LETTER 
 
 n 
 
 THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 LORD PALMERSTON, 
 
 PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 POLITICAL IMPRISONMENTS AND PRESENT CONDITION 
 OF NAPLES. 
 
 HY 
 
 JOHN AITON, D. D., 
 
 MINISTER OF THE PARISH OF DOEPIIINTON. 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK, NORTH BRIDGE. 
 
 isSi 
 
 MDCCCLI. 
 
EDINBURGH! 
 
 JOHN THOMSON, PRINTER, 
 MILNE SQUARE. 
 
 Pamphlet Collection 
 Duke University Library 
 
\ d pos 
 
 #5/23 
 
 MY LORD, 
 
 One of our most eminent British Statesmen, lately 
 directed the attention of one of the most influential diplomatists in Europe 
 to the diseased and degraded condition of the Neapolitan States. This 
 dignified appeal, tenderly made, has produced no healing action in that 
 body corporate. But, when Parliament meets, your Lordship will certain- 
 ly be called upon officially to speak to these matters in the House of 
 Commons. 
 
 When in Naples last summer, I learnt so much of the state of mat- 
 ters, and experienced so many of the political difficulties to which stran- 
 gers are subjected, that the very day on which I reached London, and be- 
 fore I knew of Mr. Gladstone’s Letter to Lord Aberdeen, I stated, 
 from notes taken on the spot, the substance of what is now embraced in 
 the following pages. I beg then, without your permission asked or given, 
 to address this Letter to your Lordship, and to mention, that the facts 
 being in corroboration of Mr. Gladstone’s Statement, only proves that 
 truth is ever the same. Should this second blister contain a greater por- 
 tion of flies than the former one did, let not the Neapolitans brand me as 
 a Red Radical, trying to stir up mud in Italy. On the contrary, I have 
 beeD born and bred a thorough Tory of the old school ; and I hold a 
 position in society which is generally the first to suffer in politiqal con- 
 vulsions. In a word, then, my object in writing this Letter, is to lend my 
 feeble assistance in curing the evil by legislative enactment rather than by 
 revolution. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship’s obedient Servant, 
 
 JOHN AITON, D.D. 
 
 Minister of the Parish of Dolphin ton. 
 
 To the Right Honourable Lord Palmerston, 
 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
 
 London. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2016 
 
 https://archive.org/details/lettertorighthonOOaito 
 
LETTER, &c. 
 
 “ Dining one day,” says Boswell, “ with General Paoli, and talking of 
 his projected journey to Italy,” “ a man,” said Johnson, “ who has not 
 been in Italy, is already conscious of an inferiority, from his not having 
 seen what is expected a man should see.” Accordingly, my first peep of 
 Italy called up a flood of gladness, and of classical recollections — 
 
 “ Jamque rubescebat stellis Aurora fugatis, 
 
 Quum procul obscuros colles humilemque videmus 
 Italiam. Italiam primus conclamat Achates 
 Italiam laeto socii clamore salutant.” 
 
 — When seen thus in the distance, Italy stands fair to view, even after 
 the traveller has visited Athens, Constantinople, and the Plains of Troy. 
 Its lonely islands, scattered along the coast in every variety of picturesque 
 form, delight the eye of the passing voyager. The grandeur and novelty 
 of its burning mountains fill the mind with sublime conceptions of the 
 almighty Creator. The sky is still as cloudless as that of the Levant, but 
 the sun is not quite so fierce, the wind not so burning, and the sultry heat 
 of the atmosphere not so overpowering. — When approached near enough 
 to be noticed in detail, the country looks extremely pretty in every variety 
 of rural solitude and snugness. It often reminded me of the sunny scenes 
 to be found in the lap of the Tyrolese Alps, or of the beautiful little spots 
 which start up now and then in the Highlands of Scotland. Repose sleeps 
 on its lovely shores. Its villages and villas charmed me into the natural 
 belief, that every thing inward, in town and country, corresponded en- 
 tirely with these fairy scenes. But I could not force myself alto- 
 gether to forget the degraded position of its people, and the tyranny 
 there exercised by popes, priests, kings, and rulers of every grade, all 
 kept up by the state, and protected by military influence. I am a Tory 
 of the old school, in every inch up to the stature of Lord Chancellor 
 Eldon, and I bore all my conservative feelings in church and state at the 
 foremaiu top, as we steamed onward to the Italian shore. Let not the 
 reader mistake me then for a Radical, and suppose that I exaggerate in 
 the few following pages. On the contrary, 1 was slow to believe, when 
 told of the attributes of the Italian government ; and when it was asserted 
 on board the steamer, by an American consul, returning from China, that 
 their proceedings in civil courts was a mockery of justice, — that the fear- 
 ful sufferings inflicted in their prisons was a reality, — and that the 
 government only existed for a time by shutting up the bulk and the best 
 of its subjects in dungeons, — I at once resolved that I would rashly be- 
 lieve nothing that was told me, and that I would even be careful in nar- 
 rating what I might see. I determined that my verdict should be given 
 according to the evidence. 
 
 It should also be stated, that I had been for months on the shores of 
 the Levant, without having received a letter from England, or even having 
 seen an English newspaper. I therefore could know nothing of Mr. 
 Gladstone’s seasonable pamphlet. Even when I reached London, on my 
 
6 
 
 way to Scotland, I was still ignorant of this production ; and tliere, I re- 
 marked, in a conversation which I had with a literary gentleman, that in 
 Naples, the existing powers were screwing down their safety-valves so 
 tightly, that they must soon hurst the political boiler, and blow themselves 
 into the air. But let us see how soon the startling facts of the case en- 
 tirely turned the current of my thoughts, and absolutely disgusted me with 
 the measures of extremity practised everywhere in Italy, on a people 
 lively, intelligent, and not naturally given to revolution. And, in doing so, 
 let me state, in guarded language, first, what came under my own obser- 
 vation, and the political difficulties I encountered merely as a stranger. 
 
 I have no intention of inflicting on my readers a trite and tame de- 
 scription of the Bay and City of Naples. It is more splendid even than 
 the gulph in going up to Smyrna, and probably there is nothing on the 
 face of the waters altogether more interesting. The islands of Capri, 
 Ischia, and others no less pleasing to the fancy, are presented to the left. 
 The Castle-a-marre to the right, Vesuvius, the harbour, and town in 
 front, and, in fact, the whole coast around present a picturesque and finished 
 panorama. But, alas ! I was soon convinced that these beautiful islands 
 were but so many excavated caverns, where thousands of miserable vic- 
 tims are rotting out a dreadful existence under the earth and ocean. 
 These vineyards, hamlets, and valleys on the mainland, are but the fair 
 canopy which covers and conceals a mass of human suffering, more 
 tragical than all the annals of the ancient tyrannies. These verdant hills 
 of fruit and flower, are but the swelling domes of dungeons, dark and 
 deep, and the scenes of sufferings, more harrowing in their details than 
 the genius of Shakespeare ever painted. And those who pass along these 
 gay and gorgeous streets, are walking over living tombs, in which 
 thousands of helpless and hopeless beings groan in irons, chained to- 
 gether in pairs. — But let us take special facts. 
 
 In a minute after the well known rattle of the chain anchor bad 
 ceased, the curtain began to rise, and gradually to disclose the realities 
 of the case. Forthwith a strong posse of police-officers jumped on board 
 the steamer, to inspect the passengers. We were ranked on the deck for 
 the purpose, and counted off like sheep, then we were compared as to age, 
 face, and figure, with the descriptions given in our passports. The chief 
 men of these police-officers next held a private conversation with 
 one another, and with the captain — then they gave instructions to the 
 rest of the party, and went on shore, leaving the remainder as a guard, 
 to prevent any of the passengers from quitting the ship. In two or three 
 hours after this, a police officer returned, and handed out to every one of 
 the passeugers, against whom there was no existing suspicion, a permit for 
 landing. Down we all jumped into the many boats which were alongside 
 of the ship, when the order was given to take us direct to the maritime 
 police, which may be said almost to stand on a rock in the sea. Here 
 the passengers, on landing, were marched into a large room to be inspect- 
 ed a second time, and minutely examined as to where they had been, 
 where they meant to go, how long they were to remain in Naples, and on 
 what errand they came to their country. Having also passed this ordeal 
 without suspicion, I was called on to ticket my residence, and told that I 
 would not be allowed to leave the office till I did so. The passengers 
 were next conducted to the custom-house, where their luggage was in- 
 
7 
 
 spected iu a very cursory manner, but where their books and letters and 
 papers were examined very strictly, — here the authorities were somewhat 
 puzzled with some of my slips of paper, which were written in the lan- 
 guages of Arabia, Turkey, and Greece. But at last I was relieved, 
 and permitted to drive off to my hotel. Here, again, on my arrival I 
 was ordered to register myself in every particular, as before, and I 
 was told that this description would forthwith be lodged in the general 
 police-office for the city and interior of the kingdom. Thinking now that 
 all this was surely more than enough, I ordered a bath, and was enjoying 
 it, when I was startled by a knock at the door by another policeman, sent to 
 inquire still more minutely. This personage was told to wait till I found 
 it convenient to put on my clothes, when he would be received with all 
 courtesy ; but he went off rather surprised and indignant at my assurance. 
 Having issued out of the bath and bed-room, and sat down to breakfast, 
 two police-officers, apparently of a higher caste, called, and inquired why 
 I dismissed the former emissary in the daring way I had ventured to do. 
 — I stated the facts in vindication, and when these did not seem to be 
 satisfactory, I threatened to eat my breakfast in silence, unless they be- 
 came remarkably civil. The landlord interfered, and the peace was 
 maintained between us. These officials were dismissed little more than 
 half-satisfied. I sallied forth to see the lions, when the hint was given to 
 me by a waiter, that my footsteps would be traced by government spies, 
 called inspectors, and every word I spoke would be ascertained and re- 
 ported at head- quarters. Having nothing to fear in all this, I walked out 
 to the street, and there noticed that the cabman, who had brought me from 
 the custom-house to the hotel, was already under examination as to all I 
 had said and done, since I landed two hours before. When sauntering 
 along the streets, a man accosted me in English, asked for news from 
 home, and seemed desirous to point out any thing worth seeing. But by 
 and by he began to talk more generally, then he complained of the con- 
 stituted authorities, and seemed to be pumping up ail my sentiments on 
 these subjects. Here, had I not been upon my guard, and probably, 
 whether I was upon my guard or not, the conversation was taken down, 
 and reported at the head quarters ; and it was easy to see that, in this 
 way, simpletons would often be caught in the trap. — -When the hour for 
 dining approached, I sat down at une Table eC Hote bien servie, when 
 I found at my elbow an intelligent gentleman, who spoke English flu- 
 ently. lie was so remarkably obliging, that my suspicions were excited 
 that he might have an object. He was very delicate and dexterous in try- 
 ing to draw out my sentiments, but in three minutes I was convinced that 
 he was another government inspector, therefore, when he made his ob- 
 servations, I was not contented merely with being silent, but took care to 
 contradict him, lest he should turn the cat in the pan, and report what he 
 said as if it had been uttered by myself. And thus, from day to day, my 
 steps were traced, and my every idle word recorded, in going out to 
 Herculanaeum, or Vesuvius, or Pompeii, or anywhere else ; or at the 
 railway station, or at the harbour, or in a cab, or in walking along the 
 street or by the wayside. 
 
 Having seen everything, by night and by day, at Naples, and walked 
 out to Virgil’s Grotto, and Cicero’s Villa, and over the Elysian fields, 
 and up to the crater of one of the burning mounts, I at last began to 
 
8 
 
 think of leaving for Rome. It was my intention to have gone leisurely by 
 land, merely to sec the country, and to rest for a day or so at Greta, and 
 some of the principal stations. I judged it prudent, therefore, to adjust 
 my passport for leaving, and also to make inquiries as to the starting of 
 conveyances. These ascertained, I found that I had two days on hand, 
 and nothing material to do hut to procure my passport, and pay my hill 
 at the hotel. Resolving to take time by the forelock, I called a cah, and 
 drove to the interior police for my passport, — there I was told to go to 
 the maritime office, and when I went to it, I was told to go hack to the 
 office from whence I came ; where, at last, I found the object of my 
 search. Everything being right, and with my passport in hand, I natu- 
 rally thought that a very few minutes would finish the transaction, hut in 
 this I was much mistaken. I was turned from one office to another, my 
 description was recorded in one large book after another, and a dollar 
 was charged by this and by that official ; and when at last I expected that 
 all was finished, — and well might I expect it, because I had trotted for four 
 hours, up stairs and down stairs, and round corners, and into nine or ten 
 different appartments, — I was coolly told to come hack at four o’clock, 
 when I would receive my passport. I accordingly returned at the hour 
 appointed, hut the premises were shut up, and some person told me to come 
 hack next morning soon after ten o’clock. I did so, hut, lo ! it was one 
 of their numerous saint’s days, and so there was no help for it hut to call 
 again the day after, and in this way I lost my conveyance, which was 
 to take me to Rome by land. After all this running and disappointment, 
 I went to the office rather out of temper, telling the authorities that I 
 would request, as I required, an interview with my ambassador on the 
 subject of my passport. This intimation produced only a contemptuous 
 sneer, and some insulting remark from one of the young officials, which I 
 answered by actually clenching my fist, stretching out my arm, and 
 threatening to punish the offender on the spot. To my surprise, I was 
 politely requested to he seated, and assured that my passport would be 
 forthcoming securo e momento, and in fifteen minutes it was in my pocket. 
 Then I hurried hack to my hotel, paid my hill, got into a cah, and drove 
 off to the harbour at a canter, and found myself no more than in time for 
 the steamer sailing to Civita Vecchia ; whereas I had meant to have 
 travelled by land, had I got my passport in any reasonable time. 
 
 I was snug on board, and, of course, right glad to be relieved from such 
 pitiful annoyances. The steam was up, and the hour for starting just at 
 hand, when all the passengers were mustered rank and file on the quarter 
 deck, the list of their names was called over, their passports and persons 
 were inspected, and they were counted and compared, and allowed to sail, 
 or taken on shore again, at the will and pleasure of two policemen, who 
 are sent there in every case for the purpose. Thank God, I was per- 
 mitted to remain on board, and now the anchor was heaved, and we all 
 moved, fully resolved never to trust ourselves in such hands again. 
 
 Another fact requires to be stated, in itself it is apparently trifling, hut, 
 in my situation, it indicated a trap into which I might have fallen, and 
 against the danger of which, travellers to Naples should be warned. I 
 found myself in a position in which it was impossible to tell when I might 
 be permitted to leave, and I wrote home to my friend, the minister of the 
 
9 
 
 contiguous parish of Newlands, requesting him to perform forme my duty 
 at a neighbouring sacrament on a certain day, in the event of my being 
 detained. I stated in this letter, that no sooner had I escaped the delays 
 caused in the East by quarantines, than I was involved in Italy with political 
 obstructions, far less reasonable, and perhaps of longer duration, than a five 
 days’ imprisonment in a Turkish lazzaretto. I have sufficient reason to 
 believe that this letter, which I posted with my own hands, was inter- 
 cepted, opened, and laid before the prefect of the police, or the minister 
 of the interior, for the purpose of creating a charge, if possible, against 
 me. And of all the letters written from Suez, Grand Cairo, Damietta, 
 Jaffa, Jerusalem, Smyrna, and Athens, the one from Naples alone never 
 reached its destination, — fortunately I was cautious in what I wrote, it 
 having occurred to me that the letter would certainly be opened at the 
 post-office in Naples, and produced against me. Nay, I even hesitated 
 whether it was safe to trust such a crew with a specimen of my penman- 
 ship, lest the writers they employ for the purpose might, by imitating my 
 hand- writing, forge grounds of accusation against me. 
 
 Here, however, it is but fair to mention, that I suffered no annoyance 
 from the Pope’s Nuncio at Naples — on the contrary, at my first call, every 
 thing was adjusted in ten minutes, and the Secretary, shaking my hand, 
 politely wished me a good voyage, and a safe return to England — know- 
 ing all the while, from my passport, my profession to be that of a pro- 
 testant clergyman. 
 
 I spoke of my difficulties to an English gentleman on his travels, and 
 he told me how severely he had suffered too in Naples. He said he had 
 actually been dragged by the police from his seat in the railway train, 
 when setting out for Pompeii, but for what reason he could not conceive, 
 unless it was from senseless suspicion and fear. He added, that it was, 
 in all the circumstances, somewhat remarkable that I was not detained, 
 or more severely handled, because I had just come from Malta, the 
 great retreat of Neapolitan refugees, who were constantly sending out 
 emissaries. And more unfortunate still, I happened to have a long white 
 beard of four months growth, which was well known to be the badge of 
 the liberal Philosophers, or Red Radicals as they are called. But he as- 
 sured me that my beard would be quite acceptable both at Rome and 
 Florence. 
 
 Facts were every day made manifest to me, from sources the most re- 
 spectable, that matters are in a most deplorable state in Naples — worse 
 than ever they were in France, previous to the breaking out of the first 
 revolution — and worse even than they are at this time in Rome. To 
 make out this general statement, no man need go with a flambeau through 
 the darkness and dirt of their dungeons, he need only walk the street at 
 noon day, and take the first sis men he may meet at random, and as- 
 certain what sort of characters they are. The first is obviously a priest 
 or a jesuit, and the people are kissing his hands, and the hems of his 
 long black garments, as he stalks stately along. The second is a soldier 
 in glittering regimentals, starched and stiff as a poker. The third is a 
 spy, alias an inspector dressed in disguise. The fourth is a public rob- 
 ber by profession, who is not only armed to the teeth, but dressed in the 
 well known livery of bis own order. The fifth is one of the police ; and 
 the sixth belongs to the lazzaroni. And thus there is not an honest, in- 
 
10 
 
 dustrious,’ or independent member of society among them. The virtuous, 
 the intelligent, and the more refined portion of the community, have been 
 hanged or shot ; they have fled, or they are banished, or they are groan- 
 ing under your feet, chained together two by two, to the number of 
 thousands. Many thousand peaceable citizens are certainly still to be 
 found, but Naples has been sadly widowed of her best husbands, and is 
 mainly in the thrall of scoundrels. There is not a family which does not 
 reckon among its members one or two prisoners, one or more sons, wan- 
 dering in exile. The single kindred of Plutino, in the province of Reggio 
 in Calabria, counts 62 of the individuals composing it imprisoned. The 
 natural weakness of women is no defence against persecution. Every inde- 
 pendent honest man is held in detestation. In the wretched provinces the 
 sufferings of the inhabitants far exceed those of the capital. In every city, 
 iu every parish, there is an inspector who informs. Every police myrmidon 
 is an absolute sovereign. Every captain of gendarmerie is a despot. 
 Every judge is a Navarro. The kingdom of Naples is a vast dungeon, 
 and the arbiters of its destinies are perjury and the inquisition into thoughts 
 and consciences. Its law is delation. The tortures of soul and body are 
 not enough — the extortion of man’s substance is added. The Govern- 
 ment is not contented with being goaler, inquisitor, and executioner, it 
 wishes to wear a perfect crown of infamy, and to become a robber to 
 sequestrate private property. 
 
 In regard to the King, two parties speak to the facts, probably ac- 
 cording to their own sentiments, as their statements are somewhat at 
 variance. The one says that his Majesty is neither more nor less than 
 a brute and a bigot. These assert that he is little more than half re- 
 sponsible for the consequences of those diabolical deeds. Eacile and 
 stubborn by turns, and each always when he should be the other, he is 
 guided and goaded on to every outrage. By others he is said to be pious, 
 and naturally benevolent, and these argue that he is ignorant of many of 
 the transactions in hand, and that he disapproves of others oti the score 
 of humanity. His friends also argue that the number and variety of the 
 cases are so vast, that no man of his intellect and habits could master 
 the details of one in a thousand of the accused. All admit that his in- 
 tellect is confined to a darker and narrower capacity within his own 
 cranium, than his victims are in their dungeons, and that all his concep- 
 tions are more cramped than such whose limbs are bound in the stocks, 
 or locked in handcuffs. He presides in a cabinet of ministers, who are 
 cold, cunning, and cruel. All of these sit as with their own neck in the 
 noose of a halter. In their turn every man of them has played the 
 tyrant, and of course they are cowards at the heart; suspicious of one 
 another, their whole aim is to work the ruin of a rival ; and forgery, 
 bribery, perjury, intrigue, and the stiletto are the instruments they 
 employ. This cabinet is controlled by a more dangerous council still — the 
 clergy; so that the acts apparently done by Ferdinand and approved 
 by his ministers, are but the dogmas of Liguori applied to the science of 
 government. Thus priest-craft and popery are at the root of the whole 
 evil. The jesuits dig the dungeons, drug the cup, and poison the stiletto. 
 Worse even than all this, the priests give dispensations for as much 
 forgery, perjury, bribery, intrigue, and assassination, as circumstances 
 max require; and all this, no doubt, for the glory of God, for 
 
11 
 
 the security of the church, and for the salvation of souls. And worse 
 still, if worse can he, they draw facts from the mouths of their penitents, 
 and then betray the secrets of the confessional to the state, Rome, 
 therefore, is to he held accountable at the bar of human and divine justice 
 for all this iniquity. It is to maintain their own infallibilities, their pur- 
 gatories, their transubstantiations, their revenues, and their revenge, that 
 they thus heap up more and more victims every month in the year. True 
 these men are chained in couples by the hands of a tyrannical state, but 
 it is no less true that this state is moved forward by a still more tyran- 
 nical church. Rome slyly slinks from observation, and of course screens 
 herself behind her puppets, a bigotted monarch, an ambitious ministry, 
 and an unprincipled pack of judges. Rome generally conceals herself 
 well, but at times, and when the prey is within reach, the powerful and 
 polluted paw of the beast is stretched forth with its claws uncovered. 
 But in all such cases there are many misdeeds, which are observed only 
 by the all-seeing eye of God above, who, in the meantime, merely holds 
 his offenders in derision, that He may afterwards speak to them in wrath, 
 and vex them in his sore displeasure. But, depend upon it, that when 
 the time and times are fulfilled, the bared arm of the Omnipotent shall 
 strike, and that the Pope and his popery shall fall, like Lucifer, never to 
 rise. 
 
 No set of public men were ever before infected with so much danger- 
 ous delirium. It can only be accounted for on the old maxim, Quem 
 Pens vult perdere prius dementat. Mr. Gladstone says, that the general 
 belief is, that prisoners for political offences in the Two Scicilies, are be- 
 tween 15,000 or 20,000 or 30,000, mostly belonging to the middle 
 classes — those on whom the solidity of the nation mainly depends. The 
 official reply of the Neapolitan government to Mr. Gladstone’s pamphlet, 
 sums up its contradiction of his statistics, by stating that the num- 
 ber of political prisoners is no more than 2024. The Neapolitan cor- 
 respondent of the Daily News declares this to be positive fraud, and he 
 supplies the number of political prisoners, as extracted from the police 
 registers from May 1848 to September 1851. 
 
 Number of Neapolitan Political Prisoners from May 1 848 to September 
 
 1851. 
 
 Condemned to the Ergastolo . .' • • 36 
 
 Condemned in irons to the Bagni .... 1000 
 
 Condemned in irons to the Bagni, but not yet removed from prison 300 
 Banished to the Islands after trial .... 800 ■ 
 
 Banished to the Islands without trial, including the Soldiers sent 
 
 by Royal authority to the camp of Charles Albert . 6,000 
 
 Accused, who have been or still are in Prison, from May 1848 to 
 
 September 1851, not included in the above . . 15,000 
 
 Supposed number of Exiles . . 3,000 
 
 Hiding from the Police ... 150 
 
 Exiled from their native towns, but still in the 
 
 Kingdom .... 350 3,500 
 
 Total number of victims of the Neapolitan Constitution 26,636 
 
12 
 
 The information I got, without knowing anything of Mr. Gladstone’s 
 pamphlet, stated the number to be enormously great, and about 50,000, 
 but I made allowances at the time for the many who magnify, and who 
 delight to speak in round numbers. I was told that astonishing crowds 
 are confined in particular prisons, and that the number of individuals 
 missing from among the community was very great in particular loca- 
 lities. In Naples aloue, some hundreds are under indictment at a time. 
 The number of refugees, or persons variously concealed, were said to be 
 much larger than that of the prisoners. And nearly all who formed the 
 opposition in the Chamber of Deputies under the constitution, are in 
 prison, or in exile, or in eternity. Five hundred are often tried at a 
 time. Such is the present state of society, that any ill disposed person 
 can go before the police, and denounce his neighbour as an enemy to 
 the government, and hundreds are in prison on such charges, neither 
 knowing by whom they are accused, or for what. In the provinces this 
 licence is still more abused, and so terrific is the action of the police, 
 that no one will venture to say a word on any public question, lest they 
 should bring themselves within the grasp of the law. The personal 
 histories of the victims who are thus juridically assassinated, are given 
 in detail by M. Massari, and they include the young and the enthusiastic 
 supporter of constitutional royalty, the helpless patriot of ninety years 
 of age, the gentleman, the scholar, and even the liberal and enlightened 
 priest. Turn classes alone enjoy a temporary relief from persecution: — 
 those who consent to be the instruments of oppression, and the rabble 
 who are below r its reach. 
 
 The Neapolitan Government, in their official reply to Mr. Gladstone’s 
 Pamphlet, seem to be at great pains to contradict him in minor details, 
 and they limit the number of their victims, as has already been stated, to 
 2024. But it is a mere matter of moonshine how many thousand vic- 
 tims there may be. The principle brought out is the great point to be 
 attended to. When this is once established on a broad basis, the details 
 are of less consequence, and the numbers are nothing. The number, 
 therefore, admitted by the Neapolitan State is fatal to their own defence. 
 Nay, it is of no great importance even, the real or constructive guilt of 
 individuals, for instance, even of Poerio and his associates. The ques- 
 tions to be asked are, Whether the punishments be disproportioned to 
 the offences ? Are the accused detained longer in prison before trial in 
 Naples than in any other state in Europe ? Does a period of one, two, 
 or even three years, often intervene between the alleged crime and the 
 accusation ? Are there any means of forcing on atrial within any given 
 time ? Have the Neapolitans any thing like our Habeas Corpus Act ? 
 Are persons sometimes detained in prison, after having been unanimously 
 acquitted by the judges ? If a very few cases indeed of such tyranny can 
 be made out against this State it is fatal, and their defence is flimsy, be- 
 cause, if the constitution has been violated, it may be violated again, and 
 if the law has once bended to political purposes, it may be bended again 
 and again in like manner. The admission of two thousand such cases by 
 the fi iends of the State, is far more, therefore, than sufficient to condemn it. 
 As was said of old by Abraham regarding Sodom, “ If peradventure there 
 be fifty within the city, or if peradventure there lack five of the fifty, or if 
 there shall be forty found there, or thirty or twenty, or peradventure on- 
 
13 
 
 ly ten shall be found there.” Wrangling as to numbers, therefore, is out 
 of the question. 
 
 There is said to he a triple union — the Government, the Clergy, and 
 the Robbers, who are counted not by thousands but by tens of thousands. 
 These robbers are not only permitted by the State, but they are protect- 
 ed, patronized, employed and paid. They care for neither politics nor 
 parties, religion or priest. Plunder is their profession and practice. In 
 late outbreaks, when the lighting was at the hardest, when the troops 
 were nearly overpowered, and when the Council of Tyrants were in jeo- 
 pardy of having their throats cut, the seasonable idea was suggested by 
 the priests that the robbers should be let loose upon the town, to plunder 
 the premises of the citizens. Ten or twelve thousand of these set to work, 
 so that the inhabitants were compelled to retire, and fight for their fami- 
 lies and firesides. In one hour this turned the scale, and the reign of 
 terror was resumed, with terrors ten times more terrible than before. 
 Now all is rancour and revenge, and a fell struggle between life and 
 death. The prime minister acts on the old principle, that if he do not 
 impeach and imprison the late prime minister Poero, this said Poero may- 
 come back into office, and impeach and imprison him. In like manner 
 the judges, who are poor, ill paid, and removable at will, know and act 
 upon the knowledge that they will be turned out of office if they do not 
 condemn those brought by the State to their bar. A worse than Jefferies 
 presides over this tribunal, in the person of Novarro — he is said to be 
 cunning, cowardly, and the creature of the court, more than the infamous 
 minion of Charles II. He is said to be the type and model of a magis- 
 trate after the heart of the present rulers of Naples. Once at his bar, 
 whether innocent or guilty, the fate of the accused is nearly the same. 
 His maxim is, — hang the red republican when he is young, and he will 
 cease to be a red republican when he is grown old. This court is the re- 
 cipient of the vilest and clumsiest forgeries, got up wilfully by r the advis- 
 ers of the crown, for the purpose of destroying the property, freedom, and 
 life of the community. Evidence too, is often extracted from the accus- 
 ed by the most savage and cowardly system of mental torture. 
 
 Perjury may be bought in Naples for a penny, and many have no other 
 visible means of subsistence than that of swearing to the truth of false- 
 hood as the questions are asked. To them the terms for trial are just so 
 many golden harvests. The witnesses know how to manage their sins 
 of perjury in the slump for a trifle at the Confessional. The stiletto too 
 is very cheap at Naples, and does a vast deal of quiet work. The rob- 
 bers know, and act on the belief, that if they do not stretch forth then- 
 arm at a time, their order would be put down, as ceasing to be useful. 
 The church thinks that every thing is safe, and that the people will be 
 kept quiet under the heaviest oppression, by military despotism, by re- 
 views and sham fights, and by amusements of every variety" and endless 
 duration ; such as illuminations, fireworks, theatres, operas, and, above 
 all, plenty of music, to drown, as if in a battle-field, the cries of the 
 wounded. 
 
 Thus the whole Neapolitan community is diseased and degraded more 
 than it was in ancient Rome, under the monster Nero, or than it was in 
 Constantinople, when the head of even the most favoured prime minister 
 
14 
 
 was found, on striking tlie average of many cases, to be worth only three 
 years’ purchase. 
 
 The grand question, therefore, comes to he, whether any thing like this 
 should be suffered to exist in the centre and garden of modern Europe ? 
 Civilized nations do not permit cruelty to animals of any kind. By every 
 law, human and divine, men are hanged every where for the murder of 
 their fellow. Squadrons are stationed on the African coast, and the law 
 of nations does not prevent the English from firing into the ships of the 
 man-stealer. All nations sympathize in the fate of Sir John Franklin, 
 and of those who are frozen up, probably in death, in the far north. 
 Many ships have sailed for the purpose of sending them relief ; and were 
 these navigators found to he imprisoned by savages in the Polar regions, 
 would the crew of any one nation hesitate to fight for their rescue ? Was 
 there not an expedition sent out to Africa from England to punish one of 
 the savages there for his cruelties, and to relieve from slavery the victim of 
 his tyranny. Did not Mahommedan Turkey give refuge to the men who 
 fled after the late revolutions in Germany for protection, and that even at 
 the risk of being involved in war with more than the half of the civilized 
 world? And is there not a similar question now at issue between the 
 humanity of civilization and this Neapolitan government ? Is their cruel- 
 ty not merely to animals hut to fellow-men, to be permitted ? Is their 
 worse than African slavery to he longer endured ? Is no sympathy to he 
 extended to men imprisoned by the thousand ? Is the general humanity 
 which constitutes the majesty of the law of nations no longer to he respect- 
 ed ? Are the Mahommedan Turks to take the precedency of Christians 
 in European civilization ? Is Ferdinand not as guilty as the Dey of Al- 
 giers ever was ? And if, in spite of every friendly remonstrance, he con- 
 tinues to he so, ought he not to receive a similar punishment? 
 
 It is no answer to these questions to say, that one nation has not the 
 right to interfere with another, in the internal management of their own 
 affairs. Granted. No man has the right to interfere with a school- 
 master, for instance, while he merely handles the taws in his chastise- 
 ment. But, if the punishment amount to maiming or murdering, others 
 may force an entrance into the premises, to protect. As in the social so 
 certainly in the political community — non-interference is the rule, hut 
 interference is the exception, and every rule has its exception. 
 
 It is nonsense, in such a case as this, to talk of the majesty of public 
 opinion working any change worth while, or in any reasonable time. It 
 is vain, and it would be cruel to wait the issue of another outbreak, in the 
 hope that it may work a cure. The truth is, Ferdinand expects, and is 
 prepared for another effort being made, during the year 1852, in the 
 Two Sicilies; and it is understood that, in the event of such taking place, 
 the Austrian troops will advance into the Ahhruzzi. Mr. Gladstone’s 
 Letter has been published for months, onwards through many editions. 
 Private remonstrances have heen used in influential quarters. The effect 
 of public opinion, or rather of European indignation, denouncing Ferdi- 
 nand as an enemy to the monarchy, has heen tried. The Great Powers 
 have heen applied to, and all to no purpose. Against all this the Lord 
 has hardened the heart of Ferdinand as he did that of Pharaoh of old, 
 and he is also blinding the nations. Mr. Gladstone’s Pamphlet has heen 
 
15 
 
 transmitted to tliese nations, it is said, through our Ambassadors. Some 
 of these Great Powers have taken no notice of the circumstances. Others 
 have returned a saucy and senseless reply, or rather reproach. Thus it 
 is that there is an under current every where throughout Europe, and 
 the Jesuits are as busy as the Devil is said to be in a gale of rvind. 
 Louis Napoleon totters in his seat. The Prussians seem to be becoming 
 more popish in their policy. Russia controls not only Austria and the 
 German States, but may soon interfere in France. America is distant, 
 England alone is able, and should be willing, therefore, to act in this mat- 
 ter. But, as yet, England has been timid and tender. And in this way 
 thousands of fellow men are permitted to be loaded with chains, and left 
 to rot in death, without pity or preservation. These miserable victims of 
 this fearful despotism have hitherto been placed beyond the reach of 
 human sympathy, and it is quite apparent that the authors of this tyran- 
 ny are beyond the reach of advice, remonstrance, or threatening. Any 
 power, therefore, applied after any ordinary rule, will certainly fail, In 
 these circumstances, it will not do to leave such incessant and deliberate 
 violations of the law of nations even to the slow and ever sure retribution 
 of Divine Providence. The outrage upon liberty and religion is whole- 
 sale, and should be handled in a very summary manner indeed. 
 
 For the sake then of humanity and even decency, let the Five Great 
 Powers, aided by America, at once send a squadron up the Gulf of Naples, 
 Should these Great Powers hesitate to concur, and hesitate they certainly 
 will, let England and America act. And if America hesitates, let Eng- 
 land, unaided and alone, send another Lord Exmouth to bombard another 
 Dey of Algiers, for three hours and a half by the Shrewsbury clock. 
 Seriously speaking, were the English squadron only to steer its course 
 in the offing at Naples, such would be taken as a genteel hint that Britain 
 meant to interfere, and matters might be quietly amended, and this is all 
 that is wanted. Again, should your Lordship and the ministry hesitate to 
 adopt so bold a step, on the score of non-interference in the internal affairs 
 of an independent state, let public meetings be called throughout the length 
 and breadth of our land ; let rattling speeches be made, and peremptory pe- 
 titions sent up to strengthen the hands of our legislators, that the House of 
 Commons may give tongue, and that the Peers may not be silent. Above 
 all, let Whig, Tory, and Radical all agree for once at least. Nay, good 
 feeling and even policy should induce the Tories to take the lead in a 
 matter of this sort so barbarous. They never were behind in humanity, 
 and here there is an opportunity of showing, that when a case of real and 
 universal oppression has been made out, they are the first to take it up. 
 Besides, Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston, may naturally feel a 
 delicacy — although they should not, — and at any rate their measures, 
 unsupported by all parties, might he less influential in the eslimation of 
 Russia and Austria, than when they are driven forward by public opinion. 
 
 Should, however, every thing fail, and no movement at all be made on 
 the part of England, time will prove that Ferdinand is working the work 
 of the Jacobins, although he knows it not, and will not believe it when 
 told. Yes, Ferdinand is a destructive and communist of the first and 
 fiercest grade. The monarchy is cutting its own throat at Naples. There 
 absolutism will overwhelm the government as with an avalanche. All 
 the machinery of Ferdinand’s ministers, priests, judges, gaolers, and eve- 
 
16 
 
 eutioncrs, will precipitate Naples on red republicanism faster and surer 
 than any tiling else. The Allied armies managed, in the long run, to 
 subvert the military genius of Bonaparte, and to {dace the Bourbons 
 once more on the throne of France ; but no power upon earth could 
 maintain them in that position, solely or mainly at least, because these 
 Bourbons did not learn wisdom in adversity, and because they persisted, 
 in spite of many warnings, it is said, from the Duke of Wellington, to be 
 guided behind the screen by priests, and more especially by an old dotard 
 who had shared and consoled their afflictions when they were in exile. 
 In the same way, at Naples, one outbreak after another maybe put 
 down, but all the while matters will continue to grow white unto the 
 harvest ; and the time will come when all the disposable forces of Russia, 
 sent to suppress revolt, will fail in effecting the purpose, and Naples, and 
 the Neapolitans, shall yet be free. In the meantime, England expects 
 that Lord Palmerston will do his duty in this matter, and step forward 
 without delay, in a decisive manner, and fearless of the cousetpienccs. • 
 One word more, let Ferdinand and his ministers be wise in time, and 
 all will be well with them and their people, and English Tories will cer- 
 tainly be the very last men in the world to interfere with their policy. 
 
 Preparing for the Press, 
 
 The 
 
 LAK3S 0F TIE MESSIAH, MAHOMET, All THE POPE, 
 
 AS VISITED IN 1851. 
 
 By JOHN AITON, D.D. 
 
22934