui- 
 sen. The appointment was made some time in March, it seems, 
 
 Rddspr., I. 32; Jameson, p. 120. 
 
 ''Hand. rSr. Skan. Hist.. I. 132-4; Riddarsk. prot., I. 2, pp. xi, 23. Cf. 
 Jameson, pp. 120-1. '^^ ' ^ 
 
 iRiddarsk. prot (Feb. 6 .627). Copy in Jameson Mss., Penn. Hist. So. 
 h.A , h -K A "^ ^^JO'd'nf to the charter to appoint four directors since he 
 had subscribed 450,000 D., a fact overlooked by older writers. 
 
The South Company. 59 
 
 although their commission was not given till May 4,^' and on 
 March 19 Andersson was given a special commission and 
 authority " to travel all over the kingdom in the country and in 
 the cities, to collect subscriptions from the rich and poor, 
 learned and ignorant, villagers and farmers." All local officials 
 were instructed to aid him in his work and every citizen in the 
 kingdom was highly advised to risk his capital in the venture 
 according to his means. About six weeks later the King issued 
 the commission for his two directors and advised the other par- 
 ticipants to appoint their directors, at the same time recommend- 
 ing seven prominent men for the office.^'' In the spring Valen- 
 tin Nilsson^* was elected a third director by the contributors of 
 Stockholm, for in June he signed a Memorial for Usselinx on 
 behalf of the company. Late in April a letter was sent to the 
 bishops in the kingdom advising them to contribute, since the 
 King himself had subscribed a large sum (450,000 D.), and 
 they were requested to deliver the money at the next synodical 
 meeting.^* The priestly estate took a lively Interest in the 
 scheme and gave promises of as large contributions as they 
 were able to make (at least 100,000 D.), indicating their 
 willingness to appoint a director of their own, which was done 
 some time later.^" But the money was not paid in the specified 
 
 ^ It has been stated that Andersson had been appointed director on March 
 19, and Christian Welshuisen on May 4, but in the commission of May 4 we 
 read: " Haffve wij oflFwer war anpart till Directorer och forestandhare satt och 
 forordnatt ehrlighe och wellachtadhe man oss ellskelighe Pedher Andhersson och 
 Christian Willsshusen, och dhem i fuUmacht och befallningh giffvet haflfve sasom 
 vij och har medh i fullt befallningh giflfve." I take it that a copy of the 
 same contents was given to each director. It was often the case that the com- 
 mission to an office was not given until sometime after the appointment. 
 
 " " Fullmachtt for Dir. Pedar Andersson att optala stenderne," etc., Mar. 
 19, 1627 R.R. fol. 103 ff.; Fullm. for direch., etc., May 4, 1627, R.R., fol. 221; 
 Usselinx to Oxenstierna, July 19, 1628. 
 
 ^^ A councillor at Stockholm. See Rddspr., IV. 323 ; Anrep, Attart. under 
 LS'wenburg. 
 
 ""'Till biscoparne," etc., April 27, 1627, R.R. 
 
 *" But there were also warning voices raised against subscriptions. A poem, 
 the opening verses of which were published by Geijer, runs as follows: 
 
 " O arma prest lagg thig ej i 
 Directors-och kopmans-compagni. 
 
6o The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 time, and in September the directors presented a supplication 
 to the Council of State, praying that the money subscribed 
 might be collected.^^ 
 
 The success of the project was not so great as Usselinx had 
 expected. The sums subscribed were far less than he had hoped 
 for^* and even these could not be collected, but neither he nor 
 
 Vinningen veta the till sig draga, 
 Forstrackningarne far thu pa thig taga." 
 Geijer refers the quotation to Nordinska handskrifterna, but Dr. Andersson 
 
 of the University Library, who kindly made a search for me, informed me in a 
 
 letter that the verses could not be found in Nordinska samlingen. The poem, 
 
 however, is probably written some time after 1634. 
 "^ Rddspr., I. 54. 
 '"A list of the principal subscriptions was prepared by Usselinx, probably 
 
 about the middle of 1627. It runs as follows: 
 
 "A list of [those] who have subscribed to the South Comp[any], [and] who have 
 a right to choose directors as follows: 
 
 The honorable Pfalsgrave [Johan Casimir] Dl. 8,000 
 
 The Admeral Carl Carlsson Dl. 8,000 
 
 The Chancellor [Axel Oxenstierna] Dl. 12,000 
 
 Gabriel Bengtson Oxenstierna Dl. 1,500 
 
 Clas Horn Dl. 4,000 
 
 Johan Skytte Dl. 5,000 
 
 Gabriel Gustafsson Oxenstierna Dl. 4,000 
 
 Svante Baner Dl. 2,000 
 
 Per Baner Dl. 2,000 
 
 Carl Eriksson Oxenstierna Dl. 2,oco 
 
 Klas Fleming Dl. 2,000 
 
 Johan Sparre Dl. 1,000 
 
 Carl Bonde Dl. 1,000 
 
 Antony Monnier Dl. 4,000 
 
 Johan Baner Dl. 1,000 
 
 Axel Baner Dl. 1,000 
 
 Mathias Soop Dl. 1,000 
 
 Ake Axelsson Dl. 1,000 
 
 Jacob Jacobsson Dl. 1,000 
 
 Jesper Andersson Dl. 1,000 
 
 Herman Wrangel Dl. 4,000 
 
 Diedrick von Falkenberg Dl. 4,000 
 
 who has further promised Dl. 6,000 
 
 Christer Ludwig Rask Dl. 8,000 
 
 Bengt Oxenstierna Dl. 1,000 
 
 Doctor Robertson Dl. 1,500 
 
 Lasse Skytte Dl. 1,200 
 
 Per Andersson Dl. 1 000 
 
 Paridon van Horn Dl. i,aoo 
 
 Peter von Bennigen, 40 skeppund of copper, worth 
 
 about Dl. 
 
 Mickel Werner Dl. 2,000 
 
The South Company. 6i 
 
 the directors were daunted by the slow progress. They planned 
 to prepare a trading expedition in the near future and for 
 this reason they had in mind to present a request to the King 
 that the company should be allowed to export 30,000 bar- 
 rels of grain from Sweden and Livonia,^* so that merchandise 
 for the expedition could be bought in Holland, since it would 
 not be possible to raise money for the purpose in any other 
 manner. The government was also to be requested to furnish 
 the necessary ships, which ought to be fully equipped and each 
 " armed with four metal cannon." In case that any of the ves- 
 sels were lost, they were to be paid by the company according 
 to the valye, estimated by competent judges. In the summer of 
 1627 Usselinx was sent by the directors to Gustavus Adolphus 
 in Prussia,^* to further the undertaking by urging the payment 
 of his majesty's first instalment of 1 15,000 D. and the supply of 
 as many ships as the King should find advisable to use for the 
 intended voyage. He was also to request the King to appoint 
 a director at Gothenburg, where there ought to be a chamber 
 and to " most graciously grant a seal to the company."^' He was 
 
 Jacob Forbes Dl. 1,000 
 
 Gierdt Dierichson (Dietricksson) Dl. 1,000 
 
 Johan Fegreus Dl. 1,000 
 
 Gilius Coynet (Coijet) Dl. 1,000 
 
 Hans Nilsson Dl. 1,000 
 
 Herman Westman Dl. 1,000 
 
 Philip Schedinck has promised Dl. 4,000 
 
 Henrick Fleming has subscribed Dl. 2,000 
 
 At Gothenburg has been subscribed about Dl. 30,000 
 
 Jacob van Dyck Dl. 3,000 
 
 Nils Burson Dl. 2,000 
 
 Jacob de Rees Dl. i,ooo 
 
 (The above three persons are present here.) 
 
 In Finland was subscribed Dl. 25,000 
 
 That which has been subscribed in Stockholm is entered in another book." 
 
 No date but probably in 1627 or 1628. Usselinx letters. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 ""An ordinance was issued in the spring of 1622 forbidding the exportation 
 
 of all grain except wheat, and in 1627 some Hollanders complained that Governor 
 
 Horn had forbidden them to export even that grain. R.R. April 5, 1622, fol. 140; 
 
 Rddspr., I. 38; Cf. also p. 45, 95, iii, 112. 
 
 °*The King was now engaged in his second Prussian campaign. Cf. Cron- 
 
 holm, II. 163 ff., especially 195 ff. ; Geijer, III. 100; Droysen, I. Cf. above 
 
 Chapter I. 
 
 ^ A seal or trade-mark protected by law was generally used by the trading 
 
 companies. 
 
62 The Swedis h Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 further to suggest to Oxenstierna that the latter should appoint 
 a director on behalf of the nobility and he was to propose 
 the first of August as the limit for the paying of the first instal- 
 ment.»« Of his labors we know little. He did not succeed in 
 collecting the King's subscription however, and he wrote to the 
 directors proposing a new plan. The King was to be re- 
 quested to furnish eight ships as his first instalment. Other 
 ships could be hired in Holland and thus the King could furnish 
 his share with little expense and without the advance of 
 money.^^ 
 
 In the meantime Usselinx was also busy collecting subscrip- 
 tions from officers of the Swedish army and he seems to have 
 raised a considerable sum. In November he was sent by the 
 chancellor to collect additional funds in the Baltic provinces 
 and in Finland. Armed with letters and introductions to the 
 royal and the municipal authorities along his route, he made a 
 tour from Dirschau around the Baltic and the Gulf of Bothnia, 
 through Courland, Lithuania, Livonia, Finland and north- 
 eastern Sweden, visiting Riga, Treyden, " Pernau, Reval, 
 Narva, Viborg," Borga, Helsingfors, Abo, Gefle " and all other 
 cities in Finland and Norrbotten," everywhere presenting me- 
 morials and arguments about this beloved South Company and 
 advising rich and poor to join the same. His success was varied. 
 In Livonia the subscriptions amounted to about 50,000 D. and 
 in Narva and the Finnish and Swedish towns he was well re- 
 ceived except at Gefle. He arrived in Stockholm in April, 1628, 
 and probably made a report to the directors and to the council.** 
 
 He 'expected to find that ships had already been sent to 
 Africa and that other beginnings had been inaugurated, but in 
 
 ^ " Memorie voor Willem Usselinx," etc., June 12, 1627. I see no reason 
 for supposing that the memorial was drawn up by Usselinx because it was in 
 Dutch. See Jameson, p. 124, ii. 206. Welshuisen, one of the signers, was also 
 a Hollander and could very well have drafted the document. 
 
 ""Aen syne Ko. Ma:tt Memorie," etc. (Presented May 5, 1628.) Mss. 
 in Penn. Hist. So. 
 
 "Letter to Oxenstierna, July 19, 1628, Ox Saml. (R.A.) ; Jameson Mss. copies, 
 Penn. Hist. So. Cf. Jameson, p. 124 ff. and Bib. 
 
The South Company. 63 
 
 these things he was disappointed. Some progress had been made 
 in his absence, though not altogether in the direction originally 
 intended. Per Andersson, who began his work with very 
 great ardor, subscribed about 24,000 D. in two cities'* and then 
 gave up the work, and thus the peasants and citizens of other 
 places were not approached on the subject. The result was that 
 the capital stock was as yet very small. The directors had 
 " resolved that they would divert the trade from the west to the 
 east," and make Russia the principal market, probably with 
 the intention of monopolizing the silk trade in that country. 
 Russian trade*" was also begun, but to what extent or with what 
 profit is unknown. With a view of Increasing the capital stock, 
 Per Andersson entered into an agreement with Johan Sparre to 
 take over some goods in Russia, which the copper company 
 owned there and could not sell, but the transfer was not made.*^ 
 " Some of the stockholders proposed that the company should 
 build ships for the trade with Spain ;"*2 others proposed that it 
 should endeavor to obtain a monopoly of the Swedish salt trade, 
 so that this important article would be brought to its former 
 price, which would require a capital of only 50,000 D. 
 
 The directors had entered upon still another venture. Ben- 
 jamin Bonn ell (of whom we shall hear more in connection with 
 the New Sweden Company) went to Sweden in 1625 with the 
 intention of founding a glass factory. He applied for privi- 
 leges from the King, but for some reason no factory was built.** 
 In 1628, however, the South Company made an arrangement 
 with him to establish a manufactory of glass in Gothenburg. 
 
 "At Norrkoping and Nykoping. 
 
 "A commercial treaty was made with Russia in 1626 and in 1637. Sillen, 
 IV. 13-14. 
 
 "But see Jameson, p. 132. 
 
 " Usselinx was not opposed to this idea, if Sweden could enter into some 
 agreement with Spain, assuring the safety of the vessels, otherwise he feared 
 that the vessels would be in greater danger there then elsewhere. Letter to 
 Oxenstierna, July 19, 1628. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 " Usselinx proposed that he ought to be induced to enter the service of the 
 South Company and advised that the privileges should not be given. Usselinx 
 to Oxenstierna, July 11, 1625. Cf. Jameson, p. 105. 
 
64 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The King granted him 500 D. for lost time and 500 D. for his 
 traveling expenses and the directors issued a commission, em- 
 powering him to hire laborers and buy the necessary imple- 
 ments and machines for the purpose. Some of the skilled work- 
 men and part of the material (which could not be obtained in 
 Holland) were secured in England and some special instru- 
 ments were made for the factory. He wrote to the directors 
 from Amsterdam, requesting them to send him money for his 
 expenses and for the salary of the workmen, but they made no 
 reply. As a consequence he was compelled to dismiss his 
 laborers and, being unable to pay his debts, he was arrested, but 
 It is probable that the company later advanced money for his 
 bills and secured his release.** 
 
 Preparations for other manufacturing establishments were 
 likewise begun. In the early part of 1628 it seems that Louis 
 de Geer Intended to build a ropewalk at Norrkoping. A capi- 
 tal of one hundred thousand D. was to be raised and for some 
 reason the directors of the South Company decided to join with 
 him and to furnish in cash two thirds of the stock, probably at 
 the suggestion of the council; while De Geer's share (one third 
 of the capital) was to be furnished in hemp, bought In Prussia. 
 It seems that De Geer withdrew from the contract, but the 
 directors carried out the Idea and on April 24, 1628, a small 
 piece of land for the factory " behind the brick shed of the city 
 church at Norrkoping,*^ along the shore of the lake" was 
 granted to the company. Arrangements were also made for a 
 second ropewalk at LInkoping. The King was greatly inter- 
 ested in the work. In the Instruction given to the council on 
 April 28, the same year, he recommended that as large orders 
 for ropes should be given to the ropewalks of the company as 
 possible. In May the council instructed Andersson to hurry the 
 
 "Usselinx now thought that the factory would be of great value to the 
 company, as beads were very salable in Africa and America. Usselinx to 
 Oxejistierna, July ii, 1625, July 19, 1628, Oct. 13, 1628. Ox. Saml 
 
 Located south (a little to the west) of Stockholm, on Motalastrora, a short 
 distance from the Baltic coast. At present an important manufacturing center. 
 Rosenberg, Handl, IL 258 ff. 
 
The South Company. 65 
 
 completion of the ropewalk so that rope-making could soon be 
 begun, requesting him to report what progress he had made 
 and in June he was told to continue with his work. 
 
 It is probable that ropes were manufactured during the sum- 
 mer at least in Norrkoping. The ropewalk was continued after 
 the joining of the South and the Ship Companies and one Bar- 
 tolomeus Jansson made the ropes at a salary of i R.D. a day.*" 
 His services apparently came to an end in July or August, 1637, 
 and it is likely that the ropewalk was discontinued at that time. 
 
 The directors also determined to establish a linen mill, and 
 it appears that something was done in the matter, for in July, 
 1628, one of the directors "requested advice from the council 
 whether he ought not to continue the linen manufactory, instead 
 of sending ships to the Indies." Shipbuilding was likewise 
 planned at this time and a shipyard was finally established as 
 we shall see.*^ 
 
 As we may expect, Usselinx did not take great delight in 
 finding these side activities engaging the attention of the com- 
 pany on his return. He found that the management was poor 
 and that the original designs had been lost sight of. To remedy 
 the matter he formulated a number of complaints in a letter to 
 Oxenstierna and he had still hopes of success. The directors, 
 he said, paid more attention to insignificant details than to great 
 principles; they seldom met for consultation (the principal 
 stockholders having ceased coming together entirely) ; one of 
 the directors collected money, disposed of it and made contract;* 
 without the knowledge of the others ;** Per Andersson had been 
 made a burggraf at Norrkoping and consequently had little time 
 for other things ; the director appointed by the bishops lived at 
 Upsala, away from the activity of the company and hence he 
 was unable to be of much service ; another director was at Norr- 
 
 "Thus he worked 313 days in 1635 ^nd was paid 312 R.D. ; 168 days in 
 1637, being paid 168 R.D., etc. 
 
 "Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III. 1630-6(7) (K.A.) ; " Copia von Janssons 
 Reaps, ijberg. Reck.," etc., Skepsk., 1629-50 (R.A.) ; Usselinx to Oxenstierna, 
 July 19, 1628, Ox. Saml.; R.R. April 24, 1628, fol. 290 ff.; May 12, 1628, fol. 
 624; Rddspr., I. pp. XXX, 69, 79, 97. Cf. Jameson, 132. 
 
 **Per Andersson is meant. See Usselinx to Oxenstierna, Oct. 13, 1628. 
 6 
 
66 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 koping in charge of the ropewalk; Valentin Nilsson was incap- 
 able and paid little attention to his duties ; Christian Welshuisen 
 understood his business, but he could not do much alone. We 
 may also assume that Usselinx did not neglect to bring the mat- 
 ter before the Council of State and that this body took it into 
 consideration, causing new efforts to be made for the raising of 
 money.* ^ 
 
 Even at the beginning of the year efforts had been made to 
 collect the subscriptions. On January 1 1, the King ordered all 
 subscribers to pay in the first instalment on or before May i 
 on penalty of indemnity to the government for all losses and 
 one per cent, a month on the capital subscribed from the above 
 date until paid,^' the King promising to pay his share. Oxen- 
 stierna, who took a lively interest in this company, as he did in 
 the New Sweden Company, not knowing that Usselinx had re- 
 turned, appointed "honest and wise Anthon Graphaeus" to 
 collect subscriptions in Sweden, "in order that such a useful 
 and important work may not be neglected at this place," and 
 gave him a commission to that effect on April iS.'*^ 
 
 Something had also been done towards sending ships to the 
 West Indies. The King had assigned a small vessel for the 
 purpose and the company bought or hired a pinnace to accom- 
 pany the former. A skipper, said by Usselinx to be an experi- 
 enced man, well acquainted in the West Indies and on the coast 
 of Africa, was engaged at a high wage,^^ ^^^ o(.}jgj. prepara- 
 tions were made, but funds were lacking and progress was slow. 
 On May 29 Usselinx and Valentin Nilsson were called into 
 the Council Chamber to report about the South Company. The 
 former was to translate " his demonstration " into Swedish so 
 that the common people might understand it. It was decided 
 
 "^c'.*"'"' *° O^enstierna, July tg, 1628. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 ^^ Sasom och pro cento till en daler cm manan," Mandat, etc., Jan. n, 1628, 
 
 L s^J!^'"' ^"''"^' ^^"' ^^' "'^^- ^*- ^'"^^- J^"- "' ^«*»' ^- R-; Stiernman, 
 R.r'^ for"'r *° °'''"'''""^' J"'y '9, 1628. Letter to Oxenstierna, July 14, 1628, 
 
The South Company. 67 
 
 to write to Livonia and Ingermanland to the effect that the 
 subscribers there must pay their shares. Per Andersson, and 
 perhaps the other directors, were called to Stockholm to confer 
 about the company and it is quite certain that many meetings 
 were held, at which Usselinx presented his views."^^ 
 
 About the end of June a paper (supplication?) from the direc- 
 tors and Usselinx ( ?) was read in the council and about a week 
 later Per Andersson was called upon to make a report. On 
 July 5 it was again decided to request the cities and governors 
 of the kingdom to assist in the new work and to pay their sub- 
 scriptions, and three days later letters were sent to Eric Jorans- 
 son and Holger Scheiding and perhaps to other governors, in- 
 structing them " to aid the directors and to enjoin upon the 
 participants in their districts and especially those in the cities 
 to pay their shares." But the efforts had little effect and the 
 citizens of Stockholm reported that they were unable to pay 
 their share and asked for grace until 1629. 'Further meetings 
 and discussions seem to have been held, but with small result. 
 
 The journey to the West Indies was not dropped, however, 
 and Andersson was appointed to consult with the council about 
 it. He went before that body on July 10, and requested assis- 
 tance for the continuation of the South Company, but he espe- 
 cially desired advice " about the ship and yacht [which] H[is] 
 R[oyal] Maj[esty] had appointed for the voyage, whether it 
 should be sent to the West Indies or not." No definite advice 
 was given, as the councillors, fearing the dangers of such a 
 voyage, desired to know the opinion of Oxenstierna and the 
 King, before they could decide on so important a matter. Ac- 
 cordingly letters were written to the former, requesting him to 
 ascertain the views of His Royal Majesty, as the principal 
 stockholder, and to report as soon as possible. The answer 
 is not known, but no expedition was prepared, for in the autumn 
 the skipper returned to Holland, after having drawn a salary 
 for several months. The first West Indian venture thus caused 
 
 "Rddspr., I. 75, 96-97- 
 
68 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the company considerable expense, and came to an end without 
 bringing any results.®^ 
 
 As we have already stated, Usselinx was not pleased with the 
 management and development of the company he had started. 
 He wished to be relieved from his services, unless something 
 more to the point were soon done. There was, however, still 
 some hope in his mind, that the undertaking might be placed 
 on a prosperous basis and develop into great significance, and 
 for this reason he made new suggestions. New letters were 
 to be sent to the governors in Finland and agents were to be 
 sent there and to Norrland to collect additional funds ; able and 
 experienced commissioners were to be sent to Germany, France 
 and Venice to solicit subscriptions; the directors were to be 
 compelled to follow the charter and to live where the chamber 
 was located; a new director was to be appointed at Gothenburg 
 by His Majesty (and as such Usselinx recommended Antony 
 Monnier) ; and finally a royal privilege or commission was to 
 be issued to the company, granting it liberty to buy and export 
 grain. But the suggestions failed to breathe new life into the 
 frozen body. Things grew worse instead of better. Usselinx 
 feared that the company would not be a very large affair and in 
 the end It would probably dwindle down to a ropewalk and a 
 shipyard. He knew little about the building of ships and the 
 making of ropes, which could be better superintended by others, 
 and he therefore decided to leave the country.^'* In December 
 he obtained his release and Gustavus Adolphus gave him letters 
 to the States General and to Prince Henry. In the beginning 
 of 1629 he left Stockholm. His connection with the South 
 Company now practically came to an end^s and the company 
 was soon about to enter upon another stage and to be combined 
 with another organization under a different name. 
 
 "R.R. July 8, 1628, fol. 697 (Jameson Mss.) ; Usselinx to Oxenstierna, July 
 19, October 13, 1628, Ox. Saml; Rddspr., I. 81, 88, 90, 92, 96-7. 
 
 °^ Letter to Oxenstierna, Oct. 13, 1628; of. Jameson, p. 138. 
 Van Rees, IL 466; Mercu. Ger., p. 38. For Usselinx's travels from 1629 
 until 1632, see Jameson, p. 139. 
 
Gustavus Adolphus. From a painting at Skokloster. (H.) 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The United South-Ship Company, 1629-1642. 
 
 The increase of the Swedish navy and merchant marine was 
 an object of great care to Gustavus Adolphus. Capital was 
 hard to raise and the state treasury was drawn upon to the 
 utmost for other purposes. The King therefore took recourse 
 to the formation of a company, and, at a meeting of represen- 
 tatives from various Swedish towns at the capital in the be- 
 ginning of 1629, he proposed the founding of a Ship Company 
 by the cities of the kingdom. The project was favorably re- 
 ceived. Towards the end of January the representatives trans- 
 mitted " an explanation and decision " to His Royal Majesty, 
 presenting their views on the subject and plans for the prepara- 
 tion of ships. At the same time the privileges for the company 
 were issued. Sixteen ships were to be furnished in all, of which 
 Stockholm was to prepare four, Gothenburg two, and the 
 other cities, arranged in groups, the remaining ten.^ The ships 
 were to be used for commercial voyages, either by the cities 
 themselves or by the Crown at a certain rate of freight money, 
 as well as in the case of war for the aid and protection of the 
 country against the enemy (in the latter case without pay how- 
 ever). Separate directors were to be chosen by the different 
 groups of cities to manage the capital supplied by each group. 
 The ships were to be ready in the spring of 1629 and, in order 
 to encourage and increase Swedish shipping, it was ordered 
 that they should be built in the kingdom, but, as the time was 
 too limited for the building of so large a number, the cities 
 requested permission to hire or buy vessels abroad with the 
 privilege of selling them when their own ships were ready. 
 
 Arrangements were then made for the raising of money. 
 
 ' See R.R. Jan. 26, 1629. Cf. Rddspr., I. 161 ff. and 162, note i, where 
 a list of the cities is given with the number of ships each group was to 
 furnish. See also Skepsk., 1629-50 (R.A.). 
 
 69 
 
yo The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The citizens were strongly urged to participate in the company 
 according to their means. Directors were elected to carry out 
 the plans of the company and soon contracts were signed for 
 the delivery of several ships. The directors of the Upsala and 
 Orebro divisions contracted with Cornelius Speckt, a Hollan- 
 der, for their ships to be ready in the summer; the Gefle and 
 Stockholm divisions contracted with Welshuisen for their ves- 
 sels, the Vasteras division made arrangements with Spens and 
 the Nykoping division with Voss.^ Agents were sent by the 
 other cities to Holland to buy or rent ships. 
 
 But the money was slow in coming, due to the lack of funds 
 and quarrels between the cities, and consequently the ships were 
 not on hand at the appointed time. At Jonkoping and Stock- 
 holm there was especially great difficulty in raising the shares 
 to be contributed by each district. The Council of State in- 
 structed the inhabitants of the latter place to furnish the stipu- 
 lated sums, but the year 1629 passed and the full amount was 
 not collected,^ only 74,438 Daler having been furnished by 
 the beginning of 1630, for which two vessels were bought.* 
 
 In order to increase the capital the King presented the needs 
 of the Ship Company at the diet in the summer of 1629 to the 
 representatives of the estates, requesting the Nobility and 
 Priesthood to contribute to it and aid in preparing a large num- 
 ber of ships. In answer to these propqsitions the two estates 
 suggested that the money, which had been collected for the 
 South Company should be used for the needs of the Ship Com- 
 pany " and in this manner to found a complete society and trad- 
 ing company until opportunity and capital will allow the South 
 Company to be continued and established." In addition to this 
 
 'Rddspr., 1. 162-3, 168 ff., 193 ff- 
 .i,-'!'^^ question was brought before the Council of State for adjustment and 
 this body presented its judgment on December 12, 1630. " Forstaden " in Stock- 
 holm should pay 10,000 D. and on December 29, 1629, the Council of State com- 
 manded the cty to prepare the ships. See Skepsk.. 1629-50 (R.A.). and 
 Stockholms Stads tdnkebok, 1629, fol. 135. Cf. Rddspr., L 185, note i 
 f„nH I'Tu"^ maintained that they had made large contributions to the war 
 fund, which had not been repaid them. The plague was also an obstacle and 
 many were unable to pay. Cf letter tn"R RSrl .t„ „a . t-.- . •i 
 
 stpnsir „ti «f„ni, T 1 i J ; , "•' ^*'^-' P^ sampt. Direct, ofwer 
 
 skepsk. uti Stock. Inlef. d. . July, 1630." Skepsk., 1629-50 (R.A.). 
 
The United South-Ship Company. 71 
 
 the nobility promised to contribute 50 D. for each trooper, 
 expressing the hope that those who were able would make 
 private contributions as well.* The suggestions were favorably 
 received by the King and about a year later (in May, 1630), 
 he authorized and legalized the union of the two companies, 
 but no privileges were granted to this new concern.^ The South 
 Company as Usselinx organized it now came to an end, but the 
 new company,'^ for such it really was, made preparations to 
 execute the main objects of Usselinx's plan, namely, the send- 
 ing out trading expeditions. Abraham Cabeliau, Valentin 
 Nilsson (and perhaps one or two others) were appointed gen- 
 eral directors, Johan Larsson was made secretary with a salary 
 of 1,000 D., and Hans Gall (a German) was engaged as 
 bookkeeper. Stockholm was made the head office, but factors 
 were appointed in Gothenburg, Amsterdam, Stralsund and 
 perhaps other places.^ The cities in Finland gradually joined 
 the Company and the capital was soon quite considerable. It 
 is given as follows in the official journal in 1636 : 
 
 Daler. 
 
 His Royal Majesty 14,102 
 
 Johan Casimir 8,000 
 
 The House of Knights 6,3*8 
 
 The Royal Council 14.980 
 
 The Nobility and Knighthood '3iOi4 
 
 The Priesthood" 6i,9S3 
 
 The Combined Cities" 373.579 
 
 __7_'«i* 
 
 Total 499,644'" 
 
 5 (( 
 
 ' so Daler for hvarje rusttjensthast." R.R. May 29, 1630, fol. 270; Rddspr., 
 I. 54, note; II. 71. 
 
 "Stiernman, Riksdagsf.; Kung. bref, etc., I. p. 989; R.R. May 29, 1630; 
 Rddspr., I. 54, 155-66; II. 117; Ridd. och Adelns Riksdagspr., Vol. I. 
 
 ' The United Ship and South Company was called by various names. Cf. the 
 names of the South Company above, Chap. VIII. In the official journal of the 
 New Sweden Company the South-Ship Company is called "The Old Ship 
 Company." 
 
 ^Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III., 1630-6(7) (K.A.). 
 
 'The various ecclesiastical districts or st'ift supplied certain sums. Thus 
 Abo stiff supplied 9,972 D., Wiborg, 8,570 D., etc. Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., 
 III. 1630-36(7) (K.A.). 
 
 ""The capital of the various cities was as follows in 1636: 
 
72 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, 
 
 The outlook was now brighter. In the autumn of 1630 the 
 sixteen ships were ready, although all the shares had not been 
 paid.^^ The ships were fitted out for trading journeys and 
 some had already been sent to Stralsund in November. A 
 longer journey was also planned and one of the Stockholm 
 ships was sent to Archangel the same year with freight. It 
 returned safely to the North Sea and went to Holland. From 
 there the skipper was engaged to sail to Malaga in Spain on a 
 false passport and the ship was seized.^ ^ One or two other 
 ships were later seized, causing the company expense and 
 financial difficulties." Several ships sailed to Amsterdam and 
 other cities, carrying freight for private merchants and for the 
 government, and 20,000 R.D. were due from the Crown in the 
 
 Daler. 
 
 Norrlands District 22,941 :i :2 : 
 
 Vastergotland 23,220:1 :i f 
 
 Vasa Stad 
 
 Stockholm 126,000 
 
 Gefle 25,211:2:1. 
 
 Norrkoping 17,731:2:3. 
 
 Nykoping 30,897:3:4 
 
 Vasteras 22,450 
 
 Tellie 33,885:2:7^ 
 
 Arboga 15,969: 
 
 Kalraar 19,518:3:2 
 
 Vastervik 14,000 
 
 The Cities of Finland 21,753 •i4- 
 
 Total 373.579:2:6^^ 
 
 This means that the cities included in the district were to furnish the above 
 sums. Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III. 1630-36 (K.A.). 
 
 "I have omitted the fractions of a Daler making the total sum one D. less 
 than that £,iven in the journal. 
 
 "In the summer of 1630, Welshuisen threatened that he would break the 
 contract unless he was paid by July i. The ships were all delivered, however, 
 but as late as March, 1631, all the money had not been paid to him. See letter 
 to R. Rdd., etc., July i, 1630. Letter to A. Oxenstierna from the directors, Oct. 
 6, 1630, and the letter from the directors, March 16, 1631. Skepsk., 1638-50 
 (R.A.). Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III. 1630-36(7) (K.A.). Rddspr., II. 
 46^ 90 ff. In 1630 the king resolved that each citizen should contribute, etc., 
 Rddspr., II. 71. 
 
 "The skipper was forbidden to sail to Spain. On his return he was ex- 
 amined by Cabeliau and Nilsson and put into prison. Rddspr., II. 91-92. 
 
 ^ " " De 2 skeppen som blefne ahre." " En deel af Comp. skep. ahre sin kooss." 
 Rddspr., II. 119, 154, 17, 20-46, 116-19, 249, etc. 
 
The United South-Ship Company. 73 
 
 autumn of 1631 as freight money, while several thousand D. 
 were earned through the freight handled for private merchants 
 between 1630 and 1632.^" 
 
 In the autumn of 1631 plans were projected for "the con- 
 tinuation and success of the company." Klas Fleming proposed 
 that "wealthy Hollanders ought to be imported for directors, 
 so as to place the undertaking on a business basis." The feasi- 
 bility of sending ships to Spain and France was considered and 
 other ideas were also broached. It was even suggested that the 
 ships of the company should be used for preying on Spanish 
 commerce, it being thought that greater gains could be realized 
 from that source than from the trading expeditions that were 
 contemplated. 
 
 The treasury of the company, however, would not permit 
 the sending out of trading expeditions, unless the subscriptions 
 could be collected and the freight money from the government 
 paid. To make the expeditions possible the members of the 
 council contributed large sums,'" and other means were pro- 
 vided. 
 
 About this time a certain Frenchman was in Stockholm, 
 willing to participate in the company if he could arrive at some 
 agreement with the directors. As a consequence arrangements 
 were made for trade with France, and some time in 1632 a 
 ship was sent thither with a cargo of ropes from the company's 
 ropewalk, and copper and cannon, which were sold for 5,055 
 D. (s.m.) . A large cargo of salt was taken back to Sweden and 
 some 2,000 barrels were sold in Stockholm.*^ 
 
 In the meantime the discussions about " the Spanish trade " 
 had been continued and definite arrangements were about to be 
 made. Director Valentin Nilsson warned the council against 
 
 "The Nykoping-ship made 7,351 D. in 1632. 
 
 The Upland-ship made 7,084 D. in the same year. 
 
 The Norrkoping-ship made 3,854 D. in the same year. 
 
 The Norrland-ship made 6,032 D. in the same year. 
 
 Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III. 1630-36 (K.A.). 
 " Carl Carlsson contributed 2,000 R.D. ; G. Gustafsson 2,000 R.D., etc. 
 Radspr., II. 118 ; III. 249, 267, 293. 
 
 "Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III. 1630-36(7) (K.A.) ; Radspr., II. 116-19. 
 
74 The Swedish S ettlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sending ships to Spain. In 1606, while he was there it was 
 rumored, he said, that a decree had been published by the King 
 of Spain, commanding the confiscation of all Swedish ships and 
 merchandise found in a Spanish port. But Fleming was of the 
 opinion that Spain would not make herself an enemy of Sweden 
 for the sake of a couple of ships, and Cabeliau presented letters 
 from the Duca de Medina and others, stating that it was per- 
 fectly safe to send ships to Spain, and to further insure the 
 safety of the ships Cabeliau's factor would be instructed to 
 send a bark to meet the vessels and warn them in case of 
 danger.^® An expedition was therefore fitted out in the autumn 
 of 1 63 1 and four vessels were prepared.^" A cargo of masts 
 and some copper and tar was obtained^" and loaded into the 
 ships. The entire cost of the expedition was 43,712 D. 
 Thomas Looff,^! a Catholic merchant, was appointed commis- 
 sary and commander of the expedition,'^ Cornelis van Vliet, 
 of whom we shall hear more in connection with the second 
 journey to New Sweden, being captain on the Stockholm's 
 Crown. The ships were ready in November, and on the six- 
 teenth they left the Swedish capital for their destination, touch- 
 ing at Helsingor, the English coast and the Isle of Wight, 
 where the vessels remained for seventeen days. The little fleet 
 left the island on February 21 (n.s.). On March 13 the ves- 
 sels were separated in a severe storm, but on the eighteenth Loofl 
 arrived with the Gilded Lion at San Lucar, Spain. Two days 
 later Norrlandskeppet arrived, and in the next few days the othei 
 ships made their appearance in good condition. Passports were 
 immediately delivered. Looff then informed the merchants a1 
 
 "The relation with Spain was not very friendly at this time. Spain hac 
 attacked Swedish ships and the council considered the possibility of beginnmj 
 a war with that country. Rddspr., II. 345 ff. Cf. above, Ch. II. 
 
 " Rddspr., II. 90 ff. ; III. 98 ; 249 ff. Loofs Journal. 
 
 ^Johan Casimir supplied masts for the value of 8,752 D. 
 
 ^'It is written Thomas Lop in Rddspr., IV. ri2. But he wrote it Looff him 
 self. See also R.R. 1634, fol. 376, Dutch f> Swedish, p. 
 
 ^He went on the ship called FSrgylda Lejonet. Stockholms Krona (Tornes 
 Eliasson, skipper), Norrlandskeppet (Stephen Gronenberg, skipper)', am 
 Geflesheppet (Cornelius Tyss, skipper) were the other vessels on the expeditiot 
 Looff's Journal, Skepsk., 1629-50 (R.A.) ; Rddspr., III. 94. 
 
The United South-Ship Company. 75 
 
 Seville of the presence of his ships and offered his cargo for 
 sale, but he was answered that the country was well supplied 
 with masts and that no money would be on hand until the 
 " Silver Fleet " should arrive from the West Indies. Looff also 
 wrote to Cadiz^* and tried hard to sell his cargo at San Lucar, 
 'but only six weeks before his arrival great quantities of masts 
 had come from Gothenburg and other places and he was un- 
 successful in his attempt. 
 
 On April 2(n.s.) a ship brought news that the Silver Fleet 
 was approaching. All foreign vessels in Spanish harbors were 
 now put under arrest and compelled to remain in port until the 
 fleet was safely anchored, when the arrest was removed.** In 
 the meantime Looff tried to exchange his cargo for salt but 
 without success, some lumber from the Crown of Stockholm 
 being the only thing he was able to sell. Later he also made a 
 journey to Seville with one of his men and finally succeeded in 
 finding buyers. But on April 21, 1632, King Philip ordered 
 that six Swedish ships should be put under arrest with all their 
 contents, cannon and other arms, " for the Spanish ships and 
 cannon which were [arrested] at Wismar." Between April 27 
 and 29 the order was executed and a bail of 40,000 ducats was 
 demanded for the release of the ships.** The bond was 
 secured, Looff finally succeeded in selling his masts, spars and 
 other cargo and brought them ashore, and on June 8 the ships 
 were fi-ee of their cargoes. Salt was then to be loaded into 
 them, but for certain reasons the vessels were again put under 
 arrest in accordance with a royal order of June 29 and their 
 
 " Looff's Journal has " Cales " and in Rddspr., III. 99, it is also written 
 " Cales," but it is clear that Cadiz is meant. Cf. Het Licht der Zeevaert 
 door W. Janssoon, Amst., 1630; Rddspr., Ill, index, p. 317. 
 
 ^The Silver Fleet arrived about April 20, 45 sails strong. Looff's Journal. 
 
 '^Looff's Journal. Cf. also Rddspr., III. 295. Other Swedish ships besides 
 the four belonging to the company were seized, but how many is not known. 
 Probably more than six, however, for in the journal of the council we read: 
 "They [the Spaniards] have taken de facto the ships of the company, as well 
 as other ships from Stralsund, Stettin, Norrkoping and Gothenburg." Rddspr., II. 
 
 Concerning the " Spanish ships and cannon " said to have been put under 
 arrest at Wismar, I know nothing. Dr. Westrin of the Royal Archives, Stockholm, 
 also informed me in a letter that he has no information about them. 
 
76 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 rudders were removed.^^ Looff tried his utmost to get the 
 ships released. In August he went to Madrid to lay the case 
 before the King and presented memorials and documents to the 
 government, assisted greatly by the Dutch Consul General Aug. 
 Brodinus, who spared no pains in bringing the matter to the 
 notice of His Royal Majesty. But it was all to no avail. The 
 King gave orders that the ships should be sent to Lisbon with 
 ammunition and other materials. The skippers and sailors, 
 however, refused to go, but towards the end of September the 
 ships were manned by Spanish crews and taken to Cadiz, and 
 in May, 1633, they were sent to the West Indies in the service 
 of the Crown.27 
 
 The masts and other goods were sold by Looff for 39,089 
 D., which were turned over to the state. The bondsmen, De 
 Gylle(?) and others, were arrested and "commanded to pay 
 the bond," but they were later released. They paid large sums 
 to the King and certain expenses of the sailors, which amounted 
 to more than the value of the cargoes, and presented bills of 
 these expenditures to the director of the company, who promised 
 that they should be reimbursed for all bills that could be satis- 
 factorily verified. Whether or no this was ever done is not 
 known— it is hardly probable. From Madrid Looff informed 
 the directors at Stockholm of the situation,^* and in June, 1633, 
 he was instructed by them to return to Sweden with or without 
 the ships. In December, 1633, he set out for the Netherlands, 
 after leaving the case in the hands of Consul Brodinus; in 
 January he touched at an English port and on the eleventh he 
 landed in Amsterdam. After a short stay in this city, during 
 which time translations were made of all Spanish documents 
 into Dutch and Swedish, he took passage for Stockholm, where 
 
 n,«?T'/* *' °''^''"' ^"'' '^'^°" ^'"^ ""'■"'y- drank heavily, showed their 
 
 a^ansirr'T^T- °"' ^f^ °^''" ^'^^^"^ *" '''^^ ''^d f°"g'^t in the wars 
 agamst the Catholics. They were also mutinous. Looff's Journal. 
 
 Ra^lMl ;"V' "' ""'"^ """" ^'"'^ "P '"' ^^'P^ '"' 4a,ooo gulden. 
 
 ther;^°fn.Mnir'' J°""^yif° Madrid, one in August, 163a (remaining in 
 the cty until October 24), one in November the same year. Looff's Journal. 
 
The United South-Ship Company. "jj 
 
 he arrived on June 15 (o.s.) .^^ He was now accused by several 
 sailors and skippers of negligence and even of treachery, and 
 the value of the ships (18,240 D.) together with the value of 
 the cargos (39,089 D.) was placed to his account. A court 
 was held, where a journal,^" copies of the memorials presented 
 to the King of Spain and other documents were exhibited, and 
 Bonnell among others was called upon to testify. As a result 
 Looff was exonerated from blame.^^ The sailors were in turn 
 accused by Looff of drunkenness and disobedience. The direc- 
 tors were also accused both by Looff and the shareholders, and 
 they were prosecuted by the latter before the Supreme Court. 
 Valentin Nilsson placed the blame on Cabeliau, since it was 
 largely on his assurances that the ships were sent to Spain. The 
 directors also maintained that the expedition had been deter- 
 mined upon in the council and that therefore the councillors 
 were partly to blame.^^ The evidence was examined in the 
 autumn of 1633 and In the spring and summer of 1634. The 
 directors were condemned and imprisoned, but they appealed; 
 new documents were presented and in May, 1635, the directors 
 and their commissioner Looff were acquitted and pronounced 
 innocent in the loss of the ships.^^ Thus ended the first large 
 trading expedition of the united South-Ship Company. 
 
 It was understood that when a ship was lost, a new one should 
 be furnished in its stead by the city or group of cities to which 
 the lost vessel belonged, so that the number should always 
 
 "The skippers and most of the sailors also returned to Sweden. The state- 
 ment in the Papers of the Am. Hist. Asso., II. 164, note i, that " the men were 
 imprisoned in Spain more than six weeks " is incorrect. See Rddspr., III. 98. 
 " Dhe bleffve dar [in Spain] val undfangne, lago och der 6-1/2 vecka, sora ingen 
 gjorde dem nagot emot." 
 
 '"The journal (in Dutch) is now preserved in Skepsk., 1629-50, R.A. in 
 good condition. A Swedish translation follows it. 
 
 "^ Looff' s Journal; signed statement by Bonnell and others; a large number 
 of Spanish documents with Swedish and Dutch transl. Skepsk., 1629-50 (R.A.) ; 
 Rddspr., III. 94-95, 129, 138-9, etc.; IV. 112; Revisions Dom, etc.; Stock., April 
 23, 163S1 and other documents in Skepsk., 1629-50 (R.A.). 
 
 ^This we know was partly true. Rddspr., II. 118. 
 
 '^Rddspr., III. 94, 95, 249, 250 fl.; IV. 32, 35, 81-82, 1041-5, 114, 235, 237, 
 238, 241; V. 44, 52, 54, 58-60; cf. Odhner, Sv. in. hist., 300-301, note i; Jameson, 
 fF. Usselinx, p. 164. 
 
78 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 remain the same. In 1632 Kalmar Nyckel was purchased for 
 27,098 D. and plans were projected for the purchasing of other 
 ships, to replace those that had been captured.^* As early as 
 1628 the directors were discussing means for the establishment 
 of a ship-building plant. "Some propose," says Usselinx in 
 that year, " that ships should be built for the Spanish trade." 
 Between the years 1630 to 1632 a beginning was made at 
 Norrkoping. Two ships (one of 180 lasts) were ordered to 
 be built there, and somewhat later Valentin Nilsson requested 
 money for a third vessel, so that the " ship-building plant might 
 be saved " and kept going.^* It is not likely that the Council 
 of State granted the money for a third ship, but in May, 1634, 
 that body resolved "that the two ships at Norrkoping must be 
 made ready and carpenters should be hired for that purpose."^^ 
 Commercial ventures were not neglected for this " secondary 
 purpose," however. We have already seen that trade with 
 Russia was begun in 1628. Again in 1633 it was planned to 
 send an expedition there, since five fully equipped ships were 
 riding at anchor in the harbor of Stockholm. After some debate 
 in the council concerning the best use that could be made of these 
 vessels, " it was found good to let them sail to Archangel." The 
 ships were probably prepared in the summer, and " they got a 
 splendid freight," but on their return from the north in the early 
 part of 1634 they were seized in Amsterdam for some unknown 
 reason.*^ The directors were again blamed for the mishap. 
 The ships were finally released, however, and set sail for Stock- 
 holm, where they arrived in the autumn. Four of them were 
 put into winter quarters, " but the fifth ship, which could carry 
 the largest cargo, was allowed to sail and seek its freight and 
 its profit, wherever this could most easily and readily be 
 found."8« 
 
 '*Gen. Hand, och Shepsk., III. 1630-6(7) (K.A.). 
 ■"This shipyard is not mentioned by Zettersten in his Sv. fi. hist. 
 "Usselinx to Oxenstierna, July 19, Oct. 13, i6z8, Ox. Saml. (R.A.) ; Ridspr., 
 IV. 63, 113. 
 
 ^Erik Larsson and De Geer were instructed to try to secure the release of 
 the ships. Rddspr. IV. 112. 
 
 ''Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III. 1630-6(7) (K.A.) ; Rddspr., III. 77, 94, 95; 
 IV. 83, 112, 238. 
 
The United South-Ship Company. 79 
 
 In 1634 several ships were lying in the harbor at Stockholm. 
 Some were in bad condition, but some of them were new, as we 
 have seen, and in the spring the citizens at the capital sought 
 advice as to the sailing of one of their new vessels. The ships 
 as a rule were badly taken care of and some allowed to go to 
 ruin. The directors were charged with inability and mis- 
 management, and it was said that they had often bought poor 
 ships and paid twice their value. A committee was appointed 
 to audit their accounts and look through their books.*^ In the 
 summer of 1635 there was no money for carrying on the com- 
 pany and the council sought ways and means out of the diffi- 
 culty. Things grew worse the following year.*" In February, 
 1636, Fleming was ordered to appoint two good men, who 
 should reestablish the company. The priesthood, the citizens 
 and other shareholders wished to have the business of the com- 
 pany straightened out. At the meeting of the diet in the sum- 
 mer of 1636" it was brought up for discussion and a committee 
 of the estates was appointed to confer with representatives of 
 the council. In June and July the council again considered the 
 matter. Klas Fleming, who became the principal supporter of 
 the New Sweden Company, took a leading interest in the 
 maritime adventures of Sweden and in the South Company and 
 he with Eric Ryning was appointed to meet a committee of the 
 estates at eight o'clock on June 30, 1636. Various proposi- 
 tions were made. Some suggested that the ships should be 
 sold and the money divided among the shareholders, but this 
 was found to be impracticable as some of these ships were old 
 and of little value. Others thought the ships should be assigned 
 to the different cities for their disposal. Fleming proposed that 
 
 "Rddspr., IV. pp. 60-62. Representatives were to be sent to Stockholm in 
 May, 1635, by the priesthood and estates to look through the account. Rddspr., 
 V. 60. 
 
 " In January, 1636, it seems that the council eonsidered the company prac- 
 tically dead. " Ty befrucktandes ahr, att detta compagniet [the copper com- 
 pany] gar under, som medh dedt forre skepscompagniedt hende och vederfors." 
 Rddspr., VI. 9 (Jan. 13), "Dedt forre skepscompagniedt" might, however, refer 
 to the South Company. 
 
 *' Conserning this diet, see Rddspr., VI. 350; Geijer, III. 
 
8o The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the capital of the company should be put into the copper com- 
 pany and an idea was also put forth that the original plan of the 
 King should be carried out and the subscribed capital paid up 
 and increased. As a result of these discussions and meetings, 
 it was decided by the diet that the company should be kept 
 going. But little was done, practically no capital was on hand 
 for expeditions, and some of the ships were soon to be used in 
 the service of the New Sweden Company. 
 
 In December, 1637, the government appointed Klas Fleming 
 to meet the directors, and "with the assistance of others" 
 examine the business of the company, and the directors were 
 ordered to prepare a complete account and inventory, to be 
 presented on January 2. Later it was decided "that the ships 
 which were still preserved and good for something should be 
 sold to the Crown and brought to the Skeppsholm and the 
 others, which were useless, should be sold to private persons 
 for as good a price as possible," and in March, 1640, an order 
 was sent to Fleming to this effect.*^ The last large expedition 
 of the company was that to Archangel in 1 633-1 634. But indi- 
 vidual ships were still used for carrying freight and the Old 
 King David*^ made numerous voyages to foreign ports until it 
 was sold in 1641.** 
 
 "Till Direct, aff dhet Soder Corap., etc., Dec. 22, 1637; Till C. Fleming ang. 
 det Sod. Comp., Dec. 22, 1637; Till C. Fleming att han later leggia Comp. Skep 
 till Cr:s Skepsholma, March 29, 1640, R.R.; Stiernman, Riks. Beslut, II. 974, 
 994, 1035-6; Rddspr., VL 350 ff., 664. 
 
 "One Cornelius de Voss was skipper on The Old King Damd for several 
 years. Later Hopp was made skipper. 
 
 "The ship was sold by P. Trotzig in February, 1641, for 8,ioo florins; but 
 a new vessel was bought in its stead. Journal; Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., III. 1630- 
 6(7) (K.A.). "P. Trotzigs Rech.," etc., February 13, 1641, N. S., I. (K.A). 
 See also documents in Skepskomp. 1629-50 (R.A.) ; and Rddspr., various volumes. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 The New South Company, i 632-1 634. 
 
 Meanwhile Usselinx had been busy stirring up half of 
 Europe with his schemes and propositions. He obtained new 
 commissions, and visited Stralsund, Stettin and other cities in 
 Germany and Holland. At last, seeing the futility of founding 
 a company in Sweden, as extensive and important as he desired, 
 he proposed a new plan or rather emphasized a former one,* 
 far in advance of his age, of forming an international mercan- 
 tile company. The territorial restrictions of the old charter 
 were to be removed and the entire world was to be its field of 
 activity. An amplification or extension of the charter was 
 drawn up in 1632^ with the sanction and approval of Gustavus 
 Adolphus. The King took interest In the project, but he did 
 not live to see its execution. Oxenstlerna, however, endeavored 
 to carry out the wishes of his King and on May i, 1633, he 
 signed a commission ' for Willem Usselinx, as general director 
 of the Nem South Company.'^ Memorials and relations now 
 followed in rapid succession and a large book was prepared 
 which was to help the cause. Oxenstlerna, the Swedish repre- 
 sentative in Germany and the head of the Protestant League, 
 gave his support to the new company, and a splendid oppor- 
 tunity for advancing its interests soon presented Itself. During 
 the convention at Heilbronn in the spring of 1633, the matter 
 was laid before the assembled nobles of Protestant Germany by 
 Hector Mithoblus. Usselinx presented a new memorial,* and 
 In June the famous Argonautica Gustaviana and Mercurius 
 
 ^The idea of "inclusion" is present in his earlier proposals (but cf. 
 Jameson, 157). Cf. above. 
 
 ° For these changes see Jameson, i6o-i. The limits of the former charter 
 were entirely removed. 
 
 °See Argo. Gust., p. 49; cf. Jameson, i68. 
 
 'Jameson, 168. 
 7 81 
 
82 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Germanica was published at Frankfort-on-Main.' All the 
 arguments which Usselinx had presented in his previous memo- 
 rials were embodied in this work and many of the documents 
 of an earlier date were reprinted.® The company was again 
 considered at the convention held in the autumn at Frankfort, 
 and some interest in the same was shown by that city. But 
 Usselinx was discouraged by the slow progress and asked for 
 his dismissal from the service. He soon, however, regained his 
 former confidence in ultimate success, and in 1634 the subject 
 was brought before the allies of Sweden at the second Con- 
 vention of Frankfort.'' Usselinx spoke to the members about 
 it and distributed his Argonautica and other documents. The 
 great idea at last promised to assume more definite form. The 
 diet took an interest in it, some changes were suggested in the 
 charter, and it now seemed that the matter would be taken up 
 in earnest by forces capable of carrying it to success. The 
 undaunted organizer saw the prize within reach for which he 
 had labored for so many years. The next day, however, came 
 news that the armies of Fieldmarshal Horn and Duke Bernhard 
 had been defeated and thus came to an end the hopes and 
 labors for the Second or New South Company, which might 
 have become of great importance and produced far-reaching 
 results in the colonizing of North America. 
 
 'Money for the printing was probably supplied by Axel Oxenstierna. See 
 Jameson, p. 170. 
 
 'Some of the arguments he uses to further his project may be summed up as 
 follows : 
 
 (a) There is nothing more honorable for a people than to plant colonies. 
 (*) The Swedes had a right to possess land in America. 
 
 (f) There was a great advantage in having the King of Sweden as the 
 leader and protector of the company. 
 
 id) The company could bring a larger number of people to America than 
 the Spaniards had brought there. 
 
 (e) By kind treatment the good will of the natives could be won and thus 
 bloodshed would be averted. 
 
 (/) Slaves were unprofitable, but if the company should wish to make use 
 of them they could be secured cheaply and easily. 
 
 (g) The company would increase the prosperity of all Europe and of the 
 participants especially; it would spread the gospel among heathen people, re- 
 downd to the honor of God and it was sure to become " a noble jewel " of Sweden 
 and of the German land. — Argo. and Mercu. 
 
 ' See Introduction, above. Chap. H. and below, XL 
 
ARGONAVTICA GVSTAVIANAi 
 
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 rtgftm l)tl^ @(«9rfi(Wl<n SiJfC«nenn9J?)«m/ J?)cnn G V s T A v 6 
 
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The New South Company. 83 
 
 But Usselinx did not lose heart. He went to Paris and pre- 
 sented his plans there ; then he made proposals for the founding 
 of a New South Company in Holland in combination with 
 Sweden and finally he came forth with a project for a General 
 Commercial Company, which should include nearly all Euro- 
 pean countries, approaching the English and French ambas- 
 sadors on the subject and presenting new memorials and papers.^ 
 He was engaged in a futile cause, however, and his many 
 schemes mainly tended to fill the city archives of Europe with 
 "short memorials" and arguments, and to keep the idea of 
 Swedish trade and colonization before the mind of Oxen- 
 stierna. In the meantime other proposals were presented to 
 the chancellor, which led to more definite results, and we are 
 now ready to trace the development of the activities that led to 
 the founding of New Sweden on the Delaware. 
 
 'Copies of Mss. in Penn. Hist. So.; Jameson, Usselinx, p. 182 ff. ; Odhner, 
 Sv. in. hist., pp. 299-300 (transl. in Penn. Mag., VII. 268 ff.). 
 
BOOK II. 
 % CdnUing, 1035-1643. 
 
PART I. 
 ACTIVITIES IN EUROPE, 1635-1642. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Samuel Blommaert and the Copper Trade to the 
 West Indies. 
 
 The South Company, founded through the efforts of Usse- 
 linx for the purpose of making settlements in the New World 
 and conducting extensive commercial enterprises, was turned 
 away from its original purpose and failed, and the other pro- 
 jects that occupied his energies for years had even less success. 
 As time went on, however, the idea of Usselinx assumed shape 
 through a different channel and finally materialized, but on a 
 smaller scale. 
 
 It was the commercial ambition of Swedish statesmen and 
 their endeavors to interest Dutch merchants in the copper trade 
 that led to the founding of New Sweden. Copper mining was 
 one of the most important industries in Sweden during the first 
 half of the seventeenth century and the copper trade was of 
 great significance and a source of large income to the Swedish 
 government. The Crown borrowed millions with copper as 
 security and many of its debts to Dutch merchants were paid 
 by this metal,^ large quantities being always kept in the store 
 houses of Tripp and Company in Amsterdam. But the price 
 fell occasionally and the Crown became a heavy loser. The 
 Copper Company was not a success and the trade was at times 
 poor.^ Considering the importance of the article and the con- 
 dition of the Swedish treasury at the time, when the little king- 
 dom was taking a leading part in one of the greatest wars in 
 
 * See A. Oxenstiernas Skr'tfter, z, XI. Odhner, S<v. in. hist., p. 241. 
 ' Cf. Chap. VII. above. 
 
 87 
 
88 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 history, it is not surprising to find that Swedish statesmen 
 should pay particular attention to the copper trade. They 
 were always seeking new markets for the red metal and their 
 plans were not limited to Europe ; Conrad von Falkenberg* and 
 perhaps others were looking to America for consumers. In the 
 year 1628 Von Falkenberg writes to the chancellor about the 
 East and West India copper trade and gives articles of copper 
 sent to these regions.^ The copper trade to the West Indies 
 was again referred to in one of Falkenberg's letters to the 
 chancellor in 1632 and means for beginning such a trade were 
 suggested. Falkenberg had had an interview with a man, who 
 was well acquainted with West Indian conditions. He writes : 
 
 Here is, gracious lord, an important man, one of the directors [of the 
 D. W. India Company], who has himself been in the Indies' and carried 
 on a large trade there. As he is disgusted with the [Dutch West] 
 India Company, he has spoken to me and expressed the wish that he 
 may. have an interview with His Royal Majesty or with Your Excel- 
 lency, saying that he well knew the way to [the places], where the 
 copper formerly had its best market. Among other things he said that 
 formerly a great deal of copper vi'ent to Genea" and that then about 
 100 m. lbs.' of copper were given for as much gold as is worth 70 g.g.' 
 here but that now the [Dutch] West India Company has advanced the 
 prices so much that they give less than 20 m. lbs. for the same amount of 
 gold [as was formerly given for 100 m. lbs.]. [He] is of opinion 
 therefore, that if a ship should be sent to Ginea with copper wares and a 
 little more copper should be given for gold than the [Dutch] West 
 
 ' Conrad von Falkenberg was Swedish commissioner in Holland for many 
 years, governor of Kalmarlan (1637) ; member of the Royal Council in 1651, 
 etc. Some of his letters (1626-1633) are published in A. Oxenstiernas Skrifter, 
 2, XL 
 
 * Dett \Hollendska] V estindianiske Compagnte fSrskickar ndgra kapparkidtlar 
 och ndgra messingsvavor till Vestindigen, dock ingen quantitet, Oct. 28, i6a8. 
 A. Oxenstiernas Skrifter, 2, XL 560. 
 
 ° East Indies. 
 
 ' Guinea. 
 
 ' m. lb. would generally mean to indicate so many thousand pounds, but 100 
 lbs. must be understood. 100,000 lbs. of copper could not be given for 70 g.g., 
 for in 1631 Von der Linde writes that 100 lbs. were worth from 40 to 42 florins 
 or gulden, A. Oxenstiernas Skrifter, 2, XL 455. Cf. also p. 460, "Man hafver 
 hdllet koparn pa ^fl. loolb." 
 
 ' g-g. = guldgiillen (Gold gulden or florins). 
 
1 
 
 
 1 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 1 
 
 ik '< |i|:!tllillllllM| 
 
 
 mill- J8I1II1 
 ilJHiiiiiiiii'.iJil 
 
 
 ttti- 
 
 ^1 1" 
 
 t 
 
 u 
 
 RM^ 
 
 ^'^ 
 
 
 
 The research room in the Royal Achives, showing some of the vohimes relating to 
 New Sweden preserved in the Ro^'al Archives and in the Archives of the Kxchequer 
 (The Kammararkiv). Stockholm. 
 
 The reading room in the Koyal library (Stockholm), showing ms. volumes relating to 
 
 the colony. 
 
Blommaert and the Copper Trade. 89 
 
 India Company does, we would get the advantage of them and secure 
 the greatest amount of gold." 
 
 This man, Falkenberg goes on to say, was well acquainted 
 with the West Indian trade, but he requested that his name be 
 withheld for a while so that "it might not leak out" who he 
 was.* This " f6rnamd[e] man "^'' was none other than Samuel 
 Blommaert. He had spent several years in the East Indies and 
 was well acquainted with conditions there and with the best 
 methods for conducting trade to these regions. He had for 
 years been interested in the Swedish copper trade, in the 
 capacity of Erik Larsson's factor and had also had other deal- 
 ings with the Swedish Crown.* ^ Together with " Bugeslac 
 Blommaert,*^ Gerard Thiens and Mattheus Hoeufft" and per- 
 haps others he had erected a brass factory at Nacka.'* In the 
 autumn of 1632 he sought to have the royal privileges extended 
 for six years, and in the same year he wrote to Johan Casimir** 
 requesting his aid in securing the privileges.'^ About the same 
 time he had several conferences with Falkenberg concerning 
 the Swedish copper trade and Swedish commerce, and also pre- 
 sented some written articles in the matter, suggesting means 
 for bringing the metal into higher price. Falkenberg reported 
 the result of these conferences to Oxenstierna in January, 1633, 
 
 'Falkenberg to A. Oxenstierna, March 30, 1632. A. Oxenstiernas Skrifler, 2, 
 XI. 601-2. 
 
 ^° Noble man, important man. 
 
 " See A. Oxenstiernas Skrifter, 2, XI. pp. 436-7, 451, 470, 594, 595, 633, 641 
 (index, p. 840). In Kam. Reg. are several references to S. Blommaert. On 
 September 10, 1636, a letter was sent " to Johan le Thor concerning the grain 
 bills of Blommaert," and on the same date a letter was written to Blommaert 
 requesting him to send in the grain bills for 1630 and 1631. See Kam. Reg., 
 September 10, 1636. Cf. A. Oxenstiernas Skrifter, 1. 716, 725 and 2, XI. 
 
 "Bugeslac B. might possibly be a mistake in the document for Samuel B. 
 
 " Nacka, located a short distance southeast of Stockholm. Cf. Rosenberg, 
 Geog. Stat. Handlex., II. 224. 
 
 "Johan Casimir of Pfalz-Zweibriicken, the brother-in-law of Gustavus 
 Adolphus. 
 
 '"Kam. Kol. Reg., October 6, 1633 (K.A.) ; letter from Blommaert to Oxen- 
 stierna, July 4, 1635; letter to Johan Casimir, Dec. 2, 1632. Casimir had 
 requested Blommaert to come to Sweden to confer about various things, but he 
 never visited that country. 
 
90 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and on February 6 he writes "that Samuel Blommaert was 
 authority for the statement that there are copper-works in the 
 west Indies and [also] good copper." "The West Indian 
 traders," he continues, " do not cary as much copper now [to 
 the Indies] as they [formerly] did," although the metal was in 
 better price now than it used to be.^^ Blommaert continued to 
 interest himself in Swedish commerce. In 1634 he had again 
 a number of communications and perhaps conferences with 
 Falkenberg. He was requested to go to Sweden to give an 
 oral relation and he was promised large remunerations, but he 
 did not think it advisable to leave his posts at Amsterdam for 
 an uncertain position. He seems to have offered his services to 
 the Crown, however, and made several proposals for the in- 
 crease of Swedish trade. That Falkenberg reported the matter 
 to Oxenstierna is probable.^^ 
 
 About the middle of July the same year he had interviews 
 with Le Blon, another Hollander, who stood in close connection 
 with Swedish diplomats and statesmen. The same subject was 
 discussed. Offers for serving the Swedish Crown were made 
 and the value of these services was dwelt upon. On July 
 18 (n.s. ?), Le Blon reported these conferences to Peter 
 Spiring and went into some detail about Blommaert and his 
 offers. The letter was, perhaps, as Professor Kemkamp sug- 
 gests, sent to Spiring and by him it was forwarded to Oxen- 
 stierna. i» Blommaert had thus for years stood in close connec- 
 tion with Swedish statesmen and Swedish trade and Falken- 
 berg and Le Blon were instrumental in bringing Oxenstierna's 
 attention to him and to his offers of service and commercial 
 views. 
 
 The Swedish arms in Germany were soon to experience vary- 
 
 ^' Oxenstiernas Sirifter, 2, XL 633, 641. 
 
 "See letter from Le Blon to Spiring(?), July 18, 1634, "Extranea Holland, 
 Le Blons Avisor," No. 18 (R.A.). Lately printed by Professor Kernkamp, Ztaeed. 
 Arch., p. 29 ff. There is only one letter preserved for this year from Falkenberg 
 to A. Oxenstierna, written at Stockholm, April 6, 1634, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 " Kernkamp, Zweed. Arch., p. 29 ff. ; Skand. Arch., p. 93 ff. This section of 
 the book was ready in the spring of 1908 before I had seen Professor Kernkamp's 
 Ziiieed. Arch. The references have been filled in later. 
 
Axel Oxenstierna. (H.) 
 
Blommaert and the Copper Trade. 91 
 
 ing fortunes. On the twenty-seventh of August 1634,^" the im- 
 perial forces won a decisive victory at Nordlingen over the army 
 commanded by Duke Bernhard and Gustaf Horn and the Cath- 
 olics were now masters in southwestern Germany. The Heil- 
 bronn League was practically dissolved and the Elector of Sax- 
 ony made peace with the Emperor at Prague. The Swedish 
 forces were in danger of being driven entirely out of Germany ; 
 money was lacking and the allies of Sweden were falling off. But 
 Axel Oxenstiema did not lose courage. He was determined 
 that Sweden should not withdraw from the field before an 
 honorable peace could be obtained. To complicate matters the 
 six years' truce with Poland drew to an end and danger from 
 this direction was imminent. A new truce was made, however, 
 which was to last for twenty-six years. Johan Oxenstiema*" 
 was sent to England to gain the support of King Charles, but 
 the "hollow promises" of the King presented to the chancellor 
 by Anstruther were treated with disdain and there was no " choice 
 now, but to accept Richelieu's predominance." Accordingly, 
 Oxenstierna went to France in 1635 to effect an agreement with 
 that nation. On his return in April he visited the Hague and 
 in May he spent some time at Amsterdam.-^ During his stay 
 here he came in contact with some of the principal merchants of 
 Holland and had interviews with some of them. He was 
 especially desirous of improving the copper and iron trade and 
 naturally called on Samuel Blommaert among the first, as being 
 best acquainted with the subject. Oxenstiema's interview with 
 him had large results: it became the starting point for the 
 founding of a colony. Markets for the principal metals of 
 Sweden at this time were the main subjects for discussion. 
 Oxenstiema's thoughts were again directed westward by Blom- 
 maert and here we have the germ of the New Sweden Com- 
 
 "The battle began in the evening of August 26, and lasted until August 27. 
 Cf. Chemnitz, II. 521. 
 
 *A son of Axel Oxenstierna. 
 
 " See Pufendorf, Seeks und Zwant. Biicker der Schvied. und Deut. Kriegs.- 
 Geschichte, etc., p. 259 ff. Chemnitz, Schiaed. K., II. 696. Gardiner, The Per, 
 Hist, of Charles I., Vol. I. 260 fit.; II. 63 ff., 85 ff. 
 
92 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 pany. At these interviews" Blommaert presented "three 
 points " for the increase of the Swedish copper and iron trade. 
 "The third point" was the trade to Guinea. He was of the 
 opinion that good markets could be found there for Swedish 
 copper and iron wares and he proposed that the Crown of 
 Sweden should give octroy to a company to trade in those parts 
 and on the coast of Africa, as the States General had done to 
 the Dutch West India Company. Before Oxenstierna left 
 Amsterdam, Blommaert promised to send regular reports to 
 the chancellor and he in turn was made promises of reward 
 and a permanent position. On June 3 (n.s.), 1635, shortly 
 after Oxenstierna's departure, Blommaert sent a letter to him 
 presenting in writing, what he had already reported orally.^^ 
 Six days later he reported that the copper had advanced one 
 gulden on "the hundred," and on June 23 (n.s.), he informed 
 the chancellor that copper articles were sought after in Guinea.^* 
 Again, on July 4, he refers to " the navigation to Guinea," 
 and on August 22 he speaks of the trade to the same place 
 " of which enough has already been said."^® 
 
 ^ There were probably more than one. 
 
 ^Letters to Oxenstierna, June 3 and July 4, 1635. Ox. Saml. " Ick 
 hebbe aen U. Ex. mondelinge verthoont de meddelen, waerdoor hct coper, sijnde 
 een van de principaelste domeynen van Sweden, in reputation en prijs soude 
 cannon gebracht worden en doertoe aengewesen dry middelen. . . . Als het Rijck 
 Sweden nu ooch octroy gaven om naer Guinea en de cust van Aphrica te vaeren, 
 soo soude het bynaer op den ouden voet coraen, dat 3 a 400 vaeten coperwerck, 
 elck vat van 1,000 a 1,200 pont gewicht, derwaerts gesonden worden, dat groot 
 vertier in de coperen soude brengen . . . en de croon Sweden soude, de navigatie 
 in hun lant crygen ora van trap tot trap voorder daerin te gaen en behandelen 
 de ganse cust van Aphrica, dat jaerlijcx meer dan 25,000 staven yser trect, en 
 souden door experientie het yser soo bequaem in Sweden maecken, dat het in 
 plaets van Naems yser gebruyct soude connon worden." Letter to Oxenstierna, 
 June 3, 1635. Kernkamp, Ziveed. Arch., p. 72, 73, 74. 
 
 "Letters, June 9, June 23, 1635, to A. Oxenstierna. Ox. Saml. (R.A.) ; Kern- 
 kamp, pp. 75-7. 
 
 ^Letters to A. Oxenstierna, July 4, August 22, 1635. Ox. Saml. (R.A.) ; 
 Kernkamp, pp. 78, 81, 85. 
 
-TT*-* 
 
 
 '^^lAAh'tt^K 
 
 
 
 
 
 / <* '«-*_ -i^. 
 
 ^''^^ir ■ ^■*'*■''1;^'*'-o^^'^'-^"=^^'-^'■'-- 
 4 ^. " 
 
 (J 
 
 Jcfr> 
 
 Last page of Blommaert's first letter to Oxenstierna, June 3, 1635. Original in Ox. 
 Saml. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Peter Minuit and the Plans for the Founding of a 
 New Sweden Company. 
 
 In the autumn a new element was brought into the plans of 
 Swedish transatlantic trade: Peter Minuit had a meeting with 
 Blommaert.^ Minuit had been governor of New Netherland 
 for a number of years. In 1629 the directors of the Dutch 
 West India Company voted to institute a so-called " Patronat," 
 but it soon became very unpopular and the right of patronage 
 was withdrawn in less than two years. Peter Minuit, who had 
 faithfully followed the instructions of the directors, was sus- 
 pected by the new party in power of being in too much sympathy 
 with the Patronat idea and this led to his recall. He left New 
 Amsterdam in the beginning of 1632 and arrived in Holland 
 early in the summer.^ He was a man of great energy and could 
 not be idle in Holland. His home country was harassed with 
 war, making it impossible for him to find suitable employment 
 there, and consequently he offered his services to Blommaert. 
 Blommaert had claims on the South River and had bought land 
 there together with some other Hollanders during Minuit's 
 governorship. It is possible that Minuit offered to make 
 another trial at trading and settling in the Delaware region, 
 where the success was so poor in 1631-33.^ Minuit's offers 
 came at an opportune time. The Swedish statesmen were in- 
 
 ' Blommaert writes: " Noch een ander persoon is hier, die op een ander oort 
 [than the coast of Africa] seer ervaeren is, die int lant van Cleeff woont; en 
 alsoot daer vol oorloghs is, heeft my synen dienst gepresenteert en sonde wel 
 genegen vpesen U. Ex. te comen en mondelinge openinge van dingen te doen. ..." 
 Blommaert to Oxenstierna, Dec. 26, 1635; Kernkamp, pp. 85-93. 
 
 "See Syhels Hist. Zeit., XV. p. 23 ff.; Brodhead, I. p. 162 ff.; O'Callaghan, I. 
 100-4. On the "Patronat" government see O'Callaghan, Hist, of New Nether- 
 land, I. 112 ff. 
 
 'Blommaert to Oxenstierna, Dec. 26, 1635, Ox. Saml. (R.A.) ; cf. below, 
 chap. XX. 
 
 93 
 
94 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 terested in " the West Indian trade," Blommaert had hopes of 
 securing permanent employment from the Swedish government, 
 being dissatisfied with the management of the XIX., and 
 Minuit had just cause for complaints against that body. Why 
 not found a Dutch-Swedish opposition company under Swedish 
 protection and send trading expeditions to the Delaware under 
 the Swedish flag? 
 
 On December 26 Blommaert reported the interview to the 
 chancellor, stating that Minuit was willing to make a personal 
 call on Oxenstierna and lay his plans before him. Some time 
 before Peter Spiring instructed Blommaert to send all letters 
 to him, having been requested to do so by the chancellor, and 
 from August 23 until December 23 there are no Blommaert 
 letters in the Oxenstiernska Collection in Riksarkivet, as they 
 were probably sent to Spiring during this time by whom their 
 contents were reported to Oxenstierna. It is likely that Blom- 
 maert gave fuller accounts of Minuit's propositions in these 
 letters than he did in his missive of December 26. 
 
 Thus Spiring, one of the most interested promotors of the 
 New Sweden Company, from the first became acquainted with 
 the plan of Minuit and the ideas of establishing Swedish trade 
 in the new world on different lines from those proposed by 
 Usselinx.* 
 
 No more mention is made of the West Indian trade in 
 Blommaert's letters to the chancellor until April the following 
 year,^ when another step forward had been taken, but it is 
 probable that the matter was referred to in the letters sent to 
 Spiring. In March, 1636, Spiring was sent to Holland to 
 ascertain whether the Dutch subsidies could be obtained or not 
 and he was given a commission "to find out if some service 
 could be done for the Crown ... in commercial matters."® 
 
 •Blommaert to Oxenstierna, December 26, 1635. Cf. Kernkamp, Zixjeed. Arch., 
 pp. 83-85; Sonden, Riksk. A. Oxenstiernas brefv., p. 21. 
 
 °The letters from January 23, 1635, until April 30, 1636, contain reference 
 to the copper trade, Blommaert's commission, political events and general news. 
 
 ""Sa hafver jag sendt Peter Spiring dijt ofver att forweta mig om ded [the 
 subsidies] ahr till att naa eller icke. . . . Hafver honom och gifvet dessforuthan 
 j commission att sij till om icke Crohnan wedh denne tijdernes concurrencie 
 
Peter Minuit and New Sweden Company. 95 
 
 It is likely that he was also requested to confer with Blommaert 
 about his "West Indian plans:" that Blommaert was directed 
 to consult with Spiring about it can be inferred from the 
 former's letters to the chancellor. Spiring arrived in Amster- 
 dam on March 18 (n.s.), but Blommaert did not meet him 
 because he had not been informed of the date of his coming, 
 and Spiring remained in the city but a single day.'' Spiring's 
 arrival in Holland gave new life to the commercial plans of 
 Blommaert and Minuit. He corresponded with Oxenstierna 
 and Blommaert about the affair, informing the latter that he 
 would make another visit to Amsterdam towards the end of 
 April.* On April 30 (n.s.), 1636, Blommaert again refers 
 in a letter to Oxenstierna to the coast of Africa and Guinea as 
 good markets for copper and it is very probable that he wrote 
 at length to Spiring about these matters.® The latter, having 
 been deterred for about three weeks from making his proposed 
 journey to Amsterdam, finally came to the city on May 18 
 (n.s.) and arranged an interview with Blommaert before his 
 return to the Hague. At the same time or a little later he also 
 had an interview with Minuit.^" 
 
 On May 24 Spiring writes to the chancellor that he had 
 discussed the Guinean trade with certain people. They desired 
 special privileges and Spiring gave them good promises of suc- 
 cess." He was requested to visit Oxenstierna at Stralsund 
 
 nagon tianst kan skee i commercierne heller manufacturerne." Hand. rSr. Skan. 
 Hist, XXXVIII., pp. 289-90. The States General promised Oxenstierna three 
 months' subsidies in 1635 and he was given a written assurance to that eflFect. 
 But he tried in vain to secure them through Ambassador Camerarius. Hence 
 Spiring was sent there to endeavor to obtain the money. 
 
 'Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, March 26, 1636; Spiring to Oxenstierna, 
 March 8/18, 1636, Ox. Saml. « 
 
 ' " Op den 8 en deser Moent hebbe jongst aen V. Ex. geschreven. Sedert hebbe 
 [ik] met devotie naer d'Heer Spierinck gewacht, die tot nochtoe niet en is 
 gecomen." Letter to A. Oxenstierna, April 30, 1636. Ox. Saml. This letter 
 is not printed in full by Kernkamp. 
 
 "Blommaert to Oxenstierna, April 30, 1636; Kernkamp, p. loi. There is no 
 letter in the collection from April 31 until August 21. 
 
 "Minuit to Oxenstierna, June 15, 1636, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "Spiring to A. Oxenstierna, May 14/24, 1636, Ox. Saml. (copy in Penn. Hist. 
 So.). "Wegen der Chynaeischen handlung habe ich unterschiedliche discurs 
 gehabtt, vermeine auch dass solch werck woll gehen konne, allein es scheinet dass 
 sie einige freijheit begehren mochfen, weswegen ich Ihnen gutte promes gethan." 
 
96 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 before the latter returned to Sweden, and he wrote to the chan- 
 cellor that he would bring along a man who could give further 
 account about the affair.'^ Minuit Is undoubtedly referred to 
 and he had already in 1635 expressed a desire to present his 
 views to the chancellor. He did not accompany Spiring to 
 Stralsund, when the latter went there in June,!^ but he sent a 
 "memorial" to the chancellor (at Stralsund), setting forth 
 his views in which we have the first written " project of New 
 Sweden," and the name used for the first time.^* "The Eng- 
 lish, French and Dutch," he says, *' have occupied large tracts 
 of land in the New World. Sweden ought no longer to abstain 
 from making her name known in foreign countries." He 
 offered his services to the Crown for the beginning of an enter- 
 prise, which although small, would grow into great magnitude. 
 The plan, as already presented to Peter Spiring, was to make a 
 voyage to certain places well known to him, In the neighbor- 
 
 " " Werde auch einen mit mir bringen, welcher E. Exell. breiter von den 
 sachen wirdt wissen zuberichten." Spiring to A. Oxenstierna, May 14/24, 1636. 
 In my opinion this means that Minuit would be brought along to Stralsund and 
 not to Sweden at this time as Odhner thinks. Odhner says: " Det var raeningen 
 att Minuit skulle foija med Spiring da denne pa sommaren 1636 atervande till 
 Sverige. . . . Men han blef hindrad och afgaf istallet ett skriftligt betankande i 
 fragan, hvilket Spiring medforde till Sverige." (See the translation in Penn. 
 Mag., Vol. III. 269 ff., 395 ff.). I find no source for the last statement. There 
 is nothing to show that Minuit was prevented from going to Sweden in June. On 
 the contrary, he says that he was willing to go there to make an oral report if the 
 gentlemen of the council should desire him to do so. " Hierby conde mondelinge 
 aengewesen worden, wat nuttichheeden de croon Sweden met der tijt daruyt soude 
 connen trecken, tsy dat ick in Sweden ontboden worde om naerder contentement 
 van alles te geven, ofte sulcx als de heeren van die regeeringe sullen goetvinden." 
 I find it very improbable that Spiring brought the memorial to Sweden. It was 
 ■dated June 15, and Oxenstierna did not leave Stralsund before July, hence there 
 was time for it to reach the chancellor before he set out for Stockholm. That 
 Minuit intended the letter to reach Oxenstierna before he quitted Stralsund is 
 clear from the fact that he wished him " a happy journey." See Minuit's letter. 
 
 Peter Minuit had in mind, however, to accompany Spiring later in the 
 summer, but he was hindered by " great inconveniences." Spiring to Oxenstierna, 
 Jan. 31, 1637. 
 
 "Spiring wrote from the Hague on June u, 1636, to A. Oxenstierna at 
 Stralsund. But on July 12 he writes from Stralsund to the chancellor, addressing 
 it to Stockholm. Spiring remained at Stralsund for some time. His last letter 
 from there in Ox. Saml. is dated July 12/22, 1636. 
 
 "Lately printed by Kernkamp in his Ziueed. Arch., p. 43 ff. ; translated in 
 Penn. Mag., VI. 458 ff.; Winsor, Nar. and Crit. Hist., IV. p. 445, note 2. 
 
/;«4ife=^ J»,<^»t S^3^jQft /jBy-^ 
 
 ...» ju>w^^j»«* <<^ S>ja»»* SKA-i» Ai^~— - oj.v-~-wtj«^ 
 
 '^ Ss-j^e^Hf^ /v- „^^.^.<|l.o t.J,j^^ J<4^o^sU 
 
 
 ftp-* j/Oj^^.j" 4j>^s^^^I ^.ffsi^n^ysi^^ sj-Jcty. 
 
 
 
 ^3 ,vi ■'^^ 4^ I'^^v 
 
 =j«e^ . 
 
 ^^V^ ..--^ *.Wi^ -W»» -.-^ J »»Tfc- «r-€«^U-» 
 
 First page of Minuit's letter (■■ project of New Sweden ") to Oxenstierna. Origin 
 in N. S. I. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 

 ■V*'^Vf-#-»^->— U.** ^ -1^^— wWL^ tltt^'^^^ 
 
 
 
 ^JkS-*i_ C-XTJ-i 
 
 in 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 ^o^ 
 
 -^i^^ 
 
 
 _. J^i^^^<t^,J^ 
 
 Second page of Minuit's letter. 
 
Peter Minuit and New Sweden Company. 97 
 
 hood of Virginia, New Netherland and other districts adjacent, 
 which were to be occupied and called New Sweden. For such 
 a voyage a ship of one hundred and twenty to two hundred 
 tons^'^ would be necessary with an armament of twelve cannon*® 
 and a crew of from twenty to twenty-five men. The cargo for 
 trade with the Indians would cost between ten and twelve 
 thousand florins and consist of " adzes, hatchets, kettles, duffels 
 and other merchandise."* '^ The supplies needed for the journey 
 for twelve months would cost about three thousand four hun- 
 dred florins. He further proposed that the Swedish govern- 
 ment should furnish twelve soldiers to garrison and guard the 
 places to be occupied, in addition to the ammunition, and also 
 to provide a bark or yacht, which could be used in the colony 
 for the purpose of trading with the Indians. The whole ex- 
 pense of the expedition would come to about 16,000 florins*^ 
 half of which would be contributed by Minuit. Since the dis- 
 trict to be occupied was adapted for growing tobacco and 
 various kinds of grains he also proposed that suitable persons 
 to cultivate these should be taken along. But it would be 
 necessary, he thought, for the Crown of Sweden to give a char- 
 ter to the participants, prohibiting other persons for twenty 
 years*® to sail to these parts, on pain of confiscation of cargo 
 and ship, also granting the company freedom from duty in 
 Sweden on all incoming and outgoing goods for ten years.*" 
 Shortly after the arrival of this memorial Oxenstierna pre- 
 pared to leave for Sweden. Peace negotiations were closed for 
 the moment and his presence in Stockholm was now of im- 
 portance. The government there wavered, the war was becom- 
 ing more and more unpopular and the people were fairly tired 
 of the many extra taxes and ever-recurring conscriptions. 
 
 " The original has " 60 a 70 a 100 lasten." Cf. above, Chap. VI. 
 
 " Kernkamp reads " 17 stucken." Zweed. Arch., p. 44. 
 
 " " bestaende in dissels, byllen, ketels, duffels en andere cremereij." 
 
 "These two passages are mistranslated in Winsor, IV. 446. The original 
 has 1,600 but this is clearly a mistake for 16,000. 
 
 "Kernkamp, Ziueed. Arch., p. 45, has "voor den tijt van 70 jaeren,'' but the 
 original clearly has " 20 jaeren." See facsimile. 
 
 ^Peter Minuit to A. Oxenstierna, Amsterdam, June 15, 1636, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
98 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Oxenstierna's enthusiasm was needed to encourage the droop- 
 ing spirits, his influence and unquestioned authority were re- 
 quired to give force and emphasis to the orders and acts of the 
 government.^^ About July 4 he took ship at Stralsund^^ and 
 on the thirteenth he was in the Swedish capital.^^ With his 
 arrival new life was put into the machinery of state. Almost 
 immediately changes were noticed in every department. The 
 many conflicting interests of the different estates were to some 
 extent united ; many branches of the government were reorgan- 
 ized and new departments were added, the finances were put on 
 a firmer basis, commerce and trade were encouraged and steps 
 were taken to improve and aid the industries.^* 
 
 When the most urgent matters of state had been looked 
 after, Oxenstierna returned to the commercial plans of Blom- 
 maert and Minuit, and at a meeting of the Council of State on 
 September 27, 1636, these plans were brought up for discus- 
 sion. "The chancellor presented some propositions drawn up 
 by Spiring concerning the Copper Company and another 
 Guinean Company."^^ Spiring was now in Stockholm,^^ and 
 " the propositions " read before the councillors were undoubt- 
 edly the result of interviews between him, Blommaert and 
 Minuit, and they were probably drafted before he left Holland. 
 It is likely that Minuit's letter to Oxenstierna was also read." 
 
 " Odhner, Sv. in. hist, p. 47 ff. ; Geijer, HI. 199. 
 
 " A letter written by Oxenstierna to " Landtgrefven af Hessen," on July 4, 
 1636, "am Schijf," fixes the date approximately of his sailing for Sweden. For 
 the above reference I am indebted to Dr. Sonden of the Royal Archives. 
 
 ^Odhner, Sv. in. hist., p. 60. 
 
 ^ Odhner, Sv. in. hist., p. 63 ff. ; Geijer, III. 248. 
 
 '•"R. Cantzleren praesenterade och tedde nagra forslagzpuncta, aff Fetter 
 Spiring opsatte, angaende 1. kopparcompagniedt 2. om itt annat Guinerske 
 compagniet, som formodeligen kunde anstellas medh nagre i Hollandh." Rddspr., 
 VI. 612. 
 
 "Spiring left Stralsund at the end of July or in the beginning of August. 
 His last letter to the Chancellor (preserved) from Stralsund is dated July 22, 
 1636, and his first at Stockholm is dated August 29, 1636. See letters in 
 Ox. Saml. (R.A.). Spiring had been ordered to return to Sweden in the 
 spring, and as early as April 5 it was stated that he was expected at Stockholm. 
 Kadspr.,Yl. 165. Minuit had in mind to accompany Spiring to Sweden in the 
 summer but he was detained. 
 
 "I find it improbable that Minuit's letter is especially referred to by the 
 
Peter Minuit and New Sweden Company. 99 
 
 What conclusion was arrived at or what was further done in 
 the matter at this meeting is not known, but before Spiring left 
 Sweden in the autumn he was instructed to confer with Blom- 
 maert and other Hollanders and try to organize a trading 
 company.^* In October Spiring left Sweden, November 8 
 (n.s.) he arrived at Amsterdam and from there he went at 
 once to the Hague.^* He had been authorized by the chancel- 
 lor and the Council of State to engage Blommaert as a com- 
 mercial agent of the Swedish Crown, and he brought along a 
 commission for him, signed by the members of the government. 
 Between the eighth (n.s.) and the sixteenth of November Blom- 
 maert was called to the Hague to confer with Spiring about the 
 transatlantic trade and other matters as well as to receive his 
 commission,^" and on the seventeenth (n.s.) his instructions 
 and other official papers confirming the appointment were de- 
 livered to him. His appointment seems to have been somewhat 
 similar to that of a consul general of today.^^ He was to have 
 a yearly salary of 1,000 R.D. and for his travelling expenses 
 he was allowed ten florins a day abroad and eight florins a day 
 within the boundaries of Holland. His salary was to begin 
 with the date of his official appointment, but he received 200 
 R.D. for time he served in 1636.^^ A few days later Spiring 
 
 minutes of the council, as Professor Odhner seems to think. See his Nya Sveriges 
 Gr., p. 9. In that case there would be no reason for saying " af Fetter Spiring, 
 opsatte" (drawn up by Petter Spiring). Furthermore Minuit's letter has no 
 reference to a copper company. But as stated above it is likely that Minuit's 
 letter was read or referred to. 
 
 "Rddspr., VI. 612; Spiring to A. Oxenstierna, November 8/18, 1636, January 
 31, 1637. 
 
 "Letter to A. Oxenstierna, Hague, November i/ii, 1636, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 °° Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, November 26, 1636. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 Kernkamp does not print the beginning of Blommaert's letter of November 26 
 in full, where these facts are related. " Sedert mynen lesten is d'Heer Spirinck 
 in dem Haege gecomen. Heeft my daer bij hem ontboden en verthoont de com- 
 missie van E. Ex. en de heeren van de hoochste reger. underteechent om mij 
 hier te gebruycken als commisaris van de croon Sweden." 
 
 '^ Cf. Odhner, N. S., p. 9. 
 
 " " Sonsten auch, so bin ich gestern alhier mit Samuel Bloemaert veraccordiret 
 das er vor sein Jahrliches Tractament haben soil 1,000 R.D. undt das er solche 
 gelder Jahrlichs von mir zu empfangen haben moge. Vor dieses Jahr sollen 
 Ihrae R.D. 200 verehret warden. Item, wann Er etwa in der Crone Schweden 
 Dienste innerhalb landes nohttwendig reisen miiste, so soil er vor seine reijse 
 
loo The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 went to Amsterdam to perform certain business transactions 
 and look after the copper trade, and on the twenty-fourth of 
 November he made a report to the chancellor. He remained 
 in the city over two weeks.^* During his stay, Minuit was 
 called there and several conferences were held with him and 
 Blommaert about voyages to the New World. The formation 
 of a company was considered and Spiring seems to have laid 
 the views of the Swedish government and of the chancellor 
 before the two men. Minuit was requested to go to Sweden 
 to make an oral report and he and Blommaert were asked to 
 go to the Hague after the holidays to fully discuss the plans 
 and present written memorials.®* 
 
 While these things were taking place, another plan was pro- 
 posed to Axel Oxenstiema. One Joachim Stumpff of Ham- 
 burg seems to have become interested in the West India trade. 
 He was acquainted with the efforts of Usselinx and may have 
 received his ideas from him.^® "The French," he says, "sail 
 to New France, the English to Virginia and now the Dutch go 
 to Brazil." The Spaniards have sailed to these parts for 144 
 years and have gained immense riches there. The greatest 
 advantage has been derived by a large part of Europe from 
 trade and territorial occupation in these parts, " for it is well 
 known," he continues, " what Spain and the Netherlands were 
 before they began to sail to these regions." Sweden ought to 
 take part in this trade, found colonies and open up these places 
 
 gelder iedern tag acht holl. gulden habenn. Wann er aber ausserhalb landes 
 notwendig reisen miiste, Es seije nach Schweden oder wohin Ihme von der 
 hochloblichen Konigl. Regierunge oder von Ew. Excell :ce zu verreisen, anbefohlen 
 werden mochte, dass er als dann auf aggriatie der hochloblicji. Konigl. 
 Regierung vor iedem tag vor seine reijse gelder zehen gulden holl. haben soUe." 
 Spiring to Oxenstierna, November 8/i8, 1636, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 " For Spiring's labors at Amsterdam see his letters of November 24 and 
 December 16, 1636, to the chancellor. 
 
 "Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, November 26, 1636; P. Spiring to Oxenstierna, 
 November 24, December 10, December 16, 1636. The first letter of Spiring to 
 the chancellor written from Amsterdam, shortly after his arrival, is dated on 
 November 24, and the last is dated December lo. He left for the Hague 9 P. M. 
 of the same day. See letter, December 23, 1636, Ox. Saml. 
 
 ""In a letter of August 26, 1637, he says that "many great men, among 
 whom was Willem Usselinx, had for years labored in vain on the project." Ox. 
 Saml. 
 
Peter Minuit and New Sweden Company, ioi 
 
 to the merchants. With a few people Sweden could carry out 
 this great undertaking, for merchants from other nations would 
 take part in it and assume a large share of the cost. It would 
 bring Sweden eventually a larger income than the entire reve- 
 nues of the state; it would supply means for carrying on the 
 war against the Papists, and it would give a base for attacking 
 the enemy in their weakest spot, " for the King of Spain is 
 nowhere so easily attacked [with advantage] as in [the West] 
 Indies. That is his heart." He further proposed to go to 
 Stockholm to explain the matter fully before the gentlemen of 
 the government, and he could not for a moment believe that 
 the "plan would not be accepted by the King (!) of Sweden." 
 Oxenstierna seems to have answered his letters, but continually 
 referred to the Crown as the final authority to act in the 
 matter.^® 
 
 It is hardly probable that the plans of Stumpff had much 
 influence on Oxenstierna. They were too wild and visionary 
 for the statesman, who conducted the Thirty Years' War.*^ 
 But the plans of Blommaert and Minuit were not allowed to 
 rest. Spiring's report of the progress that had been made in 
 the formation of a company in Holland was received by the 
 chancellor about the middle of December and it was read in the 
 council chamber, December 24, 1636, imparting new interest 
 to the scheme in Sweden and giving rise to discussions and con- 
 ferences. Fleming was appointed to correspond with Spiring 
 about it and the affair entered a new stage,^* Fleming's connec- 
 tion with the undertaking becoming of great importance for its 
 future success.^* 
 
 *See letters from Stumpff to A. Oxenstierna, October 29, 1636, January 14, 
 1637, August 26, 1637; supplement to a letter dated July 15, 1636, May 23, 1638. 
 All the letters are not preserved, see the one of August 26, 1637. Ox. Saml. 
 In the collection are six letters, two memorials and a copy of a letter from A. 
 Oxenstierna, the three latter not indicated by Sonden in his catalogue. See 
 p. 230. 
 
 " Usselinx also continued to present memorials and plans for the establishment 
 of new companies from 1634 until 1639 and he often wrote to the chancellor. 
 See Biblio. in Jameson, 218-219. 
 
 ""No letters from Spiring to Klas Fleming, or from him to Spiring, are known 
 to exist. 
 
 "Radspr., VI. 780. 
 
I02 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The work also went on in Holland. Blommaert and Minuit 
 were invited, as we have seen, to appear at another conference 
 at the Hague shortly after the first of the year. Minuit was in 
 the city about the end of December, visiting with Spiring, and 
 about ten or twelve days later (the first week in January, 1637) 
 both he and Blommaert appeared at the Hague for further 
 considering the plans of trade and colonization. During these 
 conferences the ideas took more definite shape. There were 
 now two distinct plans under consideration — Blommaert's 
 original proposition of beginning a trade to the coast of Guinea 
 and other places and Minult's suggestion of founding a New 
 Sweden and carrying on trade with the Indians. Spiring 
 favored the former plan. He thought that the activities of the 
 new company should be directed towards the Gold Coast, where 
 copper would find a market and where big profits could be ex- 
 pected. It was found, however, that a large capital would be 
 required for such an undertaking, and hence it was rejected. 
 Furthermore neither Blommaert nor Minuit now seem to have 
 been In sympathy with such a plan; they wanted to found a 
 colony on the Delaware. Spiring called the New Sweden 
 affair, as proposed by Minuit, a small undertaking and inti- 
 mated that the profits would accordingly not be large, and how 
 true were his apprehensions ! He had desired to call in other 
 merchants and experts to give their opinion on the subject, but 
 Blommaert and Minuit would not allow this for fear that the 
 project would become known to the Dutch West India Com- 
 pany. They advised that the undertaking be kept entirely 
 secret until the places intended for colonization were occupied. 
 Otherwise the Dutch company might destroy the whole project. 
 
 It was decided during the conferences to form a company 
 which was to trade and plant colonies on the coast of North 
 America " from Florida to Terra Nova."*" Minuit undoubt- 
 edly presented charts and maps^^ showing the Delaware region 
 
 *°New Foundland. 
 
 "It is suggested in Jameson's Nar. of N. Nether, that the map reproduced 
 there was presented to the Swedish government at this time. But see below, 
 Chap. XXI. 
 
Peter Minuit and New Sweden Company. 103 
 
 and explained the advantages to be gained here, and thither the 
 first expedition was to be sent. The cost of this expedition was 
 estimated at about 24,000 florins. Blommaert and his friends 
 would furnish three eighths and Minuit one eighth of this sum. 
 The other half of the capital would have to be raised in Sweden. 
 Of the Swedish half, Spiring promised to take as much as was 
 necessary up to one eighth of a share, after the Swedish partici- 
 pants had contributed their part, and he further proposed that 
 the government should give octroy to the company, granting it 
 the privilege of trade and colonization within a certain terri- 
 tory, denying this right to all others. Blommaert was to man- 
 age the company's affairs in Holland. He was to buy goods 
 for the expeditions and make all necessary preparations in that 
 country; he was to make out the programme of the company 
 and draft the papers and privileges to be laid before the gov- 
 ernment, and he was to correspond with Fleming and inform 
 him of the progress made. It was also decided to send Minuit 
 to Sweden at the earliest opportunity to give an oral relation 
 and to complete the arrangements necessary there for the first 
 voyage, and he was to become the leader of the expedition.*^ 
 When Blommaert returned to Amsterdam he set to work to 
 draw up the necessary documents, and on January 14 (n.s.), 
 1637, he reported to the chancellor what had been accomplished 
 so far. A few days later he also wrote to Fleming about it, 
 while Spiring made a detailed report of the events on January 
 31. Blommaert's report reached the chancellor on the eleventh 
 of February and Spiring's was received a little later. The matter 
 of the proposed company and voyage was undoubtedly brought 
 before the council soon after, although there is no mention of 
 it in the minutes; but action was deferred until Minuit's ex- 
 pected arrival.*^ 
 
 "See Blommaert's letters to A. Oxenstierna, February n, i8, March 31, May 
 6, 1637; Ox. Saml. (R.A.) ; Spiring to Oxenstierna, January 31, 1637, Ox. Saml. 
 Cf. also letter of February 3, 1637, Ox. Saml. 
 
 "Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 14, 1637; Spiring to Oxenstierna, 
 January 31, February 3, 1637, and Oxenstierna's notes on the back of the letters. 
 Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Preliminary Preparations of the First Expedition 
 
 AND THE Establishment of the New 
 
 Sweden Company. 
 
 Minuit began to make preparations for his long journey 
 shortly after the conferences at the Hague and on February i 
 he left Amsterdam on his way to Sweden, having in his posses- 
 sion all the papers and documents, instructions, drafts of the 
 charter and the like, that had been prepared in connection with 
 the proposed company, as well as letters to Fleming and to the 
 chancellor from Blommaert and Spiring and " a chart^ of the 
 whole of the West Indies and Florida."^ He went by way of 
 
 ^ One, perhaps, similar to the JVest-Indische Paskaert reproduced in Doc. I. 
 (dated 1621). 
 
 'Blommaert to Oxenstierna, February 11, 1637; Oxenstierna to Spiring (Con- 
 cepter), Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 The following papers were given to Minuit as he set out for Sweden, three 
 of which (No. 3, 5, 14) are still extant: 
 
 " No. I. Conditien, waerop de compag. geformeert sal worden. 
 No. 2. Concept van conditien, wat de hoochloflijcke regeringe van Sweeden 
 
 aen de Compag. sullen gelieven te doen. 
 No. 3. Instructie, dienende op de reijse voor Peter Minuit [Preserved in 
 
 N.S., L (R.A.)]. 
 No. 4. Scheepsraet-instructie op de reys. 
 No. 5. Rantsoenbrieff [Preserved in N.S., I. (K.A.)]. 
 No. 6. Beraminge van victailleren. 
 No. 7. Lijste van natte en drooge vivres te behoeve van 36 man voor 15 
 
 maenden. 
 No. 8. Memorie hoe de commisen en andere officieren hun rapporten sullen 
 
 instellen. 
 No. 9. Lijste van amunitie. 
 
 No. 10. Instructie voor P. Minuit op sijn reijse naar Sweden. 
 No. u. Pascaert van gans West Indien en Florida. 
 No. 12. Calculatie van alle fustagie, die men in en schip moet hebben tot een 
 
 lange reise. 
 No. 13. Soutbrieff, die de bevrachte schepen mede gegeven wort. 
 No. 14. Artikelbrieff [Preserved in N.S., I. (R.A.)]. 
 No. 15. Extract uit de commisen instructie. 
 No. 16. Formulier van een cargasoen." 
 
 This inventory is preserved with Bloomaert's letter of February ii, 1637. It 
 has been printed by Kernkamp in Zisieed. Arch., p. 108. His copy, however, con- 
 tains a few minor variations from the original. 
 
 104 
 
Preliminary Preparations of First Expedition. 105 
 
 Hamburg and Helsingor* and arrived in Stockholm in the 
 beginning of March.* Here he became seriously ill and was 
 confined to bed for some time."* On account of Minuit's illness 
 the preparations in Sweden were somewhat delayed. The 
 papers and detailed plans brought over by him were undoubt- 
 edly presented to Fleming and laid before the Council of State. 
 The original plans called for a ship of about 160 to 200 tons 
 burden and a small sloop, which were to be prepared by the 
 Swedish government and placed at the disposal of the company. 
 But the Council of State decided to furnish two vessels and a 
 sloop and to prepare a larger expedition than the memorials 
 called for.® 
 
 About the beginning of May Minuit was again able to take 
 charge of the work. Provisions were bought in Gothenburg 
 and Stockholm, but most of the cargo had to be secured in Hol- 
 land. The two ships for the voyage were at last selected, but 
 progress was slow and the government did not give final orders 
 in the matter till August. Fleming took great interest in the 
 work. He advanced money to Minuit and paid his bills during 
 his illness. Through his efforts the Crown supplied over 3,000 
 pounds of powder and 30 muskets, and the admiralty furnished 
 supplies for 1,711 :34 R.D. 
 
 Blommaert was informed of the progress that was being 
 made in Sweden from time to time. Meanwhile he was busy 
 making preparations in Holland. As early as in March com- 
 munications were sent to him by Oxenstierna and Fleming, 
 stating that the government had decided to make preparations 
 for the voyage and he was requested to buy goods and pro- 
 visions for the journey. A draft of the charter of the company 
 
 'From Hamburg he wrote to Blommaert under date of January 31 (o.s.) and 
 on February 22 (n.s.) he wrote from Helsingor. Blommaert to Oxenstierna, 
 February 18, March 31, 1637, Ox. Saml. 
 
 *See Blommaert's letters to Oxenstierna, February 18, March 31, May 6, 1637- 
 Kernkamp, Zisieed. Arch., pp. 111, 114. 
 
 "Blommaert to Oxenstierna, May 6, 1637, Journal, no. i. Minuit was lodged 
 with one Frans Weinschenck and 38 R.D. were paid by Fleming for his expenses. 
 10 R.D. were paid to the doctor and 8:40 R.D. were spent on medicine. Journal, 
 no. I. 
 
 'Blommaert to Oxenstierna, August 22, 1637, Ox. Saml. 
 
io6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 with the names of the participants in Sweden was forwarded to 
 him and he was requested to raise the other half of the capital in 
 Holland as was promised in former letters. This could not be 
 done, however, before Minuit's return, who was to furnish 
 one eighth of the capital and besides to bring complete reports 
 from Sweden.'^ 
 
 But Minuit was detained in Sweden through his illness and 
 otherwise, and it finally became necessary to secure the capital 
 without him. No specified capital stock was agreed upon. An 
 estimate of the cost of the first expedition was made and each 
 member of the company was to furnish a certain part of that 
 sum. Later, however, when it was found that the cost of the 
 first expedition would be somewhat larger than was expected, 
 it seems that the Swedish members wished to place the capital 
 stock at 36,000 florins and according to this they subscribed 
 as follows: 
 
 Axel Oxenstierna 1/8 part 1,800 R.D. 
 
 Gabriel Gustafsson Oxenstierna 1/8 part i,goo R.D. 
 
 Gabriel Bengtsson Oxenstierna 1/16 part 900 R.D. 
 
 Klas Fleming i/i6 part 900 R.D. 
 
 Peter Spiring 1/8 part 1,800 R.D. 
 
 Total 7,ioo R.D.' 
 
 or 18,000 florins.' 
 
 The Dutch members likewise agreed to contribute a certain 
 part of the cost of the first expedition and the following sums 
 were supplied by each: 
 
 Adam Bessels" 1/16 part 900 R.D. 
 
 Isaac von dem Waeter 3/14 part 675 R.D. 
 
 Gillies von Brugge 1/64 part 225 R.D. 
 
 Jaris Hoeffnaegell 1/16 part 900 R.D. 
 
 Hiiygens von Arnheim" i/i6 part 900 R.D. 
 
 Samuel Blommaert 1/4 part 3i6oo R.D. 
 
 Total 7,200 R.D. 
 
 or ig,ooo florins. 
 ' Blommaert to Oxenstierna, May 6, 1637, Ox, Saml. 
 
 'See "Rechnung iiber Peter Minuits Reise nach West Indian 1637," Ox. 
 Saml.; " Die H. H. Schwe. Part, in d. Viagio nach Florida oder Nova Svecia 
 Anno, 1640," Soderkomp., 1637-59 (R-A.). 
 
 'Journal, no. 92. 7,200 R.D. = 18,000 florins. 
 
 Koopman op Italic en de Levant, gehuwd met Magaretha Reynst, een 
 zuster van Blommaerts vrouw," Kernkamp, Zweed. Arch., pp. 19-20. Bessel 
 also had a share in the colony of Rensselaerswyck in New Netherland. fan 
 Rensselaer B. Mss., pp. 175, 334; Doc, I. 255. 
 
 " One Gerrit van Arnhem is referred to in fan Rensselaer B. Mss., p. 424 ff. 
 
Preliminary Preparations of First Expedition. 107 
 
 Fleming was appointed director and he gave orders to Blom- 
 maert and others who served the company. Richard Clerk** 
 acted as agent for the company in Sweden, and bills and papers 
 were made out and presented by him. Johan Beier also became 
 identified with the company shortly after its formation in the 
 capacity of a servant of the same, but without a salary. 
 
 Certain privileges were granted by the government and a 
 charter was given to the company, but none of these documents 
 is now known to exist. That such papers were issued, how- 
 ever, can be seen from the fact that "Twenty-two Riksdaler 
 were paid to the Secretary in the Chancery for the making of 
 the privileges and other papers,"** and it is thus clear that New 
 Sweden was not founded under the charter of 1626, which did 
 not include the American coast as far north as the Delaware 
 nor under the charter of 1633, which had practically no terri- 
 torial restrictions.** The privileges were based on the sugges- 
 tions of Blommaert and Minuit.*' Octroy and exclusive right 
 for the company to trade on the Delaware for twenty years, 
 was undoubtedly one of the rights granted ; goods shipped from 
 Holland for trade with the savages and for the use on the 
 voyage were to be allowed to enter Sweden duty-free, and all 
 articles coming from America were also to be free from duty, 
 probably for a period of ten years, but goods shipped to 
 Sweden from Holland to be sold by the company in the former 
 
 "^ Clerk, born in Scotland, in 1604. Entered Swedish service about 1628. 
 He was major in the Swedish navy in 1640, made a nobleman in 1648. 
 Brought Ambassador Whitelocke to Lubeck in 1654 as the latter returned to 
 England. Clerk became a vice admiral in 1657. Died in Stockholm in 1668. 
 Rddspr., VI. 365, 837; Zettersten, Sv. flat, hist., II. 598-9; V^hitelocke, Embassy. 
 
 ^Journal, no. x. "In der Cantzeleij dem Secretarij vor verfertigungh der 
 Privilegien und andere documenten hat Ihr Gnaden zahlt R.D. 22." Cf. " Con- 
 cept von conditien," etc. In the charter given to Hooghkamer in 1640 it is 
 stated that no encroachments must be made on the privileges of the Ne^w Sweden 
 Company. Cf. below. Chap. XXIV. It is therefore clear that New Sweden was 
 not founded under the old charter given to the South Company. Cf. above. 
 
 " Cf. above, Chaps. XIII., XIV. 
 
 "Minuit proposed that a charter be granted to the company giving it right 
 to trade on the North American coast from Florida to Newfoundland, pro- 
 hibiting all others from sailing there " on pain of confiscation of the vessel and 
 cargo," and those were, perhaps, the privileges finally given. 
 
io8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 country were subjected to duty.^® Profits and losses were to 
 be equally divided between the Dutch and the Swedish mem- 
 bers; the head ofBce was to be at Stockholm, but the staple of 
 the company should be at Gothenburg from whence the ships 
 should sail, and all goods should be sent to the collector of 
 customs at the latter port and placed under his care until they 
 were loaded upon the vessels. " When these conditions arrived 
 in Holland " and were accepted by the Dutch members the com- 
 pany may be looked upon as organized.*'^ 
 
 "Duty was paid on tobacco brought to Sweden for sale there. Journal, no. 
 ^27, 139, 141. But tobacco and skins from the colony were duty free. Journal, 
 nos. 27, 40. 
 
 "These facts can be inferred from later documents. Cf. below, Chap. XIX. 
 
o 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Final Preparations and the First Expedition, 
 
 1637-1639. 
 
 Blommaert could now buy goods and make final preparations 
 in Holland. Some of the cloth for the Indian trade was made 
 by special order at Kampen and Leyden, and already in Feb- 
 ruary he had made arrangements for its weaving, on Spiring's 
 assurance that the Crown would supply the vessels, although he 
 had not received instruction to that effect from Sweden. 
 
 During April and May he did his utmost to procure the 
 necessary cargo for the ships. He was at great disadvantage, 
 however. The Swedish members were slow in paying their 
 shares and the Dutch participants would not furnish their quota 
 of the capital before the stipulated sum had been raised in 
 Stockholm. He was therefore compelled to advance the neces- 
 sary money out of his own means, so as not to delay the journey. 
 In the beginning of May a large part of the cargo was ready to 
 be shipped to Gothenburg. On the ninth (n.s.) of that month 
 2,748 ^ yds. of cloth were loaded upon the ship of Jan Cornelis- 
 sen Cock and consigned to Lars Larsson, the commander of 
 Elfsborg and Bengt Larsson, customs collector at Gothenburg, 
 and on the last of May (n.s.?) a large quantity of cloth and 
 other goods for the Indian trade and several hogsheads of. dis- 
 tilled liquors were shipped to Sweden for the company. In the 
 meantime Blommaert revised the instructions for Minuit and 
 the other papers, so as to have them ready when the latter 
 arrived to make final preparations.^ 
 
 It was difficult to obtain good sailors in Sweden during the 
 first half of the seventeenth century and Hollanders were often 
 employed on Swedish ships. ^ Fleming requested Blommaert to 
 
 ^Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, March 31, May 6, June 6, 1637, Ox. Saml; 
 " Factura des Cargasons" (1637), etc., SSderk., 1637-59 (R-A.). 
 ''See Zettersten, Sv. flat, hist., I.-II. ; above, Chap. VI. 
 
 109 
 
I lo The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 hire " some 25 or 30 men, experienced on the sea " to be used 
 on the voyage. The latter presented the matter to Spiring, 
 requesting him to obtain the consent of the States General, that 
 the above number of seamen might be hired in Amsterdam and 
 sent to Sweden. The States General passed a resolution grant- 
 ing the request, and the sailors and officers were hired in July. 
 The preparations in Holland were now practically completed. 
 Blommaert desired a list of the articles that could be furnished 
 in Sweden for victualling the ships, so that he would know 
 definitely what to buy, since Minuit had mentioned only barrels 
 and casks, saying that these could not be secured.^ 
 
 Towards the end of July the officers and sailors, together 
 with the rest of the cargo and some of the supplies, were sent 
 to Gothenburg, as it was expected that the ships would be ready 
 about that time. Blommaert was also requested by Fleming to 
 go to Sweden to make an ora\ report, as soon as the prepara- 
 tions of the expedition were completed, but he found that it 
 would require half of August before the vessels could sail and 
 he therefore determined not to go.* 
 
 In August Minuit finally arrived in Amsterdam. Two 
 barber-surgeons were hired, and Michel Symonsz[en] was 
 engaged as mate, " a fine honest man," well acquainted with the 
 coast of North America. Final arrangements were now speedily 
 made and on August 22 Blommaert writes: "The rest of all 
 [necessary supplies] are now being shipped ... to Gothen- 
 burg . . . [and] Minuit with two barbers and other officers 
 is going on the same vessel." 
 
 It was found that the cost of the expedition was considerably 
 larger than the first estimates. The reason for this increase 
 was the fact that two ships were prepared instead of one, and 
 Blommaert complains that the expenses in shipping the cargo 
 and supplies to Gothenburg were also very great, "but," he 
 
 Indien ick een perfecte lijst hadde, wat fictuaille dat in Sweden gefurneert 
 soude worden, soo cost ick hier voorder coopen wat dat manckeert. Minuit 
 schrijft alien van fustage, dat die in Sweden niet wel te becoraen soude wesen." 
 Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, June 6, 1637, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 *" Because," he says, "I have lived eight years in India. Being used to 
 warm countries, I am afraid that the cold would be harmful to me." ( !) 
 
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Final Preparations and First Expedition. i i i 
 
 adds, "a good rich Spanish prize will be able to pay it all." 
 The cargo and supplies cost about 28,000 gulden and several 
 other bills were to be added unless the government would pay 
 them. But Blommaert hoped that the Crown would assume 
 these extra bills, as it would be a small item for the state treas- 
 ury and it would encourage Dutch participants and others to 
 place their capital in the company.'* 
 
 We have seen that Fleming did his utmost to get the expedi- 
 tion under way. On June 30 the government issued an order 
 *' to the admirals " instructing them " to prepare two ships and 
 man them with thirty-six boatsmen." " We are resolved," says 
 the council in the name of the Queen, " to let one of our and the 
 Crown's ships and one of the [South] Company's vessels sail 
 to West India."® Some time elapsed, of course, before these 
 orders were executed. Additional provisions and ammunition 
 were supplied and two months' pay was given to the people. 
 About August ^'' the ships seem to have been ready to sail, for 
 on that date a pass was given to Captain Anders Nilsson Krober 
 on the Kalmar Nyckel and one of similar contents to Lieut. 
 Jacob Barben, commander on the Grip. 
 
 But there was further delay, and it seems probable that the 
 ships did not set sail from Stockholm before the middle or end 
 of August. They touched at Oland on their way and some 
 provisions were secured there.* The date of the arrival of the 
 two ships in Gothenburg is not known, nor can it now be ascer- 
 tained, when Minuit returned from Holland, but on the sixth 
 of September we find him at work making preparations for the 
 voyage.^ 
 
 As soon as the ships arrived, we may assume the cargo was 
 brought on board and everything was made ready at the 
 earliest opportunity. The cost of the cargo alone, including 
 
 'Blommaert to Oxenstierna, July 23, August 22, 1637. 
 
 'R.R., June 30, 1637 (R.A.). 
 
 'y?m. jR^^., Aug. 9, 1637 (Fl. Ar.). It seems that it was the intention at 
 first to send one of the government's ships with the Kalmar Nyckel, but the 
 South Company's ship Gripen was selected instead. 
 
 ' Journal, no. i ; Til det Wast. Ind. Skeps Com. d. 16 Juni, 1637. 
 
 ° See facsimile Bill. 
 
1 1 2 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 freight charges and other expenses, was 14,832 gulden. It 
 consisted of several thousand yards of duffels and other cloth, 
 several hundred axes, hatchets and adzes, several hundred 
 knives, dozens of tobacco pipes, mirrors and looking-glasses, 
 gilded chains and finger-rings, combs, ear-rings and other orna- 
 ments for the Indians. Spades, hoes and other implements 
 were also loaded onto the ships for use in the country.^" 
 
 Probably half of the sailors were Hollanders, the rest being 
 Swedes. A number of the soldiers sent out to occupy the land 
 were also Swedes and Mans Nilsson Kling went out as com- 
 mander of these soldiers." Jan Hindrickson van der Water 
 was skipper on the Kalmar Nyckel and Michel Symonssen 
 was first mate. In case that any mishap befell Minuit, making 
 it impossible for him to perform his duties, Symonssen was to 
 take his place. Andrian Joransen was skipper on Gripen and 
 Hendrick Huygen, a relative of Minuit, was appointed com- 
 missioner for the colony that was to be established. Memorials 
 and instructions were given to the officers, but only two of 
 these documents have been preserved. A secret instruction to 
 Minuit has come down to us in a copy of the original draft by 
 Blommaert. According to this document the expedition was 
 to set sail in the summer, taking a course " behind England and 
 Scotland" and crossing the ocean at about the forty-fourth 
 degree. Its first destination was to be the Isle de Sable,^^ if 
 such a course was possible. Soundings were to be taken around 
 the shore and maps and sketches were to be made of the island, 
 on which all the rivers, harbors and roads (for ships) were to 
 be clearly indicated. While the carpenters " put up the sloop " 
 Minuit was to inspect the island and acquaint himself with the 
 conditions of the same. In case he found it suitable for coloni- 
 zation and for trade or if its position was such that Its occupa- 
 tion by the Swedish government would give authority to collect 
 
 """Factura des cargasons." Soderk., 1637-1659 (R.A.). 
 
 " See below, Chap. XXI. 
 Sable Island west of Halifax, Nova Scotia. It was given on the early maps 
 in this form. See Winsor's reproductions of maps by Molineaux and Champlain. 
 See De Laefs map. It is also indicated on the West Ind. P. Cart of 1621. See 
 reproduction in Doc, I. Cf. Winsor, IV. 202, 377, 383 ff. 
 
Final Preparations and First Expedition. i i 3 
 
 tribute from the fisheries on the banks of Nova Terra (New- 
 foundland), he should take possession of it for the Crown of 
 Sweden, erecting the Swedish coat of arms, cut in stone, and 
 taking an attestation from all the officers that no Christian 
 people were there. The island should then be called Christina 
 and the most suitable harbors were to be called by the names of 
 great men in Sweden. "A setter" and other dogs were to be 
 brought along for hunting the black foxes on the island. The 
 sloop was to be stationed there with some men under the com- 
 mand of a skipper, supplied with provisions for about two or 
 three months. Before Minuit departed he was to capture some 
 calves or cattle^ ^ which were to be taken to the South River. 
 On his way thither he was to buy sewant^* from the Indians 
 along the coast especially at Cromeguwge( ?) ,^^ and from there 
 he was to proceed to the South River. In case, however, the 
 wind was so westerly that the above course to the Isle de Sable 
 could not be taken, he was to sail by way of the Caribbean 
 Islands, between Cuba and Spaniola and thence to the South 
 River. 
 
 Arriving there he was to sail up to the Manquas Kill and 
 establish relations with the Indians, giving them gifts and in- 
 forming them that he had come to trade with them. Later he 
 was to explore the river and ascend twenty Dutch miles to 
 Sankikan Kill, "seeing that his people did no harm to the 
 Indians." The land on the west side of the Delaware between 
 the Minquas Kill and the Sankikan Kill was to be bought from 
 the savages and a certificate or declaration should be signed by 
 all the officers of the ship, stating that no other European 
 people were found there, Minuit being especially cautioned to 
 avoid the limits of New Netherland. The Swedish coat of 
 arms was then to be erected at the two rivers^" at the limits, 
 
 " It seems that Blommaert had been informed that there were large herds of 
 cattle on the island. 
 
 " Wampum or Indian money. Cf. below, Chap. XXI., n. 47. 
 
 " On the New England coast. Cf. Printz' Report, 1644. 
 
 "If it means that he was to ascend the river ao Dutch (65 English) miles 
 from its mouth, Sankikan Kill must refer to the Schuylkill. If, however, Blom- 
 maert had a correct notion of the distance from Christina Kill up to the falls, 
 Sankikan Kill probably refers to Assanpink Kill at Sankikan near Trenton Falls. 
 
114 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and the land was to be named New Sweden. Finally he was to 
 build a house or fort either on the Minquas Kill or at some 
 other place, which by nature was strong, and it was to be called 
 New Stockholm, with the firing of cannon. After completing 
 his business in the South River he was to proceed in the Kalmar 
 Nyckel to the coast of Florida and, if he found convenient places 
 there, he was to erect the Swedish coat of arms, taking posses- 
 sion of the land in the name of the Swedish government and 
 calling the land New Sweden. 
 
 If the Indian trade was very successful and most of the 
 cargo could be sold at an early date, Minuit was to station the 
 sloop in the South River with only seven men and return to 
 Europe at once, leaving " the discoveries " to be made on a 
 second voyage. But if it so happened that war or other incon- 
 veniences prevented the selling of the cargo, twenty men should 
 be placed in the fort with necessary provisions. In that case 
 the sloop was to be sent to New Amsterdam for the buying of 
 cattle, horses, sheep, goats and pigs, and the grain that was 
 brought along should be sown. 
 
 The instructions were drafted by Blommaert and only one 
 vessel was considered. If, however, the government furnished 
 two ships the directions were to be changed somewhat, as the 
 preparations would take longer time, delaying the sailing of the 
 expedition. The two ships were to sail by way of the Carib- 
 bean Islands, St. Martin and Spaniola, where Minuit should 
 trade and buy some cattle for his colony, and from there he 
 was to go directly to the South River, ^^ following his instruc- 
 tions as given above. When the necessary arrangements had 
 been completed there, he should proceed to the Isle de Sable 
 and trade with the Indians along the coast. The Grip was to 
 remain in the country for some time, but the Kalmar Nyckel 
 with Minuit on board was to return to Gothenburg as soon as 
 
 " He was also to look for Spanish prizes, but he should not spend too much 
 time at this. Spaniards were to be attacked everywhere, but the English, Dutch 
 and French were to be treated in a friendly manner. 
 
Final Preparations and First Expedition. i i 5 
 
 possible, and Minuit was to go at once over-land to Stockholm 
 to make a report, presenting his maps and journals.'® 
 
 A letter in thirty-two articles, directed to the commander and 
 the skippers as well as the sailors and soldiers, was also given to 
 Minuit. The sailors and officers were in every instance to obey 
 the commander ; they should remain in the country as long as the 
 ship's council saw fit, and they should without delay perform all 
 duties decided by the council. In case of any disobedience they 
 were to lose their monthly pay. The officers and men were to 
 keep good watch day and night and they were always to be pre- 
 pared for every emergency, having their arms in readiness to 
 fight if necessary. Everyone was strictly forbidden to carry on 
 a trade on his own account or to bring along goods belonging to 
 private merchants. In case the sailors or soldiers lost any of their 
 property by unforeseen causes, it should be restored to them; 
 stealing would be severely punished; no fighting between the 
 sailors was allowed and all drunkenness was strictly prohibited, 
 breakers of this rule being put into irons for three days; play- 
 ing at dice and other games of chance were also forbidden. 
 Prayers were to be conducted morning and evening and anyone 
 who was absent from these exercises without permission would 
 be fined " six styvers."'^ 
 
 Towards the end of October the ships were ready to sail, and 
 they probably left the harbor in the beginning of November. 
 In the North Sea they were separated through heavy storms. 
 After a month's cruising, Kalmar Nyckel, which was com- 
 manded by Minuit, finally arrived at Texel about the beginning 
 of December, leaking badly, having lost its prow and mast. 
 A week later the other vessel also badly used arrived at Texel ; 
 from thence she went to Medemblik for repairs. The two 
 vessels were repaired as soon as possible, and new provisions for 
 the journey were secured at the cost of several thousand florins.^" 
 
 " " Instrucktie voor Den Direckt. Peter Minuit." N.S., I. (R.A.). Two 
 copies in Penn. Hist. So. 
 
 "" Articul Bief," etc., N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "The cost of the expedition was now 27,906:8 fl., including the salaries of 
 the sailors for two months, but exclusive of the provisions and other articles 
 
ii6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 A new pilot was engaged and about December 20 everything 
 was in readiness for the continuation of the voyage, but con- 
 trary winds delayed the ships for a number of days. In the 
 meantime, Killaen van Rensselaer, a friend of Minuit, finding 
 an opportunity for sending some goods and settlers to his colony 
 in New Netherland, brought several cases of merchandise on 
 board the Kalmar Nyckel and engaged passage for six persons,^^ 
 paying 220:10 florins to skipper Jan Hindrickson, for the ex- 
 penses. Minuit was requested to cause the goods and people 
 to reach the Manatans^^ at the earliest opportunity that cir- 
 cumstances would allow.^^ Towards the end of the month the 
 wind turned, and on December 31 (n.s.), 1637, the little 
 expedition went to sea "together with a beautiful fleet of 150 
 ships." 
 
 On the sixth of January, 1637, Blommaert wrote to Oxen- 
 stlerna and gave the details of the events so far. A great mis- 
 take was made, he said, in not hurrying on the preparations in 
 Sweden so that the vessels could have started sooner. Blom- 
 maert sent the officers and men in the summer in the belief that 
 the expedition would leave in August. Since the start was not 
 made before late in the fall, the people had to be suppoited and 
 paid while doing nothing. The great expenses discouraged the 
 other Dutch participants and they were already dissatisfied 
 with the project. They had calculated that the first expedition 
 would cost only about 14,000 gulden, but before the ships left 
 Europe the cost had reached almost 36,000 florins.^* Their 
 murmurs, however, were silenced by MInuIt's assurance of a big 
 profit and probably a rich Spanish prlze.^^ 
 
 We know nothing about the journey across the Atlantic, for 
 
 supplied in Sweden which amounted to 3,395, D., making the total cost over 
 30,000 florins. Blommaert's letter to A. Oxenstierna, January 6, 1638. Ox. 
 Saml. (R.A.) ; Journal, no. z. 
 
 ^ Only five persons are mentioned as sailing " from Texel " on the Kalmar 
 Nyckel. 
 
 ^New Amsterdam. 
 
 °^Van Rensselaer Mss., p. 389 ff. 
 
 ^More accurately, about 33,000 florins. Journal, no. i, 2. 
 Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 6, September 4, November 13, 1638, 
 January 28, 1640, Ox. Saml. 
 
Final Preparations and First Expedition. i i 7 
 
 MInuit's journal, which would have given us this information, 
 is lost. The ships reached the Delaware in good condition and 
 sailed up the river about the middle of March, 1638.** 
 
 When Minuit had made necessary arrangements he left New 
 Sweden on board Kalmar Nickel, some time in June,^'' with his 
 cargo of wines and distilled liquors and sailed to the island of 
 St. Christopher, where the goods were exchanged for tobacco. 
 While In the harbor at the islands, Minuit together with his 
 skipper was invited as a guest on board a ship from Rotterdam, 
 called Het Vliegende Hert.^^ In the meantime a sudden storm 
 arose, which drove the ship out to sea, and it was heard of no 
 more. The Kalmar Nyckel was also driven out of the harbor, 
 but she returned in company with other ships. After waiting 
 for Minuit a few days the vessel set sail for Europe. She 
 arrived in the North Sea in the beginning of October, 1638.^* 
 Not far from the coast of Holland a severe storm overtook the 
 ship. The main mast had to be cut and the vessel suffered other 
 damages, making it necessary to put into Vlie for repairs. The 
 ship was repaired through Blommaert at a cost of 7,103:2 
 florins, and then it proceeded to Medemblik, where the skins 
 were to be unloaded. 
 
 The ship brought along Minuit's journal, a map of the river 
 drawn by him, giving the location of the colony*" and a sketch 
 
 " See below, Chapter XXI. 
 
 "A letter was sent to Blommaert from the island of St. Christopher, stating 
 that the Grip had left New Sweden on May 20 (n.s.?) on a cruise and that 
 Minuit would leave three weeks later. " I reckon therefore," says Blommaert, 
 " that the ship (Kalmar Nyckel) would leave the South River about the middle 
 of June." Blommaert to Oxenstierna, September 4, 1638. Ox. Saml., Kernkamp, 
 Zioeed. Arch., p. 58. 
 
 " The Flying Deer. 
 
 ^ Doc, I. ir6, O'Callaghan, I. 192. Hence Odhner is mistaken in saying that 
 the ship arrived in Holland in November. See his N.S., p. 15. 
 
 '° It has been stated that Mans Kling made the map. See Hazard's Annals, 
 p. 48; Clay, p. 17; Winsor, Nor. and Crit. Hist., IV. 437. But this is not 
 very probable. The statement is taken from Acrelius, Beskrif. The map 
 was drawn by Minuit, probably on the basis of already existing maps (published 
 in Doc, I., O'Callaghan's Hist, of New Neth., I., etc.). Kling was a mere 
 soldier, and there is no evidence that he ever made a map of New Sweden. If 
 he had done so valuable services for the company it would most likely be men- 
 tioned in the official documents. Several bills were paid him, but in none of 
 these are any services mentioned, besides those of the soldier and commissions of 
 like nature. 
 
1 18 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 of Fort Christina and the two houses. The journal with the 
 map and sketches as well as deeds and other papers were sent 
 to Klas Fleming, most of which are now lost. 
 
 In December Spiring caused four officers from the Kalmar 
 Nyckel to appear before the notary, Peter Ruttens, in Amster- 
 dam to give a report under oath of Minuit's proceedings in 
 New Sweden and especially concerning the circumstances of the 
 land-purchase. A document was drawn up in Dutch, setting 
 forth the testimony of the four men " in the sight and presence 
 of the honest Cornelius Vignois, and David Willet, called in 
 for this purpose as creditable witnesses." A certified transla- 
 tion into German was made which was sent to Sweden.^^ 
 
 On arriving at Medemblik the ship was put under arrest by 
 an officer of the Dutch West India Company and duty was de- 
 manded on the cargo, since the skipper would not show his com- 
 mission.^^ Word was sent to Spiring at the Hague and he 
 presented a protest to the States General. On October 25 the 
 States General sent an order to the officers at Enkhuizen to 
 release the ship, but the letter was not received. About two 
 months later a second letter^* was sent with orders to remove 
 the arrest from the Swedish ship. But the ship was then 
 already free, having been liberated shortly after Its seizure, as 
 the skipper showed his papers, issued under the authority of the 
 Swedish Crown. ^* 
 
 The Grip left New Sweden towards the end of April, 1639, 
 and arrived at Gothenburg about the beginning of June.*'' The 
 
 " Chap. XXL, below. 
 
 '"Doc, I. U6-117. O'Callaghan in his History of Neiu Netherland, I. 192, 
 says: "A Swedish vessel, loaded with tobacco, having put into the Zeyder Zee, 
 on her return voyage from the 'West Indies,' was seized at Medenblick. It 
 was not until the Swedish resident at the Hague called the attention of the 
 States General to the circumstances, that the arrest was removed." This is 
 notstrictly correct. Cf. Doc, I. 117. 
 
 "Dated on December 31, 1638. 
 
 "Doc, I. H6-117. 
 Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 28, 1640. " Das Jagt der Vogel Greiff ist, 
 wie gestern bericht einkommen, vor 8 oder 10 Tagen zu Gottenburg gliicklich 
 arriveret, hat seine Reise . . . innerhall 5 wochen vollbracht." Extract Schr. von 
 Fleming an Spiring d. 8 Juni, 1639, Ox. Saml; loose sheets from an account book 
 (1639), N.S., IL (R.A.). 
 
The harbor of Amsterdam, where some of the Swedish ships on their way to and 
 from New Sweden anchored, iM. H, 
 
 The disembarking from a Swedish ship. From Pufendorf 's Hisl. du Reg. dc Charles Giistnz'c 
 
Final Preparations and First Expedition. 119 
 
 cost of the expedition had now reached the sum of about 46,000 
 florins.^* The tobacco was to be sold in Sweden, but the skins 
 brought over on the Grip were sent to Holland on Fleming's 
 order to be sold there with those unloaded from the Kalmar 
 Nyckel. The pelts from the cargo of the latter ship were sold 
 by Blommaert as follows: 
 
 Florins. 
 
 511 beaver skins for 4iS°S 
 
 157 otter skins for 700 
 
 42 bear skins for 712 
 
 S.917 
 
 and the cargo of Gripen was also sold by him as follows : 
 
 Flonns, 
 
 1,258 beaver skins for 7,860:12 
 
 157 otter skins for 605 
 
 90 bear skins for 882 
 
 Various other kinds of skins for 162:1:8 
 
 9,509:13:8". 
 
 or in all 15,426:13:8 florins. 
 
 There were several expenses connected with the sales and the 
 net proceeds were 14,590 :i4 :8 florins.^^ This sum was divided 
 among the Dutch members of the company,^® while the tobacco 
 was to be the share of the Swedish participants. The result of 
 the undertaking, however, did not come up to expectations, but 
 Blommaert hoped that the second voyage would bring larger 
 returns.*" 
 
 "The cost of the cargo and supplies (exclusive of the wages of the sailors) 
 was 28,527:14 D. or about 42,800 florins. Journal, no. 8. 
 
 " In this is included 52 :i :8 fl. which Blommaert had received on former 
 occasions. 
 
 "^ Or 8,754:14 D. Journal, no. 16. 
 
 ^'Odhner says (N.S., 20, note 3): "We have not found it stated when and 
 in what manner Blommaert was paid for his special expenses." But we see 
 from this that part of the expenses of the first voyage were paid by the return 
 cargo, and the capital stock owned by the Dutch was later bought by the Swedes. 
 
 "Blommaert's letters to Oxenstierna. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The Second Expedition, i 639-1 640. 
 
 In the spring and summer of 1638 Fleming began to make 
 preparations for another voyage,^ and in the autumn, when some 
 of the results of the first expedition were known, he proposed to 
 the government that a ship called Dufvan^ and some other 
 vessels should be used for the expeditions. On September 7 
 the council resolved that the above-mentioned ship " and others 
 which were suitable, should be employed for the benefit of the 
 company." Fleming was also ordered to correspond with 
 Johan le Thor^ and Blommaert about it, and request them to 
 "work for the furtherance of the aforesaid shipping."* About 
 this time Fleming wrote to Willem Usselinx, requesting him 
 to repair to Stockholm, as the members of the company there 
 desired to confer with him about the journeys to New Sweden. 
 But the great projector of companies was detained in Germany, 
 it seems, and could not go. Besides he thought that the New 
 Sweden colony would not be a great success, since, as far as he 
 knew, there was not much to be obtained there except peltries 
 and tobacco.' 
 
 When the papers, deeds and other documents from New 
 Sweden arrived at Stockholm Fleming's enthusiasm was further 
 kindled and the preparations for a new expedition, which had 
 rested for some time, were at once renewed. The matter was 
 
 * About April orders were given that the Fama or the Engel from Tellie and 
 Christina should be repaired so that they could make commercial voyages. J. 
 Beier to Klas Fleming, Stockholm (before April), 1638. Ndgra K. Fleming 
 popper (R.A.). 
 
 ' The Dove, Dufva. The n is the Swedish article. 
 
 'Le Thor, factor and bookkeeper of De Geer, at times agent of the Swedish 
 government. Rddspr., IV., etc. 
 
 *Rddspr., VII. 305. 
 
 •Tobacco, which is injurious to the health of the people, he says. But of. 
 his views in the Argon. Usselinx to Beier, March 16, 1639. Soderh, 1624-45. 
 Copy in Jameson Mss. Kernkamp, Zweed. Arch., pp. 147-8. 
 
 120 
 
The Second Expedition. 121 
 
 also brought before the council. Plans for populating the 
 colony were considered and it was decided to look for " a good 
 manager " who could take charge of the work. Fleming pro- 
 posed that the property of " the South Company " should either 
 be sold or used for the benefit of the New Sweden Company.' 
 He had spoken with the magistrates in Stockholm about it and 
 requested the chancellor to do the same with the magistrates in 
 Gothenburg. The chancellor agreed to do this and some of the 
 capital of the South Company was used the following year. 
 It was also suggested by Fleming that the government should 
 buy out the private members of the company so as to get it 
 under the control of the Crown and it was undoubtedly con- 
 sidered in the council, but the plan fell through. '^ 
 
 The government was desirous to continue the work, however, 
 and the intention was to have the new expedition ready in 
 March. Captain Cornells van Vliet was appointed comman- 
 der of the expedition and ordered " to go to the West Indies 
 on board the Kalmar Nyckel to find out the location of the 
 country." Van Vliet had been in the Swedish service for about 
 ten years and Fleming seems to have placed full confidence in 
 him.* "The Crown and Queen," says his instruction, " having 
 made a serious resolution not only to continue the Virginian 
 navigation, but to carry it on with more vigour than before " 
 and desiring a more complete report of the situation of the new 
 settlement, ordered Van Vliet to explore the territory occupied 
 by Minuit and give a full account. He was also instructed to 
 learn the condition of the inhabitants, their trade and occupa- 
 tions, what they used for clothing, and what articles they 
 needed; he should also observe what fisheries there were and 
 the best way to populate the country ; and lastly he was to fol- 
 low Blommaert's orders and receive further information from 
 him about the journey.^ He was also ordered to hire some 
 
 'Thus providing additional capital of about 60,000 or 70,000 R.D. " Extr. 
 Schr. von Am. Fleming an Spiring," June 8, 1639, Ox. Saml. 
 
 ''Rddspr., VII. 485, March 13, 1639; Oxenstierna to Fleming, March 15, 1639. 
 Ox. Saml. 
 
 'He was skipper on the Looff expedition in 1632^1633. Cf. Chap. IX, above. 
 
 '"Till Capt. Cornelius -van Flijt," January 26, 1639. Am. Reg., fol. 18 
 (F.Ar.). 
 
122 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sailors and officers in Holland, who could be used on the 
 journey." Shortly after these commissions were received he 
 went to Holland on the ship the Engel Gabriel, being ordered to 
 return as soon as possible. 
 
 Spiring had been requested to deliver more money to Blom- 
 maert and to inform Fleming of what progress was made. He 
 desired a report of the expenses and other items, but it seems 
 that Blommaert neglected to send it, causing Spiring to suspect 
 that the former did not keep proper books. The matter was 
 reported to the chancellor, but nothing was done about it. 
 Money for the Swedish half of the expenses for a second expe- 
 dition were gradually delivered to Blommaert through Spiring 
 and orders were issued for the buying of supplies. Blommaert 
 bought a new cargo for about 6,000 florins and supplies for 
 about the same sum, having been instructed by Fleming to do 
 so several times.^^ 
 
 As the goods were about to be loaded on the Kalmar Nyckel, 
 at the time of Vliet's arrival in Amsterdam, orders were re- 
 ceived from Spiring that the ship was to try to capture "a 
 [certain] person on his way to Denmark, who was in the em- 
 ploy of the Emperor."^^ This delayed the expedition for some 
 time. The supplies were partly consumed before the vessel set 
 sail and when the ship finally arrived in Gothenburg in July 
 they were exhausted.^* 
 
 In the meantime Fleming was busy making preparations in 
 Sweden. His plan was to send a large expedition to the Dela- 
 
 " Already on January 3, 1639, an order was issued "to Van Flijt to hire 
 some ship captains and constaples in Holland." Am. Reg., January 3, 1639 
 <F.A.). 
 
 '^Journal, no. 9. Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 28, 1640. 
 
 "Jahan le Thor, a Swedish agent in Holland, also aided the preparations in 
 various ways. Le Thor to Fleming, Oct. 4(?), 1638, July, 1638; August, 
 1639 (K.A.). Odhner says concerning "the person": "None other can hardly 
 Tae meant than Count Kurtz, who, in the spring of 1639, intended to go by sea 
 from Hamburg to Denmark and Poland in order to establish relations with these 
 kingdoms. But Kurtz went on board a Danish man of war and hence the plan 
 could not be accomplished." N.S., 18-19. 
 
 "Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, January z8, 1640; Fleming to Oxenstierna, 
 June 8, 1639; Spiring to Oxenstierna, January 2%, 1639, Ox. Saml. 
 
The Second Expedition. 123 
 
 ware in the summer or in the autumn of 1639. He ordered a 
 certain ship, bought by the city of Norrkoping, to be rebuilt at 
 Vastervik, so that it could be put into a condition for bringing 
 over " cattle and people " and he further proposed to the gov- 
 ernment that the old ship Jrken should be rebuilt and repaired 
 and used on the journey. He thought that the government 
 ought to pay for the cost of repairing the ships and the com- 
 pany would then furnish the provisions and other necessary 
 supplies. Some Dutch ought to be allowed to settle in New 
 Sweden so that the land might be speedily peopled, but Swedish 
 colonists ought to be secured as far as possible. 
 
 On February 28 a memorial was sent to Marten Augustins- 
 son, collector of customs at Gothenburg, giving instructions 
 about the ships that were soon expected to return from New 
 Sweden. Money should be supplied from the custom office and 
 kept in readiness so that the sailors could be paid. A receipt 
 should be given by Van Vliet and the sums would later be 
 repaid by the company.^* 
 
 A successor to Minuit was looked for and Spiring and Usse- 
 linx were requested to recommend a suitable person in Holland. 
 Spiring did his best to find one, but In June, 1639, he wrote thut 
 he had been unsuccessful and Usselinx reported to Beier that 
 he "knew of no one whom he could recommend."^* Fleming 
 also wrote a number of times to Spiring that he " should secure 
 ... a capable person who would come to Gothenburg and 
 manage the West Indian trade from there " as a factor.^" As a 
 result of Fleming's efforts Timon van Schotting of Gothenburg 
 
 "Memorial, etc., February z8, 1639; copy among letters from Fleming to 
 Oxenstierna, Ox. Saml. 
 
 "* Fleming to Oxenstierna, June 8, 1639; Usselinx to J. Beier, March 16, 1639; 
 Spiring to Oxenstierna, June lo, 1639, Ox. Saml. Van Vliet can, in some 
 respects, be looked upon as a successor to Minuit before his removal from service, 
 but that he was not considered as such by Fleming and the other members of 
 the company is clear from the above letter, and on June 8, 1639, Fleming writes 
 to Oxenstierna that he had ' written a few times to Mr. Spiring to secure 
 a person who could be used in the place of Minuit in the West Indies." Van 
 Vliet, as we have seen, was appointed already in February. Cf. Odhner, how- 
 ever, N.S., p. 16-17. 
 
 " Fleming to Oxenstierna, June 8, 1639, Ox. Saml., " Extract Schr. von Am. 
 Fleming an Spiring " d. 8. Juni, 1639, in Ox. Saml. among letters from P. Spiring. 
 
1 24 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 was secured to look after the company's business at this place 
 and from now on he is mentioned in connection with the bills 
 and accounts coming from there. His salary was to begin on 
 January i, 1639, and in 1641 he was paid 150 R.D. for two 
 years' service.^ ^ Hans Weis^® was also engaged to help to pre- 
 pare the expedition and he showed great interest in the work. 
 
 We have seen that Fleming planned to send over a large 
 expedition at this time, but it could not be done, since Blom- 
 maert was unwilling to continue and the other Dutch partici- 
 pants at first refused to contribute to a second voyage.^® It was 
 decided therefore to fit out the Kalmar Nyckel only and send 
 her to the colony immediately upon her arrival at Gothenburg, 
 but even this became impossible, as the ship returned without 
 necessary supplies and was hardly able to reach the harbor.^* 
 During the preparations Gripen arrived from the Delaware and 
 large sums of money had to be paid to the returning officers and 
 men, draining the treasury of the company. 
 
 When Van Vliet arrived at Stockholm in June, he made a 
 report of his work. Fleming "conferred carefully with him 
 about everything that concerned New Sweden," and ordered 
 him to go at once to Gothenburg to take charge of the prepara- 
 tions. On July 8 Fleming, in the name of the Admiralty, wrote 
 to Governor Conrad von Falkenberg to collect 400 D. in his 
 province^i for the use in preparing the ship,^^ while Hans Weis 
 and Timon van Schotting were now busy preparing the Kalmar 
 Nyckel for the voyage. Weis hired several sailors and secured 
 ammunition, some guns and other articles being taken from the 
 
 "Journal, no. 86. 
 
 "Hans Weis, captain in the Swedish navy. See Rddspr., VIH. 103 (July 
 13, 1640) ; Weis' letter (no date) enclosed in one of Fleming's letters to 
 Oxenstierna for 1639. 
 
 "Fleming wrote on Le Thor's authority: "at Blomert ingen lust hafuer dett 
 att foorsattja, antingen han intet torss for det Westindiskke Compagniet, derofver 
 han Direktor ar, eller han och af dhem ofnertaalt sin mening att foranndra, kann 
 lagh icke weta." To Oxenstierna, June 8, 1639; Spiring to Oxenstierna, July 29, 
 1639; Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 28, 1640, Ox. Saml. 
 Fleming to Oxenstierna, June 8, 1639. 
 
 "Kalmarlan. 
 
 '"Am. Reg.. July 8, 1639 (F.A.). 
 

 ^ ^ /, n /I ■ . ,!'J^ cri- 'if-/ '' ^^/y . . V, c 'y 
 
 74 yV'-^-'^"'^ ^^<^y^^-/i/:J^i'i/UJ^, ^>d^iLa-l 
 
 p: _. A*--t^ -<^-^ -3/2^ _^^.;liL<^ ^v<ic slI^' 
 
 . ^„-^^"' ^,-,^. ^r.^, ^-^^ -^4^^.,^,, ^Z ^ 
 
 
 l^tor:^?!^^^^^ 
 
 Sf<^7*^<*r»A. t 
 
 Letter from Hans Weis to Klas Fleming, August 10, 1640. Preserved in ."\ a>. Klas 
 Fleming papper (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, 125 
 
 Grip.^^ At three different times the custom officer, Michel 
 Vischer, at Gothenburg, supplied 1500 R.D. to Schotting from 
 the " large sea toll " with which provisions were purchased. The 
 bailiff. Mats Andersson, furnished 152 D. in cash; about three 
 barrels of butter, thirty barrels** of rye, and about 150 pounds 
 of cheese. The bailiff, Jan Larsson,*' likewise furnished some 
 cash and provisions, and Governor Johan Hindricksson*® con- 
 tributed oats for the cattle and horses. Over 2,978:38 R.D. 
 were spent in Gothenburg on supplies, wages for the men and 
 other necessaries before the ship was ready.*'^ 
 
 During the preparations a storm drove a Dutch convoy 
 against the Kalmar Nyckel. The convoy was badly damaged, 
 but the Swedish ship escaped without injury. She broke loose 
 from her moorings, however, and went adrift and the expedi- 
 tion was somewhat delayed.** About the middle of August the 
 ship was almost ready and Weis wrote that Van Vliet " did his 
 best " In making final arrangements. 
 
 Great efforts to gather colonists were also made. As early 
 as In February Marten Augustlnsson was instructed to look for 
 people In Gothenburg, who were willing to go to New Sweden.** 
 In July Fleming requested the chancellor to Instruct Governor 
 HIndricksson In Elfsborgs Ian*" to secure about twenty-four 
 young men to garrison the fort, as It was advisable that the fort 
 be manned by Swedish people only and the others be sent home, 
 since the Swedes and Dutch did not get along very well. HIn- 
 dricksson was to be especially enjoined upon to engage some 
 
 ^Weis to Fleming, July 8, i8, 1639. Ndgra Klas Fleming popper (R.A.)- 
 Journal, nos. 12, 13, 14. 
 
 ^ Swedish barrels, see above, Chap. VI. 
 
 '^ Both Bailiffs were at Gothenburg. 
 
 " Hindrlcksson was governor of Gothenburg and Elfsborgs Ian. 
 
 " " Hennas Kong. Maj. och Cron. Reck, medh Sod. Com." (three different 
 copies) Soderk., 1637-59 (R-A.) ; Journal, nos. 9, lo, 11, 12, 13. 
 
 ^Hans Weis to Fleming, August 19, 1639 (K.A.). Gripen drifted onto a 
 sandbank, although it was secured by two anchors. The ballast and the cannon 
 were brought off from the ship, but she could not be floated " before a west wind 
 arose." Cf. appendix below. 
 
 "Memorial for M. Augustinsson, February 38, 1639, Ox. Saml., among letters 
 from Fleming. 
 
 " A district in Southwestern Sweden. 
 
126 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 artisans, such as blacksmiths, shoemakers, carpenters, brick- 
 layers and others, three or four of whom ought to be married, 
 who should take their wives along to cook, make beer and wash 
 for the people.^^ Hindricksson tried to secure colonists, but he 
 did not succeed. In a letter of July 24 to the government he 
 laments the fact, but proposes a plan that was accepted by the 
 Crown. Occasionally soldiers would desert the army and re- 
 turn home. Hindricksson thought a proper punishment for 
 some of these deserters and others who had committed some 
 slight misdemeanor would be to send them to America with their 
 families. Accordingly the government instructed Hindricksson 
 on August 7*2 to capture any such soldiers that were found in 
 his district and have them prepare to go to New Sweden. He 
 was advised to do it as quietly as possible, so that no insurrec- 
 tion or tumult would arise. A similar letter was sent on the fol- 
 lowing day (August 8) to Olof Stake, governor of Varmland 
 and Dal,^* the two governors being further instructed to corre- 
 spond with one another about the affair. The soldiers were to 
 be sent immediately to Gothenburg to be in readiness for depar- 
 ture, as soon as possible. In addition to the suit of clothes they 
 had already received from the government^* each was to be sup- 
 plied with ten Daler copper money, and in one or two years they 
 were allowed to return, if they so desired.^' Several new offi- 
 cers were also sent out to the colony on this expedition. Peter 
 
 " " Om fordenskull E. Excell. tacktes skrifva Landzhofdingen Johan Hind- 
 richssen till, att man kunne bekomma antigen af landfolket eller Stadzsoldaterne 
 der i Giotenborgh till tiugu fyra man til besettningh i Skantzenn, som wore unge 
 och friska karer serdeles at man upsokte deribland nigre embetsmann [sa]sonj 
 smedh, skomakare, timmerman, muurmastare. . . . Wore och gott att deribland 
 wore tree eller fyra som gifte wore och wille tagha sine hustrur med sig, the 
 ther kunne bryggja, baka och twatta 5t folket." Fleming to Oxenstierna, July 
 I, 1639, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 °^ There is some doubt in my mind whether my copy is correct or not. The 
 date is, perhaps, August 8. 
 
 " Varmland and Dal, two ancient provinces in southwestern Sweden, bord- 
 ering on Norway. 
 
 °*They had received a suit of clothes from the government when they were 
 drafted, it seems. 
 
 °° Letter to Governor Hindricksson, August 7 (8?), 1639, a"d t° Governor 
 Olof Stake, August 8, 1639, R.R. The last letter is printed in Hand. rdr. Skait. 
 Hist., XXIX. 210-212. 
 
The Second Expedition. 127 
 
 Hollender Ridder,^" who had been in Swedish service for some 
 years, was appointed commander of Fort Christina. An in- 
 struction was given to him by Fleming dated July i, 1639. 
 Before going to Gothenburg he was sent to Oxenstierna at the 
 Tido*^ to obtain further orders. "As he, on behalf of our 
 most gracious Queen," says the instruction, " has been accepted 
 and appointed commander of Fort Christina in New Sweden 
 to rule the people which are gathered there and are yet to be 
 brought over, he shall be under obligation, therefore, to work 
 for the good and for the success of the company and the 
 Crown, and it shall be his duty to try to the utmost of his 
 ability to prevent any harm or calamity from befalling any of 
 these parties." He should further conduct himself according 
 to the special instruction which Captain Cornells van Vliet 
 would give him, as the latter left the country, and the people 
 were commanded to obey all orders issued by him with the con- 
 sent of the commissioner of the fort.^* The Rev. Reorus 
 Torkillus, went to the colony with this expedition, but nothing 
 is known concerning his appointment.^' Gregorius van Dyck, 
 whose name will often be found in the following pages, was also 
 among the passengers. He was instructed to keep a journal 
 and make a report upon his arrival in the colony. Joost van 
 Langdonk was sent out as factor to take the place of Hendrick 
 Huygen.^" 
 
 Hindricksson and Stake were undoubtedly successful In their 
 efforts to gather deserted soldiers and other emigrants, but we 
 do not know to what extent as the exact number of colonists 
 
 " Cp. below, Ridder's biography and the index. 
 
 " A castle by that name built by Oxenstierna on a peninsula in Malaren 
 (Vastmanlandslan) west of Stockholm. 
 
 "Ridder's letter to Oxenstierna (no date but after 1644). Inside of this is a 
 copy of the instructions dated July i, 1639, Ox. Saml.; Fleming to Oxenstierna, 
 July I, 1639, Ox. Saml. The instruction was given " unter des sehligen Hern 
 Herren Claes Flemmings Hand undt Siegel." (Ridder.) 
 
 " That Torkillus came here with this expedition is certain. He died in 1643 
 and it was then stated that he had been in the colony for four years. He wrote 
 to Sweden, when the Kalmar Nyckel returned and this letter was read in the 
 council, July 21, 1640. Rddspr., VIII. 130. 
 
 "Van Dyck to Fleming, May 23, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.) ; bills in N.S., I. 
 (K.A.), signed by Langdonk. 
 
128 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sent over on this expedition cannot be ascertained. It was at 
 first planned to send over a large number of horses and cattle, 
 but as the colonists had no fodder it was later on not thought 
 advisable before the following spring. " Only four mares and 
 two young horses and a number of farming implements are now 
 sent over," says Fleming, " so that the colonists in the autumn 
 can make a trial with seeding."*^ 
 
 Van Vliet did not do his duty in preparing the expedition, 
 "but stayed continually in his lodgings" and much unnecessary 
 time was consumed. In the beginning of September, however, 
 the ship was at last ready and set sail "with people, horses, 
 fodder and provisions."*^ In the North Sea she sprang a leak 
 and had to be brought to Medemblik for repairs. Again they 
 went to sea, but it was soon found that the vessel was leaking 
 and they were compelled to return. Spiring was informed of 
 the circumstances and determined to go to Medemblik in per- 
 son. The ship was unloaded and two master-carpenters em- 
 ployed to make necessary repairs.** A second time the ship 
 left the harbor, but when she arrived at Texel she was leaking 
 as before. She was now brought to Amsterdam, and again 
 Spiring went in person to inspect her. It was found that the 
 carpenters at Medemblik had not done their work properly. 
 Repairs were again made and extra charges were incurred. 
 The captain was accused of fraud and of disobeying his orders 
 and the sailors declared " that they would go neither with the 
 ship nor the captain." An examination was made and it was 
 discovered that he had sent in a bill for two barrels of butter 
 which were not in the ship. He had also charged the company 
 for two barrels of herring, which were also not on board. 
 Thirty-eight barrels of beer were reported as bought by him at 
 Medemblik, but only thirty-one barrels were in the cargo. The 
 supply was short of a great many other articles. Consequently 
 
 "Fleming to Oxenstierna, July i, 1639, Ox. Saml. " Sendes nu allenast fyra 
 stodh och twa unge hastar, samt nagre redskap till Skerbruuk der medh the i 
 host kunna gora sin prof medh uthsade." 
 
 "Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 28, 1640, Ox. Saml. (R.A.) : Kernkamp, 
 Ziiieed. Arch., p. 179 ff. 
 
 " It was found that the old bolts or nails were rusted. 
 
I ■ -'r-f^lKTi .;i lniXH" . ,w_ ^„ ''j^ 
 
 
 ■— wii^ji^ 
 
 V 
 

 "\ 
 
 \ks 
 
 ii 
 
The Second Expedition. 129 
 
 Spiring removed him from his service, appointing Pouwel 
 Jansen to fill his place, and hired some new sailors, who were 
 paid two months' wages in advance. Again the vessel was 
 ready to sail. But other troubles were in store for the expedi- 
 tion. A great sorm swept over the coast on December 27 
 (n.s.) and delayed the sailing for some time.** Thereby the 
 expenses were further increased and the total cost of the expe- 
 dition reached the sum of 15,840 D. before the ship went to 
 sea.*^ On February 7, however, the sails were spread. The 
 course was taken through the English Channel and from there 
 probably direct across the ocean.*® 
 
 Fleming and Blommaert were unfortunate in the selection of 
 the officers for this expedition. Joost van Langdonk*'^ and the 
 skipper were particularly complained of by Van Dyck. The 
 factor cared little for the ship, and during her stay in Holland 
 she was left to the care of Van Dyck and the lieutenant, who 
 slept In the vessel. At Texel Van Langdonk intended to pawn 
 a flag to raise money for buying some water, but Ridder would 
 not allow this, and raised the money himself. The skipper and 
 factor spent their time on the voyage in smoking and drinking 
 and scolding the Swedes and Van Dyck.** They were especially 
 bitter against the priest and the Lutheran religion, forbidding 
 Van Dyck*^ to attend the Swedish service and when the Rev. 
 Torkillus was ill In March, they refused him a little wine, treat- 
 ing him in the most disrespectful manner.'" The skipper and 
 the factor managed things to suit themselves and took no coun- 
 
 " Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January ag, 1640; Ox. Saml.; Greg, van Dyck 
 to Fleming, May, 23, 1640, N.S., I (K.A.). 
 
 "Journal, no. 15. 
 
 "Van Dyck to Fleming, May 23 (n.s.), 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
 " He wrote his name Joost, see facsimile. 
 
 " " Wat wider van Schipper ende Comijs gepasseert is, die alle avonts met 
 brandewijn en toebacksmelcander geselschap deden, sal Harmen Willemse[n] I. 
 E. G. breder mondelijnck seggen." Van Dyck, May 23 (n.s.), 1640, N.S., I. 
 (K.A.), Ridder to Fleming, May 13, 1640, N.S., 1 (K.A.). 
 
 " He seems to have been a Lutheran. 
 
 °° " AIs unsen Predicant quam om het gebet te doen liep hij [the skipper] ende 
 
 den comijs wech . . . offe sij den duivel sagen. . . . AIs den 17 Martij een 
 
 Jonge een wenich wijn begeerde voor den Prijster die sieck was . . . schame mij 
 
 sijn antwoort te schriuen." Van Dyck to Fleming, May 23, 1640, N.S., I (K.A.). 
 
 10 
 
I30 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sel with the other officers. The discipline was poor and drunk- 
 enness was common, the steward himself being intoxicated 
 daily. The journey was rough and many of the people were 
 sick, but the ship arrived safely in New Sweden on the seven- 
 teenth of April, 1640. 
 
 In May the ship was ready to return to Europe and on or 
 shortly after May 14 she set sail with a large cargo. She 
 arrived in Gothenburg about the beginning of July. Here she 
 was taken under the command of Hans Weis, who made an 
 inventory of the goods, placed them under lock and key and 
 hired six of the Swedish sailors to watch the ship until further 
 orders were received from Fleming.®^ 
 
 Several people returned from the colony on this ship, among 
 whom were Hendrick Huygen and Mans Kling and these, to- 
 gether with the sailors and officers on the vessel, were paid 
 their salaries by Van Schotting in Gothenburg, the entire sum 
 2,434 :33 D., including some expenses on the ship, being raised 
 through a draft on Johan le Thor, who in turn applied the 
 money remaining from the sale of the ship, TurturdufvanP 
 The beaver skins and other cargo were brought to Stockholm to 
 be sold there. ®^ 
 
 "Ridder to Fleming, May 13 (with "memorial," May 14), 1640, N.S., I 
 (K.A.), Ridder to Oxenstierna, May 13, 1640, Ox. Saml., Van Dyck to Fleming, 
 May 23 (n.s.), 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.). Van Dyck's letter to Fleming was pre- 
 sented in Stockholm, July 12. Allowing about ten days for it to go from Gothen- 
 burg to Stockholm would bring us to the beginning of the month. H. Weis to 
 Fleming, August 17, 1640, Ndgra K. Fleming papper (R.A.). 
 
 "This ship had been sold by Le Thor. It belonged to the South Company. 
 The sum of the draft was 2,769:26 D. Journal, nos. 18—19. Some extra expenses 
 for provisions, etc., are also recorded. 
 
 '^Journal, nos. 17, 26, 27, 40. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The Company Becomes' Entirely Swedish. 
 
 The Dutch members would have withdrawn from the com- 
 pany even when the first expedition returned, if they could 
 have secured their capital invested in the undertaking, and they 
 had in mind to seize the cargoes of the returning ships, sell 
 them and thus obtain their money. They at first refused to 
 contribute to the second expedition. Later, however, they 
 agreed to pay half of the provisions and cargo bought in Hol- 
 land,^ but they would not pay any of the expenses of the Kalmar 
 Nyckel, incurred on the outward voyage in the winter of 1639- 
 1640.^ They were stockholders in the Dutch West India 
 Company and their membership in the Swedish company was 
 becoming uncomfortable for them.^ In 1640 an agreement 
 was arrived at according to which the Swedish members should 
 buy them out. The expenses for the first expedition were 
 divided equally between the " Swedish and Dutch participants " 
 and the Swedish members demanded one half of the proceeds 
 from the peltries sold by Blommaert, but the Dutch stock- 
 holders insisted that the tobacco lying at Gothenburg would 
 balance this.* They had furnished 18,649 florins^ above the 
 proceeds realized on the sale of the cargoes of the first voyage, 
 but they agreed to be satisfied with 18,000 florins or 7,200 
 R.D., one half of the original capital. On the payment of this 
 sum they would relinquish all claims, and withdraw from the 
 company.* In February, 1641, the matter was discussed In 
 the treasury department at Stockholm. " His excellency, the 
 
 ^The cost was 13,064 florins and the Dutch members furnished one half or 
 6,532 fl. Journal, no. 10. 
 ' Cf. above, Chap. XV. 
 
 'Spiring to Oxenstierna, July 29 (?), 1639, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 '"Die Schwed. Part, in d. Flor. Comp., 1640," Soderk., 1637-59 (R.A.). 
 "Exactly 18,649:13:8, Journal, no. 20. 
 'Journal, nos. 20, 21 (1640), 20, 11, 41; R.R., Feb. 20, 1641 (L.). 
 
 131 
 
132 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 treasurer (skattmdstaren) , said that the government had found 
 it expedient to release the Dutch participants from the New 
 Indian or Florida Company, since they are a hindrance to 
 us."^ On the same day Spiring was instructed to pay the 
 above sum to the Dutch members, which was done in the 
 autumn of 1641, the money being drawn from the Dutch sub- 
 sidies. In addition to the 18,000 florins Spiring was obliged 
 to pay 2% per cent, exchange, making the entire sum 7,398 
 R.D. or 18,495 florins.* 
 
 The government was reimbursed for this outlay through the 
 sale of a ship. The Black Dog, belonging to the South-Ship 
 Company, although there seems to have been no formal decision 
 in the matter.* The company was now run by Swedish capital 
 and it was entirely reorganized. 
 
 Blommaert, although no longer a stockholder, continued to 
 aid the expeditions until he severed his connections with the 
 Swedish Crown, and Spiring and other Swedish agents in Hol- 
 land served the company, as before, in various capacities, while 
 new officers were engaged by the company in Sweden. Some 
 time in 1640 Johan Beier was appointed treasurer and a memo- 
 rial was given to him by Fleming, defining some of his duties.^" 
 
 In the late summer of the same year Benjamin Bonnell" was 
 appointed factor of the company and a memorial was given to 
 
 '' Kam. Prot., February 20, 1641 (K.A.). The minutes go on to say that 
 " Spiring was written to this day " that the Crown should pay 6,000 R.D. " But 
 the rest should be paid through orders from Claes Fleming . . . about which 
 he was informed." But there is no letter in Kam. Kol Reg. to Spiring for Feb. 
 20, or on the following dates, concerning this affair. The letter of Feb. 20, 1641, 
 in Kam. Kol. Reg. has reference to certain goods he was to buy in Holland. 
 
 ' R.R., February 20, 1641 ; Journal, no. 91 ff. 
 
 'The ship (Svarte Hunden) was sold October 10, 1640, to Daniel Schlegel in 
 Stettin for 9,500 R.D. But the sails, anchor, etc., belonged to the government 
 and these were valued at 3,197:20 R.D. Hence 6,302:28 R.D. was due to the 
 South Company and the Crown was debited with that sum, leaving the company 
 in debt to the government to the amount of 1095: R.D. " Kongl. Maj:s och 
 Cronis Rech. medh. Sod. Comp." (1640-52), SSderk., 1637-59 (R-A.). In the 
 official Journal of the company it is stated, however, that the ship was sold for 
 9,000 R.D. and that sails, etc., were valued at 3,000 R.D., leaving 6,000 R.D. as 
 the part due the company. 
 
 '""Memorial fur den Secretar. Johan Beijer " (in eight articles), signed by 
 Flemmg. N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 " See biography below and index. 
 
Letter from J[ohan] Beier to Axel Oxenstierna, August 18, 1647, last page. 
 Preserved in Ox. Sainl. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
Dutch Members Withdraw from Company. 133 
 
 him in November, undoubtedly drawn up by Fleming.** He 
 was to have a salary of 600 D. a year, besides traveling ex- 
 penses, and his duties were to sell all cargoes brought from 
 America and to manage the company's tobacco trade in Swe- 
 den.*' In January, the following year, Hans Kramer was 
 engaged as bookkeeper at a salary of 400 D. a year, and now 
 the company was placed on a business basis. Klas Fleming 
 remained president or director. 
 
 About this time one Robert Smythe (an Englishman?) had 
 a secret interview with Oxenstierna, during which he observed 
 that the chancellor "was a lover of the foreign trade" that 
 had been established in America. Smythe offered his services 
 for the furtherance of this trade as well as its extension to 
 Africa. He approached Fleming and De Geer on the subject 
 and selected thirty Swedes, who were willing to go on an expedi- 
 tion, among whom were two students from Upsala and two 
 noblemen. An old ship, the Achillis,^'^ was to be hired from the 
 government, at the rate of one hundred R.D. a month and sent 
 under the leadership of Smythe to Africa and America. A few 
 months later he presented a memorial to the chancellor, relat- 
 ing the above facts and stating his plans. Fleming was in favor 
 of the expedition, but on the condition that De Geer insure the 
 ship. In passing Smythe also suggests that New Sweden could be 
 settled by foreign people, if good privileges, freedom from duty 
 for some years and religious liberty were granted, and if the 
 chancellor thought him fit, he would gladly lead an expedition 
 thither. He also laments the facts that he is in prison (prob- 
 ably on account of debt), making it difficult for him to get a 
 hearing, and that he had had to wait for an answer for over 
 four months. Nothing seems to have come out of the proposals, 
 however, but one of his suggestions was soon to be carried out 
 
 "^A draft or copy of the memorial in the R.A. is dated November 17, 1640, 
 but it is not signed. It was undoubtedly sent by Fleming to the chancellor for 
 his inspection. It is marked " Fr. Tido-Saml." and once belonged to the Ox. 
 Saml. Cf. Journal, no. 24 ff. 
 
 " Chap. XIX., below ; Journal, no. 100 ff. 
 
 "The ship Achillis. Probably the Akilles mentioned by Zettersten, Sv. flat, 
 hist., II. 563. This was a ship of 200 lasts burden and carried 22 guns. 
 
134 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 — a Dutch Colony was about to be planted in New Sweden 
 under special privileges.^' 
 
 '"Robert Smythe to A. Oxenstierna, no date, but between 1638 and 1(143. Ox. 
 Saml. Smythe was a merchant. There are three letters from him to Oxenstierna 
 two written from Danzig (1646, 1648) and one from Leipzig (1649). Ox. Saml. 
 (R.A.). Robert Smythe was perhaps the same man as Robert Smith, who had 
 business transactions with the New Sweden Company. Cf. below, pp. 235, 288 
 642. Cf. also index. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Utrecht Colony and the Third Expedition, 
 
 1639-1641. 
 
 It was MInuIt's intention to bring over colonists to New 
 Sweden from his home province, but the plan died with him. 
 A similar plan, however, originated from another direction. 
 *' Certain people in Utrecht, seeing that the burdens fell heavier 
 on the land for every year and that the farmer could hardly 
 meet his expenses," determined to go to New Netherland, but 
 satisfactory arrangements with the Dutch West India Company 
 could not be made. It was then decided to apply for permission 
 to settle in New Sweden. The parties were aided by several 
 influential members of the above-mentioned company, among 
 whom were "Godard van Reede, the Lord of Nederhorst"' 
 and Hendrik Hooghkamer. In the beginning of 1639 Blom- 
 maert wrote to Fleming about it and sent a "project" (per- 
 haps a sort of charter of privileges). Admiral Fleming was 
 interested in the plan and seems to have been willing to grant 
 the request. He wrote to Oxenstierna and desired him to ex- 
 press his opinion in the matter. It was brought before the 
 council in March, but it was thought best not to give any definite 
 promises at that time, as a Dutch migration to New Sweden 
 might be a source of danger to the colony and the Swedish 
 title, especially as they wished to settle under a commander of 
 
 '■ Godard van Reede, Heer van der Nederhorst (or his son, Gerard?) was one 
 of the proprietors of a colony in New Netherland on the Hudson. Doc, I. 190, 
 411; De Vries, Korte Historiael, 165 ff. Brodhead (partly following O'Cal- 
 lagban) combines two names, wrongly speaking of van der Horst as Myndert 
 Myndertsen van der Horst, which in turn has been followed in Winsor's Nar. and 
 Crit. Hist., IV., p. 450. The district Nederhorst was so named to distinguish it 
 from Hoogerhorst, both in the province of Utrecht. Cf. Van Rensselaer B. Mss., 
 p. 537; Kernkamp, Ziueed. Arch., p. 191. For a biography of van Reede see 
 B'log. Woordenh. d. Neder. Van Reede's portrait with his coat of arms is 
 reproduced in Arend, III. 5, p. 793. 
 
 135 
 
136 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 their own.* Certain articles were later drawn up by Van Reede 
 and sent by Spiring to the chancellor in the early spring of the 
 same year, but they remained unanswered for some time. 
 
 In July "Herr van der Horst* with S. Blommaert" visited 
 Spiring at the Hague and desired to know, if he had order or 
 commission from the Swedish government, the Swedish mem- 
 bers of the company or from the chancellor to conclude the 
 articles which had been presented, for he wished to send a ship 
 with people and cattle to plant a colony in New Sweden. He 
 was informed that no resolution had been passed in the matter 
 by the government and " it could not be resolved upon before 
 the Royal Council assembled," but " Van der Horst with part- 
 ners " demanded an answer in six weeks or they would have 
 nothing to do with the affair, and on July 23 (o.s. ?) van 
 Reede appeared again before Spiring. On the same day 
 Spiring wrote to the chancellor, requesting that a speedy answer 
 be given, for otherwise the Dutch might withdraw their offers. 
 
 The question, however, was allowed to rest. In June Flem- 
 ing wrote to Oxenstierna " that some parties in Holland ought 
 to be allowed to settle in New Sweden so that the country 
 would the sooner be occupied," but nothing was done in the 
 matter for some time.* Van Reede made further efforts to ob- 
 tain an answer to his propositions. He requested Blommaert 
 to write to Sweden about the undertaking, and the latter did so 
 several times.^ This led to some result. Johan Beier was ap- 
 
 " Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 28, 1640; Oxenstierna to Fleming, 
 March 15, 1639. Ox. Saml. (Concepter). Cf. Rddspr., VIL 485 (March 13, 
 1639). 
 
 ' Van Reede. 
 
 * " 1st diesen Morgen der Herr von der Horst beij mich erschienen, fraegendt 
 ob ich von der Hochloblichen Konigl. Regierung, oder Ihr Exell. die H:n. 
 Schwedische Participanten ordre oder Commission hette mit ihra die getroffene 
 Puncten zu schliesen, dan er willens wehre ein SchifiE mit dem ehrsten rait Volck, 
 Viehe, undt die Colonien zu pflantzen gehorige Sachen nacher New Schweden zu 
 abzuschichen." Spiring to Oxenstierna, July 23, 1639, Ox. Saml., Spiring to 
 Oxenstierna, July 23, July 29 (?), 1639; Fleming to Oxenstierna, June 8, 1639, 
 Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 ° Van Reede was told that since the plague was raging in the Swedish capital 
 it was not possible for the council to meet and it was therefore necessary to have 
 patience. Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 28, 1640, Ox. Saml. 
 
Utrecht Colony and Third Expedition. 137 
 
 pointed to take charge of the negotiations. He should corre- 
 spond with Blommaert and the other interested parties and in- 
 form them of the situation." The proposed charter was doubt- 
 less revised and returned to Spiring, and he in turn made other 
 suggestions. But weeks passed and no arrangements were 
 arrived at. 
 
 In the autumn the persons interested in the scheme deter- 
 mined to send an agent to Sweden to give complete information, 
 and to try to come to a final decision. Joost van den Bogaert^ 
 was selected for the mission. Spiring wrote to Johan Beier in 
 his behalf and other letters were doubtless sent with him. He 
 arrived at Stockholm towards the end of 1639, it seems, and 
 from there he went to Koping* to lay his commission and docu- 
 ments before Oxenstierna.^ He undoubtedly brought with him 
 a charter and other papers which were presented to Fleming or 
 Oxenstiema who in turn laid them before the council. Van 
 Bogaert's presence in Sweden had the desired effect. The coun- 
 cil, on Oxenstierna's and Fleming's initiative, took up the matter 
 in earnest. The privileges that were requested and the different 
 articles of the charter were discussed and several changes were 
 made. 
 
 The charter was originally made out to Godard van Reede, 
 Heer van der Nederhorst.^** But it was later stated that his 
 name was used through mistake and Spiring was requested to 
 inform the authorities in Sweden that his name should be with- 
 
 'Cf. Blommaert to Oxenstierna, January 28, 1640; Ox. Saml., " Memorie," 
 etc. (1640), N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 'Written Jost von Bogart in R.R. (Lat.), January 30, 1640, fol. 8, 9; but 
 Joost van den Boogeardt in the Memorial, N.S., I. (R.A.). In a letter of 1640 
 he signs his name, Joos •van den Bogaert. I have adopted this spelling with the 
 addition of a f in Joost. 
 
 'Koping (an old commercial city) almost directly west of Stockholm on the 
 Kopingsa, a little more than a mile above its entrance into Malaren. The city is 
 noted as the place where the great chemist Von Scheele lived and died. 
 
 "Blommaert writes on January 38, 1640: " I have learned from Sec. Jan Beier 
 that the man had arrived safely," and " since then I have heard nothing about 
 it." Hence Beier's letter was received by Blommaert on or some time before 
 January 28 (n.s.), 1640, and this makes it certain that Van den Bogaert arrived 
 in Sweden before January, 1640. 
 
 " See " Memorie " and Kernkamp, Z<v:eed. Arch., p. 191. 
 
138 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 drawn and that of Hendrik Hooghkamer take its place.^* 
 About the same time a memorial was presented to Spiring by 
 Hooghkamer, suggesting the above change and requesting a 
 statement about the location of the colony. It was at first pro- 
 posed that the settlement should be made about forty miles* ^ 
 above Fort Christina (or about ten miles above present Phila- 
 delphia).** But in that case the ships of the colonists would 
 have to pass Fort Nassau and the settlers could easily be cut off 
 from the Swedish stronghold and be left to the mercy of the 
 Dutch or English, who could come between them and Fort 
 Christina, build a fortress there and destroy their plans. An 
 answer or counter-memorial was drafted later. The author of 
 these Gegenbedencken^^ to the memorial (who was probably 
 Spiring) saw no danger in placing the colony at such a distance 
 from the Swedish fortress, but in order to insure its safety he 
 proposed that " Hooghkamer and his consorts should be allowed 
 to build a small fortress between their colony and Christina, to 
 be garrisoned by soldiers, supported by the Swedish govern- 
 ment." 
 
 A copy of the "memorial" and "counter-memorial" was 
 sent to Oxenstierna,*" and its contents were probably discussed in 
 the council. The change of names was made, but instead of the 
 
 "This was undoubtedly done in the late autumn of 1639, for on January 
 24, 1640, the change was known in Sweden. Van Reede probably withdrew for 
 political reasons and on account of his connection with the Dutch West India 
 Company. 
 
 "The original has ten miles. 
 
 " That would have brought them to about present Fitlers or Holmesburg Junc- 
 tion, about ten miles above Ft. Casimir. The " Memorie " is not clear, prob- 
 ably due to the mistakes of a copyist. It states: ■' dat indien de plaets van den 
 participanten thein mylen aen de Noordzyde van de Suytrivier genomen meet 
 werden." That this means ten miles above Fort Christina is clear from the 
 fact that the colonists " would have to pass the fort of the [Dutch] West India 
 Company in going up and down the said river" from their settlement— Fort 
 Nassau lying i6 leagues from the mouth of the Delaware. It is further 
 corroborated by the " Gegenbedencken," which says, "das weil sie wegen 
 lo-meiliger Ablage von der Fort Christina ihre Einfart der Hollen. Fort gegen- 
 uber hetten und die allezeit pasziren musten," etc. " Memorie," N.S., I. (R.A.) ; 
 Kernkamp, Z<weed. Arch., p. 189 ff. 
 
 " Counter-considerations. 
 
 '"The copy in N.S., I. (R.A.), is marked " Fr. Tido. Saral.," indicating that it 
 once belonged to A. Oxenstierna's collection. 
 
Utrecht Colony and Third Expedition. 139 
 
 erection of a fortress the Dutch colonists were permitted to 
 locate somewhat nearer Christina than was at first suggested: 
 The charter was issued by the government on January 24, 1640. 
 It was decided that the colony should be placed on the west 
 side^® of the South River at least " four or five common Ger- 
 man miles" (about twenty English miles), above Fort Chris- 
 tina.^'' The " patrons " should be granted as much land as 
 they needed for their settlement, on both sides of the river, on 
 the condition that it be improved within ten years. If the lands 
 chosen at first were not satisfactory, other places could be 
 selected with the consent of the Swedish governor. The 
 "patrons," their associates and their posterity should enjoy and 
 possess " forever as an allodial or hereditary property " all 
 fisheries, woods, minerals, springs and other natural resources, 
 as well as " windmills and other such advantages and utilities, 
 w'hiich are [already] found there or may be established." 
 They were granted the right to establish all kinds of manufac- 
 tories and trades; they could carry on commerce and, with 
 ships built in New Sweden, they were free to trade in the West 
 Indies, on the coasts of Africa and in the Mediterranean Sea. 
 They were assured religious liberty, being admonished, how- 
 ever, to avoid all strife and unnecessary disputes, and they 
 were under obligation to support as many ministers of the 
 gospel and school-masters as the number of the inhabitants 
 made necessary, especially such persons to be appointed, who 
 had the conversion of the poor pagans to Christianity at 
 heart. Their political rights as well as their relation to the 
 Swedish government were also clearly defined in the charter. 
 They were granted the authority to exercise " higher and lower 
 justice in their district," to establish and Issue statutes and 
 ordinances, to appoint magistrates and officers and to " use the 
 
 "" On the north side," Charter. § i. 
 
 "Hazard, p. 52 flF., has a poor translation of this charter (also in Reg. of 
 Penn., IV. 178 ff.). He states that the settlement was "below Fort Christina," 
 p. 51. The mistake has been repeated by other historians — Winsor, Nar. 
 and Crit. Hist., IV. 450; O'Callaghan and others. Four or five German miles 
 or 18 to 23 English miles would bring the settlement about four to nine miles 
 below Philadelphia. 
 
140 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 titles and coat of arms of their colony" in all official docu- 
 ments, but they were to acknowledge the jurisdiction and 
 sovereignty of the Swedish Crown and of the governor of New 
 Sweden and all statutes and laws passed by them were to be 
 approved by the aforesaid governor. They were to be under 
 the protection of the royal government, but they were to suffer 
 no encroachment upon their liberties by the same. They were 
 tp pay a tax of three florins a year for each family, as an 
 acknowledgment of Swedish authority, but they were to be free 
 for ten years from duties, excises and all other contributions in 
 the colony; all goods sent to Sweden (or shipped from there to 
 the colony) or other parts of Europe, however, being subject to 
 the usual duty. After the period of ten years a duty of five 
 per cent, (or more if necessary) was to be collected on all 
 imports and exports for the support of the government and the 
 defense of the colony. The inhabitants and their descendants 
 were never to be pressed into military service, but they were 
 expected to aid in defending the colony against attacks. 
 Finally, they were guaranteed exemption " from all confisca- 
 tions of their property," and fines that were imposed for various 
 reasons were never to exceed lOO florins or 40 R.D., but the 
 government reserved the right to mete out " all other kinds of 
 punishments (than fines) according to the nature of the 
 offense."^* 
 
 It was the intention of the " patrons " to send over " two or 
 three ships with people, cattle and other things belonging to 
 agriculture," so as to establish a firm settlement which was later 
 to be augmented by a great number of people, and on January 
 24 a pass was issued for the ship Freedenburgh to sail to 
 America under the command of skipper Jacob Powelsen, a 
 similar pass being issued for two other vessels on the same 
 date.i3 
 
 '"'Octroi] und Privilegium," etc., January 24, 1640, R.R. (Latin). The 
 copy of the charter in R.R. is signed by G[abriel] 0[xenstierna] G[ustafsson]| 
 J[acob] D[e] L[a] G[ardie], C[arl] C[arlsson] G[yllenhielm], A[xel] 0[xen- 
 stierna] and G[abriel] 0[xenstierna] B[engtsson]. 
 
 '"January 24, 1640, Octroy, January 24, 1640, R.R. (R.A.). 
 
Utrecht Colony and Third Expedition. 141 
 
 Joost van Bogaert was engaged as agent in New Sweden and 
 on January 30 a commission was given to him by the govern- 
 ment. For his services he was promised 500 florins a year (or 
 200 R.D.), the salary to begin on the date of his appointment 
 and to be paid yearly to Bogaert's representatives in Holland 
 by Spiring or other servants of the Swedish government. If 
 his services and devotion to the interest of the colony and the 
 company warranted it, his salary would be raised to 1,000 
 florins or more.^* On the same day he signed a bond or obliga- 
 tion promising to fulfill his duties to the best of his ability. ^^ 
 A letter was also written to Peter HoUender Ridder, recom- 
 mending the colonists to his favor and requesting him to receive 
 them kindly, and on February i a letter was also written to 
 Spiring about the matter. With these documents Bogaert 
 left Sweden in the early spring of 1640 for Holland and pro- 
 ceeded to Spiring at the Hague, into whose hands the papers 
 were delivered.^^ All original letters and papers were also in- 
 cluded and a draft of an obligation to be signed by the 
 " patrons " was enclosed. Spiring was requested to go through 
 the papers and make any corrections he saw fit, but he was ad- 
 vised not to delay the expedition on account of these changes 
 or on account of any differences that may arise.^* These instruc- 
 tions were undoubtedly carried out. The " obligation " and 
 other papers were revised and signed and other necessary 
 arrangements were made. 
 
 ™R.R. (L.), January 30, 1640, " Dass wir ihra darauff fiir solche seine iiber- 
 nohtnmene miihewaltung zu einen jahrlichnen Tractament von dato dieses 
 anzurechnen verordtnet und bewilliget baben funffhundert Keyssers Gulden oder 
 zwijhundert Reichsthlr. welche 500 fl. oder 200 Rthlr. auch jahrlich in Hollandt 
 durch den Residenten Spiring oder andere unsere Bediente ... an seine hirzu 
 gevollmechtigte, richtig und unfehlbahr erieget werden sollen ..." Hazard 
 has a poor translation on p. 55 ff. He makes the increase only loo florins. The 
 original has " dass obbeschriebenes sein jahrl. Salarium vermehret und auff 
 tausend Keyssers gulden gerechnet." R.R. (L.), January 30, 1640, R.R., fol. 9. 
 
 ^Bogarts Revers, R.R., January 30, 1640, fol. 9 (R.A.). 
 
 ^He arrived in Holland about or a little before March 14 (n.s.), 1640, for 
 the resolution " forbidding navigation in the Sound " was passed on that date 
 and Bogeart says that as soon as the privileges wrere brought back by him this 
 resolution was published. Aitzema, V. 81 ; Bogaert to Beier, July 20 1640 
 N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
 ""An Resid. Peter Spiring," etc., Feb. i, 1640, R.R. (L.), fol. 13-14. 
 
142 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 But the expedition was delayed. In the first place inter- 
 national difficulties arose. On March 14 (n.s.) a resolution 
 was passed by the States General, forbidding Dutch vessels to 
 sail to the Baltic ports and to Norway, except to certain harbors 
 in Holstein and to Gothenburg. Hollanders were prohibited 
 from engaging In the service of foreign powers and severe 
 punishments were prescribed for the breaking of these orders.^* 
 This made It impossible for Bogaert to carry out his commission 
 and other Hollanders, who were engaged to bring over the ship 
 Freedenburgh, likewise hesitated to proceed. But Peter Spiring 
 applied to the States General for permission to equip a ship in 
 Holland for the Swedish Crown and he undoubtedly also en- 
 deavored to obtain permission for Hollanders to engage in 
 Swedish service.^ The relations between Denmark and the 
 States General were becoming strained and the latter power 
 made approaches to Sweden.^® Spiring's memorials were there- 
 fore treated with much respect and his request seems to have 
 been granted. 
 
 But there were other circumstances which occasioned delay. 
 The Dutch West India Company, being informed of the 
 Utrecht plan, endeavored to frustrate it without offending the 
 Swedish government. A report was circulated that the garrison 
 at Fort Christina had deserted the stronghold on account of 
 want of sustenance and repaired to New Amsterdam. Later 
 it was reported that the Kalmar Nyckel had been captured by 
 the Turks on its second voyage. Finally letters arrived from 
 
 ^This policy, if carried out, would have been a hard blow to Sweden, in 
 whose service hundreds of Hollanders were employed and we find that the 
 government took immediate steps to remedy the matter. A letter was written 
 to Fleming, April 3, 1640, stating that the resolution of the States General had 
 been received. Plans were to be made by which the Swedes could " secure their 
 own ships and sailors, which in this case, will serve to continue the navigation." 
 Fleming was further instructed to present the government's proposition to the 
 magistrates of Stockholm and enjoin them to prepare ships which could be sent to 
 " Holland and other foreign places." ' Letter to Fleming, April 3, 1640, R.R. 
 
 "'Vriesland did not join in the resolution and it is therefore probable that 
 persons from this province had a right to enter foreign service. See Aitzema, 
 V. 8i. 
 
 ^See Arend, V. 3, p. 212 ff. 
 

Utrecht Colony and Third Expedition. 143 
 
 Governor Kieft stating that he had made an agreement with the 
 Swedes that if no assistance arrived within two months from 
 April 4, 1 640, they would leave the fort and be transported to 
 Holland on the ships of the Dutch West India Company.^'^ 
 Another obstacle was the charter of the Dutch West India 
 Company. According to the first article of this document 
 nobody was allowed to sail to or trade within the limits of New 
 Holland on pain of confiscation of property and goods. Dutch 
 skippers were therefore unwilling to let their ships for fear that 
 they would be confiscated. The Dutch West India Company 
 excepted the region surrounding Fort Christina, however, out 
 of respect for Sweden, but " those who settled on other places 
 of the South River outside of Minquas Kill should be treated 
 as tresspassers of the Octroy, and not only have their ships and 
 goods confiscated, but they would also be prosecuted. ..." 
 These circumstances naturally caused delay and uneasiness. 
 Bogaert proposed that Sweden should send a warship of 340 
 tons burden to the colony to guard the rights of Sweden. Cer- 
 tain knowledge had also been gained by the " patrons " that the 
 English, who had been granted land on the South River by 
 their king, might settle on " the south [east] side of the river;" 
 therefore it was proposed that the Swedish government should 
 build a fort on Cape Henlopen and that a few colonists be 
 settled at the Horn KilP* and Swanendael, where there was a 
 dilapidated fort. But it was necessary that Samuel Blommaert 
 should know nothing about it, until the place had been occupied, 
 so that the Dutch West India Company would not be in- 
 formed.2' 
 
 The original plans were modified before final arrangements 
 were made and only one ship was to be sent. The "patrons" 
 incurred great expenses through the delay. A ship carrying 
 25 cannon had been prepared and about 50 colonists were to be 
 sent over. These had to be fed and the salaries of the sailors 
 
 "Bogaert to Beier, July 20, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.) ; cf. Doc, I. 592-3; Hazard, 
 p. 50 flF., and below, chap. XXII. 
 * Bogaert writes Hoeren Kit. 
 "" Bogaert to Beier, July 20, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
144 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 paid. On July 20 (n.s. ?), 1640, however, Bogaert writes 
 that he had in mind to leave in eight days or as soon as there 
 was a favorable wind, and it is likely that he set sail towards 
 the end of July or in the beginning of August. Of the voyage 
 across the ocean we know nothing, but the ship arrived safely in 
 New Sweden on the second of November the same year.^* 
 The ship left the colony about December 3.*^ It carried 737 
 beaver skins, 29 bear skins and a small number of other skins, 
 all belonging to the New Sweden Company.^^ The skins were 
 sold in Amsterdam by one Jacque de la Mijne for 5,360 florins. 
 This money, after de la Mijne's commission (of 467 :8 florins) 
 had been deducted, was turned over to Peter Spiring and used 
 for buying new supplies.*^ It is not known whether or not the 
 ship brought back a cargo of tobacco or other goods for the 
 "patrons." 
 
 "Bogaert to Beier, July 20, 1640, N.S., L (K.A.) ; Ridder to Oxenstierna, 
 December 3, 1640, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 °' On December 3 Ridder wrote to Oxenstierna and the letter was undoubtedly 
 sent to Europe with this ship. 
 
 °^I have not found it expressly stated in the documents that these skins were 
 brought to Holland in the Dutch ships, but the journal says: " Umb das 
 Nachstehende Pelltereijen sein in Ao. 1641 aus Nova Svecia in Holland ange- 
 komraen" (Journal, no. 65) and no other ship came from New Sweden in 1641. 
 
 ^Journal, no. 65. The net proceeds were 4,892:12 florins or 2,935:18 D. s.m. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Fourth Expedition, i 641-1642. 
 
 In the meantime activities were begun for a new voyage from 
 Sweden. We have already seen that money belonging to the 
 old South Company was used for the benefit of the New Sweden 
 Company. A ship called the Turturdufva,^ belonging to the 
 South-Ship Company was sold in Holland by Le Thor. Later 
 he was ordered by Fleming to use some of the proceeds for 
 buying a cargo for a new expedition to the Delaware. Accord- 
 ingly he bought several " cases of cloth " for 4,047 :2 :8 florins. 
 Major Richard Clerk was also commissioned to buy goods for 
 the journey and through his efforts merchandise for 3,299:2 
 florins was purchased. Hendrick Huygen, who decided to 
 return to New Sweden, was sent to Holland at the company's 
 expense, where he purchased large quantities of supplies and 
 hired some of the crew for the ship. He was assisted by Le 
 Thor and money, probably raised through the sale of tobacco 
 and skins In Sweden, was furnished him by Spiring. Part of 
 the cargo and supplies, being ready In November, were insured 
 by Jacque de la Meijne and sent to Gothenburg.^ 
 
 The government, taking a lively Interest In the preparations, 
 urged Fleming to make ready "two [ships] which could sail 
 between Virginia or New Sweden and Gothenburg" and re- 
 quested him to report the condition of the ships that were 
 available for commercial voyages and trips to the South River. 
 But it was found that most of the ships that had been mentioned 
 
 '"The Turtle-dove." Another ship, " Neptunes," belonging to the South- 
 Ship Company was also sold in Holland in 1640 by Le Thor and Blommaert Le 
 Thor to Fleming, February 2, 1640 (K.A.). 
 
 ' " Clerks Rechning," etc., 1640, Soderkomp., 1637-59 (R-A.) ; Journal, nos. zz, 
 53, 54, 62, 84, 94, 96, 122, 123. " Der Dritte Viagio," etc., Soderkomp., 1637-59 
 (R.A.). 
 
 II 145 
 
146 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 were old and unfit for a long sea voyage and it is doubtful that 
 they could have been repaired in any case.* 
 
 The Kalmar Nyckel brought letters, journals and reports 
 from New Sweden* which arrived in Stockholm on July 12 and 
 a few days later Huygen made an oral report of the conditions 
 of the country. These things naturally tended to increase the 
 Interest in the work and hurry on the preparations for the new 
 expedition. It is likely that the letters and reports of Ridder 
 and Van Dyck, urging the necessity of sending colonists, cattle 
 and new supplies to Christina at the earliest date, were read in 
 the council chamber on the day after their arrival, for " it was 
 ordered that a letter should be made to Johan Hindricksson, 
 governor of Gothenburg, to the effect that, since the Crown's 
 ship had returned from Nova Svecia in India with a safe 
 voyage, and [since] H[er] R[oyal] Maj[esty] intended 
 further to continue the same trade to India, the governor was 
 to be commanded to endeavor to collect people, with wives and 
 children, cattle and horses and all goods and prevail upon them 
 to go to that country."' The letter was written the same day 
 
 ^ In a note on page 25 of his Nya Sverige Odhner says: "It is probable that 
 the intended expedition, which is spoken of in the letters of the government to 
 Fleming, April 13 and 28, 1640 [" the ships that go to New Sweden, which should 
 be well preserved and commanded by Johan Dufva," " the 5 ships, which go to 
 Virginia "], did not take place. As far as I can find there was no intention 
 to send " five ships to Virginia or New Sweden under the command of Johan 
 Dufva." The government decided to send " four . . . good ships to Gothenburg 
 and . . . gave orders that they should be made entirely ready, as well as two 
 others ivhich can go between Virginia or Netv Sweden and Gothenburg." Flem- 
 ing was ordered to prepare these ships and appoint some good captain, " of sense, 
 boldness and courage who could command these six ships." The six ships should 
 be sent to Holland to carry merchandise there. It seems that one Bielckenstjarna 
 was at first proposed as commander of the expedition. But Johan Dufva was 
 found to be " of better experience." One of the ships mentioned in the list was 
 to go to Holland " on a trial journey." If it proved good it would be sent to 
 New Sweden. See R.R., April 3, April 13, April 14, April 28, 1640, fol. 405 ff., 
 fol. 423 ff., fol. 483 ff. Fleming's report was made on April 21, 1640. 
 
 'Ridder's letters to Oxenstierna and to Fleming of May 13 and Van Dyck's 
 of May 23 (n.s.), together with Van Dyck's Journal and other documents were 
 sent over on the ship. 
 
 ""Memorial," May 14, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.) ; Rddspr., VIII. 102 (July 13, 
 1640). The Swedish is condensed and difficult to translate " Bef altes Stathal- 
 laren att vinlaggia sig ther cm att sammanlocka folk med hester och ah bod, 
 them disponera att the och ville till samme landzort sig begiffva." 
 
The Fourth Expedition. 147 
 
 (July 13), embodying the above instructions. The govern- 
 ment had hopes that "New Sweden would in time redound to 
 the service and honor of the Swedish Crown and to the pros- 
 perity and improvement of its citizens." Special privileges 
 would be granted in the colony, if that would induce settlers 
 to migrate and for the greater success of the plan Hindricksson 
 was requested to consult with Timon Roloffsson in Gothenburg 
 and get his views about it." 
 
 But other measures were also taken to secure colonists. In 
 the previous century, especially during and after the " club- 
 war" of 1596-1597,^ a large number of Finns had migrated 
 to northern and central Sweden. Prince Carl, later Charles 
 IX., encouraged these migrations, giving the Finns many privi- 
 leges in his province and Gustavus Adolphus was also well 
 disposed towards them.* These immigrants cleared the forests 
 by burning the trees and sowed the grain in the ashes. They 
 were encouraged by Prince Carl to do so, and for years this 
 method was employed." But their promiscuous burning and 
 destruction of the forests soon lost favor with the authorities 
 and complaints were made against them, during the last years 
 of the reign of Gustavus Adolphus.'" Their methods of hunt- 
 ing, also tended to bring them into disrepute with the govern- 
 ment officials. In 1608 an ordinance was published concerning 
 hunting, prescribing a fine of 40 marks (for the first offense) 
 for the shooting of a deer or elk; for the second offense the fine 
 was doubled and capital punishment was inflicted for the third 
 offense.'^ But the Finns, living far from civilization, cared 
 little for law and order and paid no attention to any of these 
 
 'Letter to Johan Hindricksson, July 13, 1640, R.R., fol. 673 (R.A.). 
 
 'Concerning this struggle, caused by Clas E. Fleming (not the admiral), see 
 Nordisk Familjebok, VIII. pp. 902-3, and Yrjo Koskinen, Finlands Historia, I. 
 169 ff., especially 175 ff. 
 
 ' See Nordmann, p. 8 ff., 19 ff., and Almquist, Uddeholmsverken, p. 64 ff. 
 
 ' Nordmann, p. 41 ff. For this method of agriculture see below. Chap. 
 XLII. 
 
 " Nordmann, 44 ff. 
 
 " Nordmann, 64-65. 
 
148 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 ordinances.^^ During the Thirty Years' War large numbers 
 left their native country to escape conscription, and went to 
 Sweden, where they continued the practise of their predeces- 
 sors. They burned the forests, shot elks for their hides only, 
 allowing the bodies to lie and rot, and committed other crimes 
 against existing laws. They were difficult to reach, since they 
 moved about and had no permanent home. As their numbers 
 increased, the complaints against them became more numerous. 
 From 1636 on, they were the subject of many ordinances and 
 harsh treatment was often dealt out to them.^^ In the autumn 
 of 1636 an order was issued commanding all "Finnish va- 
 grants " to leave Sweden and return to Finland before the 
 Walpurgis night of 1637 on pain of being put in irons and 
 kept to work on the government's castles and farms. Some of 
 these Finns, who could give bonds and prove that they were 
 honest and industrious, were given farms and allowed to settle 
 in the country, "but the wanderers and unsettled ones must 
 return home."^* 
 
 In 1640 Governor Gustaf Lejonhufvud^® wrote to the gov- 
 ernment that there were a number of such vagrant Finns in his 
 dlstricti" that could not be entrusted with uncultivated farms," 
 
 " " Ett stort misbrufc skeer esomofftast medh Finneine i Finnemarken . . . 
 man ma nagot skarpare med dem procedera an till penningeboter alena, ty 
 penninger achta de foga. ..." Gust. Lejonhufvud till A. Oxenstierna. A. 
 Oxenstiernas Skrifter, i, XI. 317. 
 
 "Nordraann, 45 ff. There are instances on record when their homes were 
 burnt and other uncivil treatment accorded them. There were even suggestions 
 of killing them off entirely. The reasons for the migrations of the Finns to 
 Sweden were many: (i) Economic, (2) political, (3) (Stiernman, II. 55 ff.), (+) 
 desire to escape conscription, civil strife and the laying waste of parts of Finland 
 by Russian bands. Cf. Nordmann, p. i ff.; Almquist, 64 ff. They lived in 
 Sweden very much as they did in Finland and we may assume that they brought 
 some of their customs with them to America. Cf. below, Chap. XXXIII. 
 
 For further literature concerning the Finns and their persecution in Sweden 
 see Erik Fernow, Beskr. ofver Farmland, and Nordmann's references. As 
 to the districts in Sweden where the Finns settled see Nordmann, Appendix II. 
 and III. 
 
 " Stiernman, Kungl. br., etc., II. 55 ff. 
 
 '°He was governor of Orebro, an inland town west of Stockholm. 
 The district of Nerike, in south-central Sweden, over which Lejonhufund 
 was also governor. 
 
 " During this period a large number of " odeshemman," as these farms were 
 called, were found throughout Sweden. See Sillen, IV. p. 84 ff. 
 
The Fourth Expedition. 149 
 
 and he desired to know what to do with them. His letter 
 arrived as the preparations for sending a new expedition to the 
 Delaware were in progress and as efforts were made to secure 
 colonists, and on the thirtieth of July the government answered 
 his missive, instructing him to endeavor to persuade such Finns 
 " to migrate to New Sweden with wives and children." He 
 should explain to them the great advantages to be had in this 
 country; that there was an abundance of forests, and wild 
 animals, and that a large number of Swedes were already there. 
 In the same year four Finns, Eskil Larsson, Klement Jorans- 
 son, Jons Pafvelsson and Bertil Eskelsson in Sundsocken,^* 
 had been found guilty of burning the forests and breaking the 
 mandates of the Crown. They were therefore ordered to the 
 army and their property was confiscated. In July they applied 
 to the government for permission to go to New Sweden and to 
 be released from military service. The request was granted 
 and Governor Stake was ordered to restore their property to 
 them on the condition that they give bonds and promise to 
 appear at Gothenburg, as soon as the government called them 
 there.^® But these efforts were insufficient, and, although some 
 Finns in Stockholm on their own accord presented themselves 
 to the authorities, as willing to take passage on the Kalmar 
 Nyckel,'^° yet it was found necessary to send a special solicitor 
 to Induce people to migrate. Mans Kling, who knew "what a 
 splendid and productive country New Sweden was," accepted 
 an appointment to perform this mission, receiving his usual 
 salary besides his expenses from the company, -^ and September 
 26 he was given an " instruction " or commission by the govern- 
 ment. He should proceed to " Bergslagen "^^ and some other 
 
 "A district in southwestern Sweden, near the Norwegian boundary line. 
 
 "Letter to Stake, July 9, 1640, R.R., fol; 707 (RA.). Hand. rbr. Skan. Hist., 
 XXIX. 3X3 ff. Letter to the governor in Orebro, G. Lejonhufund, July 30, 1640, 
 R.R., 715 ff. If the Finns refused to go to New Sweden he was instructed to 
 carry out the order published formerly (Sept. 4, 1636). Cf. above. 
 
 ''Hand. ror. Skan. Hist., XXIX. p. 215. 
 
 '^Journal, no. 25; Beier paid his salary 221:19 R.D. and 6 R.D. for expenses 
 on this journey. 
 
 ^A district in Dalarne, a province northwest of Stockholm bordering on 
 Norway. Dalarne was one of the ancient provinces of Sweden. The provinces 
 
1 50 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 places in order to collect and hire^^ a multitude^* of roving 
 people . . . who nowhere have a steady residence and dwel- 
 ling," and especially the Finns who were found there, and in- 
 struct them to proceed to Stockholm before the sailing of the 
 ship.2^ He went to Kopparberget^® and other places, and some 
 of the colonists for this expedition were secured through him. 
 In February the government again wrote to Governor Lejon- 
 hufvud, requesting him to prevail upon some inhabitants of his 
 province to go to New Sweden for some years. If he was unsuc- 
 cessful in his endeavor he should capture " all the forest-de- 
 stroyers [Finns]" found in his district and keep them in readi- 
 ness for the sailing of the ship. In the spring of 1641 Kling 
 was sent out a second time to gather soldiers and colonists. He 
 was given 189 D. 26 ore by Beier for which he hired fourteen 
 men.^'' Johan Printz, later governor of the colony, was like- 
 wise requested by the chancellor to look for some skilled work- 
 men and young people in Finland, who would be willing to go 
 to America, and at least one colonist, the bookkeeper Karl Jans- 
 son, came from there.^^ 
 
 But immigrants for New Sweden were slow in making their 
 appearance, although the authorities continued to interest them- 
 selves in the matter. In April, 1641, a letter was sent to Gov- 
 ernor Stake in answer to one of his inquiries, directing him to 
 permit all Finns he had captured, who could not give bonds, to 
 
 are no longer of importance from an administrative point of view and they are 
 not indicated on all modern maps. The place of the old provinces has been 
 taken by the Ian, in some cases corresponding in area to the old province. Thus 
 Dalarne is now called Kopparbergs tan, corresponding exactly with the ancient 
 province of Dalarne. 
 
 ^ The original has " ahntaga," which may mean accept, but since we know 
 that he really did hire some men, I give the word that meaning. R.R., Sept. 26, 
 1640. 
 
 "* The original has " hop," not necessarily a large number in this connection. 
 
 """Fullmacht for Mans Kling," etc., September 26, 1640, R.R., fol. 1,008-9. 
 The governors in the districts he visited were requested to aid him in his work. 
 
 ^ Kopparberget in the province of Dalarne, west of Gefle, south-central 
 Sweden. 
 
 Journal, no. 39. Letter from the government to Governor Lejonhufund, 
 February 8, 1641, R.R. 
 
 ^ In a letter of 1641 (without date) he asks for a " schrifftliche Befehll " for 
 the " Werbung." Ox. Saml. 
 
The Fourth Expedition. 151 
 
 leave for the colony^'' and a young trooper, who had cut down 
 and ruined six apple trees in the royal orchard at the cloister of 
 Varnhem, was allowed to choose between hanging or going to 
 America with wife and children.^" 
 
 During the winter preparations for the expedition had been 
 made at Gothenburg and Stockholm. The Kalmar Nyckel was 
 repaired at the former place and Van Schotting bought provisions 
 there and large quantities of hay and oats for the cattle that 
 were to be shipped over, while ammunition and various other 
 articles were procured by Beier, Kramer and Fleming at Stock- 
 holm, where a second ship, the Charitas was being prepared.^^ 
 The colonists from the various districts of the northern prov- 
 inces were instructed to assemble at the capital, before the sail- 
 ing of the vessel and. May 3, 1631, she left Stockholm on her 
 way to Gothenburg with thirty-five souls on board, destined for 
 New Sweden. A list of these has been preserved. Being of 
 considerable interest, as it describes each individual colonist and 
 gives us an idea of the general character of the immigrants, it 
 will be quoted in full : 
 
 List of the persons who sailed from here to Gothenburg on the ship 
 Charitas,'^ May 3, 1641, and from where they shall be brought over to 
 Nova Svecia, namely: 
 
 (i). Ivert Hindricksson, hired to serve as a soldier. He is to have 
 a suit of clothes and a salary of 20 R.D. a year of which he has received 
 20 D. cop. money here. 
 
 (2). Olof Pavelsson'^' 
 
 '" If they refused to go they should be punished. He had captured a number 
 of the Finns and kept them in prison awaiting the orders of the Government. 
 Hand. ror. Skan. Hist., XXIX. pp. 218-19. 
 
 " " Dy ar war nadige willie och befallningh, att I honom uthan uppehSIIdh 
 tingfohra, och domb effter bratt sino Staga lathe, stallandes honom sadan i skon, 
 antingen ban will medh hustru och barn begiffwa sigh medh wartt Skepp ifran 
 Gotheborgh oflFwer till Nye Swerige, eller hangia." Hand. ror. Skan. Hist., 
 XXIX. 217-8; R.R., April 13, 1641, fol. 301 (R.A.). 
 
 ""Dritte wiagio," etc., Sbderk., 1637-59 (R-A.). 
 
 ^^"Floijte Charitas." Flojt or "flot" was a large freight vessel of from 240 
 to 400 tons burden and it commonly carried two cannon. It was introduced 
 into Sweden from Holland in the beginning of the seventeenth century. See 
 Zettersten, S<v. flot. hist., I. 323. 
 
 *■ Where omissions have been made, indicated by dots, the original is simply 
 a repetition of the foregoing. To print the entire would be a needless restate- 
 ment of the same thing for each colonist or soldier. 
 
1 52 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 ( 3 ) . Per Johansson ( ? ) 
 
 (4) . Johan Ericksson 
 
 (5). Anders Hansson, the brother of the constaple (gunner) 
 
 (6). Jacob Sprint 
 
 (7). Paul Joransson 
 
 (8). Axel Stille" 
 
 (9). Henrick Matsson, a boy. He shall have a salary of 10 R.A. a 
 year and he received 10 D. copper money on departing. 
 
 ( 10). Johan, a boy 
 
 (11). Olof Erickson, a boy 
 
 (12, 13, 14, 15, 16). Mans Svensson (Loom),'^ a tailor, who has 
 also been a lieutenant. He intends to begin agriculture in the colony. 
 He received 5 R.D. on departing but otherwise no salary or monthly 
 wage. Goes with his wife, two almost grown up daughters and a 
 little son. 
 
 (17, 18, 19, 20). Olof Stille, a mill-maker,'^ who will begin farming 
 there. He received 50 R.D. copper money, but he seeks no pay. He 
 will be paid, however, for what he does for the company or for what he 
 supplies. He has a wife, and two children, one seven the other one and 
 a half years of age. 
 
 (21). Mats Hansson, one of Fleming's servants." He is to have no 
 pay, but to be supplied only with necessary clothing [and food], because 
 he has committed some oflense, and must go along as a punishment.'* 
 
 (22). Per Kock, an imprisoned soldier from Smedjegarden.'" He 
 must serve as a soldier for penalty, and is to receive necessary sustenance 
 and clothing. 
 
 (23). Karl Johansson," formerly bookkeeper at Kexholm," who 
 These eight were all to serve as soldiers. 
 
 "The word is written above the name in the original, showing that it was 
 omitted and put in later. Such " tillnamn " ("additional names") generally 
 have some meaning, as Matts skrdddare (tailor), etc., or they indicate the dis- 
 trict whence the man came. Lorn is a water-fowl (loon, diver). There is also 
 a Lomma in southern Sweden. 
 
 ""Oloff Stille ein Muehlen Macher." The expression undoubtedly means 
 
 1!?^.'^^'.^,'"'""'^"^''* ("mill-builder"), perhaps a maker of mill-stones (?). 
 The original has " knecht," and from the context it would appear to have 
 the German meaning of servant; but in no. i, 2 and 22 "knecht" seems to have 
 Its Swedish meaning of soldier. 
 
 His crime is not mentioned, but it was not very grievous, it seems. Cf. 
 above. 
 
 ^ Imprisoned soldiers in Stockholm were kept in SmedjegSrden. 
 « T L ** original the name is first written " Carl Jonsson," then above this 
 Johansson " has been inserted. 
 "A little town in Finland on Lake Ladoga, almost directly north of St. 
 
The Fourth Expedition. 153 
 
 must go along for punishment and he shall also serve at times as a soldier. 
 
 (24). Eskel Larsson, a deserted soldier from the College of War at 
 this place, sent over as a punishment. 
 
 (25). Herr Christoffer,*^ a priest, goes along on the recommendation 
 of the Royal Admiral,*' who also gave him 100 D. copper money for 
 this purpose from his own means. Otherwise he has demanded nothing 
 besides his board, because he only wishes to gain some experience or try 
 his luck through this journey. 
 
 (26). Gustaf Strahl, a young nobleman, goes along to try his luck 
 (or gain experience) on the recommendation of the Royal Admiral, and 
 he received nothing from the company except his board. 
 
 (27). Mickel Jonsson (Bolm)," son of the Mayor of Reval(?), is 
 also an adventurer, seeks no pay, because he goes along to try his luck. 
 
 (28, 29, 30, 31). Mans [Nilsson] Kling, with his wife, a servant 
 girl, and a little child. His quality and extra allowances have not yet 
 been agreed upon. He is to serve as a lieutenant at a salary of 40 
 florins a month, to begin on May i, 1641. Besides he was presented 
 with 50 R.D. through Fleming in lieu of his time in waiting [for the 
 expedition] . 
 
 (32, 33). Mats Hansson, constaple at the new fort. He has re- 
 ceived nothing on departing. His salary has not been fixed as yet. He 
 also wishes to begin a farm or tobacco plantation together with his wife. 
 
 (34). Lars Markusson, hired as a servant*" to work on the tobacco 
 plantations. He shall have a salary of 20 R.D. and a suit, but he re- 
 ceived nothing on departing. 
 
 (35)' Pafvel Schal, a boy, the son of a baker, in Norrmalm,*" re- 
 ceives no pay from the company."*'' 
 
 The Charitas probably arrived at Gothenburg about the be- 
 ginning of June, and a number of other colonists were undoubt- 
 
 Petersburg. Also a district in Finland by that name acquired by Sweden in 1617. 
 Cf. above. Chap. I. 
 
 *"Mr. Christopher. In Beier's list the name is vpritten " H. ChristofiEer N." 
 But Kramer omitted the N. 
 
 "Carl Carlsson Gyllenhjelm. 
 
 ** Cf. no. 13 above. 
 
 " " Knecht " in its German meaning. Cf. no. i, 2 and 22, note. 
 
 "A quarter in Stockholm. 
 
 "The list is in Kramer's handvfriting. It is found in N.S., II. (R.A.). In 
 the same bundle is the first draft of the list by Johan Beier, but it contains only 
 33 persons. On the back of it is written in Kramer's handwriting: "Des Sec. 
 Beijers Musterrull auf die Persohnen so mitt der Floijten Charitas auf Gotten- 
 burgh sein gefahren. ..." 
 
154 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 edly In readiness there. The cargo and provisions were brought 
 on board the two ships as soon as possible. It is probable the 
 Kalmar Nyckel carried the majority of the settlers and that the 
 horses, goats, sheep, cattle and farming implements were 
 loaded into the Charitas. It seems that some arrangements were 
 made for the cattle and passengers, perhaps partitions or cabins 
 being built, but the nature of these is not known. The cost of 
 the cargo and the expenses connected with the expedition were 
 very high. In a bill " of the third voyage to Nova Svecia " we 
 find the following Items :^* 
 
 Florins. 
 Some thousand yards of cloth and other goods bought 
 
 by Johan Le Thor and Richard Clerk in Holland. 4,047:3:8 
 
 Expenses 15$ :i5 :g 
 
 H. Huygen was given for expenses on Fleming's order. 75 
 
 Goods bought in Holland including various expenses.. 11,675:2 
 Supplies of various kinds secured by Schotting in 
 
 Gothenburg 9>46i :6 
 
 Provisions and ammunition furnished in Stockholm by 
 
 the admiralty and Klas Fleming *>793'4 
 
 Grain for seed 138 :6 :io 
 
 Total 35.647 :i6 :i2" 
 
 The majority of the sailors and soldiers on the vessels were 
 Swedes, but the officers, with one or two exceptions, were Dutch- 
 men, and there was a sailor-boy from Dublin among the crew.^* 
 The ships probably left Gothenburg in July. They most likely 
 first touched some point In Holland and from there they went to 
 France.*' 
 
 " See " Specific, uber [sic] der Dritte Viagie." Soderk., 1637-59 (R-A.) and 
 Journal (K.A.). I have not found who paid for the horses and cattle sent over. 
 Perhaps they were sent by the government, or they may have belonged to the 
 settlers who came here to plant, as Stille, etc. 
 
 '" But this sum does not include the money paid to the people nor some other 
 expenses, and the entire cost of the cargo and supplies alone was 21,765:1 D. 
 or 36,275^ florins before the ships returned to Sweden. Journal, no. 229. 
 
 "Jacob Evertssen Sandelin, who was along on the first expedition, was mate 
 on the Charitas. Journal, no. 46 ; Monatgelderb. von d. Volck an d. Sch. die 
 Charitas. Soderk., 1637-59 (R.A.). 
 
 " It seems that they were ordered to go there to make arrangements for bring- 
 ing salt to Sweden on the return voyage. Huygen's letter to Spiring (copy), 
 November 28, 1642 [1641], N.S., I. (R.A.), and below. The copy of H. Huygen's 
 letter to Spiring is dated November 28, 1642. But this must be a mistake, for 
 the letter with which this copy was sent is dated April 10, 1642, and furthermore 
 the back of the copy is marked " Pr. 2i Apr. 1642 Stockhl." Internal evidence 
 also determines the year as 1641. 
 

 
 '£^ ^^ ^^y^ ^(ar^^^ 
 
 
 Vp"^^^ 
 
 
 /2)-^5 /« lA -fc Tf0^«>7T) ."i 
 
 Spiring's letter (April 1 (11), 16-t2) to Admiral Fleming-, signed by "Fetter Spiering van 
 Xoshollem." Original in X. S. I. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
The Fourth Expedition. 155 
 
 On August 19 (o.s.?), 164.1,'^^ the two vessels left the 
 shores of Europe. The voyage was a stormy one. Two of the 
 colonists and some cattle died on the journey and when the 
 expedition arrived at Fort Christina, November 7 (o.s.?), 
 the people and animals were very weak and powerless.''* 
 
 Huygen tried his best to obtain a cargo for the ships, but he 
 was unable to buy furs from the Indians, as the trade had been 
 ruined by the English, and only a small quantity of tobacco 
 could be obtained.''* 
 
 The ships undoubtedly left New Sweden about November 
 29, 1641,'*^ and set course on Rochelle in France, where they 
 arrived in the beginning of March or earlier. A quantity of 
 salt was bought and loaded into the ships, whereupon they set 
 sail for Holland and cast anchor in the harbor of Amsterdam 
 between the twenty-eighth and thirty-first of March, 1642. As 
 usual the provisions were almost exhausted and the men and 
 officers clamoi-ed for pay. The two skippers and the commis- 
 sioner Langdonk went to Spiring at the Hague and made a 
 report, who wrote at once to S. Blommaert and P. Trotzig, 
 requesting them to give every possible assistance to the ships, 
 so that they could proceed at once to Sweden. Money was 
 accordingly supplied to pay off some of the men and for buying 
 necessary provisions. Trotzig hired two good mates, two cooks 
 and other servants and made arrangements for paying the salt. 
 In April certificates were Issued for the ships to pass through 
 the sound and in May or early in June they were in Stockholm,*" 
 
 °" \ew style is probably used in the letter, as Huygen was a Hollander, but 
 he may also have employed the old style, since he was in Swedish service and 
 wrote from New Sweden. When Van Dyck employed new style from New 
 Sweden he distinctly says so. See letter to Fleming, May 23, 1640, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 ^ " De resterende soo wel beesten als menschen waren seer swack hier 
 comende . . [en] seer machteloos." Huygen to Spiring, November 28, 164.2 
 (1641). 
 
 "Huygen to Spiring, November 28, 1642 (1641), N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 '^ Huygen's letter dated November 28 was sent to Holland on one of the 
 ships, and it was probably written shortly before they sailed. 
 
 "The letters, bills, reports and other documents were sent to the capital 
 ahead of the ships, for Langdonk's bills were presented at Stockholm on April 
 20, 1641, and the copy of Huygen's letter on April 21. See bills and letter 
 in N.S., I. (R.A. and K.A.). 
 
iS6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 having entered the harbor of Gothenburg about April 15. 
 When the ships returned the company was compelled to borrow 
 3000 R.D. for six month at 10 per cent, interest.^'' Large sums 
 were now paid to the returning men, and to the wives of those 
 who were in New Sweden.^* 
 
 About this time references to Samuel Blommaert in connec- 
 tion with the company cease entirely^® and it is evident that he 
 severed his connection with the Swedish government in the 
 autumn of 1642, for on the twenty-first of July the council 
 decided to employ Trotzig and Appelbom in his place at 
 Amsterdam, his salary being divided between the two, and 
 October 7 the minutes of the council state that Blommaert's 
 salary could be used for the paying of the two proposed com- 
 missaries, "since he now withdraws [from the service]."®" 
 
 "Spiring to Fleming, April i/ii, 1642; Spiring to Blommaert (copy), April 
 10, 1643 (in the text of this copy, however, Trotzig has been written by the 
 copyist by mistake) ; Spiring to Trotzig (copy), April lo, 1642, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; 
 Journal, no. 132, 143 (June 16, 1642). 
 
 ""The entire sum thus paid by Beier was 11,173:18 florins or 6,703:34 D. 
 Journal, no. 146. 
 
 "The last reference I have found to him in connection with the company is 
 of April lo (n.s.), 1643. 
 
 " Rddspr., IX. 334, 416. Cf. Blommaert's Biography below. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Trade of the Company in Europe, 1640-1643. 
 
 We have seen that the beaver skins of the first expedition 
 were sold in Holland, as well as those carried over on the Dutch 
 vessel in 1641, but it was thought that all the goods brought to 
 Europe by the company ought to be sold in Sweden to encour- 
 age Swedish commerce, and arrangements were made accord- 
 ingly as we have seen. When Bonnell was appointed factor in 
 Stockholm, he was given instructions about the fur and tobacco 
 trade.^ He should keep the skins and the tobacco in good con- 
 dition until they were sold. The beaver skins were to be sold 
 to Anthony Bruyn* at the highest price possible, except 300 
 skins, which should be reserved until further orders. A large 
 quantity of tobacco was on hand, of which he should try to sell 
 10,000 lbs. at the earliest opportunity and on the best terms 
 obtainable.® A storehouse was rented in Stockholm and the 
 tobacco and skins were placed there under Bonnell's care. He 
 undoubtedly advertised the skins or sent notices to fur-dealers 
 about his supply, and the day after his appointment he sold a 
 large quantity of furs (1,558 beaver skins) to Anthony Bruyn.* 
 In March, the following year, he sold 10 1 otter skins to Jacob 
 Frische & Company and In June he sold 100 beaver skins and 
 a fur coat to the same persons."^ A number of smaller sales were 
 also made.® But the company's peltry trade In Sweden was 
 never large. The skins were hard to sell and Sweden was not 
 the proper market for this kind of goods.'^ 
 
 ^ See above, Chap. XVI. 
 
 'Anthony Brown (?) was probably an English merchant in Stockholm. 
 
 ""Memorial fur B. Bonnell," etc., November 17, 1640, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 'The sale is entered in the Journal for November 21, 1641. The skins were 
 sold for 6,297:2 D. They were brought over on the Kalmar Nyckel on the 
 second expedition. Journal, no. 27. 
 
 'Journal, nos. 40, 48. The loi otter-skins were sold for 227:8 D. and the 
 100 beaver skins were sold for 450 D. 
 
 'Journal, no. 133 ff. 
 
 ' Cf. below, Chap. XXIV. 
 
 157 
 
158 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The tobacco trade of the company, on the other hand, was 
 of great importance and soon assumed large proportions. The 
 tobacco habit had gradually made its way into Sweden, prin- 
 cipally in the cities, before the New Sweden Company began the 
 trade. It had undoubtedly been brought in by Dutch sailors 
 and laborers, and the soldiers, who served in the Thitry Years' 
 War, also helped to spread its use as they returned home. 
 Books and pamphlets presenting the virtues of the herb were 
 written and circulated in various European countries,* and 
 even in Sweden a dissertation was published in 1633 on the 
 medicinal properties of tobacco.* The Swedes soon acquired a 
 liking for it and in 1629 smoking was a habit among the stu- 
 dents at Upsala.i* It was imported without regulation and sold 
 by druggists and other traders.^^ 
 
 In June, 1639, tobacco pipes are given in an ordinance con- 
 cerning dutiable articles, published by the government ;^^ but the 
 importation of tobacco could not have been very large before 
 1 64 1, as it is not found in the lists of articles subject to duty 
 issued by the state from time to time.^^ In January, 1641, the 
 government lamented the fact that " the country and kingdom 
 was being filled with tobacco, ... an article which some time 
 ago was unknown here and which indeed in itself is not very 
 useful, but which nevertheless has been bought, used to excess^* 
 and abused by the common people, in many cases to their great 
 injury and poverty."^* The ground was therefore prepared 
 and a market was ready for tobacco, when the New Sweden 
 Company began trading with this article. The first large cargo, 
 
 ' See Bragge, Biblio. Nicoti. and the works listed there for the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries. 
 
 ' " De Praedaris Herbae Nicotianae she Tobaci Virtutibus," by Joh. Franck, 
 1633. 
 
 "Nordisk Familjebok, Vol. XVL 419 ff. (old edition). 
 
 "Stiernman, Kungl. br., etc., H. 305; R.R., January 12, 1641 (R.A.). 
 
 '^ Stiernraan, Kungl. br., etc., 11. 234. The duty on " one dozen tobacco 
 pipes [was] 6 p." "The Ordning" was published on May 31, 1639. 
 
 '''Stiernman, Kungl. br., etc., H. 120 ff., 140 ff., 188 ff., 224 ff., 244 ff. 
 
 " " Til missbrunk och ofwerflod." 
 
 ^ Stiernman, Kungl. br., etc., II. 305. 
 
Trade OF THE Company IN Europe. iS9 
 
 11,878 lbs.,'" brought into Sweden, came on the Kalmar Nyckel 
 In the spring of 1640.'' It was placed in the care of Timon 
 van Schotting and part of it was sold in Gothenburg.'^ The 
 rest was shipped to Stockholm to be sold there by Bonnell.'* 
 The stalks were removed, whereupon the leaves were sorted, 
 and packed away in the store-house. A special room was built 
 In the magazine and there the tobacco, ready for sale, was hung 
 upon hooks or rails and from there it was undoubtedly sold.^^ 
 
 Soon after his appointment Bonnell began his activities In the 
 tobacco trade. Already in November, 1640, he made several 
 sales to merchants and others, who in turn sold it in small 
 quantities either to other dealers or directly to the consumers. 
 Thus Thomas Blommaert bought 435 lbs. in June, 1641, and 
 in December the same year several hundred pounds were sold 
 to George Garden,^' Jacob Lyell,^' Jurgen Petersson and 
 others.^^ The tobacco brought from America by the company 
 was not sufficient to supply the demand, and in November and 
 December Bonnell purchased about 6,000 lbs. from Dutch 
 merchants.-^ 
 
 It was found however that tobacco was brought In " by one 
 and another without any distinction or order," and thus the 
 company had no protection against competitors. Complaints 
 were undoubtedly made to the Council of State, perhaps through 
 Fleming, and on the twelfth of January, 1641, the New Sweden 
 Company was given sole right to import tobacco Into Sweden 
 
 "Its estimated value was 7,423:15 florins. See " Copia af den Ext. sora Sec. 
 J. Beier togh medh," etc. Soderk., 1637-59 (R.A.). 
 
 " Cf. above, Chap. XIV. 
 
 " See Journal, no. 2. 
 
 "Total number of pounds sent to Bonnell was 9,936 (Swedish). Journal, 
 no. 24. 
 
 "The expenses connected with the building of this room were: Boards, rails, 
 hangers, and labor 11:34 R-D- ; other expenses were: 3. R.D. 24^ st. Journal, 
 no. 100, 119. 
 
 ^ Probably an Englishman. 
 
 '^Journal, no. 46, loi. 
 
 ''On November ig, 1640, he bought 583 lbs. for 84:24 R.D. and on the 
 nineteenth of the same month 526 lbs. for 96:21 R.D. On December 9 he 
 bought 1,928 lbs. for 369:25 D.; on the eleventh 716 lbs. for 143:9'/^ R.D.; 
 on the same date another lot of 3,298 lbs. for 561:41 54 R.D. Journal, nos. 26, 32. 
 
i6o The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and its dependencies. All who had shipped tobacco into the 
 kingdom before this ordinance was published were to report the 
 same at the custom's office and receive an excise-bill. Tobacco 
 shipped into Sweden without the knowledge of the New Sweden 
 Company and a bill of excise would be confiscated and a fine of 
 forty marks would be imposed upon the perpetrator. The fine 
 and the confiscated tobacco would be equally divided between 
 the Crown, the company and the discoverer or the reporter of 
 the crime. All importation of tobacco was now by special 
 privileges in the hands of the company, and all merchants and 
 dealers were compelled by law to buy their supply from Ben- 
 jamin Bonnell.^* 
 
 For the regulation and control of the retail trade an ordi- 
 nance in four articles was issued by the government, February 
 8, 164.1.^^ "For the first," says the ordinance, "whoever 
 wishes to buy some tobacco, little or much, from the factor of 
 the . . . company, shall be obliged to present himself at the 
 custom office and obtain a bill of excise there on as much 
 tobacco as he desires to buy, and shall Immediately pay the 
 duty, namely two ore silver money for every pound.^^ This 
 bill shall be delivered to the factor of the company, [and then] 
 the factor may sell tobacco to the presentor of the bill, accord- 
 ing to its contents." The first offense against this ordinance 
 was punished by confiscation of the tobacco, and the second 
 offense by confiscation and prosecution. The factor was strictly 
 forbidden to sell any tobacco before such a bill had been pre- 
 sented and all bills of excise were to be delivered by him every 
 month into the state-treasury.^'' 
 
 " The Privllegium " forbidding importation by others than 
 the New Sweden Company undoubtedly had good effect, but 
 relatively large quantities of tobacco must have been shipped 
 
 " Stiernman, Kungl. hr., etc., IL 305-7. In the " Privileges " the company is 
 called the " South Company." 
 
 ^Stiernman, Kungl. hr., etc., II. 309-311. 
 
 " Cf. Chapter VI. 
 
 " " Statsens Rakne-Cammar." The merchants were obliged to give a bill 
 to the retailers, stating the quantity sold, date and place of sale. These bills 
 should be delivered to the custom officer whenever he demanded them. Stiern- 
 man, Kungl. br., etc., II. 310, § in. 
 
Trade of the Company in Europe. i6i 
 
 into the country after its publication, for one third of the 
 tobacco confiscated until March, 1642, was sold for 1,272 :i9^ 
 D. and it is natural that a great deal of the tobacco illegally 
 brought into the kingdom escaped the notice of the officers and 
 others.** The ordinance governing the retail trade was also 
 evaded and numerous sales were made without the knowledge 
 of Bonnell. 
 
 A sort of tobacco company was formed in the summer of 
 1 64 1 for the retailing of tobacco. It consisted of Jacob 
 Trotzig, Johan Fijrborn, Jacob Kallmeter and Thomas Johans- 
 son. On July ID, they purchased 14,197 lbs. from Bonnell, to 
 be paid in three instalments.*^ 
 
 In the late summer of 1641 Bonnell contracted with one 
 Claes Cornelisson Meckpott( ?) in Holland for the delivery 
 of several thousand pounds of tobacco and in October 326 rolls*" 
 of " St. Christopher tobacco " were sent to Sweden. In June, 
 1642, another lot of 15,302 lbs. was shipped over; but it was 
 returned, since Bonnell found that the quality was not as good 
 as the contract called for.^* Another contract was made with 
 Peter Cornelisson Mollnaer in the summer or autumn of 1642 
 and in November Peter Trotzig bought 963 lbs. from him and 
 sent to Stockholm.** 
 
 Until February 8, 1643, forty-three thousand, three hundred 
 and sixty-six lbs. had been shipped to Stockholm and the total 
 cost was 18,435 D. i6j4 ore. Three thousand, two hundred 
 and seventy-nine lbs. had been stored in Gothenburg, and the 
 cost of this was 1,062 D. I2}i ore. Of this quantity Bonnell 
 had sold 36,485^ lbs. for 26,812 D. jVs ore up to the above 
 date and Schotting had sold 943^^ lbs. for 830 D. 5 ore. 
 Hendrick Huygen's sales on the journey to New Sweden and in 
 
 "Journal, no. 115 (March 14, 1643). 
 
 "Journal, no. 56. The activities of the company are unknown. 
 
 "19,405 (Swedish) lbs. 
 
 "^Journal, nos. 98, 139. One reason for returning it might have been that the 
 company had a large supply of unsold tobacco in their store-house in Stockholm 
 in June, 1642. The company was compelled to pay duty on the tobacco however, 
 even when they did not keep it. Journal, no. 139. 
 
 "Journal, nos. 194-5- 
 12 
 
i62 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the colony amounted to 6iJ^ lbs. for 92 D. 8.** The expenses 
 with the tobacco trade were relatively small. They consisted 
 of duty on the tobacco shipped from Holland, various small 
 charges occasioned in Stockholm and the salary of the factor. 
 The freight from Holland was paid by the sender, it seems. 
 But most of the tobacco had to be bought from Holland, as 
 we have seen, and hence the profits were reduced. Had all of 
 it been brought from America on the ships belonging to the 
 company the result would have been more gratifying.^* The 
 
 ""Extract der Gen. Hand. Comp., etc., ultimo February, 1643." Tobaksk., 
 1643-59 (RA). 
 
 " I. Tobacco sold in Siveden by the Neio Sweden Company, 164.0-1643. 
 
 A. By Benjamin Bonnell in Stockholm. 
 
 9,722 lbs. 
 
 2,904 " 
 
 14,197 " 
 
 444 " 
 
 1,205 " 
 
 2,345 " 
 
 363 " 
 
 88 •' 
 
 2,604 " 
 
 1,136 " 
 
 A177 " 
 
 i,887l< " 
 
 4,560^ " 
 
 772 " 
 
 400 " 
 
 421 " 
 
 280 " 
 
 6i lbs. were sent to Schotting in August to be sold in Gothenburg, but it was 
 later returned on the third voyage to be sold to the people. A few hundred 
 pounds were sold by Schotting from December, 1641, to July, 1643. 
 
 One third of the confiscated tobacco was sold in March for 1,272:19% D. The 
 number of pounds are not given. 
 
 Nov., 
 
 1640 
 
 June, 
 
 July. 
 Oct., 
 
 1641 
 
 Nov., 
 
 
 Dec, 
 
 
 Jan., 
 Feb., 
 
 1642 
 
 March, 
 
 
 May, 
 June, 
 
 
 July. 
 
 Aug., 
 Sept., 
 Oct., 
 
 
 Nov., 
 
 
 Dec, 
 
 
 6,602 D. 
 
 10 
 
 2,102 " 
 
 22 
 
 10,366 " 
 
 10 
 
 423 " 
 
 13 
 
 999 " 
 
 315^ 
 
 1,801 " 
 
 14 
 
 277 " 
 
 28 
 
 69 " 
 
 13 
 
 1,887 " 
 
 29 
 
 696 " 
 
 31 K 
 
 I.SS7 " 
 
 16^ 
 
 1,506 " 
 
 ■&% 
 
 3,247 " 
 
 «s 
 
 S44 " 
 
 9J^ 
 
 306 " 
 
 29>^ 
 
 301 " 
 
 "7 
 
 216 " 
 
 3^ 
 
 II. Tobacco purchased by Bonnell for the Company, 1641-1643. 
 
 Nov., 
 Dec. 
 
 1640 
 
 July, 
 
 Aug., 
 
 Oct., 
 
 1641 
 It 
 tt 
 
 Oct., 
 
 tt 
 
 April, 
 Nov., 
 
 1642 
 
 Journal, no. 24, 46, 49, 56, 99 ff. 
 
 lbs. 
 
 1,17s 
 
 S.942 ,. " 
 
 2,187 " 
 
 262 " 
 
 19,405 " 
 
 1,320 " 
 
 45° " 
 
 3,932 " 
 
 271 D. 
 
 13 
 
 1,611 " 
 
 28 
 
 601 " 
 
 IS'/ 
 
 403 " 
 
 8 
 
 6,615 " 
 
 12 
 
 150 " 
 
 
 490 " 
 
 
 ? 
 
 ? 
 
Trade of the Company in Europe, 163 
 
 books of the company showed a loss in the beginning of 1643, 
 but the tobacco had been sold with a good profit and a gain 
 was reported on the salt brought to Finland,^'' but the heavy 
 expenses of the expeditions overbalanced this, leaving a loss of 
 over 32,000 D. In February the account was as follows: 
 
 Debit. 
 The entire debit accounts of the company until the 
 
 end of February, 1643, was D. 99,745 -2 
 
 Credit. 
 The credit account of the company until the end 
 
 of February, 1643, was D. 56,292:24^ 
 
 The profit on tobacco sold by Bonnell was D. 13,193 :2A 
 
 The profit on tobacco sold by Schotting was D. 1,402.254 
 
 Profit on tobacco sold by Huygen D. 30:24 
 
 Profit on the salt at Borgi D. 184:304 
 
 Profit on the French salt D. 2,168:174 
 
 Loss D. 32,472 :2 
 
 D- 99.745:2 
 
 We have come to the end of the first period of the company's 
 life and we have traced its growth and activity in Europe. We 
 are now to see what was done in America and how the colony 
 planted here grew and developed. 
 
 "For the salt-trade see below, Chap. XXXI.; " Tobak unter B. Bonnell," 
 February 28, 1643; Tobaksk., 1643-1659 (R.A.). 
 
 Documents made use of in this part but not referred to are the following: 
 "Reck, fiber P. Minuits Reise n. West Indien"; Hen. Kong. Maj. u. Kr. R. med 
 S. Comp (several copies); "Par. in d. Viagio mit P. Minuit," etc.; "Die H. 
 Schwed. Part, in d. Viagio n. Florida oder Nova Svecia," etc. (three copies) ; 
 "Hr. Maj. R. Clercken seine uberg. sp. Rech. . . . 1640"; "Rob. Smiths Rech. 
 mitt d. Am. Comp." (two copies) ; Gamla Skepsk. Rech. med N. S. Comp., 1634- 
 1642"; "Die Dritte Viagio," etc. All to be found in Soderk., 1637-59 (R.A.). 
 A. Oxenstiernas Concepter. (R.A.), Pro memo. ang. N.S., P. Saml., 322, p. 
 325 flF. (U.B.) ; Kompanier, I.-II. (K.A.) ; Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., 1620-30 
 (K.A.) ; documents concerning Skepsk., 1630, " Forteckningsl. p5 Sve. handelsk. 
 fr. 163s till 1636," and other mss.. Gen. Hand, och Skepsk., 1620-32 (K.A.) ; 
 " Om d. Afr. komp." (three copies), 1662, "Pro memo.," etc., " Westerw. 
 Skepsk.," AtskilUga kolonier, 1650-1808 ; unorganized mss., Sjofartsf., &tskil. 
 sjofartsakt., 1617-1711, Strodda handl., I. (K.A.) ; Strbdda handl., II., III. 
 (K.A.); Inkomn. skr., 1637 ff. (K.A.) ; Journal (K.A.) ; Rikshufvudb. (K.A.). 
 
PART II. 
 THE COLONY, 1638-1643. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The Early History of the Delaware until 1638. 
 
 The material before us naturally falls Into two main divi- 
 sions — the outer and Inner history, or the political history and 
 the social and economic life of the colony. 
 
 The life of the colonists has hitherto been neglected or only 
 sparingly treated, for the material at the disposal of former 
 writers on the subject has been meager, contemporary accounts 
 giving mere glimpses of these things. "One would gladly 
 know how the founders of Quebec spent the long hours of their 
 first winter," says Parkman, " but on this point the only man 
 [Champlain] among them, perhaps, who could write, has not 
 thought It necessary to enlarge."^ In like manner Printz gives 
 full accounts of the quarrels with the Dutch and the English, 
 but how the people lived, the kind of houses they built, the 
 clothes they wore and other things we should like to know, he 
 does not mention. Lindestrom, Campanlus and Rising describe 
 the country and the Indians and they give many facts of great 
 interest and value for the historian of the settlement, but again 
 we look almost In vain for " social facts." 
 
 From other sources, however, account-books, bills and memo- 
 rials, we are able to draw some material, and from these, sup- 
 plemented by our knowledge of conditions in Sweden and Fin- 
 land, we shall endeavor to construct a picture of " social New 
 Sweden," Imperfect, it is true, but as satisfactory as the ma- 
 terials allow.^ The government of the colony, the trade and 
 
 ^ Pion. of Fr. in the Neiv World, p. 342. 
 
 " Most of these account books were unknown to Odhner, Sprinchorn and other 
 writers on New Sweden. 
 
Map or 
 Hzv/ Sweden 
 
 AND D15TEICTS 
 
 OCCUPIED E.y INDIAN 
 TEIBES IN CDHMUNICATiON 
 
 With the awEDCS 
 
 Made. «•/ ^nAriDu^ Jonf' 
 
Ear ly History of the Delaware. 165 
 
 commerce with the neighbors and Indians, and the political 
 relation with these will also be treated in their proper place. 
 Before we proceed, however, it is necessary to present briefly 
 the history of the Delaware prior to the landing of the Swedes 
 on Christina Rock in 1638. 
 
 It is not now possible to determine who was the first Euro- 
 pean to visit the Delaware. Perhaps the Irish or Scotch saw its 
 water in the early centuries of our era, if the legends of their 
 American voyages be true. Perhaps some bold Viking in the 
 eleventh century ventured as far south along the Vinland Coast 
 as the thirty-ninth degree, when the Norsemen planted colonies 
 on this continent and, according to tradition, established 
 churches here. Possibly some lonely Frenchman or Portuguese, 
 driven out of his course by accident, touched the " lordly Dela- 
 ware " years before Columbus set sail from Cadiz, or it may be 
 that some Norman, Briton or Basque, coasting along the North 
 American shores on his way to the cod-fisheries of Newfound- 
 land, saw the famous river long before Hudson made his 
 memorable voyage.^ Cabot, the navigator, might have passed 
 within sight of Cape Henlopen in 1497; that Verrazzano* in 
 1524 sailed by the Delaware on his way up the coast Is quite 
 certain.^ It has been stated " that the coast of New York and 
 the neighboring districts" were known to the Spaniards almost 
 a century before Hudson came here. Estevan Gomes " is said 
 to have visited the country at latitudes 40° and 41° north" in 
 1525® and in 1526 Lucas Vasquez de AlUon and Matlenzo 
 made landings and explored the country south and east of New 
 York."' De Costa thinks that the French visited New York 
 harbor prior to 1562,* and it has been claimed that they had a 
 
 "CI. Memoires pour servir, etc. (Parkman, 190, etc.). Stories of mariners 
 blown out of their course and in this accidental manner discovering lands are 
 plentiful. Cf. Saga of Eric the Red. 
 
 * Verrazzano's voyage has been doubted, but the negative evidence adduced is 
 not conclusive. It can be compared to the attempts of Aschbach to disprove the 
 authenticity of Roswitha's plays or the Baconian theory of Shakespear's works. 
 
 " It seems that he went ashore, probably on the New Jersey coast. Sailor's 
 Narratives (Boston, 1905), p. 10. 
 
 "Fernow gives the date as 1524 in Winsor's Nar. and Crit. Hist., IV. 414. 
 
 ' Winsor, Nar. and Crit. Hist., IV. 10, 414, 429. 
 
 ' De Costa, Caho de Baxos, p. 5, quoting Divers voyages, 114. 
 
1 66 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 fort upon Castle Island within the limits of Albany. If that 
 be true may we not also suppose that they visited the Delaware? 
 It has been asserted that the Dutch had forts and trading houses 
 on the Hudson in 1598 and in 1627 Bradford wrote that "[the 
 Dutch] have used trading there [on the Hudson] this six or 
 seven and twenty years . . ."* If this be true, may we not 
 suppose that some Dutch trader, eager for gain, would search 
 for new customers and on his way south find the "Mighty 
 River " ? All this merely goes to show how utterly impossible 
 it is to determine who was really the first European to get a 
 glimpse of the river, ^^ where Dutch, Swedes and English were 
 later to contend for the mastery. 
 
 In 1 609 we tread on firm and historic ground. Henry Hud- 
 son, an Englishman of London, entered the service of the Dutch 
 East India Company and undertook to make a voyage for that 
 body. To discover a short route to Asia was still the ambition 
 of many a sailor. Hudson's one great idea, perhaps suggested 
 by Sebastian Cabot, was to discover this route by the north, and, 
 led on by his burning desire to see its accomplishment, he 
 achieved lasting results — not as he had thought but in a greater 
 way.^^ 
 
 On Saturday, March 25, 1609,*^ he set sail In the Half 
 Moon, Robert Juet being second (?) mate,i^ and on August 
 28, at seven in the evening, he " anchored in eight fathoms 
 water" in Delaware Bay, "weighing at the break of day" the 
 
 ' Col. of Mass. Hist. So., III. 57 ; De Costa, Cabo de Baxos, p. 9. (The Green- 
 land Company and others frequented the country in 1598, and built two forts, It 
 was claimed on the North and South Rivers. Doc, I. 149. Myth and history are 
 of course mixed.) 
 
 Brodhead, a careful scholar, thought it needed confirmation. De Costa 
 brought forth additional evidence but of a circumstantial kind, quoting Brad- 
 ford's letter. See De Costa, Cabo de Baxos, p. 9. 
 
 '"Van Rensselaer says (I. 5), speaking of Hudson and his men, that they 
 " tarried briefly in Delaware Bay ixihich no •white men had seen before." 
 
 " See Asher, Henry Hudson (Brooklyn, 1867) ; Henry C. Murphy, Henry 
 Hudson in Holland (Hague, 1859; lately reprinted, Hague, 1909). See Am. 
 Hist. Rev., XV. 418-9. 
 
 "Brodhead uses new style for the beginning of the journey, but old style for 
 Hudson's arrival at the Delaware. 
 
 " A Dutchman seems to have been first mate. Cf. Van Meteren in Nar of N. 
 Neth., p. 8. 
 
Early History of the Delaware. 167 
 
 next morning. In October he returned to Europe, and arrived 
 at Dartmouth in November, from whence he sent a report to 
 the Dutch East India Company.** 
 
 His report reached Holland in the spring of 16 10, kindling 
 the interest of Dutch merchants in the regions he had visited. 
 Petitions were soon presented to the States General for permis- 
 sion to send out other ships, and in the same year " some mer- 
 chants again sent a ship thither," says de Laet. 
 
 The English were also navigating these waters. In August, 
 1 6 10, Capt. Samuel Argall anchored in the Delaware (prob- 
 ably) naming the southern point of the bay, " Cape de La 
 Ware,"** and, it has been said, though without foundation, that 
 Lord Delaware touched at this bay in the same year.*® About 
 the same time the English of Virginia began to call the bay in 
 honor of their governor " Delaware Bay," and the name was 
 soon applied by them to that river also.*^ 
 
 In the autumn of 16 11, as a result of a voyage by Hendrick 
 Christiaenzen and Adriaen Block, " divers merchants and in- 
 habitants residing in the United Provinces" presented a peti- 
 tion to the States of Holland and Westvriesland " regarding 
 certain new discovered navigation," and an expedition was pre- 
 pared, which set sail for the Hudson and neighboring districts 
 in 161 2 under the command of Block and Christiaenzen. 
 
 About the same time or a little later another expedition was 
 sent there, Comelis Jacobsen May,** being skipper on one of 
 the vessels. Some of the traders remained at Manhattan, mak- 
 ing voyages of discovery southward along the Jersey coast, 
 probably half way to the Delaware and northward along the 
 
 " For an account of Hudson's voyage see Col. N. Y. Hist. So., 2d S., L 320 
 ff.; Jameson, Nar. of N. Neth., 1609-1664, p. 16 ff.; Purchas His Pilgrimes, XHI. 
 
 333 ff- 
 
 " Argall himself in his journal talks about the cape as though it was already- 
 known by that name before he arrived there, but Strachey states that it was 
 called "Cape De La Warr" by Argall on his voyage in i6io. 
 
 "On the authority of Governor Harvey of Virginia. 
 
 "Purchas His Pilgrimes (1906), XIX. p. 84; Verginia Britannia, p. 43; 
 Brodhead, Hist., 1. 51, 754. 
 
 "This form of the name is used by De Laet and others. It is adopted by 
 Jameson. Since this form also corresponds to the English, it seems best to 
 adopt it, rather than Mey. 
 
i68 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 New England coast to the forty-second or forty-third degree. 
 When Block returned to Holland in the autumn of 1614 he 
 brought with him sketches of the explored territory and made 
 a report to his superiors. The proprietors of the expeditions 
 now " formed themselves into an association called the United 
 New Netherland Company," and a petition with a figurative 
 map*^ was presented to the States General, praying for an 
 octroy or charter for a territory to be called New Netherland, 
 lying between the fortieth and forty-fifth degree, according to 
 the Placaat of March 27, 16 14. The charter was granted and 
 activities for new expeditions were begun and additional and 
 more favorable reports were soon received from New Nether- 
 land. Cornelis Hendricksen, having been placed in command 
 of the Onrust^" when Block returned to Holland, was sent in the 
 spring of 161 6 to explore the country to the southward and 
 partly to rescue three Dutchmen, captured by the Indians. He 
 discovered " certain lands, a bay [the Delaware Bay] and three 
 rivers," making it probable that he ascended the Delaware up 
 to the Schuylkill or at least to the Minquas Kill. On his return 
 to Holland in the autumn of the same year he presented a report 
 and a figurative map, the first of the Delaware known to exist.*^ 
 
 *• I find it very improbable that the Figuraihe map published in the New York 
 Documents, I. lo-ii, is the one referred to in the grant of the States General 
 of 1614, as Fernow states in Winsor, IV. 434, and as lately Van Rensselaer (I. 
 26) thinks "seems probable." The grant says: "the above lands . . . vyhereof 
 the sea coasts lie between the fortieth and fory-fifth degree of Latitude, now 
 named New Netherland, as can be seen by a Figurative Map hereunto annexed." 
 Now this map extends from 37° 15' unto 42° 30' and Neiu Netherland is not 
 luritten upon it. (The map presented in 1616 agrees as well or better with the 
 above sentence. This map extends from the 35th to the 50th degree and has 
 Nieu Nederlandt written across it.) Fernow's statement that information ob- 
 tained from the Dutchmen captured by the Mohawks might have been used or 
 consulted by the draughtsman contradicts his other statement, for these Dutch 
 captives were released by Hendricksen in 1616 and hence could not have given 
 information about that journey in 1614, two years before it was made. The 
 present writer is therefore inclined to believe that the two figurative maps (pub- 
 lished in Doc. I.; O'Callaghan, I.) in their present form at least, date from 1616. 
 
 '^ Restlessness or Trouble. 
 
 ^ It is distinctly stated that one of the maps published in Doc, I. 12-13, was 
 annexed to the memorial presented to the States General on the eighteenth of 
 August, 1616, by the " Bewindhebers van Nieuw Nederlandt." It seems quite 
 clear that the other map was presented by Cornelis Hendricksen with his report 
 
Early History of the Delaware. 169 
 
 The river was soon after called by the Dutch the South 
 Riveras of New Netherland to distinguish it from the North 
 River, or the Hudson. 
 
 In 1620 Cornelis May of Hoom in the ship Blyde Boot- 
 schap^^ sailed up the Delaware, where he discovered " some 
 new and fruitful lands," and after him the mouth of the river 
 was soon called Nieuw Port May by the Dutch. 
 
 1 62 1 is an eventful year in the history of this region — the 
 Dutch West India Company,^* organized by Willem Usselinx 
 was chartered in June, and the following year the States Gen- 
 eral ratified the charter in an amplified form, the organization 
 not being complete, however, before 1623. 
 
 The same year In which the company was founded It appears 
 that a vessel was sent direct to the South River by Its permis- 
 sion.^^ A rich beaver trade is said to have been carried on in 
 the river by English, French and Dutch traders during these 
 early years, and in 1623 a French vessel sailed up the Delaware 
 with the intention of taking possession of the same for the King 
 of France, but this was frustrated by the Dutch of New Amster- 
 dam. The same year Captain May of Hoorn was again sent 
 to the Delaware with orders to build a fort there. He ex- 
 
 on August 18, the same year. His report stated that he had discovered " cer- 
 tain lands, a bay and three rivers situate between the 38 and 40 degrees." On 
 this map there are also three large rivers and a bay. Then the interior is 
 indicated for a great distance and Indian villages are located on the western 
 river, which makes it probable that the Dutchmen who were rescued by Hen- 
 dricksen (probably at the Schuylkill or the Minquas Kill) furnished this informa- 
 tion, for they had been inland for a great many miles. Another thing in favor 
 of this theory is the fact that Hendricksen says that he discovered three rivers 
 and a bay. It is hardly possible to suppose that he could have made such a claim 
 unchallenged had it been discovered and even mapped two years before he made 
 his report. It is true that Cornelis May sailed up the Delaware in 1620 and 
 reported that he had discovered some new lands, but he did not claim the dis- 
 covery of any bay or river. 
 
 ^ There was also a North and a South River in New England. See Plym. 
 Col. Rec, Court Orders, I. 72, 163-5. 
 
 ^ Glad Tidings. 
 
 " The capital stock was 7,000,000 florins. 
 
 ^Doc, I. I ff.; Penn. Ar., V. 11 ff.; De Laet in Col. N. Y. Hist. So., 2d S., 
 L 301 ff.; Proc. of the N. Y. Hist. So., 1847, p. 89 ff.; Brodhead, Hist., I. 53 ff., 
 79 ff.; Memorial Hist, of Neiu York, I. p. 55 ff., 52 ff. ; Hazard, p. i ff. ; Jameson, 
 Nar. of N. Neth., 1609-1664, p. 64-5; Motley, Hist, of the U. Neth., IV. 298 ff. ; 
 Van Rensselaer, I. 3 ff. 
 
I70 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 plored the country, traded with the natives and, after selecting 
 a suitable site, he erected a fortress, which was called Fort 
 Nassau.*® " Four couples, married at sea on their voyage from 
 Holland, together with eight seamen, were later sent in a yacht 
 to settle there " and some dwellings were built, probably within 
 the palisades. In a few years, however, the fort was deserted.*'' 
 
 In 1629 Samuel Godyn, president of the Amsterdam cham- 
 ber of the Dutch West India Company, and one of the grantees 
 of the charter of 16 14, applied for privileges to found a colony 
 on the South River under the Charter of Patronage.*^ As early 
 as June a tract of land was purchased on the south corner of the 
 Bay of the South River, " extending northwards about thirty 
 miles from Cape Henlopen to the mouth of the said river and 
 inland about two miles." 
 
 Minuit, who was director at New Amsterdam, was requested 
 "to register this colony" and on June 19 (n.s.), the West 
 India Company registered the same in Amsterdam. Godyn 
 was later joined by Samuel Blommaert and in the patent for the 
 territory signed at New Amsterdam on July 16 (n.s.), 1630, 
 they are both included,"* the Indians having appeared before 
 the council at Manhattan on the previous day and ratified the 
 purchase.^" Several other members also joined the company 
 the same year and preparations were made to send out an expe- 
 dition. Two vessels were made ready. One of these was cap- 
 tured by the Dunkirkers, but the other ship. The Walvis, com- 
 manded by Capt. Peter Heyes.^i loaded with bricks, provisions, 
 a large stock of cattle and twenty-eight colonists, said to have 
 been Mennonites,^* arrived safely in the Delaware in the spring 
 of 1 63 1 and planted a colony on the bank of the Horn (or 
 
 "" For location see map. For the meaning of Nassau cf. Putnam, IVilliam the 
 Silent, I. 4. 
 
 ^De Laet in Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., ad S., L 301 ff.; Doc, I. 587 ff.; Penn. 
 Arch., 2d S., V. 235 ff.; Brodhead, Hist., I. p. 134 ff. 
 
 "For the Charter of Privileges for Patrons see Brodhead, Hist., X. 187, 194 ff. 
 It was signed by Peter Minuit and six others. 
 
 ^Doc., XIL 16 ff. 
 
 '"Doc, XII. 16 ff.; Penn. Arch., 2d S., V. 4, 25 ff. 
 
 " Not by Vries as stated by Hazard and others. 
 
 "See Maryland Hist. Mag., I. 344 (from Journal of the Lahadist Dankeri). 
 
Early History of the Delaware. 17' 
 
 Hoere)"^ Kill, naming it Swanendael. "They engaged in 
 whaling and farming and made suitable fortifications,** so that 
 in July of the same year [1631] their cows calved and their 
 lands were seeded and covered with a fine crop." Five add|i- 
 tional colonists joined the settlement, probably from New 
 Amsterdam, making the total number thirty-three. More land 
 was purchased from the savages on behalf of Blommaert and 
 Godyn, on the eastern shore of the Delaware, extending twelve 
 miles northward and twelve miles inland,*' and there seems to 
 have been harmony between the aborigines and the little colony, 
 "but by an error of their commiss, all the people and the 
 animals were lamentably killed [except TheunisWillemsen]."*® 
 In the meantime another expedition was prepared. News 
 arrived before it sailed of the destruction of the Swanendael 
 colony, but the expedition was not detained. The vessel, com- 
 manded by De Vries, arrived before the ruined fort at Swanen- 
 dael on December 6 (n.s.) and found the remains of the 
 settlement and skeletons of the people and animals. He tarried 
 
 "The author of the Beschr. van Virginia, etc. (Amsterdam, 1651), p. 38, 
 says : " waer dese naem [Hoere Kil] van gekomen is weten wij niet." The 
 Dutch generally called it Hoere Kil. (De Vries, Korte Historiael, p. 165, 175, 
 184, etc.) In Swedish Documents it is almost always called Horn Kil. It has 
 been suggested that the name Hoere Kil is a mistake for Hoorn Kil (named 
 after Cornells Jacobsen May of Hoorn in Holland), but it is difficult to explain 
 why De Vries should call it Hoere Kil for it would seem that he had oppor- 
 tuiiity to know. It seems unlikely that Cornells May should name an insig- 
 nificant stream like the Hoorn Kill after his own name. If he wished to per- 
 petuate his name he surely could have done so more effectively by naming some 
 large river, say the Schuylkill, after himself. The writer has adopted the 
 Swedish form of the word or name for the river (Horn), since this form is 
 found in almost all the Swedish records, referring to the stream and since it 
 agrees with the English form as well. That the name was well known and that 
 questions concerning its origin arose as early as 1648 to 1651 can be seen from 
 the above quotation. If Hoere was a mistake for Horn it would seem that the 
 author of the Beschr. would have suggested this explanation. Horen Hook was 
 a place near New York (Watson's Annals, I. 7). Concerning an explanation 
 of the origin of the name Hoere Kil see Van Sweeringen, Md. Arch., V. 411 ff. 
 
 "They built a brick house "inside of palisades." Cf. Doc, II. 50; G. 
 Thomas, W. Jersey, p. 14; Brodhead, Hist., I. 206. 
 
 " The bay was called Godyn's Bay in honor of Samuel Godyn. 
 
 ""Who was left over in Swanendael." Van Renssellaer B. Mss., p. 223. 
 De Vries says that 32 men were killed. Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., 2d S., III. 17. 
 Hence there must have been 33 men in the colony. 
 
172 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 on the river three months, visited Fort Nassau in January, 1633, 
 which was occupied by Indians, and entered into communica- 
 tion with the savages. After a journey in his yacht to Virginia 
 for corn he rejoined his ship at the Swanendael on March 29 
 and remained there for about two weeks.'''' 
 
 While the Dutch were exploring the Hudson and the Dela- 
 ware rivers and making settlements there, the English had 
 planted colonies to the north and south of this territory, and 
 the Delaware region had been granted to two English com- 
 panies^® in 1606.^® 
 
 Individual Englishmen also received grants and intended to 
 make settlements on territory adjoining the Delaware. Lord 
 Baltimore, finding it necessary to abandon his colony of Avalon 
 in the north, applied to King James in August, 1629, for a 
 grant of land farther south. After visiting Virginia he re- 
 turned to England and was gratified to learn that the King was 
 willing to accede to his request. He presented a more definite 
 petition, defining the territory he wished to settle and a charter 
 was about to be issued, entries concerning the subject being 
 made in March and April in the Signet Office,*" when he died 
 on April 15, 1632. His rights, however, were transferred to 
 his son Cecil, second Lord Baltimore, and on the twentieth of 
 June the charter was issued, describing the territory to be planted 
 in a rather obscure manner. It was to include " all that part 
 of a peninsula lying in the parts of America between the ocean 
 on the east, and the Bay of Chesapeake on the west, and 
 divided from the other part thereof by a right line drawn from 
 the promontory or cape of land called Watkin's Point (situate 
 
 " Van Renssellaer B. Mss., ed. by Van Laer, p. 222 ff. ; De Vries, Korte His- 
 toriael, 165, 175, 184; Col. N. Y. Hist. So., 2d S., III. 16 ff. ; Jameson, Nar. of N. 
 Neth., 184 ff. ; Brodhead, Hist., I. 204 ff. ; Pusey, Hist, of Leiues, Del., Del. Hist. 
 So., 1903 ; Hazard, Annals. 
 
 "Really one company with two divisions. 
 
 ^The London company was granted the district between the 34th and 41st 
 degrees, that is between the mouth of the Hudson and the southern limit of North 
 Carolina, and the Plymouth company was to establish a colony somewhere be- 
 tween the 38th and the 45th degrees of latitude, that is between the mouth of 
 the Potomac and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 
 " Grants to Lord Baltimore in America. Signet Office, March, April, June, 
 August, 1632. Pub. Rec. Office. 
 
Early History of t he Delaware. i73 
 
 in the aforesaid Bay, near the River Wighco), on the west, 
 unto the main ocean on the east, and between that bound on 
 the south, unto that part of the Delaware Bay on the north 
 which lieth under the 40th degree of north latitude from the 
 equinoctial, where New England ends; and all that tract of 
 land between the bounds aforesaid, i. e., passing from the 
 aforesaid Bay called Delaware Bay, in a right line by the 
 degrees aforesaid, unto the true meridian of the first fountain 
 of the River of Potomac, and from thence towards the south 
 unto the further bank of the aforesaid river and following the 
 west and south side thereof, unto a certain place called Cin- 
 quack, situate near the mouth of said river, where it falls into 
 the Bay of Chesapeake, and from thence by a straight line, 
 unto the aforesaid promontory and place called Watkin's 
 Point." That is to say it was limited on the north by the 
 fortieth degree of latitude, on the east (beginning at the mouth 
 of the Schuylkill) by the Delaware River and Bay and the 
 ocean, on the south by a line drawn due east from a point 
 called Cinquack at the mouth of the Potomac to Watkin's 
 Point and thence to the ocean, on the west and southwest by 
 the Potomac to its head and thence by a line drawn due north 
 to the fortieth degree of latitude, hence including all of the 
 present states of Delaware and Maryland, the southern coun- 
 ties of Pennsylvania bordering on Maryland and the eastern 
 half of the District of Columbia. 
 
 The country was to be called Maryland in honor of Queen 
 Henrietta Maria. *^ The tract was of course carved from the 
 original grant of Virginia Company,** and in 1631 William 
 Claybome made a settlement on the Island of Kent for the 
 purpose of trade with the Indians, but Lord Baltimore's grant 
 was always put forth by the English to the south of the Dela- 
 ware as their strongest right to the territory of New Sweden.** 
 
 "The charter is published in Hazard, Hist. Col., I. 327 ff. 
 
 "There was much opposition to Lord Baltimore's grants. See Steiner, Beg. 
 of Mar., p. 9 ff., 15 ff. ; Bozman, Sketch of the Hist, of Mar., p. 264 ff. Cf. 
 Hazard, Hist. Col, 1. 621 6., 6z% ff. ; Thurloe's State Papers, V. 482 ff. 
 
 "Latane, John H., The Early Rel. between Md. and Fa., p. g ff.; Steiner, 
 Beg. of Md.; Neill, The Founders of Maryland; Hart, Am. Hist. Told by 
 Contemp., I. 247 ff. See Bibliography. Cf. below. Chap. XXHL 
 
174 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Lord Baltimore made a settlement on the grant in 1634, which 
 became the nearest neighbor to New Sweden on the south. 
 
 Some time before July, 1632, Sir Edmund Plowden and 
 eight other " adventurers " applied to Charles I. for a grant of 
 a " convenient Isle . . . called Manite or Long Isle " and 
 "30 miles square of the coast next adjoining," "some 150 
 miles northward from . . . James city^* . . . near Delaware 
 Bay." If this grant was made they would "plant and settle 
 there 3,000 inhabitants for the making of wine, salt and iron, 
 fishing of sturgeon and mullet, and for cattle and corn for the 
 colony and for yearly building of shipping there." A docu- 
 ment in twenty-nine articles was also drafted and probably 
 sent with the petition to the King, giving a list of commodities 
 and advantages to be found in the region, and also presenting 
 suggestions for the government of the colony. The company 
 was willing to maintain "ye governor and two men to wait on 
 him" as well as twenty-five soldiers and the same number of 
 "mariners to truck and traffic by turn with the savages." 
 
 Some time later another petition was presented to His 
 Majesty in a modified form in accordance with which the King 
 directed the Lord Justices of Ireland to issue a grant of the 
 " Isle called the Isle of Plowden or Long Isle . . . and forty 
 leagues square of the adjoining continent . . . [to be called] 
 by the name of New Albion " with Ed. Plowden as the first 
 governor. " Corn, cattle and such other necessaries as they 
 should have use of " in the colony were to be furnished out of 
 Ireland and the planters had "power to carry artificers and 
 laborers thence into said colony."*^ Some time elapsed before 
 the authorities in Ireland acted on the matter, but on June 21, 
 1634, a charter was issued to Plowden and his associates grant- 
 ing to them Long Island, and a territory " forty leagues 
 square,"*^ extending along shore southward to Cape May, 
 
 "Jamestown, Virginia. 
 
 "Col. of N. Y. Hist. So. (1869), Pub. F. Se., II. 213 ff.; Penn. Mag., VH.; 
 Penn. Mag., V. 206 ff., 424 ff.; Winsor, III. 457 ff. 
 
 " " The Isle of Plowden, or Long Island, lying near or between the thirty- 
 ninth and fortieth degrees of north latitude, together with part of the continent 
 or Terra Firma aforesaid, near adjoining, described to begin from the point 
 
Early History of the Delaware. '75 
 
 from the cape on the east shore of the Delaware to the Schuyl- 
 kill,*' from there in a straight line due north forty leagues into 
 the country (unto about Stroudsburg in Monroe County, 
 Pennsylvania, or the Delaware Watergap), and from there 
 across New Jersey unto Sand Bay at the mouth of Raritan 
 River, hence including parts of the five eastern counties of 
 Pennsylvania up to the forty-first degree and almost all of New 
 Jersey.** Two of the petitioners having died and the others 
 having surrendered their claims to Plowden, on December 20, 
 1634, he became sole proprietor of the district,*^ but some 
 years elapsed before he made attempts at settlement.'"' 
 
 It has been said that King Charles I. transferred his rights 
 to the Delaware territory to Sweden about this time (1630- 
 1634) and one of the arguments used by Rising to establish 
 the Swedish title to the river was based on this supposition.** 
 The transaction was affected through Johan Oxenstierna, the 
 Swedish Ambassador at London, says Rising, and it was 
 repeated by LIndestrom, Campanlus Holm"^ and Acrellus, who 
 
 of an angle of a certain promontory called Cape May, and from thence to the 
 westward for a space of forty leagues, running by the river Delaware, and 
 closely following its course by the north latitude into a certain rivulet there, 
 arising from a spring of Lord Baltimore's in the lands of Maryland, and the 
 summit aforesaid to the South, where its touches joins and determines in its 
 breadth; from thence takes its course into a square, leading to the North by a 
 right line, for a space of forty leagues; and from thence likewise by a square, 
 inclining towards the East in a right line for a space of forty leagues, to the 
 river and part of Reacher Cod, and descends to a savannah, touching and 
 including the top of Sandbeey, where it determines, and from thence towards 
 the south, by a square stretching to a savannah, which passes by, and washes 
 the shore of the Island of Plowden aforesaid, to a point of the promontory of 
 Cape May, above mentioned, and terminates where it began." Hazard, Hist. 
 Col., I. 161. The Latin original is published by Keen in Penn. Mag., VII. 55 ff. 
 
 "A Certain rivulet there arising, etc., must mean the Schuylkill. 
 
 " Compare Winsor, Nar. and Crit. Hist., III. 458, however. 
 
 " For his transactions at this time see Winsor, HI. 458. 
 
 "" See below. Chap. XXIII. 
 
 " It was also said that the English king gave permission to the Dutch to put 
 in at Manhattan Island for fresh water on their way to Brazil and also to build 
 on the island. Cf. John Josselyn, An Account of Ttvo Voyages, etc., extract 
 in Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., I. 383-4. It was also stated that King James granted 
 Staten Island to the Dutch. See Hazard, Hist. Col., I. 604-5. 
 
 "Holm has the date 163 1 found in Rising and Lindestrom, but Johan Oxen- 
 stierna was not in London then. It is, however, not entirely necessary to suppose 
 that Johan Oxenstierna performed the transaction. 
 
176 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 stated that " it was confirmed by Von Stiernman out of the 
 documents,"®^ and that the articles of cession were found in the 
 Royal Archives before the burning of the palace in 1697.®* 
 In 1876 Dr. Sprinchorn made a search In the Royal Archives 
 for further evidence and the present writer made a search 
 among the diplomatic and other papers likely to contain any 
 reference to the transaction in the Public Record Office at Lon- 
 don and also in the Royal Archives at Stockholm, but without 
 result. 
 
 In this connection, Rising makes another statement, also 
 repeated by Lindestrom and Holm.^® He says that " we have 
 a pretension to a bono titilo from the Hollanders, for It was 
 bought for us through one called MInuit from one called 
 Samuel Blommaert In Amsterdam." Now it Is a fact that 
 Samuel Blommaert and the other Dutch members of the New 
 Sweden Company actually did sell their interest in the Dela- 
 ware territory, bought by MInuit In 1638,®^ to the Swedish 
 stockholders ; but not the Swanendael tracts possessed by Blom- 
 maert and Godyn on both sides of the river, for these were 
 sold to the Dutch West India Company some time before. 
 Not knowing that the Dutch West India Company had bought 
 the interest In the Delaware of Blommaert, Godyn and part- 
 ners. Rising confused two different transactions and pushed the 
 date of the one back to that of the other. In case Blommaert 
 pretended to the tracts bought by Corsen In 1633^'' it Is likely 
 that Blommaert resigned this right to the Swedish company. 
 
 "'That may simply mean, however, that Stiernman found the statement in 
 Rising's Report. Acrelius, Beskrif., p. 8 note (a). 
 
 " Acrelius, Beskrif., p. 8. 
 
 ™Cf. also Holm (transl.), 68-9. Holm takes his statement from Lindestrom, 
 which is less correct. He says the " Dutch also claimed a right to the country 
 because they visited it before the Swedes. This claim was also purchased from 
 the Hollanders." Acrelius wisely omits this statement. Rising says that he 
 found a copy of an octroy from the D. W. India Company dated October i, 
 1630, giving these West Indian lands to four prominent men in Amsterdam, S. 
 Godyn, A. Conradus, Samuel Blommaert and Kilian van Rensselaer. He further 
 states that the upper part of the river belonged to Blommaert and that this was 
 sold to Sweden for a sum of money. The lower part belonged to Godyn, but 
 he says nothing about the sale of this tract. 
 
 "■ Cf. below. Chap. XXI. 
 
 " Cf. below, pp. 178-179. 
 
Early History of the Delaware. 177 
 
 But the probability is that the sale of 1640** gave rise to the 
 statement, in any case showing that it has some foundation in 
 fact. The report of the transaction between Count Oxenstierna 
 and Charles I. must likewise have had some basis of truth. As 
 far as the author is aware there is no other transaction between 
 the two governments that could give rise to such a rumor. It 
 is true that in March, 1628, Gustavus Adolphus made a treaty 
 with the Duke of Buckingham, concerning a district, where Wal- 
 ter Raleigh was supposed to have discovered a rich gold mine;^* 
 but there is nothing in the affair that could give rise to the sup- 
 position that King Charles ceded any territory to Sweden. 
 
 Circumstances were favorable for the transference of " Eng- 
 lish territorial rights" to Sweden, if an application was made. 
 King Charles was very friendly to the latter nation and he 
 would unquestionably have been anxious to give a donation 
 that was so small a drain on his treasury, especially since he 
 could or would not at that time comply with the more serious 
 requests of the allies of allowing the recruiting of troops in his 
 kingdom and the supplying of money for these enlistments, as 
 well as subsidies for the expense of the war.^° 
 
 Usselinx was just now organizing the New South Company, 
 one of whose objects was to found colonies.^* He knew that 
 England pretended to the coast of North America, and she had 
 protested against the settlement of New Netherland."^ The 
 territorial restrictions of the old charter were removed and 
 hence the Delaware was included in the field of operation of 
 the Neiv South Company. 
 
 Now it is conceivable that Oxenstierna, who took great inter- 
 est in these maritime plans, at the suggestion of Usselinx in- 
 structed his son, Johan Oxenstierna, as he sent him to London 
 
 " Cf. Chap. XVI. 
 
 °* Foothold was to be secured by the Duke on the Island of Jamaica and 
 on the American continent under Swedish protection. Rydfors, De dipt. for. 
 mellan Sverige och Eng., p. iii B.; Cronholra, Sv. hist, IV. 373-4, VII. 85; 
 Lingard, Hist, of Eng., IX. 392-3, note 68, quoting Clarendon Papers, I. 18. 
 
 "Cf. Heimer, De dipt, for., etc., 13 flf.; Chemnitz, IL 2, §19; Gardiner, The 
 Pers. Gov. of Charles I., I. 207 ff. 
 
 "Cf. above. Chap. X. 
 
 "Doc, III. 6 ff. Usselinx must have known of these protests. 
 13 
 
178 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 in the beginning of 1634, to request permission for Swedish 
 ships to visit English territory in America or even to plant 
 colonies unobstructed on some of the large unoccupied areas 
 claimed by England on this continent. The Delaware region 
 might especially have been designated as unoccupied, for no 
 English settlement had as yet been made there and the various 
 grants that included this territory were vague and not well 
 defined.^ ^ A written promise from King Charles granting the 
 above request might easily have given rise to the statement that 
 the English king made a formal grant to the Swedish govern- 
 ment.'* The writer is strongly inclined to believe that some 
 document from King Charles existed (dating from this time or 
 earlier), either granting Swedish vessels the right to visit Eng- 
 lish colonies in America, or giving privileges to Sweden to erect 
 trading posts on unoccupied territory, or both, for it is extremely 
 improbable that Rising invented the statement. He used it in 
 his report of 1656, only twenty- four years after the transaction 
 was said to have taken place, and he sent the report to the gov- 
 ernment at Stockholm, where it could be scrutinized and where 
 the exact facts could be obtained from the documents in the 
 chancery. Is it conceivable then that he would dare invent the 
 statement? Whether Sweden was granted the right to plant 
 colonies on territory claimed by England or not, can not now 
 be actually determined, but one thing is certain, if such per- 
 mission was given it was not made use of. Sweden was yet to 
 wait for some years before she planted a colony in America. 
 
 But to return to the Dutch on the Delaware. Fort Nassau, 
 which had been deserted for some time, was reoccupied by the 
 Dutch in the summer of 1633 and a house was built and other 
 improvements were made. Several traders probably went there 
 and Arent Corsen, the new commissioner, purchased a tract of 
 
 ™Cf. above. 
 
 " Johan Oxenstierna " was outwardly treated by the King with respect, but 
 an excuse was found in his want of a formal commission from his fattier for 
 sending him back without the promise which he desired," says Gardiner. The 
 Pers. Gov. of Charles I., \l. 64. This refers to aids of money, etc. Axel 
 Oxenstierna treated Charles's message and offers with scorn. Gardiner, The 
 Pers. Gov., H. 87. 
 
Early History of the Delaware. 179 
 
 land*" on the Schuylkill from several Indian chiefs and a small 
 blockhouse seems to have been erected on a convenient place 
 for trade with the savages.'* The fort was again deserted in 
 the autumn or winter of 1 633-1 634. 
 
 The English likewise visited the river from time to time and 
 in 1632 seven or eight men from Virginia went to explore the 
 Delaware, but they were killed by the Indians. In 1634 another 
 English vessel arrived there. The idea of finding a passage 
 through the continent to a great lake or even to the Pacific 
 Ocean was common in this period, as we shall see. In 1633 
 Thomas Young, the son of a rich(?) London merchant, ap- 
 plied for permission to sail to America and take possession of 
 lands not yet occupied by Christian people, his object being to 
 discover "the Great Lake or Ocean." In accordance with this 
 request a commission for Young was issued on September 23, 
 the same year, granting him the power to establish trading posts 
 and vesting him with great authority over the territory he might 
 settle. Young arrived in the Delaware (which he called 
 " Charles River," in honor of his King) about the end of July. 
 He twice ascended the river up to the falls*'' in hope of finding 
 its source, Evelin, one of his companions having made a draft 
 or sketch of Delaware Bay, and he erected the coat of arms of 
 England on a tree, taking the country into possession with usual 
 ceremonies. It has been said that he built a fort and remained 
 here for some time,*^ but this is very Improbable.*^ The Dutch 
 
 * Doc, I. 588 ; Hazard, Annals. Cf. below, Chap. XXXVH. 
 
 From a statement by Rising to the effect that Blommaert owned " the upper 
 part of the said River," it might be argued that Blommaert furnished the means 
 for this purchase and that it was made in his name, but since there is no other 
 evidence on this point it cannot be decided. Rising's Journal {Up. B.). 
 
 "The location of the blockhouse is uncertain, but from a statement in a 
 Dutch document it appears that it was located on the spot where Ft. Korsholm 
 was later erected. See map; Doc, XH. 37. 
 
 " Fort Nassau was deserted by the Dutch, but it is curious that Young does 
 not mention Fort Nassau in his report. 
 
 "Rymer's Faedera, September 23, 1633; Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 4th S., IX. 
 81 ff.; Penn. Mag., V. 208 ff.; Vi^insor, III. p. 457; New Albion (Force, Repr.), 
 p. 22. A correct text of Young's report, from the original manuscript, appears 
 in Albert Cook Myers's Original Narratives of Early Pennsylvania. 
 
 "In a protest handed to the Swedes in March, 1642, we read: " Queene 
 Elizabeth of happy memory under the name of Virginea granted under her greate 
 
i8o The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 at Manhattan, being informed by Indians of the English expe- 
 dition, sent a vessel to the river twice during Young's sojourn 
 there to inquire about his purpose. 
 
 Some time after Young's return to Virginia, probably as a 
 result of his reports, preparations were made for sending a new 
 expedition to the Delaware, and in 1635 some fifteen or sixteen 
 Englishmen™ from Point Comfort under the command of 
 George Holmes sailed up to Fort Nassau. The fortress was 
 deserted and they took it into possession. But a Dutch bark 
 soon recaptured the fort and brought the English prisoners to 
 New Amsterdam, whence they were sent with Capt. De Vries 
 to Virginia in September. Another English bark with twenty 
 men was about to join their comrades in the South River at this 
 time, but finding that these returned as prisoners with De Vries, 
 they gave up their design.''^ This experience seems to have 
 made it clear to the Dutch that they must either occupy the 
 fort themselves or lose it to others, and it is probable that a 
 small garrison and a commiss, perhaps Jan Jansen, were sent 
 there in the spring of 1636. 
 
 The English continued to visit the river, however, and it 
 seems that two prizes were taken from them there in the sum- 
 mer of 1636. In May De Vries was again within sight of the 
 bay, but he did not enter the river.''^ 
 
 The fur trade continued to be considerable; but the "Swan- 
 endael Company " was not a success, because it was composed 
 
 Seale unto Sir Walter Raleigh Knt. her Subiect all [t]his parte now called Vir- 
 ginea and these Land[s] called Maryland, new Albion, and New England and 
 begann and planted Colonies, and one with 30 men and some greate peaces of 
 ordinances in that river and Bay called by us Delaware Bay and by you called 
 South river, which said plantaeon then and there begunn was againe continued 
 by Sir Samuell Argoll and Sir Thomas Deale of Virginea Knights and by the 
 direction of the Baron of Delaware the then Governor of Virginea and by his 
 name called Delaware Bay about thirty-seven years since in y* time and reigne 
 of the most renowned King James, King of England and the same river and 
 Bay possessed, planted and traded nyne years since by Captain Young, Lieft 
 Euelin, Mr. Holmes and others. ..." Copy of protest sent by Governor Berkeley 
 to Commandant P. H. Ridder, dated March 18, 1642. N.S., L (K.A.). 
 
 '° De Vries says " veerthien a vyfthien," but one deserted. 
 
 " De Vries, Korte Historiael, 14.3 ; Col. of N. Y. Hist., 2d S., IH. 76 fif. 
 
 " De Vries, Korte Historiael, 145 ; Col. of N. Y. Hist., 2d S., III. 78 fit. 
 
Early History of the Delaware. i8i 
 
 of too many members. Differences arose between the Dutch 
 West India Company and the patrons of the Swanendael con- 
 cerning the beaver trade in the South River. It was brought 
 into the Amsterdam courts and finally the company purchased 
 the title and rights from the patrons (in February, 1635), for 
 15,600 gulden to be paid in three equal instalments (on May 
 2?) 1635, August 27, 1637, November 27, 1637), the last pay- 
 ment being made as the Swedish expedition was on its way to 
 Holland.''^ The garrison at Fort Nassau was maintained, 
 with a commiss (Jan Jansen) and an assistant commiss (Peter 
 Mey) for the supervision of the trade. 
 
 "Van Rensselaer B. Mss., ed. by Van Laer, p. 316. Contract signed by Blom- 
 maert, etc., February 17, 1635 (tranl. by O'Callaghan, Hist, of N. Neth., I. 479- 
 81; of. also I. 365). Doc, I. 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 
 The Coming of the Swedes and their Occupation of 
 THE Country, 163 8-1640. 
 
 Such was the history of the Delaware before the Kalmar 
 Nyckel and the Fogel Grip arrived in the spring of 1638. About 
 the fifteenth of March the two little ships were in Delaware Bay. 
 A sweet-smelling odor met the pioneers as they turned ashore, 
 the beauty of the region impressed them as it has impressed 
 every traveller who has passed up the fair river ever since the 
 early days, aad, if the legend be true, they gave the name of 
 Paradisudden (Paradise Point) to a particularly charming 
 spot and landed there. ^ 
 
 Minuit undoubtedly proceeded with the first favorable wind, 
 carrying out his instructions minutely.^ When he arrived at 
 Minquas Kill,* he sailed up this river some distance and cast 
 anchor, perhaps in front of the rock, where Fort Christina was 
 later built. Indians had pitched their wigwams there and it 
 was particularly suitable for a landing place.* The Swedish 
 salute* was given and Minuit went ashore with some of his 
 men. The sloop was then made ready for a journey up the 
 river and the commander, in company with Jacob Evertssen 
 Sandelin, Andres Lucassen® and probably Mans Kling and other 
 soldiers, sailed up Minquas Kill for several miles,''' to reconnoitre 
 
 ' Perhaps Minuit wished to consult the Indians about the Dutch settlement 
 on the river before he proceeded. 
 
 = See above, Chap. XIV. 
 
 ' Called so from the fact that the Kill " led into the Minquas country." 
 
 ''Doc, I. 598. Cf. Ferris, p. 42 ff. Smith, Hist, of Del. Co., p. 21. 
 
 "A salute of two guns. Cf. Zettersten, Hist. Tid., XX. loi, and below, 
 Chap. — . 
 
 ° He was probably in the company, since he knew the Indian language and 
 acted as interpreter. 
 
 ' From a statement in the document it would seem that Minuit sailed up the 
 river with the Kalmar Nyckel ("and they also sailed up the same river {the 
 Minquas Kill] a few miles ") ; but this is improbable for Jacob Evertssen 
 Sandelin said " that he in company with the often mentioned Director went 
 
 182 
 
The landing-place of the Sweden, showing' the " wharf of stones.' 
 
 Landing-place of the Swedes, showing the stone in the back-ground erected by 
 the Delaware Society of Colonial Dames of America to mark the location of Fort 
 Christina. The above pictures were taken in February, 1910. 
 
The Coming of the Swedes. 183 
 
 and establish connection with the Indians. They also went 
 some distance into the country but "saw no sign of Christian 
 people." Soon Minuit returned to his ship with the sloop. 
 His efforts and the roar of his cannon® had the desired effect. 
 Several Indian chiefs made their appearance, probably with a 
 large following, and Minuit at once arranged a conference with 
 them about the sale of land. Gifts were given and the Indians 
 "were asked if they would sell the [Minquas] River and as 
 many day's journey* of the land lying about it as would be 
 requested. This they [the chiefs] agreed to with common con- 
 sent of the different [Indian] nations." The same or the fol- 
 lowing day,^" which was the twenty-ninth^^ of March, 1638, 
 five sachems,*^ Mattahorn, MitotSchemingh,'* EruPacicen," 
 Mahomen and Chiton " appointed by the whole assembly " 
 went on board the Kalmar Nyckel,^^ and sold as much " of the 
 
 up the Minquas Kill for several miles." This last would indicate that the 
 other witnesses who appeared before Ruttens were not along on the journey 
 " some miles up the Minquas Kill " which of course they would have been, had 
 the Kalmar Nyckel sailed up the river " several Dutch miles." 
 
 ' It was a common custom to call together the Indians by the report of 
 cannon. So Petersen De Vries on his first journey up the Delaware. 
 
 ' The meaning is " and as much of the land in each direction as it would 
 require a certain number of days to pass over." 
 
 "From the document it is not possible to say just when the conference took 
 place. " Daruff [after the conference] wahren am neinundzwantzigsten Marty 
 dieses obbeschriebenen Jahrs. ..." This might mean that the conference took 
 place the same day (March 29), the previous day (March 28) or some days 
 before the sale. 
 
 " It is not possible to know whether new or old style is meant, but old style 
 is probably used in the document. 
 
 "^Each totem of the Lenape recognized a chieftain called sakima (found in 
 most Algonkin dialects). It is derived from the root oki, signifying above in 
 space or power (Brinton). The Indian chiefs or sachems were of two kinds, 
 the peace chiefs and the war chiefs. The oflice of the peace sachem was heredi- 
 tary on the mother's side in the gens but elective among its members. The 
 special duty of the peace chief was to preserve peace as long as possible and 
 he could not on his own authority begin or declare war, but when the captains 
 or war chiefs and the people decided for war he must yield to their wishes and 
 his rule ended until peace was again made. The war chiefs or captains were 
 not chosen nor did they come from a particular gens. Any brave young Indian 
 of more than usual powers, who had been successful in war a number of times, 
 was declared a captain or war chief. Peace was always made by the elected 
 peace sachems and they conducted the sale of land. 
 
 " Mitatsimint. 
 
 "Probably Elupacken. 
 
 "The transaction was made in the cabin of Minuit. 
 
1 84 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 land on all parts and places of the river, up the river and on 
 both sides, as Minuit requested." Andres Lucassen was the 
 interpreter and he translated the land deeds, which were writ- 
 ten in Dutch, and explained their contents to the Indians. " For 
 value received in merchandise the Indians ceded and transferred 
 the title of the land with all its jurisdiction and rights to the 
 Swedish Florida [New Sweden] Company under the protec- 
 tion of the great princess, virgin, and elected Queen of the 
 Swedes, Goths and Wends." The merchandise specified in the 
 deeds were then given to them, the chiefs tracing their totem 
 marks on the documents, and Peter Minuit and perhaps Mans 
 Kling, Hendrick Huygen, Jacob Evertssen Sandelin and Andres 
 Lucassen signed their names below. Two contracts seem to 
 have been prepared. These are now lost, but from other docu- 
 ments it is possible to determine the limits of the purchase. 
 Mitatsimint sold his land lying below the Minquas Kill to 
 Bomtien's Point or Duck Creek, a distance of about forty 
 miles^® and the other chiefs sold the districts above the river up 
 to the Schuylkill, a distance of twenty-seven miles along the 
 bank of the Delaware, in both cases stretching westward indefi- 
 nitely. (For some reason Minuit neglected to buy the land up 
 to Trenton Falls as his instructions commanded him to do.) 
 
 When the purchase was concluded the sachems and Minuit 
 with his officers and soldiers went ashore. A pole was erected 
 with the coat of arms of Sweden upon it, " and with the report 
 of cannon followed by other solemn ceremonies the land was 
 called New Sweden," and Minquas Kill was given the name of 
 Elbe.^'^ Minuit undoubtedly had another conference with the 
 Indians, distributed additional gifts and gained their good will 
 and promise of a large beaver trade. The location for a fort 
 was then selected and the men were set to work to prepare tim- 
 ber and other materials. 
 
 As soon as circumstances allowed Minuit made arrangement 
 
 "See report of court, 1643. 
 
 "Affidavit, etc., December 29, 1638, N.S., I. (K.A.). Cf. facsimile; Blom- 
 maert to Oxenstierna, November 13, 1638; January 28, 1640. Ox. Saml., Kern- 
 kamp, p. 162 ff. The river probably called Elbe in honor of Minuit's home river. 
 
yliJUe^-A/iS^i }\rti 
 
 
 
 \P'f-(V^'>'^' ;*.M^»'T»>'v'' Ji»;2itV,rfTi»M J,VT^»^lf>i**w — ^; 
 
 
 AAck^ 
 
 1 K^,f4i/'„i•\4.■^■<^■/^^^'^'-A,(}Vlu• , 
 
 
 
 
 t J«.*i'<>f+ -^M 
 
 
 Q*,.,..''vy'f.'.f . 
 
 
 First page of the deposition before Ruttens concerning the first coming of the 
 Swedes. Original preserved in N. S. I. (K. A,), Stockholm. 
 

 Ix' f^i'^ir^ "^^ 'i .^ '^iv^ B ^- i >^ < I ^^§ m '^^'-^ 
 
 
 
 s^ ^ 
 
 ^ \ 
 
 
-^(•jf~ 
 
The Coming of the Swedes. 185 
 
 for the sale of his goods. Shortly after his arrival he sent the 
 ship Griperi^^ to Jamestown in Virginia with instructions to 
 exchange its cargo for tobacco. The vessel arrived there about 
 the middle of ApriI/» but the captain was denied the freedom 
 of trade, since the English governor was not allowed to grant 
 such liberty.^" Governor Berkeley proposed, however, that the 
 Swedish government should notify the King of England that 
 a district had been occupied on the Delaware by the Swedes and 
 apply for permission to trade with the Virginia colony, " for 
 he thought that such [a request] from Her Majesty of Sweden 
 would not be denied by" the English King.^' The ship re- 
 mained at Jamestown " about ten days to refresh with wood and 
 water," after which time she returned to the Christina River,^^ 
 unloaded her cargo, and set sail again on the twentieth of 
 May to prey on Spanish vessels, for the purpose of increasing 
 the profits of the stockholders of the New Sweden Company.^' 
 Minuit also endeavored to begin trade with the Indians and 
 sent his sloop up the river for this purpose, probably also to 
 examine the position and strength of the Dutch. It appears that 
 the commander at Fort Nassau did not observe the sloop before 
 it returned on its way down the Delaware. We may assume 
 that the Dutch were somewhat surprised and at once set about 
 to see what the newcomers were doing in the river. Shortly 
 afterwards Minuit again prepared the sloop, went on board of 
 it himself and tried to pass the Dutch stronghold. The garri- 
 son was now on the alert and when the Swedish vessel appeared 
 " Peter Mey sailed down " to meet it. He demanded to know 
 the reasons of its presence in the river, wished to see Minuit's 
 commission, and warned him not to pass the fort. Minuit, 
 refusing to exhibit his papers, requested permission to proceed 
 
 " en is the definite article in Swedish, hence Gripen means the Grip. 
 
 "The ship must have been at Jamestown not later than the middle of April, 
 for it remained there ten days, returned to New Sweden and left there again 
 on May 20. See above, Chap. XIV. 
 
 " Cal. of State Papers, Col. S. (1574-1660), pp. 273-274. Hazard, p. 42 ff. 
 
 ""Blommaert to Oxenstierna, November 13, 1638. Ox. Saml., Kernkamp, 
 Zweed. Arch., p. 166. 
 
 ""The ship probably returned in the beginning of May. 
 
 "Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, September 4, 1638. Ox. Saml. 
 
1 86 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 on his journey, "saying . . . [that] his Queen had as much 
 right there as the company." He was compelled to return to 
 his camp, however, and he probably made no further attempts 
 to sail above Fort Nassau. 
 
 The assistant commissary at the Dutch settlement (Jan Jan- 
 sen was now at New Amsterdam) reported the occurrences to 
 Governor Kieft, who ordered the commissary to return to his 
 post and instructed him " to protest against Minuit in due 
 form." It is probable that Jan Jansen arrived on the South 
 River about the middle of April, ^* and immediately protested 
 in writing against the Swedish occupation of the river. Minuit 
 replied to the protest, styling himself " commander in the 
 service of H. R. Majesty of Sweden," and the Indian trade and 
 the work on the fort went on as before. When Kieft was in- 
 formed of the situation and when he found that the protest of 
 the commissary had no effect, he himself drew up a protest 
 " against the landing and settling of the Swedes on the Dela- 
 ware," " reminding Peter Minuit that the whole South River 
 of New Netherland had been many years in their possession 
 and secured by them above and below by forts and sealed with 
 their blood," and informing him that the Dutch would not suffer 
 him to intrude between their forts and that the blame for all 
 future mishaps, damages, losses, disturbances and bloodshed," 
 which might arise as a consequence of his actions, would fall 
 upon him.^^ The protest was read to him, but he made no 
 reply to it and continued the erection of the fort as well as 
 necessary buildings. The Dutch were not strong enough to use 
 more effective means than words and Minuit was allowed to go 
 on with his work unmolested. 
 
 '^ On April 38, Kieft was expecting " news from there " {Doc, I. 592) and 
 allowing about ten or fifteen days for Jansen to acquaint himself with the situa- 
 tion, to protest against Minuit and send a report to Manhattan would bring us to 
 April 15 or thereabout as the probable time of his arrival at Fort Nassau. 
 
 ""The protest is found in the "Albany Documents," between May 6 (immedi- 
 ately preceding it) and May 17 (directly following it) according to Hazard (p. 
 44). O'Callaghan dates the document, "Thursday being the 6th. May, anno 
 1638" {Doc, XII. p. 19), and this is undoubtedly the correct date. Jansen's 
 report probably reached Governor Kieft the first days in May and it is not likely 
 that he would defer the protest for about two weeks or until May 17. (Cf. 
 Doc, I. 592, Hazard, 44 ff.) The above dates are all new style. 
 
The Coming of the Swedes. 187 
 
 Although he was prevented from passing up the river above 
 Fort Nassau, he was successful in his endeavor to draw the 
 native traders to his camp, and it is probable that the river 
 Indians as well as those living at some distance brought their 
 peltries to Christina in April and May. 
 
 The Indians with whom the Dutch and Swedes came in con- 
 tact upon their arrival here belonged to two large families, the 
 Algonquian^® and the Iroquoian.^'^ The Algonquian tribes 
 were spread over a much larger area than any other family of 
 North America, except the Athapascans in Alaska and western 
 Canada. They occupied the eastern coast from Newfound- 
 land and Nova Scotia down to the thirty-fifth degree in Caro- 
 lina, and westward and northward to Hudson Bay, except a 
 territory along the St. Lawrence River, Lake Ontario, Lake 
 Erie and parts of Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and Mary- 
 land, which was inhabited by tribes of the Iroquoian family. 
 
 The Indians of the Delaware basin, New Jersey, Delaware 
 and part of New York and Pennsylvania formed the most im- 
 portant confederacy of the Algonquian stock. They called 
 themselves Lenape or Leni-lenape, which means "real men." 
 " The Lenape or Delawares proper " who inhabited New Swe- 
 den were divided into three tribes — the Minsi,^* or Munsee,^* the 
 Unami*" and the Unalachtigo.^^ The Swedes called them 
 Renappi^^ (Lenape), the River Indians and Our Indians.^^ 
 
 They had their villages on both banks of the South River, 
 the Munsee occupying the northern limits of New Sweden, " the 
 headwaters of Delaware River in New York, New Jersey and 
 
 "Algonkin, meaning " at the place of spearing fish and eels.'' 
 
 " Iroquois, meaning " Real adders." 
 
 ^ Brinton's form, " be scattered -}- stone." 
 
 ^Form used by Morgan, meaning "at the place where stones are gathered 
 together" (according to Hewitt). 
 
 '° Unami, according to Brinton, means " people down the river." 
 
 "' Unalachtigs means, according to Brinton, " people who live near the ocean." 
 
 "The R is now extinct, says Brinton {Lenape and their Leg., p. 96), but I 
 have been told that the r-sound or something resembling it is to be met with in 
 the Lenape dialects. 
 
 ''Lindestrom says that the Indians at the Hornkill and South to the Cape 
 were called Sironesack, a powerful nation, rich in maize or corn and plantations. 
 Geogr. 
 
1 88 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Pennsylvania south to Lehigh River." The Swedes bought 
 most of their lands from the Lenape, and they supplied the 
 settlers with large quantities of maize, fish** and venison, but 
 their beaver and sewant trade was small " since they were poor 
 and had nothing but com to sell." West and north about 
 seventy-five miles from the Swedish settlements, tribes of the 
 Iroquoian stock had their villages and forts. The Delawares 
 applied the name Mingwe*^ (in various forms) to the Iroquois 
 and cognate tribes as we use Germanic to designate the Scan- 
 dinavians, the Dutch, etc., and the Germans. This name in 
 a modified form (Minquas) was adopted by the Dutch and 
 applied by them for the first time, it seems, distinctively to the 
 southeastern Iroquoian tribes with whom they came in con- 
 tact on their trading expeditions to the South River. The Swedes 
 recognized two distinct divisions, the Black and the White 
 Minquas, ^^ and Van der Donck, writing about 1 653-1 654, also 
 mentions the Black Minquas. He says they were called the 
 Black Minquas not because of their color but "because they 
 carried a black badge on their breast."*'^ It is not known why 
 the White Minquas were so called, probably simply to distin- 
 guish them from the black or it may be that they wore a badge 
 of a light color. 
 
 It is difficult to identify these two tribes. It seems probable 
 that the White Minquas were the Susquehannas,'* who came 
 down to the Delaware along the Minquas (Christina) Kill 
 (hence the name) to trade with the Dutch, Swedes and Eng- 
 lish. Having been at war with the Five Nations they were 
 
 "Lindestrom says that they caught fish at the Falls of the Delaware which 
 they sold to the Swedes. Geogr. 
 
 "Mingwe means "treacherous, stealthy," various forms being used by the 
 settlers, as Mingo, Minquaas, Minqwe, Minquas, Minquesser, Mynkussar, etc. 
 Southern Minquas are also found. Doc, XHL 25. 
 
 °°A branch of the Creeks in Mexico was called Black Muscogees, and there 
 was also a band of Indians called White Indians ("with beards"). Du Simitiere 
 Mss. (965 Fyi., Phil. Lib. Co.) ; Hodge, Handb., I. 153. 
 
 ^ " De swarte Minquaes, alsoo genaemt (niet om dat se in der daet swart zijn) 
 maer een swarte Kuyte op de Bosst voeren." Van der Donck (Beschry., p. 71). 
 
 " These Indians were called Minquas by the Dutch and Swedes. They were 
 also called Susquehannah Minquas. Day, Penn., 390 (cf. also Hist. Mag., II. 
 
An Indian Family according to I^indestroni. From Lindestrom's itfograpiua 
 Auuricac. (Preserved in the Riksarkiv, Stockholm.) 
 
The Coming of the Swedes. 189 
 
 greatly reduced in strength during the existence of New Sweden, 
 but they seem to have been in alliance or at least on friendly 
 terms with the Delawares at this time (1638-1655). At a 
 treaty with the Swedes in 1655 ^our tribes of these Minquas 
 are mentioned by Rising, the Skonedidehoga, the Serasquacke, 
 the Lower Quarter of the Minquas and the True Minquas. The 
 Serasquacke belonged to the Delawares, but whether the Sko- 
 nedidehogas were Minquas or a Lenape tribe in league with 
 them is not clear. 
 
 The Black Minquas are even as difficult to identify or more 
 so. By Herrman's map (1670) we are informed that a tribe 
 called the Black Minquas lived beyond the mountains " on the 
 large Black Minquas Road," probably the Ohio River. Her- 
 man says that these Minquas came over as far as the Delaware 
 to trade, and since he also says that "the Sassquahana and 
 Sinnicus Indians went over and destroyed that very great 
 nation," it has been suggested that these Black Minquas were 
 the ancient Eries, who occupied a territory " at the end of Lake 
 Erie west and to the west watershed of Lake Erie and Miami 
 River to the Ohio River." The Jesuit Relation of 1653 says 
 that at one time " Lake Erie was inhabited toward the south 
 by certain people whom we call the Cat Nation [Eries J, but 
 they were forced to proceed farther inland in order to escape 
 their enemies whom they have toward the west." This of 
 course means that they went " inland " away from the shores 
 of Lake Erie towards the southeast, hence in reality not inland 
 but towards the ocean. This brought them closer to the Dela- 
 ware region, and seems to corroborate the view that they were 
 the Black Minquas mentioned by Herrman, but it does not go to 
 prove that they were the Black Minquas generally referred to 
 by the Swedes and Dutch. In 1662, when the Susquehannas 
 were again preparing to make war upon the Senecas, five 
 Minquas Chiefs (Susquehannas or White Minquas?) with their 
 suites arrived at Altena (Fort Christina) and while there in- 
 formed Beeckman "that they were expecting shortly for their 
 assistance 800 Black Minquas and that 200 of this nation had 
 
ipo The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 already come in, so that they were fully resolved to go to war 
 with the Sinnecus."^® These Black Minquas could not be the 
 Eries, for the power of the Eries was broken about the close of 
 1656, "and the people were destroyed or dispersed or led into 
 captivity." The only way out of the difficulty seems to be to 
 suppose that there was an Indian tribe of Iroquoian stock in 
 western Pennsylvania also called the Black Minquas, west of 
 the Munsees and north and west of the Susquehannas, probably 
 extending to the Ohio and Allegheny Rivers or beyond, adjoin- 
 ing the Eries.*" This also agrees with Lindestrom's statement 
 that the Minquas lived at the Asinpinck (Trenton) Falls and 
 above, that is westward. This is further corroborated by the 
 fact that Indians still called Mingos, originally from western 
 Pennsylvania, are found in Oklahoma, who are probably the 
 descendants of these Black Minquas), while the Susquehannas 
 and Eries are extinct or incorporated into other tribes, having 
 lost their identity. These Indians of western Pennsylvania 
 were probably called Black Minquas for the same reason as those 
 mentioned by Herrman. The path of these Minquas (and that 
 of the Eries?) was on the south bank of the Schuylkill into the 
 country, and it is likely that the Minquas came down that 
 river from the interior to barter, as a trading post was erected 
 by the Dutch on the banks of the Schuylkill as early as 1633, 
 a place " where the ships usually trade " being mentioned there 
 in 1646.*^ It seems likely that these Indians were the same as 
 
 "Doc, XU. 419. 
 
 "It might also be suggested that the Black Minquas spoken of in 1662 were 
 the Minse (or Munsee), whose "dialect differed so much" from the other Dela- 
 ware tribes " that they have frequently been regarded as a distinct tribe." But 
 this is very improbable, for they seem to have been clearly distinguished from 
 the Minquas by the early settlers. 
 
 "For the above see Lindestrom, Geogr.; Campanius Holm., Beskrifning; 
 Acrelius, Beskrifn., Doc, I.-II., Xn.-XIII. ; The Jesuit Relations, ed. by Thwaites 
 (see index for the Eries, etc.) ; Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penn., HL; 
 Pennsylvania Archives, XII.; The Records of New Amsterdam, I.-II.; Guss, 
 Early Hist, of the Susquehanna, in Hist. Reg., I. 38 ff., 114 ff., i6i ff., 251 ff. ; 
 Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, I.; Brinton, The Lendpe and Their 
 Legends; Shea, The Identity of the Andastes, etc., in Hist. Mag., II. 294 ff. ; 
 Prince, Notes on Mod. Minsi-Delaiuare Dialect; Harrington, Vest, of Material 
 Culture among the Canadian Dela<wares. 
 
The Coming of the Swedes. 191 
 
 those called Conastogas** at a later period,^^ for they were also 
 called Minquas.** 
 
 In his description of the Indians, Campanius Holm, largely 
 using Lindestrom, says that the Minquas lived "12 miles [80 
 English miles] from New Sweden and [they] were daily with 
 the Swedes, bargaining with them. The way to their country 
 was bad, stony, full of sharp granite rocks [grastenar] , among 
 morasses, hilly and at some places [crossed] by streams (in- 
 skrommar!), so that the Swedes had to walk and march in 
 water, so that it went up to the armpits on them, when they 
 were to go there, which generally happened once or twice a 
 year, with frieze, kettles, axes, hoes, knives, mirrors and corals, 
 to trade for beavers and other valuable peltries. They lived 
 on a high mountain which was hard to climb. They are strong 
 and hardy, both young and old, a tall and brave people." 
 This description seems to refer particularly to the White Min- 
 quas. About 1 630-1 636 they were at war with the Delawares, 
 who were conquered by them, compelled to pay taxes and to 
 recognize their sovereignty and supervision in matters of land 
 treaties and the like with the whites.*' 
 
 When the Swedes and Dutch spoke of the Minquas country 
 generally they seem to have thought of a district north and west 
 of New Sweden inland about 50 to 100 miles. Some time 
 before February, 1647, Governor Printz bought certain lands 
 from the Black(?) Minquas of Pennsylvania for their trade 
 only and he sent merchandise to them for about 145 miles 
 northwestward in thg same years. From the Minquas came 
 most of the beaver skins and they were always the " special 
 friends and protectors of the Swedes."*® 
 
 It is likely that bands of these different Indian tribes came to 
 trade _with Minuit shortly after his arrival, for news of the com- 
 
 " Kanastoge means " at the place of the emersed pole." 
 
 "This view is contrary to the earlier authorities on the subject, who identify 
 the Conestogas with the Susquehannas. 
 
 " " Present also the Chiefs and others of the Conestogoe or Mingoe Indians." 
 Minutes of the Pro. Council, 111. 19. Cf. also De Laet's map, Proud, Penn., I. 428. 
 
 " Campanius Holm., Beskrifn.; Lindestrom, Geogr.; Young's Report., Col. 
 of Mass. Hist. So. 
 
 *" Geogr. 
 
192 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 ing of new expeditions spead rapidly among the savages. A 
 large number of small presents were given to the chiefs as 
 they arrived at the camp and cloth, sewant*'^ and other goods 
 were exchanged for skins, but the exact amount of this trade 
 is unknown. Minuit was clearly monopolizing the trade in the 
 river, however, and Governor Kieft complained bitterly that he 
 " attracted all the peltries to himself by means of liberal gifts."*^ 
 In the meantime every man had been busily at work on the 
 new fort. It was built on a cape about two miles from the 
 mouth of Christina Creek, where nature provided a "wharf of 
 stone." It was " surrounded by marshy ground, except on the 
 northwest side, where it could be approached by a narrow strip 
 of land" and it was particularly well situated for defense 
 against the Indians. On the south side flowed the river and the 
 ships could be moored within a few steps of the wall, where a 
 bridge was built for the convenience of passengers and freight. 
 The fort was built in the form of a square, with sharp arrow- 
 head-like corners,*' three of which were mounted with artil- 
 lery.*** It was built with palisades and earth and was considered 
 to be strong enough to withstand the attack of a very large 
 number of Indians. Since it was two miles from the banks of 
 the Delaware, it could not close that river and it seems that 
 Minuit selected this spot so as to avoid a collision with the 
 Dutch as much as possible, until the colony was strong enough 
 to assert its authority. About May lo the ramparts were com- 
 
 "The Indian money, or wampum, also called Toanoke and peag. Seiuant is 
 from the Narraganset siivdn, meaning " scattered." The shell that bore this 
 name among the Indians was unstrung, but the Swedes (and Dutch) used it for 
 the strung shells also. There were two kinds of sebant or wampum, the white 
 and the black or dark purple. The black was twice as valuable as the white. 
 It seems that sewant of the same color was of different price, for on April ao, 
 1644, some was sold for 4 florins a yard and some for 55^ florins a yard. Ace. 
 B., 1643-8. 
 
 "Schuldt Boeck, 1638-48, R.S., 11. (R.A.) ; Doc, I. p. 592; Hazard, p. 44 ff. 
 
 "The general shape of the fort was a common one at this period. Broecke 
 gives a fort very similar to Christina in his Hist., and in several other works of 
 the time we find forts represented which resemble the Swedish fortress. See 
 Broecke, JVonderlijck Hist. (Amsterdam, 1648), fol. 2; Beschr. van Virg., N. 
 Nederland, etc., p. 21 ; Van der Donck, De Laet and others. 
 
 "The two corners on the river side and the northeast side towards the land 
 were protected with cannon. 
 
Blackand whitei«('ff;// (wampum) of the Delawares on strings. From the Hej'e 
 Collection, University of Pennsylvania Museum. Photograph used by the courtesy 
 of Dr. Gordon. 
 
The Coming of the Swedes. 193 
 
 pleted and a short time later the fort was entirely ready.'^ 
 Guns were now taken from the Kalmar Nyckel and mounted 
 on the walls; the Swedish flag was raised on the flagpole and 
 " with the report of cannon [the fort] was called Christina."'^ 
 Two houses were erected inside of the fortress, one of which 
 was probably used for a magazine to store the merchandise in, 
 the other for a dwelling house. They were built of logs, prob- 
 ably unhewn, and the dwelling had loopholes and probably two 
 or more little windows. The roof was gabled and most likely 
 covered with small timbers split in two. A fireplace and an 
 oven were built in a corner of bricks carried over on the ships.^^ 
 Rough benches, chairs and tables were probably constructed from 
 split timber. It is also likely that beds of some sort were 
 made and we may suppose that the bedroom and dining room 
 were the same. 
 
 The country was not " an entire wilderness " when the Swe- 
 dish settlers arrived. The Delaware Indians were largely 
 agricultural (as were almost all the Algonquian tribes) and 
 they had cleared large tracts near their villages where they 
 planted corn. In 1654 Lindestrom says that on the west side 
 of the Delaware near Asinpinck (Trenton) Falls the savages 
 had corn fields which had been cultivated so long that the soil 
 was too poor to give good crops, and near the Schuylkill, at the 
 Horn Kill and other places, there were large Indian cornfields. 
 The settlers adopted many practices from the Indians. Their 
 corn, especially, often proved a valuable article for the suste- 
 nance of the people and they learned how to cultivate and use it.^* 
 
 Minuit was expressly instructed to take along all kinds of 
 grain for seed and he himself proposed that tobacco planters be 
 
 "'The ship Grip left the South River on May 10(20), and then "the fort and 
 a house were made," for a letter written from the Grip on June 15, informed 
 Blommaert of these facts. Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, September 4, 1638; 
 Kernkamp, Zixieed. Arch., pp. 157-8. 
 
 ""Het fort volmaect sijnde, hebbent solemnelijcken met lessen vant canon 
 genaerapt Christina." Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, November 13, 1638, January 
 28, 1640. 
 
 ™ Minuit purchased a quantity of bricks from Hans Macklier at Gothenburg 
 before he sailed. See facsimile of bill. 
 
 " Geogr. 
 
 14 
 
194 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sent over and naturally also tobacco seed. It appears, how- 
 ever, that these instructions were not fully adhered to.^* But 
 "two barrels of wheat and two barrels of barley for seed 
 corn" and perhaps other grains, such as oats and rye were 
 loaded upon the ships at Gothenburg. Indian corn was obtained 
 from the savages and plots of ground outside the fort and in the 
 neighborhood of it were prepared and planted with corn and 
 other grains to provide food for the men. Large quantities of 
 fish, deer, turkeys, geese " and all sorts of such like provisions " 
 were laid up in the storehouse. Mans Kling was given com- 
 mand of the fort and of the 23 men^® who remained in the 
 country, and an instruction was probably given to him by 
 Minuit. The merchandise and provisions were left in the 
 charge of Hendrick Huygen."*' 
 
 When all necessarry arrangements had been made for the 
 maintenance and security of the fort and the garrison, Minuit 
 began to prepare for his return voyage. A few hundred skins 
 and the cargo intended for the tobacco trade were loaded into 
 the Kalmar Nyckel, and about June 15 he left his little settle- 
 ment.^* Hendrick Huygen continued the Indian trade after Min- 
 uit's departure, and a large number of skins and a quantity of corn 
 were exchanged for merchandise and sevant during the autumn, 
 winter and spring of 1638-1639."® 
 
 It seems that the Grip returned to Fort Christina early in 
 
 1639, having cruised about for months in the West Indian 
 waters, looking for Spanish prizes. In June it was at St. Chris- 
 topher; some time later "it had spied the Spanish Silver Fleet 
 together with one Peter Verbruggen," and went to inform 
 
 '"Blommaert says: "Minuit was expres belast allerhande saeycoren mede te 
 nemen, maer het schijnt niet gedaen heeft." Letter to Oxenstierna, November 
 13, 1638; Kernkamp, Znueed. Arch., p. 163. 
 
 "Kieft also reported to the Dutch West Indies Company that twenty-four 
 men were stationed in the fort. Doc, I. 592; Hazard, p. 48. 
 
 "Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, September 4, November 13, 1638, January 28, 
 
 1640, Ox. Saml. (Kernkamp, p. 157 ff., 162 ff., 176 ff.) ; Doc, I. 592; Hazard, 
 44 ff.; Journal, no. i; Schuldt Boeck, 1638-48, N.S., L (R.A.). 
 
 ■* Cf. above, Chap. XIV. 
 
 "The skins brought to Europe on the Grip were bought by Huygen from 
 June 6, 1638, until April 10, 1639. Schuldt Boeck., 1638-48, N.S., IL (R.A.). 
 
, ICO. 'W^^.i^C^g? . . ! , 
 
 >^[ 
 
 (fife- Z 9- 
 
 Kio.lb. 
 
 
 U*.jCi^ 
 
 Et'^ 0&-^'^^ "Sag >Ssi g 
 
 lOO'i-), 
 
 —I ^. 
 
 ^f zn 
 
 ;W-i —1- 
 
 rs^ti 
 
 -f rrj»f?^ 
 
 Bill of goods bought by Minuit from Hans Hacklier, showing that at least 450 
 bricks were brought to the South River on the first expedition. Original preserved 
 in N. S. I. (K. A.), Stockholm. See pp. Ill, 193. 
 
The Coming of the Swedes. 19s 
 
 Admiral JoP" about it (while Verbruggen followed the fleet to 
 observe its course) . After some sailing it went to Havana and 
 from there to the South River." ^ We know little about this ex- 
 pedition of the Grip. Years afterwards the skipper was accused 
 of doing it all for his own benefit,^^ ^^^ (-hg only addition it 
 brought to the colony's wealth, that we have discovered, was a 
 negro slave."^ In April the ship took on board the skins pur- 
 chased at Christina and preparations were made for its return to 
 Sweden. The vessel seems to have been ready to sail on April 
 ID, but contrary winds delayed the departure until the end of 
 the month.** 
 
 The colony was now left to itself, awaiting supplies and re- 
 inforcements. Trade with the Indians continued and Kieft re- 
 ported to his superiors that the trade of the Dutch had " fallen 
 short full 30,000 [florins] because the Swedes, by underselling 
 [the Dutch] depressed the market."*"* 
 
 A new ship was expected towards the end of 1639, but the 
 little garrison waited in vain. The autumn and winter of 1640 
 seem to have passed without disturbance and the good relations 
 with the Indians were maintained. The Dutch were too weak 
 and Governor Kieft had no orders to oppose the Swedes by 
 force, but it appears that he tried to persuade them to abandon 
 their fortress and leave the country. According to his own 
 statements he was successful in his endeavor and " the Swedes 
 . . . were resolved to move off" and go to Manhattan, but 
 "on the day before their departure a ship arrived with rein- 
 forcements."®** About one year elapsed after the sailing of 
 
 "Admiral Jol -was watching the Spanish Silver Fleet at this time. Cf. Kern- 
 kamp, Zvieed. Arch., p. i8i. 
 
 "^Blommaert to A. Oxenstierna, September 4, 1638, January 28, 1640. Ox 
 Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 "Report, 1644 P. S.; Odhner, N.S., p. 36. 
 
 ""Rulla der Volcker . . . 1648," N.S., II. (R.A.). See below, Chap. 
 XLIII. 
 
 " Schuldt Boeck, 1638-48, N.S., II. (R.A.). Cf. above. Chap. XIV. 
 
 " Doc, I. 592. Hazard states that " the Swedes appear ... to have been 
 very successful in their beaver trade, as it is said they exported 30,000 skins in 
 the first year after their arrival" (page 50). He probably based the statement 
 on Kieft's report that the trade had " fallen short full 30,000." Hazard's state- 
 ment is entirely incorrect and Kieft's figures are much overestimated. 
 
 "Doc, I. 593. Cf. above. Chap. XVII. 
 
196 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the Grip and nearly two after Minuit's departure before the 
 next ship again arrived from Sweden, and the colonists had some 
 cause for alarm; but it Is hardly probable that they decided to 
 leave the settlement and repair to New Amsterdam.®^ So im- 
 portant a fact would have been mentioned by Ridder or Van 
 Dyck in their letters to the chancellor and the vice admiral.^* 
 At any rate, a new expedition arrived at Christina on April 17, 
 1640, with settlers, a few domestic animals, large supplies for 
 the Indian trade and for the continuation of the colony, addi- 
 tional soldiers, a new commander and a minister of the Gospel. 
 
 " Odhner rightly points out that the several statements of Gov. Kieft hardly 
 coincide. If the Swedes had drawn " 30,000 [flor.] in trade " from the Dutch 
 until October 2, 1639, and had "caused the company great injury" to the 
 extent that "the [Dutch] trade was entirely ruined" on the last of May, 1640, 
 it shows that the little settlement was in a thriving condition. We may remark, 
 however, that the first statement refers to a period before and shortly after the 
 departure of the ship, the Grip, and the second refers to the time after the arrival 
 of Ridder. Doc, I. 592-3 ; Hazard, pp. 50, 56-7 ; Odhner, N.S., p. 22. 
 
 " Cf. letters from Ridder to Oxenstierna. Ox. Saml. (R.A.) and from 
 Ridder and Van Dyck to Fleming, N.S., I (K.A.). 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 The Colony Under Ridder, 1640- 1643. 
 
 When Ridder arrived In New Sweden in the spring of 1640, 
 he found the settlement well preserved. Mans Kling surren- 
 dered his command of the fort to Its new master and Huygen 
 prepared an Inventory of the goods on hand, delivering the keys 
 of the store-house and the books Into the keeping of Joost van 
 Langdonk. As soon as the horses, goods and people were 
 brought ashore and the most urgent duties attended to, Ridder 
 inspected the country for a few miles around the fort. He 
 found that It was well suited for agriculture and cattle raising, 
 but the seed had been spoilt on the journey and little new 
 ground could be planted or sown before other supplies were 
 received. The fort was in poor condition, the walls being 
 ready "to fall down in three places," but the skipper forbade 
 him to do any extensive repairs, and he had no orders from 
 Sweden. He mended the breaks and improved the ramparts, 
 however, where necessary, reporting that the wall " on the 
 land side ought to be lengthened and the wall on the water-edge 
 should be raised."^ He found that the fort was not in a loca- 
 tion where it could command the river and he proposed that a 
 new stronghold be built near the Delaware, " so that the 
 Crown's fort would be the key to New Sweden."^ More can- 
 non, powder and bullets were needed for the defense of the fort 
 in case of an attack. Ridder further asked that the coat of arms 
 of Sweden be sent over, which should be placed above the gates 
 of the fort.* Inside the fort three new houses were built to 
 
 ^ This could not be done before he received orders from Sweden. Ridder to 
 A. Oxenstierna, May 13, June 8, 1640, Ox. Saml. (R.A.), to Fleming, May 13, 
 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
 ^ " So die Herren beliefen ein neues Fort zu machen lassen, beneden in nauste 
 van die Revier op das die Kronens Fordt die Schliissel von Neu Schweden ist, so 
 als weir nun ligen konnen [wir] nimant bezwingen. ..." Ridder to A. Oxen- 
 stierna, Dec. 3, 1640. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 'They could be made of either wood or stone. 
 
 197 
 
198 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 make room for the people and the two old ones were moved 
 to the east side. A new storehouse was also erected and a barn 
 was built for the horses. 
 
 "^Two horses and a colt, which were now in the colony, fared 
 well," but there was need of three more mares for work and 
 breeding. Since there were enough meadows and pasture for 
 at least 200 cows, Ridder requested the company to ship over 
 several of these animals, and as oxen were the best for work 
 on the plantations, he informs the chancellor that "two pair 
 of strong oxen ought to be sent " here on the next expedition. 
 The colony lacked skilled workmen. Ridder complained that 
 he did not have a man who could build a common peasant's 
 house, or saw a board of lumber,* and it was highly necessary 
 that some "carpenters and other workmen be sent over," for 
 the general condition of the colonists was such that " it would 
 be impossible to find more stupid people in all Sweden." Rid- 
 der's complaints are overestimated, for we know that he did 
 build some houses; but they give a fair idea of the class of 
 settlers that came here before 1641. Besides the sawing of 
 lumber Ridder also proposed to make bricks " for there was 
 good clay to be had." Various articles were needed for the 
 use of the colony which were enumerated in Ridder's letters, 
 including some barrels of tar, "glass windows," a quantity of 
 steel, hemp, salt, brandy, provisions for a year, grain for seed, 
 such as rye, barley, beans, peas, cabbage, turnips and parsnip 
 seed.' 
 
 English and Dutch merchants began to trade with the Swedes 
 at an early date, probably already in 1638. They brought all 
 kinds of supplies to the settlers, but the price asked for them 
 was always very high. The English in Virginia and Mary- 
 land (?) offered to sell cattle and commercial relations were 
 established with them. 
 
 ' " Wier haben niet ennen man so en hauten baur Haus weiss auf zu setzen od 
 ein Bret zu sagen ... in alles ist as schlecht bestelt mit diss Folck, man sol kein 
 dumber gemenner Folk in gantz Schweden finden alss die, so nur hier sein." 
 Ridder to A. Oxenstierna, December 3, 1640, Ox. Saml. 
 
 " See letters from Ridder to A. Oxenstierna, May 13, June 8, December 3, 
 1640 (Oa;. Saml), and to Fleming, May 14 ("memorial"), N.S. I. (K.A.). Cf. 
 above, Chap. XV., XVIIL 
 
SwtU'oi^ 'OU*iJ+ vifl\t^Cifl ^i^^-vft/i^ 
 
 LqJ;S* ^J. ^^4; ■fr'*.-A /--^t -V /ii.4, /T^ A, w^ 
 
 „^^;^^ ^^♦^.ft .^.^ J^-t-J^ a^*^f~ ^^^^^ ^ — yi Ua j» ^^S-i-*^-*. ^Syi+wi.^ vs+x-. 
 
 ^^*"*' .C? "IT^*^ ^^°^* -04-"^— -s* £LlU-,^^t-&^Jl- i^~^fi~^ ^y^ 
 
 Kirst page of Kidder's letter (June S, 1640) to Axel Oxenstierna. Original in O.t 
 ■V;w/. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 

 v?„-{/ 'yjl (Ti^ ^L^^u IfL ^4-xSx^^ 
 tT-P^^-J^-^ *r"*^ tf"'—^'-^ I '"" ''-* *™ /I— S*, »-i-- ^j— T— 
 
 J^ark^-X ff.-.—i'-—^ I U^ £.,-«U Saf^ i.~H Avi^ "^^T^ Y/ 
 
 c7' 
 
 V,..U ^ 
 
 '^11 Jqfjc ^J-^ ^ p..X\^^m 
 
 y^ .1. ^^ v^ .^ ^^ .^^ eu^^l 
 
 
 -=fc^ 
 
 -r 
 
 /f -ii c?/^- ^ 
 
 
 'rt 
 
 
 
 
 Last page of Ridder's letter with Peter H. Ridde: 
 
 rs signature. 
 
The Colony Under Ripper. i99 
 
 The friendly relations with the Indians begun by Minuit 
 were continued by Ridder. When the latter arrived he dis- 
 tributed gifts among the chiefs and assured them of his good 
 will and kindly intentions, which was reciprocated by the sav- 
 ages in their usual way. Shortly after the arrival of the Kalmar 
 Nyckel the trade was renewed (in May), causing great injury 
 to the Dutch, and a big cargo of £urs for the return voyage of 
 the ship was bought from the savages, largely through the 
 efforts of Huygen.'' The ship was quickly despatched on its 
 homeward journey with reports, journals, memorials and lists 
 by Van Dyck, the commander and others. Huygen, who had 
 been very successful in his dealings with the Indians and who 
 had shown himself to be an honest and faithful servant of the 
 Swedish Crown and Company, returned to Sweden, to make 
 an oral report. Mans Kling also left the settlement as well as 
 a number of the soldiers, but the colony was somewhat aug- 
 mented by the late arrivals, to what extent is unknown. On 
 May 14, 1640, the little colony was again left to itself. The 
 Kalmar Nyckel spread its sails and pointed its prow towards 
 Europe, bearing the blessings and hopes of the lonely pioneers 
 for a safe voyage and speedy return with new supplies and new 
 settlers.^ 
 
 The harmony between the Dutch and the Swedish soldiers 
 and officers was not the best before 1640, and it did not improve 
 after Ridder's arrival. Van Langdonk lacked the qualities 
 necessary for a commissary in New Sweden. He was not in 
 sympathy with the Swedes nor was he on friendly terms with 
 the commander. Quarrels and strifes were common and the 
 general discipline was bad. Under such conditions little could 
 be done. Provisions were low in the summer and autumn of 
 1640 and the Indian trade was poor.* 
 
 'A quantity of skins was undoubtedly bought before the Kalmar Nyckel ar- 
 rived the second time. 
 
 'Instruction for Prinz, August 15, 1642; Ridder to Oxenstierna, May 13, 1640 
 (Ox. Saml.) to Fleming, May 13, 14, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.) ; Van Dyck to Fleming, 
 May 23, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.). Above, Chap. XIV.-XVIII. 
 
 ' Over four German miles above the fort. A German mile equals 25,000 ft. 
 " Das Landt angelangende ist schon Grundt umb Colonien zu stellen, es ligt von 
 uns 4 gute Meihl." Ridder to Oxenstierna, December 3, 1640. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
200 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 On November 2 the Dutch settlers from Utrecht arrived at 
 Fort Christina and this probably improved the condition some- 
 what. Van Bogaert delivered his commissions and papers to 
 Ridder and the Dutch were settled " on beautiful land " about 
 eighteen or twenty miles above Christina.^ They undoubtedly 
 brought with them some cattle and various supplies and, as soon 
 as land was allotted to the individual colonists, they erected 
 houses and other necessary farm buildings, being lodged in the 
 meantime in the fort and in the dwellings of the Swedes. The 
 ship which carried these settlers to New Sweden was prepared 
 for its return voyage about the beginning of December. Some 
 of the skins bought by the Swedish commissioner during the 
 summer were loaded into the vessel and on December 2 or 3 
 she set sail for Europe.^" 
 
 The limits of New Sweden were greatly extended in the 
 spring and summer of 1640. It seems that Van Langdonk had 
 instructions to buy the land above the Schuylkill from the 
 Indians as soon as possible, and on April 18, the day after his 
 arrival, he prepared the sloop and sailed up the river in com- 
 pany with the skipper Roelof Peterssen, without informing 
 Ridder about his intentions, however. Arriving before Fort 
 Nassau they were refused permission to pass by, and returned 
 to Christina. They now had in mind to sail up the river on 
 board the Kalmar Nyckel, but Ridder objected to this, saying 
 that he desired to follow the instructions they had received in 
 Sweden, which required them to begin no hostilities with the 
 Dutch, and on April 21 he prepared the sloop himself and 
 sailed up the river past Fort Nassau, not heeding the warnings 
 of the Dutch. Perhaps on the following day he had a con- 
 ference with the Indians and bought the land from them lying 
 on the west bank of the Delaware from the Schuylkill up to the 
 falls at Trenton or "about 36 or 40 miles" above Fort Nas- 
 sau.^ ^ Merchandise was given to the savages for the land and 
 
 "Ridder to Oxenstierna; Van Dyck to Fleming, May 23, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
 '» Cf. above, Chap. XVH. 
 
 "In my opinion Odhner is mistaken in saying that HoUender placed the 
 " limit poles 8-9 German miles above Christina." Fort Nassau is undoubtedly 
 meant. 
 
a -5 
 
The Colony Under Ridder. 201 
 
 gifts were also distributed among them. The usual ceremonies 
 followed and four limit-poles were erected, one a short distance 
 below the Dutch fort and the other three at the upper limits of 
 the newly purchased land.^^ It is also probable that the land 
 lying south of Duck Creek down to Cape Henlopen was pur- 
 chased by Ridder about the same time or somewhat later from 
 an Indian chief called Wickusi, who claimed to be the rightful 
 owner. 1* But little could be effected in the way of improve- 
 ments before the next ship arrived. 
 
 The winter of 1 640-1 641 passed and the summer came and 
 went, but no ship made its appearance. The colony suffered 
 another drawback in the spring and summer of 1641, as the 
 English from New Haven came into the river and ruined the 
 Indian trade. Ridder protested against them but to no avail. 
 They continued their traffic and paid no heed to either Swedish 
 or Dutch complaints.^* In the spring Ridder secured a title to 
 the land lying on the east side of the river from Narraticons or 
 Racoon Creek southward to Cape May. An Indian chief by 
 the name of Mekopemus, who seems to have ruled over the 
 district on the east bank of the Delaware from Narraticons 
 Kill northward, came to Christina and reported that the sachem 
 who sold the land to the English at Varkens Kill was not the 
 owner of these tracts, for the land beloned to Wickusi, the 
 former owner of the district on the west side of the river. 
 Ridder then prepared his sloop and, In company with Mekope- 
 mus, he sailed down the Delaware and landed at a certain kill 
 in the neighborhood of Wickusi's wigwams. Wickusi was 
 called, " a bargain was made with him " and he was given 
 " good remuneration " for the land. A pole with the arms of 
 Sweden upon It was then put into the ground in the presence 
 of Wickusi and Mekopemus, and the Swedish salute was fired 
 from the sloop.^® It seems, however, that the full amount, 
 
 "Ridder to Oxenstierna, May 13, 1640, Ox. Saml. 
 
 ''Report of court 1643; Certificate 1654, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "Huygen to Spiring, November 28, 1642 (copy), N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 " Cert'tjicate, July 26, 1654, signed by S. Schute, Greg, van Dyck, Jacob 
 Swensson, and Per Gunnarsson Rambo, N.S., I. (R.A.). Cf. also below, Chap. 
 XXXVI. 
 
202 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 stipulated in the deed, was not paid at the time, for in 1647 
 claims were presented to Printz. 
 
 In October, 1641, the long-expected succor was approaching. 
 In the first week of November the Kalmar Nyckel and the 
 Charitas sailed up the Delaware, and on the seventh (n.s. ?) 
 they anchored in front of Christina. The first few days were 
 occupied with nursing the sick people, caring for the animals 
 and unloading goods. Most of the articles asked for by Rid- 
 der were on the ships. A better class of colonists had arrived 
 and a new period of prosperity was in sight. Only six beaver 
 skins were in the storehouse, and Huygen was not able to buy 
 furs from the Indians. Consequently the ships returned almost 
 empty. ^* On the fifteenth of November an inventory was made 
 and Langdonk delivered the goods under his charge into the 
 hands of his successor. The store was very small, only a few 
 hundred bushels of corn, some 4,000 fishhooks, about 600 axes 
 and a few other small wares were on hand.^^ But large sup- 
 plies were now stored in the fort. 
 
 The garrison was strengthened by several soldiers, and 
 Mans Kling arrived in the capacity of lieutenant. Freemen, 
 who intended to begin new plantations, came on the ships, be- 
 sides a preacher, a tailor, a millwright, and perhaps a black- 
 smith and other skilled workmen. New dwellings were built 
 outside the fort, plots for settlements were selected by the free- 
 men, and new land was cleared and prepared during the winter 
 for farms and tobacco plantations. 
 
 Five horses, eight cows, five sheep and two goats were landed 
 alive,^* but two horses and one cow died soon after the arrival 
 of the ships. The pigs which had been taken over on previous 
 voyages or bought from New Amsterdam increased rapidly, 
 and many of them ran wild. They were shot in the autumn 
 and the pork was smoked and salted and preserved for winter 
 food.^^ Hunting was one of the means of obtaining provisions, 
 
 " Cf. above, Chap. XVHL 
 
 "See "Invent. ... op t' Fort Christina," November 15, 1641, N.S., L (K.A.). 
 
 " Cf. above, Chap. XVIII. 
 
 "Ridder himself shot a pig two German miles from the fort and eight pigs 
 were captured alive on the same place. Ridder to Oxenstierna, December 3, 
 1640. Ox. Saml. 
 
Castle at Viborg:, Finland, 
 1669. Seep. 692. 
 
 ivtr which Peter H. Ridder was made commander in 
 (Photographed by the author in July, 1909.) 
 
The Colony Under Ridder. 203 
 
 especially in the autumn and winter, and the settlers always 
 carried their guns with them. Fishing was likewise an impor- 
 tant means of subsistence; but Ridder complained that they 
 lacked some necessary fishing implements, hooks, nets (and 
 probably speers) , being the commonest fishing tools. A larger 
 supply of fishing implements was shipped over later, and then 
 the supply of fish became more plentiful. Great quantities of 
 hooks were sold to the Indians and they, in turn, supplied fish to 
 the freemen. 
 
 In the spring of 1642 new cottages could be seen in the neigh- 
 borhood of Christina, new clearings were beginning to break 
 the monotony of the forest, and grain was sprouting from the 
 fresh furrows. Tobacco patches could be found here and 
 there, and vegetables of various kinds were growing for the 
 necessary supplies of the colony. We do not know how the 
 crops of New Sweden turned out in 1642, but a windmill was 
 built near the fort, perhaps within the walls, and the grain was 
 ground in it in the autumn and winter. 
 
 " Sickness and mortality," says Governor Winthrop, " befell 
 the Swedes in 1642,"^** but there is no mention of it in the 
 extant Swedish records, nor do the preserved documents give 
 us any information about other internal events before Printz 
 came here. 
 
 It is a curious fact that Joost van Bogaert, with the exception 
 of a single reference in an English work,^' " disappears from 
 history" with his settlement after 1642. It is therefore pos- 
 sible that Bogaert and some of his people died in that year. 
 We may then assume that the surviving Dutch settlers gradu- 
 ally removed to their countrymen at Fort Nassau or in New 
 Amsterdam, a few possibly settling among the Swedes, for 
 Printz makes no mention of them in his letter In the spring of 
 1643, which he surely would have done, had they still re- 
 mained.^^ 
 
 "» Winthrop, II. 
 
 ^He is mentioned as "one Bogot" in Plantagenet's New Albion (1648). 
 
 ^See Printz' Instruction; and letters to Oxenstierna and Brahe, April 12, 14, 
 1643. Ox. Saml., Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). Had Bogaert lived it is more than likely 
 that he would have been one of the members of the court held July 10, 1643. 
 See below. 
 
204 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 " The houses which the Swedes erected for themselves, when 
 they first came here, were very poor," says Kalm, "... a little 
 cottage [built out of round logs], with a door so low that it 
 was necessary to bend down when entering. As they had no 
 windows with them, small loopholes served the purpose, covered 
 with a sliding-board which could be closed and opened. . . . 
 Clay was plastered into the cracks between the logs on both sides 
 of the walls. The fireplaces were made from granite [boulders] 
 found on the hills or, in places where there were no stones, out 
 of mere clay; the bake-oven was also made inside of the 
 house."^* This description, based on the report of an old 
 settler, gives, I think, a fairly accurate picture of the dwellings 
 used in New Sweden before the arrival of Governor Printz. 
 As time went on more pretentious buildings were erected.^* 
 
 As to the administration of justice in the colony during this 
 period we know nothing, but it is probable that courts were 
 held at Christina from 1640 to 1643. Ridder, Huygen, Van 
 Dyck and other officers were given written instructions and 
 memorials before they left Sweden, but only that of Ridder is 
 preserved."^ 
 
 The commissioner had charge of the merchandise; he kept 
 all the accounts, private and public in books which were sent to 
 Sweden at intervals, where they were copied by Hans Kramer 
 into the journals and account books of the company.^* 
 
 ^'Kalm, Resa, III. 70. 
 
 " Cf. below, Chaps. XXXIII., XLIIL 
 
 ^Copy of Ridder's "Inst." in Ox. Saml., Van Dyck to Fleming, May 13, 
 1640; Huygen to P. Spiring (copy), November 28, 1642 [i], N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 Cf. above. Chaps. XV., XVIII. 
 
 ""Cf. below, Chap. XXIV. Only a few loose sheets are preserved of an 
 account book, which dates from 1638-1639, N.S., II. (R.A.). In a Schuldt Boeck 
 which really covers the years 1643-1648, there are also a number of accounts in 
 Huygen's handwriting from 1638--1639. The book begins in 1638, the last 
 account for 1639 is in April, then follow some blank pages. It is again begun 
 by Huygen in 1643 and continued until May 6, 1648. It was sent to Sweden 
 on the Swan and presented to the bookkeeper of the company at Stockholm on 
 June 30, the same year. It is now preserved in the R.A. in N.S., II. The 
 book IS defective the left hand corners of the pages being moulded away and 
 other parts unreadable It is written in Dutch. Ohdner says that " the accounts 
 ronJ " w " ^'''^^'""^ give no information of value," but the book 
 
 contams several facts not found elsewhere and many interesting details concern- 
 
Windmill near Stockholm in the seventeenth century. From .Svtn'a Anttqna. 
 
 (See also p. 328.) 
 
The Colony Under Ridder. 205 
 
 The facts about the religious life are very meager before 
 1643. Rev. Reorus Torkillus,^' who arrived with Ridder in 
 1640, ccwiducted services in the fort, at times prescribed by the 
 Swedish church law. He was abused by some of the Dutch, 
 who were of the Reformed faith, and in his letters to the council 
 he complained of his troubles with "those who confessed the 
 Calvanistic heresy," but harmony seems to have been restored 
 after Langdonk's return to Europe. In November, 1641, 
 Rev. Christopher arrived in the colony. He was not given a 
 commission to serve here when he left Sweden, but it seems that 
 Torkillus was unable to perform all the ministerial duties and 
 Christopher remained here until 1643, doing the duties of a 
 clergyman, and when he returned to Sweden he was paid by 
 Beier for his labors.** It is probable that Torkillus was sta- 
 tioned in the fort and that he conducted services there, while 
 Christopher looked after the religious needs of the colonists 
 who were settled in the neighborhood of Christina. The first 
 services were undoubtedly conducted by Torkillus in one of the 
 houses built by Minuit; but it seems quite certain that a "meet- 
 ing-house" or chapel was erected in the years 1641 to 1642, 
 when a dwelling-house was too small for the accommodation of 
 the colonists. It was an age when religion was taken with great 
 seriousness and when duties of worship and piety were among 
 the first requirements in any community, when generals began 
 their reports and letters to their superiors in the name of God 
 and ended them with blessings, when politicians would pray for 
 success and pirates would start on their expeditions only after 
 the grace of Heaven had been invoked to favor their intentions, 
 
 ing the trade of the colony. A number of Langdonk's bills are also preserved. 
 They are all dated at Fort Christina, November 30, 1640, and Vfere presented 
 at Stockholm, April 20, 1641. Now in N.S., I. (K.A.). A copy of the book is 
 in the Hist. So. of Penn. 
 
 "Torkillus is the first Lutheran minister of the Gospel to serve in America. 
 The first Lutheran preacher to visit America was probably Rev. Rasmus Jensen 
 a Dane, who came here on Munck's expedition to Hudson Bay in 1619. He died 
 in Nova Dania before Munck returned to Europe. Cf. Munck, Navigatio 
 Septentr.; Lutheran Church Remeta, XVII. 55 ff. 
 
 ""Van Dyck's letter to Fleming, May 23, 1640. N.S., I. (K.A.). Rddipr., 
 VIIL 130 ff.; Journal, nos. 289, 336, 364. Christopher was paid 3:24 R.D. in 
 August, 1643, and 91 R.D. in January, 1644. 
 
2o6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and we may feel sure that the authorities in Sweden did not 
 fail to instruct Ridder to erect a place of worship and that he 
 obeyed the order, although we have no records of the same. 
 We know that there was a church here in 1643, ^or Brahe, in 
 answer to Printz's letter of April 12, admonished the governor 
 to decorate their " little church in the Swedish custom." The 
 church could hardly have been built in a month and a half, and 
 besides it is not likely that Printz would begin the erection of a 
 house of worship before the country was properly fortified.^* 
 
 "Brahe to Printz, November 9, 1643. Skokl. Saml. (R.A.)- Cf. below, 
 Chap. XXXIV. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Relations with the Neighbors, 1640- 1643. 
 
 The Swedes were on the best terms with the Indians during 
 the whole of this period, but immediately upon his arrival Rid- 
 der came into conflict with the Dutch, who informed the Swedes 
 that they would not be allowed to sail up the river above the 
 Dutch fort ; indeed that they had no right in the river whatever. 
 
 A few days after his landing Ridder prepared the sloop and 
 went up the stream with a favorable wind, the Swedish com- 
 missioner having been prevented from passing the Dutch 
 stronghold some days previously. The fort fired three cannon 
 shots and one musket ball at the vessel as it passed by, but 
 Ridder continued his journey. On the twenty-fifth of April he 
 went ashore at Fort Nassau, and delivered some letters to the 
 Hollanders, written by Blommaert, but the Dutch commissioner 
 was not favorably inclined. On May 2 the sloop was sent 
 above the Dutch fort for the fourth time, " to see what they 
 would do." Jan Jansen again pointed his cannon at the vessel, 
 and sent some bullets after it. He also protested against " the 
 intruders," and claimed that the whole river belonged to the 
 Dutch West India company.* Fort Nassau was garrisoned by 
 about 20 men, and Ridder could well have opposed any attempts 
 of the Dutch to be masters in the river, but he preferred to fol- 
 low his instruction and keep on as good terms with them as pos- 
 sible. From time to time Dutch vessels from New Amsterdam 
 and probably some direct from Europe visited the Delaware for 
 the purpose of trade, both with the Swedes and savages,^ and 
 friendly intercourse was continued for some years. Other 
 events also intervened which tended to draw the Swedes and 
 
 * The protests were answered and counter-protests were made. Ridder to 
 Oxenstierna, May 13, 1640. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 'Cf. De Vries' Korte Historiael, p. 163 and Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., 2 S., 
 III. 100. 
 
 207 
 
2o8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Dutch closer together and unite forces for the preservation of 
 their settlements against a common foe. 
 
 In 1 64 1 a third nation, the English, becomes more definitely 
 connected with the history of the Delaware. Merchants and 
 planters of New Haven, finding that their colony was badly 
 situated for trade with the Indians, looked for other places 
 where they could settle and establish trading posts. Some of 
 the principal merchants had sent ships to the Delaware for 
 some years and, observing that this vast territory was sparsely 
 settled and that the Swedish and Dutch forts and trading-sta- 
 tions there did not control the river nor the country, they deter- 
 mined, perhaps in the autumn of 1640, to extend their activities 
 more systematically to this place.* Theophilus Eaton, Stephen 
 Goodyear, John Dane(?), Tho. Gregson, Richard Malbon, 
 Matthew Gilbert, J[oh]n Tu[rner](?), Nathaniel Turner 
 and Geo. Lamberton seem to have formed a Delaware Com- 
 pany* for the purpose of colonizing and trading on the South 
 River.^ Two agents, Lamberton and Turner, with assistants 
 were sent "to view and purchase p[ar]t of the Delaware," in 
 the spring of 1641. They were instructed not to interfere with 
 the Swedes and Dutch, say the English records of a somewhat 
 later date, but to buy land from Indians not yet occupied by 
 any Christian nation. 
 
 The bark or sloop fitted out for the expedition arrived in the 
 Bay about April 1. Turner and Lamberton "sailed up the 
 [Delaware] River in order to select a convenient spot for erect- 
 ing a stronghold and making a settlement and, when a suitable 
 landing place was found, they endeavored to secure a title to the 
 land." But the Indians refused to deal with them, says Gov. 
 Winthrop. "It so fell out, [however], that a Pequod sachem 
 
 'N. H. Cot. Rec, H. 56; Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S., VI. 439- 
 * See the two protests presented by Lamberton to the Swedes, April 19, 1642 ( ?), 
 and June 22, 1643, N.S., I. (R.A.). Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, II. 13 ff. The evidence 
 for the formation of the company is slight. I have found only one direct refer- 
 ence: "It was ordered ... of the Delaware Co." N. H. Col. Rec, I. 124. Cf. 
 The History of the Delaware Comp. of 1753 (?) and its attempts at settlement 
 in this region. See Hist, of Wyoming, by C. Miner, p. 69 ff. and others. 
 
 "The reasons for their purchase and plantations on the Delaware are given 
 in N. H. Col. Rec, I. 56-7. 
 
Relation with the Neighbors. 209 
 
 (being fled his country in our war with them* [the Indians] 
 and having seated himself with his company upon that river 
 ever since) was accidentally there at that time. He, taking 
 notice of the English and their desire, persuaded the other 
 sachem to deal with them, and told them that howsoever 
 they had killed his countrymen and driven him out, yet they 
 were honest men and had just cause to do as they did, for the 
 Pequods had done them wrong, and refused to give such rea- 
 sonable satisfaction as was demanded of them. Whereupon 
 the sachem entertained them and let them have what land 
 they desired."' The accuracy of this statement cannot now be 
 ascertained,* nor is it clear whether WInthrop refers to the 
 transactions at Varkens Kill or to a later purchase on the Schuyl- 
 kill. At any rate, Lamberton and Turner, " in the presence of 
 witnesses " managed to obtain a title by " several deeds of bar- 
 gain and sale " to two large tracts of land " on both sides of the 
 Delaware." The land was "purchased of Usquata Sachem 
 or Prince of Narrattacus and of Wehensett( ?) Sachem of Watt- 
 sesinge."^ This is the purchase generally referred to in the 
 English protests and letters to the Swedes and Dutchi" and 
 comprised land extending on the eastern side of the Delaware 
 " from a small river or creek called Chesumquesett^ ^ northward 
 where the land of the said Usquata Sachem of Narratacus 
 doth begin unto the sea-coast southward," and "from a river- 
 [l]et called by the Indians Tomquncke unto another river [Ijet 
 called Papuq (. . .) "^ on the west side of the great river called 
 
 ° For the trouble with the Pequods and their extermination by the English, see 
 Mason, J. A., A Brief Hist, of the Pequot, etc.; Tyler, Eng. in Am., 251 ff. ' 
 
 'Winthrop, II. 62. He has this under March 27, 1642. Cf. also Hubbard's 
 New Eng., Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S., VI. 438 ff.; Certif., July a6, 1654, N.S. I 
 (R.A.). 
 
 ' It is possible that Wickusi was approached by Lamberton, and that this chief, 
 out of friendship for the Swedes, refused to sell land to the English. 
 
 'In one document he is called "Printz Sachem" as " Mekapemus Sachem," 
 etc.; in another he is called the " wilden prince." See Certif., July 26, 1654. 
 Court Rec, 1643, N.S., I. (R.A.). Sachem is written Sdgdm in the document 
 
 "Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 181; II. 13 ff., etc. 
 
 "Probably Racoon Creek, also called Narraticons Kil. 
 
 "This tract was located south of Christina, but it is impossible to give the 
 exact limits of the purchase. 
 
 15 
 
2IO The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 by the English Delawa[re]."i^ The English claimed that 
 neither of these tracts had been purchased by either the Swedes 
 or the Dutch. But the land on the western bank had been pur- 
 chased by the Swedes, as we have seen, before Lamberton and 
 Turner arrived in 1641, and the district on the eastern bank be- 
 low Racoon Creek was bought by Ridder " from the rightful 
 owner" about the same time or (probably) " three days before " 
 the English purchase." As soon as Ridder was aware of the 
 intentions of the English, he sailed down to Varkens Kill and 
 presented a protest to them, but to no avail. When Ridder had 
 planted the limit poles of the purchase around Varkens Kill and 
 fired the Swedish salute, Van Dyck was sent to Captain Turner, 
 " with the information that the land had been purchased by the 
 Swedes, and that that was the reason why the shots were fired." 
 But Turner and Lamberton went on as before and a few days 
 later the Indian chief who sold the land to them, removed the 
 Swedish coat of arms, and carried It to Fort Christina. When 
 WickusI became aware of this, he sent a messenger to the 
 Swedes, and requested them to " put up the coat of arms again " 
 as they had bought the land from the rightful owner. In the 
 meantime Turner and Lamberton built a blockhouse and made 
 
 "Protest June 22, 1643 (copy), N.S., L (R.A.). Trumbull says that the 
 purchase was made by Capt. Turner, agent for New Haven. It cost about 
 £30 sterling. (Trumbull, I. 116, note i.) But he gives no authority for his 
 statements. 
 
 "There has been some uncertainty about the date of the English purchase. 
 In the Plym. Col. Rec, II. 13, it is stated that the transaction took place in 1640, 
 but this document is of a later date and hence has not the value of an " original." 
 Winthrop is not clear on the subject. He says under Mo. 1.27, 1642: "Those at 
 New Haven intending a plantation at the Delaware sent some men to purchase 
 a large portion of land of the Indians there" (II. 62). He most likely entered 
 the fact in his journal when he received definite information about it, hence 
 some months after the event took place. Under date of Mo. 6, 24, 1642, he 
 says: "A plantation was begun last year at Delaware Bay" (II. 76). 1640 
 has been accepted by all writers as the correct date of the purchase, but from 
 Swedish documents it is clear that the English did not buy land nor settle on 
 the river before the spring of 1641. Kidder's letters of 1640 are silent on this 
 point, and it is not at all probable that he would have failed to mention ss 
 important a fact. See his letters to Oxenstierna, 1640, Ox. Saml. (R.A.), and 
 his letter to Fleming, May 13, 1640, N.S., I. (K.A.). Besides Huygen says that 
 the English came into the river "this summer" (1641). The same year is 
 given in " Instruc." for Printz, August 15, 1642, § 6, and in Certif., July 26, 
 1654, N.S., I. (R.A.), also in the Report of Court, July 10, 1643, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
Relation with the N eighbors. 2m 
 
 other arangements for a settlement. It is not possible to know 
 whether the English colonists who went to settle at Varkens Kill 
 arrived with Lamberton and Turner or came some weeks later 
 in a different ship. They numbered twenty families, consisting 
 of about sixty persons. They were probably mostly traders, 
 but some of them came there also for the purpose of agricul- 
 ture and tobacco planting and it is likely that they laid out small 
 gardens and farms round their log cabins, as soon as these were 
 completed.^^ 
 
 Shortly after the purchase at Varkens Kill, Lamberton and 
 Turner bought certain lands from Mattahorn" at the Schuyl- 
 kill. The transaction took place on or about April 19, ^^ and 
 on the same day a notice of the purchase with a protest'* was 
 sent to the Swedes (and Dutch?) describing the land and warn- 
 ing intruders from settling within its limits. The land was on 
 the west side of the Delaware, extending from a river " Pesto- 
 comeco or Howskeshocken, that li[eth] next above the Swe- 
 dish fort to a place called Ecoccym,*® th[at] lieth against 
 
 "Instruct, to Printz, 1643, §6; Winthrop, II. Robert Martin, J. Woollen and 
 Roger Knapp are names of English settlers that have been preserved to us 
 besides those given below, Appendix. See protest, April 19, 1642, N.S., I. 
 (R.A.) ; N. H. Col. Rec, I. 147- 
 
 " The same chief who had sold land to Minuit. Cf. above, Chap. XVI. 
 
 " In a protest sent, presumably, to the Swedes, it is stated that the lands on 
 the Schuylkill were bought on April 19, 1642. But this could not be so, for in 
 the court held July 10, 1643, Lamberton states that he bought this two years ago, 
 hence in 1641. It is therefore probable that the copyist made a mistake in the 
 protest, writing 1642 for 1641. It is not likely that the court records are wrong 
 in the date, for it is hardly probable that Lamberton could have pushed the date 
 back unchallenged, since several of the men present were in the country at the 
 time of the purchase, and Jan Jansen sent protests to him soon after the sale 
 was made. Neither is it likely that the clerk or copyist of the court records 
 could have copied "two years" instead of one year ago; for it would have been 
 more natural for Lamberton to have said " last year." Lamberton might have 
 answered in English and it is then conceivable that a mistake could have 
 occurred in the transcription. We may, however, I think, accept April 19 as the 
 correct date for the nineteenth occurs twice in the document. We may there- 
 fore assume with a fair degree of certainty that the lands on the Schuylkill were 
 bought on April 19, 1641. Court Rec, July 10, 1643, N.S., L (R.A.). Protest, 
 April 19, 1642 (1641?). (We have only copies to judge from in every case, 
 however.) 
 
 "The protest was made in the presence of Robert Martin and John Woollen 
 See Protest, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 " Wickquacoingh (Wicaco) ? 
 
212 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the uppermost part of an Island that n[ethj in the great river 
 above the Dutch fort In the gr[eat] river called by the English 
 Delaware Bay."^'' We may feel sure that the English protest 
 was answered by Ridder and that he presented the Swedish 
 claim to the district and cautioned " Lamberton and his men " 
 not to build or settle there. 
 
 The English were very successful in their settlement and 
 trade in the Delaware in 1641. Lamberton and Turner re- 
 turned to New Haven in the late summer. They presented, as 
 we may suppose, a favorable report of their labors and the 
 prospects for future settlements. The matter was brought be- 
 fore the " General Court of New Haven " by the members of 
 the Delaware Company and efforts were made to gain the co- 
 operation of the town. At the court held on August 30, 1641, 
 it was proposed that the " plantations should be settled in Dela- 
 ware Bay in connection " with the town of New Haven. " Upon 
 consideration and debate " the question was decided in the affir- 
 mative, " by the holding up of hands. "^^ Captain Turner was 
 given " free liberty ... to go to Delaware Bay for his own 
 advantage and the public good In settling the affairs thereof," 
 and preparations were made during the winter to send new 
 settlers and supplies to the South Rlver.^^ It is probable that 
 Turner and Lamberton In the early spring of 1642 again set 
 sail for the Delaware. They found their settlement at Varkens 
 Kill In good condition, but it was not favorably situated for the 
 Indian trade, since the Dutch and Swedes had their trading 
 posts above them and consequently were In closer touch with the 
 savages. The Schuylkill region, where land was purchased the 
 previous year, was yet unsettled and here was a good opportunity 
 
 '"Protest, April 19, i642(?), N.S., I. (R.A.). Hence the land bought by the 
 English, north of Christina in 1641, extended from a certain river (Chester 
 Creek?) some distance above Fort Christina northward unto Wickquacoingh 
 (Wicaco), Tfithin Philadelphia. In Winsor, IV. 452, it is stated that the land 
 extended from Crum Creek. 
 
 °^ As indicated above, the origin and history of the " Delavyare Company " are 
 obscure and uncertain. This may be the origin of the company, although I am 
 rather inclined to believe that it was formed in the spring of this year, as indi- 
 cated above. 
 
 '^N. H. Col. Rec, I. 56-7. 
 
Relation with the Nei ghbors. ^ 213 
 
 for the erection of a blockhouse and the planting of a settle- 
 ment. Soon after his arrival here Lamberton selected a location 
 for a trading post " at Manaiping'*^ and built a blockhouse on a 
 spot, where Fort Nya Korsholm was later erected by the 
 Swedes.""* 
 
 In the meantime preparations had been completed at New 
 Haven for the departure of a vessel with colonists and supplies. 
 The bark or catch which was to be sent belonged to Lamberton, 
 but it was commanded by Robert Coxwell, the planter and sailor 
 from New Haven.^^ The number of colonists that went on the 
 expedition is unknown, nor do we know the date when the 
 vessel left New Haven."® For some unknown reason the ship 
 touched at New Amsterdam. When Governor Kieft became 
 aware that the passengers were on an expedition of settlement, 
 he sent a protest"^ to the commander of the ship, warning him 
 "not to build or plant on the South River, lying within the 
 limits of New Netherland, nor on the lands extending along 
 it, unless he would settle under the Lords the States and the 
 Honble West India Company and swear allegiance and become 
 subjects to them as other inhabitants do." Coxwell answered 
 the protest on April 8 (n.s.?), affirming that he intended to 
 settle on territory not already occupied by others, and if such 
 could not be found he was willing to select land within the 
 limits of the Dutch claims and swear allegiance to the States 
 General."* On this assurance Coxwell was allowed to proceed, 
 
 "Certif., July 26, 1654, N.S., I. (R.A). Hence this settlement was located 
 within the present limits of Philadelphia. Cf. Doc, XII., p. 29. Cf below 
 Chap. XXXVI. 
 
 "If the statement in the document (Certif., July 26, 1654) is correct the 
 blockhouse was erected on the island at the mouth of the Schuylkill, where Smith 
 Hist, of Del. Co., locates " Ft. Manayunk." 
 
 " He had charge of a boat in 1640. Cf. N. H. Col. Rec, I. 47, 92, etc. 
 
 " It must have been towards the end of March or in the beginning of April. 
 Winthrop probably made the entry in his journal already referred to (March 
 27 [April 6], 1642) shortly after their departure. 
 
 "Dated April 7-8, i642(?). 
 
 "" Hazard, Hist. Col, II. 213, 265; Doc, II. 144. Authorities do not agree 
 on the year of the expedition. The year given in Doc, II. 144 (accepted by 
 O'Callaghan, Hazard and others, Hazard, 58, etc.) is 1641. But the document 
 referred to is only a copy, as well as the one printed in the Hist. Col. Proba- 
 bility is in favor of the date given in the Hist. Col, for here the event is entered 
 
214 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and English documents of a somewhat later date state that 
 Governor Kieft recommended the English to the favor of his 
 commissary at the Delaware, by special letters.*^ It is likely 
 that Coxwell sailed directly to Varkens Kill and from there to 
 the Schuylkill.^" The work begun by Lamberton and Turner at 
 the latter place was finished and the foundations for some dwel- 
 lings were laid.^^ The lively Indian trade was continued and 
 large damage was done to the traffic of the Swedes and Dutch. 
 Jan Jansen and Peter Ridder protested against them but to no 
 avail; they paid no attention to it and went on with their work 
 as before. Jan Jansen then informed the authorities at New 
 Amsterdam about their presence in the river and complained 
 
 with other occurrences of the same year (1642) and a mistake in the year would 
 be less likely in such a case. The author, suspecting that a mistake had been 
 made in the printed document (Doc, II. 144), examined the manuscript in the 
 archives at the Hague in the autumn of 1909 and found the year to be correctly 
 printed as 1641. See West Ind. Comp. L. K. L., 49. " Robbert Coghwel 
 antwoort-niet van meeninge is onder eenich Gouverneraent te sitten (ende) een 
 plaets te verkiesen daer de Staten Generael geen commando te hebben, (ende) 
 ingevalle soodanige plaets nieten is te vinden, is van meeninge wederora te 
 keeren, offe soo inde Limiten van Staten sich nederstelt, sal hem onder deselve 
 begeven ende aldan eedt doen. Actum inde Barckque von Mr. Lammerton 
 leggende opde reede voort Eijlant Manhattans den 8 April Ao. 1641. Was undert. 
 Robbert Coghwel, Cornelia van der Haijkens fiscael, Hendrick van Dijck als 
 getuijgen," etc. 
 
 "Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, II. 13 flF., etc. 
 
 " Smith's statement that the settlement on the Schuylkill at this time was made 
 by Marylanders needs no consideration. See Smith, N. Y., I. 6, and Proud, Hist, 
 of Penn., I. no note; cf. Bozman, I. 
 
 °^ There is some uncertainty as to the date of this settlement. I accept 1642 
 as the correct year for the following reasons. In the " Instruction " to Jan 
 Jansen, May 22, 1642 {Doc, XII. 23), it is stated that "the English quite re- 
 cently have taken possession" of the Schuylkill, hence in the spring of i642(?). 
 There is nothing in Printz's Instruction, August 15, 1642, about this colony. §6 
 refers to the English at Varkens Kill only. Ridder had not had time to report 
 their presence when Printz left Sweden, and when Printz arrived on the 
 Delaware they had already been expelled by the Dutch. This, in the opinion 
 of the writer, is the reason why so little mention is made of this settlement. It 
 is hardly possible to suppose that Ridder would have neglected to refer to this 
 settlement or that a paragraph about it would not have been included in the 
 Instruction to Printz, if the facts about it had been known in Sweden, August 
 15, 1642, for it was located on the same side of the river as Fort Christina and 
 above this stronghold, and hence on a tract of land much more important to the 
 Swedish colony than that at Varkens Kill. Furthermore, the date of the 
 presence of Coxwell at New Amsterdam is given as April 9(8?), 1642, in 
 Hazard, Hist. Col., II. p. 265. Cf. note 28, above. 
 
Relation with the Neighbors. 215 
 
 that they paid no heed to his protests. Accordingly the " coun- 
 cil in Fort New Amsterdam" decided on May 15, (n.s.) to 
 expel the English in the quietest manner possible, and on May 
 22 (n.s.), instructions were sent to the commissary at Fort 
 Nassau with orders to remove the English, by force if neces- 
 sary, and two sloops, the Real and St. Martin, were despatched 
 to the South River and placed at his disposal.** Jan Jansen 
 obeyed his orders minutely. He went to the settlement at the 
 Schuylkill with armed men, probably assisted by Ridder, and 
 since the English could produce no commission and were not 
 willing " to depart immediately in peace," he burnt their store- 
 house and dwellings, and sent the settlers as prisoners to Man- 
 hattan. Lamberton, however, was on his guard and escaped 
 with his vessel. The damages sustained by the English were 
 estimated at £1,000 and, if this is not too much exaggerated, 
 the settlement must have been quite considerable.^* Some 
 private persons also suffered in the affair, but it is not quite clear 
 how the loss was distributed.** 
 
 We have seen that New Albion, including the eastern shore 
 of the Delaware, was granted to Plowden in 1634.*' It seems 
 that he began making preparations to go there in 1641. He 
 had been informed "of the entry and intrusions of certain 
 
 ''Doc, Xll. 23-4. Cf. Hazard, p. 6i ff. Jan Jansen was ordered "to repair 
 with one or both of the sloops to the Schuylkill, demand the commission of the 
 said Englishmen and by what authority they had assumed to take away the right, 
 ground, and trade of the Dutch, and in case they had no commission ' or formal 
 copy thereof he should oblige them to depart immediately in peace so that no 
 blood might be shed," and on refusing he should secure their persons and remove 
 them on board the sloops, so that they might be brought to New Amsterdam. 
 He should be careful, however, that the English were not injured in their per- 
 sonal effects, but after their departure he should lay waste the place. 
 
 ''Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. i8i, 189, 211, II. 13 ff., 19; Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 
 2d S., VI. 439; Hazard, Hist. Col., II. 164, 214; Penn. Ar., 2d S., V. 4; N. H. 
 Col. Rec, I. 147; cf. Hazard, p. 62; Trumbull, I. 120, and others (see bibliogr.). 
 
 ^ One Roger Knapp, who seems to have been along on the first expedition to 
 the Delaware in 1641, had "his arms burnt in the Delaware Bay" in 1642 
 (A^. H. Col. Rec, I. 147). As Lamberton in the same year passed New Amster- 
 dam on his way to New Haven, he was compelled to pay "recognition or 
 custom" for the beavers he bought at the South River. Protests were sent to 
 Gov. Kieft but to no avail. See Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 181, IL 14 ff.; Hazard, 
 p. 62. 
 
 '^ Cf. above, Chap. XX. 
 
2i6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 aliens on His Majesty's dominions and province in Delaware 
 Bay or South River," and, in order to clear the way for his 
 settlement and gain the assistance of the English colonies, he 
 informed Parliament of the above fact, and requested the House 
 to write to Virginia on his behalf. Accordingly letters were 
 sent " to the governor and council of Virginia," requiring them 
 "to give speedy and real assistance" to Sir Edmond, who also 
 wrote to Governor Berkeley about his intentions. On the eigh- 
 teenth of March 1642, Gov. William Berkeley addressed a 
 letter and protest to "The Right Worthy Governor of the 
 Swedes and to Hendrick Huygen, in Charles or South River,"''® 
 giving a short account of the real and imaginary discoveries, set- 
 tlements and occupations of the English on the Delaware and 
 their rights there,*'' and admonishing the Swedes to submit to the 
 authority of the English Crown and to " recognize the title and 
 dominion" of Governor Plowden. The letter goes on to say 
 that Plowden wished to establish " friendship and good and 
 peaceable correspondence " with the Swedes and that he desired 
 that they would "not sell or give to the native Indians there 
 any arms or ammunition nor hinder the free trade, passage, 
 residence or commerce of his Majesty's said subjects in the said 
 South River. "^* Since news had also reached Gov. Plowden that 
 some English subjects without " warrant and commission " had 
 "unlawfully entered, builded and settled them [selves] within 
 Delaware Bay or Charles River," he petitioned the king about 
 it. Charles I. accordingly sent a document to Jamestown, stat- 
 ing that, as these English without " commission or warrant 
 [have] taken upon them [selves] our Royal Power and Sover- 
 eignty within that our province and dominion " to make laws 
 and establish a government, the statutes and provisions made by 
 them would be void and the colonists would be removed and 
 
 " The full address is " To the right worthy, the Governor of Manatas and to 
 Jno. Jackson, his commander in Ch. River and to the righte worthy the Gov- 
 er[nor] of the Sweads and to Henrick Hugo in Charles or South River," and 
 hence we may assume that a copy of the letter was sent to Governor Kieft also. 
 March i8, 1642 (copy), N.S., I. (R.A. and K.A.). 
 
 °' Cf. above, Chap. XX. 
 
 ^Berkeley to Governor at Manatas, etc., March 18, 1642. N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
Copy of Governor Berkeley's protest to the Dutch and Swedes, March IS, 1642 
 Original preserved in N. S. I. {K. A.), Stockholm. 
 
Relation with the Neighbors. 217 
 
 " declared as [public] enemies." The document was addressed 
 by the " King of England, Scotland [and] France to all his 
 loving subjects, inhabitants and other Christians, Aliens and 
 Indians within the province of New Albion,"^® and a copy was 
 sent to Ridder, and to the Dutch at Manhattan and the English 
 at New Haven.** The effect of these papers is not known. 
 They probably elicited a reply from Ridder, but they did not 
 keep the New Englanders out of the Delaware. 
 
 The settlement at Varkens Kill was undisturbed. It was 
 situated some distance from the Dutch and Swedish forts, far 
 from the path of the fur trade, and it was probably too strong 
 for the weak forces at the disposal of Ridder and Jansen. The 
 English answered the protest of the former, however, by saying 
 they would submit " to the one who was strongest and most able 
 to give them protection," and when Printz arrived they were 
 incorporated into the Swedish colony, as we shall see.*^ 
 
 ^° "... by the grace of God Kinge of England, Scotland, France, . . . and 
 defender of the faith, etc., to all our loving subjects [in]habitants and other 
 Christians, Aliens and Indians within the [provin]ce of New Albion, betweene 
 Delaware Bay or South River, [Hu]dsons River being and dwellinge or within 
 the Isles of the . . . province, health," etc. (Copy) N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
 "From the salutation it seems clear that copies were sent to these parties. 
 Copy (no date but towards the end of 1641, or early in 1642) N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 The copy is defective. 
 
 "Cf. Huygen to Spiring November 28, i642[?], N.S., I. (R.A.), below. 
 Chap. XXXVI. 
 
BOOK III. 
 
 ^nrial, Efowomir anb Pnlttiral !Ci& m tlft ffi0ln«g. 
 1042-1B53. 
 
Queen Christina. 
 
PART I. 
 
 ACTIVITIES IN EUROPE, 1642-1653. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The Reorganization of the Company, 1642. 
 
 After the second expedition, the New Sweden Company was 
 entirely under Swedish control, and the stockholders were all 
 Swedish citizens, born or naturalized.^ But Swedish capitalists 
 were unable to carry on so great an undertaking without aid 
 from the Crown, and Von der Linde and De Geer were too 
 cautious to enter upon so doubtful an adventure, and besides 
 they were too busily engaged in other fields of activity to find 
 time for colonizing schemes on the Delaware. 
 
 But something had to be done if the company was to continue 
 its work. Fleming corresponded with Blommaert on the subject. 
 Several plans were proposed and in a letter to Oxenstierna in 
 the early part of 1639 Fleming made various suggestions as to 
 the reorganization of the company, which were later carried 
 out.^ Fleming had consulted with the magistrates of Stock- 
 holm about the old South-Ship Company, proposing that its 
 money be used in the New Sweden Company and later the 
 chancellor at Fleming's request undoubtedly approached the 
 magistrates of Gothenburg on the subject. 
 
 In the autumn of 1641 and the spring of 1642, it is likely 
 that the stockholders and officers held meetings and discussed 
 the situation, although there are no minutes nor records of 
 this. Benjamin Bonnell, Johan Beier, Hans Kramer, Gustaf 
 Oxenstierna, Gabriel Oxenstierna, Peter Spiring, Axel Oxen- 
 
 ' Spiring was a Dutchman by birth, but had entered Swedish service. 
 
 'For the above see Oxenstierna's letter to Fleming, March 15, 1639. I found 
 this letter in Biographica " F," but it is now in Ox. Saml. Concepter " F " 
 placed there by Dr. Sonden in 1907. 
 
 221 
 
222 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 stierna and perhaps representatives from the magistrates of 
 Stockholm were present. Fleming would naturally preside. 
 The money question, the needs of the colony, the fitting out of 
 a new expedition, the problem of obtaining colonists and the 
 means for sending them over to further establish the work 
 begun in America — these things and many others were dis- 
 cussed and considered. It was the result of these conferences 
 that Klas Fleming presented at the various meetings of the Coun- 
 cil of State in the spring and summer of 1642. The colonial 
 affair was frequently considered by this body and on the after- 
 noon of July 27 the stockholders, including Peter Spiring and 
 officers of the company and perhaps also directors and stock- 
 holders of the old South-Ship Company or representatives from 
 the magistrates in Stockholm and Gothenburg,^ were present. 
 Klas Fleming, Axel Oxenstierna and Gabriel Oxenstierna 
 Bengtsson were the only members of the council in attendance. 
 The entire meeting was given over to the consideration of the 
 company, Fleming, Axel Oxenstierna and Spiring being the prin- 
 cipal speakers. In the first place attention was given to the or- 
 ganization and management of the company. Fleming proposed 
 that the capital should be raised to 60,000 R.D., of which the 
 Crown should furnish one-fifth or 12,000 R.D., the Old South- 
 Ship Company three-fifths or 36,000 R.D., and private stock- 
 holders the remainder or 12,000 R.D. A " good man " should 
 be elected "to manage the affair"; the head office of the com- 
 pany and its staple should be in Gothenburg, to prevent the 
 ships from going the long and dangerous journey through the 
 Baltic to and from Stockholm ; Johan Beier was to be appointed 
 secretary of the company and one of his duties was to be to 
 keep the council and government well informed of its activity;* 
 
 'That the officers, Kramer, Beier and Bonnell, were also present seems quite 
 certain. Rddspr., IX., p. 339, says: "On July 27 in the afternoon assembled 
 down in the Rakne-cammaren, the participants in the West India Company, the 
 Chancellor, Mr. Claes Fleming, Mr. Peter Spiring and the Royal Treasurer." 
 All these were also " participants " in the company. By " participanter," it 
 seems to me can only be meant the other concillors and the officers. It might also 
 include the then living directors and stockholders of the old South-Ship Company 
 or representatives of the magistrates in Stockholm and Gothenburg. 
 
 ' This can be gathered from the minutes, but is not clearly stated. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 <' 
 
 J3 
 
Reorganization of th e Company. 223 
 
 the ships of the old South-Ship Company were to be used on the 
 expeditions, and a special vessel was to be kept in readiness at 
 all times to bring provisions and goods from Holland to the 
 colony.® Secondly, the trade of the company in Europe was 
 discussed. Spiring thought that the retail tobacco trade in 
 Sweden should be given over to certain persons (forming a 
 Tobacco Company) , and taken from the New Sweden Company, 
 for it was not expedient to allow the confiscated tobacco to be 
 sold by those confiscating it.® The fur trade did not go well in 
 Sweden,^ and Fleming questioned if the skins brought over 
 from the colony could not be sold to better advantage in 
 Holland.* In the third place came the colony and its manage- 
 ment. Instructions and rules of conduct for the ofHcers of the 
 colony with Spiring's recommendations were read, and it was 
 suggested that the salaries of the governor, the officers and the 
 soldiers might be paid from the excise of the imported tobacco. 
 Tobacco was to be planted in the colony, so as to eliminate the 
 necessity of buying it from the Dutch and English. Colonists 
 in large numbers were to be sent over for the development of 
 the country and the month of October was considered the best 
 time of the year for the ships to arrive in New Sweden. 
 
 With this conference the plans of reorganizing the company 
 assumed more definite shape, and on the basis of the above dis- 
 cussion it was decided to recommend to the government the 
 following propositions : 
 
 1. That the company be reorganized and a capital of 36,000 
 R.D. subscribed. 
 
 2. That the Crown contribute 6,000 R.D., the Old South- 
 Ship Company 18,000 R.D. and a number of private people 
 3,000 R.D. each. 
 
 'The meaning is not quite clear. The minutes read: "Thought [that] they 
 should always have a ship which went out of Holland in time with a cargo." 
 " Bestalla i Hollandh ett skep, sora lupe ofver [till Nya Sverige] med gargason." 
 Rddspr., IX. 339. 
 
 "See below, Chap. XXXI. 
 
 ' See above, Chap. XIX. 
 
 'To this Spiring took exception and thought that it would be to the advantage 
 of Swedish commerce and trade to bring the colonial goods to Sweden and sell 
 them there. Rddspr., IX. p. 340. 
 
224 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 3. That the main office of the company be located in Gothen- 
 burg and a bookkeeper employed there. 
 
 4. That the governor and officers be paid from the tobacco 
 excise in Sweden.® 
 
 The council considered the matter at subsequent sessions, and 
 the above principles were followed except that Stockholm in- 
 stead of Gothenburg was made the head office with the staple 
 under the charge of a commissary at the latter place. 
 
 "In August, 1642, the royal government and respective 
 stockholders resolved to furnish a capital of 36,000 R.D. in 
 the New Sweden Company," and on the twenty-eighth of 
 August the accounts of the Crown and the other stockholders 
 were entered into the Company's Journal, completing the 
 organization of the " New Trading Society."" 
 
 According to the decisions arrived at, the government sub- 
 scribed 6,000 R.D. As early as the beginning of 1638 Fleming 
 proposed to Oxenstierna that the Crown should participate, 
 and Blommaert and perhaps also Spiring had suggested the 
 same thing before. In the council meetings of June 4 and 6 
 Fleming suggested the advisability of the Crown's participation 
 and on June 1 1 he maintained that it was necessary for the 
 Crown to participate, because private persons were not able to 
 keep it up.^^ The Crown had assisted the company before, but 
 with the reorganization it became a stockholder and as such, 
 more intimately connected with its management and more 
 directly interested in its welfare and success. In 1639 when the 
 Kaltnar Nyckel was being prepared for the second expedition, 
 1,500 R.D. were supplied in cash from the "large custom" 
 treasury in Gothenburg and 8 :43 R.D. in provisions through 
 Governor Hindricksson.^^ This sum was now credited to the 
 government's stock account. In the autumn of 1642, the Coun- 
 cil of State ordered Spiring to turn over to Peter Trotzig 
 1 1,227 :i5 florins or 4,491 :5 R.D. of the money coming from 
 
 ° See Rddspr., IX. pp. 339-40. 
 
 ""Hen. K. Maj:ts och Chr. Reck, med Sod. Com." Soderk., 1637-59 (R-A.). 
 See Journal, nos. 167-73, 483. 
 
 ^^ Rddspr., June 4, 6, 11, 1642 (IX. pp. 280, 283, 291). 
 
 '"See above, Chap. XV. and "Reck, aff Faurn.," etc. Soderk., 1637-59 (R.A.). 
 
Reorganization of the Company. 225 
 
 Portugal and this completed the Crown's subscription.*' The 
 relation of the Crown and the reorganized New Sweden Com- 
 pany stands forth in a clearer light than did that of the " Old 
 New Sweden Company " of 1637. The government now being 
 a stockholder in the company had "a legal right" to interfere 
 with its management and to suggest plans of procedure and 
 methods of carrying on the work. Since the charter did not 
 clearly define the principles to be followed, it is evident that 
 many of the decisions of the Crown should seem quite arbitrary. 
 Most of the expeditions to the colony were determined upon in 
 the Council of State and the chancellor was the unappointed 
 director of the company after Fleming's death. The ships to 
 be used in the expeditions were also selected by the Crown, once 
 at the request of the directors. But this was only natural. We 
 need but remember that all the private stockholders were mem- 
 bers of the council, except Spiring and he held a high office in 
 the service of the government. The council meetings were the 
 most convenient place to discuss the business of the company. 
 It could there be considered in connection with other commercial 
 affairs and relieve the stockholders from attending special meet- 
 ings. Furthermore, the suggestions and ideas of the other 
 members of the council might be of value, and they were 
 entitled to be present since the Crown owned shares.** 
 
 Nothing shows more clearly the intimate and peculiar rela- 
 tion of the company and the Crown than the position of the 
 officers and servants in their relation to each. In fact the com- 
 pany can almost be looked upon as a branch of the government. 
 The officers who were paid directly by the government did not 
 receive any remuneration from the company for their services. 
 Thus Johan Beier was postmaster and "secretary" and his 
 salary was paid him by the government.*^ He was also treas- 
 urer for the company and was very active in its service, but he 
 had no salary from the same. Likewise Spiring did much 
 
 ""Hennes K. Maj. och Chrs. Reck. med. Sod. Corap."; "Reck, aflf Faur.," etc 
 Soderk., 1637-59 (R.A.) ; Journal, no. 219. 
 
 "Rddspr., IX. 141 ff. 
 
 " On March 16, 1642, it was proposed that Johan Beier be put on " kansHe- 
 staten," to be used in the German correspondence. Rddspr., IX. 505. 
 16 
 
226 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 service for the company in negotiating the sales of ships, secur- 
 ing supplies and superintending the purchase of cargoes for the 
 New Sweden trade, but did not receive any pay for the work. 
 Again, Peter Trotzig did much and faithful work for the 
 company without pay, and Anckarhjelm, Marten Augustinsson, 
 governors of the various provinces, and Fleming and Oxen- 
 stierna in like manner received no remuneration for their 
 services. On the other hand, the officers who were given a 
 salary by the company were called upon to do service for the 
 Crown without pay. Thus Timon van Schotting, who was paid 
 a salary by the company, was called upon to assist in fitting out 
 the ships sent to Portugal in 1643. ^^ the fall of 1643 Spiring 
 sent a horse to Gothenburg for the Queen. Schotting paid 20 
 R.D. of the company's money for passage and 15:12 R.D. for 
 other expenses. These were charged to the Crown's account, 
 but Schotting was not paid for his trouble. The company also 
 paid the wages and expenses of some ship-carpenters hired in 
 Holland for the Old Shipbuilding Company in Vastervik, 
 which was really for the Crown.^® 
 
 Some of the expeditions were financed by the Crown. The 
 provisioning of these ships and the salary of the sailors and 
 officers of the vessels were paid by the Admiralty. But the 
 provisions of the colonists and special servants of the company 
 were supplied by that body. The military budget in the colony 
 was in reality paid by the Crown. All salaries and accounts 
 were kept by Kramer in the books of the company, but half of 
 Printz's salary was given him in rents in Osterbotten^'^ and the 
 other 2,619 R-D. were to come from the tobacco excise in 
 Sweden. When the tobacco was put on the free list, in 1649, 
 the sum to be derived from this source was annually charged to 
 the Crown.i® Even Rev. Campanius seems to have been looked 
 upon as a military preacher, for his salary was to come from the 
 same source as that of the soldiers and officers. All servants in 
 the colony and all extra officers not provided for by the 
 
 " " Hennes Kon. Maj : och Cron. Reck. med. Sod. Comp.," 1640-47. Siiderk., 
 1637-59 (R-A.). 
 
 "A district in Finland. 
 
 ^Journal, no. 176; R.R., August, 1642. See below, Chap. XXIV. 
 
Reorganization of the Company. 227 
 
 "budget of 1642" were paid by the company. Thus Israel 
 Fluviander was paid 10 R.D. a month for his services in New 
 Sweden; Johan Papegoja was likewise paid from the company's 
 treasury, and when Campanius was sent to work at Upland 
 his services were remunerated by the company. ^^ 
 
 The exact capital of the South-Ship Company was not known 
 at this time, as it was invested in ships whose value was proble- 
 matic; but 18,000 R.D. to be raised by the selling of vessels, 
 were now contributed to the stock of the Reorganized New Swe- 
 den Company and the two concerns were permanently merged.** 
 As time went on, more of South-Ship Company's money was 
 used and even in 1647 the original sum of 18,000 R.D. had 
 been increased to 30,808 :3i R.D." The majority of the ships 
 were gradually either sold by the government or used in its 
 service. But Captain Boender continued to sail the New King 
 David, a ship purchased or built in Holland in 1641 to take 
 the place of the Old King David, and considerable sums were 
 added to the treasury of the company in this way.22 In Jan- 
 uary, 1645, the New King David was sold to L. de Geer and no 
 new ship was purchased.^s At this time nearly all of the con- 
 tributors to the South-Ship Company were dead and in Feb- 
 ruary, 1646, the Queen gave an open letter to Abraham Cabel- 
 
 " See below, Chap. XXXIV., XXXVIII. 
 
 ^Odhner thinks that Spiring was the first to suggest that the capital of the 
 Old Ship Company be used in the New Sweden Company. I am not quite 
 sure of this. At any rate Fleming proposed the scheme to Oxenstierna and also 
 to Spiring early in the year 1639. 
 
 ^"Rechningh aff Faurn. uthaf part, uthi Nya Sweriges Compagnie " (Ger- 
 man), no date, but before 1644. Another (in Swedish), no date, but written in 
 1653. Soderk., 1637-S9 {R.A.). Rddspr., VIII. 16, 38, 43, 502 ff.; IX. 141-2. 
 "Gen. Balance Anno" 1647, Soderk, 1637-S9 {R-A.). In 1655 28,255:27 R.D. 
 of the South-Ship Company's Capital was credited to the New Sweden Company. 
 
 "^Thus Capt. Boender made 3,705 florins on freight carried from Amsterdani 
 to Stockholm from June i, until November 1, 1642; from November 7 until June 
 I, 1643, he made 4,923 florins and from August 7 until June i, 1644, he made 
 4,888 florins, sailing between Stockholm and Amsterdam. Several expenses were 
 of course connected with the journeys and Boender owned one sixteenth of the 
 vessel, giving him that share of the proceeds. Journal, nos. 190, 276, 388. 
 
 "'The government owed De Geer some money and the ship vvas given to him 
 as payment. Journal, no. 430. " Hennes K. Maj:ts. och Cr. Rack, med Sod 
 Com. i64x>-S3." Soderk., 1637-59 (R.A.). 
 
228 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 iau's widow and heirs, releasing them from all responsibility 
 since " their fellow directors were dead." 
 
 The South-Ship Company was now practically dissolved. Its 
 name is retained in the documents of the New Sweden Company 
 and in 1647 it is mentioned in the minutes of the council. In 
 1655 it was proposed that the Crown should buy its capital 
 stock from the New Sweden Company, but apparently nothing 
 came out of it.^* 
 
 The five private stockholders subscribed 12,000 R.D. or 
 one-third of the capital stock of the Reorganized New Sweden 
 Company. Axel Oxenstierna, Gabriel Gustafsson Oxenstierna 
 and Peter Spiring subscribed each 3,000 R.D., Klas Fleming 
 and Gabriel Bengtsson Oxenstierna promised to furnish 1,500 
 R.D. each (these sums including what had already been sub- 
 scribed in the New Sweden Company of 1637). Peter Spiring 
 was the only one to pay up in full. Gabriel Gustafsson Oxen- 
 stierna paid 1,600 in two installments, 1,200 R.D. through 
 Spiring in Holland and 400 R.D. through Lejonskold; hence 
 he was 1,400 R.D. short of his promised subscription. After 
 his death his account was transferred to his heirs, but the deficit 
 was never paid. Axel Oxenstierna also failed to pay up in full. 
 He paid 2,453 '-^^ R.D. in two installments, but the remaining 
 546:38 R.D. do not seem to have been furnished. Gabriel 
 Bengtsson Oxenstierna furnished only 600 R.D. on his share 
 and September 15, 1645, he withdrew this sum, thus severing 
 all connection with the company. Klas Fleming furnished 
 1,348:10^4 R.D. in various sums before his death and his 
 account was therefore 151 '.^tVi short of his promised share.^" 
 
 No new charter seems to have been given, and no laws or 
 articles defining the manner of conducting the company, the 
 duty of the officers and the like appear to have been formulated, 
 at least the writer has found no trace of such documents. The 
 
 ""Journal, nos. 190, 278, 388-9, 548; Rddspr., XII. 175, 177. Cf. below, Chap. 
 XLVIIL 625. 
 
 ^ For the above see " Rechning aff Faurn. uthaf participanterne uthi Nya 
 Sweriges Compagnie " (Swedish, about 1653), and the German "Rechningh," 
 etc., about the summer of 1644, Soderk., 1637-59 (R-A.) ; Journal, nos. 169, 170, 
 171, 172, 173, 482. 
 
Reorganization of the Company. 229 
 
 company continued, however, to enjoy special privileges from 
 the Crown. All goods sent from Holland to Gothenburg for 
 the New Sweden trade or for victualling the ships were allowed 
 to enter the port duty-free, and all goods such as pelts and 
 tobacco coming from the colony or from any part of America 
 on the ships of the company could be brought into Sweden free 
 of duty; but all goods bought by the company in Holland or 
 other European countries for trade in Sweden or its provinces 
 were subject to the usual duty except by special permission.'*" 
 Since these privileges were not now embodied in a special char- 
 ter, some of them were forgotten by the royal officials and duty 
 was sometimes demanded on goods that were free, giving rise 
 to complaints.'*^ 
 
 The directorship was undetermined, it seems, both as to the 
 duties connected with the oifice and as to who should act in that 
 capacity, but Fleming continued to be the director. Ships were 
 prepared at his command or through his initiative; he, in the 
 "name of the other participants," ordered goods to be bought 
 and he supervised the preparations. Documents, relations and 
 other papers from the colony were sent to him through Spiring 
 and he, in turn, sent them to Kramer or reported their contents 
 to the latter. He probably called meetings of the officers and 
 stockholders to consider the need of the colony and how to 
 promote the interest of the company. No traces of such meet- 
 ings have been found, however. If they were held, either no 
 minutes were kept or the minutes have been lost. 
 
 Fleming was the connecting link between the company and 
 the government. He kept himself well informed of the com- 
 pany's needs and of the condition of the colony and was its 
 spokesman in the council chamber. As Vice-Admiral and reor- 
 ganizer of the Swedish navy and governor or mayor^* of Stock- 
 holm he was in a position to be of the greatest assistance to the 
 company. He continued to issue the instructions for the officers 
 in the employment of the company and made contracts for the 
 
 "In 1643, when the ship from the colony brought salt to Sweden, Fleming 
 ordered M. Augustinsson to let the salt be shipped in without duty. 
 " Cf. below. 
 " StSthallare. 
 
230 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 same with other bodies. No salary, as already stated, was 
 connected with the directorship; it seems to have been con- 
 sidered part of the duty of Fleming in the government service. 
 
 When Sweden was about to enter upon a war with Denmark, 
 Fleming was the leading spirit in the naval preparations and he 
 was forced to neglect the colony to some extent. He was killed 
 in that struggle and in him the company and the colony lost 
 their best friend and most enthusiastic promotor.^® 
 
 After Fleming's death A. Oxenstierna was his logical suc- 
 cessor as head of the company, but he found little time to look 
 after its business on account of the Danish war.^® After the 
 treaty of peace was signed with Denmark in 1645 the chancel- 
 lor was more at liberty to think of commercial affairs and the 
 New Sweden Company. The colonial matters were often 
 brought up in the council meetings by him and discussed there. 
 But he was now growing old. Besides private troubles and 
 sorrows weighed heavily upon him. Queen Christina lost con- 
 fidence in him and in the summer of 1647 he withdrew to his 
 country seat Tidon, for rest, recreation and private business. 
 "Age and sickness began to wear on his powers" and he was 
 not as active as formerly. But he still continued to be the lead- 
 ing force in the company in Sweden. He settled all questions 
 of salaries of officers and men who served in New Sweden and 
 whose salaries and offices were not determined in the instructions 
 and budget for the colony. Ships were bought by his orders 
 and goods were purchased through his instructions. He was 
 not, however, able to pay such close attention to these matters 
 as Fleming had done, and in consequence the colony suffered 
 neglect. In 1653 the directorship of the company was put into 
 the hands of the Commercial College, and the history of the 
 company enters into a new phase.*" 
 
 John Beier continued to act as treasurer. Most of the cash 
 money went through his hands; the proceeds of the sales of 
 tobacco and skins were gradually turned over to him ; he trans- 
 acted loans of money for the company, paid interests and per- 
 
 =• See below, Chap. XXVH. 
 
 " See below, Chaps. XXX., XXXIX. 
 
Reorganization of the Company. 231 
 
 formed other duties of a treasurer. He sometimes bought 
 goods for the colonial trade, and reports and documents were 
 at times sent to him. Beier also informed Governor Printz of 
 the safe arrival in Europe of ships from the colony and other 
 matters pertaining to the welfare of the company and its com- 
 merce. He was occasionally called upon to give reports in the 
 council about the colonial affairs and to correspond with parties 
 interested in the colony.*^ 
 
 Hans Kramer remained as bookkeeper of the company until 
 its dissolution.*^ His salary 450 D. a year, was paid in 
 installments for the first two years, but afterwards almost 
 always at the end of each year. He took a lively interest 
 in the company, and often bought goods for the colonial 
 trade and was one of the leaders in the fitting out of some 
 expeditions. In certain instances he also paid returning sailors 
 and soldiers; he presented the case of needy supplicants, in 
 the company's service, to the government and he was often 
 called into the council to report on the condition of the colony. 
 The journal In which he entered the company's business trans- 
 actions is a large folio, bound in leather containing 1,615 
 entries.^* It Is in German and kept in a beautiful hand. Some 
 of the entries give short accounts of the journeys to America. 
 Itemized bills of all goods sent over are copied into the book 
 and a great deal of other valuable information is often found 
 in connection with the payments of salaries, the buying of goods 
 and other transactions. Kramer also kept the monthly account 
 books of the officers and soldiers and other servants in America. 
 The verified salary-rolls and expense-accounts sent over from 
 the colony were copied Into these " Monatgelder " books by 
 Kramer and they are now a great source of Information.** A 
 
 ^'Printz's Report, 1647, §14. 
 
 '^Journal, nos. 213, 240, 319, 346. 398, 511, 580, 777. 882, 976, 1035, 1083, 
 1 1 67, 1206, etc. 
 
 " It is well preserved. N.S., III. (K.A.). 
 
 "The Monatgelder Buck (1642-1656) in which the officers and servants to 
 be paid by the Crown were entered is a large quarto bound in leather. It gives 
 itemized bills of all articles and moneys received by the persons entered in the 
 book, often the place where they came from, the time of their arrival in America 
 and of their leaving the service, as well as other interesting information. It 
 is now preserved in N.S., II. (R.A.). 
 
232 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 great many of the documents, accounts, lists of colonists, offi- 
 cers, sailors and soldiers are written in his hand. In June, 
 1 64 1, all books and documents were brought into a room in 
 Kramer's dwelling, which was used as an office until July, 1644, 
 when the office was removed to the Royal Palace. The office 
 remained in the palace until January 30, 1645, ^nd then again 
 it was moved to Kramer's house. Here it remained until 1656. 
 It was then transferred to the " home of Mr. Louis de Geer," 
 where it was kept for two years or more.^* 
 
 The old factors were retained and commercial agents were 
 at times employed to sell the company's goods in Holland. In 
 Stockholm Benjamin Bonnell continued to be the salesman. He 
 stood in closer relation to the company than the other factors, 
 Trotzig and Schotting, and his salary was 600 D. a year, hence 
 larger than that of any of the other officers.*® He handled 
 most of the tobacco which was brought into Sweden on behalf 
 of the company and sold it in large and small quantities, until 
 the Tobacco Company was organized in 1643. From that 
 time until 1652 he sold only in wholesale to the members of the 
 Tobacco Company. The peltries brought from America were 
 also sold by him, except in cases where they were sent to Hol- 
 land. He made contracts with Dutch merchants and large 
 quantities of tobacco were brought to Sweden under these agree- 
 ments. All expenses connected with the tobacco trade were 
 paid by him, such as duty on the tobacco shipped from Holland 
 to Sweden, freight, warehouse-rent and other items and charged 
 to the company. In some cases he also paid out money directly 
 to the company's creditors, from the proceeds of his sales, but 
 he generally sent the money to Beier. There seem to have been 
 no strict rules about it, and the most convenient way was per- 
 haps adopted. His services for the company came to an end 
 in 1652.*^ Timon van Schotting remained as factor in Gothen- 
 
 ^ Kramer charged the company 25 D. a year for rent; wood (about 5 cords) 
 and light (about 2 lbs. of candles) averaged about 25 D. a year. Some years the 
 total was only about 35 D., at others 75 D. a year. While the office was kept at 
 De Geer's house 80 D. a year were paid for rent. Journal, no. 345, 443, 510, 
 670, 776, 881, 977, 1036, 1083, n68, 1430, etc. 
 
 "Journal, nos. 209, 511, 580, 669, 777, 882, 976, 1035, etc. 
 
 " Cf. below, biography and Journal, nos. 209, 211, etc. 
 
wpamwi 
 
 
 
 il" 
 
 i if- -^ 
 
 i*:il^V5^ 
 
 
 
 J'a 
 
 X^,'4>1>. 
 
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 CT:^ 
 
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 r^v 
 
 t; 
 
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 ^. 2s'c' -:£, 
 
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 ^ '-> 
 
Reorganization of the Company. 233 
 
 burg, and his salary was unchanged. He occupied a responsible 
 position. The merchandise sent from Holland to Gothenburg 
 for the colonial trade and for the victualling of the ships was 
 placed in his care and he often settled the bills. He also made 
 large purchases of goods in Gothenburg for some of the expe- 
 ditions. The returning sailors were often paid by him, and 
 Beier generally sent him the money used in fitting out the ships 
 and in supplying the ready cash on the journey as well as the 
 money paid to the sailors in advance on their monthly wages. 
 He sold tobacco for the company at Gothenburg; he confiscated 
 tobacco unlawfully shipped in; he collected the fines from the 
 smugglers and brought a suit against Clas Hemming to compel 
 him to disclose where a certain quantity of tobacco was con- 
 cealed. He often looked after the repairing of ships and was 
 very active in preparing the Fifth Expedition. But he does not 
 seem to have performed his trust to entire satisfaction. He 
 allowed some of the articles to go to ruin under his care and 
 Kramer often found his accounts incorrect and incomplete. 
 Printz complained about the ruined goods and probably Kramer 
 also reported the inaccuracies he found in his bills. Perhaps 
 as a result of this he was removed from his post. At any rate 
 he must either have been removed from his service or volun- 
 tarily resigned towards the end of 1644.** Macklier was later 
 appointed in his stead. He appears to have performed the 
 same service as Schotting, but he does not seem to have been 
 paid a salary.^^ 
 
 Peter Trotzig acted as the company's factor in Holland 
 throughout this period.*" He received no salary, but all ex- 
 penses which accrued in the company's service such as the cost 
 of travelling, writing-paper, postage and the like were repaid 
 him by the company." Most of the goods secured in Hol- 
 
 " Journal, nos. 287, 213, 214. 237, 393. 404. 239, 213, 214, 187 (law suit), 
 187, 213 ff., 237, 239, 393, 404, etc. "Extract," etc., Soderk., 1637-S9 (R^A.) 
 and Bills in N.S., I. (K.A.), and in N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "Macklier was a merchant at Gothenburg. He was at times sent as repre- 
 sentative of Gothenburg to Stockholm. See below, Biography. 
 
 " See above, Chap. XVIII. and Biography. 
 
 " Journal, nos. 219, 232, 586. 
 
234 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 land for the New Sweden trade during this period was bought 
 by him. He also bought large quantities of tobacco and sent 
 it to Bonnell for the Swedish trade. He bought ships for the 
 company and sold the copper sent to Holland by Beier in 1646. 
 He often supplied provisions for the ships that touched Hol- 
 land and at times paid sailors their salaries in advance. He 
 paid people who returned from New Sweden and the passage 
 of several returning colonists from Holland to Sweden. He 
 was generally applied to in case of need by those who managed 
 to reach Holland and he saved many people on the ship the 
 Katt from distress and want.*^ In 1644 and 1645 he did 
 little or no business for the company, and it seems that he was 
 absent from Holland or ill during this period.** 
 
 Peter Spiring looked after the diplomatic business of the 
 company in Holland. When ships were seized in 1 644 he pre- 
 sented protests and memorials and succeeded in securing their 
 release. He superintended the sale of the goods on the two 
 ships, and ships of the Old South-Ship Company were sold 
 through him. Money advanced by the Crown always went 
 through his hands, and reports and account books from New 
 Sweden were generally sent to him. His connection with the 
 company, however, became less important as time went on, and 
 in 1650 it was severed by his death.** 
 
 The finances of the Reorganized New Sweden Company did 
 not improve much over the old condition.*^ There was always 
 
 " See below, Chap. XXIX. 
 
 " In September, 164.3, a draft was sent to him by Beier, and in December, 
 1645, Lucas Anderson paid Trotzig 786:24 R.D. But between these dates he 
 seems to have had very little to do with the company. Journal, nos. 308, 501. 
 
 " Cf. above, Chap. XIII. ff. and biography below. 
 
 "According to the balance made on the last of February, 1643, the finances 
 of the company were as follows: 
 
 Debit. Credit. 
 
 D. ore. D. ore. 
 
 Her Royal Majesty and the Crown of Sweden 2i,475 23,575 
 
 Royal Admiralty 26,389 i$% 17.920 tsVz 
 
 His Grace Mr. Clas Fleming 7,866 5 7,573 3oVi 
 
 The Old [South] Ship Company 39.657 23 48,122 17J4 
 
 Peter Spiring Silfverkrona 32,131 30 32,055 31 
 
 His Excellency Mr. Gabriel Gustafsson Oxenstierna 4,500 2,400 
 
 His Excellency the Royal Chancellor 4.500 S.679 *fi 
 

 
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 L 
 
 
 
 ti i w- m f^-**'^ '^ v 
 
 Ik 
 
 ^^ 
 
 1.V 
 sft 
 
 1' 
 
 J6-iwitr, 
 
 'ti^HtsA^^ 
 
 »■»* 
 
 Timon van Schottingen's (Schotting's) bill of June, 16+3, showing: Kramer's corrections 
 of 58 D. 4 ore. Original preserved in N. S. I. (R. A.), Stockhohn, 
 
Reorganization of the Company. 235 
 
 a lack of money for paying the servants in the employ of the 
 company and never adequate means for procuring and sending 
 over the merchandise, necessary to keep up the trade established 
 with the Indians and the neighboring colonies, and the things 
 needed to make the settlement a real success. It was also due 
 to the inability of the company to provide passage for the emi- 
 
 Debit. Credit. 
 
 D. ore. D. ore. 
 
 His Excellency the Royal Treasurer 2,250 900 
 
 rimon van Schottingen in Gothenburg 18,360 18 18,762 25 
 
 Tobacco under the care of Benjamin Bonnell, 
 
 43,366 lbs 26,812 7Vi 
 
 36,485'/^ lbs i8,43S i6'A 
 
 Peter Trotzig in Amsterdam 22,574 13 22,397 j 
 
 Tobacco under Timon van Schottingen, 
 
 3,379 lbs 1,062 i54 
 
 mH lbs 830 5 
 
 Skipper Clas Hindersson Bonder 141624 11^ I4i969 28 
 
 Major Richard Clerk 112 16 28 24 
 
 The Shipbuilding at Vestervik 465 11V2 
 
 Hans Neuman and Robert Smith 711 6V2 
 
 Tobacco under the Commiss Hendrick Huygen, 
 
 20554 lbs 205 t6 
 
 6i'/$ lbs 92 8 
 
 French salt lying at Stockholm 3,007 i^A 5, 175 19 
 
 Hans Kramer the bookkeeper of the company 704 lo 900 
 
 Benjamin Bonnell 36,620 1554 30,871 sJ4 
 
 French salt lying in Borga 1.44° 792 
 
 French salt lying in Abo 924 
 
 The Secretary Johan Beier 4>Soo 
 
 The Tobacco Excise at Stockholm 3,928 1 8 
 
 The budget of the servants of the Crown in New 
 
 Sweden 1,514 7 3.928 18 
 
 The capital of the Crown in the Company 9,000 
 
 The capital of the [South] Ship Company in the 
 
 [N.S.] Company 27,000 
 
 The capital of His Excellency the Riksdrotsen . . . 4,500 
 
 The capital of His Excellency the Chancellor 4,500 
 
 The capital of His Excellency the Royal Treasurer 2,250 
 
 The capital of His Grace Mr. Clas Fleming 2,250 
 
 The capital of Peter Spiring Silfverkrona 4,500 
 
 Returns coming from BorgS 805 iVi 990 
 
 Cargo lying in Holland under the care of Peter 
 
 Trotzig 6.777 8 
 
 The Secretary Johan Beier 17.264 4^ 16,484 
 
 The general trading accounts of the New Sweden 
 
 Company 99.745 2 50.292 2 
 
 388,052 6^ 388,052 6H 
 
236 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 grants that hundreds of prospective colonists were compelled 
 to remain in Sweden. Better results could have been accom- 
 plished, however, with the means on hand, if Sweden had been 
 governed by a ruler more interested in commercial enterprises 
 and matters of state, and less given to pleasure-seeking and 
 learned discussion than Christina. 
 
 Misfortune also played its part and some energy was wasted, 
 but it can hardly be said that the results, measured by the efforts 
 put forth, were less in this case than in similar colonizing 
 schemes of other nations. We are now to see what these results 
 were and what was done from 1642 until 1653 for the further 
 establishment of the settlement. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The Fifth Expedition, i 642-1 643. 
 
 It seems that Ridder's reports of the English settlements and 
 of the condition of the country gave new life to the activities 
 of the interested persons in Sweden and early in 1642 prepara- 
 tions were begun for an expedition. It was decided (after 
 some discussion), to relieve Ridder from his post and the Coun- 
 cil of State determined to request Johan Printz to become 
 governor of New Sweden. He accepted the offer and began 
 to make preparations for the long journey in the spring of the 
 same year.^ There was now a period of lively activity in the 
 colony's behalf. From the end of April until the beginning of 
 September the Council of State considered the matter at several 
 of its sessions, which gave rise to discussions that culminated 
 in the reorganization of the company, as we have seen. In 
 June it was decided to despatch the returning ships to the colony, 
 together with a third vessel at least by the beginning of August 
 or as soon as preparations could be made. The government 
 assumed all expenses connected with the journey, except the 
 board and salary of the colonists and servants of the company.^ 
 
 Great efforts were made to procure provisions. Spiring 
 bought some foodstuffs in Holland, but most of the goods and 
 provisions for the journey were secured by Schotting in Gothen- 
 burg and through the managers of the company in Stockholm. 
 No cargo for the Indian trade was purchased, however, as that 
 would have delayed the expedition ; but a variety of articles for 
 the needs of the colony such as wine, malt, grain, pease, nets, 
 muskets, shoes, stockings, and other wearing apparel, and smal- 
 ler articles, such as writing paper, sealing wax, and the like, 
 as well as hay for the stock, were loaded into the vessels. 
 
 ^Rddsfr., IX. 252 (April 25, 1642). He was knighted and received dona- 
 tions of land in the summer. R.R., June 20, 1642, fol. 851 ff., 853 ff. 
 ''These expenses were paid by the company. 
 
 237 
 
238 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Horses, cattle, sheep, and perhaps chickens, were to be brought 
 over on this expedition.^ 
 
 The preparations advanced slowly, however, and not until 
 the autumn were the plans definitely settled. Only two vessels 
 were to be sent, instead of three, as was originally intended. 
 The instruction for Johan Printz was discussed and outlined in 
 the Council of State, suggestions being made by Spiring and 
 others, and on the fifteenth of August the instruction was signed 
 by the members of the government.* The commission of Printz 
 as governor was signed the same day. A budget was made for 
 the colony and the salaries of the officers and soldiers placed 
 upon it were to be paid by the government. Four hundred 
 R.D. were granted the governor for traveling expenses, and as 
 a recompense for his lost time in waiting for the expedition to 
 start. Christer Boije and the Rev. Campanius were also en- 
 gaged to serve here, and Gregorius van Dyck returned to the 
 colony on this expedition.* A large number of Dutch soldiers 
 and servants had been employed before 1642. This was now 
 to be avoided and the Dutch soldiers in the colony were to be 
 supplanted by Swedes as far as possible, since it was found that 
 quarrels and dissensions arose among the people. Accordingly 
 almost all of the soldiers hired at this time were Swedes.® 
 
 Efforts were also made to secure colonists, Kidder having 
 sent earnest requests for more people. A certain blacksmith, 
 Mickel Nilsson, was engaged by Beier, on the recommendation 
 of Governor Berndes, to seek for minerals in New Sweden. 
 He was sent to Varmland in June to hire laborers and 131 :6 
 D. were given him for expenses. Letters were written by the 
 council to several governors asking them to prevail upon people 
 to emigrate and those of good repute might take their families 
 
 ' It seems that Printz brought over horses of his own. They were fed at 
 public expense and Schotting delivered hay to him at Gothenburg to the value- 
 of 800:23 D., which were charged to his account. Rddspr., IX. 252, R.R., 164a, 
 Journal, N.S., III. (K.A.). 
 
 *It contains 28 par. It was published by Acrelius in his Beskr., pp. 16-32, 
 and has been (poorly) translated by Reynolds. Cf. below, Chap. XXXII. 
 
 " Sprinchorn is mistaken in stating that M5ns Kling and Knut Liljehok went 
 to the colony on this ship. See Kol. N. Sve., p. 15. Cf. below. Chap. XXVI. 
 
 'Rddspr., IX. 363, 404. 
 
: -V 
 
 ^'Z 
 
 
 ,„,.f^v./J-"-v ''■V l'*-!- '^^■^■^ '»j^^(- ^^.,.^J.V , i:^-«4»i 
 
 / I 
 
 
 U/Z-v 
 
 ^^^t 
 
 
 ^— >^. '^■^- f,?. dfi:^i^^/i^^ 
 
 Commission of Johan Printz as governor of New Sweden toriginal), August 15, 
 1642. Signed by Per Bralie, H[erman] Wrangel, Clas (Klas) Flemingh, Axel Oxeu- 
 stierna and Gabriel Oxenstierna Bengtson. Preserved in the Kammararkiv, Stock- 
 holm. 
 
The Fifth Expedition. 239 
 
 with them, in fact they were requested to do so. But few emi- 
 grants were willing to go, and more effective means than mere 
 persuasion had to be employed. In the summer the council 
 decided that poachers and deserted soldiers should be con- 
 demned to serve in the colony for a number of years. But even 
 in this way the number found was insufficient, and in August 
 several governors'' of the northern and central provinces of the 
 kingdom were requested to capture such Finns in their terri- 
 tories as were known to be destroying the forests and doing 
 damage to the woods at the mines.* These people with their 
 families were to be kept in readiness for transportation to 
 Gothenburg within three weeks after August i. Later it was 
 decided that citizens also who could not pay their debts should 
 be deported. It seems that at least three emigrants came from 
 Finland. In June, 1643, ^he Royal Court at Abo informed 
 Fleming that certain inhabitants had committed crimes, for 
 which they had been condemned to be deported, but the gover- 
 nors could not execute the sentence, as they did not know where 
 to send them. Now the Court inquired if such criminals could 
 not be sent to New Sweden. Fleming replied that If there 
 were any persons in Finland, sentenced to banishment, who had 
 not committed such crimes that other people shunned their 
 company, they could be sent to Stockholm and placed on the 
 ships, which were soon to sail for the Delaware. On the ninth 
 of July the Court informed the Governor General of Finland 
 that three Inhabitants of the country should be sent to America. 
 One was a bookkeeper, Johan Fransson, from VIborg, whose 
 crime is not specified, " the other two were married men who 
 had committed adultery three times and one of them had in 
 addition shot some elks on Aland." The last two were to re- 
 main in America for six years.* Some of the colonists assembled 
 at Stockholm and awaited the sailing of the ships, which were 
 to proceed to Gothenburg as soon as all preparations had been 
 
 'The governors were Carl Bonde, Peter Kruse (governor of Dalarne), Johan 
 Berndes (governor of Kopparberget and Saltberget) and Olaf Stake (governor 
 of Varraland och Dal). 
 
 ' Cf. Chaps. XV., XVIII. 
 
 • Tid. utg. af et Salsk. i Abo. 
 
240 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 made and from there they were to go to America." The Fama 
 and probably also the Swan finally set sail on the sixteenth of 
 August with Campanius and other passengers on board and 
 arrived at Gothenburg on the twelfth of September. 
 
 It seems that the ship Fama was in poor condition when she 
 arrived and it was found necessary to paint her and make re- 
 pairs. These and other things delayed the expedition for 
 several weeks, causing the company much expense, as the sol- 
 diers, servants and settlers had to be fed and housed. Printz 
 with his family went by land to meet the ships and he probably 
 arrived at Gothenburg about the beginning of September where 
 other passengers were awaiting the sailing of the vessels. Cash 
 money was advanced by the company for the payment of the 
 salaries. Campanius was given 40 D. on his salary; Beier 
 furnished Printz 519:16 D. to be used in paying the officers 
 three months of their wages and 105 Daler were given to the 
 skippers of the vessels to be used in cases of emergency. 
 
 Finally all preparations were made, the colonists were re- 
 viewed and brought on board and on the first of November, "^^ 
 the two vessels Fama and Swan set sail for America. On the 
 fourteenth of November they were in the Spanish Sea, and 
 towards the end of December they arrived at the Island of 
 Antigua, where the passengers spent the Christmas holidays and 
 were refreshed and strengthened, the English governor of the 
 place entertaining Governor Printz, Campanius and the other 
 officers at his own house. They left the island in the beginning 
 of January, " having as many oranges and lemons as they could 
 take with them," and arrived at the Delaware Bay about the 
 end of January, 1643. Here they experienced a fearful storm 
 with snow, and the ships were badly used, Fama running ashore 
 and losing her main mast, sprit sail and three large anchors. 
 The other vessel also suffered damages and some of the goods 
 
 " Rddspr., IX. 256 ff. ; Am. Reg., December 3, 1642 (Fl. Ar.) ; Journal, no. 
 165 S., R.R. August I, 15 (several letters and entries), 30, 1642. R.R. 1642, fol. 
 94 (L. & Ger.). Beier's Acct. B., June 30, 1642, N.S., II. (R.A.). 
 
 ^Journal, no. i8o ff. ; Campanius Holm (trans.), p. 70. 
 
The Fifth Expedition. 241 
 
 was ruined. After over two week's delay In the river the ships 
 arrived at Fort Christina^^ on the fifteenth of February. 
 
 The ships were prepared for the return voyage in the spring, 
 and they departed from the colony about April 14,^^ with some 
 returning people and large cargoes of beaver and otter skins. 
 The ships went by way of Portugal, where a quantity of salt was 
 loaded into the Swart, and perhaps into the Fama also. The 
 homeward journey was a speedy one and the two ships were in 
 Gothenburg about the end of July. The documents, letters and 
 reports sent from the colony were received in Stockholm, 
 August I. Ridder, Rasmunsson, Johan Hansson, the sail- 
 maker, and many others returned with the vessels and they were 
 paid various sums by Schotting in Gothenburg and by Beier in 
 Stockholm. The cargoes of skins and salt were brought to 
 Stockholm to be sold there and the Council of State decided 
 that the salt should be duty-free.** 
 
 "Campanius Holm (trans.), p. 71; Journal, no. 303, Ms. of Campanius in 
 Rilamb. Saml, fol. 201 (R.L.) . 
 
 "The letters sent on the vessels by Printz are dated on April 12 and 14, 
 making it probable that the ships were ready to sail on April 12 (o.s.), but 
 that contrary winds or calm prevailed for about two days. 
 
 "Rddipr., I. 265; Am. Reg., October 10, 1643 (Fl. Ar.) ; Journal, no. 281 fiF. 
 
 17 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The Sixth Expedition to New Sweden and the Trading 
 Voyage to the Caribbean Islands, i 643-1 647. 
 
 Before the Fauna and the Swan left Europe in November, 
 1642, preparations were under way for a new expedition. 
 Admiral Fleming was untiring in his activity for the company, 
 and he was assisted by Beier, Kramer, Schotting, Trotzig and 
 Spiring.^ From August until December Trotzig bought goods 
 in Holland to the amount of several thousand florins,* and 
 in the spring and summer of 1643 he continued to purchase 
 goods and supplies on the admiral's order. The merchandise 
 was shipped to Gothenburg, and placed in the care of Schot- 
 ting. About 1,700 D. in cash and goods were furnished in 
 Gothenburg on Fleming's account by Per Bengtsson and Mans 
 Andersson,^ and Schotting bought cloth, ready-made clothes, 
 shoes, stockings and other things, while Beier and Kramer pur- 
 chased axes, saws, mill stones, cloth, and the like in Stockholm.* 
 In the autumn 84,000 bricks,® and 12,000 tiles were purchased 
 for the company by Trotzig and sent to Sweden, and 6,000 of 
 these bricks besides a ton of lime were loaded upon the Fama.^ 
 
 In the autumn of 1643 the Council of State discussed the 
 colonial enterprise at a number of meetings. The salt brought 
 from Portugal was to be used for the benefit of the company 
 and other provisions were made for the expenses of the expedi- 
 
 'Extr. fr. Queen's letter to Spiring, August 22, 1645. Soderk., 1637-59 
 (R.A.). I could find no letter from the Queen to Spiring dated August 22 in the 
 R.R. There is one, however, dated August 24, 1645 (Lat. and G., fol. 175-6). 
 
 'Journal, nos. 220, 238. " Carg. Rech. von P. Trotzig iiberg. ult. Dec. 1642." 
 N.S.| I. (R.A.). The entire bill including all expenses, was 10,004:18 fl. ' 
 
 ' " Flemings fogdar." 
 
 'Journal, nos. 233 ft., 304 ff. ; Beier's Ace. Book, 1643. The goods were paid 
 for by drafts sent from Stockholm by Beier. 
 
 " " 84,000 moppen." 
 
 'Beier's Ace. Book, October i, 1643, N.S., I. (K.A.). Bills in Soderk., 
 1637-59 (R-A.). Cf. below. 
 
 242 
 
The Sixth Expedition to New Sweden. 243 
 
 tion. On October 16 the question of collecting emigrants was 
 considered, and at a later meeting it was decided that timber 
 thieves and game poachers should be sent to New Sweden.^ A 
 carpenter, Jacob Cornelisson ( ?), who had been in the employ 
 of the government for some years, applied for permission to go 
 to New Sweden and a passport was given to him by the Ad- 
 miralty.* Johan Papegoja prepared to return to America on the 
 Fatna and on the twenty-fifth of October 60 D. were given to 
 him by the government for travelling expenses and a recom- 
 mendation was issued for him by the Queen. He hired a num- 
 ber of soldiers for service in the settlement, and in the Monthly 
 Account Book it is stated that Bengt Hindersson, Anders An- 
 dersson and Anders Jonsson were engaged by him in December, 
 1643.* The barber Hans Janeke was hired to go to the colony 
 on this expedition and Beier gave 60 D. for the preparations 
 of his medicine chests. Knut and Per Liljehok and Johan Mats- 
 son were also among the passengers.'" It appears that two or 
 three colonists came from Finland. On May 18, 1643, the 
 Royal Court at Abo*' passed a resolution that a farmer from 
 Nautila By, in Hvittis Socken, and another from Pamark in 
 Ulfsby Socken should be sent to New Sweden for committing 
 adultery. A discredited soldier from Cajana was likewise con- 
 demned to be transported to America and he was to remain 
 there all his life.'^ Besides these I have found no traces of 
 emigrants, who came here on this expedition. It is likely that a 
 few more were on the ship, but the number must have been very 
 small, for only 1 20 men are given in Governor Printz's list in 
 June, 1644.'* 
 
 The goods bought by Kramer and Beier were gradually 
 loaded upon the Fama which lay at anchor in the harbor at 
 
 'Rddspr., X. 265, 280, 307, 354. 
 
 'Am. Reg., Oct. 8, 1643. But he does not seem to be in the country in 1644, 
 for Gov. Printz omits him in his list, unless he is mentioned by a different name. 
 Cf. below, Appendix. See Odhner, N.S., p. 37 ff- 
 
 "R.R., October 25, 1643. Fol. 1151; Monaig. B., 1642-56. 
 
 "Journal, no. 325; Monatg. B., 1642-56. 
 
 " A city in Finland, on the west coast, almost west of Helsingfors. 
 
 "Tidningar, etc., IX. p. 235. 
 
 "Rulla, 1644, Appendix. 
 
244 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Stockholm. On September i the ship set sail for Gothenburg 
 with a few colonists and soldiers on board, and probably arrived 
 there towards the end of the month.^* The cargo stored in the 
 city was put on board and soon the Fama was ready to sail, 
 waiting for a favorable wind. 
 
 Along with the preparations of the Fama another ship, the 
 well-known Kalmar Nyckel, was fitted out for a trading 
 journey to the Caribbean Islands. Printz made suggestions 
 for such a trade in his letters of 1643, but this expedition was 
 undertaken according to the plans and proposals of Captain 
 Berendt Hermansson Hopp, and he made reports to the officers 
 of the company and presented lists of articles that would find 
 a ready market on the islands. Large quantities of "wooden 
 bottles," wooden spoons, wooden basins, lumber, tar and other 
 products and manufactured articles were furnished for the 
 voyage in Finland and Sweden. Captain Hopp was sent to 
 Holland to buy supplies as well as to hire sailors, and through 
 him merchandise " for the tobacco trade in the Caribbean 
 Islands" to the value of 2,731 D. was obtained. Trotzig 
 purchased brandy and wine^* and Schotting bought beer and 
 provisions.^® 
 
 Towards the end of October the two ships were ready to 
 leave port, and on the thirty-first passes were issued for them by 
 the government.*^ The vessels left Gothenburg on December 
 29. It is probable that both kept the same course for some 
 time, but they must have parted before arriving in American 
 waters, for only the Fama went to New Sweden.** On the 
 
 "Monatg. B., 1643-56; J. Matssons Ace. 
 
 " Trotzig also hired some of the sailors. 
 
 "Journal, nos. 299, 300, 304 ff. Schotting's bills from 1643 in Sbderk., 
 1637-59 (R.A.). For various expenses connected with the voyage, see "Spec, 
 van . . . ungel. . . . 1643," signed by Schotting, N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 
 "Latin pass for Kalmar Nyckel, October 31, 1643, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "The statement (in Hist. Bill, 1877, p. 178) that only Fama made the 
 journey to New Sweden in 1643-4, 's correct, but the supposition that only one 
 ship was fitted out at this time is wrong. In a lead-pencil note in the copy 
 found in the R.A. at Stockholm, it is stated that the two ships went to New 
 Sweden. This is not correct, as can be seen from the above account. In several 
 documents it is stated that Kalmar Nyckel and Fama sailed to New Sweden in 
 1643-4. See R.R., August la, 1643; Am. Reg., May 3, 1645, and other places. 
 
The Sixth Expedition to New Sweden. 245 
 
 twenty-seventh of February she was near the American coast, 
 and on the eleventh of March she cast anchor in Christina Har- 
 bor.^® About the middle of June she was ready for her return 
 voyage, but contrary winds or other circumstances delayed the 
 sailing. On or shortly after July 20 she lifted anchor and set 
 sail for Europe with a large cargo of tobacco and skins. 
 
 After a two months' voyage the ship arrived in Holland 
 and put into Harlingen to revictual. From there it was to have 
 sailed for Sweden, but the war with Denmark was now on, and 
 it was decided to unload the ship, and not to take the cargo to 
 Gothenburg.^" Spiring promptly applied to the authorities at 
 Amsterdam for a permit to unload, but it was refused and the 
 matter was referred to the West India Company.^^ About 
 the same time the vessel was put under arrest and two guards 
 were placed on board by order of the company. On the eighth 
 of October (n.s.), 1644, Spiring sent a protest to the States 
 General, expressing his surprise at their refusal to grant the 
 permit, since the customs and duties were offered to be paid, 
 and requesting that orders be given for the ship to unload. 
 The protest had no effect, however, beyond an order that the 
 directors of the Dutch West India Company should furnish the 
 States General with full information about the ship and its 
 cargo. A few days later Spiring seems to have sent a longer 
 
 In a letter written 1646 by M. Johansson he says that he was along on the 
 Kalmar Nyckel on its journey to Virginia. In all such cases the term Virginia 
 is used in a very broad sense, meaning really North America, or the term is used 
 by such who had no accurate knowledge of the destination of the ships as in 
 R.R., August 12, 1645. Sometimes the journey of Kalmar Nyckel is spoken of 
 as to New Sweden in the Official Journal. 
 
 "See Papegoja's letter, July 15, 1644; Ace. B., 1642-56. Papegoja says 
 "(We) were on the journey for two months; the twenty-ninth of December we set 
 sail from Gothenburg and the twenty-seventh of February we saw Virginia." By 
 Virginia they sometimes meant Virginia proper, sometimes the American coast in 
 general and sometimes New Sweden. Cf. note above. In the Ace. B., 1642-1656, 
 it is stated that Liljehok landed here on March 12; in Printz' Report it is 
 stated that the ship arrived on March 11. It is therefore probable that the ship 
 arrived in the afternoon or evening of March 11, and that the passengers were 
 landed in the morning or forenoon of March 12. 
 
 * Cf. below. Chap. XXVII. 
 
 "The ship must have been in Holland towards the end of September or the 
 first days of October, for some days before October 8 Spiring applied for a 
 permit to unload. Doc, I. 143. 
 
246 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and more vigorous "memorial" and he expected an answer as 
 soon as possible, " so that the perishable goods in the ship 
 might not be damaged." On October 15 the States General 
 "resolved and concluded, that the cargo of the said ship the 
 Fama shall be regulated as regards the duties itl the same way 
 as those of the French, English, Danish and other foreign 
 nations, that bring and discharge such or similar cargoes here, 
 to wit, the ordinary import duties and in addition eight per 
 cent, both made over among other things to the West India 
 Company of these ports In place of subsidies; all in conformity 
 with the eighth Article of their High Mightinesses' regulation 
 of the sixteenth of October, 1637, and their confirmatory reso- 
 lution of the twenty-fourth of July, 1641, following there- 
 upon." On the receipt of this document Spiring requested a 
 conference with some of the deputies of the States General, and 
 on October 26 the conference took place. It is likely that 
 Spiring was requested to present his protests and arguments in 
 writing, for on the same day Spiring presented another long 
 memorial. He thought it strange that the Queen's ship should 
 be treated like those of private individuals, and he could not 
 agree to pay eight per cent, in addition to Import duty, yet he 
 asked "whether it had reference to the principal, the risk, the 
 profit, the entire, or what else, also if the valuation of the goods 
 was to apply to the place where they were procured, here where 
 they were bought, or there where they would be consumed."^^ 
 The Dutch West India Company, he said, could not rightfully 
 claim any duty on the goods, since " it had heretofore under 
 grant of Her Royal Majesty a share in the Swedish company, 
 having also acknowledged It for an absolute and free company, 
 and, then, ships from the kingdom, from New Sweden, having 
 sailed and been loaded and discharged here, off and on, never 
 subjected to, much less paid such duties, and hence, so far from 
 there being any right and equity for such Imposition it ought, 
 on the contrary, now to be considered in direct opposition to all 
 
 '^ I am quoting from, as it would seem, a poor translation of the document in 
 Doc, I.; not finding time to compare it with the original at the Hague. 
 
The Sixth Expedition to New Sweden. 247 
 
 right, after the West India Company had surrendered its shares, 
 and Her Rbyal Majesty had bought it out and exclusively 
 acquired those shares herself; wherefore nothing similar could 
 now be levied by virtue and in regard of said purchase, and still 
 so much the less so inasmuch as this Her Royal Majesty's ship 
 had traded and come from a country which Her Royal Majesty 
 had rightfully purchased and obtained possession of from the 
 right\_ful'\ owners." He also requested that the two guards be 
 removed from the ship, and reminded the States General of the 
 respectful treatment Hollanders had received in Sweden at 
 various times, thinking it only proper that the courtesy should 
 be returned. But weeks passed and no settlement was in sight.^* 
 In the meantime the Kalmar Nyckel also arrived in Holland. 
 When the ship left the Fama westward bound, in the beginning 
 of 1644, it proceeded directly to the Caribbean Islands, and re- 
 mained in those parts for some weeks. In May it was at St. 
 Christopher, and on the fifth of this month a quantity of tobacco 
 was bought there. The whole cargo was finally exchanged for 
 tobacco, and preparations made for the return voyage. It was 
 the intention of the company to continue the trade, and Captain 
 Hopp left 7,545 lbs. of tobacco on the island, which he had in 
 mind to bring to Europe on the next journey; but when the 
 cargo was sold in 1645 the proceeds of the expedition were 
 small, and it was decided not to send another expedition thither. 
 Hopp was therefore held responsible for the tobacco and some 
 other goods which remained at St. Christopher, and their value 
 was charged to his account.^* It has been impossible to deter- 
 mine when the ship left the islands on its return journey, but it 
 arrived in Holland later than the Fama. The ship touched at 
 Dover, where supplies to the value of 619 D. were purchased 
 by Captain Hopp on a draft, and from there she went to Har- 
 lingen. She was also put under arrest and new complications 
 
 ^ Doc, I. 143 ff-. 146-7- 
 
 "See "Brief van den Koop," etc., of May 5, 1643, and another of May 15 
 of the same year. N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 ^" Gen. Balance, 1650." Soderk., 1637-59 (R-A). Journal, no. 490 ff., Doc, 
 I. 156. 
 
248 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Spiring now sent new protests to the States General, and 
 finally on the twenty-first of April (n.s.), 1645, that body 
 ordered that no further difficulties should be made with regard 
 to the unloading of the vessels, but that eight per cent, addi- 
 tional duty must be paid. But the end of the troubles was not 
 yet in sight. On June 5 Spiring paid the import duty on the 
 goods through his agent, Lucas Andersson,^® at Amsterdam, 
 but the Board of Admiralty at Harlingen demanded Spiring's 
 factor at that place to pay the duty also. On the twenty-seventh 
 of July (n.s.) Spiring complained to the States General and on 
 the thirty-first of the same month he again called their attention 
 to the fact and enclosed a copy of the receipt given by the 
 Directors of the Chamber at Amsterdam to Lucas Andersson, 
 July 5, 1645.='' 
 
 The troubles now seem to have come to an end. The cargoes 
 on the two ships were sold by Andersson. The beaver skins in 
 the Fama realized 15,000 fl. and the tobacco on that ship was 
 sold for 6,728 fl. Seven hundred and eighty-three rolls or 
 50,824 lbs. of tobacco were on the Kalmar Nyckel and the lot 
 was sold for 8,666 florins. But the net proceeds realized by 
 the company were reduced by Andersson's commission, as well 
 as by freight charges and other expenses. The expenses due to 
 the arrest of the ships were considerable, and in the beginning 
 of December Andersson paid more than 3,000 D. for supplies 
 and other necessaries. The returning colonists and soldiers 
 were paid partly by Trotzig and Beier in Stockholm, and their 
 passage from Holland to Sweden was also paid by the com- 
 pany.^* The company was relieved of the expense of the 
 victualling of the ships and the payment of the sailors, as this 
 was undertaken by the government. When the ships arrived 
 
 "Lucas Arentz in Doc, 1. 159. That "Lucas Arentz" and Lucas Andersson 
 is the same person can be seen from Journal, 499, 504. 
 
 "Doc, I. p. 159 fiF. ; Journal, nos. 499, 504. 
 
 " Christer Boije, Timon Stidden and some others were paid by Trotzig in 
 Holland. In Stockholm Beier paid E. Mortensson 52:15 D., Stidden 468:19 D., 
 J. Mortensson 20 D., M. Eskelsson 20 D., Jons Andersson 10 D., the skipper Peter 
 Poulsson 375 D., who were paid by the company, but the others received their 
 money from Beier on behalf of the Admiralty, through orders from the chancellor. 
 Journal, 417 ff., 500 flf. 
 
The Sixth Expedition to New Sweden. 249 
 
 in Gothenburg, the sailors clamored for pay from the Admi- 
 ralty, but it was refused. Beier called the attention of the 
 Queen to the matter in a letter of July 19, 1645, ^"^^ the 
 sailors appealed to Her Majesty for redress. On August 12 
 the Queen ordered Admiral Carlsson to provide for the wages 
 of the sailors out of the Admiralty's appropriations, and on 
 August 20 the Council of State decided or rather " thought 
 that the expedition ought to be paid by the Crown." But all 
 the wages were not paid at the time, for a petition signed by 
 thirteen sailors was sent to Oxenstierna in 1647 (?),''* asking 
 for the outstanding pay and stating that the petitioners would 
 be reduced to begging unless aid was given to them. It is prob- 
 able that their endeavors were successful, for nothing further is 
 said about the matter.^" 
 
 " No date but " for halft annat ihr sijn " referring to the Royal order of 
 August 12, 164s, places the date about February, 1647. 
 
 "•R.R., August 12, 1645. Letter from Queen (copy in N.S., I. (R.A.)). 
 Rddspr., XI. 165. Petition of Ambrosius Joransson, Erick Ericksson Hook, etc. 
 (13 boatsmen), N.S., II. (R.A.). The Queen also on August 22, 1645, released 
 the company from paying for the expedition. See R.R. under this date. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 The Seventh Expedition, i 645-1 647. 
 
 Printz and Papegoja were earnest in their requests for more 
 colonists and additional supplies, when the Fama left the shores 
 of New Sweden In 1644. But events in northern Europe of far 
 greater Importance to the welfare of Sweden than the little 
 colony on the South River were occupying the minds of the 
 statesmen In Stockholm at this time. Denmark had kept aloof 
 from an active participation in the Thirty Years' War since 
 1629. It had seen the Increasing influence and power of Sweden 
 and Its growing commercial Interests and far-reaching plans 
 with envious eyes. It was true that only one third of the Swe- 
 dish export and import trade for the years 1 63 7- 1 643 was carried 
 on Swedish vessels, but Swedish ships had been sent to other 
 continents, the Swedish flag was waving over possessions in the 
 New World, and indications were that the supremacy in the 
 Baltic would soon pass over to the power lying north of Oresund. 
 King Christian IV. endeavored to sustain and assert Danish 
 supremacy In the Baltic and Danish jurisdiction in the sound. 
 A heavy toll, amounting to 616,000 R.D. In 1639, was collected 
 from vessels passing through the strait.^ This, of course, was 
 a burden to Sweden. Besides, Swedish vessels were often con- 
 fiscated and the Danish King conducted a regular warfare in 
 everything but In name against his neighbor.^ In the peace 
 negotiations of Sweden, Denmark also played the false friend,* 
 but the opportunity for which Oxenstierna had been waiting 
 was come. Denmark was to be attacked and the Swedish sword 
 was to make an end of Danish Interference.* 
 
 ^ Fridericia, Danm. ydre pol. Hist., II. 2zo, note z, 
 
 ^Kernkamp, De Sleutels van de Sont, p. z ff. 
 
 ^ In the peace negotiations at Osnabriick the Danish mediators or commissioners 
 were instructed to work against all demands of Sweden. Cf. Fridericia, 
 Danm. ydre pol. Hist., II. 
 
 *The causes of the war were deeper and lay further back than the present 
 troubles in the sound. Concerning the events that led up to the war, see 
 
 250 
 
Klas Fleming. 
 
Scepter, the flagship of Admiral Klas Fleming on which he was killed. From G. Unger's //. sv. 
 
 sjokrigsh. I. 
 
The Seventh Expedition. 251 
 
 About the time the Fama and the Swan returned from New 
 Sweden in the spring of 1643, the Council of State decided to 
 begin the war. Great preparations were made, but the object 
 of them remained secret, not even the Swedish representative 
 at Copenhagen knowing of the intention of his government. 
 Every ship that could be used was pressed into service and 
 through Fleming's efforts Sweden had a navy that could cope 
 with the enemy when the war began. Two of the ships that 
 had made journeys to New Sweden took part in the battle of 
 Fehmarn,'' and as the Fama and Kalmar Nyckel arrived at 
 Gothenburg in the summer of 1645, they were fitted out for 
 participation in the struggle. On the seventh of August Kalmar 
 Nyckel fought a bitter battle with a Danish ship the St. Peer 
 between Copenhagen and Malmo. Only twelve men on the 
 Swedish ship survived the encounter and M. Johansson, who 
 had made several trips to New Sweden and " Virginia " as a 
 secretary, was badly wounded.* 
 
 Under such conditions no ships could be spared for journeys 
 to America, and the war absorbed all the attention of the 
 government. But the war not only hindered and delayed 
 preparations for another expedition to New Sweden; it also 
 removed the staunchest and the most interested supporter of 
 the colony. Fleming was killed In July, 1 644, by a stray bullet 
 from a Danish battery.'' 
 
 Fridericia, II. p. 178 ff. The conditions became such through the Danish inter- 
 ference, tiiat the industries in Sweden were badly damaged. Cracau's secre- 
 tary even relates that De Geer closed his factories and sent his laborers away 
 until there should be a change. Fridericia, II. 291. 
 
 ° See " Diarium ofwer det som wedh Kong. Maj :t. sampt rykzens drlogzflotta 
 uti denna forleeden sommarreesa . . . passerat ahr." Am. Reg., May 22, 1644 
 (F.A.), where the Siuan is given among the ships that took part, and " Sjoslaget 
 vid Firmern d. 13 Okt. 1644." Sv. Hist, och Polit. Visor (p. 312 ff.), where the 
 Siuan (p. 314, strophe 10) and the Charitas (p. 314, strophe 11) are mentioned 
 among the vessels that were engaged. 
 
 "See M. Johansson to the Queen (two letters, no date, but from internal evi- 
 dence, written in 1646), N.S., II. (R.A.). 
 
 ' For an account of the Swedish-Danish war of 1643-1645 and the relation 
 between the two countries before and after the struggle see Fridericia, " Danm. 
 ydre pot.," etc., II., and "Danm. Riges Hist.," 1588-1699, p. 237 ff. (the war, 
 p. 256 ff.) ; Barfod, 935 ff.; Geijer, III. 262 ff.; Hildebrand, Sv. 'hist., etc., V. 
 p. 382 ff.; Kernkamp, De Sleutels van de Sont; Munthe, S<v. sjohjdltar, V.; 
 Zettersten, Sv. flat, hist., II. 
 
252 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The chancellor was now the unappointed director of the com- 
 pany, but he was too busy to think of the colony and its affairs. 
 The Danish war occupied nearly all his attention and he was 
 appointed peace commissioner in 1644 to the lengthy confer- 
 ences, which lasted about a year and a half. He wrote most of 
 the documents with his own hand, and he " had to fight not only 
 against the enemy and the [peace] mediators, but also against 
 . . . the opposition peace-party in the Swedish Council." In 
 consequence the company was left more or less to itself. Affairs 
 were " in great confusion " and to remedy matters Beier pro- 
 posed that certain persons be appointed who should give advice 
 about the work, otherwise he feared it would all go to pieces. 
 All documents and reports from New Sweden were sent by 
 Spiring to the chancellor. He was too busy to look after 
 them or report to the other officers of the company in Sweden, 
 and hence they were kept in the dark as to the condition of the 
 colony.* 
 
 The papers and documents from Printz were finally sent to 
 Kramer and Beier, and some efforts were made to comply with 
 the requests of the governor. During the war it was not safe to 
 send goods from a Swedish port to America, nor was it advis- 
 able to ship goods from Holland to Sweden for such an expedi- 
 tion. It was therefore planned to send supplies from Holland 
 direct to New Sweden, and in January, 1645, Spiring and his 
 secretary, Niepeisen, were instructed to execute these plans, but 
 it could not be done, since " the goods [on the Fama and the 
 Kalmar Nyckel] were arrested " and could not be sold before 
 November " and there were no other means at hand."® 
 
 On the thirteenth of August, 1645, peace was made'* and 
 now Sweden could spare her ships for commercial journeys and 
 
 'Letter from A. Oxenstierna to Printz, September 7, 1647, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 Questions sent to Niepeisen by Kramer, July ii, August 19/29, 1645, N.S., L 
 (R.A.). Beier's letter to A. Oxenstierna, June 21, 1645. Geijer, III. 277. 
 
 'Questions sent to Niepeisen by Kramer dated July 11, 1645, and answers to 
 same August 19/29, N.S., I. (R.A.). The Queen to Printz, February 6, 1646, 
 R.R. ; Memorial to Oxenstierna (copy in Penn. Hist. So.). 
 
 "Geijer, IIL 276 ff.; Hildebrand, Sv. hist., V. p. 396. 
 
The Seventh Expedition. 253 
 
 her statesmen had more time and opportunity to think of her 
 settlement in the New World.^ * 
 
 On the twentieth of August a letter from Spiring concerning 
 the colony was read in the Council of State. It was decided that 
 the government should pay for the expenses of a new voyage 
 and soon afterwards preparations were begun, Kramer and 
 Beier in Stockholm, Macklier in Gothenburg, and Spiring and 
 Trotzig in Holland being, besides Oxenstierna, the chief pro- 
 moters of this expedition. ^^ 
 
 In his report of 1644 Printz made requests for a large num- 
 ber of soldiers and colonists, and it seems that plans were 
 actually projected for compliance with this request. In the Royal 
 Archives at Stockholm there is " an estimate of the provisions 
 [necessary] for three months for a thousand persons, small 
 and big," consisting of four hundred men, half of whom were 
 to be soldiers, the other half colonists, four hundred women 
 and two hundred children. It was estimated that the pro- 
 visions would cost about 8,000 R.D., and we may assume that 
 at least three or four vessels would have been required for the 
 transportation of these people. So much capital could not be 
 raised and the project appears to have received little attention.** 
 
 But preparations for an expedition on a smaller scale went 
 on. In January, 1646, the matter was brought up for discus- 
 sion in the council by the chancellor and at a later meeting 
 Ryning "spoke about the ships which should go to West India, 
 and it was considered advisable that the vessels after this sail 
 from Gothenburg [directly to the colony] . . . and not by way 
 of Holland."" 
 
 About the same time Lucas Andersson was ordered to trans- 
 mit to Trotzig the proceeds, realized on the tobacco he had 
 
 "Oxenstierna to Printz, September 7, 1647. Ox. Saml. (Cone). 
 
 "Journal, nos. 524, 531, 580, 597, etc. Rddspr., XI. 165. Timon von 
 Schotting is not connected with this expedition and he is not mentioned in the 
 records after this time. 
 
 " " Verschlag der Vivres vor Tau. persohnen klein u. Gross Vor Dreij Monatt," 
 etc., no date, but probably written between 1644-1646. N.S., I. (R.A.). It is 
 possible that the document is from 1652, occasioned by Printz's report of the 
 Dutch invasion of New Sweden. Cf. below. 
 
 "Rddspr., IX. 276 (January 7, 1646), 302. 
 
254 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sold," for the buying of a new cargo, as a ship was to be sent 
 to New Sweden as soon as possible. But the vessel would not 
 be ready to sail until the late spring or summer, and hence, since 
 exceptional advantages for the increase of the Indian trade 
 offered themselves to the Swedes on the Delaware at this time, 
 the Dutch and English being at war with the savages, it was 
 decided to charter a ship in Holland on which merchandise 
 could be shipped direct to New Sweden. ^^ Orders were sent to 
 Trotzig about it, who engaged a vessel and bought the neces- 
 sary merchandise and the Queen wrote to Governor Printz of 
 the plan, instructing him to sell the goods to the best advantage 
 of the company. In February a " passport [for the vessel] to 
 New Sweden " was sent to Trotzig at Amsterdam. About the 
 middle of March the ship was ready and on the seventeenth of 
 the month Trotzig wrote :" I together with . . . Peter Spiring 
 will give Governor Printz good and necessary advice, [de- 
 spatching all documents] with our ship, which is being sent off." 
 The ship was either lost at sea or something prevented its 
 sailing at the last moment, for it never reached New Sweden.^'' 
 But the preparations for a new journey from Sweden were con- 
 tinued. Two vessels were to be despatched and, as only one 
 was on hand, the chancellor ordered Trotzig to acquire a new 
 ship for the company to be used on this voyage. Shortly after- 
 wards the Gyllene Haj "with full rigging" was purchased for 
 the sum of 3,400 R.D. Large quantities of goods, costing 
 9,928 D. including all expenses, were also bought for the ex- 
 pedition and about the middle of March Trotzig went to the 
 
 '" Cf. above, Chap. XXIV. 
 
 " In the beginning of 1646 three small ships, which had been trading in New 
 Sweden the previous summer, were lying in the harbor at Amsterdam, ready to 
 return to the South River, with cargoes for the Indian trade. They paid " recog- 
 nition " to the Dutch West India Company. Trotzig to Oxenstierna, March 17, 
 1646. Ox. Saml. 
 
 "Queen to J. Printz, February 6, 1646 (R.R.) ; "Memorial," etc., for Admiral 
 Anckarhjelm, February 28, 1646, Am. Reg., fol. 206 ff. (F.A.). Trotzig to 
 Oxenstierna, March 17, 1646. Ox. Saml. 
 
 It is of course possible, but not probable, that the skipper never went to New 
 Sweden but sold the cargo elsewhere for his own benefit. The Queen's letter 
 of February 6, 1646, did not reach Printz at this time. He did not hear fronj 
 Sweden before the arrival of the Gyllene Haj. 
 
The Seventh Expedition. 255 
 
 Hague to confer with Spiring about the loading of the vessel. 
 Unfavorable winds delayed the ship jt Amsterdam, but on 
 March 17 (n.s. ?) Trotzig wrote that the ship would be ready 
 to set sail for Sweden in about ten days, if the weather was 
 favorable. Further delays were occasioned, however, and the 
 ship did not leave Holland until April.^* In the meantime 
 cloth and other goods to the value of 138 D. were purchased 
 by Kramer in Stockholm and sent overland to Gothenburg in a 
 sledge, bought for that purpose by the company so as to save 
 the expense of loading and unloading at every station, where 
 horses had to be changed. ^^ 
 
 As indicated above it was the intention of the managers of 
 the company to send two ships to the colony on this expedition,*" 
 and on the twenty-eighth of February a " memorial " was 
 despatched to Admiral Anckarhjelm at Gothenburg, instructing 
 him to make the Fama ready for the journey,*^ but for some 
 reason the vessel was not prepared.** The Gyllene Haj there- 
 fore made the voyage alone. The goods secured in Sweden 
 were loaded into the ship and she was prepared for her long 
 voyage with all speed by Macklier and Anckarhjelm. The 
 total cost of the cargo was 10,075 D. and it consisted of 5,835 
 yds. of duffels, 200 adzes, over 100 lbs. of corals, 397 axes, 
 302 kettles, 774 knives, 432 thimbles, 29 tin mugs, 144 tin 
 pots, 24 horn goblets, 504 horn combs, 264 sharp knives, 48 
 gilded brushes, 10,000 fish hooks, 408 tobacco boxes, 32 
 
 "Trotzig to Oxenstierna, March 17, 1646, Ox. Saml.; Journal, nos. 531, 53Z, 
 583, etc. 
 
 "Journal, nos. 493, 496, 524, 583, etc. 
 
 "In her letter to Printz of February 6, 1646, the Queen says, however, that 
 a ship (one only) would be sent to the colony in the spring. Probably it was 
 decided to despatch two vessels when it was found that goods could not be sent 
 from Holland directly to New Sweden. Cf. above. 
 
 " He was also to prepare four ships for an expedition to Portugal with cargoes 
 of tar, masts, pitch, iron, etc. The original plans were to send six vessels on the 
 expedition. Salt was the principal import to Sweden at this time and it was 
 thought that the price of it could be reduced by large importations from Portugal. 
 Sweden had a representative in Portugal at this time, and a Portuguese repre- 
 sentative was stationed in Sweden. Am. Reg., February 28, 1646, Rddspr., XI. 
 276 ff., 302 S., 433 ff. Cf. above. Chap. II. 
 
 ^"Memorial," etc., to M. T. Anckarhielm, February 28, 1646, Am. Reg., fol. 
 206 ff. 
 
25 6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 musical boxes, i8 gilded mirrors, 96 plated chains, 648 tin 
 mirrors, 144 frame mirrors, 72 silvered chains, 96 copper 
 chains, 48 English caps, and a great variety of other articles.** 
 No special efforts seem to have been made by the govern- 
 ment to obtain colonists for this journey. In August, 1645, ^ 
 certain soldier " Peer Olofsson was kept prisoner at Smedje- 
 garden in Stockholm." On the fourteenth of August Seved 
 Baat proposed to send him to New Sweden, and on the twentieth 
 the Queen ordered the governor, Knut Posse, to keep him in 
 prison until the next ship sailed, when he should be released 
 and sent to the colony.^* Besides this single case, I have found 
 no trace of colonists on this expedition, but that some came over 
 on the Gyllene Haj can be inferred from the report of Gover- 
 nor Printz made in 1647.*'' I^^ May, 1646, the Haj weighed 
 anchor and set sail for Christina in New Sweden. She had a 
 stormy voyage and did not arrive in the colony till October i, 
 having lost her sails, topmasts and several implements and being 
 very severely used. " The master of the ship, the mate and all 
 the crew, except one man, were sick, so that according to their 
 report, they would have all been lost if they had not reached 
 land when they did." The cargo was put into the keeping of 
 the factor, but part of it was found to be ruined. The vessel 
 was not repaired until December and the sailors were long in 
 recovering. The return voyage was further delayed by the ice 
 in the river and the departure was not made until the begin- 
 ning of March. Printz supplied 394:8 fl. from his own 
 means for the victualling of the ship ; other bills were charged 
 to the company, and twelve beaver skins were given to Johan 
 Papegoja for his travelling expenses. One hundred and one 
 casks of tobacco, containing 24,177 lbs. were shipped to Sweden 
 on the //fl;.26 
 
 "Journal, no. 583 ff. ; Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
 "R.R., August 20, 1645 (R.A.). Per Olofsson seems to have been con- 
 demned to death by the Council of War, but he was pardoned for special reasons. 
 Rddspr., XI. 159. 
 
 * See below, Chap. XXXH. 
 
 * Printz' Report, 1647 ; Ace. B., 1643-8 ; Journal, nos. 583, 590, 603, etc N.S., 
 I. and in. (R.A., K.A.). 
 
The Seventh Expedition. 257 
 
 The circumstances of the return voyage are unknown. The 
 ship was expected to arrive at Gothenburg in the early spring, 
 for on March 29 eight hundred D. were provided for paying the 
 salaries of the returning officers and sailors, but it seems that the 
 Haj did not reach port until June, and the men were not paid 
 until the end of the month.^' The ship remained in the harbor 
 for some weeks. One cask of tobacco was unloaded at Gothen- 
 burg, for the supply of the factor, but certain goods belonging to 
 city merchants were put on the vessel for transportation to the 
 capital.^* In the autumn the Gyllene Haj sailed for Stockholm, 
 and in November Bonnell paid 15 D. for the bringing of one 
 hundred casks of tobacco from the harbor to the company's 
 storehouse. ^^ The returning sailors and servants were paid 
 part of their wages, but difficulties arose about the payment of 
 Rev. Fluviander and Papegoja, since they were not placed on 
 the budget.^" 
 
 "' Journal, nos. 590, 610 ff. Over 1,457 R-D. were paid to the sailors and 
 officers on the Haj in the beginning of July. 
 
 * 60:25 D. were charged for freight money by the company. Journal, no. 659. 
 
 "Journal, no. 658. 
 
 " Cf. below. Beier to Oxenstierna, July 29, August 12, 1647. 
 
 18 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 The Eighth Expedition, i 647-1 648. 
 
 Printz prepared a list of articles needed in the colony when 
 the Haj returned in 1647. But already in November the pre- 
 vious year Trotzig was instructed by the chancellor to order 
 "150 pieces of broad frieze" to be made at Kampen* for 
 the Indian trade and to buy kettles, axes, adzes and various 
 other articles, and since the crops in New Sweden largely failed 
 in 1646, he purchased a quantity of rye and had it ground into 
 flour and packed into barrels for the need of the colony. 
 Kramer bought goods in Stockholm for several hundred D. 
 and Macklier in Gothenburg secured one hogshead of wine, 48 
 barrels of "ships-beer," 4 barrels of "good beer," and other 
 necessary provisions for a new journey. 
 
 In the spring of 1647 it was proposed to fit out the Fama 
 for this expedition, but the ship was found to be old and incap- 
 able of making the journey and the Swan was selected instead. 
 In the early summer Beier and Kramer were busy in Stockholm 
 preparing the ship and in July the former wrote to the chancel- 
 lor that all diligence would be used, so that the ship could leave 
 the capital at the end of July and set sail from Gothenburg at 
 the latest in the beginning of September. 
 
 On August 1 2 Beier reported that the Swan had gone to sea. 
 It probably arrived in Gothenburg towards the end of the 
 month.^ In the meantime the goods secured in Holland were 
 taken to Sweden by skipper Harry Rinckes, and placed in the 
 care of Hans Macklier. Among the articles mentioned on this 
 expedition for the use of the colony and the trade with the 
 
 ■ ' A town on the Yssel near its mouth in the Zuyder Zee. 
 
 ''Trotzig to Oxenstierna, January 26, 1647; Beier to Oxenstierna, July 14, 
 
 August 12, 1647. Ox. Saml. Till Cap. Jan Jansson och Claes Corn. Loos, 
 
 April 14, 1647. Am. Reg., fol. 243-3 (Flot. Ar.). Journal, nos. 626, 633, 635, 
 
 637, 650-1. Bill sent in by Trotzig, May 11, 1647. Soderk., 1637-59 (R-A.). 
 
 258 
 
The Eighth Expedition. 259 
 
 Indians are broad-axes, hatchets, adzes, door-locks; "a large 
 copper brewing kettle " of four barrels capacity, weighing nine 
 lispund* valued at 133:12 D.s.m., 74 bars of iron, 600 lb. of 
 steel, 2 casks of "dantziger window panes," a piece of lead 
 weighing about 450 lbs., glass-blower's outfit, " a diamond 
 point," several hundred yds. of wadmal, stockings, iron articles 
 from Niimberg, and a variety of other things, the entire cost 
 of the cargo being 11, 9 64 D.* 
 
 The government was to pay for the fitting out of the ship, 
 the wages of the sailors and all other necessary expenses. But it 
 seems that the Admiralty had no money in hand. Beier com- 
 plained that the company had to borrow 1,500 R.D. for current 
 expenses and 1,236 R.D. were paid to the sailors and 846 R.D. 
 for provisions for the ship on behalf of the Admiralty." 
 
 It seems that Papegoja was instructed to collect colonists and 
 hire servants and soldiers, for in September the chancellor re- 
 quested Governor Nils Andersson to aid him in securing some 
 " men and women " for the journey,* but little was done in the 
 matter, for but few colonists came here on this expedition. The 
 freemen fared well in the settlement and liked the country, and 
 they perhaps wrote letters to friends and relatives at home, 
 asking them to come over, but there was a dread of going to 
 New Sweden,'' and it was not to be expected that a very large 
 
 'A lispund^ i8 lbs., 12 ozs. Hence the kettle weighed 168 lbs., 12 ozs. A 
 " skilpund " or " svenskt pund " = 425 kg. ; while a pound avoirdupois = 454 kg. 
 Hence a Swedish pound is 425/454 of an English pound (or avoird.). See 
 Svensk-Eng. Ordbok, by Bjorkman, p. 662, under lispund, and p. 986, under 
 skSIpund. It has been stated that a Swedish pound equals 20 English pounds. 
 In a Mss. in the Hist. Society of Pa. pertaining to several unpublished documents 
 the same mistake is made. See Mss. on New Sweden. A Swedish lispund equalsi 
 20 Swedish pounds and a Swedish pound is less than the English as stated above. 
 Cf. above, Chap. VI. 
 
 'See Journal, nos. 597, 636 (August 14, 1647), 679 (March 24, 1648), 575,. 
 705. Report, 1647, February 20, N.S., I. (R.A.), translated in Penn. Mag., VII. 
 271 flF. 
 
 "Beier's letter to A. Oxenstierna, August 12, 1647. Statement fr. 1647, Soderk.,. 
 '637-59 (R-A.), Journal, 626, 629, 633, 635, 637, 651. Kramer paid many of 
 the sailors part of their wages and bought some of the goods. 
 
 'Oxenstierna to Landsh. Nils Andersson, September 7, 1647 (concept.). Ox^ 
 Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 'See letter from Lars Kagg to A. Oxenstierna, July i, 1648. Oxenstiernas: 
 Sirifter, 2, XI. 684. 
 
26o The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 number of settlers would emigrate to the colony of their own 
 free will in 1647. None (except Rev. Lock) are mentioned in 
 the list of 1648 as coming on this ship, and those who arrived 
 had perhaps been in the colony before.^ Johan Papegoja re- 
 turned to Christina and Rev. Lars Karlsson Lock came here on 
 the Swan.^ A barber-surgeon, Mr. Friedrick Hans Kock, was 
 likewise engaged to go to New Sweden on this expedition and 
 his medicine cases were fitted out and medicine was bought, on 
 Hans Janeke's memorial, to the value of 83 R.D.^° 
 
 This expedition was prepared in less time than usual and the 
 ship was ready towards the end of September, and on the 
 twenty-fifth she set sail.^^ Of the journey across the Atlantic 
 little is known, but the vessel arrived safely at Fort Christina 
 probably in the beginning of 1648^- and its cargo was carried 
 into the storehouse. 
 
 *The following account goes to prove that some freemen and servants were 
 on the ship in 1647-8. 
 
 " Die General Handels Conto der Compagnia De Nova Svecia vor folgende 
 viures so zu denen passagiers ihre Notturft aufiF der Reysse ist genomen worden als, 
 
 6 tl-i.on Erbssen a 1V2 R.D. betregdt R.D. 21. 
 
 5 thon griitze a 4?^ R.D R.D. 22 :24 
 
 i^ thon butter iiber i lis. lb. a i6 R.D R.D. 25. 
 
 3 thon saltz Fisch a R.D R.D. 15. 
 
 3 thon Fleisch a 7 R.D R.D. 21. 
 
 iJ4 Ahm fransch Brandtewein a 44 R.D. betregdt R.D. 55. 
 
 I Ahm Wein Essigh vor R.D. 10. 
 
 Vor leddige Brodt-thonnen R.D. 2 34 
 
 Vor Brodt zahit D. 99. 
 
 20 thonnen Schifsbier a 4 D D. 80. 
 
 i Accijs von dito Bier D. 2 :26 48 33 
 
 RD7 220:23" 
 Journal, no. 650. 
 
 ' Sprinchorn is mistaken in stating that Rev. Fluviander came here on this 
 ship. Sprinchorn, p. 29. Cf. below. 
 
 "Rev. Lock or Lok was paid 102 D. by Macklier before he left. Kock re- 
 turned to Europe with the ship in 1648 and did not remain in New Sweden. 
 Journal, nos. 632, 654, 711. 
 
 "On September 24, Papegoja received "several articles" before his departure. 
 On October 4 Kramer writes that Rev. Lok " ist iibergefahren." Journal, no. 
 654, 711. 
 
 " Under date of January 2, 1648, Kramer entered in the Journal that the 
 ship had arrived in New Sweden. Journal, no. 671. 
 
The Eighth Expedition. 261 
 
 In the early spring preparations were made for the return 
 of the ship and a valuable cargo of skins was sent to Sweden. 
 The vessel left Fort Elfsborg on May 16; on the nineteenth 
 she passed Cape Henlopen and made for the open sea. In less 
 than a month she had crossed the Atlantic and on the thirteenth 
 of June Plymouth was in sight. On the seventeenth of the 
 same month the passengers could discern Jutland and the Scan- 
 dinavian shores. The ship does not seem to have entered 
 Gothenburg harbor, but proceeded to Stockholm, where she 
 arrived on July 3.'* The Rev. Campanius, Mans Kling, the 
 blacksmith Hans Rosback, Trumpeter Erick Andersson, the 
 nobleman Knut Liljehok, four soldiers, at least a laborer and a 
 freeman, who returned to Sweden on the ship, were paid the 
 greater part of their wages by Johan Beier.** Money was 
 never sent to New Sweden, and hence the salaries of the officers 
 and the wages of the garrison in the forts were not paid at regu- 
 lar intervals as the budget called for. 
 
 In 1648 Mans Kling brought over to Sweden the journals, 
 account books and salary rolls, which were kept here from 
 February, 1643, until March, 1648. They were delivered to 
 the bookkeeper, Hans Kramer, who copied them into his official 
 books and made a new Inventory of the assets and liabilities of 
 the company. From the balance sheets'^ of the accounts of De- 
 
 ^'Acc. B., 1643-8. See " De itinere," etc., of Campanius, Ral. Saml., fol. 
 201, Kung. Bib.; Holm, p. 72 (trans.). Sprinchorn says that "On May 16, 
 1648, the ship the Svian was again despatched from the colony, which after a 
 wonderfully short journey of 30 days arrived at Helsingor," and quotes a letter 
 to Beier of June 30, 1648, as his authority. He does not indicate where the 
 letter is to be found and I have been unable to locate it. At any rate the state- 
 ment about the 30 days is slightly inaccurate for the ship did not arrive at 
 Helsingor before June 19. Cf. above. 
 
 ^"Journal, nos. 717, 724, etc., and " Nachst. Person . . . mit dem Schwaen, 
 ' etc., N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "General Balance, December 31, 1647. 
 
 Debits. 
 
 D. Bre. 
 
 The late Clas Fleming 227 zi]^ 
 
 The late Riksdrots 2,100 
 
 The Lord High Chancellor (A. Oxenstierna) 820 6 
 
262 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 cember 31, 1647, when the annual balance was made, it was 
 found that the company had lost 9,288 :i 8 j^ D., and the new 
 statement or inventory was as follows : 
 
 Liabilities. 
 
 R.D. «. 
 
 Loss according to the balance of the books in December, 1647. . . . 6,192 i8J^ 
 
 The cargo sent to New Sweden on the Gyllene Haj (1646) 6,717 4 
 
 The cargo sent to New Sweden on the Siaan (in 1647) 7,964 13 
 
 Merchandise bought by Printz and paid for by a draft which 
 
 Peter Trotzig accepted in Holland 1,000 
 
 Governor Printz for moneys paid to the colonists and servants in 
 
 New Sweden from his own means 8,724 235^ 
 
 The servants of the company in New Sweden for their wages... 10,733 i 
 
 41,331 12" 
 Assets. 
 
 R.D. St. 
 
 Per inventory of merchandise in New Sweden ac- 
 cording to the books sent over to Stockholm 16,000 florins ' 
 
 Debts to several persons 5,336 :i florins 
 
 Balance 10,663 -19 florins 
 
 Or in R.D 4,262 28 
 
 The servants and freemen in New Sweden are indebted to the 
 
 company to the amount of 2,305 15 
 
 The cargo of the Swan was not entered into the books sent to 
 Stockholm and is hence entered at the value for which it 
 was bought 7,964 13 
 
 The One Hundred hogsheads of tobacco, which were shipped over 
 
 on the Gyllene Haj are estimated at 4,000 
 
 The cargo, brought to Sweden on the Siuan, consisting of 1,232 
 
 beaver skins and 64 otter skins valued at 3,400 
 
 The tobacco excise and one third of the confiscated tobacco which 
 the Crown has appropriated for the paying of the salaries of 
 the servants entered on the budget of the government 10,000 
 
 Loss on the trade of the company until March i, 1648 9,399 4 
 
 41,331 12 
 
 It is thus clear that the finances of the company were not in 
 the best condition. The tobacco excise had been set aside for 
 
 Major Richard Clerck g j 24. 
 
 The Ship yard at Vastervik 465 11^ 
 
 Hans Neuman and Robert Smith 711 654 
 
 Robert Smith i,iii ,^5^ 
 
 Tobacco charged to Hendrick Huygen 144 
 
 The Tobacco excise 15,156 3i54 
 
 Cargo sent over on the ship Gyllene Haj 10,075 2° 
 
 Capt. B. Hermansson Hopp 457 16 
 
 "To reduce to D. multiply by xYz. 
 
The Eighth Expedition. 263 
 
 the paying of the soldiers and officers in the colony, but this 
 amounted to only about half the budget for each year, and even 
 most of this money was used by the government for the repair 
 of the royal palace at Stockholm.^^ The only payment made to 
 the company's treasurer by the custom authorities before 1648 
 seems to have been on July 17, 1645, when the secretary, 
 Johan Ericksson, paid 1,000 D. to Beier from the tobacco 
 excise.^® Complaints were made, and in January, 1648, the 
 Queen resolved that this excise money should be turned over 
 to the New Sweden Company, and, since the sum was not suffi- 
 
 The Royal Admiralty I0i997 454 
 
 Articles sent over for the need of the country 462 23 
 
 Jacob Hefifner, mayor at Borga 164 izVz 
 
 Benjamin Bonnell on account of tobacco sold 24,390 29^ 
 
 Secretary Johan Beier 793 23 
 
 Governor Johan Printz 862 24 
 
 The ship Gyllene Haj 3i4i* 27 
 
 Cargo sent to New Sweden on the ship Swan Iii946 13 
 
 Lieut. Johan Papegoja ? 4 
 
 The extraordinary budget of those serving the Crown in New 
 
 Sweden 1,680 
 
 Lost until December 31, 1647 9,28 8 i8 '/2 
 
 95.357 10^ 
 Credits. 
 
 D. ore. 
 
 Her Royal Majesty and the Crown S.621 'o 
 
 Peter Spiring Silfverkrona "8 14 
 
 Peter Trotzig in Amsterdam 934 22 
 
 The budget of the servants of the Crown in New Sweden 16,136 26 
 
 The capital of the Crown in the New Sweden Company 9,000 
 
 The capital of the Old [South] Ship Company in the N. S. C 27,000 
 
 The capital of the late Riksdrots 4.500 
 
 The capital of the Lord High Chancellor 4.5°° 
 
 The capital of the late Clas Fleming z.250 
 
 The capital of Peter Spiring Silfverkrona 4.5°° 
 
 The ammunition account of the Crown 1.5^3 3 
 
 The Old [South] Ship Company 19,212 31^ 
 
 95.557 io>i 
 
 "Fires damaged the Palace in 1642 and 1646. See Dalgren, Stockholm, II. 
 14; Uppmark, p. 96. "Most of the excise for the years 1641, 1642, 1643, 1644 
 and 1645 was used for other purposes and especially for " Slottsbyggningarne hdr 
 i Stockholm," R.R., January 20, 1648. Journal, no. 672. 
 
 ^Journal, no. 513. 
 
264 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 cient to balance the amount the budget called for, the Queen 
 further ordered that the one third of the confiscated tobacco 
 and fines, which by former ordinances were to be paid into the 
 state treasury, should also be turned over to the company. 
 From the beginning of 1643 "fit'l the end of 1647, '^^^ third 
 of the confiscated tobacco and fines collected for the Crown 
 amounted to 8,764 D. and this sum was now placed to the 
 credit of the company.^* In case the amount derived from these 
 three sources, the excise, the confiscated tobacco and the fines, 
 was still insufficient to cover the amount of the budget, the 
 deficit should be supplied by the state treasury and any surplus 
 that might accrue should be handed over to the government 
 according to the annual accounts presented by Hans Kramer, 
 the company's bookkeeper. 
 
 In 1648 two thirds of the confiscated tobacco and fines (the 
 Crown's and the company's parts) amounted to 4,097 D. ex- 
 clusive of the excise, or 169 D. more than the budget called 
 for, but in 1649 this sum had fallen to 802 D., which, in- 
 cluding the excise on 2 1,623 J4 lbs. of tobacco, footed up to 
 only 2,154 D., or 1,774 D. less than the amount specified 
 in the budget. When the restrictions on the importation of 
 tobacco were removed (in November, 1649) there were, of 
 course, no fines nor confiscations and the budget was from then 
 
 "The itemized account is as follows: 
 
 In A". 1643 und in der Partita 282 in diessem Buch ist die Crohne 
 Creditiert vor ihr % part des Confiscirten Tobacks vor die 
 
 Summa von R.D. 1,083:19^ 
 
 In A°. 1644 und in der Partita 373 vor den in Gothenburgh 
 
 geconfiscirten Toback als R.D. 1 1 5 :32 
 
 Noch in der Partita 392 vor den alhie in Stockholm berechneten 
 
 confiscirten Tobacks nemblick R.D. 1,339: 554 
 
 In A°. 1645 laut der Partita 425 vor R.D. 550:43 
 
 Item laut der Partita 516 vor R.D. 1,427:23 
 
 Noch laut der Partita 518 vor R.D. 141:321/2 R.D. 2,120: 254 
 
 In A". 1646 und in der Partita 582 vor R.D. 597 :io54 
 
 In A°. 1647 und in der Partita 668 vor R.D. 587 :i2 
 
 Summa R.D. 5,842 :34 
 
 Solche 5,842 R.D. 34 st. betragen an Silbermvintz 8,764 D. 2 ore. Journal, nos. 
 282, 373, 425, 582, 668, 672, etc. 
 
The Eighth Expedition. 265 
 
 on annually charged to the Crown, " to be paid by other means " 
 than the above, until 1654, when a new budget was made.*" 
 
 Some difficulty had been encountered by the company in the 
 preparations of some of its expeditions. Duty was demanded 
 on articles bought in Holland for New Sweden, on their arrival 
 at Gothenburg, and the company could show no privileges or 
 ordinances relieving it from paying the duty. To make the 
 case clear the Queen repeated and amplified the principle, which 
 had been adhered to, as we have seen, for some years, that all 
 goods sent from Holland to Gothenburg for further transpor- 
 tation to the colony and skins and tobacco coming from New 
 Sweden should be free of duty, but all tobacco imported from 
 Holland should be subject to duty.-' 
 
 "See Journal, nos. 739, 779, 782, 886-9, 980, 1037, 1084, 1169. The budget 
 called for 4530 D., but 602 D. were provided for by rents in Osterbotten, cf. 
 below, Chap. XXXVIII. 
 
 "R.R., January 20, 1648, fol. 60-2. The ordinance is not printed by Acrelius, 
 as stated in Sprinchorn, p. 30, note i. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 The Ninth Expedition, i 649-1 673. 
 I. 
 
 Letters from New Sweden were read in session of council 
 on the sixth of April, 1648. Printz asked for more colonists 
 and goods, and in the summer came a letter from Papegoja 
 with the Swan, also suing for reinforcements and requesting that 
 he be allowed to return to Sweden unless ships and people 
 should be sent soon.^ As a result of these reports and letters 
 the " directors "^ of the company seem to have had meetings 
 and decided to send out another expedition. In the summer and 
 autumn Trotzig was ordered, perhaps by Oxenstierna, to buy 
 goods in Holland for provisions on the journey and for trade in 
 the colony.* Besides Trotzig, Macklier, Kramer, Bonnell and 
 Vice-Admiral Anckarhjelm took an active part in the prepara- 
 tions. Early in 1649 the "directors" requested the govern- 
 ment to fit out the Kalmar Nyckel for the voyage and on the 
 twenty-fourth of March the Queen commanded the Admiralty 
 to prepare the ship so that she could set sail for New Sweden 
 at the earliest opportunity with the cargo which the company 
 had in readiness at Gothenburg. The ship should be manned 
 with soldiers and ten guns and supplied with provisions for ten 
 months. The " directors " requested that the Admiralty should 
 fit out the vessel and pay all the salaries of the sailors and 
 officers of the ship, since this branch of the government was in 
 arrears to the company for several thousand Daler in 1649. 
 But the Kalmar Nyckel was now an old ship and the Admiralty 
 
 ^ Rddspr. Mss., p. 80 (R.A.). Papegoja's letter to A. Oxenstierna, May 15, 
 1648. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 ^ In the Queen's letter of April 13, 1649, the terra '" directors of the com- 
 pany " is used in a loose way. By directors must be meant the officers of the 
 company, Kramer, Bonnell, Beier and perhaps Oxenstierna. 
 
 "See Journal, no. 765. In December, 1648, goods to the value of 5,163:13 D. 
 were sent by Trotzig to Gothenburg by skipper Jan Theiussen. 
 
 266 
 
The Ninth Expedition. 267 
 
 reported that she was not in condition to make such a voyage 
 without great repairs. Accordingly the Queen ordered that 
 another ship be prepared as soon as possible, either from among 
 the vessels at Gothenburg or those at Stockholm.* Kattan^ 
 was at last selected for the journey, but it was found that she 
 must also be repaired, and on May 18 Anckarhjelm was ordered 
 to " careen " the ship and put her in sea-faring condition for 
 " the journey to Virginia."" 
 
 A considerable number of colonists went with this expedition, 
 and freemen that were desirous of trying their fortunes in 
 America appear to have been numerous. In the Royal Archives 
 are found two letters written by one " Mats Ericksson from 
 Varmland "^ on behalf of 200 Finns who wished to go to New 
 Sweden,® and in the minutes of the council of June 12, 1649, 
 it is stated that a petition had been presented by "30o(?) 
 Finns requesting Her Royal Majesty to send them to New 
 Sweden for the cultivation of the country." The Queen thought 
 it strange that they should ask for such permission " as there 
 was enough land to be had in Sweden," and it is not known 
 whether or not the permission was granted, but it is probable 
 that some of them went on this expedition.^ It seems likely 
 that one or two colonists from Finland went on this expedition. 
 In the autumn of 1647 (but too late for the Seventh Expedi- 
 tion) the Royal Court at Abo made inquiries concerning two 
 men who had killed a number of elks. One, Israel Pedersson 
 from Odkarby, was a man without property and the Queen 
 ordered him to be sent to America. The other, Anders Mickels- 
 son, a sailor from Aland, was to have his property confiscated. 
 In case he had no property he was to be sent to the colony.^" 
 
 'R.R., March 24, April 13, 1649, fol. 735. 
 
 ' Katt, The Cat,— an is the Swedish definite article. 
 
 'Am. Reg., May ig, fol. 257-258, 1649 (F.A.). There is a mistake in the 
 index to the Reg. The index has May 19 and page 263. 
 
 ' A province in southwestern Sweden, bordering on Norway. 
 
 'Ericksson's Letters to A. Oxenstierna. (No date, but probably in the summer 
 of 1649.) N.S., I. (R.A.). If they were not allowed to settle in New Sweden 
 they would likely go over to Denmark, he thought. 
 
 'Rddspr. Mss., R.A. Cf. Carlson, Hist., I. 390, note. 
 
 "Tidningar, IX. 236 (September 15, 1647). 
 
268 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 New Sweden, however, was still looked upon as an unde- 
 sirable place for soldiers and officers in the employ of the 
 Crown. In July, 1648, Lars Kagg writes to Chancellor Oxen- 
 stiema that 300 men of Skytte's regiment had remained at 
 home out of stubbornness. They ought to be punished, he 
 thought, in order to set an example to others, " and as one 
 finds," he said,." that they have a great dread of New Sweden 
 it would be profitable that a part [of them], when a ship sails 
 over, be brought there. "^^ It is likely that a number of these 
 drafted soldiers were sent over. More than 70 colonists, in- 
 cluding many women, seem to have been secured. Among the 
 more prominent colonists were the Rev. Matthias Nertunius, 
 the bookkeeper Joachimus Lycke (with family), the barber- 
 surgeon Timon Stidden, Johan Rudberus, Hans Persson and 
 Hans Amundsson (with family) . Several of the emigrants 
 were sent from Stockholm to Gothenburg on the ship Gdsen; 
 the rest most likely assembled at Gothenburg. Hans Amunds- 
 son was sent to the colony in the capacity of a commander, 
 Cornelius Lucifer was captain on the vessel and Jan Jansson 
 Bockhorn was mate. 
 
 After, as it would seem, much unnecessary delay, the goods 
 were finally loaded into the ship. In the list of articles bought 
 by Trotzig in Holland and now put on the ship we find 4,948 
 yards of cloth; 224 copper kettles; 160 pairs of shoes; 300 axes 
 and various other articles, the whole cargo being valued at 
 5,215.290. Cannon and large quantities of ammunition, accord- 
 ing to the lists and specifications of Governor Printz, were also 
 put on board. Provisions to the value of several thousand D., 
 estimated for twelve months, were secured by Admiral Anckar- 
 hjelm, who also paid the six officers and twenty-four sailors 
 on the ship some money in advance, while ten R.D. were given 
 to each of 41 colonists for the expenses connected with the 
 journey.^2 Several items of expense are mentioned in connec- 
 
 "Lars Kagg to A. Oxenstierna. Oxenstierna Skrifter., 2, IX. 684. 
 
 "Receipt given by C. Lucifer; " Aufs. und Berech.," etc., 1649, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 Journal, nos. 811, 816, 827-34, 84i-47> 869 ff. "Rulla," etc., July 3, 1649, N.S., 
 II. (R.A.) ; "Rack. up. Ex. med. Kattan," etc., N.S., I. (R.A.) ; " Lista oppa tliet 
 siofolk," etc., N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
The Ninth Expedition. 269 
 
 tion with the loading of the ship and the delay in sailing caused 
 further outlay of money. 
 
 The ship was ready to sail on Sunday, July 2, 1649, "but 
 some hindrance occurred." On the following day, however, 
 she set sail with a favorable northwest wind, after the people 
 had been reviewed and their oath of allegiance taken. The 
 course led close by England, through the Spanish Sea and " the 
 Eastern Passage." When they were in the neighborhood of 
 Antigua, the captain with his officers, fearing that their supply 
 of water would not last until they arrived in New Sweden, 
 decided to land at the island to get a fresh supply of water. 
 No fresh water could be obtained, but the Swedes were treated 
 very kindly by the English governor. From Antigua they pro- 
 ceeded to St. Christopher, where they arrived August 2 1 . Here 
 they secured water and other refreshments and were again re- 
 ceived in a friendly manner by the governor of the island.'* 
 It was now determined to go to the island of St. Martin to take 
 some lasts of salt along to " Virginien " (New Sweden) and on 
 the twenty-second of August they anchored in the harbor. On 
 Saturday evening, August 26, the salt was loaded upon the ship 
 and everything was ready. As soon as the captain came on 
 board he commanded the sails to be hoisted, but one of the 
 servants of the company was still on land and Amundsson and 
 the other officers implored him not to leave port before all the 
 people were on the ship. In the night, however, when Amunds- 
 son had gone to sleep, the captain weighed anchor and left the 
 harbor. They seem to have sailed all that night and the next 
 day with a favorable wind, all sails being set, and they made 
 good time. But in the evening they came into dangerous waters. 
 About two o'clock at night the ship received a shock from a 
 cliff. Amundsson and the other officers anxiously requested the 
 captain to lower the sails and bring the ship to a standstill, but 
 he simply answered " It will all pass over." The ship received 
 another shock, however, and again the officers clamorously 
 
 " Rudberus says in his journal : " St. Christopher is a large country and on both 
 ends of the land live Frenchmen." 
 
270 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 demanded the captain to lower sail and proceed no further, but 
 he said: "I am well acquainted here, it will all pass over." A 
 third shock was felt and this time a cliff had penetrated the 
 prow and the ship remained stationary on a rock. In the hope 
 that she might loosen and float they threw overboard the ballast, 
 the water and the salt secured at St. Martin, but she remained 
 on the cliff. As day approached they could see land about two 
 Swedish miles away.^* It was a small uninhabitated island 
 about 80 miles from Porto Rico. Thither they brought the 
 women and children in the life boats as soon as possible, but 
 the sailors still tarried on the ship. In the meantime a storm 
 arose, and, to prevent the wind from breaking the ship in 
 two, the masts were cut down and thrown into the sea. The 
 sailors remained on the ship that day and the following night. 
 The next morning it seems that the life boats returned from the 
 island and all the men abandoned the vessel and joined the 
 women on shore, after the provisions had also been removed 
 from the ship. But they "could not find a drop of water" on 
 the island. "We had to lick the stones with our tongues," 
 says Rudberus, " but could not secure so much wet for eight days 
 that we could quench our thirst." 
 
 "On Thursday following, which was August 31," a small 
 bark passed within a mile or two of the island. The Swedes 
 fired two distress signals for help, but instead of helping the 
 sufferers the bark sailed to Porto Rico to relate the occurrence. 
 Soon after two Spanish ships were sent to the Swedes. On 
 arriving the Spaniards asked what people they were and where 
 they came from. In response the Swedish pass was delivered. 
 But the Spaniards pretended not to have heard of Sweden be- 
 fore, and challenged the unfortunate people, says Rudberus, to 
 fight or surrender. Water and other refreshments were given 
 them, however, and the Swedes were then brought on board of 
 their foundered ship. The Spaniards promised Amundsson 
 that the cargo and provisions would be undisturbed, but, as 
 
 " A Swedish mile equaled 6.64 English miles. Hence the distance to the land 
 was about 13 English miles. Cf. above, Chap. VI. 
 
The Ninth Expedition. 271 
 
 soon as they came on the Swedish ship, they took everything 
 they could get at and brought it on board of their own vessels. 
 Not being content with this, they pulled the clothes off their 
 victims, men and women alike, to seek for money and other 
 valuables. 
 
 On September i the ship was leaking and the Swedes were 
 put to pumping out the water. Rev. Nertunius also took part 
 in the pumping. He had on a pair of old trousers and carried 
 some money in his stockings. In order to deceive the Spaniards 
 and make them believe that he had no trousers on, he let his 
 shirt fall outside of them and stood in this manner pumping 
 water, causing merriment among the other Swedes. When the 
 general found that he was a priest, however, he gave him some 
 clothes and a cap, "but yet they called him Papistam perro 
 Lutheran." On the third of September the shipwrecked people 
 were brought to the city of Porto Rico on board the Spanish 
 ships. On arriving in the city they were led to the market-place 
 " with drums and pipes and great noise," where " a large fire was 
 made" on which all the Swedish books were burnt. Amunds- 
 son, being brought to the governor, complained of the treat- 
 ment they had received at the hands of his people. Governor 
 de la Riva promised that the Swedes should be set free, but the 
 goods taken by the soldiers could not be restored. He assured 
 the Swedish commandant, however, that, had he been present 
 personally, the goods would not have been taken and the treat- 
 ment accorded the Swedes would have been of a different kind 
 — a rather useless assurance. Amundsson also made applica- 
 tion to the governor for aid and was given 24 R.D. a month, 
 but the rest of the people were compelled to make their living 
 by working or begging. Shortly afterwards the Swedes found 
 opportunity, with the consent of the governor, to dispatch 
 letters and two representatives. Rev. Nertunius and Joachimus 
 Lycke, to Stockholm to report their condition and to request 
 the government to send a vessel for their aid. 
 
 After some time a Dutch captain, Didrick Didricksen,^^ 
 
 ""'An old and entirely white man, who was very kind to us," says Rudberus. 
 
272 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 arrived at Porto Rico with his ship the Prophet Daniel, loaded 
 with slaves. The Swedes implored him to release them from 
 their misery. He promised them passage on his vessel, either 
 to America or to Holland, but, as he was about to leave, the 
 governor "made a prize of him," took his money and decided 
 to send his ship to the King of Spain as a gift. The Swedes 
 then obtained permission to go on the vessel to Spain. A pass- 
 port was prepared for them, and they were instructed to be in 
 readiness for the sailing of the ship. On the governor's assur- 
 ance the Swedes assembled on the shore and carried their pos- 
 sessions to the pier. But as they were ready to depart the 
 governor was ill. He issued no orders and the city council 
 decided to allow no one except Amundsson to go on board. 
 They were glad to see him leave, it meant 24 R.D. less expense 
 a month. In the case of the others, however, it meant addi- 
 tional expense and outlay if they should be permitted to go on 
 the vessel to Spain, for they must be fed on the journey and the 
 majority were destitute of means. Perhaps religious motives 
 also influenced the council to detain the Swedes — there was 
 some hope of converting them to Catholicism if they remained 
 on the island, but if they returned home the chance of conver- 
 sion to "the true faith" was slight. Amundsson would not 
 leave, however, unless his people were allowed to go with him, 
 but he was compelled to remain on the ship. Soldiers were 
 ordered to bring his family on board, " and left us with great 
 lamenting and cries standing on the shore," says Rudberus. 
 
 When Amundsson had gone the other Swedes were easier to 
 manage. Some of them had already turned Catholics and now 
 more followed their example. The converts were promised 
 great things, " clothes, money and goods," but when they had 
 changed their faith " all these things remained only promises." 
 Among them was an old farmer from Gothenburg, who seems 
 to have taken his conversion seriously. He was very happy 
 after his baptism, being now sure that he had been truly 
 baptized. 
 
 As time went on other colonists found means for leaving 
 
The Ninth Expedition. 273 
 
 the island, and in April, 1650, a happy opportunity offered itself 
 for the rest to depart. The city captured a little bark,^" which, 
 with the permission of the governor, was bought by Rudberus 
 and Joran Dufva.*^ The other Swedes, still remaining, also 
 obtained leave to go and Rbdberus and Dufva readily gave 
 them passage on their ship. The governor supplied some pro- 
 visions and issued passports for them. The little vessel was 
 soon ready to depart and towards the end of April or beginning 
 of May'® the remnant of the shipwrecked Swedes set sail, in all 
 twenty-four souls.'® Their object was to reach St. Christopher, 
 whence they hoped to be able to go with some Hollanders, 
 either to New Sweden or old Sweden. After sailing that day 
 and the following night a French bark met them near the island 
 of St. Cruz and the officers went on board the Swedish ship. 
 The Swedes produced a copy of their pass from Queen Chris- 
 tina and the one given them by the Spanish governor. The 
 Swedish pass was greeted with derision and with the words 
 " Diaboli[ca?] Regina de Svedva " — the officer tore it into 
 pieces. The Spanish pass was taken and preserved. The 
 Swedes were then brought to land. Their property was divided 
 among the French, " and they fought like dogs over it." If 
 Rudberus' account be true, the Swedes were submitted to the 
 most cruel torture at the hands of the French. They were all 
 conducted to the governor, who searched their clothes for 
 money and other valuables. In order to intimidate the unfor- 
 tunate people and for his own amusement, the governor caused 
 some of the Swedish soldiers to be bound to posts, and com- 
 manded his soldiers to discharge four shots by their sides. The 
 
 "In Johan Jonsson Rudberus' letter to A. Oxenstierna (only a copy, however) 
 it is stated that the bark had been made a prize. In his journal he says it 
 belonged to the city. This of course can very well be the case, as it would 
 belong to the city, if taken as a prize, but the peculiar part is that Rudberus does 
 not mention this detail in his journal. 
 
 " See above. 
 
 " In the journal Rudberus says April 24, but in his letter he says May i. 
 
 " In Rudberus' letter it is stated that they left " Porto Rico with 18 men on the 
 first of May." Sprinchorn says on the basis of this that there were " 18 per- 
 sons," but since the journal says " 24 persons " it is probable that there were 18 
 men besides the women and children. 
 
 •9 
 
274 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 women, who were kept in a room byi themselves, " cried out 
 aloud and wept bitterly, fearing their men had been killed." 
 Later the governor caused Rudberus, Joran Dufva, one An- 
 dreas, and the mate to be bound with their hands on their back 
 and suspended on hooks about a yard from the ground for two 
 nights and two days, until "their bodies were blue and the 
 blood pressed out of the fingers." 
 
 " Now, our women and boys had concealed some money and 
 pearls down in the ground," says Rudberus, "which became 
 known to the French, wherefore they tortured and tormented 
 us fearfully, screwed off our fingers with pistol locks, burnt the 
 feet of the women on red-hot iron plates, sold us all away in 
 the country, the one here, the other there, . . . and forbade 
 also that anyone should be allowed to speak to the other."^" A 
 certain woman, of whom the governor was enamored, was killed 
 by his command, after he had illicit relations with her against 
 her will, and other atrocities were committed. 
 
 In the meantime a Dutch bark arrived at St. Cruz to get a 
 supply of fresh water. The bark was made a prize by the 
 French ; but later it was returned to the skipper who set sail for 
 St. Christopher. At the time two brothers, Johan Classon from 
 Rotterdam and Anders Classon from Amsterdam, were trading 
 with tobacco at the island. The skipper related to them the 
 miseries of the Swedes and their sufferings. They were touched 
 by the story and requested permission from the governor to go 
 to St. Cruz to bring away the imprisoned Swedes. The gover- 
 nor having received no report of the matter doubted the story, 
 but he granted their request and gave them a passport together 
 with an order for the release of the prisoners, if they should be 
 found. One of the brothers provided the ship and the other 
 supplied the provisions and sailors. When they arrived at St. 
 Cruz only five of the twenty-four Swedes were still alive, Johan 
 
 " The facts are undoubtedly colored and the cruelties are likely exaggerated. 
 It is indeed difficult to see where the Swedes obtained their " money and pearls " 
 from. Perhaps the story is a fabrication. In 1654 Lindestrom and Rising 
 endeavored to find out the facts about the events, and Lindestrom says that they 
 were all true. Geogr. 
 
The Ninth Expedition. 275 
 
 Jonsson Rudberus, two women and two children. The two 
 women and the children were at once put on board the ship, but 
 Rudberus had been sold to a captain for 500 lbs. of tobacco. 
 He managed to make his escape, however, through the aid of a 
 German, who informed the Dutch captain of his whereabouts. 
 Rudberus was brought on board the ship at night, but he was 
 discovered by his master, who demanded and received his 500 
 lbs. of tobacco for the claim on "his slave." This same day 
 they left the island. On the following day the two women and 
 the oldest child died. The other child was given into the care 
 of a French woman, but it did not live long. At St. Christopher 
 " Captain Johan Classon put me on his ship and brought me 
 safely to Holland and there showed me much kindness," says 
 Rudberus, and here ends the journal. 
 
 We have gone into considerable detail at this place, since the 
 misfortunes of the afflicted people could not be treated else- 
 where. There are several small discrepancies between the facts 
 given in Amundsson's letters and in the first part of Rudberus' 
 journal as well as between the copy of Rudberus' letter and his 
 own journal. Amundsson says that they struck the rock on 
 August 26; Rudberus that it happened on August 27. Rud- 
 berus states in his letter that they left Porto Rico the first of 
 May, while his journal says on the twenty-fourth of April. 
 (The difference between the old style and the new style cannot 
 account for it.) If the journal was written from notes kept on 
 the voyage, we can suppose that these notes were not close at 
 hand, when Rudberus wrote his letter and supplied the dates 
 from memory. The journal as a whole bears all the earmarks 
 of truth.2i So^g things are undoubtedly exaggerated, but the 
 main story with most of the details is true. Rudberus was 
 among the last to reach Sweden. He arrived at Stockholm In 
 the autumn of 1651 and on October 16 Kramer supplied him 
 with 50 R.D. Amundsson was brought to Spain with his 
 family. From there he went to Holland, where he was sup- 
 
 ^Cf. The letter of Amundsson to A. Oxenstierna, November 22, 1649, Ox. 
 Saml; letter or report of Rudberus probably to Kramer, April 13, 1651 (now 
 preserved in a copy, Kramer's handwriting), Ox. Saml. 
 
276 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 plied with 300 R.D'. in July by Trotzig. He went to Stock- 
 holm on Captain Boender's vessel, and on September 30 Kramer 
 gave him 50 R.D. Lycke and Nertunius also reached Sweden. 
 Timon Stidden managed to get to Amsterdam with his wife 
 and five children. He arrived in most miserable circumstances 
 and was aided by Trotzig. From Holland Stidden was brought 
 to Sweden by Boender. Per Larsson and a number of other 
 soldiers and colonists also made their appearance in Stockholm, 
 and made requests for money.^^ In all only nineteen of the 
 colonists besides some officers and soldiers returned to Sweden, 
 forty-five or fifty finding their graves on the islands. Lycke 
 and Nertunius made oral reports on their arrival in Sweden in 
 1650, and numerous others corroborated the doleful tales. 
 
 II. 
 
 Sweden had been at war with the Emperor, the brother of 
 the King of Spain, and consequently not on good terms with 
 the latter power. Swedish ships had been captured in Spanish 
 ports and trading to Spain was considered dangerous in 1645.^' 
 In the Thirty Years' War Spain was of course an enemy of 
 Sweden and it was rumored at times that a Spanish fleet was 
 fitted out to attack Sweden, Lars Kagg being instructed in 
 the spring of 1640 to keep Gothenburg In a state of preparation 
 that he might not be taken unawares.^* In 1648 peace Indeed 
 was made between the Protestant and Catholic powers, but no 
 particular articles were included, referring to Sweden and Spain. 
 Sweden had been the leader In the struggle just brought to a 
 close, and the feeling between Protestants and Catholics ran very 
 high. It was therefore natural that the Swedes should not re- 
 ceive the best kind of treatment at the hands of the Spaniards, 
 who were Catholics. It was an age of Intolerance and hatred 
 and the Protestants were as guilty as the Catholics In this 
 respect. 
 
 ""Aufsatz," etc., N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Monatg. B., 1642-56; Journal, nos. 927, 
 931, 944 ff. 
 
 ^Rddspr., XI. 250. 
 
 ""Rddspr., VIII. 61. See also p. 623. Cf. above, Chaps. II., XIV. 
 
The Ninth Expedition. 277 
 
 When the Thirty Years' War had been brought to a close, 
 Sweden was anxious to gain the friendship of all nations and 
 in the beginning of 1651 it was decided to send a represen- 
 tative to the King of Spain to congratulate him on the conclu- 
 sion of peace, and establish a fast friendship between the two 
 nations as well as to arrange trade relations. Mathias Pal- 
 bitsky was selected for this mission. Before he departed, news 
 arrived from the shipwrecked Swedes in Porto Rico, an inven- 
 tory was made of the damages according to which the loss of 
 the Crown was estimated at 4,670:43 R.D., and private 
 accounts " of persons in the service of the Crown " at 397 •.24. 
 R.D., making the whole sum 5,068 rig R.D. This bill was sent 
 along with Palbitsky to be presented to the Spanish King, but 
 the claims of the company were omitted.^^ 
 
 The mission of Palbitsky seems to have been successful. The 
 King took up the question almost at once, wrote to the governor 
 of Porto Rico on March 25, 165 1, also consulting with the 
 " Indeanischen Estata Rathen " about the affair. On October 
 18 he again wrote to the governor, at the same time command- 
 ing his " Commercial House at Seville " that the ship be re- 
 leased and the prisoners set free, and that the treasurer of the 
 Indian Council make a report about it the same year.^" The 
 King's letter had no immediate effect. The people had by that 
 time left the island and as long as there was no one to demand 
 the damages, the governor would not pay it. 
 
 The affair was allowed to rest for some time, but in 1653, 
 when preparations were begun for a new expedition to the 
 Delaware, it was decided that one of the ships should pro- 
 ceed to Porto Rico to claim damages for the Katt.^'' Hans 
 Amundsson was appointed to collect the bills. Instructions as 
 to his procedure were given to him and new estimates of the 
 losses were made out. The claims of the Crown were increased 
 
 '^Memorial, etc., Am. Reg. (F.A.), October 6, 1653, fol. cop. 536-9. Con- 
 cerning Palbitsky's endeavors to secure satisfaction for the Katt., see Palbitsky 
 Beskick., 1651, in Hisp., Strod. Handl., 1606-1813 (R.A.). 
 
 ""Cop. von d. Kon. in Hisp. BrieflF.," October 18, 1651, N.S., I. (R.A.), and 
 "Copia de la," etc. Hisp., Strod. Handl., 1606-1813 (R.A.). 
 
 "See belovf, Chap. XL. 
 
2/8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 to 10,540:19 R.D. due to the addition of the ship, valued at 
 4,000 R.D., " which could have been saved had not the governor 
 commanded it to be burnt," and 1,472 R.D. on behalf of Jan 
 Jansson Bockhorn. Bockhorn was in Holland when Palbitsky 
 left Sweden, and hence his account could not be included in the 
 first bill.^* Estimates were also made of the loss of the cargo 
 and of the expenses connected with the expedition. The Com- 
 mercial College was at this time managing the company,^* and 
 under its direction the claims were prepared. On December 12, 
 1653, the college instructed Amundsson that "upon his arrival 
 ... at Porto Rico he should, on behalf of Her Royal Majesty 
 . . . demand from the governor ... in a proper way the 
 restoring of the ship the Katt . . . with tackle and cables, 
 cannon and ammunition," following the orders of the Admi- 
 ralty. He was also to demand the cargo and other goods which 
 ■were taken from the company and private persons, when the 
 above-mentioned ship foundered, together with reasonable in- 
 demnities, according to the specifications, presenting to the 
 •governor Her Royal Majesty's letter of recommendation, the 
 copy of the letter from the King of Spain and the letter of 
 recommendation from the ambassador, Don Antony Pimen- 
 telli.3» 
 
 In February, 1654, the matter was further discussed in the 
 Commercial College. John Beier was requested to prepare a 
 written account of the unfortunate expedition, but as all papers 
 and documents had been sent to the bookkeeper he was unable 
 to do so, making an oral report instead. Kramer was thereupon 
 instructed to appear before the college at Upsala with all the 
 documents relating to the case, prepared to give a full account. 
 Accordingly he made extracts from the journal of the com- 
 pany and drew up a statement of the private losses. The 
 cargo was valued at 3,477:13 R.D., which was doubled as 
 the merchandise was worth many times more In New Swe- 
 den; 2,400 R.D. had been paid to the officers and sailors; 
 
 ^Am. Reg. (Fl. Ar.), October 6, 1653, fol. 536-9. 
 
 * See below, XXXIX. 
 
 "See Com. Col. Reg., December 13, 1643, §6 (R-A.). 
 
The Ninth Expedition. 279 
 
 money advanced to 41 colonists on their departure and 19 on 
 their return amounted to 4,188 R.D., and provisions and the 
 like for the sailors and colonists was valued at 1,876:36 R.D. 
 The various bills reached the sum of 15,419:15 R.D. and the 
 interest for five years brought it up to 23,129 R.D., which, in- 
 creased by the Admiralty's bill of 10,540:19 R.D., amounted 
 to 33,669:19 R.D.si 
 
 Amundsson was finally removed from his commission and 
 all papers made out to him were transferred to Elswick, who 
 in addition received new and more minute instructions. He 
 was at first to present the claims of the government according 
 to the instructions given to him by the Admiralty, then the 
 claims of the company in accordance with the orders of the 
 Commercial College. If any objections were raised he was to 
 argue the case and show the reasonableness of the demands. 
 If the Spaniards would not pay all, he should accept part of the 
 amount and maintain that the rest was to be collected later. 
 A secret instruction was given him, however, in which he was 
 told to insist on the original sum, then strike off the interest and 
 insist on 15,419 R.D. If this could not be secured, he should 
 demand 11,000 R.D. as "ad ultimum," show his former in- 
 struction, and pretend that, if he could not secure the 11,000 
 R.D. besides the value of the ship, he must leave the island. 
 If this had no effect, and if the governor insisted that he could 
 pay no more than the list enclosed with the King's letter called 
 for he should explain the difference in the two bills, and if a 
 settlement could not be brought about on these terms, he should 
 at last demand 6,954 R.D. on behalf of the company, besides 
 the Admiralty's bill, below which he could not go. If cash could 
 not be secured he should accept goods. If occasion offered 
 Itself, he was to report either to Palbitsky, the Swedish Minister 
 at Madrid, or to the Commercial College.^* 
 
 " See Com. Col. R., February 23, 1654 (R.A.) ; " Auffsatz und Berech. wass 
 Die Slider Comp.," etc., N.S., I. (R.A.) ; "Memorial," etc., Oct. 6, 1653, Am. 
 Reg. (FI. Ar.). Beier to Oxenstierna, June 7, 1650. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 "Kramer to the Com. Col., February 14, 1654, N.S., I. (R.A.). "Til Am. 
 Anckerhjelm at taga ifrSn Hans Amundson sin Instr.," etc.. Am. Reg., March, 
 1654. (The Index refers to fol. 868, but there is no entry in the Reg.) 
 
28o The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Elswick arrived at Porto Rico on June 30, 1654, and was 
 well received by the authorities. In the morning of July i , being 
 called into the presence of the governor for the second time, 
 he delivered up his letters from the King of Spain, Ambassador 
 Pimentelli and the Swedish Government. Pimentelli's letter 
 had been opened by the Governor of St. Michael, but he had 
 given an " attest," certifying that the seal was broken by him 
 contrary to the wish of Elswick. Elswick worked for four 
 days on his documents and accounts. Some more private claims, 
 amounting to 18,536:29 R.D., were added to the original sum 
 of 33,669:19 R.D'., making the total claims presented by him 
 52,206 R.D.^* This was a much larger sum than the King of 
 Spain's letter showed and more than the governor could pay. 
 He ordered his officers to examine the claims and they estimated 
 them at 14,030 Spanish reals. On this basis a settlement could 
 not be arrived at. The governor would not and could not pay 
 the sum demanded by Elswick and Elswick would not accept 
 the Spanish estimates. The governor wrote to the Spanish 
 Ambassador at Stockholm, giving an account of the proceedings 
 and on August 7 Elswick made a report to the chancellor. 
 Elswick was very optimistic as to the final outcome of his mis- 
 sion arid was happy in thinking that he had been very success- 
 ful. He suggested that the best way to press the claims would 
 be for him to go to Spain to present the documents in person 
 to the King, and he was confident that the damages would be 
 paid. On the fifteenth of August he left the island and other 
 troubles were soon in store for him.^* No further efforts seem 
 to have been made, at least not for some time, and in 1673 the 
 claim against Spain had not been collected.^* 
 
 ^ The former accounts of this expedition are very inaccurate and incomplete. 
 
 '* Letters from Elswick to E. Oxenstierna, August 7, 1654, June 16, 1655, N.S., 
 L (R.A.). 
 
 "" Skrifvelser till K. Maj., July 19, 1673" (K.A.). . • . " Altsammans bestar 
 uthi de af Holl. borttagne . . . fastningar, sa och uthi . . . pretension, . . . hos 
 Kon. I Spanien for skeppet Kattan. ..." 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Preparations to Send Other Expeditions to New 
 Sweden, i 650-1653. 
 
 The expedition of 1649, which Printz was so anxiously ex- 
 pecting and which, had it arrived in New Sweden, might have 
 had considerable influence on the history of the colony, was 
 thus not only entirely useless, but tended to cripple the company 
 and set back its activity. Had the ship arrived in New Sweden 
 the events of 1651^ might not have taken place; Ft. Casimir 
 might not have been built and possibly Stuyvesant's expedition 
 of 1655 would not have occurred, for then probably Rising 
 would have had no fort to capture and Stuyvesant no capture to 
 avenge. 
 
 As soon as news of the shipwreck reached Sweden it seems 
 that the company made arrangements to send a cargo from 
 Holland to the Delaware at the earliest date. Trotzig advised 
 the authorities to pay more attention to the colony as it would 
 in time become of great value to Sweden, and in the fall of 
 1650 7,419:13 florins "as a beginning" were sent to him by 
 draft for procuring goods. In September " it was daily ex- 
 pected that a resolution would be made [by the Council of 
 State] to send a cargo from Holland to New Sweden." But for 
 some cause no such resolution was made and no cargo was 
 prepared.^ 
 
 Plans were also made for a new expedition from Sweden at 
 the same time. There were 3 6i9:46>4 R.D. in the treasury 
 and the Tobacco Company owed 11,644:47 R.D. for tobacco, 
 two-thirds of which was due. Hence over 15,000 R.D. were 
 at the disposal of the company.^ Perhaps the money from the 
 
 ' See below, p. Chap. XXXVII. 
 
 '"Gen. Bal., 1650," September 16, SSderk. (R.A.). Trotzig to Appelbom, 
 April II, 1650. 
 
 '"Gen. Bal., 1650," September 16, SSderk. (R.A.)- 
 
 281 
 
282 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Tobacco Company could not be collected, but even then there 
 was money enough for a new expedition. The ship, the Gyllene 
 Haj, had been riding at anchor since 1648, doing nothing but 
 causing expense. In October, 1649, the ship had become leaky 
 and " somewhat ruined " during its long anchorage In the har- 
 bor. It was repaired by one " Mr. Mickell, a carpenter from 
 Munklager " at the cost of 24 D.s.m. and in November Mickell 
 received 60:26 D.s.m. for work on the Haj. Again in June, 
 1650, the Haj was blown ashore onto some poles during a 
 storm and 35:19 D. was charged by Mickell for getting it 
 loose and repairing it. A ship was thus at hand giving trouble, 
 because not In use, and money seems to have been ready, but for 
 some reason the preparations were not continued and the expe- 
 dition was not sent. It Is not clear why a new expedition was 
 not fitted out In 1650. Perhaps It was due to the fact that there 
 was no one to lead the work, who had authority to make 
 arrangements. Axel Oxenstierna was old and lacked his former 
 activity and power of work, and Queen Christina paid more 
 attention to Court festivities, balls and pageants than to matters 
 of state. The Admiralty owed the company 7,331 :2j^ R.D. 
 for money paid to sailors and other people in the employ of the 
 Crown, and it seems that the company required the Admiralty 
 to fit out the vessel in lieu of this sum. Perhaps there was no 
 money in the treasury of the Admiralty.* At any rate, the 
 ship was not sent and Printz was compelled to buy his goods at 
 double prices from his neighbors and to neglect the Indian trade 
 on account of having nothing to exchange with them.^ 
 
 Four days after Printz was informed by Stuyvesant of the 
 shipwreck of the Katt he wrote to Brahe, Oxenstierna, the 
 Queen and perhaps others. He states that he had heard noth- 
 ing from Sweden although he had written four times. The 
 condition of the country was good, but again he asks for more 
 people. Sven Skute returned to Sweden In the autumn of 1650, 
 
 *Cf. "Gen. Bal., 1650," SSderk., 1637-59 (R-A.) ; Hildebrand, Sv. hist., V. 
 
 'Journal, nos. 860 (October 2, 1649), 871 (November 7, 1649). It seems to 
 have been the intention of the company to sell the Gyllene Haj. See " Gen. Bal., 
 1650," SSderk. (R.A.). 
 

 A. ^jL&l ^ 
 
 
 v^Atun. 
 
 ^^jf:^ &^/f^-/ 3:fJ^^: 
 
 First page of Peter Trotzig's letter, March 12, 1652. Preserved in N. S. I. (R. A.), 
 
 Stockholm. 
 

 w.A„«L^*_#-r' 
 
 
 
 Last page of Trotzig's letter, Jlarch IJ, 1652. 
 
Preparations to Send Other Expeditions. 283 
 
 with letters and reports. Skute was In Holland in October and 
 in the beginning of November he arrived in Stockholm, but 
 his presence does not seem to have given much impetus to the 
 efforts that were being made in behalf of the colony, and almost 
 a year passed before new preparations were begun.® 
 
 In the autumn of 1651 there was again some activity in the 
 matter. Trotzig bought large quantities of goods which were 
 sent to Gothenburg with skipper Jurgen Larsson to be placed 
 in the care of Hans Macklier, and other preparations were 
 begun. ^ But months went by and no new expedition was in 
 sight. In the spring of 1652 however, the government showed 
 signs of interest in their little forsaken colony on the South 
 River,^ but for what reason it is not known. It Is probable that 
 Kramer, Beier and perhaps Macklier and Trotzig wrote to the 
 chancellor and the Queen in the beginning of 1652, stating that 
 goods were in readiness for a new expedition. At any rate the 
 colonial business now received the attention of the Council of 
 State and on March 16 the Queen was present in the Council 
 Chamber. Several people acquainted with the colony and the 
 company had been ordered to be present. The treasurer, Johan 
 Beier, was first called upon to give a report. He said that 
 Bookkeeper Kramer had been working In the interest of the 
 company; but since the death of Klas Fleming there had been 
 no director, who had devoted his time to the managing of the 
 company and Its business. Since the last ship was lost nothing 
 special had been heard from the colony. It was known, how- 
 ever, that the land supported the people without aid from 
 Sweden; but there was no merchandise with which to carry on 
 the Indian trade. Lieutenant Skute was then requested to 
 " present his commission." He stated that the country was very 
 
 'Letters, August i, to Queen, " E. L. Regist. upa Riksark. Acter. gam. orient. 
 Kat.", R.A.; to A. Oxenstierna; P. Brahe. Ox. Saml.; Skokl. Saml. R.A. Jour- 
 nal, nos. 1047, 1051. 
 
 ^ Monatg. B., 1642-56 fol. 
 
 ' Not as Sprinchorn states as a. result of Printz' letters of August i, 1651, for 
 it is expressly said that " Sedan nu det sidsta skeppet kom pa olycka haflFwer 
 man inthet synnerligit hort derifrSn." Rddspr., R.A. These letters were not 
 received before March 17 or 18, 1652. 
 
284 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 good and contained forests and minerals ; there were four kinds 
 of oaks and various other valuable trees, and the governor had 
 built a ship from timber cut in the colony; metals were found 
 in the country, but they could not be touched even if there Were 
 mountains of gold (presumably for lack of people) ; trade to 
 the Caribbean Islands could be profitably carried on from the 
 colony, but capital was lacking and ships were not at hand for 
 such a trade. As a whole, however, the condition of the colony 
 was prosperous; they had no enemies, but the colonists were 
 too few, the male population numbering only 70. One Hen- 
 rick Persson was also called in and questioned about the colony,, 
 but he informed the councillors that he had been in New 
 Netherland and not in New Sweden.' In New Netherland, 
 he said, " they traded with tobacco and furs and ships may be 
 built there if material is cut in time." When the reports had 
 been heard, plans and proposals were formulated for aiding 
 Governor Printz. The question of obtaining colonists could be 
 easily settled, for many had expressed a desire to go to New 
 Sweden ; but the directorship and the best means for prosecuting^ 
 the work successfully required more consideration. The Queen 
 thought it would be best to let the Commercial College have 
 charge and direction of the company, the Admiralty should fit 
 out the ships and sufficient money should be provided. To these 
 proposals the chancellor agreed. The Queen further suggested 
 that the New Ship Company should be united with the New 
 Sweden Company, but the chancellor objected and the idea was 
 dropped. Some Dutch had also applied for permission to settle 
 in the colony. The chancellor was of opinion that they should 
 be allowed to do so, provided that their number was not too 
 large. Finally the assessor in the Commercial College was 
 called for. The Queen told him that " the care of the trade to- 
 New Sweden " was to be assumed by the college, and its mem- 
 bers were to present plans for the development of the colony 
 and the cultivation of the land. It was further decided that the 
 
 •Many Swedes were settled in New Amsterdam, who have been called Dutch: 
 by the historians. 
 
Preparations to Send Other Expeditions. 285 
 
 chancellor should consult with the college during the day about 
 the affair, and the Queen was to command the admiral to pre- 
 pare a ship. What was done in the Commercial College about 
 It on March 16 is not known, but Oxenstierna was undoubtedly 
 present in the chamber and ways and means for sending a new 
 expedition were in all likelihood discussed.'" 
 
 Two days later'' or perhaps on the following day letters 
 from Printz were received by Oxenstierna, Beier and the 
 Queen, reporting that Stuyvesant had " invaded New Sweden, 
 bought land from the Indians already purchased by the Swedes, 
 erected a fort and obstructed the trade in the river." The 
 governor complained bitterly against " the outrages " of the 
 Dutch, saying that Stuyvesant disrespected Her Royal Majesty's 
 authority, obstructed free traffic, demanded toll from strangers 
 (the English), stirred up the Indians against the Swedes and 
 personally incited the Swedish freemen to renounce their oath 
 of allegiance and to join the Dutch on pain of being driven 
 " from house and home." He therefore requested immediate 
 relief and suggested that two warships be stationed in the 
 Delaware for about two years together with some soldiers. 
 Unless aid should be sent without delay he feared that the whole 
 thing would have a miserable end. It seems that Governor 
 Printz also reported his troubles to Peter Trotzig, requesting 
 him to interest the government in the colony, for on March 
 12 (n.s. ?) the latter wrote to secretary Beier that a report had 
 reached him to the effect that Stuyvesant had built a fort in the 
 colony and he thought that " they ought not let New Sweden 
 take care of itself without assistance."'^ These things gave 
 new impetus to the preparations. On the eighteenth of March 
 the Queen was again present in the Council Chamber and it seems 
 that the session was looked upon as of some importance, for' 
 nearly all the councillors were present. The first question con- 
 
 "Rddsfr., March 16, 1652 (R.A.) ; also a copy in N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 " The letter to Beier is marked below the P. S. : " Praes. 18, March, 1652." 
 
 "Printz to Beier and to A. Oxenstierna, August i, 1651, Ox. Saml.; Printz 
 
 to Brahe, August i, 1651, Skokl. Saml. (R.A.) ; Trotzig to Beier, March I2, 1652, 
 
 N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
286 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sidered was the colony, and one of the letters of Printz was 
 read. The point to receive most attention was, of course, the 
 hostilities of the Dutch. We know nothing of what was said 
 or proposed by the different councillors, but It seems likely that 
 some one was of the opinion that a force should be sent there 
 at once to drive the Dutch from the river, for the minutes of 
 the council say: "Then Her Majesty's idea was that the 
 States General should first be approached for a settlement." 
 No immediate steps seem to have been taken, however, and the 
 subject was dropped for the time being with the chancellor's 
 remark " that the case was well worth considering."^^ 
 
 As may be inferred from the Queen's remark the matter led 
 to some diplomatic correspondence and the Dutch Resident at 
 Stockholm, Koenraad van Beuningen, was questioned about It. 
 He was asked If the States General had permitted the building 
 of the fort, but he answered that he knew nothing about It. He 
 wrote to the Hague for information, but of course received no 
 reply — at least none to communicate to the Swedish government. 
 The Swedish Resident at the Hague was also Instructed to pre- 
 sent the case to the Dutch authorities and he seems to have been 
 Informed that Stuyvesant had no permission to erect a fort on 
 Swedish territory. It also appears that the Dutch West India 
 Company was addressed on the subject and that the same reply 
 was i-eceived from them.** 
 
 A few days after the above conference (March 23) the Queen 
 issued an order to the Admiralty requesting them to fit out the 
 Swan for a " new journey to the West Indies." But for some 
 reason the ship was not prepared — probably It was in poor con- 
 dition — and instead It was planned to have the company put its 
 own vessel, the Gyllene Haj, in readiness for the voyage. But 
 preparations proceeded slowly and little was done, although 
 there was some activity in the matter in the spring and summer.^'* 
 
 We have seen that Printz received no new cargo nor addi- 
 
 "Rddspr., March i8, 1652, Mss. (R.A.). 
 ^* Doc, L 603 ff. ; Rising's Journal, May 22, 1654. 
 The Commercial College did not take over the management, for A. Oxen- 
 stierna still issued the orders. 
 
Preparations to Send Other Expeditions. 287 
 
 tions of settlers to his little colony. Not even an answer was 
 sent him. On August 30, 1652, he again wrote to Brahe and 
 Oxenstierna, complaining bitterly of the situation. The Dutch 
 pressed hard upon him, having settled forty families on the 
 Crown's territory and the English were threatening to appear 
 in the river with great force. For five years the Swedes had 
 had no merchandise to sell to the Indians, and besides the sav- 
 ages were becoming restless and dangerous. The colonists were 
 dissatisfied and many had deserted. Water had damaged the 
 grain and supplies had to be bought for double prices from the 
 Dutch and English. The neighbors said openly that the colony 
 was entirely neglected and forgotten by the home government. 
 On top of it all Printz was ill and indisposed to remain any 
 longer.^' These letters seem to have produced another period 
 of activity at Stockholm in behalf of the colony. 
 
 In May Kramer made an inventory of the goods on hand at 
 Gothenburg ready to be shipped over, and in June several ex- 
 penses are recorded in connection with the preparations. About 
 the same time the chancellor ordered Kramer to paint, rig and 
 repair the Gyllene Haj and repairs for several hundred Swedish 
 dollars were made. A watchman was also employed from July 
 28 until November 13. But the journey was not made and 
 another period of inactivity ensued. Nothing further seems to 
 have been done during the following winter, spring and sum- 
 mer. In the fall of 1653 new interest was manifested in the 
 colony, but this belongs to another chapter." 
 
 "Letter fr. Printz to Oxenstierna, August 30, 1652, Ox. Sainl., and to Brahe 
 (same date), Sioil. Saml. 
 
 ^''Journal, nos. 1047, 1051, 1053, 1054, 1061 ff. Cf. below. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 The Trade of the Company, i 643-1 653. 
 
 The company engaged in the trade of various articles during 
 this period. John Beier bought a lot of copper in May, 1646, 
 and again in July of the same year. It was sent to Holland on 
 De Geer's ships, the Charitas and the Foenix and sold by Peter 
 Trotzig in Amsterdam. 299 D. duty was paid on the shipment, 
 the cost including all expenses was 4,812 D. 25 ore, and it 
 was sold for 5,456 D. 33 ore s.m. The salt which had been sent 
 to Borga and Abo^ in Finland in June, 1642, to be sold there* 
 was gradually paid for and a good profit was realized.^ The 
 salt at Borga was paid for mostly by merchandise, and in the 
 summer of 1644 Jacob Heffner, the mayor of the city, sent 
 some provisions such as butter and the like valued at 404 D. to 
 apply to the account, leaving him 164 D. in arrears to the 
 company. Robert Smith bought 1,278 barrels of the " French 
 salt" brought to Sweden in the Charitas in 1642 and the salt 
 imported by the company in 1 643 was likewise sold, the entire 
 proceeds being turned over to Johan Beier, the treasurer.* 
 
 The beaver trade was comparatively small also during this 
 period. On some of the expeditions a considerable number of 
 skins came from New Sweden, but other ships carried no furs. 
 In 1643 Bonnell made about half a dozen sales, one of which 
 (sold to the Russians in Stockholm)^ amounted to 5,558 D. 
 
 ' The salt sent to Abo was consigned to Flagman, as follows : 
 
 308 barrels 2,o6S:i6 
 
 Expenses 134 
 
 1,934:16 D.k.m. 
 or 773 D. zsVi ore s.m. Journal, no. 268. 
 ^ Cf. above, Chaps. XVIII., XIX. 
 'The profit was 1,939 D. 5 ore. Journal, no. 403. 
 * Journal, nos. 268, 396, etc. 
 
 'Probably Demetriowitz and Davioff (see below). The Russian interpreter 
 was paid 27 D. Journal, no. 314. 
 
 288 
 
The Trade of the Company. 289 
 
 17 ore,® and in 1644 several smaller sales were effected by him. 
 No more peltries were sold in Sweden before 1647^ ^^id no con- 
 siderable quantities before 1648,* when a large number of slcins 
 arrived on the Swan. With these sales the fur trade of the 
 company was practically at an end. The skins were sold to 
 private parties, such as Jacob Frische, Willem Momma^ and 
 others, and in some instances to Russian merchants,^" two of 
 these being mentioned, Maxim Demetriowitz and Stephen 
 Davioff, who made one of the largest purchases in 1648.^^ 
 
 The use of tobacco had increased enormously in Sweden from 
 1637 until 1643, ^nd it was now a profitable business to smuggle 
 tobacco into the kingdom. The ordinance of the government 
 was not lived up to and tobacco, "in large quantities, was 
 secretly brought in[to the country] by sea and land."^^ Bon- 
 nell complained that tobacco was supplied to the merchants 
 by smugglers to such an extent that the company could not find 
 buyers for its large stores. In the beginning of 1643 matters 
 were getting impossible and something had to be done. 
 Trotzig, Kallmeter, Wissman and Trost, who were the 
 heaviest buyers from the company, complained that they could 
 
 ' We have seen that Lucas Andersson in Amsterdam sold the furs that were 
 sent to Europe from the colony in 1644. 
 
 ' Only one sale was made in 1647, it seems, a single skin being sold for 4 R.D. 
 16. to Willem Momma. Journal, no. 585. 
 
 'Bonnell sold 63 otter skins for 118 D. 4 ore on July 8, 1648, and 1,232 bearer 
 skins for 5,287 D. i6 ore on July 10, 1648. On December 27, 1649, he sold the 
 last lot, it seems, in the storehouse, 8 beaver skins for 31 D. 16 ore. Journal, 
 DOS. 715, 718, 774. 
 
 'Willem Momma, probably a relative of Abraham and Jacob Momma, who 
 presented a remarkable proposal to the Commercial College for the improvement 
 of Lappland and Norrland in 1655. See Commercial College " skr. till K.M.," 
 March ii, 1665 (R.A.). 
 
 "Russians seem to have traded in furs to a great extent in Sweden at this 
 time. Cf. also De la Card. Arch., V. 144. 
 
 "^Journal, nos. 221, 264, 314, 333, 342. 366, 376, 447, 498. 585, 715, 718, 774. 
 
 "Tobacco was brought into Sweden from Norway and the Danish provmces 
 south of Sweden. By sea most of the smuggled tobacco was brought in on the 
 Crown's ships from Riga, Narva and Nyskants. These ships were not so well 
 guarded or searched as other ships, and hence the opportunity of smuggling was 
 greater on them than on the merchant vessels. See Trotzig (and associates) to 
 Fleming. Tobaksk., 1643-59 (R.A.). Blome to Oxenstierna, November 21, 1644, 
 Ox. Saml. 
 20 
 
290 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 not sell their tobacco, since it was brought in illegally and sold 
 by everybody. In March, 1643, Fleming wrote to them, say- 
 ing that he thought that the best way to control the inland trade 
 and also all importation of the article would be to allow only 
 certain persons in Stockholm and other cities to sell the tobacco, 
 denying all others the privilege. In order that the best means 
 might be employed and the most effective measures adopted, the 
 above-mentioned people were requested to consider the matter 
 and present their views about it. Some time later they sent an 
 answer or memorial in twelve articles. They proposed that the 
 Royal Ordinance be sharpened and the fine increased,^* that the 
 tobacco trade of the entire kingdom be given into the hands of 
 a company, which should buy its tobacco from the New Sweden 
 Company, and sell it through their representatives in all cities 
 and places in Sweden, Finland and other provinces of the 
 kingdom. On the other hand, the New Sweden Company 
 should be obliged to sell its tobacco only to the Tobacco 
 Company.^* 
 
 The tobacco trade was also discussed in the council and 
 means proposed for its regulation. In April the government 
 published a new ordinance, repeating and restricting some of 
 the articles in the former mandates. The New Sweden Com- 
 pany was to continue to be the sole importer, and tobacco 
 shipped in by others would be confiscated and a fine of four ore 
 silver money on every pound would be imposed on the owner 
 of the tobacco or on " the skipper on whose ship the tobacco 
 
 " Since large quantities of tobacco were brought into Finland and Sweden from 
 Lifland they proposed that a heavy duty be imposed on tobacco in that province. 
 Accordingly Fleming suggested in the council of 1643 that the duty on tobacco 
 in Lifland be increased. Rddspr., IX. 
 
 " Several other suggestions were made, some of which were incorporated into- 
 the ordinance issued by the government in April the same year. The price of 
 the tobacco was to be regulated according to the pleasure of the company in 
 connection with the factor of the New Sweden Company. A contract should 
 be made for a certain number of years between the Tobacco Company and the 
 New Sweden Company, stipulating the price, kind of money to be used in 
 payments, and when and how payments were to be made. Letter from Klas 
 Fleming to Mattias Trost, Jacob Kallmeter, Jacob Trotzig and Baltzar Wissman, 
 March 13, 1643 (copy), and the answer of these gentlemen in twelve articles 
 (orig.), no date. Tobaksk., 1643-59 (R-A.). 
 
The Trade of the Company. 291 
 
 was found," in case the owner could not be discovered. All 
 tobacco was to be sold only by such as the company designated 
 for this purpose and on the conditions made by them.^' 
 
 In the meantime arrangements had been in progress for the 
 formation of a Tobacco Company on the basis of the memorial 
 presented by Jacob Trotzig and his associates. Fleming un- 
 doubtedly held conferences with them at which Beier, Bonnell 
 and Kramer were present, and in June the company was organ- 
 ized. It consisted of the following members: Mattias Trost, 
 Jacob Kallmeter, Jacob Trotzig, Thomas Johansson, Melcher 
 Volger, Johan Fijrborn, Hindriclc EkehofF, Gabriel Delven- 
 dahl( ?) , Baltzar Wissman and Jacob Blome. A contract was 
 signed on June 20, 1643, by the members of the new company 
 and by Klas Fleming in the name of the New Sweden Com- 
 pany.^® The New Sweden Company had sole right to sell and 
 import tobacco, states the contract, but it was found expedient 
 to grant the privilege of distributing the same throughout the 
 kingdom to a company. This company was given sole right 
 for six years to sell tobacco in any part of Sweden or its de- 
 pendencies, and during this period the New Sweden Company 
 was to sell its tobacco to the Tobacco Company only. The 
 Tobacco Company, on the other hand, promised to do its utmost 
 in distributing the tobacco and see that no place was in want 
 of the article, to buy all its tobacco from the New Sweden 
 Company and to employ residing burgers in the different cities, 
 except at Kopparberget, where the company had a right to send 
 its own agent or salesmen and to erect one or more public 
 stores. All kinds of tobacco were included under the contract, 
 even powdered tobacco or snuff, but the New Sweden Company 
 had a right to sell such tobacco to apothecaries, who in turn 
 could sell it to the public. ^^ 
 
 "Stiernman, II. 373 flP. Cf. Rddspr., IX. 239, 333, 339-4°- 
 " " Two originals " were made and signed first by Klas Fleming as the 
 representative or director of the New Sweden Company, then by the ten members 
 of the Tobacco Company. " Demnach Ihre Kon.," etc., June 20, 1643, "Jacob 
 Feif emot tobaksk., 1643-51": fol. 12-14, Tobaksk., 1643-S9 (R-A.). 
 
 "Contract, "Jacob Feif emot Tob. Com., 1651," fol. 12-14, Tobaksk., 1643-59 
 (R.A.). 
 
292 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 A sort of a constitution^* or by-law of the Tobacco Com- 
 pany for the regulation of the trade and the defining of the 
 rights and duties of its members was likewise drawn up and 
 signed. The company was to rent as many stores in Stockholm 
 as was necessary for the conducting of the business ; there was to 
 be a special storehouse where all the tobacco should be delivered 
 as soon as bought. Strict rules were made for the conduct of 
 the private members ; in case any one absented himself without 
 cause from the meetings of the company, he should be fined 
 one R.D. for the first hour, two for the second, and four 
 if he did not appear at all.^® Jacob Trotzig was made direc- 
 tor,^" Blome was appointed cashier and a special bookkeeper 
 was employed.^^ We may assume that the company at once set 
 to work to organize its trade throughout the kingdom, for 
 already on June 25 — five days after the contract was signed — 
 1,0563^ pounds were sold to "William Classon, citizen and 
 resident of Abo," Finland, and soon afterwards " Isak Hansson 
 from Eksjo," Johan Joransson in Hedemora, Jacob Persson in 
 Torshalla, Hans Macklier in Gothenburg, Hans Hansson in 
 Falun and others were commissioned to sell tobacco in the 
 market places^^ and in the principal centers of population 
 throughout the kingdom.^^ Merchants and others, who bought 
 
 "This document is in Swedish, the former is in German. The copy in 
 Tobaksk., 1643-59, is not dated. 
 
 "* One third of this fine should go to the poor, the rest to the company. 
 
 ^ It is possible that the company had more than one director. The expression 
 " Direktorerna " is often met with. It was denied that Trotzig was director. 
 In a law-suit brought against Feif for the payment of a certain amount of tobacco, 
 Carolstadius maintained that " the entire direction of the company was in the 
 hands of Jacob Kalmater and Jacob Blome." The facts seem to be that Trotzig 
 was the first director, then after his death, which occurred in the summer of 
 1644, it seems (fol. 30-21), Jacob Kallmeter was appointed or elected director. 
 See Salomon Petrij Carols[tadius]' letter in "Jacob Feif emot Tob. Comp. 1651 
 K.," fol. 17-18, Tobaksk., 1643-59 (R.A.). 
 
 ^ Jacob Feif, etc., fol. 25 ff. The bookkeeper was Herman Elswick, probably 
 a relative of Hendrick von Elswick, the factor in New Sweden, 1654-5. 
 
 ^ Classen's bond was signed by Jacob Feif and W. Starkman. 
 
 ^ Certain places in the country were designated as market-places, where the 
 farmers and others came at stated times of the year to buy and sell their goods. 
 The company also had agents at Stockholm, Norrkoping, Kalmar, Vastervik, 
 Nykoping, Narva, etc. Blome to Oxenstierna, 1645. 
 
The Trade of the Company. 293 
 
 tobacco from the Tobacco Company to sell again, were obliged 
 to furnish bonds as well as to sign a contract to the effect that 
 the ordinances of the government and of the companies would 
 be lived up to.^* In June Bonnell made two large sales to the 
 Tobacco Company amounting to 22,709^/2 lbs., for which it 
 was to pay 14,579 D. 23 ore in four installments, every three 
 months from September 16, 1643. Bonnell continued to Im- 
 port large quantities of tobacco from Holland during the first 
 part of this period. In May 14,937 lbs. were brought to Stock- 
 holm on the contract made with Comelisson Mollnaer,^^ and in 
 the autumn of 1643 ^ "^^ contract was made with him for the 
 delivery of 20,000 lbs., for 6,271 R.D., to be paid in four in- 
 stallments. The tobacco was shipped to Stockholm in October 
 and November. 2® But complaints, however, were soon made 
 that tobacco was imported and sold^^ against the mandates of 
 the government by others than the New Sweden Company and 
 the "tobacco-participants." Consequently another resolution 
 was issued by the Crown in January, 1644, but the smuggling 
 continued and tobacco was imported illegally "not only on 
 particular merchant vessels, but also on ships of the Crown," 
 filling the country with the article.^® In some cases the gover- 
 nors and magistrates of the kingdom " played under cover 
 with the transgressors,"'" and it was often impossible for the 
 representatives of the companies to bring the offenders to 
 punishment, even though they had been caught openly violating 
 the law. Accordingly a fourth ordinance was published by the 
 government in the beginning of 1645, repeating all former 
 commands in more vigorous terms.^** But even this failed to 
 
 ""Feif emot Tob. Comp. 1651," etc., fol. 10 ff. Tobaksk. (R.A.). 
 
 "The contract called for 16,000 lbs. (Dutch weight). Journal, no. 249. 
 
 "Journal, nos. 324, 338, 260, 261. 
 
 " It was a general rule in this period that a merchant should handle only one 
 kind of goods. But in the case of merchants in small places who could not 
 make their living without trading in several articles, they were granted the 
 privilege of handling tobacco besides other goods. Stiernman, H. 384. 
 
 ''Blome to Oxenstierna, November 21, 1644. Ox. Saml. 
 
 "•"Spela med thess ofwertradare under tacket," "play into the hands of." 
 Stiernman, II. 396. 
 
 "Dated January 18, 1645. Stiernman, II. 396 ff- 
 
294 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 have the desired effect. New complaints were made and the 
 Tobacco Company reported that the merchants in the various 
 cities did not pay their bills on the dates "they had agreed 
 upon." The government was very active in its endeavors to 
 regulate the trade, and on the thirtieth of March, the same year, 
 an edict was sent to all the governors of the kingdom, com- 
 manding them to observe that all the former ordinances were 
 followed and " that no one except the South Company carried 
 on a tobacco trade."*^ 
 
 The original number of members in the Tobacco Company 
 was ten, but Trotzig died in 1644, and other members either 
 died or withdrew from the association. In April, 1646, the 
 contract made by Fleming with the company was renewed by 
 Oxenstierna.^^ But the trade throughout the kingdom re- 
 mained as irregular and uncontrolled as before, and in Novem- 
 ber Blome repeated his former complaints, also adding that the 
 New Sweden Company charged too big a price for the tobacco. 
 On June 17, 1647, the Queen published another manifesto, 
 increasing the penalty for smuggling tobacco to two silver 
 marks a pound for the first offence, besides confiscation, and for 
 a second offence imposing severe punishment upon the perpetra- 
 tor without mercy. In case the mayors and magistrates in the 
 cities did not keep close watch over the importation and trade 
 they should be held responsible for the misdeeds of their 
 citizens. It is probable that this order somewhat checked the 
 illegal importation, for the complaints seem to have been less 
 frequent and no further ordinances were issued before the con- 
 tract with the Tobacco Company expired.^* 
 
 Only four persons remained in the company in 1647, Mat- 
 tias Trost, Jacob Kallmeter, Baltzar Wissmar and Jacob Blome. 
 Blome continued to act as treasurer and Kallmeter was direc- 
 tor. As time went on large quantities of tobacco were bought 
 
 '^Stiernman, IL 398-9. 
 
 "^Blorae to A. Oxenstierna, November 26, 1646. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 '^ Oxenstierna's contract, April, 1646, Tobaksh., id^S^SQ (R.A.), and in 
 Concept., Ox. Saml.; Blome to Oxenstierna, November 36, 1646, Ox. Saml.; 
 Stiernman, IL 487-9; Nord. Saml, 386 (U.B.). 
 
The Trade of the Company. 295 
 
 from Bonnell, who imported It from Mollnaer and Company 
 and others, often aided by Peter Trotzig.'** But tobacco was 
 smuggled into the kingdom in such quantities that the company 
 could not sell its supplies so readily as expected. The tobacco 
 habit had furthermore assumed various forms by this time, and 
 chewing was becoming common, making it more difficult to sell 
 leaves in the usual way. 
 
 In the spring of 1645 ^ ^^^^ departure was made in the 
 tobacco trade of the New Sweden Company. A tobacco spin- 
 ner was engaged at Gothenburg and 1,261 J/^ lbs. of the to- 
 bacco which came from New Sweden were "spun."*® But 
 the experiment was probably not a paying one, and it does 
 not seem to have been repeated until 1648. Large quantities 
 of unsold tobacco were then on hand in the company's store- 
 house in Stockholm. To make this supply more saleable it was 
 decided to spin it and Peter Trotzig was ordered to hire a 
 spinner and to buy a tobacco press and other necessary supplies, 
 for the manufacture of " roll tobacco." Accordingly Trotzig 
 engaged Thomas Schwartwout at a salary of 50 florins a month. 
 A press and other instruments were made in Holland and 
 shipped to Sweden. Schwartwout arrived In Stockholm on May 
 ID, 1648, and began almost Immediately to make preparations 
 for the manufacture of roll tobacco. A storehouse and work- 
 shop were rented on Sodermalm and towards the end of May 
 102 casks of tobacco were brought from the storehouse of the 
 New Sweden Company and placed In the factory. October 18 
 the first sale (1,000 lbs.) of manufactured tobacco was made 
 
 "July 8, 1645, 2,890 lb. bt. for 1,083:24 D. were received by Bonnell; Sep- 
 tember 20, 5,731 lb. (cost 2,149:4 D.) ; October 26, 3,265 (cost 2,285:16 D.) ; 
 May 6, 164.6, 10,980 lb. bt. for 3,643:28 D.; August lo, i,743'/2 lb- (cost 578:20 
 D.) ; November 6, l,y^6yz lb. (cost 663:13 D.) ; November 28, 10,226'/^ lb. (cost 
 1,810 D.) ; July 8, 1647, 379 lb. bt. for 379 D.; May 2, 1648, 6,767^/4 lb. bt. for 
 2,245:28 D.; June 13, 3,616'/^ lb. (cost i,35«:6 D.) ; August 2, 8,066 lb. (cost 
 3,676:24 D.) ; July 14, 1649, s,^vi lb. bt. for 1,954:5 D.; September 5, 7,241 lb. 
 (cost 2,403 D.) ; October I, 7,648 lb. (cost 1,972:20 D.), etc. Journal, nos. 422, 
 423, 465, 469, 483, 486, 488, 490, 492, 494, 528, 538, 543, 544> 552, 568, 571, 
 591, 593. 598. 60s. 618. 619. 643. 660. 6^2. 664, 687, 698, 725, 727, 837, 852, 
 857, 867, etc. 
 
 "'Journal, no. 461. 
 
296 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and from now on practically all the tobacco sold by Bonnell had 
 been treated at the factory. From the eighteenth of October, 
 1648, until the fifteenth of October, 1649, 151650 lbs. were 
 spun, valued at 2,347:16 D., and most of this lot was then 
 already sold. The expenses connected with the spinning such 
 as Schwartwout's salary and lodgings (which were paid by the 
 company) , the purchase of syrup, wood and some other articles 
 used in the manufacture, were relatively small, making the 
 business very profitable, for the tobacco was greatly increased 
 in price.*® 
 
 In March, 1649, the contract made with Schwartwout was 
 changed and instead of a salary he was to be paid 4 stivers a 
 pound for the tobacco treated by him. For that sum he should 
 pay all expenses, such as rent and necessary material used in the 
 manufacture.*^ 
 
 In the spring of 1649 the contract of the Tobacco Company 
 expired, and in October the government withdrew the privileges 
 given to the New Sweden Company, permitting a free impor- 
 tation and sale of tobacco by any person, whether Swede or 
 foreigner, on the payment of duty.*® For two years the free 
 and unrestricted importation of tobacco was continued. Kali- 
 meter and Wissman, members of the old Tobacco Company, 
 were still heavy buyers from Bonnell,*® and considerable quan- 
 tities of tobacco were sold by him from the beginning of 1650 
 until the autumn of 165 1.*" 
 
 When the Tobacco Company was disbanded in 1 649 it owed 
 the New Sweden Company large sums of money.*^ Part of it 
 was paid, but a considerable debt remained unsettled in 1653, 
 which Jacob Blome and his associates refused to pay. Kramer 
 
 "Journal, nos. 684, 693-7, 737, 7So ff., 759-1, 766, 769, 770, 773, 783-5, 789, 
 795-803, 805, 807, 808, 813, 815, 817, 819, 833, 836, 841, etc. 
 
 " Journal, no. 797. 
 
 " Stiernman, II. 602-3. 
 
 '"Journal, nos. 929, 937, 948, 1007, 1018. 
 
 "In April, 1650, the journal states that Bonnell sold several hundred pounds 
 to the " Toback Contracttanten." By " Toback Contr." is undoubtedly meant the 
 members of the old company, as there was no company in existence at this time 
 as far as is known. Journal, nos. 922, 923, 
 
 "Journal, nos. io6o, 1066, 1145. 
 
The Trade of the Company. 297 
 
 brought a suit against him and secured a judgment instructing 
 Blome to pay the amount.*^ But he still refused, maintaining 
 that he had traded bona fide, that he would not pay twice for 
 the same lots nor for tobacco he had not received. The case 
 was then brought before the Commercial College and Kramer 
 and Blome presented their bills and documents before that body 
 in the spring of 1654. The college found that Kramer's bills 
 and demands were just and correct and Blome was told to pay 
 10,000 D. at once. The other bills could be cleared up later, 
 when he had time to try to disprove their validity. On closer 
 examination it was found that the Tobacco Company had been 
 charged for 436 D. by Bonnell more than had actually been 
 delivered; but the rest of the debts were pronounced bona fide 
 and they were gradually paid.*' 
 
 It soon became evident that unrestricted importation of 
 tobacco was not practicable. Tobacco was smuggled into the 
 country in larger quantities than ever and the excise was materi- 
 ally reduced. It was therefore decided to restore the old order 
 of things, and on the twenty-second of September, 1651, a 
 patent for the tobacco trade was issued by the Queen, granting 
 to the New Sweden Company the sole right to import and sell 
 tobacco under any pretext whatever, and transgressors would 
 be punished according to the Ordinance of 1647.** All tobacco 
 in the kingdom must be delivered to the company and a reason- 
 
 "Rechn. och forslag efter kambnare domen huru mycket Jacob Blome och 
 bans intressenter annu skydlige ahre. 
 
 Debit. 
 
 Efter . . . Kramers . . . Reck . . . summa K. M D. 18,991:12 
 
 Credit. 
 
 Befriade fran D. 6,120:25 
 
 Pro Saldo forblifver J. Blome och bans intr. efter K. Domen 
 
 skyldige till 10 Dec. Anno 1650 K. M. 12,870:29 
 
 K. M. D. 18,991:22 
 Kramer to A. Oxenstierna, December 15, 1653 (copy); "Ex. Prot. pS Rattens 
 Wegnar," etc., December 10, 1653, " Recb.," etc., Ox. Saml. 
 
 ""Forteckn. ofwer sum. i domen emot J. Blome." Among letters from 
 Kramer to A. Oxenstierna, Ox. Saml. Com. Col. Prot., 1654, Mar. 2-7 (R.A.). 
 Letter from J. Blome to Com. Col., February 25, 1654; two other letters from 
 Blome to Com. Col. (no date), Com. Col. Acta, 1653-9 (KA.) ; Journal, nos. 
 1145 ff., 1215 (December 31, 1654). 
 ** See above. 
 
298 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 able price should be paid for it.*® A new Tobacco Company was 
 also organized by " Johan Fischbeck, Daniel Junge, Johan Focke 
 and consorts,"*^ and the trade was well systematized. The 
 New Sweden Company had 21,558 lbs. in its storehouse and 
 this was weighed and arrangements made to have it trans- 
 ferred to the Tobacco Company. But the stockholders refused 
 to pay more than half a D. copper money per pound. An agree, 
 ment could not be reached and the differences were referred to 
 the government. It was finally ordered that three marks copper 
 money should be paid for each pound or 6,467 :i2ji D. for the 
 lot, to be delivered in several instalments from June until Octo- 
 ber, 1652. 6,777 lbs. of confiscated tobacco were also sold by 
 Bonnell, but it was spoilt through its long storage and only 
 793 D. 19 ore were realized on it.*^ 
 
 The new regulations did not improve matters. The mayors 
 and magistrates of the cities interpreted the patent to suit their 
 own interests.*^ In some cases the agents of the Tobacco Com- 
 pany and others sent to inquire into the condition of the trade 
 and guard the interests of their employers were attacked and 
 ill treated. The company complained and in 1652 another 
 patent in five articles was published. But all efforts of the 
 Crown and the company to regulate the trade and prevent 
 smuggling were to no avail, and in April, 1653, •^he importa- 
 tion and trade of tobacco was again made free, the privileges 
 granted the New Sweden Company being withdrawn. A duty 
 of 3>^ ore a pound was to be paid by the importer, when the 
 herb was loaded on a mounted Swedish ship, while a somewhat 
 higher duty was imposed if imported on other vessels. But 
 illegal importation continued, and still another ordinance was 
 issued in July of the same year.*' 
 
 " Stiernman, H. 678-9. 
 
 "Journal, no. 1048. The Co. was formed in the autumn, 1651, Patent, etc., 
 Sept. 22, 1651. 
 
 " Journal, nos. 1048, 1055, 1059. 
 
 " In the spring the Mayor of Upsala wrote to the Commercial College on 
 behalf of some citizens requesting permission to buy some tobacco direct from 
 the company and not through their agents. But it was denied. Rising to the 
 Mayor of Upsala, March 26, 1652. Com. Col. Reg. (R.A.). 
 
 " Stiernman, IL 692 ff., 708 ff., 718 ff. 
 
The Trade of the Company. 299 
 
 The sale of tobacco was now free for more than a year until 
 privileges for the importation of the article were again granted 
 to the new "American Company."^" 
 
 The tobacco trade of the New Sweden Company was discon- 
 tinued in 1652 and it handled no more tobacco for about two 
 years. The entire profits on the sales was 26,638 :8Ko D., and 
 a little more than one fourth of this sum was realized on the 
 roll tobacco manufactured by Schwartwout.^^ 
 
 Benjamin Bonnell's services for the company practically 
 came to an end in the fall of 1651 when he was commissioned 
 to go to England as a representative of the Trading Company'^ 
 to obtain the release of a ship which had been captured on her 
 way from Portugal to Sweden with a cargo of salt.^^ An in- 
 struction in six articles was given to him by the government on 
 August 30 and a passport and credentials were made out for 
 him the same day.^* In September, 1652, he was again sent 
 to England by the governn^ent " in the position of a commis- 
 sary, especially to observe there the things that concerned the 
 commerce and navigation of the Swedish crown and its citizens " 
 and to try to enter into some agreement with Parliament.'* He 
 was also commissioned to present the injuries done by the 
 English to the New Ship Company and endeavor to obtain 
 reasonable damages.*® 
 
 Bonnell's services for the New Sweden Company were now 
 entirely ended. He owed the company a considerable sum of 
 money, due to the fact that he had not turned over all the cash 
 to Beier received from the Tobacco Company, and as he was 
 unable to pay In cash he transferred his shares in the Shipbuild- 
 ing Company at Vasterviic to the New Sweden Company. 
 
 "Cf. below, Chap. XLVHI. 
 
 "Journal, no. 1087 ff. 
 
 " " Handelscompagniet." 
 
 "He should sail there on the company's ship Gotland, R.R., August, 1651, 
 fol. 968. 
 
 "R.R., August 30, 1651, fol. 968 ff., 970 ff., 971-2- 
 
 "Memorial for Com. B. Bonnell (in seven articles), September 30, 1652, R.R. 
 fol. 1729 ff. 
 
 "Article 6, R.R., September 30, 1652, fol. 1734. 
 
300 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 These shares were valued at i,8oo D.,°^ but his account was 
 still 3,730 D. iS}i ore short. This sum, however, was trans- 
 ferred to the account of the government and the Queen ordered 
 it to be paid on Bonnell's behalf, since he had performed valu- 
 able services to the Crown."® 
 
 " The market value of the shares was only 1,575 ^- however. Journal, no. 
 1075. 
 
 "Journal, no. 1075-6: " Opet tillgiflEts bref for Benjamin Bonnell," etc., 
 November 15, 1652, R.R. fol. 2118-19; Beier to A. Oxenstierna, October 4, 1649, 
 September 8, 1651. Ox. Saml. (R.A.). " B. Bonnells Reck, mitt d. lob. Sod. 
 Corap." (no date but about the autumn of 1652) among letters from Bonnell 
 to Oxenstierna, Ox. Saml., "Aufs. uber demj. w. B. Bonnell d. 8. Comp. schul. 
 ist," May 29, 1652, Soderk., 1637-59 (R-A.). The entire bill is 15,643:13 D. 
 copper money. 
 
Johan Printz, Governor of Xew Sweden. From the portrait presented by KingGuE- 
 laf V. to the Swedisli Colonial Societ}'. 
 
PART II. 
 THE COLONY UNDER PRINTZ, 1643-1653. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 The Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 
 
 I. 
 
 Governor Ridder, with his few soldiers and colonists, was 
 quietly passing the winter of 1 642-1 643 at Fort Christina. 
 The New Year's festivities were over. An occasional hunting 
 expedition, the daily morning and evening prayers and now and 
 then an Indian visit were almost the only diversions in the 
 monotonous life. Storm and snow swept over the Delaware 
 region on the sixth and seventh of February and the colonists 
 were compelled to remain round their fire-places in the log 
 cabins; but the sun appeared again, the snow melted and all 
 was as before, half spring, half winter, for the climate of the 
 Delaware is generally undecided at this time of year. About 
 the beginning of February we may suppose that Indians brought 
 news to the little settlement that ships had appeared in the 
 river. Were they Swedish vessels or Dutch? Of course the 
 Indians did not know. Hope revived the drooping spirits ; the 
 vessels might be from Gothenburg. Eager eyes spied the Dela- 
 ware for days and about noon on February 15 two ships were 
 seen slowly carried up the river by the slight breeze. Every 
 man in the fort watched the sails. There was a bustle and a 
 hurry everywhere. The news spread and the colonists came 
 running in from their plantations. Sure enough the Swedish 
 colors were waving from the top-masts! In an instant the 
 gold-blue cross banner was flung to the breeze on the flag pole 
 of Christina Fort and a shout of welcome greeted the Swan and 
 the Fama, as they came sailing up Christina River. At two in 
 
 301 
 
302 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the afternoon the ships anchored in Christina Harbor and the 
 passengers and sailors went ashore. Rev. Torkillus " with his 
 entire flock " stood on the bridge to receive them and Governor 
 Ridder, surrounded by his little staff of officers and soldiers, 
 did homage to the arriving governor, while some Indian, lurk- 
 ing with his bow and arrow behind the pine trees on the island, 
 was watching the scene. The passengers were greeted with 
 tears of joy and the handshakings and questions seemed never 
 to cease ! But to work, to work ! There were cargoes to be 
 unloaded and horses and cattle to be brought ashore. Until 
 evening came the work proceeded. Shelter was sought for the 
 newcomers, but some were compelled to sleep In the ships, for 
 there was not room enough for so many In the colony. The 
 fires were supplied longer that evening than usual and the 
 candles or fir-torches were kept burning till morning hours. 
 News from Sweden, from relatives and friends was asked for, 
 the progress of the war, the victories won by Swedish armies, 
 what new decrees had been made, what new taxes levied, who 
 among the relatives and acquaintances of the colonists had been 
 drafted and sent to German battlefields — such and a hundred 
 other questions we may be sure were asked. And when the 
 settlers were told of the great victories at Glogau, at Schweld- 
 nltz and at Breltenfeld and the glorious exploits of Torstens- 
 son and Baner, their patriotism rose within them and they were 
 proud of belonging to such a nation and of being its represen- 
 tatives in the new world. But the journey across the ocean was 
 not forgotten. The sufferings on the way from Gothenburg 
 to Godyn's Bay were related and the storms and mishaps at the 
 Horn Kill were described. Gradually the night came on. The 
 fires went out. Soon the tired travellers were fast asleep and all 
 was quiet. 
 
 Early in the morning every one was at work again. In the 
 afternoon the colonists were assembled in Fort Christina, Rid- 
 der delivered his authority to Printz and the instructions and 
 orders of the government were read in the presence of the 
 people. Within the next few days the commissioners were busy 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 303 
 
 making an inventory of the merchandise in the storehouse and 
 planning preparations for the return voyage of the ships. 
 
 Spring was rapidly approaching and every day was valuable. 
 The newly arrived freemen were anxious to begin the erection 
 of buildings and the clearing of forests and the governor de. 
 sired to select the location for a new fort. For this reason as 
 well as to be able to make a report, Printz, in company with 
 Ridder, some soldiers and perhaps an Indian guide, "passed 
 over the territory of New Sweden, first from Cape Henlopen 
 unto Bomkin's Hook and then from there all the way up to 
 Sankikan." This inspection gave the governor an idea of the 
 possibilities of the country, which he found especially suitable 
 for agriculture. He took notice of the parts most adapted for 
 farms and as soon as possible the new colonists were assigned 
 places for building homes and clearing ground. 
 
 But to look after the defence of the country and to safeguard 
 it against attacks were the first duties of the governor and it is 
 probable that he planned to begin the erection of " an addi- 
 tional bulwark against the enemies" shortly after his tour of 
 inspection. In 1640 Ridder had proposed that a second fort 
 should be built at a convenient point on the banks of the Dela- 
 ware, as Christina was too far away from the latter river to be 
 of real service. Johan Beier was requested to ascertain whether 
 or not it would be necessary and practicable to do so,* and we 
 may assume that he reported favorably on the suggestion, for 
 Printz was instructed by the government to erect " a new strong- 
 hold either at Cape Henlopen or on Jacque's Island or at any 
 other suitable place, so that the South River could be closed 
 and guarded by it."^ 
 
 He was also ordered to keep the Swedish title intact to the 
 district at Varkens Kill on which the English were residing and 
 to assert the authority of the Swedish government over them. 
 To place a fortress there would be one of the most effective 
 means of securing this authority and the fortifications could 
 
 'Ridder to Oxenstierna, Ox. Saml.; "Memorial for Beier, 1640," N.S., I. 
 (R.A.). 
 
 ^Instruction, \biifl.. Jacque's Island (Jacobs 6), Chester Island. 
 
304 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 serve the main and additional purpose of closing the river 
 against all intruders.^ Accordingly a convenient spot was found 
 and preparations for the laying of the foundation timbers were 
 at once begun. We are not now able to determine the date on 
 which the erection was commenced,* but it must have been soon 
 after Printz's arrival, for it is stated that Rev. Holg Fluviander 
 served seven months at Fort Elfsborg prior to October i, 1643, 
 which would bring us to March i, as about the date of the pre- 
 liminary preparations.® The work was rushed to such an extent 
 that on June 13 the building is mentioned as " Fort Elfsborg" 
 in one of the documents.* It is also stated that an English 
 bark arrived before Elfsborg on May 6 and that Mans Larsson 
 died there July 3, 1643.^ When the walls on the water side 
 were nearly finished most of the laborers were withdrawn and 
 sent up to Tinicum Island, where still another fort was being 
 built. The date of the completion of the stronghold is un- 
 known. It was not ready in October,^ but it seems to have been 
 able to serve its purpose of compelling foreign vessels to lower 
 their flags as early as May 6, and the name of Fort Elfsborg 
 was given to it about this time, when the cannon had been placed 
 in position on the walls and the Swedish salute could be given.' 
 The fort was located on the east shore of the Delaware, a little 
 south of Mill Creek, on an island of upland at "Elsingburg 
 
 ° Sprinchorn, mainly following Acrelius and Hazard, is mistaken in supposing 
 that the erection of this fort gave the first occasion for collision with the rivals 
 of the Swedes. See Sprinchorn, p. ly; Acrelius, p. 39; Hazard, p. 72. 
 
 ' Sprinchorn as well as Hazard rightly correct the date of the erection, given 
 by Acrelius. Sprinchorn, p. 11, note 2; Hazard, p. 70, Acrelius, p. 39. 
 
 ^Journal, 648. " Und nach dem er vor obgedachte Zeit [October i, 1643] in 
 die 7 Monatt den Gottesdienst bey dennen Volckern in dem Fort Elfsborgh ver- 
 richtet hat, Laut sein Testimonium. . . ." It cannot of course mean that the fort 
 was ready in March, for we know that it was not ready on October 13, 1643. 
 Cp. below. Huddle says " [It] was ordered to be erected there by the aforesaid 
 Johan Printz shortly after his arrival in the river." Doc, XII. 29. 
 
 ° " Oncosten aen de Heer Gouver. Jan Printz voor 6 kannen Brandewijn 
 de hoog. Compagnia verstreckt, so aen de soldaten door hem bij de Schans 
 Elsborgh uijtgegeven . . . 25^ fl. de kan gerechent fl. 15," Junij" 13, 1643, Ace. 
 B., 1643-8. 
 
 '' Rulla, 1644; Report, 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 38. 
 
 'De Vries (transl.), p, 122-3. Cf. below. 
 
 'The fort was called after Fort Elfsborg, at that time a strong fortress near 
 Gothenburg. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 305 
 
 Fort Point." It was an earthwork constructed " on the English 
 plan with three angles close by the river " and " the carpenter 
 made a beautiful portal " for it.** The largest cannon in the 
 colony were planted on its walls, consisting of " eight 1 2 lb. iron 
 and brass guns and one mortar." It was the best garrisoned 
 fort in the river, thirteen soldiers being quartered here in the 
 summer of 1644 (New Gothenborg having only eight and 
 Christina only three) and Sven Skute, at this time next in rank 
 to Printz, was placed in command. Johan Matsson was gunner; 
 the chief guard Gregorius van Dyck and the drummer Sven 
 Andersson were stationed there. *^ Here De Vries had to strike 
 his colors in 1643; ^^ this fort Aspinwall was forced to lower 
 his flag and even pay for the shot that compelled him to stop, 
 and all Dutch vessels were required to anchor before its walls 
 on their way up the river. At times they were rather roughly 
 handled and Hudde bitterly complained that Printz by means 
 of this fortress "held the river locked for himself."'* 
 
 Printz had a right to choose his place of residence in the 
 colony. He dwelt at Christina for some time after his arrival, 
 but as soon as the work at Varkens Kill was under way, he 
 selected a favorable location on Tinicum Island'^' for a dwell- 
 
 '° Hazard, p. 71; Ferris, pp. 68-70; Winsor, IV. 462; Doc. XII. 28, 29. "Thii 
 island was most judiciously selected for the erection of a fort, being protected by 
 the river on the west, on the north by Fishing Creek (Mill Creek), turning east 
 and south, on the south by an immense expanse of wild marsh." Quoted from 
 a letter of Col. R. G. Johnson, by Hazard, p. 71. That the fort was located on 
 an island is further borne out by Printz's Report. Printz says that " the Indians 
 set fire to the timber on the island" and from the Account Book of 1643-g we 
 are informed that this timber was at Elfsborg. Report, 1644, §10; Odhner, 
 N.S., p. 34; Ace. B., 1643-8 (June 30, 1643). 
 
 "De Vries, pp. 122-3. Doc, XII. 29. The translation of Hudde's report in 
 Doc, XII. 29, is ambiguous on this point. " Four guns, iron and brass, of twelve 
 pounds iron (balls)" can hardly mean that there were eight cannon. Hudde 
 undoubtedly wanted to convey the idea that there were four brass and four iron 
 guns. 
 
 "Rulla, 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 37. Cf. below. Hudde says that the fort 
 was usually garrisoned by 12 men. Doc, XII. 29. 
 
 "De Vries, Korte Historiael; Doc, XII. 29, cf. below. 
 
 "" Tinicum Island " is about two miles long or a little more and a mile and a 
 half wide." It " is separated from the west shore ... by a small creek as wide 
 as a ditch, running through a marsh." Sluyter's Journal, (1679), Mem. of 
 Long Isl. Hist. So., I. 
 21 
 
3c6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 ing and made provisions for the fortification and defence of the 
 place. The foundations for a fort were laid in the spring or 
 early summer, but here, as in the case of Fort Elfsborg, it is 
 not possible to determine the date of its completion. It does 
 not seem to have been ready in the beginning of July, 1643, ^^^ 
 the court which tried Lamberton sat at Christina and it is likely 
 that these transactions would have been conducted at Tinicum 
 Island had the place been ready for them. 
 
 The work on the fort and on the dwellings around it was so 
 far advanced in May that it is stated in the Account Book 6i 
 1 642-1 656 that "Anders Swensson Bonde was taken into the 
 service of the Crown on May i, 1643, ^"d appointed gunner" 
 at Tinicum.^* The stronghold was perhaps ready towards the 
 end of July or the beginning of August and the name of New 
 Gothenborg^^ was given to it.^* It was "made of hemlock 
 beams, laid one upon the other" and it was armed with " four 
 small copper cannon." It was built near the water's edge on a 
 high point of Tinicum Island and the guns, which were pointed 
 towards the Delaware, commanded the river.^^ There seem 
 to have been two gunners, Sven Vass and Anders Bonde,^* 
 besides whom there were eight soldiers in the fort. As it was 
 not favorably located for protecting the settlement on the island 
 in case of Indian attacks, it is probable that a large storehouse 
 was built on the land side, in such a manner that the soldiers 
 could hold the savages at bay from there and defend the 
 settlers, if the war-cry should ever startle the peaceful com- 
 munity.^® 
 
 "Monatg. B., 1642-56, fol. 41 and 87, N.S., II. (R.A.). 
 
 "Nya Goteborg. 
 
 "When De Vries visited the place on October 13, 1643, he found New Gothen- 
 borg ready. See A^. y. Hist. Col., 2 S., III. 122-3. Cf. below. 
 
 "£>of., XH. 29; Rulla. 1644, N.S., II. (R.A.) ; Odhner, N.S.. p. 38. 
 
 "Vass is given in Printz's Rulla as " Constapelz . . . Swenn Waass " and 
 in the Monatg. B. it is stated that "Anders Swenson Bonde [war] Constapell 
 auff^N. Gothenburg." Monatg. B., fol. 41 ; Rulla, Odhner, N.S., p. 38. 
 
 "Doc, XII. 29. From Hudde's Report it is clear that two fortifications 
 were built on the island and that one of these was merely a storehouse is more 
 than likely. Cf. below. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 307 
 
 A blockhouse was also built on an elevated place at Upland,"" 
 where some of the colonists had been given land and Christer 
 Boije was placed in command there.*^ 
 
 In the meantime Fort Christina was repaired. The arma- 
 ment probably remained the same as before, the gunner Mats 
 Hansson had charge of the cannon, Erick Andersson was 
 trumpeter and the provost-marshal, Johan Olofsson, lived 
 there. The general storehouse continued to be at this place. 
 The bellows in the blacksmith shop were mended in June and 
 other repairs were probably made."" 
 
 As soon as the fortifications were planned and their erection 
 begun. Governor Printz turned his attention to other business. 
 Trade with the savages was to be the principal industry of the 
 settlement, but agriculture and cattle raising were to be fostered 
 and cared for with all diligence, and Printz was instructed to 
 put so much grain into the ground, as soon as circumstances 
 allowed, that the people could be supplied with food from the 
 cultivation of the land. About the middle of April he made 
 his first relation or report"* to the government about the condi- 
 tion of the colony and the situation and nature of the land. 
 He found that " it was a remarkably beautiful country, with all 
 the glories that a person can wish on earth and a pity and regret 
 that it was not occupied by true Christians ... It was adorned 
 with all kinds of fruit-bearing trees. The soil was suitable for 
 planting and sowing, and, if Her Majesty would only make a 
 serious beginning, the country would soon become a desirable 
 place to live in.""* 
 
 Printz was anxious to make proper use of this "suitable 
 soil " and of the many advantages that he found here, and it is 
 probable that land was allotted to some of the colonists as 
 early as March. Somewhat later new ground was assigned for 
 
 * Probably so named from the fact that some of the colonists settled there 
 came from Upland in Sweden. 
 
 ''Rulla, 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 38; Monatg. B., 1642-56. 
 
 "Monatg. B., 1642-56, fol. 48; Report, 1644, §8. 
 
 ^This report, dated April 13, 1643, is n6w lost. 
 
 "Printz to Brahe, April 12, 1643, and to Oxenstierna, April 14, 1643, Ox. 
 Saml. Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
3o8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the company's use, where the hired or indented servants were 
 put to work, while the freemen labored to found new homes 
 surrounded by fertile fields. 
 
 A strange sight met the eyes of the savage chief as he made 
 his visits to the western bank of the Delaware from Christina to 
 New Gothenborg in the spring of 1643. There was busde 
 and life everywhere. The stillness of the early morning was 
 broken by the sound of the woodman's axe, and the echoes of 
 its regular stroke, answered from various quarters, were inter- 
 rupted now and then by the crash of falling trees. Surprised 
 quails would fly up with a chirp at the sound and the noise 
 of the thundering wings of partridges intermingled with the 
 general commotion. For a moment all is quiet. The wood- 
 man looks on the fallen tree as if to measure its length. Then 
 the axe is again put in motion; the branches and limbs are 
 stripped off from the trunk and thrown in a pile to be burned, 
 when the sun has dried them suiEciently. The trunk is meas- 
 ured and cut off from the top and a log fit to be placed in the 
 wall of a new building is ready. 
 
 This went on day after day, while Printz was selecting the 
 location for new homesteads and supervising the erection of 
 forts and his hall. Anders Timmerman, Claas Claason, 
 Thomas Timmerman and others were daily at work on new 
 habitations, while the soldiers with other carpenters were pre- 
 paring timber and other materials for the fortifications. 
 Gradually the branches and other rubbish were burnt or re- 
 moved from the clearings and the little farms were ready for 
 cultivation. 
 
 Printz was instructed to plant tobacco on the new planta- 
 tions and appoint certain planters so that a good quantity could 
 be sent to Sweden direct from the colony on the returning ships, 
 making it unnecessary to buy tobacco from English merchants. 
 But Ridder advised the governor to plant corn in large quanti- 
 ties, saying that " one man's planting would produce enough 
 corn for nine men's yearly food." With this in view Printz 
 planted corn on almost all available places belonging to the 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 309 
 
 company in 1643, but a number of smaller tobacco patches were 
 also prepared and an expert planter was engaged at a salary 
 of 35 fl. a month. The Swedish freemen probably followed 
 the example of the governor, largely planting corn on their 
 fields and some tobacco, and it is likely that they sowed at least 
 some grain. The English at Varkens Kill seem to have prin- 
 cipally cultivated tobacco.*^ 
 
 Printz was instructed to keep peace with his neighbors as far 
 as possible and to seek to give free and undisturbed course to 
 the correspondence and commerce already begun by his pre- 
 decessors. He was to try to supply the Indians with such 
 articles as they needed and he was to endeavor to win their 
 trade by underselling the English and Dutch and by treating 
 them with humanity and respect, so as to gain their good will. 
 The beaver traffic was to be conducted for the benefit of the 
 company and freemen and others were to be prohibited from 
 trading with the savages. In all these things Printz was largely 
 successful as long as sufficient means were at his disposal. He 
 arrived in New Sweden on February 15. In May he had 
 begun dealings with the Indians and presents worth 22 fl. were 
 given to the Minquas to induce them to trade with the Swedes 
 as well as to inspire their confidence. At the same time sewant, 
 valued at 607 fl., were exchanged for 972 bushels of Indian 
 corn and additional gifts were presented to some Indians for 
 bringing the com to Christina.^® About the same time 100 
 knives were exchanged for 25 yds. of sewant and many smaller 
 sales were made.^'' 
 
 The Swan and Fama brought only small cargoes to the 
 colony in 1643 ^^^ hence it was necessary for Printz to buy 
 cloth and other merchandise from the English and Dutch. In 
 May John Willcox came from Virginia, having been informed 
 of the arrival of the Swedish expedition, and he offered a great 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8; Report, 1644; Rulla, 1644; Instruction, 1642; Printe to 
 Brahe, July 19, 1644, Skokl. Saml. 
 
 "The value of these presents was 6 fl. Hence the corn was brought to Fort 
 Christina, perhaps from a distance of several miles, for about $3 and the total 
 cost of 972 bushels was 613 fl. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1642-8 (May, 1643); Instruction, §§7, 8, 15. 
 
3IO The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 variety of goods for sale at reasonable prices. On May 22 he 
 sold a bark of ten lasts^^ and on the same day he sold 2 fowling 
 pieces, 82 yds. of sail cloth, 862^ yds. of sewant, 144 knives, 
 3 kettles, 1 5 axes and a variety of other things, in all amounting 
 to 7,224 fl. One thousand and fifty florins were paid him in 
 beaver skins and a draft, drawn on Spiring in Holland, was 
 given to him for the remainder.^' 
 
 Huygen was now making strenuous efforts to obtain cargoes 
 for the returning ships and towards the end of May he pur- 
 chased 3,000 lbs. of tobacco*" from a "Virginian merchant 
 by the name of Moore," who was then trading in the river. 
 The supply of beaver skins was not large, but in the beginning 
 of June communications were established with the Black Min- 
 quas and a supply of peltries was soon brought to Christina. 
 On June 3, 50 knives, 6 axes and 100 lbs. of corals were pre- 
 sented to the savages. At the same time 675 beavers were 
 bought for 1,771 yds. of sewant and a large number of other 
 articles were exchanged for beavers.*^ 
 
 Towards the end of May preparations were made for a jour- 
 ney to New Holland. Goods were bought by Printz for 18 
 beavers and pork was purchased from Peter Jansen for two 
 beavers. The object of this expedition was twofold. Several 
 colonists had deserted, probably leaving debts behind them. 
 Hendrick Huygen and Christer Boije were sent to bring them 
 back to Fort Christina as well as to buy supplies for the colony 
 and probably also for the returning ships. On May 30 Printz 
 wrote a letter to Governor Kieft, recommending his agents to 
 him, and we may assume that the bark left New Sweden shortly 
 afterwards. The bark arrived at the Dutch fort about the 
 middle of June, and not many days later Hendrick Huygen 
 received several hundred yards of sewant from Marion Andries- 
 sen on the condition that they be paid for in cloth. Huygen also 
 bought 324 yds. of duffels from Governor Kieft at 3 fl. a yard 
 
 '^ The bark was bought for 1,57s fl. * 
 
 ""See Ace. B., 1643-8; Journal, no. 307. 
 °°The tobacco was bought for 488 yds. of sewant. 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 3 1 1 
 
 as well as 200 yds. of sewant, all to be paid for In beavers at a 
 later date. Beaver skins and sewant were used for the current 
 expenses on the voyage (for the beaver skins and wampum 
 were the currency in these parts during this early period) and 
 it seems that beer was brought to New Amsterdam for treating 
 the soldiers there. Huygen's board consisted of smoked pork, 
 bread and butter and peas and the cost of these was nine 
 beaver skins, valued at 63 fl. For lodgings at the inn Huygen 
 paid five skins. The sails of the bark having been torn by the 
 wind were repaired at the cost of six beaver skins. The expe- 
 dition returned to New Sweden about the beginning of June.*^ 
 
 The two ships were probably ready to set sail for Europe 
 about this time, although only a small cargo was on hand. 
 When the vessels sailed several officers and soldiers left the 
 colony, some, however, with the intention of returning.*' Printz 
 sent requests for large supplies and more colonists, and, in order 
 to give force to his arguments, he despatched Johan Papegoja 
 to make an oral report. 
 
 While the English from New Haven were antagonizing 
 Printz and endeavoring to make settlements on the Delaware 
 and to enter into direct communication with the Indians, those 
 of Virginia and Maryland sought to establish more cordial re- 
 lations with the Swedes and to lay the foundations for commer- 
 cial intercourse. They had made offers to sell cattle and mer- 
 chandise to Ridder and they were now ready to renew them to 
 Printz. While Huygen was in New Netherland, William 
 Cox** sailed up to Christina with a large cargo. Towards the 
 end of June he sold more than 200 yds. of cloth, over 300 lbs. 
 of Dutch cheese*' and brandy or cognac, in all valued at sev- 
 eral hundred florins. The total bill*® was as usual paid in 
 beavers. In July Richard Lord was in New Sweden and about 
 
 " See Latin letter of Printz to Kieft, May 30, 1643, N.S., I. (R.A.) and Ace. 
 B., 1643-8 (May and June, 1643). 
 " Cf. Chaps. XXV., XXVI., above. 
 
 "This might be a mistake for WilIcox( ?). The Document has Wiliem Cox. 
 "The cheese was sold for seven stivers a lb. 
 " 1,068 fl. 
 
312 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the middle of the month he sold 220 yds. of sewant for 140 
 beaver skins, valued at 800 fl.^^ 
 
 At this time 3 yds. of duffels and the same amount of sewant 
 were given to an Indian, who was sent to bring the Minquas to 
 Fort Christina. In the beginning of August the savages ar- 
 rived and exchanged a large quantity of beaver skins for duffels 
 and sewant and about the middle of the month they sold over 
 400 bushels of corn for cloth and Indian money. As usual 
 knives, corals and other small presents were given to them for 
 carrying the corn to the fort. A little later large purchases of 
 beavers from the Indians are again recorded and about the same 
 time Cornells Leendertsen'* came to New Sweden to sell his 
 cargo of sewant, cloth, and the like.*^ The hay for the winter 
 supply of the horses and cattle had been cut in June and July 
 and the grain was probably harvested about the same time.*" 
 
 We have no means of knowing what the summer of 1643 
 was like or what the grain crop yielded, but the corn crop was 
 poor and did not come up to expectations. Printz writes : " I 
 got as well on the one [plantation] as the other from the work of 
 nine men hardly one man's yearly nourishment."^^ The Swedes 
 undoubtedly learnt from the Dutch and Indians how to culti- 
 vate and use the corn and it is likely that later crops brought 
 better results. The tobacco crop was probably fair. The Eng- 
 lish colonists at Varkens Kill, who had sworn allegiance to the 
 Swedish Crown, could sell some 2,45 1 lbs. from their growth 
 of this year and the expert tobacco planter, who had been em- 
 ployed by Printz, " showed good proofs of his skill."** 
 , Since the corn crop was poor Printz decided to sow more 
 grain for the following year. In agriculture, as in other re- 
 spects, the customs in Sweden and Finland were largely adhered 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8, Instruction (Aug. 15, 1642). 
 
 "He sold goods for 2219 fl. 
 
 '^ Ace. B., 164:,-!! (Aug. 10). 
 
 " Various kinds of seed were brought over in the vessels with Printz and he 
 shipped over " all kinds of seed for sowing " on his own account. Monatg. B., 
 1642-56; Journal, N.S., IH. (K.A.). 
 
 '^Report, 1644, Odhner, N.S., pp. 29-30. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8; Report, 1644. Perhaps the first large crop of tobacco raised 
 in New Sweden was harvested in 1643. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 313 
 
 to by the colonists in New Sweden.** " Old rye," says Brahe 
 in his Oeconomia, " should be sown from Olofsmas until Lars- 
 mas** . . . and new rye is sown in August." A great deal 
 of rye was thus put into the ground in Sweden. The grain 
 sprang up and the fields were green for some time. In Novem- 
 ber, or as soon as the frost came, the sheep were often let loose 
 to graze on the rye-acres, when the grain was thick and long 
 enough.*' The winter months covered the fields with a white 
 sheet, protecting the grain against the severe cold, and, as the 
 sun melted the snow and brought back warm weather to the 
 north, the roots sprouted again. This method was now to be 
 employed in the colony on the Delaware and in the autumn 
 Printz made arrangements to sow some winter grain. Corn 
 could be planted without ploughing or much work, but for rye 
 the ground had to be broken and somewhat well prepared. 
 There were not enough animals in the colony for such work, 
 nor was there a sufficient supply of grain, but the deficiency 
 could be supplied in New Holland. Accordingly another jour- 
 ney was made by sea to Manhattan towards the end of August. 
 Again beaver skins were the ready money used on the trip and 
 Hendrick Huygen was in charge. Huygen bought seven oxen 
 at New Amsterdam for 124 beaver skins, valued at 868 fl. and 
 one cow for 22 skins worth 154 fl. He also purchased 75 
 bushels of rye for 32 beaver skins, valued at seven florins a 
 piece.*® While in New Amsterdam Huygen paid some of the 
 debts contracted on the former voyage. The expenses of this 
 expedition were comparatively large, it seems. Kieft alone was 
 paid over 49 fl. for the board of Huygen and his assistants and 
 358. were paid for their lodgings. Some of the cattle were led 
 across the country to New Sweden by two Hollanders and the 
 cost for this labor was five beaver skins. The rest of the cattle 
 were taken by sea to the colony on Kieft's sloop about the first 
 of October, also at the cost of five beaver skins.*'' 
 
 " Cp. below, Chap. XXXIII. 
 
 "July 29 to August 10. 
 
 "Brahe, Oeconomia, pp. 109-110, 113. 
 
 "The rye was valued at 3 fl. a bushel or 225 fl. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8; Report, 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 30. 
 
314 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The seed and the oxen arrived rather late and it probably 
 took some time (perhaps towards the middle of October) be- 
 fore the three plantations to be sown were ready for that pur- 
 pose. One bushel of seed is usually required to the acre. At 
 this rate at least 75 or 100 acres were put into rye in the fall of 
 1643 on the farms belonging to the company and, if some rye 
 was available in the colony, which is very likely, the number of 
 acres would be further increased. In the late autumn more 
 ground was cleared and prepared for fields. The oxen could 
 now be used for skidding the logs into piles to be burnt and the 
 building of houses was made easier. It is also likely that the 
 freemen sowed winter rye on certain tracts, but to what extent 
 Is not known.^* 
 
 In September a journey was made to New England to buy 
 supplies for the winter. The trade was poor in the fall and 
 practically no sales were entered in the Account Book for some 
 weeks, but in October some English arrived with a large 
 number of oak planks, 2,700 ft.*^ of which were bought by the 
 Swedes for use in Fort Elfsborg. Transactions with the 
 Indians were again begun about this time and beaver skins and 
 nearly 200 bushels of Indian corn were exchanged for sewant, 
 cloth and axes."*" 
 
 The well-known Petersz. de Vries was now in the river. 
 He arrived at Fort Elfsborg on October 3(13), where a shot 
 from one of the guns compelled him to lower his flag. About 
 four in the afternoon he landed at New Gothenborg, received 
 a friendly reception from Governor Printz and remained in the 
 colony until October 10(20). It is probable that Printz 
 bought part of his cargo and the captain of the vessel sold " a 
 
 '^ Ace. B., 1643-8; Report, 1644. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8 (October 4, 1643). The bill is as follows: 
 
 1,150 ft. of oak planks, 6 fl. @ 100 69 fl. 
 
 750 ft. of oak planks, 6 fl. @ 100 45 fl. 
 
 800 ft. of oak planks, 4J4 fl. @ loo 36 fl- 
 
 8,700 150 fl. 
 
 The bill was paid for by 23 beaver skins. 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 315 
 
 good quantity of wine and sweetmeats to individual Swedes."** 
 
 It was now late in the fall. Few traders arrived and the 
 colonists were left more or less to themselves. As winter ap- 
 proached barns and sheds were built for the shelter of the 
 cattle and the dwellings of the freemen were improved. Some 
 of the swine that ran wild were shot and hunting expeditions 
 brought in a supply of deer, geese and other game for the 
 winter months. In December wood was probably cut to last 
 till spring, while ale was brewed and other preparations made 
 for Christmas.*^^ 
 
 The supply of food was poor in 1 643 and the hard labor and 
 change of climate was too much for the people. As a result 
 there was much illness among the settlers in the summer and 
 autumn. Printz supplied Spanish wine and various article's to 
 the sick in Fort Christina and at the other settlements, but one 
 officer, ten of the company's servants, five soldiers and three 
 freemen, besides the Rev. Torkillus, died between July and De- 
 cember.*^ 
 
 The illness of the people was a great drawback to the colony 
 and caused the governor to abandon many of his plans. In the 
 spring of 1643 timber had been cut and sawed at Elfsborg for 
 a keel-boat or barge and men were at work on it already in 
 June, but the construction was delayed on account of the illness 
 of the carpenters and later " the Indians set fire to the island 
 during the night and burnt some of the timber."** 
 
 We have no means of knowing how Governor Printz and his 
 family spent their first Christmas in New Sweden, nor are we 
 able to say how the Christmas and New Year holidays were 
 celebrated, but they were probably observed with more strict- 
 
 "' De Vries has given us a number of interesting facts about his visit. He 
 left New Amsterdam on October 8; on the twelfth he was in the South River 
 ;(all N.S.). De Vries, Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., zd S., HI. 121-3. 
 
 "Cf. Brahe, Oeconomia, p. 113 ff. In November Sieter (Sieton) Thompson 
 was at Christina trading with the Swedes. 
 
 ''Ace. B.. 1643-8 (November, 1643) ; Rulla. 1644; Report, 1644; Odhner, N.S., 
 p. 38-9, 29, 34; Report, 1647; Papegoja to Brahe, July 15, 1644, Skok. Saml. 
 (R.A.). 
 
 °* Report, 1644. Printz supplied goods for the people, who worked on the 
 <keel-boat (June 30, 1643). See Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
3i6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 ness than ever before and " in the good old Swedish manner." 
 
 The winter seems to have been passed in quietness. The 
 grain was thrashed and ground, logs were cut for new dwell- 
 ings, barns and granaries and when sowing time came, the area 
 of "improved land" had greatly increased. 
 
 The year 1 643 was successful in trade and otherwise. New 
 land had been cleared and the country had been well fortified. 
 Two commercial journeys had been made to New Amsterdam. 
 English merchants from Virginia and Dutch from Manhattan 
 had visited the colony and the Indians had been well disposed 
 towards the settlers, selling their skins and corn in exchange 
 for other wares. But there was a setback in the beginning of 
 1644. The Swedes lacked merchandise and Printz lamented 
 the fact that his goods were failing and that trade with the 
 Indians was very slight in the first two months of the year. 
 
 Merchants from the neighboring colonies continued to visit 
 the river, however, and in January some Englishmen from 
 New England were trading on the Delaware. Captain Turner 
 and Isaac Allerton were also there, partly at least for the pur- 
 pose of trade, and Captain Turner sold over 100 yds. of duffels 
 at Christina on January 10. The savages visited the settlement 
 in small groups from time to time, but they brought little for 
 sale, as the ship and supplies for which the colonists were wait- 
 ing failed to appear.'" 
 
 As a result of the long delay of the expedition from Gothen- 
 burg the company suffered a loss of over 20,000 florins, for the 
 beaver trade went to the Dutch and English and merchandise 
 had to be purchased from these at high prices. In March the 
 ship Fama at last arrived. Part of the cargo®" had been 
 ruined while lying in a cellar in Gothenburg, due to Schotting's 
 neglect," but a large number of articles necessary in the settle- 
 ment were landed in safety, including three large saws for a 
 saw-mill, eight grindstones, one pair of stones for a hand-mill, 
 one pair of large mill stones, five anchors, six pumps with neces- 
 
 '^ Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
 " Cloth and stockings. 
 
 "Report, 1644, §2 (omitted by Odhner), §4; Odhner, N.S., p. 28. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 317 
 
 sary repairs and a hide of pump leather, twelve small and eight 
 large augers, four compasses, thirty-six blocks, two hundred 
 and fifty copper kettles, several barrels of lime and pitch, a few 
 thousand bricks, two hundred barrels of flour, twenty barrels 
 of Spanish salt, ten hogshead of French wine, one hogshead of 
 brandy, several hundred yards of cloth for flags and for the use 
 of the people, ten gilded flag-pole knobs, three hundred pairs of 
 shoes, two hundred pairs of stockings, one hundred and forty- 
 seven shirts, besides other goods and merchandise.^* 
 
 In the spring of the preceding year Printz had applied to 
 the government for a grant of Tinicum Island. The Council 
 of State complied with his request and a " capital donation of 
 that place called Tinnaco or New Gothenborg for Printz and 
 for his lawful heirs," dated November 6, was on the ship.^* 
 
 Johan Papegoja, the two young noblemen Per and Knut 
 Liljehok, the barber-surgeon Hans Janeke, a number of sol- 
 diers and a few colonists arrived with this expedition, but when 
 the ship returned others left the colony and hence the popula- 
 tion was but slightly increased in 1644. 
 
 Towards the end of March Huygen made an inventory of 
 the goods in the storehouse and the Indian trade could now 
 begin anew. Preparations for the homeward journey of the 
 Swan were soon begun and Governor Printz exerted himself to 
 obtain a cargo for the ship. He sent messengers to the Indians, 
 requesting them to bring their skins to the trading station on 
 the Schuylkill, and gave them presents and assurances of friend- 
 ship and of good will. As a result the Indian trade was very 
 lively in May, axes, knives, corals, sewant and cloth being given 
 in exchange for large quantities of beaver skins, and corn and 
 more than 300 skins were bought at the Schuylkill alone before 
 the Swan returned to Sweden. A cargo of tobacco was also to 
 be loaded into the vessel. Two thousand, four hundred and 
 fifty-one lbs. were purchased from the English planters at 
 Varkens Kill and about the same amount was obtained from 
 
 "Journal, nos. 220 S., 300 ff.; Bill of van Schotting, 1643, N.S., I. (K.A.). 
 Cf. Ace. B., 1643-g ; above Chap. XXVI. 
 
 ""Donation," etc., R.R., Nov. 6, 1643, fol. 1182. 
 
31 8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the Swedish freemen,®" but these supplies were not sufficient. 
 Accordingly several thousand pounds had to be found else- 
 where. English merchants, however, being informed of the 
 matter, brought more tobacco to the colony than was necessary 
 to complete the cargo. Towards the end of May 7,333 lbs. 
 were purchased from William Whiting*^ at six stivers a 
 pound and in the beginning of June 7,743 lbs. were bought 
 from Richard Malbon of New Haven at seven stivers a 
 pound.*^ Isaac AUerton, who similarly imported a quantity of 
 tobacco to New Sweden, was not so successful in selling his 
 supply. When the ship had departed for Europe, he reduced 
 the price from seven to five stivers a pound and sold 1 1,346 lbs. 
 at that rate. 
 
 These merchants likewise sold a large quantity of other 
 goods. One thousand and twenty yards of sewant at 4 fl. a" 
 yard were bought from William Whiting, who also did a large 
 business in beer, selling over ten barrels of it to private persons 
 during his stay In the river, and Richard Malbon sold several 
 hundred yards of sewant and about 100 bushels of corn®* at 
 Fort Elfsborg. 
 
 But trade and commercial activities were not allowed to inter- 
 fere with agriculture and other domestic duties. The old plan- 
 tations were enlarged during the winter and early spring and 
 the forest had probably been removed from comparatively big 
 areas, as seeding time was at hand. New ground had been 
 cleared " in the Schuylkill," where a strong blockhouse was 
 erected for the safety of the settlers. The blockhouse probably 
 served the double purpose of a dwelling house for the lieutenant 
 and his men and of a storehouse and trading post. It was 
 located on " the island in the Schuylkill," where Fort Korsholm 
 
 "Eight stivers a lb. were paid for the tobacco bought from the New Sweden 
 planters. The Swedish planters supplied 2,540 lbs. for the cargo. Ace. B., 
 1643-8. 
 
 " Variously spelt in the Swedish and Dutch Records as Wellenn Wayting, etc. 
 
 "The two bills were paid in beavers. 
 
 " He sold 1,059'/^ yds. of sewant for 4,564 fl. and iozl4 bushels of corn at 
 164 fl. Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 

 V^^ 
 
 
 
 i 1'^^?'"' -•^'f'3 4- ^«(^.- ^.C^- 
 
 s.<n,^^ ^ ^f,^os;:i,^ _j 
 
 
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 •s^^i i' ->t_ff »*4 ^^K, -»" 
 
 •5- Ji K h 
 
 ■1' 
 
 r< 
 
 5-!- 
 
 11 
 
 U2. 
 
 >> 
 
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 t o * 
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 ^d. -6 M t^ 
 
 
 .^■' 
 
 Bill of lading, showing the number of beaver skins and hogsheads of tobacco 
 shipped from New Sweden in July, 16+4. Original, signed by Johan Printz and 
 Hendrick Huygen, preserved in N. S. I. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 319 
 
 was later built®* " and little stone cannon were placed upon it.""* 
 Lieutenant Mans Kling was stationed there. He had no sol- 
 diers under his command, but it is likely that the freemen and 
 servants, who lived there, were called upon to do service in case 
 of need. Several dwellings seem to have been erected in the 
 neighborhood as time went on. 
 
 When planting time drew near, the newly cleared fields were 
 broken and the slow, steady oxen could be seen plodding their 
 way among the stumps, where the plough, " turning over the 
 ground," prepared the sod for the grain, while laborers were 
 at work, planting tobacco at several openings in the wood. 
 
 Since the corn failed to produce the desired results and since 
 it could be bought cheaply from the Indians, none was planted 
 this spring and all the corn plantations of the previous year 
 were put into tobacco. There were now three large plantations 
 in New Sweden, besides one or two smaller ones. The most 
 important one was at Upland. Here twelve men, including the 
 expert planter, were engaged. Christina was the next largest 
 tract and eleven tobacco planters were stationed there. On the 
 Schuylkill seven men were employed to cultivate the herb. It 
 is not possible to determine the exact location of this settlement, 
 but it was either on the " island " around the blockhouse, or 
 farther up the river.®® 
 
 Not only was agriculture improved and placed on a more 
 prosperous footing with the arrival of Printz, but cattle raising 
 was also looked after. The swine which had formerly been 
 allowed to run wild were now partly kept in captivity under the 
 care of Anders Mink and his son, who were engaged to look 
 after them. The cattle belonging to the company do not seem 
 to have grazed on enclosed pastures for the first few years, but 
 were allowed to roam at large through the woods in the neigh- 
 borhood of the settlements, herded by Sven Svensson. The 
 
 " Cf. below, n. 
 
 * Iron cannon throwing stone bullets (?). 
 
 "Report, 1644; Rulla, 1644. The plantation was most likely on the island 
 around the blockhouse, for in 1653 it was stated that there were eight raorgens 
 cultivated land at Ft. Korsholm. Cf. below, Chap. XLIL, n. 49. 
 
320 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sheep were probably confined within fenced areas, as it was diffi- 
 cult to keep them from the growing grain, and the goats were 
 likely chained to posts and moved from place to place, or 
 allowed to follow the cattle or sheep. We may assume with a 
 fair degree of probability that the orchards and certain other 
 smaller tracts were fenced in to keep out the cattle as they 
 were driven home at night. The cattle were undoubtedly 
 " kept in the barnyard" during the night to prevent them from 
 being lost and it seems that the horses were always fenced in.®'^ 
 
 In Sweden the milking was done by the women, but it Is 
 probable that it was often done by the men in the colony, as 
 they were compelled to do various kinds of " women's labor." 
 
 Printz also attempted to establish manufactories in com- 
 pliance with his instruction. Two of the three regularly em- 
 ployed carpenters had been 111 most of the winter and spring, 
 but the third man was kept busy on lighter work and, as soon as 
 the others were able, they built " two large beautiful boats, one 
 for use at Elfsborg, the other at Fort Christina." The boats were 
 constructed near Fort Christina, where a wharf was built, the 
 first on the Delaware. At this place Laurls the cooper and Lukas 
 Persson made barrels, wooden milk pails, tubs, tobacco casks 
 " and other kyperj."^'^^ There seem to have been two black- 
 smith shops In New Sweden at this time, one at Upland and one 
 probably within the walls of Christina. MIckel Nllsson worked 
 at the former place and Hans Rosback at the latter and they 
 made new tools and farm implements and did the necessary 
 repairs In the colony.®* 
 
 "Rising's Journal; Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
 ""' Kuiperij, cooper's trade. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8; Report, 1644; Rulla, 1644. Whale fishery and the silk 
 worm industry, which Printz was instructed to begin, if possible, could not be 
 tried for lack of people and means. Whale fishery, one of the objects of De 
 Vries's first voyage to the Delaware, continued to occupy the minds of the early 
 settlers. See A Further Ace. of the Pro. of Penn., etc., by W. Penn (1685), 
 Penn. Mag., IX. 63 ff. " A Lycence " for the taking of " whales and other royal 
 fish" on the N. Jersey coast was given in 1704, Penn. Mag., IX. ii8. Silk worms 
 were also kept here in early times and excited great interest in Philadelphia. The 
 Am. Phil. So. often discussed the industry. Cf. Hazard's Reg., IV. 77, 120, 179, 
 etc. Poulson's Am. Daily Advert. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 321 
 
 New Sweden was now on a prosperous footing. As summer 
 approached the conditions had improved. With the new sup- 
 plies health and happiness returned among the people and the 
 hope for the future was bright. The colony had been reor- 
 ganized and divided into districts, which were well protected 
 against the savages and the attack of foreign vessels by three 
 strong forts and two blockhouses. 
 
 Two sloops and two large boats were available for trading 
 expeditions to the neighboring colonies and for the transporta- 
 tion of goods, and it is likely that the freemen had small boats 
 and canoes for fishing and for going from place to place. The 
 windmill ground most of the corn bought from the Indians as 
 well as the grain harvested in the colony. In June Printz 
 wrote that "Anders Dreijer was continually in the mill" and 
 it is probable that he continued his work there throughout 
 i644.«9 
 
 Much was still wanting in the settlement, however, and 
 Printz asked for a brickmaker, a wagonmaker, a tanner, a 
 mason and a fortification engineer ( P)^" besides 20,000 bricks 
 and various other supplies,^^ and Papegoja suggested that the 
 company should send over more "good axes, good thick iron 
 spades, good hoes to hoe up the ground with and another kind 
 of broad hoes with which to hoe the grass." But the most 
 pressing need was for people. " There is a great cry for people, 
 for here are few," says Papegoja, and Printz likewise com- 
 plained that there were entirely too few colonists.'^^ 
 
 Several improvements were also suggested by Printz. The 
 soldiers and servants were often supplied from the goods bought 
 from foreign merchants, who visited New Sweden, but the 
 governor found that this system was unpractical, since the 
 profits of the company were not only reduced but even a loss 
 was at times suffered. Hence he proposed that a store should 
 
 "Report, 1644; Rulla, 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 27 ff., 37 ff- 
 " The original has Walmester. 
 
 "List of articles requested by Printz in 1644, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 "Papegoja to Brahe, July 15, 1644, Sko. Saml. (R.A.) ; Report, 1644; Ace. 
 B., 1643-8 (September 28, 1644). 
 22 
 
322 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 be built and supplied with " all sorts of cloth, provisions and 
 other goods." "A wise and faithful man [should be ap- 
 pointed to superintend it] , who could give them on their salaries 
 as much [of the goods] as each one needed." Plans were also 
 suggested for the increase of the population and, in a letter to 
 Brahe of July, it was proposed that a lot of Finns should be 
 sent here under the command of an industrious and thrifty 
 man. " It would cost bravely the first four years or longer," 
 but then, the writer thought, large profits would be made. 
 Printz had found that the trade with the Indians could not be 
 conducted to advantage without a supply of sewant. As the 
 South River Indians were poor, and had little or no " money," 
 the Swedes were compelled to buy " sewant from New Amster- 
 dam and from New England, where it was made." Here it 
 could be bought cheaply from the savages and, in order that 
 the company might be able to watch the market and buy the 
 wampum direct from the makers, Printz was of opinion that a 
 " faithful agent" should be permanently stationed at the above 
 mentioned places.^* 
 
 In 1643 the Dutch at Manathans captured several Spanish 
 prizes valued at over 50,000 R.D., according to their own 
 statements, and Printz was of the opinion, since New Sweden 
 was better situated, being nearer the Spanish colonies, that it 
 would be to the advantage of the government to have a good 
 and well armed ship in the river for the purpose of preying on 
 the "Spanish silver fleets." Governor Printz embodied his 
 suggestions in a long Report and made a list of the things neces- 
 sary in the settlement, as the Swan was about to set sail in 
 June.''* 
 
 The usual work occupied the colonists during the summer — 
 the cultivation of the tobacco plantations, the cutting of hay 
 and the harvesting of the other crops. The weather was favor- 
 able for the grain in 1644 and a good crop was undoubtedly 
 harvested and put into the sheds. We do not know definitely 
 
 "Report, 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 33. 
 "Report, 1644. Cf. above, Chap. XXVL 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 323 
 
 how the tobacco turned out. In March, 1645, 6,920 lbs. 
 were stored away, which seems to have been the whole crop. 
 At the rate of seven stivers a lb, the tobacco would be worth 
 2,422 fl. Twenty-nine men were engaged in the work and this 
 would make 83 54 fl. as the amount realized on the labor of 
 each man — not a very satisfactory result it would seem. 
 
 The Indian trade was poor during the summer and early 
 autumn, only a few smaller sales being recorded. The English 
 merchants returned in the fall to collect their outstanding 
 accounts as well as to trade, and Isaac AUerton sold fourteen 
 bushels of barley for seed, one pair of mill stones'^" and a Dutch 
 bushel measure. About this time oak-planks, rafters, boards 
 and other such material were brought to New Sweden and sold 
 there by English merchants.''® William Whiting likewise re- 
 turned during September to collect payment for his previous 
 sales and on the last of the month he was given i,o6gy2 lbs. of 
 beaver skins, valued at 4,277 fl.''^ As the powder and other 
 ammunition sent from Sweden was not sufficient for the want 
 of the colony, 127 lbs. of powder and 226 lbs. of lead were 
 exchanged for 1,007 ^^s. of tobacco in October and in Novem- 
 ber Joachim Calfood(?) sold several hundred yds. of sewant 
 to Swedes. A few smaller sales are also on record during the 
 late autumn, but the trade as a whole was very poor for the 
 remainder of 1 644. In the fall a journey to New England was 
 made with the sloop, but little is known about the expedition.''® 
 
 "The mill-stones were valued at 130 fl. and the barley at 42 fl. Ace. B., 
 1643-8. 
 
 "Thomas Marod sold 950 ft. of oak planks for 47 J4 fl. and John Wall sold 
 six large rafters and zoo ft. of oak planks. Another bill is as follows: 
 
 750 voet [Eyckenplancken] a 6 fl. (3) 100 fl. 45 
 
 1,450 voet [Eyckenplancken] a 5 fl. @ 100 fl. 72:10 
 
 1,998 voet [Eyckenplancken] a 4 fl. @ 100 fl. 79 
 
 2,300 clabborden a 5 fl. @ 100 fl. 115 
 
 100 voet plancken voor fl. 6 
 
 6,598 317:10 
 
 Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
 "Elias Baily, Robert Coxwell and William Braunvell, the English at Varkens- 
 kill, are also mentioned in connection with commercial transactions at this time. 
 
 '"Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
324 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 II. 
 
 No records are left to inform us how the colonists and their 
 governor spent the winter of 1644-45, ^^^ do the extant docu- 
 ments have much to say about the social life in New Sweden 
 during 1645. I" February the Indians began to bring in their 
 furs and corn and many smaller purchases were made from 
 them in March. In April Sven Skute bought several hundred 
 beavers from the savages and Mans Kling also did some busi- 
 ness with them. On May 26 four hundred and seventy-seven 
 skins were bought for 1,086 yds. of sewant and in June the 
 savages sold large quantities of corn to the Swedes. 
 
 In the early spring merchants from the neighboring colonies 
 arrived as usual to collect old accounts and to sell their 
 cargoes.^* 
 
 As the warm weather returned the freemen's labors of 
 former years repeated themselves. The grain was sown, the 
 gardens were made ready and the cattle were left to wander 
 through the woods or across the grassy meadows under the 
 care of the herdsman. 
 
 A new journey was made to Manhattan in the summer of 
 1645. The special object in going there was to buy cattle and 
 provisions. Four oxen were purchased for fifty-five beaver 
 skins, and one horse for thirty beaver skins. " A pair of mill 
 stones for the windmill" were obtained for two beavers, and 
 shirts, a barrel of tar and other necessaries for the trade and 
 use in New Sweden were likewise bought on this journey. In 
 August the commiss was again sent tO' New Amsterdam with 
 the sloop to buy oxen and goods.*" Five oxen valued at 
 fifty-one beaver skins and twelve barrels of lime worth one 
 skin were the result of the expedition.*^ 
 
 "Joachim Calfood was paid 1,568 florins on old accounts and somewhat 
 later he sold several hundred yards of sewant and duffels. John Willcox sold 
 1,968 yds. of sewant and 123 yds. of duffels in the colony at this time; Isaac 
 Allerton made large sales to individual colonists; William Whiting and Richard 
 Malbon also made large sales of sewant and cloth and Jurian Whitschut ( ?) is 
 mentioned in connection with commercial transactions (being also paid 17s 
 beavers on old accounts). Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
 ™ The expenses of both expeditions were paid in beavers. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8 (June-Aug., 1645). 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 325 
 
 During this month trade was established with the Indians 
 at the Schuylkill and on the sixth 449 beavers were purchased 
 for 1,234^ yds. of sewant. In September an Indian guide 
 was sent to invite the Minquas to the settlement for trading 
 purposes, and many of these savages made their appearance 
 shortly afterwards with skins and corn. But the Indian trade 
 could not be conducted with much vigor, for there was a lack 
 of merchandise. The governor and colonists waited for ships 
 and supplies from Sweden, but the summer came and went, the 
 grain grew and was harvested and no ships arrived. John 
 Willcox, Jeremiah Clerk and Mr. Spindel brought new cargoes 
 to the settlement, however, which supplied the most pressing 
 needs of the people and merchandise for the peltry trade.®'* 
 
 The colony was growing in prosperity. A pair of mill stones 
 had been purchased at Manhattan and the windmill was re- 
 paired for the autumn grinding. The cattle bought at New 
 Amsterdam enlarged the possibilities of agriculture and it is 
 likely that the fields were somewhat increased in 1645. Some 
 new land had also been occupied, which was not "properly 
 bought from the Indians" and dispute arose concerning the 
 title. Two chiefs demanded pay for the tracts and on Septem- 
 ber 20 they were given four yards of cloth and about nine 
 yards of sewant for their claim. This seems to have settled 
 the question and it appears that the colonists were henceforth 
 undisturbed in their possession.** 
 
 Preparations were now made for the winter. The grain and 
 hay were stacked or put into sheds, provisions were purchased 
 from the neighbors and necessary supplies for the cold weather 
 were provided. Omens were more favorable than the previous 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8 (August, September, October, 1645) October 20, 1645, John 
 Wilcox sold the following goods: 
 
 3825^ yds. of duflFels 348 it530 fl. 
 
 336 yds. of sewant a 4 fl 1, 344 A - 
 
 2,874 fl. 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8 (June ff. 1645). This purchase is not mentioned in any 
 other documents as far as I have been able to find and none of the older writers 
 refer to it. It is not possible to determine the situation of the land, but it was 
 probably some new tracts near the Schuylkill, perhaps somewhat above present 
 West Philadelphia. 
 
326 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 year, but a month before the Christmas holidays a lamentable 
 misfortune befell the little colony. The governor had gone to 
 rest in Printz Hof, the soldiers and settlers at New Gothenborg 
 had withdrawn to their quarters for the night, the lights in the 
 dwellings were extinguished. All was quiet and peaceful. The 
 gunner, Sven Vass, was on duty as watchman. But Vass fell 
 asleep and left his candle burning. Between ten and eleven an 
 alarm was given. The candle had set fire to the fort !^* The 
 people rushed out of their dwellings to save what could be 
 saved. But the flames grew with great rapidity. The powder 
 chest exploded with terrible force. In a short while nearly 
 everything was consumed in the storehouse.*^ Printz' Hall 
 also caught fire, and the governor lost property to the value of 
 5,584 R.D. When morning dawned on the island of Tinicum, 
 November 26, 1645, t^^ little settlement there had greatly 
 changed its appearance. Nothing but the barn remained, cold 
 set in and the river froze over,^* preventing aid from reaching 
 the island. The unfortunate colonists suffered greatly and from 
 December until March they were cut off from the mainland.*^ 
 But warmth came at last and connections were established with 
 the other settlements. Great efforts were made for the rebuild- 
 ing of the destroyed houses and the foundations for a new 
 church were laid. The fort was also rebuilt. 
 
 The governor had warned the company that if supplies were 
 not speedily sent to Christina the losses would run into thou- 
 sands. Printz waited, months passed, but no news came from 
 
 "^It was said that the fire was maliciously started, but this is not probable. 
 Cf. below. 
 
 "A list in the Account Book puts the loss at 410 beaver skins, 3izl4 yds. of 
 duffels, 768 yds. of sewant, 6,798 lbs. of tobacco, 100 bushels of pease, 2,000 lbs. 
 of " English bread " and various other articles, the total value of which was 
 8,933:10 fl. 
 
 "Records of the river being frozen over are published in Hazard's Register 
 and Penn. Mag. 
 
 "Report, 1647, report of the court held at New Gothenborg, February 8-n, 
 1647, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Ace. B., 1643-8; Doc., XU., p. 29; Winthrop, II. 254; 
 Col. N. Y. Hist. So., N.S., I. 429 ff. The date given in the Ace. Book is September 
 25, but this must be a mistake, for Hudde says that the fort was burnt on 
 December 5 (Doc, XH. 29), and Printz says that it happened on November 25 
 (n.s. December 5). 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 327 
 
 Sweden. The trade during the first half of 1646 was very 
 slight, partly on account of the severe weather, and some deer 
 skins and a few bushels of corn were the only purchases made 
 from the Indians from January until June. In January John 
 Willcox collected 1,949:10 fl. (in goods) at Christina and sold 
 provisions there. In July William Whiting sold 250 bushels 
 of rye, some sewant and 250 lbs. of leather. Printz also sent 
 his sloop to Manhattan for provisions, although he was not on 
 good terms with the Dutch, and 100 bushels of Indian corn or 
 wheat were bought there. In August Jacob Evertssen Sandelin 
 arrived in the South River with his ship the Scotch Dutchman.^^ 
 He sold 356^ yds. of duffels, 20 shirts, 30 pairs of shoes, 15 
 dozen knives, a quantity of cloth for sails, one hogshead of 
 French wine and other goods, the bill amounting to 2,500 fl. of 
 which 242 :3 fl. were the governor's private purchases. As the 
 Swedes had neither money nor beaver skins, Printz was com- 
 pelled to give him a draft for the amount, drawn on Peter 
 Trotzig in Holland. The draft was transmitted through 
 Laurens Laurenssen to Rev. Bogardus, who was to send it to 
 Europe, but when the transaction became known to the council 
 at New Amsterdam, a resolution was passed, ordering Rev. 
 Bogardus to deliver up the draft, since Sandelin had traded in 
 South River without permission from the Dutch West India 
 Company. The draft was finally sent, however, but when it 
 arrived in Sweden the company refused to honor it be- 
 cause they did not know for what purpose it had been drawn 
 and the sum was put on Printz's private account, until a report 
 could be received.** 
 
 Conditions were now very unfavorable for the prosperity of 
 New Sweden. Ships had not for a long time come from the 
 mother country and weeks were still to pass before aid arrived. 
 To aggravate matters the crops were poor and it was even 
 
 "Sandelin was a Scotchman. He accompanied Minuit to the Delaware in 
 1638. Cf. Chap. XIV. above. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8; Journal, no. 596, N.S., III. (K.A.) ; Doc, XII. 26-7; 
 Penn. Mag., II. 443. 
 
328 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 found necessary to send Huygen to New Amsterdam to buy 
 rye for seed."* 
 
 In spite of unfavorable circumstances some improvements 
 were made and new land was occupied. The old windmill did 
 not work well and, as the fields increased, it became necessary 
 to make other provisions for grinding the grain. Several places 
 were suitable for the erection of water mills, but the most con- 
 venient spot was some distance north of New Gothenborg, "no 
 doubt on Cobb's Creek, a tributary of Darby Creek," where 
 the water offered sufficient power for the driving of a water 
 wheel large enough to turn a pair of mill stones. Here Printz 
 built a dam and erected a mill in the summer or autumn of 
 1646.'^ A miller was also stationed there continuously for 
 some years. The colonists took their grain to the mill, where 
 it was ground for a certain toll, and the crop of 1646 was prob- 
 ably ground there. A blockhouse was built near the mill to 
 protect the settlement, which was made there, and the place was 
 called Molndal,^^ "because the mill was there." A short dis- 
 tance south of Molndal another blockhouse was erected about 
 this time to which the name of Vasa^^ was given.®* 
 
 In October, 1646, there was joy in the settlement; the Gyllene 
 Haj cast anchor before Christina. The ship carried large sup- 
 plies for the Indian trade and for the colony's need and some 
 new settlers and soldiers also arrived. They were all ill on 
 account of the troublesome journey, but it is probable that they 
 recuperated quickly after their landing. 
 
 In his report of 1644 Printz requested to be released from 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
 " It is probable that the windmill was used at times during the autumn 
 of 1646, but it must hav6 been discarded and allowed to go to ruin soon after- 
 wards. 
 
 " Near Gothenburg in Sweden was also a place called Molndal, which prob- 
 ably suggested the name. See Berg, Saml. till Got. hist., I. i6o. It is now an 
 important manufacturing place. See Rosenberg, Handlexicon, II. 2i6. 
 
 " Vasa was a place in the north of Finland, founded by King Gustaf Vasa I. 
 In the beginning of the last century the name was changed to Nicolaistad. 
 
 "* Report, 1647, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Ace. B., 1643-g; complaints of some freemen 
 and Printz's reply, August 3, 1653, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Rising's Journal; Hazard, 
 p. 78 ; Ferris, p. 73 ; Doc, XII. p. 29 ff. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 329 
 
 his post as soon as his term of three years' service had expired, 
 but in 1646, when the Haj was being prepared, the government 
 could find no one suitable for the place and the Queen, in 
 answer to his request, instructed him to remain in the country 
 yet for some years. The governor had now managed the 
 colony for nearly five years and " these years were longer and 
 more arduous to him than all the previous twenty-four years 
 in which he had served his dear fatherland." He was there- 
 fore anxious to be relieved from his duties and, when the 
 Queen's letter arrived, he "became sad," "but as he saw the 
 signature by Her Royal Majesty's own hand, he was so happy 
 that he no longer remembered his former sadness."^' 
 
 The outlook was now brighter for the little settlement. The 
 inhabitants could prepare for the winter with more eagerness 
 than formerly and they could cdebrate their Christmas with 
 more joy in their hearts than in 1645. 
 
 Duffels, corals, axes, kettles, knives, plates, goblets and bowls, 
 horn combs, thousands of fish-hooks as well as a great variety 
 of other trinkets were available for the beaver trade, and 
 shortly after the ship arrived several presents were given to an 
 Indian chief. Not many weeks later Hendrick Huygen and 
 Van Dyck with eight soldiers and an Indian guide were sent 
 fifty German (230 English) miles into the Minquas' country to 
 renew the old friendship with them and to reestablish the trade. 
 Rich gifts of mirrors, corals, combs and the like were presented 
 to the chiefs, who promised to traffic freely with the Swedes 
 and to discontinue the beaver trade with the Dutch entirely. 
 A few purchases of beaver skins and corn were made from the 
 savages in the beginning of 1647, but the trade was slow in 
 recuperating.®* 
 
 Efforts were now being made to buy a cargo for the Haj and 
 the sloop was sent " down the bay to try to trade," but it had 
 small success. The season of the year was unfavorable for the 
 peltry-trade and only 6,920*'' lbs. of tobacco could be furnished 
 
 '"Report, 1647; Printz to Brahe, February 20, 1647; Skokl. Saml. (R.A.) ; 
 The Queen to Printz, February 6, 1645, R.R. 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8; Report, 1647. 
 " It seems that about five or six thousand pounds belonged to the company. 
 
330 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 by the planters in the colony, as some had been lost in the fire, 
 but English merchants again came to the rescue. February 12 
 Isaac AUerton sold 11,422 lbs. at six stivers per pound and 
 shortly afterwards 24,144 lbs. were loaded upon the Haj. 
 
 The sloop seems to have been sent to Manhattan twice for 
 the purpose of obtaining provisions for the colony and for the 
 victualling of the ship on its long voyage. Printz supplied 
 394 fl. from his own means for provisions and twelve beaver 
 skins were given to Papegoja for his travelling expenses. The 
 preparations for the return of the Haj were completed about 
 the middle of February and some time later the vessel set sail. 
 The Rev. Fluviander and some colonists returned home on the 
 ship and Johan Papegoja was again sent to the mother country, 
 at the request of the soldiers and officers, to make an oral 
 report. Printz sent a long list of articles, which he needed,** 
 suggested many improvements and requested the company to 
 send him a brickmaker as well as carpenters and other laborers, 
 for he had a large barge almost ready, but its completion had 
 to be postponed until the arrival of more skilled workmen. 
 The governor also prepared a long report (dated February 20, 
 1647) to the New Sweden Company and sent it with Papegoja 
 to be delivered on his arrival in Stockholm.®' 
 
 From the report we are able to form an idea of the condi- 
 tion of the colony at this time. The population was still very 
 small, only 183 souls in all. The condition of the freemen 
 had improved since 1643, but the soldiers and servants were 
 dissatisfied and desirous of returning home. A few of the 
 servants of the company were deserted soldiers or others, who 
 had committed some slight offense, and, when they had served 
 here a certain number of years, depending on the nature of 
 their crime, they were made free and were often given land 
 to cultivate. In 1647 the total number of freemen settled on 
 
 ■^ He requested 200 spades, 50 muskets, 6 good drums, 2 metal cannon of i2-lb. 
 calibre, and a variety of other articles. 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-8; Report, 1647; Printz to Brahe, February 20, 1647, Skokl. 
 Saml. (R.A.) ; list of articles which Printz asked for, 1647 (in Kramer's hand- 
 writing), Ox. Saml. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 331 
 
 farms or plantations was twenty-eight, but we do not know the 
 extent of their fields nor the number of cattle, sheep and other 
 domestic animals they had. Sixteen oxen, a cow and a horse 
 had been purchased for the company from New Amsterdam 
 since the arrival of Printz, but two of the oxen had either died 
 or been sold to the freemen, for in February the company owned 
 only fourteen of these animals. The cattle sent from Sweden 
 by the company had now increased to ten. As to the swine, 
 goats and sheep we know nothing, but it is probable that the 
 freemen had a good supply of them at this time. The horse 
 purchased from the Dutch seemed to have fared well and he 
 was likely used for work on the land belonging to the company 
 and by Printz in travelling about the settlements.^"'* About 
 this time, as we shall see, complications arose with the Dutch 
 in the Schuylkill region. The blockhouse built there was for 
 a protection against the Indians and it could not oppose the 
 Dutch nor keep out trading vessels. As Printz found that he 
 was unable to regulate and monopolize the Indian trade in 
 these quarters by his present stronghold and maintain the 
 Swedish jurisdiction against his neighbors, he made preparations 
 for the building of a fort. " About a gunshot in the Schuyl- 
 kill, on the south side of it," there was " a very convenient 
 island," and here the fort was erected. Logs and timber were 
 cut during the early part of 1647 ^i^d the previous autumn and 
 in February the fort was almost ready. We are unable to say 
 when the stronghold was finished, nor do we know what arma- 
 ment was placed on its walls. It must have been of consider- 
 able strength, and well protected, for Hudde says that it con- 
 trolled the Schuylkill. The name of Fort New Korsholm"^ 
 was given to it, indicating its location,*"^ and Mans Kling, who 
 
 ""In December, 1646, he ran away, but he was caught by an Indian and 
 brought back to Printz. The Indian was richly rewarded for his trouble and 
 given several yards of cloth, two axes, six knives, two combs, two mirrors, etc. 
 See Ace. B., December 6, 1646. 
 
 ""Nya Korsholm. It was located on Province Island, called Drufiueeijland 
 or Manaipingh by the Swedes. 
 
 ^" Holme is the old Scandinavian word, meaning island. The word is 
 found in several Swedish names of places and cities, as StockAo/m, GripsAo/m, 
 T>]\xiiholm, Diottmngholm, etc. 
 
332 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 was commander in the blockhouse, was now given charge of the 
 fort. A gunner and some soldiers were also stationed there.^"' 
 
 Some new dwellings were built in the spring and the territory 
 of New Sweden was somewhat increased by purchases from the 
 Indians. In May Printz entered into communication with the 
 Minquas (Mantas?) concerning the sale of certain tracts of 
 land, and on the twenty-first the purchase was made in the 
 presence of several chiefs. The price paid for it was consider- 
 able for that time, consisting of 24 yds. of cloth, 65 yds. of 
 sewant, 6 axes, 4 kettles, 7 knives, 5 lbs. of corals, 2 silvered 
 chains, 450 fish hooks, besides a number of qther trinkets.'"* 
 The deeds are not known to exist, but from a later document 
 we are able to determine the location of the land. It was un- 
 doubtedly the same as that referred to by Mattahorn in 1651, 
 as having been bought by Printz three or four years before, 
 extending " on the west shore . . . from Wychquahoyngh 
 unto Mechechason.""^ "This land," said Mattahorn, "was 
 bought from two chiefs Siscohoka and Mechekyralames of the 
 Mantas"® Indians and Printz " set his fence thereupon."'"'' 
 
 It appears that tobacco-raising had proven itself unprofitable, 
 for after 1647 there is no record of shipment of tobacco to 
 ' Sweden, which had been grown in the colony. Grain and 
 Indian corn were now the staple products and New Sweden had 
 already become an agricultural rather than a commercial colony, 
 due to the lack of support from the mother country and the 
 nature and inclinations of the settlers. 
 
 The Indian trade, begun shortly after the arrival of the Haj, 
 was of small account and it continued to be poor for several 
 weeks;'"* but in the early spring Huygen was sent into the 
 country of the Black Minquas with merchandise.'"® The good 
 
 ^'"Report, 1647; Doc, XH. 29. 
 "Mff. B., 1643-8 (May ai, 1647). 
 
 ""Wychquahoyngh, Wichquacoing, Wigquakoing, Wicacoa (Philadelphia) 
 unto Mechechason (Trenton Falls). Cf. Doc, I. 292, 593. 
 
 "" Probably the same as the Minquas mentioned in the Ace. B. 
 
 '"Doc, I. 598. 
 
 ™ On February 22, 1647, sixty beavers were bought for 79 3/9 yds. duffels. 
 Ace B.; 1643-8. 
 
 "° It was carried by soldiers and some Indian guides. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 333 
 
 will of the chiefs was, as usual, bought by handsome gifts and 
 the journey was very successful, resulting in the purchase of 
 several hundred skins. The sloop was sent into the Schuylkill 
 and down the bay for trade, gifts being distributed to the sav- 
 ages at each place, and the peltry traffic was continued through- 
 out the summer with good profit. The English merchants who 
 visited the river bought many of these beavers for their wares, 
 which were again exchanged for other skins. 
 
 "An English bark," valued at 200 fl., was purchased by 
 Governor Printz from Robert Roberts [on] for 98 skins, and 
 sewant and grain to the value of thousands of florins were sold 
 to the Swedes in payment for beavers by Kirsfoot, Whiting, 
 Willcox and Andriessen, who were also paid large sums on their 
 old claims. 
 
 Another journey was made to New Amsterdam in the sum- 
 mer for the purpose of buying Indian corn,"" and about the 
 same time Knut Persson was sent to New England to procure 
 sewant and some oxen for merchandise, which had arrived on 
 the Haj. He purchased 1,000 yds."' of wampum for a great 
 variety of goods, including cloth, hats, caps, combs, mirrors, 
 hatbands, fish-hooks, knives and the like, and he gave forty 
 beaver skins for a pair of oxen. Persson returned to Christina 
 in the eirly autumn.''^ 
 
 The beaver trade with the Black Minquas was renewed in 
 August and a supply of maize for the winter was bought from 
 the River Indians. It is probable that the crops were poor in 
 1647, for in October 100 bushels of peas, 120 bushels of rye 
 and a large quantity of corn-flour were purchased from William 
 Whiting. Other foreign merchants also traded with the Swedes 
 in the summer and autumn of 1647 and Allerton was paid some 
 3,800 fl. on his old accounts."* 
 
 Little is known about the internal history of the settlement 
 
 ""Three hundred bushels of Taru or tarvj (= Mod. D. Tarvie, German, 
 Weizen; maize) were bought for loo beavers. Ace. B., 16^3-8. 
 
 "'The original has nifloo. 
 
 ^ Ace. B., 1643-8. Various expenses were connected with the voyage and 
 the pilot was given six beaver skins for his work. 
 
 '^'Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 
334 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 from March, 1647, until the beginning of 1648. It is said 
 that a Christian Indian^^* from New France visited the Swedes 
 on his way to Andastoe in 1647. ^^ i^ reported to have re- 
 proached the Swedes for their immorality and for thinking 
 more of the beaver trade than of converting the savages to 
 Christianity.^ ^^ 
 
 In January, 1648, the Swan anchored in Christina Harbor. 
 The vessel carried a few new colonists^^® and one of the largest 
 cargoes ever sent to New Sweden. Printz now expected his 
 recall. In 1646 he had been instructed to stay at his post, but 
 in the beginning of the following year he made new appeals 
 for his recall and petitioned for more pay and more donations 
 in Sweden. A reply to his letter came on the Swan. Again he 
 was disappointed. He was once more directed to remain in 
 New Sweden until another could be sent to replace him, but he 
 was given promise of reward, although his solicitations for a 
 grant of land in Sweden were answered rather evasively by the 
 Queen."^ 
 
 The first large brewing kettle was brought to the colony on 
 the Swan. The kettle was sent here by the company and we 
 may suppose that a brewery was built in the spring or summer 
 and that large quantities of ale were brewed there, which was 
 sold to the colonists. New supplies of iron, steel and lead were 
 also on the ship and the blacksmiths were kept busy for some 
 time, mending the old implements for the freemen and making 
 new ones for use in the fields. 
 
 The supplies which arrived on the ship for the colonists and 
 soldiers greatly improved their comfort. Printz displayed his 
 usual activity. New land was allotted to freemen and large 
 
 "' His name was Ondaaiondiont. 
 
 ^'Jesuit Relations (Thwaites), XXXHI. 129 ff. Ondaaiondiont also stated on 
 his return to the French settlement that the Europeans he visited had no church 
 for prayer ( !) and that their interpreter was a born Frenchman. The Andastoes 
 are supposed to be the Susquehannas. 
 
 "'Johan Papegoja returned to the colony on this ship and Rev. Lock was also 
 among the passengers. Cf. Chap. XXVIIL, above. 
 
 '" Queen to Printz, September i6, 1647, R.R.; A. Oxenstierna to Printz, Sep- 
 tember 7, 1647 ; Hazard, pp. 95-96. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 335 
 
 quantities of timber were prepared at the Schuylkill during the 
 winter for new dwellings. It seems that the governor bought 
 the island of Mekekanckon near Trenton Falls about this time 
 from an Indian chief by the name of Tomashire. In the spring 
 a few new dwellings were erected, probably on the Schuylkill, 
 and new ground was put under cultivation there, corn being 
 planted in the neighborhood of Fort Beversreede.^** 
 
 The Indian trade had continued almost uninterruptedly for 
 nearly a year, as the Swan brought new supplies and gave new 
 impetus to the same. From February until May, 1648, three 
 different journeys were made inland for thirty Swedish miles.^^' 
 There was an agreement between the Dutch and Swedes that 
 they should not go into the country to trade with the savages, 
 but the Hollanders had for two years conducted this harmful 
 trade into the interior and would not desist from it, although 
 they were warned by the Swedes, says Huygen in the Account 
 Book, and on this ground he justifies the actions of his governor. 
 The trade was so successful that over 1,200 skins were obtained 
 for the cargo of the Swan before she returned to Gothenburg. 
 That English and Dutch merchants traded in the colony also 
 in 1648 is certain, but the records of these transactions are 
 lost.*"" 
 
 In the spring " a list of the people who were still alive in 
 New Sweden" was made. Only the male inhabitants of age 
 are given and the list contains only 79 names, including the 
 slave.^^^ The officers and soldiers were all anxious to return 
 home, but the life of the freemen was more tolerable than ever 
 before and many seem to have reached some degree of pros- 
 perity. 
 
 In May the Swan returned to Sweden and now the colony 
 lost some of its most faithful servants, a number of soldiers and 
 
 '"Rising's Journal; Doc, XII. 46. 
 '"About 180 English miles. Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 '^Acc. B., 1643-8. 
 
 '^Rulla der Volcker, etc., 1648, N.S., II. (R.A.). Some names were omitted 
 on the list, however. Cf. below, appendix B. 
 
336 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 two or three freemen and laborers. ^^^ Printz sent his fourth 
 relation and other documents (all of which seem to be lost) 
 and, on the day before the vessel sailed, Papegoja wrote to the 
 chancellor requesting permission to leave the country and enter 
 the naval service unless more colonists should soon arrive.^ ^^ 
 The account-books and journals In which the monthly salaries 
 of the officers, soldiers and servants and their accounts with the 
 company and with the governor were entered, and in which the 
 sales, purchases and all commercial transactions with laborers 
 and savages were recorded from 1643 "i^tll May 25, 1648, 
 were also sent to Sweden on the Swari^^* in care of Mans 
 Kllng.'^^ According to these accounts the regularly employed 
 officers and servants, whose salaries were provided for by the 
 budget of 1642, had been paid 10,902 D. in goods and cash 
 from the supplies of the company in New Sweden and from 
 the private means of the governor, and the sums paid to the 
 " extraordinary officers and servants " were also comparatively 
 large.^^^ Big sums of money had also been paid in Sweden to 
 the men who returned from the colony, and small amounts 
 were often given to the wives of those who came here. It 
 sometimes happened that soldiers were given more goods and 
 cash than was due to them and two or three cases are on record, 
 where soldiers who owed the company deserted and left their 
 debts behlnd.^^'^ 
 
 '^Ci. Chap. XXVni. above. Rettel returned on the ship. He had been in 
 New Sweden for 7 years. His wife died here and in April Printz gave him a 
 passport to return to Sweden with his son, who was 14 years old. See " Pass for 
 C. Rettel," April, 1648, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "^Papegoja to Oxenstierna, May 15, 1648, Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 "* They were sent at the request of the company. 
 
 ""The Ace. B. kept "in het fort Christina" (April, 1643-May, 1648) by 
 Huygen is in good condition. It is written in Dutch and contains a record of 
 the goods bought and sold in the colony and given to the Indians in the above- 
 mentioned five years. The book is now preserved in N.S., I. (K.A.). For the 
 " Schuldt Boeck," also sent to Sweden on the S<wan and presented by Mans Kling 
 to the bookkeeper of the company, see above Chap. XXI. 
 
 "^Printz had supplied the servants, soldiers, officers and freemen 11,288 D. 
 27 ore from his own means in May, 1648, Journal, no. 703. 
 
 ^''Journal, no. 703 if.; Ace. B., 1643-8; Monatg. B., 1642-56. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 337 
 
 III. 
 
 When the Swan had left Christina Harbor the governor and 
 his people returned to their usual labors, but there are no records 
 to throw further light on the commercial and economic life 
 of the settlement In 1648. Governor Printz had seen his 
 happiest days on the Delaware, and the remaining years of his 
 rule were full of troubles and disappointments. The difficul- 
 ties with the I>utch were gradually increasing and soon almost 
 threatened to overthrow the Swedish power ; the expedition sent 
 for the relief of the colony in 1 649 was lost, and finally internal 
 troubles amounting almost to insurrection disturbed the peace 
 of New Sweden, making it almost impossible for the governor 
 to continue at his post. 
 
 Printz, however, made the most of the situation and the 
 colony gained in prosperity and " the freemen increased in 
 wealth " in spite of the unfavorable conditions. 
 
 In 1649 Printz again secured title to a small district. The 
 purchase was occasioned by the attempts of an Englishman to 
 settle on the land. The savages were always ready to sell any 
 tract. Printz communicated with the chief, who pretended 
 to the land, and offered to buy it. Deeds were drafted and the 
 presentation of gifts and the usual ceremonies followed. The 
 land was on the eastern shore of the Delaware, and was the 
 narrow strip north of the former limits of New Sweden between 
 the Mantas and Racoon Creeks.^ ^* 
 
 If we are to believe the Dutch reports the commercial activi- 
 ties in the river were very lively at this time, for Hudde writes 
 " that the trade in beavers with the savages amounts at present 
 [1649] to 30 to 40 and more thousands of beavers during one 
 trading season." Since Printz denied all others the right to 
 trade with the savages it is to be inferred that the Swedish traffic 
 with the Indians approached the above sum in 1649, hut the 
 Dutch estimate was greatly exaggerated, for obvious reasons, 
 and the Indian trade in New Sweden could hardly have reached 
 one fourth of the above-mentioned sum for that year. 
 
 '"The Englishman was Broen, who lived among the Dutch. Cf. below, pp. 
 423, 428, 585. 
 
 23 
 
338 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The Dutch now did everything in their power to obstruct the 
 free traffic on the Delaware. They claimed the right to exact 
 duties from English merchants who traded there, and Dutch 
 skippers, who were suspected of being too friendly with the 
 Swedes or who had no commission, were denied the privilege of 
 sailing to the South River.^^® 
 
 In 1650 the troubles with the Dutch increased and neither 
 news nor supplies came from Sweden, but the year was pros- 
 perous as the weather was favorable for the grain. In the 
 summer Printz was informed of the shipwreck of Kattan. A 
 Dutch vessel was then in the river ready to return to Europe 
 and with the ship Printz sent letters to the Queen, to the chancel- 
 lor, to Brahe and to Trotzig, urging them to ship over more 
 supplies and more colonists. He had written five times to 
 Sweden in the last two years and three months, but he had 
 received no reply either from the mother country or from the 
 company's agents in Holland. He reported that large tracts 
 of land had been purchased from the Indians (although "the 
 Dutch protested against it daily"), but there were entirely too 
 few colonists to take possession of them. The freemen were 
 in a prosperous condition and " all well except in a few cases." 
 They were mostly provided with oxen and other domestic 
 animals, which were increasing and growing more numerous 
 yearly. They cultivated the land in earnest and could sell over 
 100 barrels of grain. They not only sold rye and barley, but 
 they also prepared orchards and planted valuable fruit trees, 
 which grew splendidly. Their greatest trouble was that they 
 had no servants and some of them needed wives ! In addition 
 to the letter Sven Skute was sent to Sweden to make an oral 
 report and on August i a recommendation was given to him by 
 Printz.130 
 
 The Indians were friendly, but their trade went almost entirely 
 
 ^^ Doc, Xn. 370 ff. ; Acrelius; Sprinchorn, pp. 32-33; Hazard, n8. 
 
 ""Printz to Oxenstierna, August i, 1650, and to Brahe the same date. Ox. 
 Saml.; Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). Printz wrote to the Queen and to Peter Trotzig in 
 Holland (perhaps also to Beier), but these letters seem to be lost. See E. L. Reg. 
 of. Riksar. acter. gam. orient, kat. (R.A.), and Trotzig to Appelbom, April 11, 
 1650. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 339 
 
 to the Dutch, as the Swedes had little to sell. Traders from 
 Virginia, New England and New Amsterdam visited the settle- 
 ment as before, " daily offering for sale everything one's heart 
 can desire, although at treble prices," and English merchants 
 from Barbadoes sailed to the Delaware with their goods this 
 year. In December Gyllengren in company with other officers 
 was sent to New Amsterdam to procure some goods there and 
 "divers merchandise amounting to the sum of 158 J^ good 
 . . . winter beavers" were purchased by him. A note for the 
 amount or a " guarantee to pay " was given by Gyllengren and 
 Allerton.131 
 
 The summer and autumn of 1650 and the winter of 1650- 
 165 1 passed quietly and there were few disturbing elements. 
 The summer of 165 1 was favorable for the crops and the colony 
 harvested " very beautiful grain, besides all other valuable fruits 
 and nothing was needed, but more colonists." The disputes 
 with the Dutch, however, which took a dangerous turn in the 
 fall, menaced the little settlement and Printz was compelled to 
 concentrate his forces and to abandon some of the fortified 
 places. 
 
 The garrison at New Elfsborg was withdrawn and the fort 
 was left to decay, as it was no longer " the key to the river." 
 It is also probable that MolndaP^^ and New Korsholm were 
 abandoned about this time. The Indians " fell off from the 
 Swedes " on account of the activities of Stuyvesant, the settlers 
 were dissatisfied and there were few on which Governor Printz 
 could depend in an emergency. The beaver trade was monopo- 
 lized by the Dutch and consequently the trade with the foreign 
 merchants was also poor. 
 
 Mr. AUerton visited the colony in May, offering goods for 
 sale, and he was authorized by Augustin Herrman to collect the 
 debt contracted by Gyllengren. In the summer an English 
 bark from Virginia was also trading in the river. When Stuy- 
 
 "" Printz to Brahe, August i, 1650; Doc, Xll. 65 ff. 
 
 ""It is said that the miller did not dare to remain continually at the mill 
 for fear of the Indians, which seems to indicate that Molndal was abandoned. 
 
340 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 vesant arrived he captured the vessel and the goods, compelling 
 the skipper to pay duty. Governor Berkeley demanded satis- 
 faction for the damages but to no avail. It appears that other 
 English traders on the Delaware were harshly treated by Stuy- 
 vesant in 165 1, who compelled them to pay duty on goods they 
 had sold to the Swedes during the previous four years. It was 
 said that a certain Roloff sailed every year from Amsterdam to 
 the South River at this time, but the details of his business there 
 are unknown.^^* 
 
 Things looked dark for New Sweden in the autumn. " For 
 three years and nine months " Printz had had " absolutely no 
 orders nor assistance" from the mother country and he was 
 becoming nervous about the situation. On the first of August 
 he made reports to the Queen, to the chancellor, to Trotzig and 
 to Brahe, imploring them to send new cargoes before the fol- 
 lowing spring, but the spring of 1652 came and passed, bring- 
 ing neither ships nor supplies from Sweden.^** 
 
 Printz made use of every means at this command to improve 
 the condition. The carpenters were kept busy on the mending 
 of the forts and the building of boats, when there were no new 
 houses to be erected. We have seen that boats were built at 
 the wharf near Fort Christina in 1644. Again in 1647 ^ sloop 
 was built there for which sails and other supplies were brought 
 over on the Swan in 1648. The sloop was used by Printz on 
 official business and the expenses connected with its construction 
 and rigging out were charged to the admiralty.^^^ About the 
 end of 1 65 1 the governor began the construction of a large 
 sailing vessel. He had requested the company to send over a 
 ship, which could be used in the river for various purposes, but 
 his letters were not even answered. Consequently he deter- 
 mined to make the ship here. The vessel was built by Clas 
 Timmerman, assisted by other servants and carpenters, and in 
 
 ''^Printz to Brahe, August i, 1651; Doc, XU. 43 ff.; Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., 
 F. S. II.; Plym. Col. Rec. 
 
 "* Printz to Brahe, Oxenstierna and the Queen, August i, 1651, Skokl. Saml., 
 Ox. Saml, E.L. ori. kat. (R.A.). 
 
 "° The sloop was used in the colony for many years. 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 341 
 
 August, 1652, Printz wrote to Sweden that " the ship was ready 
 on the river, except for tackle, sails, cannon and crew, which 
 were too expensive to hire and buy here." The ship was of about 
 two hundred tons burden (a large vessel for that time) and it 
 seems that she was to be used for defending the river as well as 
 for preying on Spanish commerce.^'® 
 
 The year of 1652 was not prosperous and " the troubles were 
 daily increasing." Heavy rains did damage to the grain, " but 
 the freemen had bread enough." On August 30 Printz again 
 wrote to the authorities in Sweden, describing the condition of 
 the colony and complaining of its neglect by the government 
 and the company. The Indian trade was ruined, since the 
 Swedes had no cargoes to sell ; the savages showed signs of un- 
 rest; the Hollanders pressed hard upon the settlement and the 
 foreigners had the opinion that the government at Stockholm 
 had entirely forsaken its people on the South River. The 
 Swedes themselves were dissatisfied and many deserted. On 
 top of it all Printz was ill and not able to exert his former 
 energy. He had proposed that the company should invest 
 20,000 R.D. in the "North English Company," but he had 
 received no reply. He was hopeful of the situation, however, 
 as the colonists were in good circumstances. The reports caused 
 some activity at Stockholm in behalf of the colony, as we have 
 seen, but it led to nothing and Printz waited in vain for new 
 supplies. 
 
 It seems that trading expeditions were made to the neighbor- 
 ing colonies in the autumn to obtain supplies, and on August 1 8 
 a pass was given at New Gothenborg to Laurens Cornelius 
 Andriesen, granting him permission to sail to other American 
 ports. 
 
 In 1653 the condition of the colony remained the same. The 
 officers and soldiers, as well as the servants of the company, 
 were more dissatisfied than ever and the majority desired to 
 leave their service. In April and again in July Printz sent 
 
 "• Printz to Brahe and to Oxenstierna, August 30, 1652, Skoil. Saml., Ox. 
 Saml. (R.A.). 
 
342 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 letters and reports to Sweden. Supplies and people must be 
 sent, he says, or " the labor and expense which has been applied 
 on this well-begun work will come to nought." To emphasize 
 the urgency of the supplies, he sent his son, Gustaf Printz, to 
 make an oral report.^^'' 
 
 English and Dutch merchants continued to supply the colony 
 with necessary goods " at double prices," but these trading ex- 
 peditions to the Delaware became less frequent during the war 
 and the fur trade was entirely ruined through the feuds of the 
 Indian tribes, who brought in the beavers.^** In March Printz 
 purchased a quantity of linen and other cloth, one hundred and 
 thirty-four axes, four guns, two pistols, six ankers^ ^^ of Spanish 
 wine, three ankers of brandy and various other goods. A bark 
 called the Eindracht was also bought for the sum of 1,122 
 florins. The goods were sold by Evert Cornelisen. Printz 
 could not pay him in cash or in beavers, but gave a draft for 
 3,077 D. 8 ore, which was finally paid by the commercial col- 
 lege, through Peter Trotzig in Amsterdam.^*** About the 
 same time Thomas Adams, captain and mariner, purchased a 
 plantation in Maryland and endeavored "to establish trade 
 with the Swedes in the Delaware Bay." Permission was given 
 him by the Maryland colony to trade there on the condition 
 that his ships be well armed and that he conformed to the laws 
 of the commonwealth. 
 
 Printz having heard through the Dutch and English that 
 there was a lack of tobacco in Sweden, "made an accord with 
 Edmund Scarborough . . . that he was to send a small ship, 
 loaded with 80,000 lbs. of tobacco," to Gothenburg. In order 
 to insure the vessel against the attacks of the Dutch a Swedish 
 commission was given to the skipper and it seems that Gustaf 
 
 '" Printz to Oxenstierna and to Brahe, April 26, July 14, 1653, Ox. Saml., 
 Skokl. Saml. (R.A.) ; cf. above, Chap. XXX. 
 
 138 u -j-jjgj-g ig absolutely no profit any more in the fur-trade and especially now 
 since the Arregahaga and Susquahanoer (from whom the beavers come) began 
 to make war upon each other." Printz to Oxenstierna, April 26, 1653, Ox. Saml. 
 
 ^^' Ankare, anker (firkin), 8-7/11 gallons. Cf. Chap. VL, above. 
 
 '"In October, 1653, Kramer sent a draft for the amount to Trotzig. Journal, 
 no. 1,127. Eindracht, probably Endrakt (Harmony). 
 
Social and Economic Life in the Colony. 343 
 
 Printz was placed in command, "^ who went to Stockholm to 
 make a report. 
 
 Affairs were now growing more complicated and in the 
 autumn Printz decided to go to Sweden himself. Some time 
 before his departure, he exchanged a quantity of goods for sev- 
 eral thousand pounds of tobacco, which was shipped to Hol- 
 land for the company. The old sloop was also sold and a new 
 one purchased in its stead. About the same time the skipper, 
 Jan Jansen, was trading on the river and he sold 200 lbs. of 
 powder, 29 pairs of shoes and 200 yds. of linen cloth to the 
 Swedes. These articles valued at 322 D. 6^ ore were placed 
 in the storehouse at New Gothenborg under the care of Pape- 
 goja. Under Jacob Svensson at Christina there were also 
 goods to the value of 2,487 D. 3 ore, consisting of cloth, guns, 
 shoes and the like. To further increase this stock for the 
 winter Svensson was sent to New England for the purpose of 
 trade and in September Printz issued a passport or sea letter 
 for Laurens Cornelius Andriesen, who was about to sail to 
 New England on a trading voyage.'*^ 
 
 As the Indians were unruly during the last years of Printz's 
 governorship, they could not be depended upon, making life in 
 the colony less safe and causing some inconvenience to the 
 settlers, but there were no serious troubles with them. The 
 watermill was kept in order and ground most of the flour, but 
 since it could only be run on certain days for fear of the savages, 
 the colonists were at times compelled to grind their grain on 
 hand mills. The swine were occasionally killed by the savages 
 and they sometimes molested the cattle and stole guns and other 
 
 "' Printz's letter is somewhat ambiguous, but the expression " medh een Swensk 
 Commissie Digt of'ver forpasserat " seems to indicate that the ship was sent. 
 The ship on which Gustaf Printz sailed was captured by the English and never 
 reached Sweden. Printz to Brahe, July 14, 1653, Skokl. Saml. 
 
 ^"Journal, nos. 1126-1130, 1180, 1210-11; Printz to A. Oxenstierna, August i, 
 1650, August I, 1651, August 30, 1652, April 26, July 14, 1653; Ox. Saml. and 
 letters of the same dates from Printz to Brahe, Skokl. Saml. (R.A.) ; Complaints 
 against Printz, etc., 1653, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Doc, XIL 63-5, 70 ff., 370 ff.; Hazard, 
 139, IIS ff-; Col. N. Y. Hist. So., Fund S., II. 7 ff.; Md. Archives, III., pp. 30a- 
 301 ; " Copia von L. Andriesen sein Pass," etc., August 18, 1652, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; 
 Plym. Col. Rec, Deeds; Penn. Mag., VI. 489; Mss. in Penn. Hist. So. Cf. below. 
 
344 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 property from the Swedes. The population had been increased 
 by birth and new arrivals since 1643, ^^^ many had returned to 
 Sweden, while others had deserted, going to Virginia and else- 
 where, and the total number of inhabitants was only about 200 
 souls.^** 
 
 '"See Com. Col. Prol., 1652; Penn. Mag., II. 225; cf. below, Chap. XLIL 
 Lasse Cock was b. 1646; Peter Rambo, June 17, 1653, etc. Cf. appendix below. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists, 1643-1653. 
 
 The dwellings erected by the Finns immediately on their 
 arrival were probably of the simplest form known to them in 
 their home country, namely the kota.^ This structure, of the 
 same general type as the Lapplander's hut,* resembled an 
 Indian wigwam. It was made by placing poles of a few inches 
 thickness and about fifteen feet long close together in a circle 
 (of about ten feet in diameter) with their tops adjoining one 
 another. A second layer of poles was at times employed to 
 close up the large opening in the first layers, and moss or 
 other material was further used to fill up the cracks, improving 
 the comfort of the occupants. An opening was left on one side 
 for a door, covered with a skin or a piece of cloth. Across the 
 "tenthouse," about half-way between the ground and the top, 
 a pole was fastened by which the kettle and other cooking 
 utensils could be suspended on an extensible wooden hook,^ 
 beneath which the fire was made.* Here the newly arrived 
 Finnish (and probably an occasional Swedish) settler found 
 shelter and almost as much comfort as he was used to at home.'' 
 As soon as he was able, however, he erected a more comfortable 
 dwelling, portel (pirtti) .^ This form of living house was com- 
 mon in Finland in olden times and the Finnish settlers in Sweden 
 employed it almost exclusively in the seventeenth century.^ 
 
 The port was a log cabin (varying in size) built of round tim- 
 
 ' A Finnish word meaning " house," " cooking-house," etc. 
 
 ' Cf. the illustration in Nilsson's Skansen, p. 72. 
 
 'The hook vpas sometimes made out of iron. 
 
 *Retzius, Finland, p. 20 ff. 
 
 "It is more than probable that such dwellings were erected here on the first 
 arrival of the Finns, for these people used them in Sweden, during their first 
 years of settlement there. Cf. Nordmann, p. 92 ff. 
 
 ""Pirtti" (Finnish), "port" (Swedish), "cabin," "cot," "smoke-house." 
 
 ' Cf. Nordmann, p. 92. 
 
 345 
 
34^ The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 bers. The roof was gabled. On one of the end walls was a 
 door, and two or three small openings on the other walls, covered 
 with slide boards, served the purpose of windows. The floor 
 was made out of split or hewn logs. The fire-place, constructed 
 out of boulders or roughly formed granite blocks, was built in 
 a corner of the room on a foundation of timbers. There was 
 probably no chimney at first, the smoke being allowed to float 
 about freely in the room, from whence it gradually escaped 
 through an opening in the roof, which could be closed by a 
 board. Later on a chimney was installed, made out of the 
 trunk of a hollow tree. There was only one room, so ar- 
 ranged that it could serve the purpose of a " Finnish bath- 
 house," dwelling-house and bed-chamber.® 
 
 If we could have made a visit to one of these early dwellings 
 on the Delaware, we should have found it very much resembling 
 those used by the settlers in Sweden and Finland before they 
 came here. Remnants of this type of dwellings are still to be 
 seen in the north and one of them has been moved to Skansen 
 in Stockholm. Let us enter this old relic from a by-gone age! 
 We must stoop to get through the door, which is located a little 
 to the side on one of the gable ends. To the right, as we come 
 in, is the fireplace and the oven, made from rough, heavy stones 
 (the oven sometimes being clayed over and chalked on the front 
 side) . On the floor near by, along the same wall, is the bed 
 with its loose straw, covered with a sheepskin. The table is to 
 the left, behind which is a seat or bench nailed to the wall. The 
 spinning wheel, the chair made from the hollow trunk of a 
 tree, the birch-bark shoes, the pipe and the tobacco leaves for 
 smoking, the skin coat, the wooden plates and bowls, the 
 copper kettle and the fir-sticks for lighting purposes are all 
 there, hung up or arranged in their proper places. The big 
 room is gloomy even in the daytime, for only two little open- 
 ings or "windows" in the walls admit light and the thick 
 smoke, which, when the fire is burning, floats about above the 
 heads of the occupants, before it finds its way out through the 
 
 * Cf . Retzius, p. 54 ff. ; Nordmann, p. 92 S. ; Nilsson, p. 60 ff. ; Heikel. 
 
The exlL-rioi of si kota, showingr the entrance and fireplace. R. 
 
 Cross-section of the kola, showing the l:(.<:k 
 carrN'ing a pot suspended on a pole across 
 the hnt. R. 
 
 Wooden hook used in the /,«/</, for 
 suspending the pot over the fire. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists. 347 
 
 hole, leading up into the wooden chimney on the roof, tends to 
 increase the gloom. Such was the early Finnish (and some 
 Swedish) dwellings on the Delaware, but the freemen lived 
 happy and enjoyed their new homes, for many of the difficulties 
 encountered in their native land were absent here. 
 
 The first dwellings erected by the Swedish colonists were 
 likewise simple log-cabins made of round timber. The door 
 was on the gable end, over which the roof projected three or 
 four feet and on the other side were two or three little openings 
 which admitted light. The first fires were made on the ground 
 and there was no chimney, the smoke finding its way through 
 an opening in the roof, as in the case of the Finnish houses. 
 As soon as opportunity allowed a fireplace was made, on the 
 same principles as those in the Finnish huts. The beds, which 
 were made on the floor, the chairs made by cutting off a piece 
 from the trunk of a large tree and a table near the wall were 
 among the first necessities and continued to be the only furni- 
 ture for some time. When the freemen increased in wealth 
 and prosperity, they built large houses and made many im- 
 provements, but we shall leave this until the next chapter.* 
 The mode of building was influenced by the Dutch and English 
 and " an English house " was erected in Fort Elfsborg.^" 
 
 " On Tinicum Island . . . Gov. Printz caused a Hall to be 
 built, which was called Printz Hall, very splendid and well 
 built, with an orchard, a pleasure house and more such things."'^ 
 Churchill states In one of his novels that the bricks used in the 
 building of Carvel's House were brought from England and 
 "legends" have been circulated to the effect that the "Old 
 Swedes' Church" (Gloria Dei) was built from Swedish bricks! 
 It has likewise been said as late as 1909 that "Printz Hall" 
 
 ' The description given in a previous chapter largely applies to the houses built 
 in the beginning of this period. One or two little " glass windows " would be 
 added to the dwellings of the most prosperous settlers and other conveniences were 
 supplied. 
 
 '° Ace. B., i6^i-%. , ,^ 
 
 " Lindestrora, Geogr. Amer.; Holm, p. 79 (transl.) ; Acrelius, p. 43 (transl.). 
 This description, however, refers to Printz Hall No. 2 (the one built after the 
 Ifire). 
 
348 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 was built out of bricks brought from Sweden, ^^ while others 
 have denied that bricks were shipped here at all. Both of these 
 theories are equally erroneous. We have already seen that 
 about 500 bricks were carried over on the first journey and in 
 1643 " 6000 bricks together with half a last of lime were con- 
 signed to Governor Printz [at his request] for the need of the 
 country in New Sweden."^^ This was the last direct shipment 
 of bricks made to the colony, although several thousand were 
 imported from Holland by the company. It is probable that a 
 few bricks were taken here as ballast on some of the expeditions> 
 but Swedish bricks were in no case used for building purposes. 
 Printz Hall was undoubtedly completed, as far as its exterior 
 was concerned, before the beginning of 1644. The large ship- 
 ment of bricks did not arrive here before the spring of 1644 
 and in any case it is clear that a spacious and " well built Hall "^ 
 could not be erected with 6,000 bricks, which were used for 
 other purposes.^* 
 
 Printz Hall was in all likelihood built out of hewn logs.'^^ It 
 was probably two stories high and so arranged that it could be 
 defended in case of attack. The lumber, which was brought 
 here on the Fama, was used for the interior of the mansion^' 
 and ovens and two or more fire-places with chimneys were con- 
 structed out of some of the bricks. The mansion had several 
 rooms, lighted by windows of glass,^'^ and It was not devoid of 
 
 Tenn. Mag.. XXXIIL lo. 
 
 "The cost of the bricks was 22 R.D. They were loaded upon the Fama.. 
 Journal, nos. 350-51. 
 
 " Fireplaces and chimneys were built out of these bricks as far as they lasted. 
 It is estimatetd that about 400 bricks will make a good sized fireplace. At that 
 rate probably some 15 to 18 new fireplaces were made. 
 
 " " On Tendkong 12 men, four at the time, built (timbrade) a large house out 
 of logs in 8 days. . . . We have assisted in the work on all the houses which are 
 on the estate as well with the building as with the masonry (murandet)."' 
 " Forklaring," etc., July 7, 1654, N.S., I. (R.A.). That there were no brickhouses 
 on the island is clear from Sluyter's Journal, Mem. of the Long Isl. Hist. Soc., I. 
 
 ^'Journal, 305. Twelve "tolfter" were on the ship, valued at 19 D. 16 ore. 
 
 ^^ Journal, 304 ff. On the authority of Peter Kalm (who quotes an old set-^ 
 tier) it has been stated that " the Swedes made windows out of isin-glass, when 
 they first came here," and from this it has been inferred that no windows were 
 used. But in 1644 "twenty four windows" were brought here on the Fama, 
 Some were used for Printz' Hof and the rest for the houses in Fort Christina,, 
 
I'oiir, now erected at Skansen, Stockholm. 
 
 ^porle and bath-house of the eighteenth century built 
 of hewn logs. (From Tavastland, Finland. R.) 
 
 Interior of the porlc from Tavastland having the fireplace 
 to the left. R. 
 
Types of wooden chimneys used in Sweden and Finland in earlv 
 
 employed. R. 
 
 early times and still 
 
 The •■ fire-rake ■■ or poker {made of wood) for stirring the fire 
 
 S. The '■ window " of the porte, showing the ■• slide-board. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists. 349 
 
 comfort, we may even say of luxury. From the articles con- 
 sumed in the fire of 1645, when Printz Hall was burnt, we may 
 form some idea of the way Printz lived. They are given in a 
 list,^* made at an examination during a court in February, 
 1647, ^s follows: 
 
 R.D. St. 
 
 The governor's library, estimated to at least 200 
 
 The governor's clothes and other articles, figured as far as it 
 
 was possible to remember them 1,200 
 
 The underlinen of Governor Printz's wiie 240 
 
 Pearls and precious stones of Governor Printz's wife, all lost 
 
 in the fire 1,200 
 
 The every day and best clothes of Governor Printz's wife, 
 
 estimated at 800 
 
 Curtains and the like 120 
 
 Copper, tin and household articles 120 
 
 Gold, silver and money, except that which was reclaimed... 600 
 
 120 lbs. of light [candles] @ lost. 24. 
 
 180 bushels of rye, his own crop @ 3 fl. 216 
 
 100 bushels of malt @ 3 fl. 120 
 
 200 lbs. of hops @ I fl. 5 St. 100 
 
 3,000 lbs. of salted pork @ 6 st. 360 
 
 560 lbs. of smoked pork @ 6 St. 91:10 
 
 224 lbs. of pork-fat @ 10 st. 44: 4° 
 
 80 lbs. of cheese @ S «'■ * 
 
 120 lbs. of butter @ 10 st. 24 
 
 200 lbs. of fish @ 3 St. 12 
 
 500 lbs. of salted meat @ 4 st. 4° 
 
 Summarium 5,520:2 
 
 In 1646 Printz Hall was rebuilt, larger and more beautiful 
 than before.^' 
 
 Printz was accused of enriching himself at the expense of his 
 subjects and it was said that he carried on an unlawful beaver- 
 trade,*" but most of the charges against him were probably 
 unjust. He made large advances of money and goods to the 
 colonists, from time to time, and in some instances he was paid 
 
 Fort Elfsborg, etc. Windows were probably also used for the dwellings of some 
 of the prosperous freemen. Kalm, Resa, etc., II. 217, III. 7°- I" a P0=" 
 written towards the end of the seventeenth century it is stated that the Swedes on 
 the Delaware used isin-glass in their windows, proving that this material was 
 really employed by the colonists at an early date. 
 
 " List in N.S., L (R.A.). 
 
 " Cf. above. Chap. XXXII. 
 
 " See below, Chap. XXXVIII. 
 
350 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 in beaver-skins, bought for the company from the savages.*^ 
 He had a perfect right to sell these beaver-skins in any way he 
 saw fit, as much so as the merchants in Stockholm or Amster- 
 dam, who bought skins from Bonnell and Andersson; for he 
 had not infringed on the rights of the company, which alone 
 could buy from the Indians. Printz of course sold his skins at 
 a gain ; most of the work on his plantation was done by servants 
 and colonists, without pay it seems,^^ and through wise manage- 
 ment he collected almost a little fortune on the Island of Tini- 
 cum. Some of the colonists got into heavy debts to the gover- 
 nor. This was especially the case with " Lasse the Finn," who 
 with his wife settled a plantation at Upland. They were also 
 accused of disturbance and witch-craft, on account of which 
 they were removed from their plantation probably about 
 1646,^^ but they were given better land and situation by the 
 governor, " although they owed [him] three times as much as 
 the value of their former plantation," which was taken by 
 Printz in lieu of his claims " and called after his own name, 
 Printz Torp."''* The plantation was probably rented by Printz 
 to some colonist, who paid for its rental by the work of a cer- 
 tain number of days a year,^'* becoming what might be termed 
 a crofter.^® 
 
 "^ Cf. above, chap. XXXH., Ace. B., 1643-48. 
 
 ^" Forklaring," etc., N.S., 1. (R.A.) ; Acrelius, p. 83. It seems that such work 
 was considered their taxes, due the governor. 
 
 "In 1662 Beeckman writes that he had been informed that Printz Torp had 
 been in possession of Printz and his daughter for sixteen years. That would 
 bring us to the year 1646. Doc, XII. 412; Hazard, 339. 
 
 "Petition, etc., and Printz's Answer, July 27 and August 3, 1653, N.S., I. 
 (R.A.). Hence we see that the plantation was not "granted to Printz in accord- 
 ance with his petition " in 1647, as was suggested by Smith, Hist, of Del. County, 
 p. 47, and by other historians. 
 
 " Printz Torp was also designated by its Dutch form, Printz Dorp, in some of 
 the documents (Beeckman's Declaration, September 19, 1662, Doc, XII. 412) and 
 it is so written in Winsor, IV. 463 ; Hazard, p. 220, 339 ; Smith, Hist, of Del. 
 County, pp. 47, 82. Swedish t often becomes Dutch d. Cf. Dutch dapper and 
 Swedish tapper, etc. Cf. Noreen, Abriss der Urg. Lautlehre, p. 232, etc. The 
 Dutch form has given rise to a misconception of the meaning of the word. 
 Hazard translates it by village and he is followed by Smith and others (Hazard, 
 p. 339; Smith, Hist, of Del. County, p. 83). The Swedish word torp has of course 
 not the same meaning as the Dutch dorp, nor the German Dorf (village), 
 although they are etymologically the same words, and in Middle H. German 
 
Spliiit-stick-holder of iron, showing tlie bnrning" splint. R. 
 
 t fi^TliMii^ii 'I'l l 
 Movable splint-stick-liolder of wood. S, 
 
Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists. 351 
 
 The dwelling-rooms of the settlers were lighted partly with 
 tallow-candles and partly with so-called pertstickor or sping- 
 stickor. These splinter-sticks were used very extensively and the 
 custom was very old, being mentioned in Kalevala and in the 
 oldest writers of the North. "The lighting-splints were thin 
 and flat, about a yard in length and they were made by split- 
 ting pine-trunks (preferably such as were of a resinous quality) 
 into the proper size." One, two or more of these splints were 
 fastened in the walls of the room, usually quite high up. They 
 were stuck into the crevices between the logs or fastened into 
 a " stick-holder of Iron." The splint sloped downward. "It 
 was the free end, hanging down, which was lighted." In burn- 
 ing the stick produced much smoke. After a few minutes such 
 a splint was consumed and a new one was placed in the holder 
 and lighted as before. Two or three burning sticks lighted the 
 room sufHciently for ordinary purposes. The splint-holders 
 were of two general types. The one was a short iron bolt, 
 one end of which formed a clasp for holding the splint, the 
 other end being sharpened to stick into the wall. The other 
 type, generally made of wood, had an upright shaft a yard or 
 more in height, placed on a base. This holder could readily be 
 moved from place to place and was therefore more serviceable 
 and convenient than the former kind.*^ Candles were also 
 employed in New Sweden, especially by the commissioner and 
 
 Dorf sometimes means Gehoft. The Swedish torp (Old Eng., Porp, meaning 
 village; Gothic, Paurp, meaning land, field; Old Norse, Porp, meaning village, 
 land and an isolated farm, cf. Vigfusson, An. Icel. Die, p. 742) means a small 
 farm or plantation often belonging to a neighboring larger estate. The one 
 occupying a torp was called a torpare. Cf. Sunden, Ordbok, pp. 506-7; Bjork- 
 man, Ordbok, p. 1164; Kluge, Etym. Worterb., p. 75. Concerning torp and 
 torpare in Sweden in the seventeenth century see, Radspr., IV., p. 71 ; VII., p. 
 200; IX., p. 36-7. 
 
 " The institution of torpare exists in Sweden to-day. " [Torpare or] crofters 
 rent for themselves small parcels of land, belonging to their employers, on the 
 condition of rendering a certain number of day's work on the estate." " The 
 crofter is in Sweden a kind of tenant of smaller, cultivated plots of lands 
 [torps]." Sundbarg, Siueden, p. 610, 611 fit. 
 
 "Retzius, Finland, p. 73 ff.; Stolt, Minnen, p. 24 ff. Cf. Kalevala, Rune 
 XXI.; Magnus, Hist, de gent., etc., 77. This historian (middle of the sixteenth 
 century) represented the Swedish matron holding the lighted splint in her mouth, 
 while she worked her distaff. 
 
352 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 bookkeeper in the forts. As time went on they probably be- 
 came more common here than in the mother country and in the 
 Monthly Account-Book (1642-56) we find entries like this: 
 
 " To Pafvel Jonsson, 4 lbs. of light at 8 st fl. i : 12." 
 
 The candles were made of tallow grease which was heated 
 and poured into an old churn or other vessel. Wicks (of hards- 
 heddle, sometimes suspended by hooks on a circular disk to 
 which a handle was attached) were dipped into the fluid until 
 a sufficient coating of tallow-grease had collected around them 
 to form a candle of desired size. Candlesticks were employed 
 and it is likely that " candle-lanterns " were in use. These 
 lanterns "were usually composed of a round wooden bottom 
 below, an upper side with a round hole in it, and then thin 
 spokes between them, so that it became a frame-work. Around 
 this the lantern-membrane was wrapped, which was carefully 
 [collected and] preserved from the fish-family."^* 
 
 The dress of the people was simple. In the first years they 
 wore clothes mostly made in Europe, but later the garments 
 were also made here. Joen Skraddare was undoubtedly a 
 tailor,^* as his nick-name indicates, but it is unlikely that he 
 found time to make all the clothes necessary and it is probable 
 that some of the colonists made their own wearing apparel. 
 Brown or gray wadmaP" and duffel, linen and frieze were the 
 most common cloth, in fact almost the only kind shipped here 
 for the need of the settlers and from this their garments were 
 made. The retail cost of these materials from 1643 ""^il '654 
 was as follows: 
 
 1. Frieze, four florins a yard. 
 
 2. Duffel, four florins a yard. 
 
 3. Linen cloth, one florin a yard. 
 
 4. Wadmal, twelve stivers a yard. 
 
 5. Hards-cloth, half a florin a yard. 
 
 Shoes were shipped into the colony in fairly large numbers, 
 but they were also made here.*^ The shoemaker mended old 
 
 ^Stolt, Minnen, p. 25 ff.; Ace. B., 164.3-4.8. 
 " See Rulla, 1644, appendix. 
 °°A kind of coarse woollen cloth. 
 " Cf. below and above. 
 
Interior of a dwelling from Jonkoping, Sweden, showing the splint-holder, the table 
 with its wooden dishes, the fire-place and the " clothes-hangers." 
 
 Interior showing the table with its candle-stick, the clock (marked 1747), and the bed- 
 stead. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists. 353 
 
 shoes and sole-leather was shipped over (Van Dyck buying two 
 pounds of it at one and a half florins a pound). The shoes 
 varied in price from two and a half to three florins. Erick 
 Andersson, the Trumpeter, bought six pair of shoes from 1643 
 until 1648 at two and a half florins a pair, making one pair a 
 year, which was the average for the soldiers and servants.^* 
 Shirts (the only undergarments mentioned) were largely 
 bought by the colonists from the supplies sent over, their price 
 varying from three to five florins a piece. It seems that the 
 officers wore a more expensive kind.^* The stockings were made 
 of felt, wool and linen, and their average cost was as follows: 
 
 1. Felt stockings, five florins a pair. 
 
 2. Woolen stockings, four florins a pair. 
 
 3. Linen stockings, one florin a pair. 
 
 Gloves were worn by the officers and soldiers and we find 
 several bills for Russian gloves, whose cost was one florin a 
 pair. " Hats with ribbons " and " English caps " were worn 
 by the colonists and soldiers. " An English cap "^* cost from 
 three to four florins*® and a hat was valued at five florins (in- 
 cluding ribbon, six stivers extra) . 
 
 The food of the colonists and soldiers consisted of deer-meat 
 and other game; fish, pork, salted or smoked (except in the 
 autumn when the animals were butchered), dried meat,*® beef 
 (fresh or salted),*'' cheese, butter, "English bread" and bread 
 made out of wheat, rye,** Indian corn and at times a mixture of 
 the last two.*" Of vegetables they had pease, beans,*" turnips 
 and watermelons. Pepper, ginger ( " natural and prepared ") , 
 
 "Monatg. B., 1642-1656. 
 
 "Junker Per Liljehok bought 7 •hemden from 1643 to 1648 at the cost of 5 
 florins each. Peter Jonsson bought 7 hemden for three florins each, etc. Monatg. 
 B., 1642-56, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "Ace. B., 1643-1648; Monatg. B.. 1642-1656. 
 
 " 1643-54 is always meant. 
 
 " " Drog fleisch." 
 
 " " Oxen Fleis," etc. 
 
 " Other grains were oats and barley, LindesirSm, Geogr. 
 
 "On the method of making this bread cf. below, Chap. XLIII. 
 
 "Also Turkish beans. Geogr. Potatoes were also used. Rising's Beskr. 
 24 
 
354 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 vinegar, and other necessaries were brought here from Europe.*' 
 
 Beer was the standard beverage, as brewing was common 
 
 among the Swedes and Finns from the earliest tlmes.*^ Kale- 
 
 •vala, the Finnish Epic, describes the making of beer as follows : 
 
 " Osmotar, the beer preparer, 
 Brewer of the drink refreshing, 
 Takes the golden grains of barley, 
 Taking six of barley kernels. 
 Taking seven tips of hop-fruit. 
 Filling seven cups with water. 
 On the fire she sets the caldron. 
 Boils the barley, hops and water, 
 Lets them steep and seeth and bubble." 
 
 " Ripe cones from the fir-tree," yeast from " the grottoes of the 
 growler," honey " from the calyces of flowers," were finally 
 thrown into the liquor and 
 
 "... the beer was ready. 
 Beverage of noble heroes. 
 Stored away in cask and barrels. 
 There to rest a while in silence."*' 
 
 The beer was brewed here in large quantities by the individual 
 freemen and at the forts, under the supervision of the gover- 
 nor. Malt was taken here in large quantities on the journey 
 in 1642-1643;** but it was also made in the colony and, when 
 the fields began to bring forth enough grain for the supply of 
 food, there was no necessity for importing malt. "Beer 
 was also brewed from red, blue, brown, flesh-colored and spot- 
 ted corn. This beer was very strong and thick and not very 
 clear."" 
 
 " " Ingemachten Ingefehr " sold at three florins a pound. Monatg. B., 1642-56, 
 P. Jonsson's and J. Olofsson's accounts. Pepper was sold for two florins a 
 pound. Wine vinegar cost one florin a "kanna" (half a gallon). 
 
 " Cf. Introduction above. 
 
 "Kalevala, Rune XX. (transl.) by Crawford. 
 
 " Gov. Printz took over 30 barrels of malt for his own use. Monatg. B., 1642- 
 56, N.S., L (R.A.). 
 
 "Lindestrom, Geogr. In Banker's and Sluyter's Journal (1679) it is stated 
 that they "drank very good beer here [Takanij], brewed by the Swedes, who, 
 although they have come to America, have not left behind them their old customs." 
 Mem. of the Long Isl. Hist. So., I. 177. 
 
Spoon of wood. 
 
 Dipper of wood. 
 
 ' I;eer-pot " of wood from Sweden. S. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists. 355 
 
 Wild grape vines were very numerous in certain parts of the 
 river.*® "The grapes and their juice were not all of the same 
 kind, or of one color,*^ some being blue (of different shades), 
 others reddish and still others entirely white. Nor were they 
 of the same size and quality." In the autumn these grapes were 
 gathered in large quantities and made into three or four kinds 
 of " delightful wine, year after year," white, reddish or dark. 
 But the colonists also cultivated grape vines,** which produced 
 as good grapes and as fine wine as were to be found in Germany 
 or France.** 
 
 Brandy was also a common article. It was carried over on 
 the expeditions, bought from foreign merchants and also manu- 
 factured in the settlement. Some time after July, 1644, Printr 
 erected an ale-house on Tinicum Island and here beer, wine and 
 brandy were sold to the soldiers and servants."" " French and 
 Spanish wine " are often mentioned in the account-books. It 
 was used on the governor's table and by officers and servants in 
 the employ of the company."*^ 
 
 Dishes and utensils were to a large extent of European 
 origin, but some were made or bought here. Knives were brought 
 over in large quantities, but forks are not mentioned. Tin 
 pots with covers, as well as iron pots, were used for cooking and 
 other purposes. Tin-cups (" glasses ") , tin goblets, tin beakers 
 and tin bowls are mentioned in the accounts, and goblets and 
 cups of horn. These were brought from Europe and cups and 
 saucers were sometimes purchased from the English. Wooden 
 utensils, however, were mostly used. Cups, plates, spoons, 
 dippers, knives, bowls, pails, churns and casks, of this material 
 could be seen in every household and in the forts. These 
 
 "Up at the falls of the Delaware there were a very large number of vines. 
 Lindestrom, Geogr. 
 
 "Rising says there were four kinds of grapes. Beskrifning (R.A.). 
 
 "Van der Donck says: "... Hebben de Sweetse Inwoonders de heele oude 
 stocken in de Aerde gelegt, dat noemense suygen en sy trecken en genieten daer 
 veel schoone lieflijcke Wejnen Jaer op Jaer," p. 20. 
 
 "Van der Donck (1656), p. 20; Rising, Beskrifning (R.A.) ; Lindestrom, 
 Geogr. 
 
 ""Rising's Journal, 1654; Report, 1644. 
 
 "Cf. Ace. B., 1643-48; Journal, N.S., III. (K.A.). 
 
3S6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 articles were often elaborately carved.^^ Troughs for baking 
 bread, for feeding and watering the chickens and cattle were 
 made by hollowing out trunks of trees of different sizes.'* 
 Combs of bone and ivory, clothes brushes (some being gilded)^* 
 and mirrors were among the articles that belonged to the outfit 
 of the settlers and these articles were to be found in the homes 
 of the freemen. Smoking was general and pipes and tobacco 
 are among the articles bought by most of the settlers.'^ 
 
 The following typical bill will give an idea of the provisions 
 and other supplies purchased by a common soldier : 
 
 fl. St 
 
 10 shirts a 3 florins 30. 
 
 3 pair of woolen stockings a 3 florins 9. 
 
 4 yards of wadmal a 13 stivers 2:8 
 
 '7/4 yards linen cloth a 12 stivers 10:7 
 
 13 yards of woolen ribbons a 4 stivers 2:12 
 
 2 yards white cloth a 3 florins 6. 
 
 1 dozen tobacco pipes :io 
 
 11 lbs. cheese d 8 stivers 4:8 
 
 38 lbs. of pork a 8 stivers 15 14 
 
 4 lbs. of light a 8 stivers i:i2 
 
 44 lbs. of salted meat a 5 stivers 11. 
 
 12 lbs. of dried meat a 6 stivers 3 :i2 
 
 12 lbs. of butter a 10 stivers 8. 
 
 2 bushels of pease a 3 florins 6. 
 
 3 beavers [skins] a 8 florins 24. 
 
 15% yards of frieze a 4 florins 61. 
 
 14/4 yards of sewant a 2 florins 29. 
 
 100 awl-points 2. 
 
 100 needles >. 
 
 50 flsh hooks I. 
 
 I pair of shoes 4. 
 
 I shirt a 4 florins 4. 
 
 I pair of woolen stopkings 2. 
 
 14 sickles (skaror) ., 4^. 
 
 Half a gallon of brandy 2. 
 
 One hat 5. 
 
 A ribbon for the hat :6" 
 
 °" Woodcarving was a highly developed art, even in prehistoric times, in the 
 Scandinavian countries. Cf. Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Ancient Times; 
 Hildebrand, Sv. hist., I. 
 
 " Cf. Stolt, Minnen, p. 19 ff. 
 
 °'Knut Persson sold 12 clothes brushes in New England. 
 
 "Monatg. B., 1642-56. 
 
 "Monatg. B., 1642-56. Jonsson's account. N.S., II. (R.A.). My copy or 
 the original has some minor mistakes, as the figures do not work out. 
 
liircli-bark shoes from Fiiilaiul. K. 
 
 WutidiiTii sliot, '/'I'iiski. 
 
 ' Slipper " with wMjudeii buUinn (sole), /oj/c/. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists. 357 
 
 The peasants of northern Sweden knew how to prepare 
 various kinds of skins,"'' which could be used for bed-covering 
 and wearing apparel. The settlers in New Sweden likewise 
 prepared their own skins. They used the skins obtained 
 through the hunts, but sometimes they bought them from the 
 Indians. A bear skin was bought for 7 florins, an otter skin 
 cost 5 florins and a beaver skin 7-8 florins.'*^ 
 
 The Finns were skilled in the making of articles from birch- 
 bark, of which they manufactured ropes, baskets, boxes,"® 
 sieves, graters, sponges, even bottles (for salt, pepper, etc.) and 
 shoes. Birch-bark shoes were and are very common among the 
 Finnish peasants, and it is more than probable that they con- 
 tinued to wear them on the Delaware. When the birch-bark 
 had been removed from the trees it was cut into strips, rolled 
 into a ball and preserved for future use. When the Finn wished 
 to make himself a pair of shoes, he took his birch-bark roll, 
 cut the strips into proper widths, softened them in water and 
 braided them into the desired form. Slippers, shoes*" and 
 boots were made from this material. These shoes were cheap, 
 cost really nothing, could be made in a very short time, were 
 strong and in many instances did as good service or better than 
 leather ones.*^ It is probable that the Swedish settlers brought 
 over wooden shoes and "tofflor," a sort of slipper with 
 wooden bottoms.®^ We may also assume, with some degree 
 of certainty, that they were made here, but no references have 
 been found to them in the documents. 
 
 The Swedes and Finns understood the value of bathing and 
 the steam bath was very popular among them. In " an explana- 
 
 " The art is still known. The author has seen sheep skins in Minnesota pre- 
 pared by Swedish settlers (from Jamtland and Dalarne). 
 
 "Journal, N.S., III. (K.A.) ; Monatg. B., 1642-56, etc. 
 
 " Snuff-boxes of birch bark are common among the peasants of Sweden. 
 
 " The author purchased a pair of such shoes at Little Imatra, Finland, in the 
 summer of 1909. 
 
 " Cf. Retzius, Finland, p. 26 ff. 
 
 " Such " slippers " are used in various Swedish provinces and laborers on the 
 streets in Berlin and other places in Germany can be seen wearing them. They 
 are also used by the peasants and by fishermen in Denmark. At Blasbjerg, for 
 example, men can be seen wearing them on the street. 
 
3S8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 tion" concerning the troubles during the administration of 
 Governor Printz it is stated that certain colonists " aided in the 
 erection of a bath house " on Tinicum Island.** We know that 
 bath houses were common among the early settlers, for in 1749 
 an old inhabitant of Pennsylvania (then 91 years of age) in- 
 formed Professor Kalm that "in his youth [about 1665 J 
 almost every Swede had a bath house."®* These bath houses 
 were of course built like those in the mother country, primitive 
 in their structure, presenting the general outward appearance 
 of the " porte " or Finnish dwelling. The walls were of round 
 logs, plastered between the fissures with clay. A low door on 
 one of the gable sides gave entrance to the "bathing-guests" 
 and two or three small openings in the walls, which were closed 
 by " slide-boards," admitted fresh air and allowed the smoke to 
 pass off after a bath. In the corner to the right or left, next to 
 the door, was a primitive fireplace of boulders and roughly 
 formed granite blocks. The bath houses built near or inside of 
 the forts, being larger than those erected by individuals, 
 were probably about twelve or fourteen feet square. A sort of 
 platform or scaffold, probably about two feet wide, extended 
 along the walls about three or four feet from the ground and 
 below this near the floor was a second platform. Before a 
 bath was to be taken the fireplace was heated to its utmost 
 capacity. The bathers entered, undressed, and crawled upon 
 "the second balcony" to perspire. In order to increase the 
 heat and cause heavy perspiration water was poured upon the 
 red hot stones by the " bathing-woman," who looked after the 
 bath house.*® When the heat became too intense the bathers 
 moved down below to the first platform. In the meantime.they 
 struck their bodies with bundles of small birch branches or they 
 were scrubbed by the "bathing-woman." The "bastu"** was 
 
 "The bath house was built for the use of the governor and his family. See 
 " Forklaring," etc., July 7, 1654, N.S., L (R.A.). 
 •" Kalm, Resa, etc., III. 72. 
 
 •" Cf. Retzius, Finland, etc., p. 78 B. ; Tweedie, Through Finland, etc., p. 45 ff. 
 ^ Bastu or Finsk bastu is the Swedish word for this kind of a bath house. 
 
steam bath in Finland (K. from Acerbi). 
 
4 
 
 Interior of a small bath-house (steam bath) from Southern Sweden. S. 
 
 A small one-story storehouse. Now erected at Skansen, Stockholm. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of Colonists. 359 
 
 built near a river,®^ whenever possible, to give the bathers an 
 opportunity to take a plunge in the cold water after the steam 
 bath inside. Where there was no such opportunity cold water 
 would be poured over the body, as soon as the perspiration was 
 thought to be complete (in the winter-time the bather would 
 roll himself in the snow, if such was at hand) . 
 
 In an old book of travel this bath is described as follows : 
 "Another particular that appeared very singular among the 
 customs of the Finns, was their baths, and manner of bathing. 
 Almost all the Finnish peasants have a small house built on 
 purpose for a bath: it consists of only one small chamber, in 
 the innermost part of which are placed a number of stones, 
 which are heated by fire till they become red. On these stones, 
 thus heated, water is thrown, until the company within be in- 
 volved in a thick cloud of vapor. In this innermost part, the 
 chamber is formed into two stories for the accommodation of 
 a greater number of persons within that small compass; and it 
 being the nature of heat and vapor to ascend, the second story 
 is, of course, the hottest. Men and women use the bath pro- 
 miscuously, without any concealment of dress, or being in the 
 least influenced by any emotions of attachment. If, however, 
 a stranger open the door, and come on the bathers by surprise, 
 the women are not a little startled at his appearance; for, 
 besides his person, he introduces along with him, by opening the 
 door, a great quantity of light, which discovers at once to view 
 their situation, as well as forms. Without such an accident they 
 remain, if not in total darkness, yet in great obscurity, as there 
 is no other window besides a small hole, nor any light but what 
 enters In from some chink In the roof of the house, or the 
 crevices between the pieces of wood of which It Is constructed. 
 I often amused myself with surprising the bathers in this man- 
 ner, and I once or twice tried to go in and join the assembly; 
 but the heat was so excessive that I could not breathe, and In the 
 space of a minute at most, I verily believe, must have been suf- 
 
 " Or lake in Finland and Sweden. In New Sweden it is probable that most of 
 these bathing houses were built near a river. 
 
360 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 focated. I sometimes stepped in for a moment, just to leave my 
 thermometer in some proper place, and immediately went out 
 again, where I would remain for a quarter of an hour, or ten 
 minutes, and then enter again, and fetch the instrument to 
 ascertain the degree of heat. My astonishment was so great 
 that I could scarcely believe my senses, when I found that those 
 people remain together, and amuse themselves for the space of 
 half an hour, and sometimes a whole hour, in the same chamber, 
 heated to the 70th or 75th degree of Celsius. The thermom- 
 eter, in contact with those vapors, became sometimes so hot, 
 that I could scarcely hold it in my hands. 
 
 "The Finlanders, all the while they are in this hot bath, 
 continue to rub themselves, and lash every part of their bodies 
 with switches formed of twigs of the birch-tree. In ten minutes 
 they become as red as raw flesh, and have altogether a very 
 frightful appearance. In the winter season they frequently go 
 out of the bath, naked as they are, to roll themselves in the 
 snow, when the cold is at 20 and even 30 degrees below zero.** 
 They will sometimes come out, still naked, and converse to- 
 gether, or with any one near them, in the open air. If travel- 
 lers happen to pass by while the peasants of any hamlet, or 
 little village, are in the bath, and their assistance is needed, they 
 will leave the bath, and assist in yoking, or unyoking, and fetch 
 provender for the horses, or in anything else without any sort 
 of covering whatever, while the passenger sits shivering with 
 cold, though wrapped up in a good sound wolf's skin. There 
 is nothing more wonderful than the extremities which man is 
 capable of enduring through the power of habit. 
 
 "The Finnish peasants pass thus instantaneously from an 
 atmosphere of 70 degrees of heat, to one of 30 degrees of cold, 
 a transition of a hundred degrees, which is the same thing as 
 going out of boiling into freezing water! and what is more 
 astonishing, without the least inconvenience ; while other people 
 are very sensibly affected by a variation of but five degrees, and 
 
 " " I speak always of the thermometer of a hundred degrees, by Celsius," 
 Acerbi. 
 
Storehouse from Fimand, -.howiiip the balcony and ladder. R. 
 
 The loft of the storehouse, showing the beds used by guests or the women of the 
 family during the summer, R, 
 
Dwellings and Customs of Colonists. 361 
 
 in danger of being afflicted with rheumatism by the most trifling 
 wind that blows. Those peasants assure you, that without the 
 hot vapor baths they could not sustain as they do, during the 
 whole day, their various labors. By the bath, they tell you, 
 their strength is recruited as much as by rest and sleep. The 
 heat of the vapor mollifies to such a degree their skin, that the 
 men easily shave themselves with wretched razors, and without 
 soap. Had Shakespeare known of a people who could thus 
 have pleasure in such quick transition from excessive heat to 
 the severest cold, his knowledge might have been increased, 
 but his creative fancy could not have been assisted : 
 
 " ' Oh! who can hold a fire in his hand, 
 By thinking of the frosty Caucasus ? 
 Or wallow naked in December snow, 
 By thinking on fantastic summer's heat ? ' "°° 
 
 This form of bathing was common in olden times in Fin. 
 land^" and northern Sweden.''^ It still continues in the former 
 country, having retained most of its old characteristics''* and 
 in the latter place it is to be found in a modified form.^* On a 
 
 "Acerbi, Joseph, Travels through Siueden, Finland and Lapland . . . I7q8 
 and 1799, I. 296 H. 
 
 " It is supposed that the Finns copied this form of bathing from neighbors, 
 probably the Slavs, probably from the Swedes. Cf. Retzius, Finland, p. 83, and 
 the references given in the footnote. The steam bath is mentioned in Kalevala. 
 
 "Retzius, Finland, p. S4 ff. The Germans used steam-baths from the earliest 
 times and they were very fond of bathing. Cf. Schultz, Deutsches Leben, etc., 
 I. 67 ff. (where illustrations are also given) ; E. Martin, Badenfahrt von Thomas 
 Murner, pp. vi. fiF., xi. ff., 19 etc.; Hartung, Die deut. AltertUmer des Nibelung- 
 enliedes und der Kudrun, p. 189 ff.; V^'einhold, Deutsche Frauen, II. 113 ff. 
 (Caesar, De bell. Gallico, IV. i ; VI. 21 ; they are also mentioned by Tacitus, 
 Germania, 22) ; Gummere, Germanic Origins, 78 ff. 
 
 "The author observed many such Finnish bath houses on a journey to Finland 
 in the summer of 1909. A good description of a modern Finnish bath can be 
 found in Mrs. Tweedie, Through Finland, etc. (London, 1897), p. 42 ff., 19S ff- 
 See also Scott, Through Finland (New York, 1909), p. 86, but this description 
 rests on books rather than on actual observation. Such baths are used by the 
 Russians and Russian Jews ( ?) in this country and bath houses of this character 
 are to be found in Philadelphia. 
 
 " In Swedish towns and cities it is found under the name of " Finsk badstu " 
 or "bastu." These baths (of second and third class) are much used. A vaulted 
 room (walls of brick) is heated by steam to a high temperature; to the right as 
 you enter are a number of platforms along the side wall, arranged in tiers one 
 above and back of the other like the floor in a theatre. On these seats the bather 
 
362 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 journey through Finland in 1873 Dr. Retzius found a bath 
 house " whose dimensions were so small that it was impossible 
 to stand or lie straight in it," in other respects, however, being 
 fitted out like the larger ones (except that the lower platform 
 was wanting) . The bather sat on the platform while he took 
 his sweat bath and poured the water on the stones himself. 
 Such (the author is inclined to believe) were the bath houses 
 erected by the freemen in New Sweden. " In these bath houses 
 the settlers with family and servants would commonly bathe 
 every evening in the summer during harvest time and twice a 
 week in winter. A strange scene would meet the eye of a 
 visitor, who might happen to look into such a bath house, when 
 it was filled with bathers, from the new-born child carried there 
 by its mother to the old man of eighty."^* 
 
 On a Swedish or Finnish homestead (and consequently on 
 the Delaware settlements) there were a number of other houses 
 besides those described. Among these the store-houses deserve 
 our special attention as they were of peculiar shape and different 
 from those in the neighboring colonies. The storehouses built 
 in Sweden by the peasants and small land owners were often 
 of two stories used for preserving grain and other things. 
 They were generally built of round (barked) or hewn logs and 
 they were often raised two or three feet from the ground and 
 built so as to prevent the entrance of mice and other animals. 
 The roof was gabled, covered with birch-bark, on top of which 
 
 lies down on a long towel with a wooden frame for a pillow or he sits upright. 
 By moving from the platform nearest the floor to the one highest up and vice 
 versa the heat can be somewhat regulated. In a corner is a spigot with running 
 water, from which the bather drinks to increase the perspiration. An arrangement 
 for a shower bath is also placed inside. When the bather has perspired suffi- 
 ciently, he takes a shower bath of luke-warm water and goes into another room, 
 where he lies down on a bench and is scrubbed and washed by " baderskan '' (the 
 woman employed for that purpose. It is interesting to note that a woman is 
 always employed even in the badstu for men). When the bather has been 
 scrubbed he again returns to the heated room, where he remains for a few 
 minutes, then he takes a cold shower-bath and plunges into a cold pool for a short 
 swim. He is then dried by "baderskan," after which he withdraws to his little 
 "cell" for dressing. The author has seen such baths in Stockholm and even in 
 Hedemora, a small village in central Sweden. 
 
 " Cf. Retzius, Finland, etc., p. 78 ff. ; Tweedie, Through Finland, etc., 46 ff. 
 
Small stiirehouse on p.iks. Xi>w erected in Skaiisen, Stuckliulm. 
 
 Storehouse {^]'iiMruiit'ltayhor^ Skansen, Stotklioliu), showing the t-xLeiided "balcony " 
 and the " log-ladder," leading np to it. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of the Colonists. 363 
 
 sod was placed, supported by poles of about three Inches in 
 diameter. The floor was made of hewn planks. 
 
 One type had the entrance on the side and a ladder within 
 led up to the upper floor (if there was one). Another and 
 earlier form (of one story) had the entrance on the gable. The 
 store-house of two floors often had a balcony or an extension (of 
 about four feet) of the second floor along one side formed by 
 the prolongation of the timbers in the gable walls, with the 
 balcony floor resting on the two first or lower extended timbers. 
 This type of store-house could generally be entered only by a 
 ladder (or a log with steps cut into it) which led into the 
 extended balcony, from where a door led into the loft and a 
 second ladder down to the ground floor. The outside ladder 
 could be drawn up and the store-house could thus be used as a 
 means of defense. Grain was generally stored on the second 
 floor (which was sometimes divided into two parts, one for 
 grain the other for other purposes) and on the lower floor 
 provisions, clothes and other valuables were kept. The loft 
 was often used during the summer for sleeping and the maids 
 would at times do their hand work there. When guests could 
 not find shelter in the living house, they were assigned their 
 night quarters in this loft. 
 
 The store-houses without a loft were generally divided into 
 two parts, one side for the grain and the other for provisions. 
 A more primitive form of storehouse was built by the Finns in 
 northern Sweden as well as in their home country. It was a low 
 structure (the gabled roof forming the ceiling) and it was 
 supported by four pillars about three feet from the ground. 
 The small door was on one of the gables, over which the roof 
 projected about three feet. 
 
 We may feel reasonably sure that the Swedes and Finns built 
 store-houses in the colony like those used In their home districts. 
 The one-story type probably prevailed at first, but it is likely 
 that those of two stories would be built later, as the prosperity 
 of the freemen increased, both to insure protection against the 
 Indians as well as to store the increased possessions. In these 
 
364 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 were kept the grain, the beaver skins, the salted pork for winter 
 use, the game and the like. 
 
 The store-houses in the forts were also built out of logs but 
 larger than the private buildings. At Christina the store-house 
 was made three stories high, when Printz arrived, and it I§ 
 probable that a sort of elevator was installed. The com- 
 missioner slept there in a little room, it seems, and also used it 
 as his office. The account-books were kept there and there the 
 commercial transactions were conducted with the savages and 
 merchants of the neighboring colonies. A storehouse was also 
 erected at Fort New Gothenborg (rebuilt after the fire in 
 1646), where merchandise and the provisions for the people 
 were preserved. 
 
 The blockhouses at the Schuylkill and at Upland were also 
 used for storehouses and were probably built on the same prin- 
 ciples as those described above. 
 
 Granaries were built by the freemen and for the company in 
 the forts.^' They were divided into two parts, one half being 
 employed for storing some of the grain as it was thrashed, 
 the other half being used for a thrashing floor. Here the grain 
 was thrashed with flails during the fall and winter months and 
 in the summer it was used as a storehouse. 
 
 Another necessary building was the " ria," a sort of gran- 
 ary or " drying house for the grain."'® In a document already 
 quoted we read, "Item We built a granary."'' Such buildings 
 were in all likelihood found on every homestead in the colony 
 and in the forts. They were of the same general appearance 
 and of about the same height and size as the larger storehouses 
 just described. The grain was hauled from the fields on sleds 
 into these granaries, where it was stacked away until it was 
 thrashed. Small sheds were also built on or near the meadows, 
 into which the hay was hauled in the same manner as the grain. 
 The sleds'* used for the hauling of the grain and hay had long 
 
 "They were raised above the ground like the small storehouses. 
 
 "Retzius, Finland, etc.; Stolt, Minnen, etc. 
 
 " " Forklaring," etc., July 7, 1654, N.S., L (R.A.). 
 
 ™ " Then we said that we need the sleds ourselves ... the sleds, [however], 
 
Storehouses in Finland. Near the corner to the right of the central storehouse is a 
 harrow, made of " long wooden teeth," and to the left is the sled loaded with hay. R. 
 
 Sled for hauling hay and grain. R. 
 
 Types of hay -forks (of wood), used by Swedes and Finns. G. 
 
Thrashing in the north according- to Olaus Magnus (1555), showing the use of the 
 
 flail and its form. 
 
 Club-flails." (From Osterbotten, Finland. Cf. Chap. XXXVIII. and biography 
 
 of Printz, below.) 
 
 A flail made from a small tree, a branch forming the handle. (From Osterbotten, 
 
 Finland.) G. 
 
Dwellings and Customs of Colonists. 365 
 
 runners which were made from small trees with natural bends 
 and they were so arranged that a large load of hay or grain 
 could be loaded upon them without difficulty. They were 
 hitched to an ox or a horse by a pair of shafts, fastened to the 
 runners. 
 
 The pigs were generally allowed to run loose, but the cattle 
 and horses were housed in barns during the winter months. 
 The bams of New Sweden were constructed along the same 
 principle as the dwellings and out of the same material. It is 
 probable the chickens in many cases shared the dwelling-houses 
 with the people, a custom found in Sweden and Finland down 
 to a late period.^^ They were kept in a cage and the cock was 
 the alarm clock in the morning. Jonas Stolt, writing in the 
 first half of the nineteenth century, says: "The chicken cage 
 was also a piece of furniture, which was found in almost every 
 house and for those, who were accustomed to it, it was an indis- 
 pensable thing, for the cock crowed at a certain time and from 
 this the people had a good guidance."*" 
 
 were taken from [us] . . . and our grain thus had to [lie] ... in rain and wet 
 ;[and go to ruin]." " Forklaring," July 7, 1654, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 " It was a custom in Finland and northern Sweden in early times to keep the 
 cattle and horses in the dwelling house also. Cf. Usselinx' letters to A. Oxen- 
 stierna, Ox. Saml. But it is not probable that this custom obtained on the 
 Delaware as there is no mention of it. 
 
 "Stolt, Minnen, etc., 15 ff- He goes on to say that the chicken cages had been 
 dispensed with in 1820, for almost every house had a clock (p. 16). Retzius, 
 Finland, p. 73. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 The Religious Worship and the Ministers of the 
 Gospel, 1643- 1653. 
 
 The old place of worship provided by Ridder was used as 
 before. Printz was instructed to " decorate the little Church 
 . . . according to the Swedish custom."^ He omitted nothing 
 in this respect, for he was of a religious bent and tried in every 
 way to enforce his instructions.* It is also probable that Printz 
 caused a small church or chapel to be erected on Tinicum Island 
 in 1643, which was used until the fire (in 1645) and we may 
 assume that a belfry was erected for the church-bell, brought 
 here in 1 644.^ Private houses were also used for worship dur- 
 ing the week days, but on Sundays and on festive days or holi- 
 days, the people assembled at the central place of worship. 
 
 In the spring of 1646 plans were made for the erection of a 
 "more pretentious edifice." The church was built out of logs 
 and 2,000 clapboards were bought for the roof from some 
 English in August.* The belfry was probably built by the side 
 of the church, a few feet away from it, a custom common in 
 Sweden and Finland in olden times. The church was fitted out 
 somewhat in the style of the churches in Sweden. Simple 
 decorations were used and the altar was beautified with " a 
 silver cloth," purchased for the sum of 37 >^ florins.' A burial 
 
 'Brahe to Printz, November 9, 1643. Skokl. Saml. (Concept.). 
 
 ' Cf. Printz to Brahe, July 19, 1644. " Hwatt nu anlangar, de under- 
 schadelige ( ?) herlige motiver och formeningar som Excell. uthi sitt breef 
 hiigwyssligen framstaller, dem hafver iaagh en deel hartill (som bar effter folier) 
 haff[wer] och skall yttermera hareffter an uthi grannare akt haffua." 
 
 'The bell was taken over on the Fama in 1644, Journal, N.S., III. (K.A.). 
 The bell was used for over one hundred and fifty years and the present bell in 
 Gloria Dei in Philadelphia is said to be cast partly from the material of the old 
 bell. On this bell is the following inscription : " Cast for the Swedish Church 
 IN Philad*. Stiled Gloria Dei. G. Hedderly Fecit 1806 partly from the 
 OLD BELL Dated 1643. I to the church the living call and'to the grave do 
 
 SUMMONS ALL." 
 
 'Twenty-two beavers were paid for them, Ace. B., 1643-8. 
 'Ace. B., 1643-48, August 20, 1647. 
 
 366 
 
Churclisteeple, built bv the side of the church (seventeenth century). From 
 
 SiTiio Anliqiia. 
 
Religious Worship and Ministers of the Gospel. 367 
 
 place was also laid out near the church, probably in front of it, 
 and perhaps a fence was placed around the plot. "The hand- 
 some church " was ready in the autumn. September 4 was a 
 day of rejoicing and thanksgiving. The colonists assembled in 
 their new church and after a sermon and amid appropriate cere- 
 monies, the Revs. Campanius and Fluviander officiating, the 
 church was dedicated for divine services. The burying place 
 was consecrated on the same day. A month and a half later, 
 " the first corpse . . . that of Katarina, the daughter of Anders 
 Hansson, was buried there."® 
 
 The Swedish order of service was followed in the colony. 
 Printz writes in 1644 that " the services with its ceremonies are 
 conducted as in old Sweden " and in the " good old Swedish 
 language." "Our priest," he says, " is vested with a chasuble^ 
 and differs in all manners from the other sects surrounding us."* 
 
 The order of services at " High Mass," as given in the 
 Psalm-book of 16 14,® which was used here (1640-97) was as 
 follows : 
 
 I. At the appointed time, when the congregation had assem- 
 bled, and a psalm had been sung, the minister went before the 
 altar, and (kneeling) made confessions of his own sins, then 
 (rising), after a short admonition to his flock to keep Christ's 
 death in memory, he read the general confession, " I poor 
 sinner," etc.," followed by an appointed prayer. 
 
 II. Next in order followed Kyrie eleison and other respon- 
 sive readings or singing, after which the psalm " God alone in 
 the highest,"^ ^ was sung. 
 
 •Campanius Holm (trans.), P- 79 ^m Acrelius (transl.), p. 43. 
 
 '" Massklader." 
 
 'Printz to Brahe, July 19, 1644, August 1, 1650, Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 •The handbook or "order of Mass" was first published in 1531, revised in 
 '537. 1548. 1557. 1576. 157* and tti^n in 1614. Cf. Intro., above. 
 
 "■This confession is still used in the Swedish Lutheran Church with very few 
 changes. 
 
 " " Allenaste Gud i hemmelrik." This psalm, somewhat modernized, is still 
 used in the Swedish Lutheran Church on all Sundays except during Easter and 
 when the Lord's Supper is celebrated. 
 
368 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 III. Other responsive readings or singing^ ^ and a prayer'* 
 followed, after which "The Epistle . . . appointed for the 
 day, was read." 
 
 IV. An appropriate psalm ("gradual") for the day was 
 now sung by the congregation, followed by the reading of the 
 Gospel lesson ( " evangeliet " ) and the Apostolic Creed or 
 *' Luther's creed" (read or sung).'* 
 
 V. Then came another (specified) psalm, whereupon the 
 minister ascended the pulpit and preached his sermon, making 
 the appointed prayer as well as prayers for the sick and others 
 (at special request), lastly reading the announcements of 
 
 various kinds. "When everything was finished in the pulpit, 
 a psalm ought to be sung, if the time admitted it," thereupon 
 the minister should deliver his " praefatio, with well-wishes and 
 admonitions." The Lord's Supper was then to be adminis- 
 tered. After the Communion followed the blessing, then the 
 first stanza of the psalm, " Grant unto us, oh Lord," was sung 
 and lastly " Give unto our Queen and all in authority peace and 
 a good reign." When the Lord's Supper was not administered, 
 " only the psalm," " Oh God, we praise Thee " was sung before 
 the sermon, next in order came "the Nicene Creed" and then 
 " Now we pray Thee Holy Ghost." " But after the sermon 
 the psalm, which was prograduali appointed for the day, was 
 sung and then the blessing should end [the service] ."'^ 
 
 "The [three] principal holidays," Christmas, Easter and 
 Penticost were strictly observed, and on these days early services 
 were held in the morning, which "began so early [about four 
 or five] that they were finished about eight." These were fol- 
 lowed by High Mass with sermon and sometimes by services 
 in the afternoon. On Christmas morning the congregation 
 assembled in the church at four o'clock, Christmas psalms were 
 sung and a sermon on Is. 9 : 2-7 or some other appropriate text 
 
 ""The priest turns to the people and says [or sings]: "The Lord be with 
 you ! " [The congregation answers] : " So also with thy spirit ! " 
 " This prayer was printed in the " hand book " for each Sunday. 
 " Cf. Baelter, Hist. Anmdrk., p. 224. 
 "Baelter, Hist. Anmdrk., p. 218 ff. 
 
Religious Worship and Ministers of the Gospel. 369 
 
 was preached. Each one of these three festivities consisted o£ 
 four days^* and the week before Easter was especially set aside 
 for religious exercises. "The annual holidays," New Year, 
 Epiphany, Candlemas-day, the day of Annunciation, Good Fri- 
 day, Ascension-day, Midsummer-day,^'' the Visitation of our 
 Lady,^8 St. Michael's Day,i» and The Day of All Saints, were 
 likewise observed, as w;ell as two or three " solemn prayer 
 days"*" on which all of the people attended services and re- 
 frained from work. The " days of the Apostles,"*^ Holy Thurs- 
 day (on which a sermon about the Lord's Supper was 
 preached), "Gangdagar (travelling days)** were all [ob- 
 served in the colony] according to the loyal Swedish form." 
 Only one sermon was preached on these days, and the people 
 were allowed to work as on other week days, when the services 
 were over. On every Wednesday and Friday, sermons were 
 preached on some selected text from the Old or the New Testa- 
 ment and, since the law required that in " a pastorate in the 
 country, having two churches, sermons should be preached in 
 the one on Wednesdays and in the other on Fridays," we may 
 assume that the services were conducted once a week alternately 
 at New Gothenborg and Christina.** On all other week days 
 
 "It is said that the fourth day was added in Sweden to commemorate the 
 separation of the Swedish Church from the bishopric of Lund, about 1360. 
 Baelter, Hist. Anmark., p. 156. 
 
 "John the Baptist's day, June 24. 
 
 "Probably observed on August 15. See Baelter, Hist. Anmark., p. 166. The 
 Catholic Church observes this feast on the second of July and the feast of the 
 Assumption is kept August 15. 
 
 "Prescribed by law in 1571. This law was confirmed and reenacted several 
 times. 
 
 "The usual custom was to celebrate three such days in a year, but it was not 
 always observed during this period. See Baelter, Hist. Anmark., p. 187 ff. Two 
 services were probably held (early service and High Mass). For a discussion 
 of the ceremonies of the Swedish Lutheran Church, see Baelter, Hist. Anmark., 
 etc. 
 
 "The great majority of the festive days, kept by the Catholic Church in 
 memory of the saints, were discarded at the time of the Reformation in Swedea, 
 but the days of the Apostles were retained. Baelter, Hist. Anmark., p. 170. 
 
 ""So called because the people during their work "went about and read 
 prayers." 
 
 "It is not known whether or not " Haradstings" (district court) services were 
 held in New Sweden. Cf. Baelter, Hist. Anmark., p. 19s ff- 
 
 25 
 
370 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 prayers were made morning and evening accompanied by one 
 or two psalms.^* On Sundays one or two services were held, 
 both probably in the forenoon.^^ The "pure Word of God, 
 [and His] law and truth" were preached according to the 
 Augsburg Confession and it is possible that the sermon some- 
 times gave advice to the congregation to beware of the " Calvin- 
 istic leaven." 
 
 The people were called together by the sound of the bell, 
 which was rung two or three times before the sermon. Those 
 dwelling at some distance undoubtedly went to church in canoes 
 or boats unless they lived too far from the river. At the settle- 
 ments, lying too distant for the colonists to go to the central 
 places of worship for morning and evening prayers, lay readers 
 were appointed, " who could lead the exercises and remind the 
 people of godliness." It is probable that some selection was 
 read from one of the collections of sermons published during 
 the period or from the Bible.^® Special holidays were also 
 observed. When news arrived (In 1646) that Queen Christina 
 had ascended the throne, a special day of thanksgiving was 
 ordered and the colonists came together In the New Church at 
 Tinicum and praised God with a holy " Te Deum for his grace 
 in having given the dear fatherland a Queen, who was of 
 age."2T 
 
 The Eucharist^® and other sacraments were likewise observed 
 in the Lutheran manner. Campanius brought over at his own 
 expense a gilded silver chalice, weighing about five ounces.*' 
 When he returned to Sweden he left the cup in the church and 
 was paid 13:10 D. for it by Beier In Stockholm on behalf of 
 
 °* Set or printed prayers for thirty special festive days were found in the hand- 
 book and these were read by the preacher on the particular day as on Christmas, 
 New Year, etc. 
 
 ™ It seems that the law required three services in the cities and only one in 
 the country. It is possible that the rule applying to cities in Sweden (of three 
 services on Sundays) was used on Tinicum Island. 
 
 " Cf. above, Chap. IV. 
 
 "Printz to Brahe, February 20, 1647, Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 " Jacob Evertssen sold a hogshead of French wine for use at the Lord's Supper, 
 November 4, 1646. Ace. B., 1642-48. 
 
 ^"10^ let" or lod. A modern lod is about .4276 of an ounce (troy). 
 
Religious Worship and Ministers of the Gospel. 371 
 
 the company.*" Other vessels were undoubtedly used, but there 
 is no trace of their existence. There seems to have been no 
 organ, but the church song, which played a great role in the 
 Swedish service,*^ was probably led by the minister and some 
 member of the congregation, appointed for that purpose. 
 
 For a time there were three preachers in the colony, but 
 Reorus Torkillus " fell sick at Fort Christina on February 23, 
 1643." He improved, however, probably continued his serv- 
 ices for some time and was used by Printz in a mission to the 
 Indians, but he died on September 7 the same year, " at the age 
 of 35," leaving a wife and child behind.*'^ 
 
 Israel Fluviander was a relative of Printz, who came here 
 without having a commission from the government. In March, 
 1643, ^^ w^s stationed at Fort Elfsborg (during its erection) 
 and conducted services in the fort for seven months. On Octo- 
 ber I he was appointed by Printz as regular preacher in 
 New Sweden. There has been some uncertainty about Fluvi- 
 ander and his services, due to conflicting statements about him 
 in the records. He seems to have decided to return to Sweden 
 in June, 1644. Governor Printz gives him in the list of return- 
 ing colonists of that year and in a letter of July to Brahe the 
 governor writes: "our priest, Campanius, is alone." But he 
 must have changed his mind, as the ship was about to sail, or 
 been detained for some reason, for he remained and served here 
 in all for four years and one month.** In 1647 he returned to 
 the mother country and demanded his pay. Some money had 
 previously (1646) been paid his mother in Stockholm on his 
 account, but it was not known if he would receive a salary or 
 not, since he was placed on no budget. On his way to Stock- 
 holm he received 121 D. 16 ore from Macklier in Gothenburg. 
 When he arrived at the capital and presented his bills, Beier 
 
 "Journal, no. 731; Monatg. B., 1642-56. 
 
 " Cf. W^hitelocke, Embassy. 
 
 "Court Rec, July 10, 1643, N.S., I. (R.A) ; Campanius (transl.), p. 107. 
 
 "Journal, no. 567; Printz to Brahe, July 19, 1644. Skohl. Saml. (R.A.) ; 
 Rulla 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 39; Beier to Oxenstierna, August 25, 1647, Ox. 
 Saml. (R.A.). Beier says "there are no<w three preachers on the pay-rolls" 
 (Campanius, Fluviander and the newly appointed Lock). 
 
372 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 had no authority to pay him, but referred the matter to Oxen- 
 stierna. The chancellor ordered that he should receive full pay, 
 or lo R.D. a month for his entire service in New Sweden and 
 720 D. were given him, but he was not satisfied with this, as he 
 claimed pay for the time occupied by the journey coming and 
 going including expenses, " as though he had had a regular 
 appointment."^* 
 
 Johan Campanius, who was called by the government to go 
 to New Sweden in 1642, was placed on the new budget, with a 
 salary of 10 R.D. a month and he seems to have been looked 
 upon as a sort of a military preacher. He was to be stationed 
 at Christina, but shortly after his arrival here he was trans- 
 ferred to Upland, where he settled with his family and con- 
 ducted the service at New Gothenborg. On account of this 
 change there was some uncertainty about who should pay his 
 salary and 100 D.k.m., which were paid to him in 1642 before 
 he sailed, were transferred from the budget account to the 
 general account of the New Sweden Company. 
 
 Campanius was the most important, and he has deservedly 
 become the best known of the early Swedish preachers on the 
 Delaware. He worked hard and diligently and officiated on 
 all festive occasions. The settlements were far apart, making 
 it impossible for the colonists to come to the central place of 
 worship " on account of a great many inconveniences and 
 hindrances," hence Campanius was often " obliged without any 
 regard to the weather to go from one place to the other to visit 
 the settlers with the Word and the Sacrament."**^ He also 
 labored to convert the Indians and learned their language and 
 they often came to listen to his sermons in silent wonder. 
 
 He seems to have farmed a tract of land at Upland (prob- 
 ably the homestead later occupied by Nertunius), and in 1648 
 he sold a calf to Olof Stille, before his departure for Sweden,*® 
 
 '"Journal, nos. 609 ff., 648; Beier to Oxenstierna, July 29, August 25, 1647, 
 Ox. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 "Campanius to the Archbishop, January 30, 1647 (transl. in Arch. Ame., 
 etc., IL a ff., Penn. Hist. So.). 
 
 " " Forklaring," etc., July 7, 1654. 
 
Religious Worship and Ministers of the Gospel. 373 
 
 indicating that he raised cattle and had cows and probably 
 horses and oxen. In 1647 he became weary of his charge 
 (being the only minister in the colony), and wrote to the arch- 
 bishop, requesting his recall. "I have," he says, "hazarded 
 both life and prosperity," and he prays the bishop to confer 
 upon him " a benefice, which could support him with his wife 
 and numerous little children," when he was finally allowed to 
 return home. He presented four reasons, which in his opinion 
 entitled him to be recalled and to be given a post in Sweden. 
 In the first place he " was well on in years," poor in health and 
 could not endure "the hard labor here." " The second reason 
 for my recall," he says, " is the lengthy period I have been in 
 this country . . . well nigh five years with great danger of 
 death night and day in a heathenish country, amongst these 
 ferocious pagans, who for every year have threatened to slay 
 us completely." Thirdly, his business at home demanded his 
 presence there, and fourthly, he did not wish to be left breadless 
 in old age, " without having anything wherewith to comfort " 
 himself.^'' 
 
 But Campanius did not leave his congregations without 
 thinking of their welfare, and he urged the consistory to send 
 over other men. The settlements were situated from fourteen 
 to thirty miles apart, hence at least two or three ministers were 
 needed, especially " some one who was young, strong and agile 
 and who could endure a continual passing from place to 
 place."** Requests to this effect were also made by Governor 
 Printz. The authorities in Sweden endeavored to supply the 
 religious wants of the people. In the first place Oxenstierna 
 advised the governor to pay the minister better, who was 
 already here, so that he would be willing to remain,** and 
 secondly he wrote to the consistory at Gothenburg, requesting 
 them to send another preacher to the Delaware.*" 
 
 As a result of these activities. Rev. Lars Karlsson Lock was 
 
 "Letter to Archbishop, January 30, 1647, N.S., I. (Up.)- 
 "Campanius to the Archbishop, January 30, 1647; Relation, 1647. 
 " It seems that the chancellor had forgotten how the preacher was paid. 
 "Oxenstierna to Printz, Septemper 7, 1647, Ox. Saml. (concept). 
 
374 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 engaged. He arrived here on the Swan and with the same 
 ship Campanius received his longed-for recall. 
 
 Campanius now made preparations to leave and about the 
 middle of May he took farewell of his congregation. The salary 
 roll states, however, that " he served in the country until April 
 I, 1648, making 67 months (in all) and his salary amounted 
 to the sum of 670 R.D." He received goods to the value of 
 120 :47 R.D. at various times and in 1645 he was given 147 rig 
 R.D. in cash by the Governor. On his return to Stockholm he 
 was paid the rest of his salary by Beier in three installments.*^ 
 
 Of Lock's service we know next to nothing, during the first 
 years of his stay here. His salary was the same as that of the 
 others and he conducted the services at Tinicum Island after 
 the departure of Campanius, although he was of an unruly 
 nature and was accused of inciting disturbance.*^ 
 
 '^ Monaig. B., 1642-56 fol. ; Holm, Besirifning; cf. Biogra., below and above. 
 *■ Cf. below, Chaps. XXXVII., XLI. and index. 
 
CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Relations with the Indians, 1643-1653. 
 
 As Printz departed from Sweden he was Instructed to treat 
 the Indians with humanity and kindness and to prevent his 
 people from doing them any harm. Again in 1643 Brahe 
 further advised him to keep on friendly terms with them and 
 not allow them to be ill treated by any of the Swedes. In this 
 manner, said Brahe, the colony would be safe from their 
 attacks and other neighbors would not dare to make trouble. 
 
 The governor tried to follow these instructions and was in- 
 variably successful in keeping peace with the savages, but he 
 had no great confidence in them. In a letter to Brahe, April 
 12, 1643, he described them as follows: "They are big and 
 strong, well built men, paint themselves terribly in the face, 
 differently, not one like unto the other, and go about naked 
 with only a [piece of] cloth about half an ell broad, around 
 the waist and down about the hips ; they are revengeful, clever 
 in dealings and doings, skilled in making all kinds of things 
 from lead, copper and tin, and also carve skilfully in wood; 
 they are good and quick marksmen with their arrows " and they 
 were not to be trusted. 
 
 The best way to win the friendship of the Indians was to 
 give them gifts and promises of gifts and this Printz did not 
 neglect, as we have already seen. But the relation between the 
 Swedes and Indians was not always peaceful. The Indians had 
 attacked the Dutch and English colonies with success in 1644 
 and the tribes in New Sweden became very proud and preten- 
 tious. In order to impose upon them and make them believe 
 that a large number of Swedish settlers would arrive before 
 long, Printz spread about the report that he soon expected 
 ships with a great many colonists and large supplies. Finding, 
 
 375 
 
376 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 however, that only one ship arrived with few colonists, the 
 savages took courage, " fell in between Tinicum and Upland 
 and murdered a man and wife on their bed and a few days 
 later they killed two soldiers and a workingman." " But when 
 the chiefs saw that Printz collected his people to avoid a similar 
 occurrence and to prevent future attacks, they collected from 
 all parts, excused themselves, saying that it had happened with- 
 out their knowledge, and sued for peace." Peace was granted 
 them on the condition, says Printz, " that if they after this 
 would commit the least offence against our people, then we 
 would not let a soul of them live." The treaty was signed by 
 the chiefs and (likely by the Swedes) and gifts were exchanged 
 according to the usual Indian custom.^ But Printz wrote that 
 "they trust us in no wise and we trust them still less" and 
 Papegoja reported that the colony was in great danger from 
 the savages and their treaty was not an entire safeguard against 
 attacks, for in the autumn of 1646 Jan Wallin was killed by 
 the Indians and there were other small troubles.^ 
 
 In 1647 Printz complained that the Dutch stirred up the 
 Indians against the colony, but the same accusations were 
 made against Printz, and it Is not possible to determine the 
 exact facts. In the same year an Indian chief was killed by the 
 Dutch and it seems that the savages showed signs of displeasure 
 and ill will towards all Europeans, for in the autumn the fol- 
 lowing year two Swedes, who had gone to sell ammunition 
 to the Minquas were killed.^ From 1649 ^^^^^ 1652 there 
 seems to have been no disturbance, but in 1652 the Indians 
 began to show signs of unrest. In 1653 the Swedes and Indians 
 were again on friendly terms, but Printz wrote that he feared 
 them as soon as supplies gave out.* 
 
 ^Report, 1644; Odhner, N.S., pp. 32-33; Papegoja to Brahe, July 15, 1644, 
 Sioil. Saml. (R.A.) ; Holm (transl.), 74. 
 
 'Ace. B., 1643-8. It seems that a council of war was held in 1645 at which 
 it was discussed whether or not New Sweden should be attacked, Holm (transl.), 
 p. 153 £E. Jan Wallin is probably the same as John Woollen. 
 
 "Report, 1647; Doc., XH. 43. 
 
 'Printz to Brahe and Oxenstierna, August 30, 1652, April 26, 1653. Ox. 
 Saml., Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
Per (Peter) Brahe. (See p. 677.) 
 

 H 
 
 
 JL 1 
 
 
 tSwis^^^^^^^Eil^S^^^^^^^^^^^^^k 
 
 
 m 
 
 m. ^ 
 
 ...'- -r'^HHJHH^HII^I 
 
 Delaware Indian woman of to-day in costume. Photographed at Bartlesville, 
 Oklahoma. Cut used through the courtesy of Dr. Gordon of the University 
 Museum. 
 
Relation with the Indians. 377 
 
 Printz, as we have seen, treated the Indians with due con- 
 sideration and avoided all friction, but this was out of neces- 
 sity and not through kindness nor love for them. He was a 
 warrior and looked at things from a warrior's point of view. 
 He was of the opinion that the best way to solve the Indian 
 question was to exterminate them. Accordingly he proposed 
 in 1644 that about two hundred soldiers ought to be sent over 
 and with this force he though that he would be able to " break 
 the necks of every one in the river." It would be no loss to the 
 beaver trade, rather the reverse, he says, for these Indians (the 
 Delawares) were poor and had only maize to sell and it would 
 open the way for an unmolested beaver trade with the Black and 
 White Minquas. It would also give strength to the Swedish 
 title, for " when they had not only purchased the river but also 
 won it with the sword, then no one whosoever he be, Hollander 
 or Englishman, could now or in coming times make pretentions 
 to this place." He was of the opinion that it must eventually 
 come to this, for the Indians were not to be relied upon and 
 they would sooner or later make trouble. Therefore he thought 
 the opportunity ought to be seized to clear the country of them, 
 which would preserve the inhabitants from fear of attacks and 
 give a free and secure passage to Manhattan. It is possible 
 that some of these ideas were inspired by Governor Kieft and 
 that the two governors planned concerted action. It was for- 
 tunate, however, that Printz's requests for two hundred soldiers 
 were not granted by the government. We might then have had 
 the bloody history of New Amsterdam repeated in New 
 Sweden.** 
 
 The general principle observed by the early colonists was to 
 give the Indians gifts to secure their friendship. In all treaties 
 gifts were exchanged and services done by Indians were paid 
 for in merchandise. Strong drinks were, as a rule, not to be 
 sold to them and the inhabitants of the English, Dutch and 
 Swedish colonies were under obligation not to sell fire-arms to 
 
 'Report, 1644, Odhner, N.S., p. 33; Brodhead, I. 354 ff.; Bancroft, I. 158 ff.; 
 Fiske, Dutch and Quak. Col, I. 
 
378 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 them. But private settlers and merchants did not always live 
 up to this principle and charges and countercharges were made 
 by the officials of the various settlements.^ 
 
 Besides keeping peace and friendly relations with the Indians, 
 Printz was instructed to convert them to Christianity and to 
 interest them in all its teachings.'' Brahe also suggested that some 
 Indians, with their consent, ought to be sent to Sweden, where 
 they would learn Swedish, " see another world and be treated 
 kindly." On returning they would be of great service to the 
 colony. An attempt was actually made to bring two Indians to 
 Sweden, but the tribe agreed to it only on the condition that the 
 settlers would guarantee that the two savages would be re- 
 turned safe and sound, otherwise, the Indians would revenge it 
 by destroying the colony. As the Swedes could not accept such 
 terms the aborigines were not sent. Count Brahe further 
 advised the governor to teach them like children and especially 
 to work on their imagination through the ceremonies of the 
 Lutheran service, for " outward ceremonies greatly effect such 
 savage people."® 
 
 The governor endeavored to follow this advice. " We have 
 also tried," he says, " to bring . . . [the Indians] to the fear 
 of God [and we have] kept them with us a few days, but they 
 have taken their opportunity and escaped again to the [other] 
 savages." The Dutch had likewise tried to instruct some 
 Indian boys to read and write. They showed themselves very 
 apt, but later they ran away and in the wars they proved to be 
 the fiercest enemies of the Christians. Hence Printz feared that 
 they would be difficult to convert, for " when they are told about 
 God," he wrote, " they pay no attention to It, but intimate that 
 they are a free people and subject to no one and do what they 
 please. . . . They know nothing of God, but serve Satan with 
 
 'Doc, XIL 67; Report, 1647; Plym. Col. Rec. Cf. above. 
 
 'The Swedish government did much for the christianizing and civilizing of 
 people under its rule in this period. Religious books were translated into Finnish, 
 the Lap language and other tongues. Cf. Hist. Tid., XI. 214. ff, and other 
 sources. 
 
 'Brahe to Printz, November 9, 1643, Skokl. Satnl. (R.A.). 
 
Relation with the Indians. 379 
 
 their Kintika* and bring sacrifices to him that he may give them 
 luck in their hunts and that he may do them no harm." 
 
 Printz's plant was a simpler one than that suggested by 
 Brahe. He proposed to compel them by the sword's authority 
 to accept Christianity. Those who would not receive " the 
 only true religion " should be exterminated. But he had not a 
 sufficient force at his command for such an undertaking and 
 measures, more in accord with the religion he wished to incul- 
 cate "into these poor heathens," were by necessity adopted. 
 They were interested in the Swedish service and came to the 
 church to hear the preacher, greatly wondering that he stood 
 alone and talked so long and had so much to say, while all the 
 rest were listening in silence. They often visited Campanius at 
 Upland and asked him many questions. " In those conversa- 
 tions he gradually succeeded in making them understand that 
 there was one Lord, that this God had created the world and 
 placed man upon it, that man fell, that Christ was sent to re- 
 deem him and that there would be a day of doom, when every- 
 one would be judged according to his deeds." The Indians 
 were pleased and astonished, says Holm, and wanted to hear 
 more about this great God, who was as superior to their own 
 as the guns and cannon of the Christians were superior to the 
 bow and arrow of the Indians.^" 
 
 ' " Holy man," " medicine man." 
 
 "Printz to Brahe, April 12, and to Oxenstierna, April 14, 1643, Ox. Saml. 
 and Skokl. Saml. (R.A.) ; Report, 1644; Holm (transl.), pp. 75, 118. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 Political Relations with the English, 1643-1653. 
 
 I. 
 
 Before Printz left Gothenburg for America, the English on 
 the Schuylkill had been removed by the Dutch, probably aided 
 by Ridder, but their settlement at Varkens Kill was undis- 
 turbed. Ridder had reported their presence to the Swedish 
 government and Printz was especially directed to keep the 
 Swedish title intact to the land on which they were settled as 
 well as try to bring them under the jurisdiction of the Swedish 
 Crown. It was thought best to remove them, however, if it 
 could be done peacefully, as " they supposed that they would 
 increase to some hundred in strength before long."^ 
 
 ^Instruction for Prinz, N.S., I. (R.A.), printed by Acrelius. The paragraph, 
 runs as follows: 
 
 Alldenstund och uthi nastforledne Shr 1641 atskillige Engliske familiar, allss 
 tillhopa wall till 60 personer starcke, hafwe sigh nedhsatt och begynnth bebygga 
 och Culturera landet widh andree, nambligen pi Ostre sijdan om ofwanbemelte 
 Sodre reviret widh en lijten Strom benembd Ferkenskil: Si hafwe ther oppi 
 bem: te Kongl. Maj:tz UndersStere och Compaj^nics participanter samme hele 
 Ostre sijdan allt ifran forberorde Store Revirs Amund widh Capo May och till' 
 en Strom benembd Narraticens Kil, strackandes sigh widh pass till 12 Tyskee 
 Mijller, der under och bemellte Ferkens Kijl ahr begrepen, af nagre dee willde 
 landzens Inwanare och till sigh erhandlat, i Meningh forbem: te Engliske 
 derigenom at till sigh draga. Samma kop skall Gouverneuren alldeles widh machtr 
 och obrotsliget halla, och alltsi desse Engliske familier under Kongl. Maj :t och 
 Sweriges Chronos iurisdiction, devotion och gebiet draga: Efter som och wilF 
 beerattas, at de sielfwe ickee finnes thertill obenagne, men skole lita sigh forlyda,. 
 att dee, sasom frit folck [in R. Reg. (R.A.) the word is written " fellt," fol. 933] 
 wele sigh submittera den Ofwerheet, som dem kan maintenera och beskydda, 
 formenandes sjgh innan korth till nSgre hundrade at kunna blifwa starcke. Men, 
 ehurwal det hafwer sine wisse skahl, at Gouverneuren m5 sooka til brinnga 
 desse Engliske under Sweriges Chronos Gebiet, Lijkwal, emendan Kongl. Maj :t 
 befinner s5 Sigh och Chronan sielf som participanterne att wara battre och till- 
 drageligare, der man kunde blifwa dem medh godt maner vthur och ifrin then 
 orthen quitte: Dy will Hogstbemelte Kongl. Maj :t nidigst hemstalt hafwa 
 Gouverneurens Printzens discretion sadant at eftertrachta och under handen at 
 bearbeta derhan, sa widt och frampt det sigh med maner och fogh giora lather. 
 Instruction, § 6, R.R. 
 
 380 
 
Political Relation with the English. 381 
 
 When Printz arrived in February, 1643, he found the Eng- 
 lish settlement on the point of breaking up, being harassed by 
 sickness, and as soon as he could make arrangements he seems 
 to have gone there to inspect the same. It is said (probably 
 without foundation) that he " forced some of [these colonists] 
 ... to swear allegiance to the Crown of Sweden . . . and 
 such who would not he drove away." At any rate some of them 
 remained and in his report of 1644, Printz calls them "our 
 English at Farckens Kill." Printz saw, however, that his first 
 troubles would be with this nation, and soon after his arrival 
 he wrote to Brahe that he had " evil neighbors, especially the 
 English."^ 
 
 In the beginning of May an English bark sailed up before 
 Fort Elfsborg to inquire for ships from old England. The fort 
 was under construction and Printz was there to superintend the 
 work. He demanded the pass of the skipper and his crew and 
 "when he observed that they were not right in their errands, 
 he took them (yet with their own will) to Christina, to buy 
 flour and other provisions from them, examining them until a 
 maid confessed and betrayed them." Thereupon they were 
 arrested and an inventory was made of the goods on the ship. 
 They had been in the service of " Gov. Plowden," who was in 
 America at this time. In the winter or early spring of 1643 
 Plowden bought one half part of a bark from Philip White at 
 Kikitan. About May i he loaded his ship with flour and other 
 provisions and set sail from Heckemak with a crew of sixteen 
 people, but the skipper had conspired with the sailors against 
 him, and instead of taking their course to Kikitan, as they were 
 instructed to do, they sailed towards Cape Henry. As they 
 passed Smith's Island, they landed Sir Edmund there, "without 
 food, clothes and arms, where no people, nor other animals, 
 
 'Printz to Brahe, April 12, 1643; Winthrop, IL 76, 141; Report, 1644, N.S., 
 L (R.A.) ; Odhner, N.S., p. 28 : " The other pounds [of tobacco] are planted 
 here, one part by our English at Farckens kijl one part by our Swedish freemen 
 here in New Sweden"; Report, February 20, 1647, §8, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Penn. 
 Mag., VII. 271 ff. The burning of the " English house " does not as Sprinchorn 
 thinks refer to this settlement nor to the time of Printz, but to the trading post 
 on the Schuylkill in 1642. 
 
382 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 except wolves and bears lived." Two young noblemen, how- 
 ever, who had been brought up by Plowden, escaped from the 
 bark and remained with their master. Four days later an 
 English sloop sailed within calling distance of the island and 
 the skipper, observing the unfortunate victims, rescued them. 
 They were taken to Heckemak, where Plowden soon recovered, 
 although "he was half dead and black as the ground," and 
 shortly afterwards the same sloop was sent out to look for the 
 criminals, carrying letters, not only to Printz, but to all the 
 governors and commanders along the coast. The sloop visited 
 New Sweden some time during the summer.^ Printz delivered 
 the prisoners, bark and goods to the English commander and 
 presented a bill of 425 R.D. for expenses incurred, which was 
 paid him. The prisoners were taken to Virginia, where the 
 principal instigators of the crime were shot as traitors.* Plow- 
 den, although unsuccessful in his attempts at settlements on the 
 Delaware, gave commission to English ships to trade freely in 
 the river, but Printz " allowed none of them to pass Fort Elfs- 
 borg." Plowden was offended, but he could cause no trouble 
 and remained quietly at Jamestown for some time.^ 
 
 Lamberton continued to trade here even after his plantation 
 on the Schuylkill had been destroyed and in the spring of 1 643 
 he again fitted out his pinnace, the Cock, for trade on the Dela- 
 
 ' Printz's report is ambiguous. I take it that Plowden simply wrote letters to 
 the different governors which he sent with the skipper of the sloop (" den samma 
 engelsche slupen, som riddaren salverat hade har ankom medh Riddarens breff "). 
 But Printz also says: " D5 leffvererade iagh honom folck, barck och gos, tillhopa 
 effter inventarium och han betalte migh min omkastnatt medh 425 rdr " (Report, 
 1644, §8). "Han" and "honom" might refer to the "knight" (Plowden), 
 but I take it that they refer to the skipper (grammatically to the sloop). 
 
 'Report, 1644, §8; Odhner, N.S., p. 31-2; Hazard, 109-10. In July 1644, the 
 question came up as to the former owner of a bark, then belonging to Peter 
 Laurents and Mr. Throckmorton. Two witnesses, Peter Jansen and Richard 
 Olofsson (?), (Hazard has Olossen), at the request of Mr. Moore, appeared 
 before Cornells Tienhoven in New Amsterdam and declared that it was true 
 that in 1643 Sir Plowden bought the half of the bark now owned by Laurents and 
 Throckmorton, besides two hogsheads of flour. Hazard, 109-10, Albany Rec, 
 III. 224. Cf. Winsor, IV., pp. 427 ff., 457, and III. 457 ff., where a translation 
 of Printz's Report referring to Plowden is given, also in Penn. Mag., X. 180 ff. 
 Plowden was not well liked by his associates and servants. 
 
 "Report, 1644. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 383 
 
 ware. The exact date of his sailing cannot be determined (he 
 was still at New Haven, however, on the sixth of April),* but 
 it is probable that he arrived in the South River about the 
 middle of June. He still maintained the English right to the 
 tracts, bought before the arrival of Printz. On June 22, 1643, 
 he presented a protest to the Swedes, claiming that he had 
 bought the lands on the Schuylkill from the rightful owner and 
 in a second protest he laid claim to the land at Varkens Kill.'' 
 It is not known whether or not Printz answered these protests, 
 but events soon occurred that gave him an opportunity for test- 
 ing the English rights and definitely disproving them, at least 
 from his point of view. 
 
 Lamberton was riding at anchor with his ship The Cock 
 about three miles above Fort Christina, where he had induced 
 the Indians to come and trade with him. Early in the morning 
 of June 26, as the governor came from his prayers, Timon 
 Stidden and Gotfried Harmer brought a report that Lamberton 
 had bribed the Indians to murder the Swedes and Dutch and to 
 destroy their settlements. The governor immediately set to 
 work to investigate the report. He sent Stidden and Harmer 
 as spies on board of the pinnace, and wrote a letter to Lamber- 
 ton, stating that an Indian " the day before had stolen a gold 
 chain from the governor's wife and that the governor did 
 entreat Mr. Lamberton to use means to get it again of the 
 Indians." As many savages were about to come to trade with 
 Lamberton the following day, the Swedish agents requested 
 permission to stay on board the pinnace over night " so that 
 they might see those, who came to barter their skins, and try to 
 discover among them the one who had stolen the chain," he 
 being. easily recognized by a "mark in his face." The per- 
 mission was granted, but of course no Indian with " a mark in 
 his face " appeared. Through a second letter Lamberton was 
 
 'On that day he was appointed to meet with some other gentlemen to give 
 advice to the newly elected commissioners for New Haven about their business, 
 before they went to Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 'These protests were not from Governor Winthrop as has been stated by his- 
 torians. 
 
384 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 induced on some " feigned and false pretences " to go to Fort 
 Christina with his men. The English were arrested on their 
 arrival and put into prison, where they were kept for about 
 three days. In the meantime preliminary examinations were 
 conducted by Printz, Gregorius van Dyck and others, who 
 tried to draw all the information they could from Lamberton's 
 men, concerning the "planned massacre." John Woollen, 
 Lamberton's interpreter, was especially subjected to close ex- 
 amination, but nothing definite could be ascertained.® 
 
 The English were finally set free, presumably on the promise 
 that they would appear at a court of inquiry to be held in Fort 
 Christina as soon as possible. The court was called* on July 
 10, 1643. It consisted of English, Dutch and Swedish com- 
 missaries. Printz seems to have been most anxious to disprove 
 the English claim to land on the Delaware, and this was the 
 first point to be examined. First of all Lamberton was re- 
 quested to show the protests to the court, which he had pre- 
 sented to the governor. He was then asked by what right he 
 pretended to the lands on the Schuylkill. He answered that he 
 had purchased them two years before ( 1641 ) . To the question 
 If he did not know that all the lands on the west side of the 
 river from Cape Henlopen to Sankikan had been bought by 
 the Swedish Crown, he replied that he well knew this, but that 
 he had been persuaded by Jan Jansen to buy the tract. Jan 
 
 'Protests, June 22, 1643, another without date, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; N. H. Col. Rec, 
 I. 87, io6-7 ; Winthrop, H. 141 ; Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S. VI. 439 ff. ; Court 
 Records, January i6, 1644, and Proc, July lo, 1643 (Actus quartus), N.S., I. 
 (R.A.). Brodhead thinks that the fort referred to in N. H. Col. Rec, I. 106, was 
 Fort Gothenborg. See Brodhead, I. 382. 
 
 "Sprinchorn (pp. 17-18) supposes that the court was convened after Printz 
 had received a letter from Winthrop, complaining of the arrest of Lamberton and 
 the damages done to the English, but this is a mistake. The court of New Haven 
 was held on August 2, 1643 (N. H. Col. Rec, I. 106). The complaints against 
 Printz were presented at the meeting of the court of the United Col. (Plym. Col. 
 Rec, Acts, I. 13), which was not convened before the seventh of September 
 (A^. H. Col. Rec, I. 96; Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 9), and Winthrop's letter was 
 not sent before the complaints had been considered by the commissioner and 
 " Conclusions subscribed to by them," September i6, 1643, hence two months after 
 the court in New Sweden was held. Winthrop, II. 140; Plym. Col. Rec, 
 Acts, I. 13. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 385 
 
 Jansen was then referred to and asked if he would sustain 
 Lamberton's testimony, but he answered that Lamberton lied 
 like a "wanton rascal," declaring that eveiybody knew the 
 Dutch had protested against Lamberton's proceedings, de- 
 stroyed his " house " and carried his people prisoners to New 
 Amsterdam. Lamberton then excused himself by saying that 
 he had not protested against the Crown of Sweden but against 
 Lieut. Mans Kling, who dwelt on the Schuylkill. Thereupon 
 the court requested Governor Printz to produce the evidence of 
 the Swedish title to the disputed lands. Printz testified that 
 the Crown had purchased all the land on the west side from 
 Cape Henlopen up to Sankikan, including the Schuylkill, before 
 Lamberton's arrival and Huygen, Kling and Van Dyck verified 
 this testimony by declaring on oath that these lands had been 
 bought, as the Royal Letter showed, three and five years be- 
 fore." 
 
 In the next place the English title to Varkens Kill was ex- 
 amined. Lamberton declared that he and Captain Turner had 
 bought the land through an authorized agent from Wickusi, 
 the rightful owner, adding that Gregorius Van Dyck could 
 testify to this, which he was sure he would do as an honorable 
 man, and in support of these claims he produced two letters 
 from the Indian chief, who conducted the transaction. He 
 also said that he had obtained a title to the land before the 
 Swedes purchased the same. The court asked him what further 
 evidence he could produce, to which he replied " Captain Tur- 
 ner's testimony but nothing further." In refutation of this 
 Printz presented other evidence. Some time in June he sent 
 the preacher Reorus Torkillus and Greg, van Dyck to make 
 enquiries about the English purchase. They visited the chief 
 from whom the English had bought the land, but he declared 
 that he had no commission from Wickusi, saying he needed 
 none as the land in question was his own. Mans Kling also 
 visited Wickusi to ascertain if he had given a commission to 
 another chief to sell the land. Wickusi, denying this, affirmed 
 
 "The records say seven and five, but this is of course a mistake. 
 26 
 
386 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 that the land was his very own and that he had sold it to Peter 
 Ridder. These reports were presented to the court and Printz 
 added that everyone knew that this land belonged to Wickusi. 
 The Swedish governor also declared that some of Lamberton's 
 own people, and especially John Woollen, had confessed openly 
 that Peter HoUender Ridder bought the land three days before 
 Lamberton and he was willing to have these two witnesses 
 brought before the court,^^ if the court should so desire. But 
 the court replied that it was not necessary as enough facts had 
 been produced. 
 
 Then the accusations against Lamberton personally were 
 dealt with. Governor Printz accused him of trading in beavers 
 right under the walls of Fort Christina without authority. To 
 the question of the court as to why he had done this, Lamberton 
 answered that he did not know that he was not allowed to trade 
 there. But Huygen testified that Ridder had forbidden him to 
 trade in the river In 1642 and Mans Kling added that he had 
 warned him long before. L Sieversson also testified to the fact 
 that the Swedish governor had written to Lamberton from Fort 
 Christina warning him that it was expressly against Her 
 Majesty's order to trade in her territory. The court then asked 
 for Lamberton's commission or authority, but he answered that 
 he needed none.''' The accusations on which Lamberton had 
 been arrested were next examined. Printz stated the circum- 
 stances and facts in the case and Timon Stidden and Gotfried 
 Harmer were called into the court and examined. They testi- 
 fied on oath that they had heard the Indians say "these 
 things "'3 and Peter Andriessen and Lasse Bonde also related 
 the same facts, being ready "to give their oath on it." Per 
 Cock and Lasse Bonde also stated that the settlers at Varkens 
 Kill had intimated that as soon as Lamberton arrived the Eng- 
 lish and Indians would unite to kill the Swedes and drive them 
 
 "It would seem that Coxwell and Woollen were still in prison (?). Wickusi 
 is also found written Wichusy and Wischusi. 
 
 "Lamberton was also accused of disrespectful conduct towards the Swedes 
 and of using vile language about them. 
 
 "That they had been bribed. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 387 
 
 out of the river. Further " the people who were in Fort Chris- 
 tina testified" that on the same day (June 26?) the Black 
 Minquas and other Indians appeared before the fort " as if 
 they wished to scale the wall, but as soon as the people ascended 
 the battlement and the constaple began to point the cannon at 
 them, the savages ran into the woods with clamors." Lamber- 
 ton confessed that he had given the Indians some presents, not 
 in order that they should kill the Swedes and Dutch, but for the 
 purpose of inducing them to trade with him. The document 
 is moulded and not clear, but it seems that Lamberton requested 
 the testimony of John Woollen. The court enquired for him. 
 "Printz, however, informed the court, that he had examined 
 Mr. Woollen enough, but that he would not confess to any- 
 thing." The governor also stated that he would not push the 
 accusation against Lamberton any further, since he fully ex- 
 cused himself, and the court accordingly dropped this part of 
 the case. 
 
 The decision of the court was given the same day. In the 
 first place the court found that " the four approved witnesses 
 on oath and by relating circumstances had proved that Lam- 
 berton in truth had bribed the Indians to kill the Dutch and 
 Swedes," but since Geo. Lamberton was a foreigner and would 
 not confess to the charge, the court at the request of the plain- 
 tiff dismissed the case.** Secondly the court found that "it 
 had been completely proven from the documents that Lamber- 
 ton by right possessed no place at, in or around this River." 
 Thirdly, since he now a second time had purchased beavers 
 from the Indians without a commission, the court had a right 
 to confiscate not only the beavers he had lately bought but his 
 ship and other goods as well. The court would also in this 
 case be lenient and only demand a double duty on the 400 
 beavers in his possession, with the understanding, however, 
 
 " " En op sodanige maniere Mr. Lamberton als een vreeraden, vorders op synne 
 conscientie gelochent en niet heft bekennen willen, heft het recht de getuygen 
 oock neit willen tot den eet comen laten, sondren in dese occasie met Mr. Lamber- 
 ton, op versoecken des klagers, genadlyck will handelen en door vingren sien, en 
 sulcke Cremenalia voor dese reise passen Laten." 
 
388 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 that if he traded in the river a third time, without permission, 
 his boat and goods would be confiscated. After the dismissal 
 of the court Lamberton paid the duty " of twelve pound [ster- 
 ling] in the hundred" on his purchases as well as other bills 
 and returned home with his people.^^ 
 
 When the English arrived at New Haven they complained 
 of ill treatment at the hands of the Swedish governor. Lamber- 
 ton made an oral relation of his experiences and accused Printz 
 of "reviling the English of New Haven as runagates" and of 
 trying by threats, the promise of gifts and by " attempting to 
 make them drunk to press the witnesses to testify that Lamber- 
 ton had hired the Indians to cut off the Swedes." A court was 
 held at New Haven on August 2 the same year and it was 
 perhaps before this that Lamberton made his report. John 
 Thickpeny, "mariner in the Cock with George Lamberton," 
 was called upon to testify, " being duly sworn and examined." 
 He gave a long relation of the " outrages " committed by Gov- 
 ernor Printz, and testified on oath that the Swedes tried to get 
 John Woollen drunk so as to make him confess what he did not 
 know, and, by threats of execution on the charge of treason and 
 by the promise of gifts, endeavored to make him reveal some- 
 thing about Lamberton's dealings with the Indians.^® Theophi- 
 lus Eaton and Thomas Gregson, who had been chosen commis- 
 sioners from New Haven to represent that jurisdiction at the 
 General Court, held at Boston in the autumn of 1645," ^^""^ 
 instructed to bring Lamberton's complaints before this court in 
 September. As they owned shares in the Delaware Company 
 they were personally interested in the Delaware district and in 
 the disputes with the Swedes. They summarized the complaints 
 which had been made by Lamberton and his associates before 
 the New Haven Court and presented this " information and 
 
 "Copy of Court Minutes (in Dutch), July lo, 1643, N.S., L (R.A.). Cf. 
 Chap. XXXVIIL 
 
 " A'. H. Col. Rec, \. 107 ; Winthrop, II. 140 ; Col. of Mass. Hist. So., zd S. 
 VI. 439-40. 
 
 "A^. H. Col. Rec, I. 87; Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 9. The Articles of Con- 
 federation were agreed to at Boston on May 19, 1643. The Articles are printed 
 in Plym. Col. Rec, Ads, I. 3 ff., A^. H. Col. Rec, I. 98 ff. and other places. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 389 
 
 complaint " to the General Court. The court took up the mat- 
 ter among its first transactions and it was decided " that a l[et- 
 te]r be written to the Swedish Governor expressing the p[ar]- 
 ticulars and requiring satisfaction."*® Governor John Win- 
 throp, "as Gov[er]n[o]r of the Massachusetts and President 
 of the Commissioners for the United Colonies of New Eng- 
 land," was to draft the letters.*® Accordingly he wrote a 
 lengthy letter to Governor Printz, setting forth the English title 
 to the whole continent in general and to Delaware Bay in par- 
 ticular and complaining that the English already settled on the 
 South River had been driven away from their property by the 
 Swedish governor or forced to " bind themselves by an oath to 
 the Swedish Crown." The complaints as presented by Thick- 
 peny and Lamberton were also repeated in brief and satisfac- 
 tion was demanded for the injuries done " to the allies of New 
 Haven." " If you afford this satisfaction," says Winthrop in 
 closing, "... [the New Haven people] will send, at the first 
 opportunity, those who will treat with you concerning the divi- 
 sion of the boundaries . . . and the exercise of trade." Special 
 envoys were to be sent to New Sweden to deliver the letter and 
 "Lamberton was also given commission to go and treat with 
 the Swedish Governor about satisfaction for his injuries."*" 
 
 Captain Turner, who apparently had been appointed to 
 deliver the letter to Governor Printz, arrived at Christina in 
 the beginning of 1644. The governor was greatly concerned 
 about the matter and seems to have called a second court almost 
 immediately to disprove the accusations against him.^* 
 
 Several witnesses were called and examined " upon oath " in 
 the presence of the court. They denied the accusations against 
 
 "Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 13; Kidder (in "Swedes on the Delaiuare,'' etc., 
 p. 6) is wrong in stating that the date of this transaction was September 19. 
 Hazard has made the same mistake. The 19 in the margin of Plym. Col. Rec, 
 Acts, I. 13, refers to the page in the manuscript and not to the date. See ibid., 
 Intro., XII. The conclusions were subscribed to on September 16, 1643. 
 
 " V^'inthrop, II. 140; Hubbart, Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S., VI. 440. 
 
 "Winthrop's letter to Printz (copy), September 18, 1643 (in Latin). N.S., 
 I. (R.A.) ; Plym. Col. Rec. 
 
 "The court was convened on January 16, 1644. 
 
390 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Governor Printz and Woollen confessed that he had in no 
 manner been prevailed upon by any of the Swedes to testify 
 falsely against Lamberton, but on the contrary he had been ad- 
 monished to speak the truth and had been told " that if he were 
 found false, it should risk him [his] life." It was also brought 
 out by the testimony of Timon Stidden and " Gotfried Harmer, 
 the merchantman," that Lamberton had promised to sell arms 
 and powder to the Indians, which was against the laws of the 
 English as well as the Swedish colonies. All the other charges 
 against Printz were also denied by the witnesses and the English 
 at Varken's Kill " confessed in the presence of the messenger " 
 that they had not been driven off or urged to become Swedish 
 subjects, but of their own accord were " inclined to devotion to 
 Her Royal Majesty." 
 
 From the records of the court it would appear that most of 
 the charges against Printz were unfounded, and there can be no 
 question about the authenticity of the minutes as they were 
 signed by Captain Turner, who was one of the members of the 
 court. Yet he cannot be entirely exonerated from blame, for 
 in his dispatches to the Swedish government he presents his case 
 in a somewhat different light. Copies of this and of the 
 examination of the previous year were sent to Governor Win- 
 throp, accompanied by a letter in which the "Swedes denied 
 what they had been charged with . . . and used large expres- 
 sions of their respect to the English and particularly to the 
 Massachusetts Colony."^^ 
 
 Governor Winthrop acknowledged the receipt of the letter 
 and documents on March 21, " accepting and thankfully receiv- 
 ing the spirit of good will and greatest friendship displayed 
 towards the English people " in the letter and stating that he 
 was not at liberty to reply at length but that " a full and par- 
 
 ^ Latin letter of Governor Printz to Governor Winthrop, January iz, 1644 
 (copy), N.S., I. (R.A.); Court Minutes, January i6, 1644, N.S., L (R.A.) ; 
 "Trans, copy of the Dutch copy, anno. 1644, Jan. i6," etc., printed by Kidder, 
 7-8; Copies in Penn. Hist. So.; Winthrop, H. 157. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 391 
 
 ticular response [could be expected] at the next meeting of the 
 commissioners [of the United Colonies]."^* 
 
 To further appease the English Printz had told their agent 
 that, if a ' commission from the commissioners of the union and 
 a copy of their patent were presented to him, he would allow 
 them to go on with their plantation and trade in the Delaware 
 River and Bay.''^* Gov. Eaton applied for the commission at 
 the General Court of Massachusetts in March, 1644, and it 
 was given to him.^^ It is not likely that Printz had any serious 
 intention of fulfilling the promise he had given tO' Captain 
 Turner. It was expressly against his instructions and contrary 
 to the sentiments expressed in his letters and reports to the 
 Swedish government.^® The records do not state whether or 
 not Eaton and his colleagues in the Delaware Company made 
 use of the patent and commission, but it is improbable. Other 
 events intervened and gave them warning. 
 
 "Westwards from the Massachusetts Bay . . . ," says Mor- 
 ton in his New English Canaan, " is situated a very spacious 
 lake " (called of the natives Lake Eracoise) ,2' which is far more 
 excellent than the lake of Genezereth in the country of Palestina, 
 both in respect of the greatness and properties thereof and like- 
 
 ""Winthrop to Printz, March 21, 1644 (English style i mo. 21, ^fffi)- Win- 
 throp sent the first rough draft of the letter to a friend with the note, " Sir, I pray 
 p[er]use and correct wh[ateve]r you see Cause." Two corrections were made 
 in the letter (see facsimile in Kidder). Mr. Kidder is mistaken in supposing 
 that this letter is the one sent with Aspinwall and mentioned by Winthrop in 
 his Journal, II. 160. Neither is the letter of Governor Printz dated June 29, 
 1644 (facsimile in Kidder), an answer to the above letter, as Kidder supposes 
 (p. 9), but to a later letter from Governor Winthrop introducing Aspinwall to 
 Governor Printz. See below. 
 
 "Winthrop, II. 157. 
 
 ^Rec. of Mass., II. 60: "The motion for a coppey of the patent & com- 
 mission according to the tenure, etc., is granted to Newe Haven." Concerning the 
 court, see Winthrop, II. 155 ff. and Rec. of Mass., II. 54 ff. The court was 
 called March 7, 1643 (Swedish style, March 7, 1644) and sat at Boston. 
 
 ^Report, 1644; letter to A. Oxenstierna, June 20, 1644; letter to P. Brahe, 
 July 19, 1644, Ox. Saml., Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 " N. E. Canaan, p. 234. " Lac des Irequois " is located northwest of Boston 
 on a map of the " New Eng. Coast, A.D. 1650." From documents collected in 
 France, pub. in Sir F. Gorges, Prince So., II., facing p. 184. Jannson on his map 
 put " Lac des Irequois " directly west of Nova Englia. See facsimile in Winsor, 
 IV. 385. 
 
392 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 wise of the manifold commodities it yieldeth."^* The " proper- 
 ties" of this lake, which was supposed "to be located about 
 ninety or a hundred miles from the [New England] plantation 
 overland," had for years continued to inspire the early settlers 
 with a desire to gain a foothold on the banks.^^ A patent had 
 been given to Captain Mason and Sir F. Gorges in 1628 for 
 the discovery of "the Great Lake" and on November 17, 
 1629,^" these gentlemen were given a grant of Laconia,^^ a 
 country bordering on the great lakes and rivers of the Iroquois.** 
 The district was " named Laconia," says Gorges, "... by 
 
 ^The knowledge of great lakes or inland seas on the North American conti- 
 nent was perhaps due to Champlain's labors. Many of the early mapmakers 
 followed him by indicating these lakes on their maps, yet there were some who 
 did not take cognizance of his work. The first reports about the existence of the 
 lake (or lakes) to the west of the Massachusetts colony were perhaps obtained 
 from the French or Indians. Smith says in a letter to Bacon, that there were 
 great lakes at the head of the Canadian River, where the inhabitants kill their 
 beavers. Dean, John Mason, Prince So., p. 54; Winsor, IV. 378 flf. 
 
 " Gorges, America Painted, extract in Col. of the Maine Hist So., II., 2d 
 Part, p. 68 ; Belknap, I. 19. 
 
 ^ Neil) Hampshire Provincial Papers, I. 27, gives the date as November 27. 
 Kidder, p. 11, note i, gives November 17 as the date, also Winsor, III., and 
 Sir F. Gorges, Prince So., II. p. 23. 
 
 ^ Grant of Laconia, November 17, 1629. This must be old style for in 
 N. H. Prov. P., I. 27, the date is 27, 1629. The grant is printed in J. Mason, 
 Prince So., p. 189 ff. Reprinted from Mass. Archives, III. 140-8. The territory 
 was described as "Lands & countrys lying adjacent or bordering upon the great 
 Lake or Lakes or Rivers commonly called or known by the Name of the River 
 & Lake or Rivers & Lakes of the Irroquois, a Nation or Nations of Savage people 
 inhabiting up into the Landwards betwixt the lines of West and Northwest con- 
 ceiv'd to pass or lead upwards from the Rivers of Sagadahok and Merrimack in 
 the Country of New England aforesaid." Dean, John Mason, Prince So., 192. 
 
 ® There was another district or " Province " called Lygonia. Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges issued a grant of a tract of land forty miles square to a sect of religious 
 adventurers. "To this territory Sir Ferdinando gave the name of Lygonia, in 
 honor of his mother," says Baxter (Sir F. Gorges, Prince So., I. 155. On page 
 189 he says: "which Gorges had doubtless himself named the Province of 
 Lygonia"). The name of Lygonia was also given to a much larger territory, 
 " included within the Province of Maine," see Pop. Memo. Vol., 2d Part, p. 12 ff. ; 
 Hubbard, Col. of Mass. Hist. So., zd S., VI. 368, 369, 510. Laconia and Lygonia 
 have often been confused and supposed to be the same. See Kidder, p. ii, note, 
 Brodhead also makes the mistake in Hist., I. 383, where he says: "and this lake 
 which they named Lake Lyconia." It is so named in Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, II. 
 15. It was often spelt Ligonia, see Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S., VI. 368-69, 
 510. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 393 
 
 reason of the great lakes therein."^^ It was described in the 
 most glowing terms. The air was said to be pure and whole- 
 some, "the country was pleasant, having some high hills full of 
 goodly forests and fair valleys and plains, fruitful in corn, vines, 
 chestnuts, walnuts and infinite sorts of other fruits ; large rivers 
 well stored with fish and environed with goodly meadows, full 
 of timber trees."^* One of the great lakes found there, called 
 the Iroquois,*'* contained " four fair islands," covered with 
 woods and meadows full of all kinds of wild beasts. " There 
 are also more abundance of beavers . . . about the part of 
 that lake than in any place in all the country of New England," 
 says Morton, and a goodly part of the beaver trade of North 
 America, giving a profit of over £2,000 a year, was supposed 
 to come from this region. The success of Kirke in 1629 also 
 tended to emphasize and confirm these notions, as he took back 
 to England a large quantity of beavers, which were reported 
 to have come from the Laconia district.*® 
 
 Hence it was not surprising that the English should try to 
 gain possession of this district. In 1630 the Laconia Company" 
 sent Captain Neal with the Warwick to America " for dis- 
 covery of the great lake in New England."** Captain Neal 
 "was said to be sent," writes Hubbard, "as Governor for Sir 
 Ferdinando Gorges and the rest [of the Laconia Company]. 
 . . . Another occasion of their sending [himj over was said 
 to be the searching, or making a more full discovery of an 
 imaginary Province, supposed to lie up higher into the country, 
 
 " Col. of Maine Hist. So., II. 2d Part, p. 66 ; cf. also Dean, John Mason, 
 Prince So., p. 22. Sir F. Gorges does not mention Laconia as far as I can 
 remember, in his Briefe Narration published in 1658, reprinted in Col. of Mass. 
 Hist. So., 3d S., VI. 45 ff., also reprinted in Sir F. Gorges, Prince So., II. 
 
 " Gorges, etc., in Col. of Maine Hist. So., II. 2d Part, p. 66. 
 
 ^ Same as Morton's Erocoise. 
 
 "Col. of Maine Hist. So., II. 2d Part, 67 ff.; N. E. Canaan, pp. 235; Dean, 
 John Mason, Prince So., 54 «• T. Morton, in his NeiJi Eng. Canaan, says: 
 "Kaptaine Kerke of late . . . brought home in one ship . . . 25,000 beaver 
 skinnes" (pp. 235-6). But see Kirke's First Eng. Cong, of Canada, p. 85- where 
 it is stated that only 7,000 skins were taken to England. 
 
 " Concerning the Laconia Company, see Dean, John Mason, Prince So., p. 56, 
 64, 72, etc. 
 
 "Winthrop, I. 7. 
 
394 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 called Laconia." Captain Neal and his companions seem to have 
 attempted to reach the "great lake" overland and Hubbard 
 informs us that " after three years spent in labor and travel for 
 that end or other fruitless endeavors they returned to England 
 with a non est inventa Provincia,"^® but Gorges asserts that 
 " the discovery wanted one day's journey of finishing."*" 
 
 Twelve years later "one Darby Field, an Irishman . . . 
 accompanied with two Indians went to the top of the white hill," 
 where " he saw to the north a great water, which he judged to 
 be about lOO miles broad, but could see no land beyond." The 
 lake he discovered was " mist and airy nothing," but it is easy 
 to understand how the early settlers could believe that Field 
 really did see " a great lake " and that it was the wondrous 
 lake Laconia or Iroquois.*^ The report tended to keep alive 
 the interest in the imaginary source of an inexhaustible beaver 
 trade and soon some citizens of Boston endeavored to reach the 
 place. 
 
 Morton says in his New English Canaan that two rivers 
 known to the English as the Canada and the Potomac "issue 
 out of this lake," as well as a third river, "which they [the 
 Indians] describe to trend westward." It is probable that 
 the English were led to suppose that this third river was the 
 Delaware, as a large lake is placed at the source of the South 
 River on De Laet's map (1630).*^ 
 
 An attempt to reach a great lake or sea by ascending the 
 Delaware had been made by Young in 1634.*^ In 1644 it was 
 again tried by some merchants of Boston, who formed them- 
 selves into a company for the purpose. At the meeting of the 
 
 "Hubbard, Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S., V. 216-217; Gorges's Am. Painted 
 to Life, etc., Col. of Maine Hist. So., II. 2d Part, p. 67 ; Winsor, III. 327 ; Belknap, 
 I. 19 ff. See Savage's Correction to Belknap, Winthrop, I. 69, note 2. 
 
 *" It has been stated that Henry Josselyn was employed by Mason to make this 
 discovery also, some time after the attempts of Neal (Belknap (I. 19) says in 
 company with Neal), "but whether he performed his engagement does not ap- 
 pear." See Col. of Maine Hist. So., II. 68, note ; Dean, John Mason, Prince So., 
 p. 74; Winthrop, II. 67, note 2. 
 
 "Winthrop, II. 67-8. 
 
 " Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 4th S., IX. 115 ff.; De Laet. 
 
 " Cf. above. Chap. XX. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 39s 
 
 court of Massachusetts, on March 7, 1644, "divers of the 
 merchants of Boston, being desirous to discover the great lake," 
 applied for a charter to be in force twenty years. " The court 
 was very unwilling to grant any monopoly," says Winthrop, 
 " but perceiving that without it they would not proceed, granted 
 their desire " and gave them a commission under the public 
 seal.** The company was granted the right to manage its own 
 affairs according to the laws of the colony as well as to enjoy 
 for twenty-one years the sole right of trade in the territory that 
 might be discovered within three years, and it was given full 
 power to " inhibit and restrain any other person or persons 
 whatsoever, during the term aforesaid, that shall attempt any 
 trade . . . without the warrant of the aforesaid company."*® 
 
 When all preliminary arrangements had been perfected a 
 pinnace was prepared and put under the command of William 
 Aspinwall, who had been in those parts before. Letters of 
 recommendation, requesting a free passage, were written to the 
 Dutch and Swedish governors and Richard Collicott was ap- 
 pointed agent for the company.** 
 
 The " pinnace was well manned and furnished with provisions 
 and trading stuff." The commander was to sail up the Dela- 
 ware as far as he could, then he should proceed in small siciffs 
 and try to gain access to the " great lake." The English seem 
 to have left Boston about the end of April or in the beginning 
 of May.*^ On arriving at New Amsterdam it is said that Gov- 
 ernor Kieft gave them permission to pass " freely and fully," 
 " but for maintaining his own interests he must protest against 
 them," and as Governor Printz had expressed sincere friendship 
 
 "Winthrop, II. i6o. The members of the company were Valentine Hill, 
 Captain Robert Sedgwick, Mr. William Tinge (treasurer), Mr. Frank Norton, 
 Mr. Thomas Clark, Josua Hewes and William Aspinwall. Rec. of Mass., 11. 60. 
 The charter is printed in Rec. of Mass., II. 60. 
 
 ''Rec. of Mass., II. 60. 
 
 " " Sometimes agent for the companie of adventurars for the lake Lyconnia." 
 Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, II. 15. 
 
 "Winthrop's letter of recommendation to Printz is dated April 22, 1644. 
 
396 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 for the English, there appeared to be no obstacle in the way of 
 the expedition.*® 
 
 Printz, however, was much concerned over the activity of the 
 English Puritans and he used all his tact and skill in preventing 
 their plans, without openly breaking with them. In his report 
 of June (ii) 20, 1644, he says: "But how hard the Puritans 
 have laid on my neck and still lay, can be ascertained from the 
 enclosed documents. I can hardly believe that I will get rid of 
 them in a friendly manner." When he was informed of the 
 approach of the Aspinwall expedition he sent secretly to the 
 Dutch commissary at Fort Nassau and requested him not to 
 let the vessel pass, since he thought that the object of the Eng- 
 lish was to proceed up the river, build a fort at the most nor- 
 therly limits of New Sweden and from there monopolize the 
 entire beaver trade of the Delaware. This precaution was un- 
 necessary for Governor Kieft had sent an order to Jan Jansen, 
 instructing him " rather to sink the English ship than to let it 
 pass the fort." 
 
 The pinnace arrived in the Delaware about the end of May 
 or the beginning of June. As the English came in front of 
 Fort Elfsborg, on a Sunday, a shot was fired at them and 
 Lieutenant Sven Skute went on board the pinnace, forcing them 
 to fall lower down and weigh anchor. Aspinwall delivered 
 his letter of recommendation and complained to Governor 
 Printz, who acknowledged that the lieutenant had done ill in 
 his treatment of them " and promised all favors." Printz 
 issued a passport for the ship and gave the English leave to 
 proceed, if they would not trade with the Indians. He also 
 appointed one of his subjects to go with Aspinwall as far as 
 Fort Nassau, but the Dutch would not let them pass. It seems 
 that Jansen had been able to gain the good will of the master 
 of the pinnace, for Wlnthrop*^ attributed part of the ill success 
 
 ""Winthrop, IL 160-1, 178-9; Hubbard, Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S., VL 
 442 ff. 
 
 *'Winthrop says that the English did not dare to leave the vessel to proceed 
 up the river in a small boat for fear " he vpould in his drunkenness have betrayed 
 their goods, etc., to the Dutch." 
 

 h^'* %~^ ^"^ ■>•*'-«< T^^-A) 'M1>(i^t4M^ <tlM ih- -' 
 
 LI 
 
 
 Copy of Governor Winthrop's letter to Governor Printz tApril 22, 1644) with re- 
 mark by Printz. Original preserved in N. S. I. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 397 
 
 of the expedition to his drunkenness and compliance with the 
 Dutch and Swedes.**" 
 
 The pinnace was therefore compelled to return to Boston 
 "with loss of its voyage.""^ The company was ruined, the 
 whole stock of the members, "which was at least £700, was 
 wasted and their design, overthrown." Action was brought 
 against the master of the vessel and " they recovered £200 of 
 him, which was too much," adds Winthrop, " for it was very 
 probable they could not have proceeded."^^ 
 
 As the pinnace was about to leave New Sweden Governor 
 Printz wrote a letter to Governor Winthrop, dated June 29, 
 1644,''^ expressing high regards for the English governor and 
 stating that his letter in Aspinwall's behalf had been of great 
 service. With this the incident closed as far as the Swedes were 
 concerned, but it is often referred to in the English protests and 
 letters to the Dutch.^* 
 
 II. 
 
 About the time of Aspinwall's departure, Printz reported 
 his troubles with the English to the New Sweden Company and 
 sent copies of the two court proceedings (of July 10, 1643, ^^^ 
 January 16, 1644) besides other documents to impress the 
 authorities with the danger of the situation, expressing the fear 
 that the Puritans would eventually gain a foothold in New 
 Sweden, as they had done in New Netherland. 
 
 But the immediate danger was over. Governor Winthrop 
 had a high opinion of the Swedes (reports of the triumphs of 
 
 "Printz's letter to Winthrop, June 29, 1644, facsimile in Kidder. A remark 
 of Printz on the copy of Winthrop's letter, June 20 (?), 1644, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; 
 Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, II. 15; Winthrop, II. 179; Winthrop (II. 187) says that 
 the Dutch Governor would also let them pass if they would not trade with the 
 Indians. This, however, does not conform to other sources. Cf. Plym. Col. Rec, 
 Acts, II. 14, 15. 
 
 " It is said that Aspinwall was compelled to pay 40/ before he returned for 
 the shot the Swedish fort had fired at him. Winthrop, II. 179. 
 
 "^ Winthrop, II. 179, Hubbard, Col. of Mass. Hist. So., 2d S., VI. 443. 
 
 "'The date given in Kidder is June 29, but the copy of the letter is dated 
 "Tennakonk 20 June, 1644." Copy in N.S., I. (R.A.). Facsimile in Kidder, 
 also translated there (reprinted in Penn Mag., VIII. 342) ; Neiv Eng. Gen. Reg., 
 XXVIII. 42 ff., XXIX. 237-40. 
 
 "Plym. Col. Rec, Acts., II. 15 ff. 
 
398 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Gustavus Adolphus having penetrated into the pioneer settle- 
 ments of New England, even " a day of thanksgiving for the 
 good news of the pro[sperou]s success of the King of Sweden " 
 being proclaimed in September, 1632),°^ and the friendly let- 
 ters of Printz tended to bring about a more cordial relation 
 between New England and New Sweden. Furthermore, Printz 
 was soon able to serve the English in a way that would leave 
 them in no doubt as to his good will towards them and the 
 sincerity of the regards expressed in his letters to Governor 
 Winthrop. 
 
 In the fall of 1644 a bark with seven men was* sent out from 
 Boston to trade in the Delaware. It remained all the winter 
 near the English plantation at Varkens Kill, but " in the spring 
 it fell down and traded three weeks [with the Indians] and had 
 gotten 500 skins and some otter." When the English were 
 ready to leave fifteen Indians came aboard the vessel, as if to 
 trade. " Suddenly they drew forth hatchets from under their 
 coats, killed the master and three others," carried away a boy 
 and the interpreter and rifled the bark. Printz, having some 
 influence with the sachem of the savages, prevailed upon him 
 to fetch the interpreter and the murderers, who were sent to 
 Boston as prisoners by a New Haven bark.^** The English 
 were pleased with this act of friendship, and in 1645, when they 
 had troubles with the Indians, they tried to induce Governor 
 Printz to join them against their savage foes, but he of course 
 
 "On September 20, 1632, Governor Winthrop received a letter from Henry 
 Jacie, enumerating the successes of Gustavus Adolphus. "The affairs beyond 
 sea in Germany are almost beyond credit, how so weak a king as Sweden should 
 go on and prosper and subdue still so much against the mighty emperour and 
 Spain's forces, raaugre all their malice and their holy father's curses." In June, 
 1632, Francis Kirby wrote to Governor Winthrop: "For newes, the most is of 
 the successful kinge of Sweden, who hath now taken all Bavaria" (Col. Mass, 
 Hist. So., 3d S., L 236, 240-41; IX. 247, 250-56; 4th S., VI. 40, 45, 454-7, 486; 
 Winthrop, I. 90). 
 
 "Winthrop, II. 203-4. The cause of the murder is not clear. Had the 
 English committed some injury to the Indians or was the hideous deed committed 
 out of mere love for gain or thirst for blood? The interpreter, however, seems to 
 have been implicated in the crime. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 399 
 
 kept aloof from these quarrels and tried to be on friendly terms 
 with both sides.*^ 
 
 In 1646 one Captain Clark of New England was sent to 
 treat with the governor about the settlement of 100 families 
 under the jurisdiction of the Swedish government, but Printz 
 denied it " in a civil way," referring the matter to the Queen, 
 and it does not seem to have received further attention either in 
 Sweden or here."® 
 
 In February, 1647, Printz reported that he had succeeded in 
 ridding himself of the English Puritans, who had not been 
 heard of for a long time. This undoubtedly refers to the Lam- 
 berton and Aspinwall expeditions. It is not probable that 
 Printz disturbed the few English families living near Fort Elfs- 
 borg, as they were not able to cause any disturbance and there 
 would seem to be no reason for driving them away.** Finding 
 that their trade and settlement were unprofitable they deserted 
 their homesteads of their own free will"" and it is probable that 
 they had all removed from the river before 1647.*^ 
 
 In 1647 "Sergeant Collicott complained against the Swedes 
 and Dutch that they sold arms and ammunition to the Indians." 
 A letter was sent to Governor Stuyvesant congratulating him on 
 his arrival and complaining about the grievances mentioned by 
 Collicott,** but no communication seems to have been sent to 
 Printz.«3 
 
 In the spring or early summer of 1648 Plowden seems to 
 have visited New Sweden a second time. " He was very much 
 
 "Trotzig to Oxenstierna, March 17, 1646; Ox. Saml; Report, 1647; Printz to 
 Brahe, February 20, 1647. 
 
 "Report, 1647. This matter does not seem to be referred to elsewhere. In 
 the Plym. Col. Rec. as well as in the Nevi Haven Col. Rec. there seem to be no- 
 mention of a Capt. Clark. There is an entry about Capt. Clark in Rec. of Mass., 
 11. zgj (1649), however. The name Clerk also appears in Winthrop, I. loi, 
 386; n. 301. 
 
 " Yet we are informed by Winthrop that they were driven away. Winthrop,, 
 n. 76. 
 
 "They sold some of their property to the Swedes before they departed. Ace. 
 B., 1643-8. 
 
 '^Report, 1647. 
 
 "Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 107 ff. 
 
 "There is at least no mention of it in Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 107-8. 
 
400 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 piqued at the Swedish Governor Johan Printz," on account of 
 some affront given him, says a Dutch chronicler,®* and by 
 Winthrop we are informed that he intended to " plant the 
 Delaware, if he could get sufficient strength to dispossess the 
 Swedes.''^^ 
 
 The English of New Haven did not give up their hopes of 
 settling on the South River, however. In 1649 the matter was 
 again brought before the commissioners of the United Colonies. 
 The New Haven General Court, having again considered the 
 question, Instructed its representatives to bring it before the 
 commissioners at Boston and Mr. Leach presented a " descrip- 
 tion of the Delaware," dwelling on " the healthfullness of the 
 place, the goodness of the land, convenience of the lesser rivers 
 with the advantage of a well ordered trade there." The com- 
 missioners deliberated on the advisability of the proposed plans, 
 but it was determined not to send an expedition at public ex- 
 pense, since there were not enough men for the plantations 
 already occupied by the English. Anyone had a right to go 
 there at his own risk, however, and the New Haven merchants 
 were allowed to improve and plant their lands as they saw fit. 
 Rumors of these activities reached Governor Stuyvesant and 
 presumably Governor Printz, who seems to have written to the 
 governor of the Massachusetts colony in the autumn, for in the 
 records of this colony we find that " writings from and concern- 
 ing the Swedes " were discussed by the court at its meeting on 
 October 19, 1649.®® 
 
 Plowden, having returned to England in 1648, caused a De- 
 scription of New Albion^^^ to be published and made other 
 efforts in behalf of " his colony " and its settlement. Two 
 years later it seems that he had actually succeeded in finding 
 colonists willing to go to the South River to settle under his 
 
 " Vertoogh -van N. N., etc., 1650, Col. N. Y. Hist. So., 2d 3., II. 279. 
 
 "' Winthrop, II. p. 325. 
 
 "Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 140-41; Doc, XII. 52; Rec. of Mass., III. 179. 
 
 "" For a discussion of the Description, its authorship, etc., see Fenington, An 
 Exam, of Beauchamp Plantagenefs Descrip. of the Prov. of Neva Albion, Mem. of 
 Penn. Hist. So., IV. pt. i, pp. 133 ff. ; Keen in Winsor's Nar. and Crit. Hist., III. 
 .460 ff. (and references given there) ; Winsor, Nar. and Crit. Hist., IV. 427 ff. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 401 
 
 "charter" and on March 21 (1650) the council of State de- 
 cided " that the petition of the Earl of New Albion relating to 
 the plantation there be referred to the consideration of the 
 committee of this council." A few days later the council re- 
 solved that the matter "be referred to the committee for plan- 
 tations or any three of them to confer with the Earl of Albion 
 concerning the giving good security to this council, that the 
 men, arms and ammunition, which he hath now shipped in 
 order to [prepare] his voyage to New Albion shall go thither 
 and shall not be employed either there or elsewhere to the 
 disservice of the [Re] public" and on June 11 a pass was 
 " granted for Mr. . . . Batt and Mr. . . . Danby, themselves 
 and seven more persons, men, women and children, to go to 
 New Albion."^®" It is possible that Plowden was foiled in his 
 attempts by the activity of the New England planters interested 
 in the Delaware, who might have influenced the council against 
 him (Edward Lloyd stated in 1654 that Plowden was hindered 
 by the English from taking possession of the country), for it 
 appears that his expedition was never sent, at least it did not 
 reach the Delaware.*'" 
 
 In August, 1650, Printz wrote that the English Puritans 
 bothered him no more."" It appears from Dutch documents 
 that there was some trouble with the English on the Delaware 
 or in the south, about this time, but the nature of this trouble 
 cannot now be understood."^ 
 
 The New Haven Delaware Company, although meeting op- 
 position on every hand, did not relinquish its claims on the South 
 River, and in September, 1650, the members again argued their 
 case. It was also proposed to Governor Stuyvesant that the 
 
 ""Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., Pub. F. S. (1869), II. 221-2; W^inthrop, IL 325. 
 
 °" Cf. below, Chap. XLVI. n. 5. 
 
 "Printz to Brahe, August 1, 1650. 
 
 ""I cannot quite comprehend, what your Honor mentions in regard to the 
 discontent of the English, for I am indeed not conscious that any troubles have 
 occurred between [us] and the English or between the English and the [Swedes] 
 nor when they happened, whether on the South River or thereabouts or in Mary- 
 land or that neighborhood." Letter from Stuyvesant to Hudde, June 21, 1650, 
 Doc, XII. 65. 
 27 
 
402 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 boundaries be settled in a friendly manner, either here or in 
 Europe by the two states of Holland and England. Stuyvesant 
 pretended to be friendly to the proposal and he even promised 
 to allow the English to " improve their just interest in the Dela- 
 ware in planting and trading as they should see cause.""* On 
 this assurance the New Haven people again prepared to settle 
 there. About fifty persons prepared to go and a vessel was 
 fitted out in the early part of 1651. Provisions were provided 
 and letters were written to Governor Stuyvesant " to prevent 
 jealousies [and] to assure him of the Englishes peaceable and 
 righteous intentions and proceedings."™ No letters appear to 
 have been sent to Governor Printz ; perhaps it was not deemed 
 necessary on account of his former friendly letters and assur- 
 ances. The ship left New Haven in March with the intention 
 of touching at New Amsterdam, but as soon as Stuyvesant be- 
 came aware of their project he sent a protest to the governor 
 of New Haven " before the English were arrived at the Man- 
 hatoes, though after their departure from New Haven," and 
 " threaten [ed] force of arms and martial opposition even to 
 bloodshed against " them unless they desist from their undertak- 
 ing. They were thus compelled to give up their voyage and 
 return to New Haven " with very great loss and damage." On 
 their return they complained about their ill treatment. A letter 
 was sent to the Court of Massachusetts Bay in June, in which 
 the New Haven people requested aid " in settling a plantation 
 at [the] Delaware against such as do oppose them," but the 
 court did not think it advisable to grant such a request and 
 would " have no hand in any such controvercy."''^ 
 
 The New England merchants now tried another course. 
 Governor Eaton wrote " at large " to E. Winslow in London, 
 
 "Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. i88 ff; IL 21: "Both p[ar]ties by the award being 
 expressly left to Improve theire Just interest in Delaware in planting and tradinge, 
 as they should see cause, and advise given by all the Arbetrators Joyntly that 
 all proceedings there should be carried on in love and peace as in other places." 
 
 '"Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 199; II. 21. "At least 50 of the New Haven 
 Jurisdiction were on their way to plant there" (I. 199). 
 
 "P/ym. Col. Rec. Acts, I. 199, 214; II. 21; Plym. Col. Rec, Court Orders, 
 11. 169 (June 5, 1651); Hazard, Hist. Cot., I. 554. 
 
Political Relation with the English. 403 
 
 setting forth their just title to parts of the Delaware and com- 
 plaining of the injuries suffered at the hands of both the Swedes 
 and the Dutch, especially those sustained in the spring of 1651. 
 A little later, the same year, the commissioners of the Court of 
 Massachusetts Bay also wrote to Winslow about the matter, as 
 another petition had been presented to them in the autumn of 
 1 65 1, most likely repeating the oft-mentioned injuries and per- 
 haps especially dwelling on Governor Stuyvesant's last injustice 
 to the New Haven planters. In this letter they desired to 
 know " what esteem the old Patents for that place [the Dela- 
 ware] have with the Parliament, or Council of State, where 
 there hath been no improvement hitherto made by the Patentees, 
 whether the Parliament hath granted any late Patents, or 
 whether in granting [any such] they reserve not liberty and 
 encouragement for such as have or shall have plant [ed] upon 
 their formerly duly purchased lands." The commissioners at 
 Boston further considered the question at their meeting in Sep- 
 tember and a letter was written to Governor Stuyvesant pro- 
 testing against his actions.''^ In answer to the New Haven 
 petitioners, the court resolved that at present, at least, it was 
 better to suffer some injuries and affronts than to begin open 
 hostilities; yet if the New Haven people within the following 
 year should decide to try again to settle in the Delaware at their 
 own expense and transport thither 100 or 150 well armed men, 
 " with a meet vessel or vessels and ammunition fit for such an 
 enterprise," and their magistrates would allow and approve such 
 actions, then, in case the Dutch or Swedes oppose them, "whiles 
 they carry themselves peaceably," they would be at liberty to 
 call for aid and assistance from the other jurisdictions, but all 
 expenses and charges for such aid should be borne by the 
 planters and the lands and trade with the Indians should be 
 considered a bond for the correct payment of such debts.'^' 
 These conditions were too severe to be accepted. The pros- 
 
 ''Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 199, 214-15. 
 
 '"Plym. Col. Rec, Acts, I. 213-14. For protests and counter protests of the 
 English and Dutch in reference to the Delaware during this period, see Plym. 
 Col. Rec, Acts, II. 13 ff., 17 flf., 21 S-, 32, 59, 63, 72, etc.; Doc, XII. 
 
404 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 pect of gain was not great enough for such a risk and nothing 
 seems to have been done in the matter.'^* 
 
 The report of these proceedings was of course carried to 
 Printz, and he wrote to the chancellor in August, 1651, that 
 he was " not secure from the North English a single day," but 
 no attempts at settlements were made during 1652 and 1653 
 and Governor Printz was allowed to manage his little colony 
 without interference from the English.^^ Troubles with the 
 Dutch, however, were now causing Printz much concern. It is 
 the rise and progress of these troubles we are to follow in the 
 next chapter. 
 
 " In May a witch was accused of being " able to say something about Dela- 
 ware Bay," N. H. Col. Rec, II. 31. 
 
 "Printz to Oxenstierna and Brahe, August i, 1651. Ox. Saml., Skokl. Saml. 
 (R.A.). 
 
CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Relations with the Dutch, i 643-1 653. 
 
 I. 
 
 We have seen that Printz was advised to keep peace with the 
 English as far as possible. In a lengthy paragraph of his In- 
 struction he was also admonished to " keep neighbourly friend- 
 ship with the Hollanders at Fort Nassau and with those who 
 dwell on the North River at Manhattan or New Amsterdam," 
 and in no wise to disturb them in their possessions on the South 
 River. He was required to meet the agents and stockholders 
 of the Dutch West India Company with gentleness and good 
 reason and show them the just intentions of Her Royal Majesty 
 and the rights of the Swedes, but he was also cautioned to be 
 well prepared with the best means that circumstances would 
 allow and seek to repel force by force, if it should be necessary. 
 No specific rules could be laid down for him to follow, since 
 intimate knowledge of the circumstances and local conditions 
 were necessary for the treatment of the particular cases and he 
 was given full authority to do what he considered best.^ On 
 
 'Instruction, R.R. August 15, 1642, §7; Acrelius, p. 20 ff. The paragraph is 
 as follows: 
 
 " Nu ahr fuller inthet till tuifla, at de af Hollendiskie West-Indianiske Cam- 
 pagniet [compagnier in R. Reg., fol. 933] ju skole soka och wete tillagna sigh 
 denne berorde orth och stycke landh, der dee Engliskee hafwe sigh nederlitet och 
 uthan twifwel, ofwanberaelte hele Ostre sijdan aff Store Sodre Revieret, och det 
 si mycket mehra och heller, som deras fort eller Skantz Nassau, hwilken [Hwilkee 
 in R.R. fol. 933] de medh 20 Man omtrandt hSlle besatt, intet widt derifrSn pa 
 samme Ostre sijdan af detta Revieret ahr belagen: Efter som de och ickee mindre 
 gohre praetension pk hele Westre sijdan af mehrbemelte Sodre Revier, och 
 siledes p5 allt thet, som wire undersatere hafwe taget i possession, formenandes 
 sigh genom deres fort Nassau hafwe begrepit, och hartill ar behSllet possessionen 
 af heele Sodre Revieret och alle dee landskap, som pa bade sijder om samma 
 Revier ahre belagne: Derfore dhe och emoth thet forbem: te Kongl. Maij:tz 
 Undersitere hafwe begynt at besittia och bebyggia, hafwa inwandt protester och 
 si widt dem hafwer stSdt till giora aldrigh welat tillatha och forunna dera 
 Wire at fahra Sodre Revieret oppwarts, deres Skantz Nassau forbi. Fordenskull 
 
 405 
 
4o6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 account of his troubles with the English, Printz sought the 
 friendship of the Dutch, who reciprocated his advances, as it was 
 also to their advantage that the former be kept out of the river. 
 They had already caused trouble on the northern boundaries of 
 New Netherland and their intrusions on the South River tended 
 to restrict the territory of the Dutch colony and might form a 
 basis for future operations of a more dangerous kind. For this 
 reason it was important for the Dutch to keep out the English 
 even through the aid of the Swedes; for this reason also the 
 Dutch and Swedes were apparently on terms of friendship be- 
 fore Printz arrived, particularly since the Dutch force in the 
 river was very small, only twenty men being stationed at Fort 
 Nassau. Printz was a shrewd diplomat, as we have already 
 
 skall och Gouverneuren wetta samma Hollendske West-Indianiske Compagnies 
 participanter och deres betiante tilborligen at moota och medh lempa och fogh dern 
 remonstrera Kongl. Maij :tz och dess Undersathares heruthinnan rattmatigen 
 fordee Intention, nambligen, at man herigenom intet hafwer sockt eller sooker 
 annat ahn frij ofningh af Commercierne, at Kongl. Maij :tz UndersStere hade 
 den landzorthen, som dee hade intaget och bebygga begynt, af rattmatige 
 egendombz Herrerne ordentligen wijs till sigh erhandlat, derfore dee och Kongl. 
 Maij:t eller dess Undersather icke kunne, Uthan ofog, sigh eraothsattia eller i 
 deres possession, uthan stort [in R.R. the word is written stort] forfSng, soke till 
 turbera. SkuUe och samme Hollendske Compagnier emoth all battre forhopning 
 late sigh fdrraarkia nagon hostilitet och fiendtlige attentater, sSsom icke annars 
 will sigh skicka i denne saken an at man ahr i detta fallet betankt och forsedd 
 pa medel haremoth sa godhe och lagenhethen kan tillatha, och sadant w51d 
 medh w§Id soker tillstyra. AltsS och emedan detta icke mindre ahnn annat in 
 loco bast ar till dijudicera och afsij, dy steller och Kongl. Maij :t i Gouverneurens 
 discretion sadan olegenhet forst medh goda och medh formaningar, men der dhe 
 intet wele galla, da medh skarpo, efter basta forstand, at afstalla alt till Kongl. 
 Maij :tz samt participanternes basta och respect. Men huar sadanne olagenheter 
 icke opkorame, som man och will formodha at skole blifwa tillbaka, och Kongl. 
 Maj :tz sampt dess Undersatare blifwa oturberadhe i dhet de pa rattmatigt wijs 
 hafwa brackt i sin possession, da skall Gouverneuren deremoth halla godh wan- 
 och naboeskap medh bem: te Hollenske p5 forten Nassau och medh dem, som 
 hSlla sigh oppe och boo widh Nordh Revieret p5 Manhatans eller Nye Amster- 
 damb: jemwal och medh de Engliske, som boo uthi landet Virginia, Och ingen 
 af them nagot intrangh giora och tilfogha i det de warkeligen besittia. 
 Isynnerhet, efter dy dhee angrantzande Engliske uthur Virginien allareda hafwe 
 begynt at giora Kongl. Maj :tz UndersSter i Nye Swerige allehanda nyttige 
 tilforsler, hafwe sigh och tillbudit at wela them widare for billig betallning 
 tilkomma IStha hwad ware'begiare i Boskaps och Sades korn; Hwarfore skall 
 Gouverneuren samme medh dem Engliske pabekynte correspondencer och com- 
 merciernes frije och oturberade lopp och ofningh soka till continuere och dem 
 mesnagere Kongl. Maj :t och mehrbem:te des Undersatere till nytto och fordeel. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 407 
 
 seen, and he expressed himself In the highest terms of friend- 
 ship and good will towards them. Secretly, however, he dis- 
 trusted them and foresaw that trouble was sure to come. When 
 he arrived Willem Kieft protested against the Swedes and 
 claimed the entire river for the Dutch West India Company. 
 Printz in turn refuted these claims " with as good reason as he 
 could and knew how " and the Dutch governor finally dropped 
 the " protesting."^ 
 
 Kieft occasionally wrote to Gov. Printz, Informing him of 
 news from Sweden, Holland and other European countries, and 
 it is likely that the latter acknowledged these communications. 
 None of these letters are now known to be extant ; but we have 
 a copy of a Latin letter written, May 30, 1643, introducing 
 Hendrick Huygen and Christer Bolje and from this we may 
 conclude that the relations between the two governors were 
 most cordial. Jan Jansen, the commander at Fort Nassau, was 
 likewise on good terms with the Swedes. He was one of the 
 commissioners, who sat in the court which tried Lamberton, 
 and he joined readily in all actions undertaken against the 
 English.* 
 
 In spite of this friendship Printz complained that the Dutch 
 did not have proper respect for Her Royal Majesty's power, 
 usurped as much as they were able with all authority and advan- 
 tage and carried on their trade without restraint. They traded 
 at Fort Nassau and on the Schuylkill under commission from 
 the Dutch West India Company, private Hollanders without 
 such a commission being liable to have their goods and ships 
 confiscated.* They were allowed to pass freely up and down 
 the river, being required, however, to strike their flag before 
 the Swedish forts. Printz could easily have prevented them 
 
 "Letter to Brahe, April 12, 1643; Report, 1644. 
 
 'Report, 1644, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Odhner, N.S., pp. 30-31: Letter to Kieft, May 
 30, 1643, N.S., L (R.A.). Printz also writes: "The Dutch have been on friendly 
 terms with us since I came here, especially their commander at Manhattan, 
 Willem Kieft," Report, 1644. 
 
 *In the early part of 1644 Loockermans was trading in the river and on 
 March 23 a protest was delivered to him, forbidding him to trade " at the Com- 
 pany's customary trading post ... on the South River. 
 
4o8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 entirely from going up the Delaware by Fort Elfsborg, but he 
 had no instructions to keep them out nor to hinder them in their 
 trade. He also endeavored not to offend the Dutch in his deal- 
 ings with the Indians and he managed to erect a trading post 
 on the Schuylkill, where he conducted an extensive beaver trade, 
 without exciting the ire of his neighbors. "At times they 
 loosened their tongues and protested vigorously against these 
 encroachments," but it never went beyond words. The Dutch 
 did not consider themselves strong enough to drive out the 
 Swedes and besides the two nations in Europe were on friendly 
 terms.® 
 
 In 1 643 and again in 1 644 Governor Printz asked for more 
 definite instructions in regard to the Dutch, but such were not 
 sent him. As soon as there was no danger from the English 
 he observed less caution in his dealings with his nearest neigh- 
 bors, but while Jan Jansen continued in command at Fort Nas- 
 sau the relations between the rival settlements remained friendly 
 and no complications occurred. For form's sake the Dutch 
 commissary protested against the activities of Printz and noth- 
 ing further was done. Printz went on building blockhouses and 
 extended his Indian trade, paying no heed to the Dutch protests. 
 The little Dutch garrison of twenty remained about the same. 
 Jan Jansen did not try to extend the territory of the West 
 India Company and Governor Kieft was satisfied with the 
 limits of his colony, giving Printz little cause for complaint. 
 But complaints against Kleft's leniency in his treatment of the 
 Swedes began to be heard in Holland and he was accused of 
 allowing the Swedes to usurp the South River. Other things 
 also foreboded a change in the Dutch regime on the Delaware.® 
 
 II. 
 
 The change came in 1645. J^" Jansen was accused of fraud 
 in September and on October 2(12) Hudde was appointed his 
 successor. The latter arrived at the fort on November i (11), 
 
 'Report, 1644, §i6; cf. Instruction, 1642. 
 
 'Doc, XIL 25, 37; Report, 1647; cf. the " Vertoogh." 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 409 
 
 1645, and now begins a new era in the Dutch-Swedish relations 
 in America. Printz received no further orders from Sweden 
 concerning the Dutch, but his instruction required him to keep 
 intact the territory bought by his predecessors and to allow them 
 only to remain on their present territory at Fort Nassau. When 
 therefore the Dutch began to make further settlements on the 
 South River and on territory belonging to Sweden, through 
 purchases from the Indians, and when they tried to extend their 
 trade beyond their old trading posts, Printz, as an officer of the 
 Swedish government, was justified in trying to hinder them. 
 
 Hudde was a more active and aggressive commissary than 
 Jansen, and Kieft now showed more concern about the trading 
 posts on the South River. The Dutch were therefore very suc- 
 cessful in their Indian trade at this time, greatly to the disad- 
 vantage of the Swedes. They were allowed to truck at the 
 "usual place in the Schuylkill," but they were not satisfied with 
 this; they endeavored to establish new trading places and paid 
 no heed to the Swedish protests regarding their inland traffic.'^ 
 
 In June, 1645, a sloop called the Sea-Horse under command 
 of Jurrian Blanck was sent to Fort Nassau. Hudde ordered 
 him to proceed to the Schuylkill and wait there for the Minquas. 
 When Printz became aware of this, he at once notified the Dutch 
 that they must leave at once, as the territory belonged to the 
 Crown of Sweden. Hudde, being informed of the matter, went 
 there to inquire about it. On his arrival the same message was 
 given to him and one of the clergymen* brought orders that if 
 the vessel was still in the Schuylkill it must leave without delay. 
 Hudde protested against this, requested to see the governor's 
 instructions and reminded the messenger of the friendship of 
 the two nations and the allegiance between their High Mighti- 
 ness and Her Royal Majesty. Governor Printz then sent Hend- 
 rick Huygen and his bookkeeper Karl Jansson with certain 
 written articles to which he demanded an answer. In these 
 
 ''Ace. B., 1643-48. 
 
 'There were two preachers in the country at the time. It is therefore not 
 possible to say which one is meant. I am inclined to believe, however, that it 
 was Fluviander and not Carapanius as Fernow suggests and as others have stated. 
 
4IO The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 articles the governor desired to know the extent and limits of 
 the Dutch claims, how these could be proven and in what respect 
 he had offended Hudde. He further protested against the 
 actions of the Dutch commissary, maintaining that he had 
 tampered with the Indians brought into the Schuylkill at the 
 expense of the Swedish Crown, that he had ordered Blanck to 
 force his way up the river in order to fasten his bark to the 
 bridge, that he had without any cause taken up arms against 
 the Swedes and that he had treated the protests and messages 
 of Printz with disrespect, saying that he would stay in the river 
 and see who could drive him away. To these questions and 
 protests Hudde answered that the documents, referring to the 
 limits and the ownership of the lands in the Schuylkill, were 
 deposited at New Amsterdam and as to the other things he was 
 entirely innocent.' 
 
 Blanck paid little attention to the protests of the Swedish 
 governor and did not depart. Consequently another messenger 
 was sent by Printz June 2 1 , with a new " protest," dated the pre- 
 vious day,'" In which Blanck was warned not to molest her 
 Majesty's subjects any further nor to remain in the Schuylkill 
 "forcibly and against his commission." He was ordered to 
 leave immediately on pain of having goods and vessel confis- 
 cated, but he was given permission to stay at the usual place of 
 trading. Blanck took the warning and departed, since Hudde 
 could give him no assurance of protection." The Dutch com- 
 missary at Fort Nassau lost no time in reporting the occurrences 
 to his superior in New Amsterdam and on July 2 he advised 
 Kieft of the troubles, also proposing means for continuing the 
 Indian trade. 
 
 About the same time matters were further complicated 
 through the activities of the Dutch. There had been reports 
 
 " Doc, XII. 30 ff. 
 
 '"The date of the protest as given in Hudde's Report is June 20 (o.s.), 1646, 
 but Hudde states that it was delivered on July i (n.s.), Hazard keeps the dates 
 without comment and thus leaves the impression that the protest was delivered 
 eleven days after it was written. Hazard, 84-86. 
 
 Doc, XII. 31-2; Doc, I. Hazard refers to this incident twice, the second 
 time under June, 1649, misled by Hoi. Doc, III. 59. Hazard, 84-6, 117. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 411 
 
 circulated of gold mines along the Delaware, and several at- 
 tempts were made to discover the precious metal. In the sum- 
 mer of 1646 Hudde was ordered to ascend the river and make 
 further search for minerals. Specimens had been presented and 
 *' the hope of success was good." Hudde prepared an expedi- 
 tion and sailed up the river to Sankikan, from where he in- 
 tended to proceed to the great falls. But Printz, being aware 
 of the expedition, informed an Indian chief, called Meekrat,** 
 living near Tinicum Island, that the Dutch were about to build 
 a fort at the great falls and that 250 men would come from 
 Manhattan with the purpose of killing all the Indians in the 
 river. He further added that the Dutch would send a vessel up 
 the river to reconnoitre before the soldiers arrived and that two 
 Indians would be killed to obtain a pretext for beginning hos- 
 tilities. When, therefore, Hudde arrived at Sankikan he was 
 watched by the savages and was not allowed to proceed, 
 although he tried to do so "by various devices."^* 
 
 No further troubles are mentioned in the extant documents 
 during the summer, but in the autumn the relations between the 
 two rivals became very strained. On August 10, 1646, a 
 hundred morgens of land were granted to Abraham Planck, 
 Simon Root, Jan Andriesson and Pieter Harmensen. The land 
 was situated on the west side of the river, " obliquely opposite 
 a. little island called Vogele Sant"^* and it was given to them 
 on the condition that they establish four boweries there and 
 improve and cultivate the lands within one year of the grant or 
 earlier. They were to submit to the authority of " the Noble 
 Lords Directors as their Lords and Masters under the sov- 
 ereignty of their High Mightinesses," and their title would be 
 lost if they should abandon the land. More land would be 
 granted them later in case of need.^^ Acrelius states that they 
 
 "This may be either a translation of an Indian name into Swedish or Dutch. 
 If Swedish it would be properly written " Markatta," monkey ; if Dutch it would 
 be " Meerkat," monkey. 
 
 "Doc, XII. 32. 
 
 "Either Egg or Reedy Island. Doc, XII. 27, note; Hazard, 87; Delaware 
 Reg., I. 8. 
 
 "Doc, XII. 27-8; Hazard, 87-8; Albany Records, Patents, N. Y., fol. 153; 
 Jleg. Pen., IV. 119. 
 
412 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 did not take possession of the land and he is undoubtedly cor- 
 rect, although Fernow thinks otherwise/® for in 1647 Root 
 attempted to build at Wicacoa and in 1651 Jan Andriessen and 
 Pieter Harmensen are said to be " inhabitants and traders on 
 the river, residing at Fort Nassau."^^ It is not likely that 
 Abraham Planck went there alone and there is no mention of a 
 Dutch settlement at that place in the Swedish records.^^ 
 
 About the same time (autumn of 1646) the Dutch also 
 planned to make settlements north of present Philadelphia and 
 Governor Kieft ordered his commissary at the South River to 
 buy certain "lands from the Indians lying on the West shore 
 distant about one league to the north of Fort Nassau." The 
 letter containing fhese instructions was handed to Hudde on the 
 twenty-eighth of August. The owner was absent, hunting at 
 the time, but Hudde, who would take no risks of being antici- 
 pated by Printz, erected the arms of the company the next day 
 on the selected lands, thus taking possession of them over two 
 weeks before the purchase was made. On September 15 "the 
 owner" returned from his hunt and deeds setting forth the 
 limits of the district were drawn up and signed. " Having con- 
 cluded the purchase, the proprietor went with Hudde in person 
 and the Hon. Company's arms being fixed to a pole, this was set 
 in the ground on the extreme boundary." The exact limits of 
 the purchase cannot be determined from the meagre sources at 
 our disposal, but they included Wicacoa and undoubtedly 
 stretched northward along the river for some miles.^* 
 
 The Swedes had already acquired title to the same territory 
 and entanglements and troubles were sure to follow. Shortly 
 after the purchase was made some freemen prepared to build 
 there and a dwelling as well as a block-house were soon erected, 
 
 "Acrelius (tr.), 84; Fernow, Doc, XII. 27, note. 
 
 " Doc, I. 594, 597. 
 
 " For reference to Abraham Planck (or Blanck) see Doc, I. 151, 191, 193, 
 '95. 197. 199) 35*) 388, 411, 415. See also index. In 1648 Simon Root and Pieter 
 Harmensen were ordered by Stuyvesant to build on Mastmaker's Hook in the 
 Schuylkill. For further references to Root, see Doc, XII. 38, 40, 44, 46, 48, 50, 
 
 53, 57, 66, 371- 
 "Doc, XII. 32. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 413 
 
 but when Prlntz became aware of these activities he built a 
 guard-house on the land and sent " his quarter master and other 
 Swedes" to tear down and destroy the Dutch buildings. A 
 little later Huygen was sent to remove the Dutch arms from the 
 upper limits of the land. Meeting Hudde on his return, he 
 protested orally against the Dutch encroachments of the Swe- 
 dish rights and admonished the Dutch commiss to desist from 
 causing further injuries to the Swedish Crown. Hudde in re- 
 turn protested against the improprieties of the Swedes and re- 
 quested Huygen to present the facts to Printz, in order that the 
 latter might deal out punishment to those who were guilty of 
 "the gross outrage," at the same time appealing for a justifica- 
 tion of his own actions to the orders of his superiors.*" On 
 October 6 a written protest from Governor Printz, dated Sep- 
 tember 30, was delivered to Hudde by Mans Lorn and Olof 
 Stille.*^ The governor again exhorted the Dutch to desist and 
 abstain from causing any further injuries to Her Majesty's law- 
 ful property and he expressed the opinion that their High 
 Mightinesses would be unwilling to come into conflict with 
 Sweden for such a trifle, reminding Hudde that the " ancient 
 rights " and titles of the Dutch to the river could not be very 
 secure, when they thus secretly purchased from the Indians 
 what they pretended belonged to them long before the Swedes 
 made their appearance in the country. Hudde did not answer 
 the protest for some days, but as news reached him that he was 
 censured by Printz for not sending a reply, he drew up a counter 
 protest on October 13** which was sent to the Swedish governor 
 the following day. He declared that he was ignorant of having 
 done any wrong to Her Majesty's land and maintained that he 
 had not purchased the land secretly, " unless," he says, " your 
 
 "Doc, I. 594. The date given in the Document is 1647 and Hazard (p. 
 95) and others have this date. But I think the correct date is 1646. The letter 
 in which the statement is made vras vyritten 1651, hence four or five years after 
 the event took place. Furthermore it is only a copy. Hudde, in his report, makes 
 no mention of these difficulties in 1647, which he most likely would have done 
 if such had taken place. 
 
 ^The name given in the document is Moens Slom and the date is October 16 
 (n.s.). 
 
 ^The date in the Doc. is n.s. or October 23. 
 
414 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Honour calls secretly what is not done without your Honour's 
 knowledge." He also complained that Huygen had in a hostile 
 manner pulled down the company's arms and uttered threats 
 that " even were it the flag of His Highness, the Illustrious 
 Prince of Orange, that was here, he would have trampled it 
 under foot, besides many bloody menaces." He protested be- 
 fore God that he was guilty of no injustice, but that he had 
 always, according to his oath, tried to establish "good inter- 
 course and mutual friendship." The protest was brought to 
 Gov. Printz by A. Boyer and two soldiers. When they arrived 
 at Tinicum, it appears that they were treated rather uncivilly 
 by Printz. According to Hudde's report, Printz did not answer 
 Boyer's salutation of " Good morning," but grasped the paper, 
 threw it to the ground and commanded one of his inferiors to 
 take care of it. Hudde goes on to say that Printz would pay 
 no attention to the Dutch deputation, but proceeded instead to 
 •consult with some English from New England and, when 
 Boyer requested an answer to carry back to his chief, " he was 
 pushed out of doors, the governor having taken a gun from the 
 wall, as he could see, to shoot him." Hudde's account, how- 
 ever must not be taken too literally and there is no likelihood that 
 the gun incident has any foundation in truth. Charges and 
 counter charges of as grave a nature were common in this age, 
 when truth was a rare article in diplomatic relations, whether 
 insignificant or of the gravest importance. Had rigid exami- 
 nation been held with the Dutch messengers it Is probable that 
 most of these charges would have proved as false as the accusa- 
 tion of Thickpeny before the New England court, that Printz 
 with his own hands had put Irons on one of Lamberton's men. 
 The incidents were reported to Governor Kieft, but nothing 
 could be done about it. The garrison at Fort Nassau was too 
 weak to allow anything but words to be employed against an 
 adversary like Governor Printz and the force at New Amster- 
 dam could not be diminished.^* 
 
 In the fur trade, however, the Dutch continued to have the 
 
 '^Doc, Xn. 33 ff.; cf. Chaps. XXXHL, XXXV. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 415 
 
 upper hand. Large quantities of goods were brought by them 
 into the river for barter with the Indians and their cargoes 
 arrived more regularly than those of the Swedes. But Printz, 
 who improved every opportunity to further the interests of his 
 colony, endeavored to change this state of affairs. Towards 
 the end of 1646, when a ship had arrived from Gothenburg, 
 new possibilities offered themselves to the governor. He made 
 a treaty with the Indians directed against the Dutch trade and, 
 according to Hudde, he "not only did not omit to make the 
 Dutch suspected by every means both by the Indians and the 
 Christians, but even connived at the bad treatment of the 
 Honorable Company's subjects." The activities of the Dutch 
 were further thwarted by Ft. Korsholm and their tradinghouse 
 in the Schuylkill was demolished.^* 
 
 The industry and diligence of Printz gave the Swedes a de- 
 cided advantage over the Dutch for some time, but he foresaw 
 that the two nations could not remain side by side in peace. In 
 his report of February, 1647, he says that the Dutch must be 
 removed from the river either by mutual agreement or other- 
 wise, "for," he goes on, "they oppose us on every side, they 
 destroy our trade everywhere, they strengthen the savages with 
 guns, shot and powder, publicly trading with these against the 
 edict of all Christians,'^' they stir up the Indians against us, who, 
 but for our prudence, would already have gone too far,** they 
 begin to buy land from the savages within our boundaries, which 
 we have purchased already eight years ago, they give New 
 Sweden the name of New Netherland and dare to build their 
 houses there." He also asserted that the mischief-makers were 
 merely private persons, provided with a passport from the 
 
 ''Doc, XII. 34; cf. Chap. XXXII. 
 
 "Lockermans seems to have sold guns, powder and lead to the Indians. 
 Printz was "furious about it" and complained to Stuyvesant, who ordered 
 Hudde to investigate the charges secretly and report. Doc, XII. 59. 
 
 "The same accusations were made against Printz. Hudde says: "The 
 Indians and especially the Armewamese Indians on the twelfth of May, 1647, at 
 noon, tried to overrun us," instigated thereto by Printz. Doc, XII. 34. Printz 
 says that the prudence of the Swedes saved them from attack, but Hudde adds 
 bloodshed " was prevented by God's mercy and good information regarding their 
 misunderstanding." 
 
4i6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Dutch governor and paying duty to the Dutch West India 
 Company. "To better accomplish their intentions," he says, 
 "some of them have entirely quitted the Christians and live 
 with the Indians." "All this they are able to do," he adds, 
 " because they see very well that we have a weak settlement and 
 with no earnestness on our side their malice against us increases 
 more and more."^'^ We must not, however, take the reports 
 of either the Dutch or the Swedes too literally. They looked 
 on the questions at issue from diametrically opposite points of 
 view and what appeared perfectly just and proper to the one 
 side would look like the greatest injustice to the other. The 
 reports of the two rivals would also be liable to be more or less 
 colored in order to justify their actions in the eyes of their 
 superiors. 
 
 During the winter months things seem to have become quiet 
 (the records at least make no mention of any trouble). The 
 Dutch remained at Fort Nassau without making further efforts 
 to build on new territory and the trade with the Indians was 
 monopolized by Printz, but in the spring and summer, when 
 Dutch freemen came into the river to trade, new cause for pro- 
 tests, strifes and jealousies arose. It seems, however, that the 
 personal relations between Commissary Hudde and Governor 
 Printz were friendly, for on May 24 (June 3) Hudde with his 
 wife was present at the governor's table. It is true that Hudde 
 complained that Printz " in vulgar expressions " joked with the 
 Dutch Company's " old or continuous ownership " of the Dela- 
 ware, but this is in the capacity of an official. 
 
 There was a change in the directorship of New Netherland 
 in the summer of 1647. Peter Stuyvesant, who had been ap- 
 pointed director in the place of Governor Kieft, arrived at 
 Manhattan in May. He was a man of tremendous energy, 
 scrupulously faithful in discharging his duties and over zealous 
 in promoting the interest of his superiors, and he was not to be 
 accused of allowing the Swedes to usurp the river without a 
 protest. In June he gave commission to several Dutch freemen 
 
 "Report, 1647. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 417 
 
 to trade in the river, but they were hindered by Printz. They 
 complained to Hudde, who drew up a petition to Governor 
 Stuyvesant, " praying for relief from their grievous injuries."''* 
 Stuyvesant immediately embodied the complaints in a protest, 
 which was presented at New Gothenborg on August 7 ( 17) . 
 
 It seems that Hudde went to New Amsterdam about the be- 
 ginning of September, probably to make a report. September 
 10 a proposal was made to reappoint him as commiss on the 
 South River, since it was necessary to have a good man there 
 and he had proved himself efficient in his office. The resolution 
 was passed by the council about a week later^^ and Hudde left 
 immediately for the Delaware, but on the eighteenth he re- 
 turned, "in consequence of contrary winds." In his absence 
 Dincklage accused him of unfaithfulness and fraud, making 
 him unfit for service, in the opinion of Governor Stuyvesant, if 
 the accusations were true. It seems that Dincklage was unable 
 to prove his charges, for Hudde retained his commission and 
 proceeded to the South River, but the exact date of his arrival 
 at Fort Nassau is not known.^" 
 
 In November Hudde was again permitted by Stuyvesant to 
 go to New Amsterdam, perhaps for the purpose of further 
 proving his innocence. He arrived there on the twenty-first 
 ( December i ) , bringing with him a reply from Governor Printz 
 to Stuyvesant's protest. The date of his return to the South 
 River is not known. '^ 
 
 Towards the end of 1647 J^" Geraet (Gerardy) was in the 
 South River, undoubtedly for the purpose of trade with the 
 Indians. His boat called the Siraen was visited by Printz. 
 All the goods were examined and handled "in an unchristian- 
 like manner." His cargo of 60 lbs. of powder and six guns 
 was confiscated, but, on his promise to use the ammunition only 
 
 "Hazard (p. 95) has July 29, quoting translation in Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., 
 2d S., I. 437; but the Doc. (XII. 35) has July 2. 
 "September 16 (26), 1647. 
 '"Dof., XII. 35, 41-42- 
 "Dof., XII. 35. 
 28 
 
41 8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 in case of need, all was returned to him except three guns and 
 thirteen lbs. of powder.^^ 
 
 Again followed a period of comparative quiet, for the Dutch 
 were busy improving Fort Nassau and no attempts to extend 
 their activities to the western shore were made. It seems that 
 the agents of the West India Company managed to secure in- 
 formation about the doings of the Swedish company and news 
 of its affairs were sent to Stuyvesant, who, early in the spring 
 of 1648, informed his commiss at Fort Nassau that the Swedes 
 could not expect to receive any succor. Hudde was also ordered 
 to erect the house, which had been proposed, as speedily as 
 possible and to put everything in repair. Boards and other 
 materials for the building were sent on Gerritt Vasterick's ship, 
 but the work at Fort Nassau could not be carried on to advan- 
 tage for lack of carpenters. Hudde complained and a carpenter 
 was immediately sent there. New orders about the repair of 
 the fort were also transmitted and Hudde was requested to send 
 back the carpenter as soon as possible. He was likewise in- 
 structed to watch intruders and to stop or protest against all 
 ships that came into the Delaware, without license, to trade 
 with the Swedes or others. 
 
 In the spring of 1648 the troubles began anew. On March 
 23 or 24^^ a Swedish bark sailed up the river " without pennant 
 or flag." As it passed Fort Nassau Hudde caused a shot to be 
 fired across her bows, but she proceeded on her course "and paid 
 no attention even to a second shot." Eight men In a bark were 
 sent after her, but as the wind was good they could not overtake 
 her in the dark. In two or three days she returned with flying 
 colors and Hudde now for the first time perceived that It was a 
 Swedish bark. The skipper replied scorafully to Hudde's ques- 
 tions and even hinted that he acted as he did through contempt 
 for the Dutch. The incident drew a protest from Hudde 
 
 "^ Hazards (p. 96) is mistaken in referring the statements to his (Hudde's) 
 certificate. The facts are given in a letter of 1651. Doc, I. 595. 
 
 ''In one place Hudde says April 2 (n.s.) (if the documents are correctly 
 printed) and in the copy of his protest he says the 3rd. Doc. XII. 35. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 419 
 
 (dated April 3 n.s.), wherein he warns the skipper against 
 repeating the experiment.** 
 
 Information reached the director of New Holland that 
 Printz had been active during the winter, collecting building 
 material in the Schuylkill, and in order to retain the title to the 
 lands there he commanded Hudde to settle down beside the 
 Swedes, in case they should come to build and settle on any new, 
 unoccupied places, and on behalf of the company to erect a 
 house, larger or smaller, according to the force at hand, that it 
 might be understood thereby that such places had belonged to 
 the Dutch for many years. Promises of discharge from the 
 company's services were also made to several soldiers, who 
 were granted permission to begin " preparations for building 
 on alloted lands."*^ In April or earlier Stuyvesant further 
 ordered his commander at Fort Nassau " to build quickly a 
 proper and strong house on the other side of the river, as a 
 token of ownership,'® as it was found that the Swedes prepared 
 to settle on new land. About the same time Hudde managed to 
 gain the goodwill of some sachems at Passyunk. They ap- 
 peared at Fort Nassau on April 14 (24), reported that the 
 Swedes had erected buildings on the Schuylkill and inquired 
 why the Dutch did not build there.*'' Hudde investigated the 
 matter and, as he found that the Swedes were about to settle 
 on certain important places, he went into the Schuylkill on April 
 17 (27), with the necessary tools and invited the Indian chiefs 
 of the district to a conference. The Swedes were also sum- 
 moned and told by the Indians to depart from the places they 
 lived on, as they had come there " in a sneaking way " without 
 permission from the right owners. The land was then given as 
 a gift to the Dutch, presumably in exchange for merchandise, 
 
 "Doc, XII. 35-36. 
 
 "-Doc, XII. 57. 
 
 "There is some confusion in dates. The copy of Stuyvesant's letter is dated 
 April 27 (n.s.), Doc, XII., and Hudde reports that he began preparations for 
 building the fort on the same day (Doc, XII. 36-7)- I' is likely that Stuyvesant 
 had written about it before and repeated the injunction on April 27 (n.s.). 
 
 "The chiefs were perhaps not sufficiently gratified by Printz and by making 
 friendly oflFers to the Dutch they hoped to draw additional gifts from them. 
 
420 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 but no papers or deeds seem to have been drawn up. There- 
 upon the two principal chiefs, Mattahorn and Wissemenetto, 
 planted the Prince's flag and ordered Hudde "to fire three 
 shots " in token of possession. When this was done the Dutch 
 commissary prepared to erect a house or fort " in the presence 
 of them all." Printz, having obtained information about the 
 doings of his neighbors, sent Huygen up the Schuylkill with 
 seven or eight men in the afternoon of the same day to deliver 
 a protest against the Dutch and to inquire on what authority 
 and by what orders they presumed to build there. But the 
 Indians were ill disposed towards the Swedes and even accused 
 them of having " stolen " their land, claiming that only a small 
 tract at Paghahacking belonged to them, which Minuit had 
 purchased upon his arrival for a tobacco plantation. Conse- 
 quently Huygen returned to his fort without results and Hudde 
 "pushed forward the unfinished work and had the house sur- 
 rounded by palisades." The new stronghold was called Ft. 
 Beversreede, as it was to control the beaver-trade in the Schuyl- 
 kill.^* Preparations were also made for freemen to settle and 
 some fruit trees were planted near the blockhouse. A little 
 later Mans Kling approached the place " with 24 men," fully 
 armed with loaded guns and lighted matches, " destroyed the 
 fruit and cut down the trees in front of the fort," but he left, 
 it seems, without further obstructing the work.^® 
 
 Spring was now well on and summer approaching. Stuyve- 
 sant had long desired to go to the South River. Hudde's report 
 and visits to New Amsterdam seem to have impressed the 
 authorities there that more active measures must be adopted, if 
 anything should be accomplished on the Delaware. Shortly 
 after Hudde's return to his post In the beginning of 1648 Gover- 
 nor Stuyvesant writes that he had resolved to go to the South 
 River in the spring, and he repeats his intention on several occa- 
 sions.^" He cautions Hudde to keep his coming secret and to 
 
 "For the history and location of Fort Beversreede see J. P. Nicholson in 
 Penn. Mag., XV. 252-3. Cf. Doc, I. 594; Young, p. 42. Bever (beaver) -f- 
 reede (road, path), hence the road of the beaver. Cf. map below. 
 
 "Z)of.,Xn. 36-37. 
 
 "Doc, Xn. 55, 56, 57, 58. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 421 
 
 " disclose it to nobody in the world for potent reasons." His first 
 plan was to go overland with about thirty persons, " most likely 
 more than less," and to send the necessaries for the undertaking 
 by ship. For this purpose Hudde was ordered by letter of 
 April 7 (17), to engage immediately upon the receipt of the 
 letter two trusty South River Indians and two Minquas, who 
 could be used as guides across the country, together with two or 
 three of the cleverest Dutchmen in the service of the company, 
 but their mission was to remain a secret. 
 
 About a week later Stuyvesant requested him to send the 
 guides at once to New Amsterdam, if they had not already been 
 despatched, and to make a report and draw up a list of articles 
 needed for the new fort. Governor Stuyvesant had in mind to 
 depart from New Amsterdam on April 30 or May i (11), 
 unless Hudde should " hear or foresee any danger in it." " A 
 general day of fasting and prayer [was appointed] throughout 
 the government " at Manhattan as well as on the South River, 
 " according to the means of divine service there." 
 
 The journey across the country was abandoned for some un- 
 known reason (perhaps the Indian guides could not be secured, 
 or it may be that the journey was considered too difficult or un- 
 safe)* and it was decided to go by sea in the sloop Prince Wil- 
 km, which seems to have been ready for departure in the begin- 
 ning of May. But the weather was unfavorable, and on the 
 fourteenth (24) of May they were compelled to "run into 
 the harbor for the second time on account of calms and con- 
 trary winds." The expedition was then abandoned, as the 
 Northern Indians were gathering against the Dutch and the 
 inhabitants requested Stuyvesant to defer the voyage. In 
 his stead the governor sent two officers next to himself in 
 command, " Vice-Director van Dincklage and Mr. De la Mon- 
 tagne with orders and commands to transact the business . . . 
 [at the South River] to the greatest benefit and advantage of 
 the Honorable Company." Since they were unacquainted with 
 the country Hudde was instructed to " inform them of every- 
 thing" and "assist them by advice and deed." They were 
 
422 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 to be received in a moSt dignified way and, as soon as the 
 commiss was aware of their presence in the Bay of the South 
 River, he "must order the yachts present there, to escort the 
 mentioned gentlemen of the council in proper style and to sail 
 down to meet them, offering as much respect as if Stuyve- 
 sant was present, whereby a signal service would be done to 
 the Honorable Company." They seem to have departed from 
 New Amsterdam towards the end of May and on the twenty- 
 eighth they arrived at Fort Nassau. The Indians were at 
 once called to a conference and the old title to the district 
 situated around and on the Schuylkill, called Armenverius, was 
 renewed and confirmed. The land had been sold to Arent 
 Corsen in 1633, but he failed to pay the full amount stipulated 
 in the agreement. Now, however, the sachems were fully 
 satisfied and irrevocably conveyed and ceded the territory " to 
 the Dutch and would be ready on all occasions to maintain and 
 defend the title against all pretentions and claim."*^ The docu- 
 ment was signed by Mattahorn, Sinquees and several other 
 Indian chiefs, besides some of the Dutch officials and freemen 
 including Augustin Herrman, who was to play a prominent 
 part in the Dutch Colony for more than a quarter of a 
 century.*^ 
 
 On the sixth of June the two commissaries " sailed with a 
 proper suite to Tennckonck and were received here by Com- 
 missary Huygen and Lieutenant Papegoja."*® They pro- 
 tested against Printz for the very illegal siezure of the Schuyl- 
 kill and the Swedish governor promised to give them an 
 answer in writing before their departure for New Amsterdam. 
 
 In the meantime several Dutch freemen were assigned places 
 for settlements on the Schuylkill, and on June 22 Hans Jacob- 
 sen began to build there, but Gustaf Printz, having been in- 
 structed to prevent him, went there and ordered him to tear 
 
 "The deed was of course drawn up by the Dutch and the Indians in all 
 probability had little notion of the real significance of its language. 
 
 ''Doc, I. 593- 
 
 ^'Hudde's reports says: "Their Honors [were kept] standing in the open air 
 in the rain for about half an hour " before being admitted, but it is highly im- 
 probable that Printz acted so undiplomatically. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 423 
 
 down with his own hands what he had built. On his refusal to 
 do so, Printz tore it down himself and burnt the material. A 
 few days later (June 26) Thomas Broen also made prepara- 
 tions to erect a dwelling " on an assigned place," but Printz 
 kept a watchful eye on the doings of the Dutch and immediately 
 sent Gregorius van Dyck to prevent the work. As a conse- 
 quence of these troubles Hudde complained of Printz's haughty 
 demeanor, but Printz also complained of Hudde's actions. 
 Stuyvesant informed Hudde about it, saying that " in several 
 [letters] to me . . . [Governor Printz] excuses himself and 
 complains of your Honor in several respects, among others 
 about Your Honor's haughty, unneighbourly manner, as that 
 Y[ou]r Honor had ordered some beavers from savages or 
 Indians with the intention of trying to get for them some con- 
 traband merchandise, which having miscarried, your Honor is 
 reported to have said 'the devil take them, who are with the 
 Swedes' and so forth." This undoubtedly drew additional 
 " explanations, reports and denials " from the commiss, justify- 
 ing his actions, but none of the documents are extant. 
 
 As a result of private troubles in the late summer and early 
 autumn of 1648 Hudde found neither time nor opportunity for 
 "molesting the Swedes."** He was accused of bad payments 
 and fraudulent delays, " which made the council dissatisfied and 
 fearful to send thither goods of the company." His accounts 
 were investigated and " found to be obscure." On the fifth of 
 
 "From Doc, XII. 61-62 it would appear that in August, 1648, Hudde pro- 
 posed to " buy the land from Narraticonse Kill to the bay, [then] for sale by the 
 savages, thereby to anticipate others [the Swedes]," but there is some uncertainty 
 about the date of the letter (August 26, 1648) in which these facts are preserved. 
 In a copy of a letter, dated May 13, 1649 (Doc, XII. 373, Acrelius, p. 38), 
 Hudde's proposal is referred to in the same words, as far as can be gathered 
 from the translation. " Likewise we cannot but consider good and expedient your 
 Honor's last proposal," etc. Doc, XII. 61; and in Doc, XII. 373, "Likewise we 
 cannot," etc. It is therefore probable that a portion of a letter printed at the 
 end of page 61 and beginning of page 62 in Doc does not belong to Stuyvesant's 
 letter of August 26, 1648, as indicated by Fernow, but to the letter of May 13, 
 1649, printed from a copy in Doc, XII. 370. This is further born out by the 
 fact that the copy-book in its present condition is defective, a portion of a page 
 being lost between August 26, 1648, and May 26, 1649 {Doc, XII. 61). This 
 portion (or part of it) was undoubtedly the beginning of the letter of May 13, 
 1649. 
 
424 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 August Stuyvesant made a report before the council, which re- 
 solved to " order the said commissary to come to New Amster- 
 dam overland and personally explain his accounts." On receiv- 
 ing this order Hudde left Fort Nassau August 24, placing 
 Alexander Boyer in command, and arrived at Manhattan five 
 days later. While there he made an oral report before the 
 council on August 30 concerning the condition of the South 
 River and delivered a written statement of the requirements 
 (not as Fernow thought the report of November, 1648, but a 
 different document, which Is now lost) . He also brought a let- 
 ter from Governor Printz, which was likewise read on the same 
 day. The accounts of Hudde were examined by Adrian Keyser 
 and Cornells van TIenhoven and a report was undoubtedly pre- 
 pared by them.*" 
 
 In the meantime Printz was active on the Schuylkill. Shortly 
 after Hudde's departure he prepared to build a log-house near 
 Fort Beversreede so as to make that stronghold useless. On the 
 ninth of September the house was ready. It measured " about 
 thirty to thirty-five feet in length and about twenty feet In 
 width." It was erected right in front of the Dutch fort, about 
 twelve or thirteen feet from the palisades, and completely shut 
 off the fort from the river, "so that vessels which came to 
 anchor In front of It could hardly see it."** 
 
 On September 15 (25) Deputy-Commissary Boyer reported 
 the state of affairs to Governor Stuyvesant and intimated that 
 aid was daily needed, as the winter was coming on and every- 
 thing was wanting at Fort Nassau. Printz, he said, had given 
 strict orders to his commander at Fort Korsholm "not to 
 allow any post or stake to be set In the ground, and to prevent, 
 by friendly words or by force" any attempts of the Dutch at 
 building. Two men were continually kept In the river to watch 
 the doings of the Dutch and to prevent the landing of building- 
 timber, making It impossible for Boyer to carry out his In- 
 tentions.*^ 
 
 "Doc, xn. 38, 42. 
 
 "Doc, xn. 38, 43. 46; L 594- 
 
 " Doc. XII. 45-4. 
 
 " Doc, XII. 43-4. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 425 
 
 It seems that Hudde was able to disprove the accusations 
 against him and explain his accounts to the satisfaction of the 
 council, as he departed for the South River on the twenty-fifth 
 of September, in his former capacity. Before he left New 
 Amsterdam deeds had been given to several freemen, granting 
 them permission to settle on the Schuylkill, and shortly after his 
 arrival at Fort Nassau Symon Root, the usual mischief-maker, 
 with some others arranged to build on Mastmaker's Hook, 
 although they had seen Printz's orders.** Towards the end of 
 October preparations were made and on the twenty-fifth " the 
 foundation timbers were laid and the ties set up,"** but on the 
 same day Sven Skute arrived, telling the Dutch that he had 
 orders to resist any attempts at building. On the friendly solici- 
 tations of Tienhoven and Boyer he desisted from using any 
 violence until further instructions could be received from Printz, 
 but " at sunrise " the next day he again appeared with a small 
 force, informed the two Dutch officials that he had positive 
 orders "to tear down the erected work and proceeded to de- 
 molish the building, hacking and utterly destroying what had 
 been begun." An argument ensued, which waxed so hot that 
 Skute caught the aforesaid Boyer by the hair, " being prevented 
 from coming to any further exercises.""" Hudde's report seems 
 to indicate that a dwelling was begun within the walls of Fort 
 Beversreede about the same time, as it states that a " Swedish 
 servant named Peter Jochim by way of contempt and by night 
 forcibly tore off and broke through the palisade, using great 
 violence as well by acts as by words.""' Two days later Hudde 
 
 "On October 4 (n.s.) A. Boyer and several others signed a statement to the 
 effect that they had seen the Instruction of Printz to resist all attempts at settle- 
 ment. Doc, XII. 44. 
 
 " Hudde says in one Document that they completed the building on November 
 4 (n.s.) unless he refers to another event, but from the copy of his protest to 
 Printz and the copy of the " affidavit " of Tienhoven it appears that the house 
 was only " commenced." Doc, XII. 38, 45. See also Doc, I, 594. 
 
 '"Doc, XII. 38. The date given in Doc, I. 594, for 'tis occurrence is 1649, 
 manifestly an error. An affidavit was made by Root and several others on the 
 same day concerning these " violences " and on the following day Tienhoven 
 signed an affidavit corroborating the same. Doc, XII. 44-5. 
 
 "Z3o<r., XII. 38. This event is not mentioned in Hudde's protest to Printz 
 nor in the affidavits of Tienhoven and the others (,Doc, XII. 38-9; 44-6) ; and 
 
426 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 sent a protest to the Swedish governor, couched in very reserved 
 language, reminding him of the damage done by his agents at 
 Mastmaker's Hook. He declared that he was Innocent of 
 any wrong and that he had always endeavored to maintain 
 " mutual friendship," although, he adds, " our good Intentions 
 have been frequently unfairly viewed and wrongly Interpreted." 
 
 Printz was clearly holding more than his own In these quar- 
 rels. He had succeeded In keeping the Dutch from building 
 new habitations and occupying new ground. The Dutch again 
 appealed to New Amsterdam, and In order to make the appeal 
 more effective Andrian van TIenhoven was first commissioned 
 to write. He recounted the " Insult " done by the Swedes to 
 " Their Honors, the Directors of the General Incorporated 
 West India Company," and Implored Stuyvesant to come at 
 once In person " to see the condition of this river, for the 
 Swedes," he says, " do here what they please."^^ A statement 
 from Hudde was to follow and a few days later the famous 
 Report was sent to Stuyvesant.®* 
 
 In these disputes both sides claimed title to the lands by 
 original purchase from the Indians. The Dutch based their 
 right to the Schuylkill on the purchase of Corsen In 1633, but 
 he did not fulfill his part of the contract and In the spring and 
 summer of 1648 the purchase was renewed by them. The 
 Swedes, however, had secured title to this land In 1638 and 
 1 640 and paid for it, as well as to the land purchased by Hudde 
 In the autumn of 1646. In the latter case the commiss 
 erected the Dutch coat of arms on the land before he had con- 
 it is probably only a variation of the events that took place at Mastmaker's Hook, 
 as given above. Hazard, who follows the translation in the N. Y. Collection 
 prints the quotation as though it were a part of the protest of the Swedish gov- 
 ernor. See Hazard, p. 104. 
 
 °^This letter, according to the copy, is dated at Beversreede, November 9, 
 (n.s.) 1648, and was copied by Van Tienhoven, December 6, the same year. 
 Doc, Xll. 46-47. 
 
 ^ The "Brief but True Report" is really a relation of the troubles between 
 the Swedes and Dutch from the summer of 1646 until the late autumn of 1648. 
 The Report consists of three parts: (i) Concerning the fortifications and arma- 
 ments of the Swedes, (2) concerning the forces of the Swedes, and (3) con- 
 cerning the proceedings of the Swedes. Doc, XIL 28-39. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 427 
 
 tracted the purchase and prepared to build there, making the 
 buying but a formula of value in the dispute with the Swedes, 
 for what would we think of a man who would build on a piece 
 of land without consulting the owner, then send for the owner 
 and offer a price for it I°* 
 
 When the Dutch claimed that they had a right to the river by 
 " first discovery and occupation " they had a better case than the 
 Swedes; but in their pretences to ownership by right of title 
 through purchase from the aborigines they were generally in the 
 wrong, for in almost every case the Swedes had obtained this 
 title first and held the same intact by actual occupancy. 
 
 Governor Stuyvesant, being unable to give proper assistance 
 to his commiss at the South River, complained of the Swedish 
 encroachments to the directors of the Dutch West India Com- 
 pany in the autumn of 1648, and on January 17, the following 
 year, they sent him an answer stating that they considered it 
 advisable to arm themselves with some patience sooner than 
 make use of force against the Swedes, " provided they do neither 
 invade our jurisdiction insolently, and because this matter can 
 also be better arranged here." The governor was also called 
 to task for his inconsistency in describing the limits of New 
 Netherland. In one of his letters he had said that Van Twiller 
 and Kieft " did not claim jurisdiction further than from the 
 South River in the south," and he thought that if this territory 
 could be held in peace " it would be the best to be satisfied with 
 it." But in his protests against the English he "pretended a 
 little more, namely from Cape Malabare, called Cape Cot by 
 our people, to Cape Hcnlopen."^^ 
 
 In the winter of 1649 there is another gap in the history 
 of the relations between the Ehitch and Swedes. Stuyvesant did 
 not go to Fort Nassau as he intended, and it is probable that 
 New Sweden was undisturbed, the Dutch remaining quietly at 
 their stronghold on the east bank of the river. But in the spring 
 
 "Doc, XII. 32. It is true that we know not whether or not Hudde did first 
 consult with the owner in this case, but it is not likely, for he certainly would 
 have mentioned it, if such had been the case. 
 
 " Extract from letter of Directors in Holland to Stuyvesant. Doc, XII. 47-48. 
 
428 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the Dutch again began their activities. Thomas Broen, whose 
 name we have met with before, received, perhaps in the fall of 
 1648,^® permission by Governor Stuyvesant to live at " Mantas 
 Hook about half a league below Fort Nassau." Broen, having 
 profited by his previous experience on the Schuylkill, now tried 
 another course and, although the land did not belong to the 
 Swedes, he applied to Printz for permission to settle as well as 
 " for assistance in the erection of buildings and other things." 
 "The governor promised this," says Acrelius, "upon condition 
 that he would place himself under the Swedish government ; but 
 when [Printz] saw beneath this a trick of the Hollanders, he 
 himself bought of the Indians the land from Mantas Hook to 
 Narraticon's or Racoon's Kill and raised upon It a post to which 
 the Swedish coat-of-arms was affixed."*^ Printz also endeavored 
 to buy the land on the eastern bank above Fort Nassau and 
 "urged the savages very earnestly" until they were ready to 
 sell. But the Dutch were not inactive. They also had confer- 
 ences with the chiefs and offered to buy the territory in question. 
 Hudde had no means at his disposal, but In order to prevent 
 Printz from getting a title to the land several freemen (among 
 whom were Broen and the often mentioned Root) offered to 
 buy the same land from the Indians by private means with the 
 understanding " that they would convey and deliver the afore- 
 said territory In whole to the Honorable Company upon pay- 
 ment of the amount advanced by them on condition that they 
 should have the preference in choosing the land, which might 
 be Inhabited by them, and enjoy Its possession by a lawful trans- 
 fer from the Company." Hudde not only readily accepted their 
 offer, " as there was no other way out of It and there could be 
 no delay," but he also contributed personally towards the pur- 
 chase. Negotiations with the Indians were at once begun, and 
 on the thirtieth day of March four chiefs went on board the 
 
 " The consent might have been given in the spring of 1649. The document 
 on Vfhich the statement is based is only a copy. Doc, XII. 370. 
 
 "Acrelius (translation), p. 43; Doc, XII. 370. When Broen found that 
 Printz had bought the land he did not settle on it. Hudde says: " Mantaes hoeck, 
 being a place about a long half league below the destroyed Fort Nassouw." 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 429 
 
 yacht De Hollandsche Tuyn^^ to conclude the purchase. The dis- 
 trict ceded to the Dutch by the transaction is described as lying 
 and extending on the east side of the river " from Ramkokes 
 Kill,*** northward ... to the south end of an island called 
 Tinnekonck ""* and from there "up the river to ... a kill on 
 the western bank, called Neeyeck, and landwards (including 
 herein the aforesaid Island Tinnekonck) , about four leagues 
 off, or more or less, as the possessors shall deem necessary." 
 The deeds (" two originals of the same tenor") were signed by 
 Kickeesickenom (the owner), Hattowens, Kintakosy and 
 Schinna on the one side and by Broen, Jan Andriesen and a 
 number of other Hollanders on the other (all of whom being 
 unable to write made their marks only). One of the originals 
 was sent to New Amsterdam, where it was deposited in the 
 secretary's office; the Indians kept the other.® ^ 
 
 In a letter presumably dated April 9 (19), 1649,"* Hudde 
 
 "The Hollandish Garden. The Doc. has new style or April 9, 1649. 
 
 "Rancocas (Rancoques) Creek, N. J. * 
 
 "See map. Tinnekonck (Tenakongh) Island is located a little above Burling- 
 ton, N. J. Cf. Lindestrom's map. 
 
 " Doc, XII. 48-49, 371. 
 
 " In the copy of Stuyvesant's answer to this letter it is referred to as " your 
 last letter of the 19th of May" (Doc, XII. 373). But this must be a mistake for 
 Stuyvesant's answer is dated May 13 (Doc, XII. 373). Now of course it might 
 be possible that Stuyvesant used the old style and Hudde the new style in which 
 case the dates would be May 19 (Hudde's) and May 23 (Stuyvesant's). But it 
 is hardly probable that Stuyvesant would have answered the letter immediately 
 upon its arrival at New Amsterdam, if it did arrive there as soon as the 
 twenty-third (it seems to have taken from three days to a week to send letters 
 from the South River to New Amsterdam). It is more likely that there is a 
 mistake in the copy. May being used instead of April (the original might also 
 have contained the error). This is confirmed by a Letter Book, where Stuyvesant 
 writes under date of May 26, 1649: "I have answered your Honor's favour of 
 the nineteenth April before this" (Doc, XII. 62). This is undoubtedly the 
 letter in question. Hudde presumably answered Stuyvesant's letter of May 13 
 about May 20, and on May 26 Stuyvesant sent a reply to this, at the same 
 time referring to Hudde's earlier missive of April 19. There Is, however, one 
 objection to this date. It is hard to see why Hudde should wait to report the 
 land purchase of April 9 until April 19. Stuyvesant, however, had admonished 
 him not to send letters to New Amsterdam by special messenger, but by boats 
 going there, whenever it could be done, and it is possible that he had to wait 
 ten days for a ship with which to send the letter. Acrelius noticed the mistake, 
 but he concluded that the year was wrong, so he dated Hudde's letter May 19, 
 164B, and supposed that Broen's attempt at settlement and Printz's land purchases 
 
430 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 reported the purchase to Stuyvesant, complaining bitterly of 
 Printz's conduct and on that ground attempting to explain his 
 own actions. Printz, he said, had taken possession of the entire 
 western bank of the river, with the exception " of a piece of land 
 about 50 feet square . . . outside of which nobody dared to 
 cultivate a foot of ground." The Swedes would also have 
 gained a foothold on the eastern bank above Ft. Nassau, but 
 the watchfulness of Hudde, who, by anticipating them 
 averted the catastrophe of being entirely enclosed in the fort 
 and eventually driven from the river, prevented it. Hudde 
 again stated that " the land from the Narratico Kill to the bay " 
 was " for sale by the savages " and proposed that it be bought. 
 Stuyvesant replied on May 3 (13)"^ in very friendly terms, 
 approved of the purchase and promised that the amount paid 
 for the land would be provided for as soon as the price was 
 known. He also considered the proposition to buy more land 
 "as good and expedient," "thereby anticipating others," but 
 he especially cautioned Hudde " to take care that in the transfer 
 the proper minuteness be observed and that this act be signed 
 and witnessed by as many sachems and witnesses as he might 
 obtain among the Christians, who were not in the service of the 
 company."®* 
 
 The distrust and enmity between the Dutch and Swedes 
 " were now daily increasing." As was natural they suspected each 
 other of evil intentions more than actual facts warranted. Hudde 
 had apparently succeeded in convincing the Dutch governor 
 that Printz was entirely to blame for the strained relations and 
 the most impossible motives and plans were attributed to him. 
 It was supposed that Printz planned to stretch his influence 
 beyond the limits of New Sweden and control the entire beaver 
 trade of the Delaware and the Hudson Rivers. " The design," 
 
 occurred in 1646. Acrelius, p. 36. The letter of April 19 is not "fornyat" 
 (renewed or repeated) as Acrelius states, p. 37, but given in abstract only. Doc.,, 
 XH. 370-1. 
 
 °° The letter was sent by the ship of Vasterick and undoubtedly arrived at Fort 
 Nassau in a week or less. 
 
 "jDof. XH. 371-373. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 431 
 
 wrote Stuyvesant in the above quoted letter, " of the Swede 
 to close also the North River from behind above the fort and 
 to destroy our trade at Fort Orange has been foreseen by us." 
 The idea was perhaps suggested by Hudde, and Stuyvesant 
 believed that it was possible and feasible for Printz to do so 
 unless he was prevented. Accordingly, he informed the direc- 
 tors about it " and demanded means to prevent it." They 
 answered that Brant van Slechtenhorst ought to be informed of 
 the plan and requested to oppose any designs of the Swedes. 
 Stuyvesant, however, " feared that Van Slechtenhorst would care 
 very little for it, and that, as he was not quite favorably dis- 
 posed towards the Honorable Company, he would perhaps like 
 to see nothing better." But the fears were ungrounded. Printz 
 had enough to do on the South River without wasting his ener- 
 gies in far off and uncertain adventures near the source of the 
 Hudson.*^ 
 
 It appears that at least two new houses were contracted to be 
 built by the Dutch on the South River about this time." They 
 were undoubtedly erected on the east bank above Fort Nassau 
 on the land purchased by Root and the other freemen, and hence 
 these activities gave rise to no quarrels with the Swedes, for 
 Printz opposed the Dutch only when they trespassed on what 
 he held to be the territory of New Sweden. It is probable that 
 the land spoken of above, as lying south of Fort Nassau, was 
 bought by the Dutch at this time for Stuyvesant offered to make 
 provision for the cost. He also urged his commissioner "to 
 promote the old rights and possessions of the Schuylkill by all 
 means with the natives that It might not be forsaken by them or 
 transferred to others. "*'' 
 
 Although Stuyvesant admonished his commander at Fort 
 Nassau to oppose the Swedes by every means at hand, he found 
 no scruples in joining them in keeping out the English. The 
 New Haven planters and merchants, as we have seen, continued 
 to look towards the Delaware for new trading posts, and In the 
 
 "Doc, XII. 372-3. 
 
 "The contract was signed May 30, 1649; Doc, XII. 50. 
 
 " Doc, XII. 62 ff. 
 
432 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 summer it was reported at New Amsterdam that they were 
 about to appear there in force. Stuyyesant feared that, if the 
 English were allowed to gain a foothold in the bay, they would 
 not only " alienate the river from the Dutch and the Swedes 
 forever but after it they would also make an attempt to get 
 possession of the North River . . . and would draw the trade 
 into other channels." In order to forestall such a calamity 
 Hudde was not only to "pay attention to all measures to pre- 
 vent this, but also to confer with Printz about it either in person 
 or by letter " and if possible to arrange some means of concerted 
 action with him. In all this, however, he was admonished to 
 be careful not to "expose himself in regard to their right of 
 first and old possession." It is likely that Hudde approached 
 the Swedish governor on the subject and that the two agreed 
 " to join hands against the common foe."®* 
 
 What occurred at the Dutch settlement during the winter of 
 1 649-1 650 does not appear from the extant records, but it 
 seems that buildings and other undertakings were planned, for 
 Stuyvesant at times desired more complete information than 
 was contained in the reports of the commiss about " the particu- 
 lars of the progress " made. Governor Stuyvesant now placed 
 full confidence in his representative at the southern limits of 
 New Netherland, being convinced that he had been maliciously 
 slandered and opposed.^® 
 
 In the spring of 1650 Stuyvesant was informed "that their 
 High Mightinesses had accepted New Netherland"™ and on 
 May 19 (29) he wrote to Hudde that he had "been given 
 hope from the Fatherland ... of peopling New Netherland 
 and especially the South River, which had been taken In great 
 consideration by Their Honors." Further attacks and usurpa- 
 tions of the Swedes and English were to be resisted and ample 
 supplies would be sent, but "the communication [must be 
 
 ''Doc., xn. 63 ff. 
 
 " There is no doubt that the Dutch West India Company seldom had a more 
 faithful servant than Hudde. 
 
 "Letter from directors to Stuyvesant, February 16 (n.s.), 1650. N. Y, Col. 
 Mss., XI. f. i8. 
 
jim 
 
 
 
 r5-*»-<: 
 
 
 
 5P eis-i»»»€j^ \«.j;;5a^ isJM- 
 
 '•^ fa.f^-tUy iG ; 
 
 
 
 P[eter] Stuyvesant's letter to Governor Printz, July 24, 16511, relating- the shipwreck of the A'a//. 
 (Cf. pp. 3,W, 433.) Original preserved in N. S. I. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 433 
 
 kept] secret from the Swedish Governor and his favorites." 
 Meanwhile Hudde was to " have everything in readiness to 
 accommodate all those who were willing to settle under the 
 patronage of the company .' . .in order to encourage others."^^ 
 
 Fort Beversreede was abandoned by the Dutch in the summer 
 of 1650 (Stuyvesant writing "that he was well pleased with 
 what had been done regarding the building at Beversreede, since 
 he well knew the necessity of it and that it could not be other- 
 wise ") , and it is clear that Printz mastered the situation, as can 
 be inferred from the fact that the Dutch governor on July 6 
 (16) expected " information in regard to the state of affairs on 
 the river and what hope there was of maintaining the Company 
 in its rights and torecover the boundaries of the Schuylkill from 
 the Swedes." Few Dutch freemen were willing to settle on the 
 Delaware and " to take the plow into their hands." They 
 preferred, it seems, to remain in New Netherland, and only two 
 applications for permission to locate on the South River are 
 preserved from this time.''* To make matters worse Root and 
 some others "betook themselves against Hudde's advice and 
 consent to the Minquas country." Such running about was con- 
 sidered dangerous. It weakened the plantation and tended to 
 destroy all discipline.''* 
 
 Stuyvesant was aware that the Swedes expected a ship with 
 a large cargo in 1650, which caused him some uneasiness, but 
 in July Augustin Herrman brought news that the ship had been 
 stranded at Porto Rico or captured by the Spaniards. Stuyve- 
 sant took pains to inform Printz of the disaster. Printz, how- 
 ever, did not lose heart. He wrote letters to Sweden, requesting 
 more soldiers and new supplies, reporting that he held his own 
 in the quarrels with the Dutch, and that he had resisted their 
 attempts at settlements within the Swedish boundary lines. 
 In the spring the directors informed Stuyvesant that they in- 
 tended to try to fix the boundaries between the colonies on the 
 
 " Doc. XII. 64 ff. 
 
 "Jan Andriessen of Beren-Bach and Cornelius . . . being the two freemen. 
 Doc, XII. 66-8. 
 
 "Doc, I. 594; XII. 64-7; Report, 1647. 
 29 
 
434 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 South River by a treaty with the Queen of Sweden; but the 
 governor was also instructed "to maintain the rights of the 
 company in all justice and equity." It would therefore seem 
 that no immediate danger was threatening New Sweden from 
 this source, but the clouds were gathering and the complications 
 between the Dtitch and the Swedes were rapidly approaching a 
 crisis.'^* 
 
 III. 
 
 With 1 65 1 begins the last phase of the Swedish-Dutch rela- 
 tions during the administration of Printz. In March certain 
 Dutch freemen sent a petition to Stuyvesant, enumerating " the 
 losses they had suffered by the proceedings of the Swedes," and 
 requested him to come to the South River for their aid and 
 relief. A little later several freemen of Fort Beversreede (which 
 seems to have been re-occupied about this time) applied for the 
 allotment of a plot of ground for plantations. Accordingly 
 Hudde "point[ed] out at a certain place behind Fort Bevers- 
 reede a small piece of ground to plant some garden stuff in," 
 but Printz soon sent a force there and destroyed what had been 
 planted. About the beginning of April Peter Cornelissen and 
 Reynier Dominicus prepared " to build on land assigned to them 
 on the Island Harommuny," west of the Swedish plantation, 
 but their entire work was destroyed by Printz and the material 
 cut into firewood. Again in May some freemen were granted 
 land on the island by Stuyvesant. On the twelfth ( 22nd) it was 
 measured by the land commissary whereupon Sander Leen- 
 dertsen brought his clapboards there and prepared to build but 
 he was forcibly prevented by Papegoja from continuing his 
 work.^" 
 
 Stuyvesant was now fairly tired of the many complaints that 
 came from the South River. Twice he had determined to go 
 there, as we have seen, but each time he had been hindered. In 
 the beginning of 1651 he again had in mind to proceed in per- 
 
 " Printz to Brahe, August i, 1650, Skohl. Saml. (R.A.) ; Stuyvesant to Printz 
 July 24 (n.s.), 1650, N.S., L (R.A.) ; Doc, XH. 66-7. 
 " Doc, I. 594-5 ; XH. 68 ff. Sander or Alexander. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 435 
 
 son, but as spring approached urgent duties once more detained 
 him. He knew that the forces at the disposal of Printz were 
 small and his resources limited. It was therefore likely that a 
 single ship could restore the balance of power to the Dutch, 
 check "the insolence of the Swedes" and prevent merchants 
 from trading in the river without a permit from the Dutch West 
 India Company or from Stuyvesant. Accordingly a vessel was 
 prepared in April and sent to the South River in the beginning 
 of May. " On May 8," says Printz, " arrived here from New 
 Netherland a ship with people and cannon, well armed. The 
 ship placed itself half a mile [about three and a half English 
 miles] below our Fort Christina, closing the river so that no 
 vessel could proceed unmolested either up or down." Printz, 
 however, was not daunted. He made ready his little yacht and 
 sent it with people, cannon and ammunition down the river 
 against the Dutch vessel. It seems that the captain had been 
 instructed by Stuyvesant not to provoke or begin hostilities, for, 
 when the Swedish yacht appeared, "he tried no hostility 
 against " it, but withdrew his ship and returned to Manhattan. 
 "And thus," says Printz, "we secured the river open [again] "^* 
 The only result of the expedition was to make it clear to 
 Stuyvesant that more effective measures must be taken and a 
 larger force must be employed, if he were to be able to cope 
 with the active and alert governor of New Sweden. We may 
 infer that he now began making preparations for a new expedi- 
 tion. It was all done on his own authority, and he did not even 
 advise the directors about it. About the middle of June all 
 arrangements for the expedition were completed. Eleven ships 
 were equipped, four of these being " well armed," and a force 
 of soldiers was engaged to accompany the director to the Dela- 
 ware. The preparations were made so secretly that Printz 
 knew nothing about them before the Dutch were approaching. 
 
 "Printz to Oxenstierna, August i, 1651, and to Brahe and Beier, the same 
 date, Skolk. Saml; Ox. Saml. (R.A.) ; Doc, I. 594-5- " Detta skeepit iagh utan 
 nSgot stort betankande med en Jackt af folk, stycken och munitier repuscherade 
 och dermed s5 wyd brachte att wij bekomme Revirt opit." Printz to Beier. 
 
436 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Stuyvesant marched across the country with 120 men''^ and 
 arrived at Fort Nassau on June 25, where the ships met him. 
 To impress the Swedes with his strength he sailed his little fleet 
 up and down the river " with drumming and cannonading." 
 Letters and messengers were sent to Printz, setting forth the 
 rights of the company to the entire river by first possession and 
 discovery and to certain lands by purchase, effected years before 
 the Swedes arrived. "The result of this," says a Dutch docu- 
 ment, " was only a simple writing . . . wherein the aforesaid 
 governor designated the Swedish limits wide and broad enough, 
 but without any justification or proper proof, having resource 
 to the subterfuge that the deeds of the purchase and conveyance 
 of the acquired lands there were not at hand, but in the Chancery 
 at Stockholm where,'^* he said, he had indeed seen them."''® 
 
 In the meantime Stuyvesant conferred with his commiss about 
 the situation and called the Indian chiefs to a conference at 
 Fort Nassau. 
 
 On June 29 (July 9)®" three Indian chiefs " came freely and 
 appeared with other natives" at the Dutch fort. The chiefs 
 were asked various questions by the Dutch governor in the pres- 
 ence of several officers and servants of the company. First 
 the governor asked the Indians through Boyer, who was the 
 interpreter, "whether they were chiefs and proprietors of the 
 land situated on the west side of the river," unto which Pemi- 
 nacka®^ replied in the affirmative, on behalf of all. To the 
 second question, " how much land they had sold to the Swedes," 
 Peminacka gave evasive answers, inquiring why " the sachem of 
 the Swedes " was not there to answer that question himself, 
 adding that the Dutch were the first to come there and " that 
 
 " Sprinchorn is mistaken in stating that Stuyvesant came by water (A''. Sverige, 
 p. 38)- 
 
 " It seems strange that no copies of the deeds were at hand in New Sweden. 
 
 "Letter to J. Beier, August i, 1651, and to Oxenstierna and Brahe the same 
 date, Ox. Saml, Skokl. Saml, Doc, I. 589 ff. 
 
 "Former historians keep the old style of the Swedish documents and the new 
 of the Dutch without comment, causing confusion to the reader. 
 
 "^ I follow the spelling of the Swedish documents, photographs of whose orig- 
 inals I have before me. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 437 
 
 one Cornelius with one eye, or, a film on his eye, was first . . . 
 [to make] his dwelling on the river." The Dutch returned 
 that Governor Printz was apparently unwilling to be present as 
 he had been invited,®'' and the question was again put to the 
 chief. Then Mattahorn said " that when Minuit came into the 
 country with a ship, he lay before the Minquas Kill . . . [and 
 presented to the chief] a kettle and other trifles," in exchange 
 for which he was given as much land as he " could set a house 
 on and a plantation included between six trees." The chief 
 was to have half of the toba.cco that would grow on the planta- 
 tion, but it was never given to him.®^ Pemlnacha, however, 
 was unwilling to sell the land from the Schuylkill to the bay on 
 the west side of the river for fear of the Swedes. "Where 
 then," said he, "will the houses of the Swedes remain? Will 
 the sachem of the Swedes then not do us harm on that account, 
 or put us in prison or beat us ? " On being assured that Stuyve- 
 sant wished to buy no land, already purchased by the Swedes or 
 any other nation, and that no trouble with the Swedes would 
 result, the chiefs had a consultation and Penlinacka, "as the 
 present and ceding proprietor," speaking for the others, pres- 
 ented as a free gift the land on the west side of the Delaware 
 from Minquas Kill down to the bay, his only stipulation being 
 that " whenever anything was the matter with his gun, it should 
 be repaired for nothing and, when he came empty among 
 the Dutch, they should remember [to give] him some maize." 
 No deed was made, but a relation was prepared which was 
 signed by eight witnesses including the clergyman, Wilhelmus 
 Grasmeer, Isaac AUerton, A. Hudde and A. Boyer, the in- 
 terpreter. The paper was also signed by Marten Cregier, Cap- 
 tain Lieutenant of New Amsterdam, and Abraham Staats, Sur- 
 geon and elder of Rensselaerswyck, who attested that in their 
 
 " It is hardly probable that Printz was invited to this conference for the 
 explanation prefixed to the documents would most likely have mentioned the facts. 
 See Doc, I. 590. 
 
 ""The Swedish governor," said Mattahorn, "had indeed bought land three 
 or four years before, but from two chiefs, who had no right to the land, and not 
 from Kyckesycken, the real owner." 
 
438 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 presence the above witnesses had affixed their names with their 
 own hands and that all were of competent age. The docu- 
 ment Is not an original, but It is probable that the events and 
 the general trend of the Indian speeches are correctly re- 
 ported.®* The Indians were not over careful In their regard 
 for truth, nor over scrupulous in their dealings. The Indian 
 ownership of land was very vague and undefined. Several 
 chiefs would lay claim to the same land and no definite limits 
 were ever established. The chiefs would hunt and fish over 
 vast areas and wherever they happened to place their tents or 
 establish their hunting ground by force or otherwise they claimed 
 jurisdiction. For the sake of gifts they would sell the land 
 to more than one buyer and each time It was asserted that It 
 had never been sold before. Mattahorn was one of the chiefs 
 from whom MInuIt bought land in 1638, and It Is more than 
 probable that he would have applied to the Swedes long before 
 and demanded and received the stipulated payments. If these 
 had not been made, as Indeed occurred in June, 1647. 
 
 When Printz became aware of the fact that " Pemlnacka and 
 his friends " had donated land south of Christina to the Dutch, 
 he sent for the heirs of MItatsimInt (the chief who had origin- 
 ally sold the same land to the Swedes) and explained to them 
 what had happened. It appears that Pemlnacka laid claim to 
 the lands on the ground that they had been presented to him by 
 MItatsimInt "with full proprietary rights." This was posi- 
 tively denied by the heirs of the latter, who attested that the 
 land had been given to Pemlnacka for hunting purposes only 
 and not as a property which he could sell. They also declared 
 that MItatsimInt, the only rightful owner, had sold the land to 
 the Swedes and "that nobody else, whatsoever nation It be, 
 had any right or pretension to It, to dwell upon It or to Incor- 
 porate It." A document embodying the above facts was drafted 
 on July 3, and attested- by Notike, the widow of MItatsimInt, 
 and his son Kiapes, besides two other children (probably not of 
 
 " The copy was attested and collated. The corroboration of the general facts 
 is found in a later original document. See photographic reproduction. 
 
C*T.CiL. 
 
 
 
 Po.. ^^"^0_>^'^.- 
 
 
 
 1: 
 
 i>%^-» -<-%"i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Copy of the testimony of the heirs of Mitatsimint that the Swedes alone had a right 
 to Quinanikot (Sandhook), Jnly 3, 1651. Translated below, p. 757. Ms. preserved in N. S. 
 I. {R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 439 
 
 age). They were willing to prove by all the Indians in the 
 river the truth of the above statements, and, " in confirmation of 
 this truth, they subscribed their mark with their own hand." 
 The document was also signed by Peter Jochimson*^ and Got- 
 fried Harmer as witnesses.*' It was sent to Stuyvesant to- 
 gether with copies of letters from the Queen and certain para- 
 graphs of Printz's instruction and probably a protest. Un- 
 fortunately only a copy is preserved, but there is no reason to 
 believe that it is not genuine. 
 
 The Dutch governor, however, paid little attention to these 
 papers. He had acquired certain claims to the district below 
 Fort Christina and he possessed a signed document to prove 
 these claims. He accordingly prepared his little fleet, the force 
 which had come across the country being put on board, and 
 sailed down the river to a convenient place on the west bank, 
 between Christina and Elfsborg, where 200 men were landed 
 and where the erection of a fort was immediately begun.*'^ 
 Against such power Governor Printz could accomplish nothing. 
 He manned his little yacht with thirty men and followed the 
 Dutch, but he "did not dare to attempt anything" of a hostile 
 character.** 
 
 In the meantime Stuyvesant sent an answer to the letters and 
 documents of Printz, reiterating the injuries the Dutch had 
 suffered on the South River at the hands of the Swedes. Root 
 and Maurisen had been refused payment by them, while Printz 
 had forbidden his people to trade with the Dutch and for these 
 injuries reparation was demanded.*^ 
 
 On the eighth of July Governor Printz drew up a formal 
 protest against the activities of the Dutch. He asserted that 
 
 "The same as Peter Jochim, who died at New Amsterdam in 1655. 
 
 " Certificate of sale, July 3, 1651 (copy), N.S., I. (R.A.), printed by Sprinchorn, 
 N.S., p. 88. 
 
 " It has been stated that Stuyvesant began to build before he had had the 
 conference with the Indians and before he had acquired title to the land, but this 
 is a mistake. The mistake is due to the fact that the writers have not taken 
 into consideration that the Swedes used the old style and the Dutch the new. 
 
 "Printz to Brahe, to Beier and to Oxenstierna, August 1, 1651, Ox. Saml., 
 Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 "Doc, I. 595 ff- 
 
440 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 enough documents and witnesses had been produced to prove 
 clearly that the land, situated between Bomten's Hook and the 
 Schuylkill, as well as that from the Schuylkill to Sankikan, 
 had been bought for the Crown of Sweden years before. In 
 spite of this the Dutch, he said, had purchased portions of 
 these lands from Indians, who had neither " right nor title " 
 thereto, incorporated such places into their possessions and 
 erected fortifications upon them in order to close up the river, 
 thereby inflicting great injuries to the settlements of the Swe- 
 dish government. He appealed to the alliance between the two 
 nations in Europe, protesting in the name of Her Royal 
 Majesty against Stuyvesant's procedure, and declared himself 
 free from any part in the consequences that would follow.®" 
 
 Stuyvesant continued his work without interruption, how- 
 ever, but the letters and protests had had at least one effect. They 
 seem to have shaken the validity of Paminacka's ownership. 
 To be able to show more "legal title" than the grant of June 
 29, Stuyvesant again sent for the Indian chiefs, who were 
 favorably disposed towards him. The disputed land was again 
 transferred to the Dutch and a deed discribing the limits was 
 drafted. " Mattahom, Peminacka, Ackehom and Sinques," 
 reads the deed, " Sachems and right owners of the land situated 
 on the west side of the South River of New Amsterdam, do 
 hereby certify and declare, that we for ourselves and our heirs 
 and co-heirs of free, will and well advised inclination have this 
 nineteenth day of July [n.s.] given and voluntarily presented 
 to Peter Stuyvesant, Chief Sachem, of the Manhattans, a certain 
 portion of land named Tamecongh, situate on the west shore 
 of the aforesaid River beginning at the west point of tlie 
 Minquas Kill, called in the Indian tongue Suppeckongh, unto 
 the mouth of the bay or river called Boompjes hook and in the 
 Indian tongue called Canaresse, and so far landwards as our 
 right extends : to wit to the bounds and limits of the Minquas 
 country, which lands were never before sold or conveyed to 
 
 " It was signed by Johan Printz and dated at Nya G6tteb[org], July 8, 1651. 
 Copy, now preserved in N.S., I. (R.A.), printed by Sprinchorn, X.S., pp. 90-91. 
 

 
 
 
 
 l<^^/ 
 
 
 
 
 <TJi^^ J'«_^-' .n^jJZijf 
 
 C/^^..J 
 
 CD.- 
 
 :5i 
 
 
 
 
 (l-^£iMJ''7^t,' *i«..«^. ^."^M^ iVM^ft* <Si/^i'(«.~4t- «'»->^ 
 
 .^-.u.s^ ^^-.^S^tCZl o^i-fTZ 45ZO.' 0;^^ 
 
 
 
 .Mj_ ^*J»->/S^^^<y^.*-ff>*i-t. 
 
 
 Relation of Mitatsimint's widow and heirs of the first land purchase by the 
 Swedes on March 29, 1639, dated July 13, 1651. Signed by " Johan Printz, Hendrick 
 Huygen, Gustavus Printz, Peter Bock." 
 
& 
 
 14j 
 
 [^uceenu/t 
 
 
 ^ItlU^t**'!^ 
 
 .1 /^T^^*.--^ JO ;-^.^ a„..jJ:iij»^--<i^-^.---r*^'' 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ce^ 
 
 
 CHrtiAt4Sy^ 
 
 
 
 Certificate by the heirs of Mitatsiniint that Quinamkot (Sandhook), " on which 
 the Hollanders now build," belonged to them and that it had been sold to the Swedes 
 
 only, dated July 16, 1651. Ms. preserved in N. S- I. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 441 
 
 any nation in the world."®^ The deed further declared that the 
 land was ceded to Stuyvesant in the presence of Indian and 
 Christian witnesses and that the chiefs would never again " sell 
 or transport the aforesaid land in whole or in part to any 
 others" (a wise stipulation indeed), nor plant corn thereupon 
 except with the governor's consent. It Is stated that the 
 Indians wished to present the land to Stuyvesant as a gift but 
 the director "politely thanking them therefor, preferred mak- 
 ing them satisfaction and a present in return." The deed was 
 signed at Camecouck, on July 9 (19) by Amattehoorn, Sinques 
 and Ackehoorn, besides thirteen Christians as witnesses. It is 
 significant that Peminacka was not among the signers, although 
 he is mentioned as one of "the proprietors." Perhaps the 
 reasons presented by Printz against his ownership of the land 
 were considered sufficient by Stuyvesant to exclude him. We 
 have again only a copy to judge from, however, which is mis- 
 dated,®^ and we can therefore not be positive of the omission of 
 Peminacka's name in the original. A later document confirms 
 the view that Peminacka did not affix his signature to the deed 
 and that it was perhaps inserted into the text by the Dutch.** 
 In 1654 this chief declared that he had not sold any land to 
 Stuyvesant. He had only promised him certain places to dwell 
 upon, but no deeds or documents had been signed.** 
 
 It is probable that a copy of the deed was sent to Printz, for 
 he immediately arranged a conference between the Indians that 
 were involved In the dispute. The conference (which took 
 place on July 13)"'' can almost be looked upon as a kind of court. 
 The question as to the respective rights of Peminacka and 
 
 " Doc. 1. 599- 
 
 "The date given in the copy is 1655. Doc, I. 590 ff. 
 
 " " Bekende harmed att thet kiop, som the Svenske hade f [or] detta giort med 
 Mitatsimint, var fast och rattmatigt . . . och att Peminacka alldrig hade solldf 
 Sandhocken eller thess omliggande land tth Stuvesand," etc. Confirmation on 
 the Sandhook, July 8, 1654, N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "* Doc, I. 600; cf. below. 
 
 ■" It is not certain whether new or old style is used in the document, whether 
 3 or 13 is really correct. From internal evidence it seems that this document 
 ought to come before the execution of the deed by Stuyvesant, for Peminacka did 
 not sign this deed and the document is directed against Peminacka especially. 
 
442 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Mitatslmint's widow to the lands was again to be decided, 
 Peminacka being supported by Mattahorn, Sinques and Oriri- 
 chime and Notike by "her son and her blood relation, named 
 Quenieck." The assertions and proofs given in the certificate 
 or report of July 3 were repeated more in detail and it was 
 added that Peminacka had been granted the right to hunt on 
 the land, at the request of friends, with the expectation and 
 promise of gifts which were never presented. The document, 
 which was sent to the Dutch governor, had as little effect as 
 the former.*^ Printz, however, did not rest. He again sent 
 deputies to the heirs of Mitatsimint and the Indians, who were 
 friendly disposed towards him, reporting that the Dutch paid 
 no attention to his protest and that Peminacka and his friends 
 still pretended to be the rightful owners of the Sandhook. A 
 new statement was drawn up and these Indians again declared 
 that they had orally. In the presence of witnesses, protested 
 against Peminacka and his crowd " and with truth disproved 
 their assertions and convinced them and their own with it." 
 
 The declaration went on to say that the land positively be- 
 longed to Mitatsimint and to nobody else, that it had been 
 sold only to the Swedes and that consequently the deeds lately 
 given to the Dutch were of no value. The document, dated 
 July 16, was signed by Mitatsimint's widow, Notike, her son 
 Kiapes and Quenieck, besides two Indians and six Christian 
 witnesses. It is probable that Printz presented this protest in 
 person to the Dutch governor, for in his letter to Oxenstiema 
 he says: "When I now observed that the above mentioned 
 violence was not to be ruled by violence, then I wrote to him 
 first, after that I sent a deputation to him {beskickade honom) 
 and lastly I visited him personally." Two Christian witnesses 
 were also present with Printz and these were ready to declare 
 "on their oath that the Sandhook had been bought by the 
 Swedes long before and that they were present when the sale 
 was made; but to all this Stuyvesant simply answered that he 
 
 "The report, in Dutch, is signed by Johan Printz, Gustaf Printz, Hendrick 
 Huygen, and Peter Bock, as witnesses. N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 443 
 
 was governed by the orders from the States of Holland " and the 
 efforts of the Swedish governor accomplished nothing.®'' 
 
 A chief by the name of Wappanghzewan also pretended to 
 a tract of land in the neighborhood of the Sandhook, beginning 
 at a certain little Kill, named Neckatoensing, " extending wes- 
 terly from the river unto Sittoensaene, otherwise called the 
 Minquas Kill, where Fort Christina stands," but different from 
 Tamecongh, already presented to Stuyvesant by Peminacka and 
 his friends.®* It appears that Governor Printz had sent for 
 Wappanghzewan about the middle of July and requested him 
 to sell the above land, but he was unwilling to sell it to the 
 Swedish governor, because it had been occupied by the Swedes 
 without his consent. Expecting greater remuneration from 
 Stuyvesant, as he was aware of the fine gifts received by the 
 other chiefs, he appeared at the Dutch camp a few days later 
 and presented the said land with all rights to Governor Stuyve- 
 sant in the presence of witnesses, "by solemn shaking of the 
 hand and signature." He also declared that he would "not 
 transfer or sell to any other nation the lands aforesaid." 
 Wappanghzewan affixed his mark to the deed, below which 
 eight witnesses signed their names.®® It is likely that Stuyve- 
 sant informed the Swedish governor of this new purchase and 
 «ent additional protests. There are no further documents con- 
 cerning the disputes between the Dutch and Swedes from this 
 time and the case may be considered closed. Both sides had 
 presented their claims and their final arguments, both rested 
 their title on purchase from the Indians as the right owners and 
 both presented documents, signed by Indian chiefs, to prove 
 their claims. In both cases we have only copies from which to 
 judge, but from these papers as well as from sources of an 
 earlier and later date we can decide on the merits of the case. 
 Printz has clearly the best ground for his contention. He 
 
 "Printz to Beier, August i, 1651, to Oxenstierna, same date; Protest, etc., 
 July 16, 1651, copy in N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "The deed is dated July 30 (n.s.), 1651. Only a copy is preserved at the 
 Hague, collated by Van Ruyven, however. 
 
 "Doc, I. 596 ff- 
 
444 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 proved that the land in question had been bought by the Swedes 
 thirteen years before Stuyvesant arrived, he presented docu- 
 ments, setting forth that Peminacka and his friends had no 
 right to the land, and Peminacka in a later original document 
 asserts that he did not sell the land to Stuyvesant. Further- 
 more, Printz acted according to the instructions of his govern- 
 ment, while Stuyvesant had no orders from his superiors."" 
 The Dutch documents, as we have them, convict themselves. 
 The Deduction or Clear and Precise Account of the Condition 
 of the South River, etc., gives a brief statement of the troubles 
 with the Swedes. In relating the events of 1651 the Account 
 says that Printz answered Stuyvesant's request to show proper 
 titles to the land, that these deeds were in Sweden. " 'Twas. 
 shortly after made manifest that these subterfuges were desti- 
 tute of truth, for said governor then for the first time tried to 
 buy from a certain sachem or Indian chief . . . such lands 
 as he already occupied." We know, however, that the land 
 had been bought by the Swedes and that the deeds really were 
 in Stockholm.^"* In order to make the Dutch title more ap- 
 parent and to disprove the allegations of Printz, the Account 
 brings in the purchase of Wappanghzewan which took place on 
 July 30 (n.s.) before those of July 9 (n.s.) and 19 (n.s.) and 
 the deed of July 30 is designated as the "authentic copy 
 whereof is annexed hereunto no. 4." " Nothwithstanding all 
 this," continues the Account (the attempt of Printz to buy land 
 from Wappanghzewan and the sale of this land to Stuyvesant, 
 July 30 n.s.) "and for still further peace and security, the 
 said Director Stuyvesant sent for all the other Indian Chiefs 
 yet dwelling about the aforesaid River, who were owners of 
 the land situated thereabouts, and in presence of divers per- 
 sons, according to their annexed written declaration No. 5 
 [dated July 9 n.s.], proposed to them some questions and was 
 offered the land as a gift." As a proof of this a copy of the- 
 
 ™ Cf. above. 
 '" Cf. above. 
 

 
 
 
 «^A 
 
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 W*'^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^JiA 
 
 - - - Cj^j^j:^J^ u€* /I, /^.Jt. . — «^ ^^ ut^ 
 
 First page of Go\'. Printz's letter (in his own hand) of Aug. 1,1651, to Sec. Johan 
 Beier. Original preserved in O.i . 5a«//. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 

 
 
 'tntfyir-^ 
 
 
 
 
 0^ '^rr:^ "^'^^^'"■T '^C!uZZ^ 
 
 
 6-4-itf-o'JiJii '" ''*'' 
 
 -?r 
 
 - ._4 1 
 
 e-%. 
 
 
 
 .^-^ IL^H. «.„.,.<,«t^ 1/L^^«^ V^K^I^M-* C,*^V*1 '^'-^■^«'**-^'^ 
 
 ^r;^^"^^ 
 
 Second page of Gov. Printz's letter to Beier, Aug. 1, 1651. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 445 
 
 deed was "annexed No. 6 (dated July ign. s.)"^*** There might 
 be a mistake in the date of the deed signed by Wappanghzewan 
 (for we have only a copy), but from internal evidence it is 
 plain that the transaction must have taken place after July 9 
 ( 19) , for it distinctly refers to the deed of that date and men- 
 tions the four Indian chiefs given there, while only three^"* are 
 mentioned in the document of June 29 (July 9)."* 
 
 While the above-mentioned transactions were going on and 
 protests and counter protests passed between the two gover- 
 nors, the Dutch fort was steadily growing. The exact date of 
 its completion is not known but it was ready on August i . The 
 fort was located on a peninsula near the present New Castle. 
 It was about 210 ft. long and about half as wide, if Linde- 
 strom's illustration is correct. It had twelve pieces of ord- 
 nance, although only ten gun holes are seen in Lindestrom's 
 plan (the other two probably being at the ends) and it was well 
 provided with ammunition and a garrison. It was called Fort 
 Casimir, for what reason is not quite clear. Fort Nassau was 
 abandoned and demolished and its cannon were taken to the 
 new fort. It is also probable that the freemen dwelling at the 
 former place removed to the Sandhook and settled in the neigh- 
 borhood of Fort Casimir.^"' 
 
 During his stay at the South River Stuyvesant broke down 
 " Her Royal Majesty's arms and pole, made prizes of Virginia 
 
 ^■"The two transactions of July 9 (n.s.) and 19 (n.s.) are presented as taking 
 place at the same time. But this is clearly a mistake, for (i) July 9 occurs 
 twice in the first document {Doc, I. 597-599). (2) '' " dated at Fort Nassau, 
 and (3) only three chiefs seem to have been present {Doc, I. 597). That the 
 second Document was later is plain for (i) it has the date the nineteenth of 
 July (n.s.) twice {Doc, I. 599, 6cx5), (a) four chiefs were present {Doc, 599), 
 (3) it is dated at Camecouck (Taraecong), hence after Stuyvesant had left Fort 
 Nassau. The diflference in date cannot be due to the use of the old style in this 
 first document (which would make it July 19, n.s.) for it is stated that July 9 is 
 new style {Doc, I. 597). 
 
 ""If four chiefs had been present on July 9 they would surely have been 
 mentioned. 
 
 '"Doc, I. 596 ff. Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., Pub. F.S., II. 7 ff. The writer of 
 this document was not well disposed towards the Dutch, however. 
 
 "» Printz to Brahe, August i, 1651, Skokt. Saml.; Col. of N. Y. Hist. So., Pub. 
 F. S., II. 7 ; Dec, I. 590, XII. 72. 
 
446 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 barks and compelled the English to pay duty or recognition on 
 the goods they sold to the Swedes for four years." The new 
 fort commanded the river and all traders were from now on 
 compelled to pay duty to the Dutch. Two warships were also 
 stationed in the Delaware to aid the garrison in enforcing the 
 new decrees. This was a necessary policy, for the expedition 
 had incurred heavy expenses and considerable debts were con- 
 tracted by the company, as a consequence of it for which pro- 
 vision had to be made.^"® Stuyvesant returned to New Amster- 
 dam between July 20 and July 31.^"'' Shortly after the depar- 
 ture of the Dutch governor, Printz reported the occurrences 
 to his superiors in Europe, and urged the necessity of immediate 
 assistance, if the work was to continue. Before leaving, if we 
 are to believe the Dutch records, Stuyvesant "had divers ver- 
 bal conferences with Johan Printz, the Swedish governor, and 
 they mutually promised not to commit any hostile or vexatious 
 acts against one another, but to maintain together all neigh- 
 bourly friendship and correspondence as good friends and allies 
 are bound to do." These words, however, sound strange, 
 when compared with the despatches of Printz to his govern- 
 ment."» 
 
 The Dutch were now masters on the Delaware. The two 
 warships undoubtedly returned to New Amsterdam before the 
 winter set in, but Printz had not a sufficient force to regain 
 what the Dutch had taken possession of and besides his Instruc- 
 tion cautioned him to begin no hostility. He made the best of 
 the situation, however, concentrated his forces and awaited new 
 arrivals from Sweden. Stuyvesant hoped to reappear with a 
 large force of planters the coming year and Printz wrote to his 
 
 ™ Printz to Beier, to Oxenstierna and to Brahe, August i, 1651, Ox. Saml., 
 Skokl. Saml. (R.A.) ; Doc, XH. 72 note; Albany Rec, p. i; N. Y. Col. Doc, 
 v., fol. 54 
 
 "'He was still at the Ssuth River on July 20 {Doc, I. 596), if the deed is 
 correctly dated, and he had left August i. Printz to Brahe, August i, 1651, and 
 to Oxenstierna and Beier the same date. 
 
 ^^ Doc, I. 590. Sprinchom rightly questions the probability of these assur- 
 ances. Rising says in his Journal, May 21, 1654, that Skute " certified that 
 Printz is reported to have said (Skulle hafwa sagdt) to Stuyvesant that as soon 
 as some succour arrived he •would try to gain possession of the fort." 
 
&«i-<-t.>. 'U-<-i ll(^-^^<-t J^ A—^ rfif JL^ ■^^.^J^ /^^^ ^^ '•^^ 
 
 }Jh^.'-i iti-f-^ - ^-^J^. YA^'^'^A--^' '^V-v- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Third page of Gov. Printz's letter to Beier, Aug. 1, 1651. 
 

 
 ^,^^1^. 
 
 
 •t>?'^.^:^-'.;^ 
 
 
 '^" ^ -M^ * ^U-iOii^v^ 
 
 -"IT'/ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V; 
 
 0& ^.uO^ <<^^ 
 
 .^ic/ 
 
 *^*' ****** *.t«. V P ^-».«-5. 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 Fourth (last) page of Gov. Printz's letter to Johan Beier, Aug. 1, 1651. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 447 
 
 government that the Dutch soon expected to make new settle- 
 ments on the river, for certain persons had arrived from the 
 East Indies, who " intended to bring some hundred families to 
 the" Delaware in the spring of 1652.^"® 
 
 The winter of 1651-1652 was uneventful and quiet, as far 
 as the relation between the Dutch and Swedes was concerned. 
 As to the Schuylkill region we know nothing, but it is likely 
 that the Dutch abandoned Fort Beversreede, for it is not men- 
 tioned after 1651. In the spring or early summer of 1652 a 
 certain Harkhofen brought about forty families into the river, 
 who settled on the east bank. They were all traders, " had ab- 
 solutely no aid from the [Dutch] West India Company, did 
 not plough nor sow, had neither cow nor sow." Printz had 
 no means of opposing them and they " had their own way in 
 their settlements," but, he wrote, if "only enough Swedish 
 people arrived, the Dutch will have to get out." Nothing 
 further is known about these families, except that they seem to 
 have removed from their place of settlement before the follow, 
 ing spring.^^" 
 
 What took place at Fort Casimir in the summer of 1652 and 
 the following autumn is not known. It is probable that Stuyve- 
 sant now acted with more caution and made no further de- 
 mands of Printz, as his expedition to the South River was not 
 altogether approved by the directors of the D^tch West India 
 Company. When they were informed about it they were 
 greatly surprised,, as he had not previously advised them of 
 such intentions and expressed great concern about the conse- 
 quences. " God grant," they wrote, " that what your Honour 
 has done may turn out for the best. We cannot express our 
 opinion of it before we have . . . heard how the complaints 
 of the Swedish governor will be received by the Queen." 
 They were not sure that " the demolition of Fort Nassau was 
 a very prudent act," but they were agreed that Fort Casimir 
 must be guarded with care. The trade of the Dutch with the 
 
 '"Printz's letters of August i, 1651 ; Rising's Journal; Doc, I. 590 ff. 
 ""Printz to Beier, August i, 1651 ; to Brahe, August 30, 1652; to Oxenstierna, 
 April 26, 1653, Ox. Saml., Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
448 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Indians was poor, and few of the ships visited the South River 
 at this time. A few new dwellings were perhaps built by the 
 Dutch freemen at Fort Casimir, for in April, 1653, about 26 
 families dwelt there. ^^^ 
 
 It appears that the Dutch were again active in the South 
 River in the summer of 1653, but Printz opposed them with 
 all the authority and power at his command, partly aided by 
 the Indians. In 1651 Stuyvesant managed to gain the friend- 
 ship of the savages, and to draw them away from the Swedes, 
 but as time went on Printz to some extent regained their good 
 will, and in the spring of 1653 he reported that the savages 
 were unfriendly to the Dutch and distrusted them. It is quite 
 likely that Printz left no means untried to increase and intensify 
 this distrust. As a consequence the Dutch were compelled to 
 abandon all their settlements except that at Fort Casimir. 
 Complaints against Printz were sent to Stuyvesant, and he in 
 turn complained to the directors of the Dutch West India 
 Company, but they admonished him to " be very cautious in the 
 intercourse with the Swedes of the South River ... as well 
 in regard to the maintainance of the Company's privileges, as 
 by avoiding as much as possible to give them cause for com- 
 plaints and dissat;isfaction, as it is not desirable to add to the 
 Company's enemies at this critical period."^ ^^ 
 
 When Printz departed for Europe some Swedish colonists 
 applied for permission to remove to New Holland, but Stuyve- 
 sant did not dare to accept them before he had been advised 
 about it by the directors of the company. Accordingly he 
 wrote to them October 6 (n.s.), 1653, requesting instruc- 
 tions.^^*, The directors replied that they "could not see, why 
 it should be refused and denied . . . [for] the influx of free 
 persons should ... be promoted by all resolute and honest 
 
 ^^ Doc, XII. 72; Printz to Oxenstierna, April 26, 1653, Ox. Saml. and to 
 Brahe of the same date, Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
 ^"^ Printz to Oxenstierna, August i, 1651; Printz to Brahe, April 26, 1653. 
 Doc, XII. 72. 
 
 ™The letter is perhaps that of October 6, 1653, of which an abstract is given 
 in Doc, I. 6oo-i. 
 
Relation with the Dutch. 449 
 
 Nevertheless it was left to his own judgment to do 
 what he thought fit. The colonies were now at peace and there 
 was no disturbance until the good relations were broken by the 
 misdirected zeal of Rising;"* but before we leave this period 
 (1643-1653) let us take a look at the government of New 
 Sweden during the rule of Printz, its courts and the administra- 
 tion of justice. 
 
 "* Doc, I. 600-601 ; XII. 73 ; cf. below, Book IV., Part I.-II. 
 
 30 
 
CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 The Government of New Sweden, i 643-1 653. 
 
 I. 
 
 Upon the arrival of Printz in 1643, the colonial government 
 was reorganized and systematized. The governor was vested 
 with full judicial and administrative powers. He should rule 
 the country in the name of the Queen, but all details of proce- 
 dure were left to his discretion and judgment; he should use 
 his own seal, on a somewhat enlarged scale, on all official docu- 
 ments, until other arrangements could be made; in cases of 
 crimes and disobedience, he was given power to inflict punish- 
 ments by fines, imprisonment or death, as the offence would de- 
 mand, "but in the regular manner only," and after full exami- 
 nation and inquiry had been made in connection with the assis- 
 tants in the trial, who were to be selected from among the prin- 
 cipal and wisest inhabitants in the colony, and the Swedish law 
 and custom should be followed at all times, as far as possible.' 
 
 In comparison with the power conferred on the governors 
 of the neighboring colonies, Printz was given almost unlimited 
 authority and a tyrant armed with such instructions could rule 
 to suit his own whims. But " a strong central government," a 
 government personified by the governor and his court, was the 
 only practicable and possible one under the circumstances. Dis- 
 putes and quarrels had rent the colony before Printz's arrival, 
 principally because there was no one here vested with sufficient 
 authority to rule. The Council of State carefully considered 
 the matter, the methods employed by the English and Dutch 
 were reviewed,^ and in the light of their experiences and the 
 previous troubles in New Sweden, the instruction was formu- 
 lated. 
 
 ' Instruction, paragraphs 23-25. 
 " Cf . Rddspr. and above. 
 
 450 
 
Gov. Priiitz's vSeal. 
 
Government of New Sweden. 451 
 
 The governor and other military officers and soldiers ap- 
 pointed in 1642, as well as one of the preachers, were servants 
 of the Crown and their salaries were to be paid by the govern- 
 ment, as we have already seen.^ The budget called for the sum 
 of 4,530 D.* and the following officers and servants were on 
 
 the pay-rolls in 1 643-44 : 
 
 Military. 
 
 Johan Printz, Governor 1,200° D. 
 
 Sven Skute, Lieutenant 288 D. 
 
 Gregorius van Dyck, Head Guard 180 D. 
 
 Anders Svrensson Sonde, Gunner 144 D. 
 
 Karl Hikansson, Corporal 108 D. 
 
 Eric Andersson, Trumpeter 108 D. 
 
 Sven Andersson, Drummer 90 D. 
 
 Johan Olofsson (profoss)," Provost-marshal 108 D. 
 
 Twenty-four common soldiers 1,728 D. 
 
 Civic. 
 
 Johan Campanius (Holm.), Preacher i8o D. 
 
 Hans Janeke, Barber-surgeon 180 D. 
 
 Knut Persson, Bookkeeper 144° D. 
 
 The officers, soldiers and servants, who were here before the 
 budget was made, continued to be paid by the company and 
 those hired by Printz and Papegoja and not provided for in 
 the budget were likewise placed on the company's pay-rolls. 
 
 Several changes occurred on the force and new appointments 
 were made. On April i Christer Boije was appointed lieutenant 
 with a salary of 24 R.D. a month and stationed at Upland. 
 Boije was of noble birth and the wild life was clearly not to his 
 liking, for he left the service as early as May the next year and 
 returned to Sweden shortly after.'' He was employed in 
 
 = Cf. above. 
 
 * O'Callaghan, I. 367, quoting the inaccurate translations in Hazard's Reg., 
 states that " her Majesty appropriated two million six hundred nineteen dollars," 
 yet he gives the correct sum in a foot-note. 
 
 "Half of Printz's salary or 601:14 D. was to be paid from rents in Oster- 
 
 botten. 
 
 '• An executioner with a wage of 72 D. a year was also put on the budget 
 of 1642, but no one was appointed for the office, Journal, no. 176, etc. 
 
 "In all 4,530 D. or 3,020 R.D., including the wage of the executioner (72 D.). 
 Journal, no. 176; Monatg. B., 1642-56, fol. i. 
 
 ' He left the service on May ., 1644, and returned on the Fama, Monatg. B., 
 1642-56. 
 
452 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 various capacities and his salary was nearly twice as large as 
 that given in the budget to the regular lieutenant,* which would 
 indicate that he was next in command to Printz. He was paid 
 20 R.D. for expenses on a journey to New Amsterdam and his 
 entire account (332 R.D.) was settled in goods and money 
 before he left the colony.® 
 
 In the summer of 1644 Papegoja was given command at 
 Fort Christina, taking the place of Mans Kling. He was not 
 put on the budget of 1 642 and, although Printz was requested 
 "by the gentlemen in Sweden" to give him some appointment 
 in the colony, no salary was assigned to him. In 1644 he com- 
 plained about it to Brahe, and thought it very hard to labor 
 here " like a slave and without pay like one who had forfeited 
 his life." A salary was later given to him, however, and he re- 
 mained here, as we shall see, for several years. 
 
 It seems that Papegoja conceived a passion for Armegot 
 one of the governor's daughters on his first trip here, and when 
 he returned the second time he carried letters of introduction 
 to Printz from the Queen and from Brahe, who interceded in 
 his behalf, recommending him to the favor of the governor. 
 Papegoja also enlisted the aid of "the priest" (Campanius) 
 in his case, who spoke to the governor about it, but he was not 
 successful at once, and he was obliged to wait for some time be- 
 fore a favorable answer was received. His solicitations at last 
 prevailed, however, and he was finally married to Armegot 
 Printz, in the church at Tinicum Island, probably with great 
 display, a general holiday undoubtedly being proclaimed in the 
 colony. He lived inside of Christina, in one of the houses 
 erected by the company, and here he built a storehouse and dug 
 a cellar for his own use.^" 
 
 The Liljehok brothers were recommended to Printz by Klas 
 
 'The salary of the lieutenant given in the budget was i6 R.D. a month. 
 Journal, no. 176; Monatg. B., 1642-56. 
 
 ' Motiatg. B., 1642-56. 
 
 '"Rising's Journal; Papegoja to Brahe, July 15, 1644; Brahe to Printz, 
 November 9, 1643 (Concept.). Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). The Queen to Printz, 
 November 2, 1643, R.R. ; Rulla, 1644; Odhner, N.S., p. 37. Cp. Hazard, pp. 76-7. 
 Hazard gives a poor translation of Christina's recommendation for Papegoja. 
 

 I 
 
 
 
 __jS.r 
 
 en 
 
 i; D 
 
Government of New Sweden. 453 
 
 Fleming. About March 25 Per Liljehok was appointed com- 
 mander at Upland with a salary of 25 florins a month. On 
 May I, 1646, he left his post and is heard of no more in con- 
 nection with the colony.^ ^ His brother (probably younger) 
 "was engaged on March 12 as a simple soldier" and served in 
 this capacity for four years, whereupon he returned to Swe- 
 den.^- Lieutenant Mans Kling was transferred to the Schuyl- 
 kill in 1644. His salary continued to be paid by the company 
 through Beier. He remained here for several years, but did 
 not return to the colony after his departure in 1648.^^ Hendrick 
 Huygen was commiss during this period. He was an honest, 
 able man, knowing the Indian language and ever ready to work 
 for the good of his superiors. He made several requests for 
 dismissal, being persuaded with difficulty by Printz to remain 
 until another man should arrive. Huygen's assistant was his 
 relative, Gotfried Harmer, who seems to have performed his 
 duty with faithfulness the first few years, being praised by 
 Governor Printz.^* 
 
 The duties of the commanders at the forts and blockhouses 
 except at Christina and New Gothenborg were both military 
 and commercial, as the merchandise was placed in their care, 
 and they superintended the sale of the goods to the Indians. . 
 
 On November i, 1647, Anders Larsson Dalbo was engaged 
 by Printz to act as profoss (provost-marshal) in place of 
 Johan Olofsson, and he served in the capacity until September 
 I, 1653, when he seems to have returned to Sweden. The 
 
 " He probably left the colony and returned to Sweden, but he is not mentioned 
 in the Monatg. B. after 1646. It is possible that he settled in some of the 
 neighboring colonies or died before he reached Stockholm. See Monatg. B., 
 1642-56, fol. so and 81; Rulla, 1644, Odhner, N.S., p. 38. 
 
 "He left the service March 12, 1648, and returned to Sweden on the Swan, 
 May 16. On July 10, Beier paid him 26:30 R.D. on his own and on his brother's 
 account and on July 28 he was paid 92:8 R.D. or the remainder of the claims 
 he had against the company. Per Liljehok served for 21^ months at the rate 
 of 10 R.D. and Knut served for 49 months at the rate of 4 R.D. a month, making 
 both bills 411 R.D. Shoes, shirts, stockings, gloves and other wearing apparel 
 and supplies were given to them in New Sweden to the value of 78:11 R.D. See 
 Monatg. B., 1642-56, fol. 50 and 81. 
 
 "Cf. above. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 "Report, 1647; Rising's Journal. 
 
454 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 provost-marshal was supplied with handcuffs and other imple- 
 ments, belonging to his profession. The main prison was at 
 Christina, where the criminals were generally confined, but they 
 were also kept at Elfsborg. At the latter place the widow 
 Karin, the Finnish woman, was imprisoned for a long time, 
 until she succeeded in freeing herself, when she was sent to 
 Christina as a more secure place. Here Plowden's servants 
 were imprisoned in 1 643 and here also Clement the Finn, Sven 
 Vass and others were confined. An executioner was placed on 
 the budget of 1642, but the office was never filled and it is 
 probable that the provost performed that duty in 1653 when 
 the sentence of Anders Jonsson was carried into effect.^* 
 
 The soldiers were distributed throughout the colony at the 
 various forts and blockhouses. They were kept at work on the 
 fortifications and on the company's lands. They were always 
 dissatisfied with their position and anxious to leave, and deser- 
 tions occasionally took place. 
 
 II. 
 
 It is more than probable that Printz established a court at 
 Christina shortly after his arrival, as there were many disputes 
 and differences to be settled in the early part of 1643. A court 
 also seems to have been held in May (1643), when Plowden's 
 servants were examined, and in July " the first mixed court held 
 on the banks of the Delaware " was convened.^® 
 
 In the spring of 1643 several deserters from the colony had 
 escaped to New Netherland and, when Christer Boije and 
 Huygen were sent there in June, one of their duties was to 
 bring back these fugitives. There was an understanding be- 
 tween the governors of the neighboring colonies that deserters 
 should be detained and returned or at least given up, when offi- 
 cers arrived to fetch them back, and Governor Kieft placed no 
 obstacles in the way for Huygen and Boije. In fact the 
 provost-marshal of the Dutch colony was employed to capture 
 
 "" Forklaring," etc., 1654, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Report, 1644; Journal, N.S., III. 
 <K.A.). 
 
 " Cf. above, Chaps. XXXIV., XXXII., XXII. 
 
.gScc ;.y,(.: X:I<L f^-f^^^-^-k- ^l-jZ. ^.^r,r j'i:^^^ 
 
 'S^cLuffL^ ~yi/V-<^ ■-yJ^-/- ^-r'-f-l. "^/-'4>-^ ' 
 
 First page of Jolian Papegoja's letter to A. Oxenstierna, May 15, 1648. Original 
 preserved in Ox.Savil. (R. A.), Stockholm. 
 
04 //.c^/- ■e.p.^H'- "i,^4-yx/.v 
 
 JiJiio^ 4~CJ. .14. jizd ^L J2^^c9j^ ^j-m d.-ee jJ^ 
 
 Papegoja's letter to Oxenstierna, Maj' 15, 1648, second page. 
 
Government of New Sweden. 455 
 
 the runaways. They were not in New Amsterdam, but had 
 betaken themselves about twenty-four miles from the city. Here 
 they had been discovered by some Indians, however, who in- 
 formed Huygen of their whereabouts,^'' and were captured 
 and taken to the Swedish sloop, where they were guarded by 
 Dutch soldiers until the vessel sailed for New Sweden. The 
 expense in capturing the refugees was considerable. Beer to the 
 value of ID florins^* was given to the Dutch soldiers for their 
 trouble and other expenses amounting to 82J4 florins were 
 paid for in sewant. The prisoners were probably put into irons 
 until the bark arrived at Fort Christina. It is likely that a court 
 was called shortly afterwards, at which the deserters were tried. 
 The leader, if he could be found, was probably punished in some 
 way, but the others were undoubtedly allowed their freedom 
 and exempted from fines, on their promise of good behavior 
 and the furnishing of bail.*® 
 
 Some time in the summer of 1643, Printz moved his seat of 
 government to New Gothenborg, and from now until the 
 autumn of 1653, the royal flag of Sweden waved over that 
 fort as a sign that the governor dwelled there. The Swedish 
 coat of arms, cut in stone (probably later replaced by a painted 
 metal shield) , was placed above the gate. It seems that a cer- 
 tain room in Printz Hall was set aside for administrative pur- 
 poses. Here were preserved the "Public Records of New 
 Sweden," the Indian deeds and the salary-rolls of the soldiers 
 and officers paid by the government; here the letters to the Eng- 
 lish and Dutch governors and the reports and letters to Sweden 
 were drafted; many of the courts of New Sweden from 
 1643-53 sat here; and here representatives and commissioners 
 from the neighboring colonies were received in audience by 
 Printz. 
 
 Although Printz was in all probability not " the first judge 
 upon our shores and Tinicum was [not] the first seat of 
 
 "For this information the Indians were given about lo yards of duffel by 
 Huygen. 
 
 " Half a " vatt " was given to the soldiers. 
 
 ^ Ace. B., 1643-8; Printz to Kieft, May 30, 1643. N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
4S6 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 justice,"^" still the administration of justice in New Sweden was 
 systematized with the arrival of Printz and during this period 
 regular courts were held and special courts were called, when- 
 ever circumstances required it. 
 
 As already stated, the Swedish law was to be followed in all 
 cases (as far as possible) and no special code was prepared for 
 the colony, but in particular instances, not covered by the law of 
 Sweden, the governor could use his own judgment and adopt 
 a course which expediency would suggest and his assistants 
 advise. We may therefore assume that the courts of New 
 Sweden were duplicates of those of the mother country. Printz 
 was judge in most cases, assisted by a body of men, about twelve 
 in number, and in connection with these he heard the evidence 
 and decided on the case.^^ 
 
 It has been stated that the trial by jury was introduced Into 
 England from Scandinavia.^^ Blackstone, leaning towards a 
 Germanic origin of the jury, states that " Stlemhook^* ascribes 
 the invention of the jury, which In the Teutonic language is 
 denoted " Nembda," to Regner, ^^ king of Sweden."^^ 
 
 In a debate in the State Convention of December 8, 1787, 
 Mr. Findley argued the adoption of "trial by jury in civil 
 cases " by stating that, when this system of administering justice 
 
 " Cf. above. 
 
 '"■ Cf. below. 
 
 '^ See Stubbs, Constitutional History, I. 655, 6. Pollock and Maitland derive 
 it from a Frankish source. See Hist, of English Law (Cambridge, 1895), I. 
 II ff. Other origins have also been given. Cf. Freeman, Hist, of the Norman 
 Conquest of Eng. (Oxford, 1876), V. 451 fit., 884-5 (Appendix R.R.) ; Hilde- 
 brand, Sv. statsf., p. 46, note 4; Paul, Ger. Phil, (nevr ed.). III. 218 fl. In Ger. 
 Phil. (III. p. 220) von Amira says: " Drei Entstehungsherde derselben (Jury) 
 lassen sich nachweisen ; das frankische Konigsgericht, das danische Konigsgericht, 
 das islandische Gericht. Von Danemark aus hat sich die Jury nach Sweden 
 verbreitet." 
 
 "'Stiemhook, called the father of Swedish jurisprudence. See Schiick, Lit. 
 hist., I. p. 489. 
 
 " Or Ragnar Lodbrok. For the historical Ragnar who was a jarl in Denmark 
 see Nordisk familjehok, XIII. 660 ff. Cf. Hildebrand, Sv. hist, (old ed.), I. 250, 
 291, etc. 
 
 * Armstrong's statement {Records of Upland Court, p. 30) that " Swedish 
 writers assert that trial by jury is of Swedish origin" (lately repeated in Penn. 
 Mag.) is not strictly correct, as Hjarta and others have claimed that the jury 
 was introduced into Snueden from England (Schuck). 
 
Government of New Sweden. 457 
 
 fell into disuse in Sweden, the commons of that nation lost their 
 freedom and a tyrannical aristocracy prevailed.^* 
 
 Mr. Findley, as well as many lawyers of a later period, have 
 supposed that the Swedish jury was the same as the English; 
 but the two systems had few resemblances and some authorities 
 even state that the jury is foreign to Sweden, except in " cases 
 of press-prosecution," which however is of recent date.^'^ 
 
 The Swedish ndmtP^ or jury of the first half of the seven- 
 teenth century had an examining and a judicative power.*® The 
 witnesses were examined by the jury and the judge, and the 
 judge together with the jury pronounced the judgment. The 
 celebrated Stiernhook (1596-1675) says in his work, De Jure 
 Sveomim et Gothorum Festuto: "In our days (that is 1650- 
 75) the juries take part in the office of the judge, for the duties 
 of the two have become confused, and the jurymen examine and 
 judge both as to fact and law, just as assessors ; while the judge 
 is only the presiding officer."^" 
 
 "McMaster and Stone, Penn. and the Federal Constitution, 1787-88 (Lan- 
 caster, 1888), p. 359 ff. "Mr. Wilson and Mr. McKean interrupted Mr. Findley 
 and called warmly for his authority to prove that trial by jury existed in Sweden 
 . . . , asserting that the trial by jury was never known in any other country than 
 England" (p. 360). Later, however, Mr. Findley quoted Blackstone as his 
 authority. Cf. below. 
 
 "Sundbarg, Sweden, pp. 228, 397. But Fahlcrantz says: "The old Swedish 
 jury was at this time [in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries], on the whole, 
 nothing else than the English jury of to-day." En for v. f. for. kraft, p. 8. Cf. 
 Fahlcrantz, Om Rdtteg. i England, I. p. 77 ff. 
 
 ™For the derivation (and related words) see Dalin, Ordbok. 
 
 '"The namd (jury) is a very old institution in Sweden. It is mentioned in 
 the old vdstgotalag (before 1250). Its origin has been variously sought by 
 different writers (Hjarne, Schlyter and Larsen, tracing it from the institution 
 called the edgdrdsmdn). Cf. Hildebrand, Sv. stats f., p. 46, note. 
 
 ""Under the heading of Hodiernum Nembda officium, Stiernhook says: 
 " Quia autera Nembda nostra hodierna stata et ordinaria est, officium ejus 
 applicatum est ad alia, partim ex jure, partim ex consvetudine. Ex jure 
 adhibentur ad executionem decretorum judicij, ad inspectionem terfninorum, ad 
 aestiraationem pretij, damni, lucri, etc., quibus judici aliquando etiam interdictum 
 est interesse. Dabantur aliquando ex his pacificatores parentibus, quod et hodie 
 salubriter fit, qua ratione multas rusticorum lites celerrime finiri constat. Atq., 
 hac ratione arbitri esse possunt, quo mode jus Wesmannicum appellationem ab 
 ipso judice ad Nembdam concessisse arbitror, tanquara si a stricto jure aliquando 
 ad aequitatem aut arbitriura bonorum virorum provocare liceat, quod tamen de 
 nullo reliquo jure fieri potuit, ratione sane potiore. De jure tamen Ost-Gothico 
 etiam testes sunt de judice et actis ejus. Judex vero de ipsis vicissim testari 
 
4S8 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Still another peculiarity of this jury was its permanency; the 
 jurymen were appointed for life, and hence the same jury sat 
 at every court in the same district.*^ The number was originally 
 twelve, and twelve jur)TTien are often or generally found at the 
 courts at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seven- 
 teenth century;** but the number varied and as many as twenty- 
 four are mentioned; while seven must be present if the court 
 was to be legal.*^ 
 
 The jury was therefore of much importance, but its power 
 
 non potest, vere an falso jurent: qualicunq: enim eorum assertion! standum est 
 et judicandum. Si tamen evidente argumento falsum jurasse convincantur (id 
 quod de jure Donico, non judex, sed Episcopus provinciae et alij ejusdem probi 
 et cordati viri, de jure Gothico vero superjus judicium cognoscere debebant) 
 mulctantur in bonis, de caetero perjuri et intestabiles. De cosvetudine vero 
 hodie Nembda ex officio judicis participat, confusis enim officiis simul de facto 
 et jure cognoscunt et dijudicant tanquam Assessores, judice tantum praesidente, 
 itaq. vota ipsorum et suffragia vel ipse judex de jure colligit vel judex facti, 
 qui unus est ex Nembdariis et proprie ab ipsis iudex nominatur, cum iudicem 
 de iure, iuris tantum ac legis lectorem nuncupent. Hie tam de iure quam de 
 facto disserentes audit, et ut evitetur omnis oblocutio et confusio, sententias 
 eorum placide in iudicium profert, ex quibus indices ut plurimum pendent" 
 (pp. 60-61). 
 
 "This, however, was not always the case. Hildebrand, quoting Schlyter, 
 states that the namd of the " hundaresting " was originally not " fast," that is 
 it was subject to change. Later it became "fast" under the name of harads- 
 tiamd. The other institution of namdemdn was " fast " from the very earliest 
 times. Its duty was to seek truth (" sanning leta ") ; but there were also certain 
 juries, whose duty was to pronounce judgment. These two functions were later 
 combined. Cf. Fahlcrantz, Rdttf. i rattssk." etc., I. 34-5 ; Hildebrand, Sv. statsf., 
 pp. 46-7. 
 
 "In Chap. 10 of Christoffer's laws we read: "Der skola de XII i namden 
 siita, som svurit hafva efter konungsboken," and Stiernhook, quoting from Chap. 
 43 of Edzores B., says: "Ther skulu Tolf tilndmpnas som dhet malit ransaka 
 skulu." De Jure, p. 56. Stiernhook further writes: "Itaq., vel judex ipse vel 
 praefectus provinciae Regius (utrumq. enim de jure extat) Nembdam constituebat, 
 viros honestos, domicilij certos, binos, trinos vel etiam senos ex singulis territorij 
 quadrantibus, qui quod deputati essent, Nambdeman, quod duodecim Tolfman, 
 quod senes Oldungar, nominati fuerunt." De Jure, p. 54. 
 
 °°At a court in Upsala Lagsaga in January, 1578, twelve namdemdn are 
 mentioned, the same number at another court in March and in May the following 
 year. (All these were Konungsting.) But at a court in 1586 there were zo 
 jurymen and in 1599 a court is on record where only 7 jurymen were present. 
 As many as 23 and 24 are also mentioned. At the Lagmansting the number of 
 jurymen also varied from 12 (the most common number) to 24. But in 
 Hdradsting it seems that the jurymen were most often 12 in number. See 
 Fahlcrantz; Rdttf. i rattssk., etc., I. pp. 45, 55, 63, 68, 86, 116, 127, 142, ff., 257 
 ff. Cf. Hildebrand, S<v. statsf., p. 142 ff., 146 ff. 
 
Government of New Sweden. 459 
 
 began to decline in the period covered by the Swedish occupation 
 of the Delaware, and the members were often " treated as non- 
 entities and assisting shadows."** In 1640 a commission was ap- 
 pointed to investigate the situation and in the memorial, which the 
 commissioners submitted, they say that those judges, who under- 
 took to examine and pronounce judgment alone, without the jury 
 could not be made to pay too big a penalty, showing that abuse 
 of the old principles was common.*® That these practices also 
 obtained on the Delaware is certain. We have instances where 
 members of the jury gave testimony, where the jury and judge 
 examined the witnesses and jointly pronounced the judgment, 
 but cases are also referred to, where the judge, in this case 
 Printz, gave his judgment alone, without proper examination 
 or reference to the jury.*® In all these instances, however, 
 Printz undoubtedly tried to follow the custom used in Sweden, 
 judging cases according to the common Swedish laws and "the 
 law of God and Moses."*^ 
 
 We have two fairly complete and detailed reports or proto- 
 cols of courts held here and some references to others, and in 
 order to give the reader an idea of how the courts were con- 
 ducted, we shall quote at large from the minutes. 
 
 At the special court held on July 10, 1643, a mixed jury was 
 appointed. It seems that Chrlster Bolje acted as judge, since 
 his name occurs first on the list. It appears that Hendrick 
 Huygen was secretary or clerk. The minutes of the court, 
 preserved to us In a defective copy, state that "Anno 1643 o" 
 the tenth of July, at Fort Christina, a case (rechtsake) was 
 examined and judged In the name of Her Royal Majesty of 
 Sweden, between Governor Johan Printz, plaintiff, and Mr. 
 
 "The jury finally lost most of its power. Hildebrand, Sv. stalsf., p. 293; 
 Blackstone, Commentaries, Book III., Chap. 23, Section 381. " In Sweden the trial 
 by jury, that bulwark of northern liberty, which continued in its full vigour so 
 lately as the middle of the last century, is now fallen into disuse." Cf. also the 
 references given by Blackstone. 
 
 "See Odhner, Sv. in. hist., pp. 178 ff-, '95 B.; Hildebrand, Sv. stats f., 286; 
 Fahlcrantz, Rdttf. i rattssk., p. 246 fiF. 
 
 "" See below. 
 
 "Cf. above (Introduction). 
 
46o The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 Lamberton, defendant, by sitting of the following noble, valiant 
 and well-honorable good gentlemen : 
 
 Captain Christer Boije (president or judge?) 
 
 Comissary Hendrick Huygen 
 
 Captain Mans Kling 
 
 Commissary Jan Jansen 
 
 Skipper Wessel Evertsen, 
 Oloff Stille 
 Ivert Sievers[en] 
 Karl Jansson 
 David Davidsson. 
 The governor, noble and valiant Johan Printz, came before 
 the court and asked Mr. Lamberton by what right or commis- 
 sion he had protested against Her Royal Majesty of Sweden." 
 Documents were presented by both sides and witnesses were 
 called to testify. Members of the court also testified and the 
 minutes record that Mans Kling, one of the jurors, related the 
 circumstances of the land-purchase of Ridder " openly before 
 the court." The examination of Lamberton was conducted by 
 Printz and by the court. When the minutes say " that the court 
 asked Mr. Lamberton," etc., it is likely that Christer Boije con- 
 ducted the questioning. The judgment and decision were also 
 pronounced by the judge and jury jointly, immediately upon the 
 conclusion of the examination. It has the following form : 
 
 " Controversial affairs, in which are concerned the Crown of 
 Sweden and the Hon. W[est India j Company, taken place be- 
 tween the noble, strong and valiant Mr. Johan Printz, author- 
 ized Governor of New Sweden, on the one side, and Mr. 
 Lamberton of Robarch(?) [New Haven] on the other side, 
 judged and pronounced the tenth of July, 1643, i" Fort Chris- 
 tina in New Sweden." Then follows the sentence in three 
 paragraphs, which is signed by Christer Boije and the other 
 members of the court.^* 
 
 "The minutes were kept in Dutch and the sentence was also written in that 
 language. A copy was sent to Sweden and it is now preserved in N.S., L (R.A.). 
 Copies were also sent to New England. The originals were probably brought 
 to Sweden by Rising and have been lost. Robarch, Roxbury, Mass. (?) 
 
Government of New Sweden. 461 
 
 On January 16, 1644, another special court was called by 
 Printz to disprove the accusations made by Lamberton and 
 Thickpeny and repeated in Winthrop's letters. A copy of the 
 minutes (in Dutch) reads as follows: 
 
 "Anno 1644, on January 16, the following things (saken) 
 were examined on oath, upon the letters from the Governor of 
 New England to the Governor of New Sweden in the presence 
 of the following good men : 
 
 Gov. Johan Printz 
 
 Capt. Christer Boije 
 
 Capt. Mans Kling^* 
 
 [Comm.] Hendrick Huygen 
 
 [Watchmaster] Gregorious van Dyck 
 
 [Sec.]*" Karl Jansson 
 
 Capt. Nath. Turner 
 Isaac Allerton." 
 Gov. Printz presided and he conducted the examination. The 
 minutes were signed by Nath. Turner and Isaac Allerton and 
 copies were sent to Sweden and to Governor Winthrop.*^ 
 It is probable that Sven Vass, the gunner of New Gothen- 
 borg, was tried at a regular court in 1646. In the opinion of 
 Printz and the jury he was guilty and a verdict was given to 
 that effect. "On February 8, 9, 10, 11, anno 1647 • • • a 
 legal court was held at New Gothenborg in New Sweden . . . 
 [and at this court] an inquiry was made about what was con- 
 sumed in the fire on the night of November 25, between 10 and 
 1 1 o'clock, when New Gothenborg was burnt." It is possible 
 that Vass was reexamined at this court, and in March he was 
 sent in irons to Sweden, together with all records and minutes 
 in the case and the execution of the verdict was referred "to 
 
 "I have modernized the spelling and changed the order. 
 
 " Cf. Kidder, p. 7. 
 
 " Cf. above, Chap. XXXVI. The translation printed by Kidder is, in my 
 opinion, not the " copies referred to by Winthrop " as Kidder thinks, but a trans- 
 lation made for Winthrop from the Dutch copies sent to him by Printz. It 
 begins: "Translated out of the Dutch copy," etc. 
 
462 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 the pleasure of Her Royal Majesty and the Right Hon. Com- 
 pany."" 
 
 Several other courts are also on record, at which individual 
 colonists were tried for misdemeanors. The Swedes were pro- 
 hibited from trading privately with the Dutch, but it seems that 
 the orders were not strictly lived up to, giving rise to litigations 
 and trouble. " Per Gunnarsson was summoned to court on 
 a charge of selling grain to the Dutch and, [when he] appeared 
 before the court, the governor asked him how much rye he had 
 sold to the Hollanders," pronouncing judgment, it seems, with- 
 out proper regard to the jury nor the hearing of witnesses in 
 this case.** The settlers were likewise forbidden to sell arms 
 and ammunition to the savages. Knut Persson left a gun with 
 Per Kock, requesting him to sell it to the Indians. The gun 
 was later stolen by the savages (or sold to them).** News 
 reached the governor and Per Kock was summoned to answer 
 at court, since Persson had died in the meantime. If we are to 
 believe a "complaint" against Printz, presented to Director 
 Rising in 1654, the former disregarded the opinion of the jurors 
 also in this case and told them that he would do, " not what 
 seems [right] to them," but what he wished, [and Per Kock 
 was condemned] "to do work for the company for three 
 months, on his own board." For some crime or misdemeanor, 
 " a lawful sentence " was passed on Anders the Finn, depriving 
 him of a certain amount of rye, and imposing other fines. 
 
 In 1653 there was much trouble in New Sweden and in the 
 autumn the situation reached a crisis. Ships did not arrive, 
 some colonists deserted and a " revolt " arose against Governor 
 Printz. Several colonists had real or imaginary grievances 
 against the governor. A written supplication in eleven articles, 
 
 " Court Rec, N.S., I. (R.A.) ; Report, 1647, Penn. Mag., VH., p. 273. 
 
 " " Forklaring," July 7, 1654, N.S., L (R.A.). 
 
 ** The report submitted to Rising states that Per Kock did not dare to sell the 
 gun; but Persson said, "when the governor sells so many guns, why should I 
 not dare to sell mine. . . . Then the gun was stolen from Per Kock by the sav- 
 
Government of New Sweden. 463 
 
 signed by twenty-two settlers,*" was presented to him on July 
 27. It states that the colonists were " at no hour or time secure 
 as to life and property " ; it complained that they were all pro- 
 hibited from trading with either the savages or Christians, 
 although the governor never refrained from grasping an oppor- 
 tunity of traffic with these parties ; the governor was accused of 
 brutality and avarice and of passing judgment in his own favor 
 against the opinions of the jury ; he was accused of forbidding 
 the colonists from grinding the flour at the mill and of prohibit- 
 ing them the use of the " fish-waters, the trees in the woods, the 
 grass on the ground and the land to plant on, from which they 
 had their nourishment." The petition then prayed that Anders 
 the Finn might be released from his fine, " in order that his 
 wife and children should not starve to death." 
 
 On account of these and other troubles, the petitioners said, 
 they were obliged to send two men to Her Royal Majesty and 
 the Hon. Company in the mother country to ascertain if they 
 were entirely neglected . . . and what they should do, since they 
 were not able (allowed?) to seek their subsistence in this coun- 
 try." The petition kindled the wrath of the governor. Anders 
 Jonsson, who appears to have been the leader of the opposition, 
 was arrested, tried and " executed [on a charge of treachery] 
 ... on August I, 1653."** Rev. Lock was also involved in 
 the disturbance, but for some reason his freedom and office 
 were not interfered with. 
 
 Two days after the execution of Anders Jonsson, the gover- 
 nor made a written reply to the charges. The petitioners were 
 addressed as rebels and their petition was answered point for 
 point. Only the fur trade with the savages was forbidden them 
 
 "These names are (in the order of their signatures): Mats Hansson, Olof 
 Stille, Axel Stille, Johan Hwiler, Hindrick Matsson, Ifvar Hindricksson, Mans 
 .Ande'rsson, Olof Ericksson, Hindrick Matss[on] the Finn, Valerius Loo, Hans 
 Mansson, Peter Jochim, Anders Andersson, Per Rambo, Peter Kock, Sven 
 Gunnarsson, Anders Hansson, MSrten Martensson, Klas Johansson, Johan Fysk, 
 Lars Thomasson Bross. Complaint (copy), N.S., I. (R.A.). 
 
 "Monatg. B., 1642-56, fol. 51, 81. Anders Jonsson was hired by Johan 
 Papegoja on December i, 1643, to serve as soldier in New Sweden for a salary 
 of 4 R.D. a month. He remained in the service until he was arrested, but he 
 had received goods and cash amounting to 525:19 R.D., leaving him in debt to 
 .the company for 57:19 R-D. 
 
464 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 and only two islands, belonging to " the place of [the gover- 
 nor's] residence " were set aside for Printz " and this was done 
 . . . before Kingsessing was colonized," hence they had no 
 right to complain; "every one was at liberty to grind [his 
 grain] at the mill for toll, but only at certain times, since the 
 miller did not dare to remain at the mill continually on account 
 of the savages". Printz also denied all other charges, referring 
 to the documents, minutes and judgments for justification of 
 his acts and he was very willing to have two men sent to Swe- 
 den, " the sooner the better." 
 
 But the answer of course did not satisfy the petitioners. 
 They were silenced for the time being, but in a later document, 
 presented the following year, new charges were made and the 
 old ones were repeated. The colonists were forbidden, says the 
 document, on pain of death to trade with the Dutch freemen, 
 " but when the Hollanders were in greatest need, the governor 
 assisted them himself, with provisions, flour, beer, pork and 
 other things " and sold large quantities of beavers to the Eng- 
 lish for gold and sent heaps of beaver skins to Holland. 
 
 The governor was further accused of ill treating several of 
 the colonists.*'^ The freemen were put to work on his planta- 
 tions ; they built his houses without remuneration ; made planks 
 which he appropriated for his own use ; they harvested his grain 
 before their own and their sleds were taken from them in 
 harvest time, so that their grain was spoiled by the rain. Such 
 and other equally grave or graver charges were made ; but we 
 
 "In Paragraph 8 of the " Forklaring '' we read: "Thus we have been treated 
 more contrary to law than according to law. For example, Clemet, the Finn, 
 had a hand-mill together with Anders, Johan and M4ns, the Finn. [Later] 
 Clemet bought the mill from the other Finns, and when he then got the mill he 
 went after it and fetched it to himself and his house. As this [had happened] 
 he immediately made it known to the governor. Then when Clemet came to 
 church on a common day of prayer, the governor called Clemet to himself before 
 the sermon and asked him, why he had taken the mill? Clemet answered: 'The 
 mill is mine.' Then said the governor, ' You rascal, shall you take the mill 
 without asking me ? ' With this he seized Clemet, struck him firstly in the hall 
 and followed him with blows and strikes until he fell down and yet further he 
 struck him on the ground, so that he lost his health through it. In addition he 
 threw him into the church, and the day after he let him be brought to Christina 
 into the chest (prison), where he lay for 8 days. When he recovered somewhat, 
 he (the governor) took him out and let him do work for some weeks." 
 
Government of New Sweden. 465 
 
 must make some allowance. That some of the charges were 
 true, goes without saying, but the majority were undoubtedly 
 overdrawn or unfounded.** Acrelius gives the correct view, 
 when he says : " That it is probable that the Swedes, after they 
 came into this Canaan and got a taste of an unknown good, 
 tired of such labor as was nothing more than usual at home, 
 and thus conceived an unmerited hatred to their governor."*® 
 Printz discharged his office as governor with no small ability. 
 He gave deeds to the colonists, issued commissions to traders 
 and passes and sea letters, but he was at a great disadvantage, 
 for lack of proper assistance and support. He solicited several 
 times for " a learned and able man to administer justice and to 
 attend to the law business." Very intricate cases occurred and 
 Printz complained "that it was difficult and never ought to be 
 that one and the same person appear in the court as plaintiff as 
 well as judge."^" But no assistant was sent him, and he did 
 the best he could under the circumstances. His government 
 was at times harsh and probably tyrannical; but it required a 
 strong hand to rule the rough element. The majority of the 
 colonists were peaceful and well-behaved, but there were those 
 who had little regard for law and order and who had to be kept 
 in check. In 1650 Printz wrote that there were not thirty men 
 under his charge, whom he could trust, and some time before 
 Papegoja reported that " it was very hard for him to remain 
 here, for he received only rebuke and Ingratitude for everything 
 he did, and besides the soldiers cherished secret hatred towards 
 him and if they would find a small fault in him they would 
 likely murder hlm.""^ Papegoja's complaints are likely exag- 
 gerated, but they go far to prove that we must not take the 
 complaints against Printz too seriously.^^ 
 
 "Tradition of the tyranny of Printz lived on among the settlers for genera- 
 tions. In 1759 Acrelius writes: " Some blame was put on Printz that he was too 
 strict with the people, made slaves of the Swedes, kept them to work on the fort 
 and his Tenakongh estate. And although this talk is still circulated, it can 
 nevertheless not be looked upon otherwise than as groundless." Beskrif., p. %z 
 (transl., p. 83). 
 
 "Beskrif., pp. 82-3 (transl., 83). 
 
 ^Report, 1644; Report, 1647. 
 
 "Papegoja to Brahe, July 15, 1644. Skokl. Saml. (R.A.). 
 
466 The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 
 
 The governor was finding his position quite untenable in 
 the autumn of 1653 and at last he determined to go to Sweden 
 in person to present the needs of the settlement and began mak- 
 ing preparation for his departure. Indian chiefs were called 
 to Printz Hall about the end of September. Speeches were 
 made, small gifts were perhaps distributed among them, 
 promises of friendship were renewed and Printz gave them the 
 assurance that large supplies would arrive within a few months, 
 for he went himself to hurry the preparations. 
 
 Finally all arrangements were completed for his return, the 
 people were called together, probably farewell services were 
 held, after which he formally delivered his authority to Johan 
 Papegoja and he promised the colonists that in ten months'* 
 from October i " he would either present himself there again 
 in person or send over a ship with a cargo." About the begin- 
 ning of October he went to New Amsterdam with his wife and 
 four daughters and from there he set sail on a Dutch vessel, 
 thinking that he would arrive in Sweden in about two months.'* 
 Hendrick Huygen and about twenty-five settlers and soldiers 
 also left the colony with Printz. 
 
 "^ Cf. the complaints made against Stuyvesant, Kieft and other governors of 
 New Netherland. Doc, I., Jameson, Nar. of N. Neth. 
 
 °'In a letter to Beier, February 14, 1654, Printz wrote that he promised the 
 people that " 12 manader racknadt ifran den i Febr. skulle [han] wara hoos deem 
 vthi Nye Swerige igen," N.S., L (R.A.). 
 
 "There is some doubt about the time of his departure from New Sweden. 
 Acrelius says it took place in 1652. This was corrected by Hazard (p. 139) and 
 Sprinchorn (p. 47), the latter stating that "Printz left the colony in the begin- 
 ning of November.'' Printz writes in one letter that he was at sea for ten 
 weeks, before he landed in France; he remained in France six weeks, was five 
 weeks on his way to Amsterdam, where he arrived on February 7. Hence, 
 -counting 21 weeks backwards from February 7, we will arrive at the middle of 
 September, as the time of his leaving New Sweden. But Printz is very indefinite 
 and not consistent in his statements. In another letter he says he was " at sea 
 for three full months on account of contrary winds." This would place the 
 time of his departure from New Sweden about September i. But from other 
 circumstances it is clear that he did not leave the colony before October. On 
 October i he issued a sea-letter for Cornelius and on the seventh Stuyresant wrote 
 in his behalf to the directors of the Dutch West India Company, probably at the 
 request of Printz, as he was preparing to leave (and the letter was perhaps sent 
 on the ship, that carried Printz to Europe). Letters from Printz to Brahe and 
 Oxenstierna, December 1, 1653, February 8, 1654, April 4, 1654, to Beier, 
 February 14, 1654, Ox. Saml., Skokl. Saml., N.S., I. (R.A.). Hazard, p. 139; 
 Doc, XII. Cf. below and above. 
 
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