e n fjo e 
 
 ^peeuii ui null. 
 Conf Pam #646 
 
SPEECIl 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. THOS. S. GHOLSON, 
 
 O.F.V.IRGINIA, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 POLICY OF EMPLOYING NEGRO TROOPS, AND THE 
 
 DUTY OP ALL CLASSES TO AID IN THE 
 
 PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. 
 
 Delivered in the House of Represeptatives of the Congress of the Confederate Statesj 
 on thejst of February, 18G5. 
 
 RICHMOND: 
 
 GEO. P. EVANS & CO., PRINTERS. 
 
 1865. 
 
\^ / 
 
 ^X7««l 
 

 c-r 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. THOS. S. GHOLSON, 
 
 OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 Upon the introduction of reaolutions to the eftect that while we should be readj to treat 
 for peace, we should prepare to prosecute the war with vigor, by placing eyery man 
 liable to service in the field, and ceasing to agitate the policy of employing negro troofS 
 as soldiers, Mr. Gholsok rose and said: 
 
 Mr. Speaker: 
 
 No question of more serious import has been agitated, since the com- 
 mencement of the present war, than the proposition, lo arm and employ 
 our slaves as soldiers in the field. That they may be jiuliciously used 
 in building fortifications, and as teamsters, cooks, (fee, will not be con- 
 troverted — indeed, it is to be regretted, that they have not already been 
 more extensively so employed. They are accustomed to such service, 
 and could be kept under the proper discipline and control. Every 
 slave, who takes the place of a soldier engaged in driving wagons, 
 cooking, ifec, adds another musket to our number. It is obviously not 
 otily proper, but our duty to permit no "able ^odied man" to remain in 
 any position, the duties of which may be as well performed by a slave. 
 Let our authorities therefore see to it, that all ^uch positions are at once 
 filled by slaves, and that the legion of strong, athletic men, who are even 
 now, to be found all over the country, filling unimportant offices, the 
 duties of which could be just as well discharged by the ''halt or lame," 
 or by men above the military age, are immediately sent to the field, and 
 our armies would be able to drive the enemy from our borders. 
 
 But, it is proposed to go fiirther — to put arms in the hands of our 
 slaves, and fight them as soldiers. It is declared, that leading individ- 
 uals in various sections of the Confederacy, favour the proposition, 
 while several of our prominent newspapers openly advocate the policy. 
 We are to raise a vast army of slaves — from two hundred to two hun- 
 dred and fifty thousand — arm and equip them, and march them forth to 
 meet our enemies. The advocates of the proposition, seem filled with 
 enthusiasm on the subject, and promise themselves and the country the 
 most happy results. 
 
 It is assumed, that slaves will make good and reliable soldiers — that 
 some slaves w^ould, need not be denied, but that our slaves generally 
 will make reliable soldiers, the advocates of the measure, are not war- 
 ranted in assuming. I regard the whole scheme with deep concern, 
 and have the strongest convictions, that no matter in what aspect it 
 may be considered, 'it is unwise, and should be promptly rejected. 
 
First. It is an expenment on a grand fcale, and would virtually 
 stake our success in this great struggle, on the capacity and fidelity of 
 negro soldiers. For, if instead of keeping our white men in the field, 
 and sending all able bodied men there, who are now at home, we 
 should make so large a portion of our forces to consist of slaves, we ne- 
 cessarily throw on them — the slaves — to a considerable extent, the 
 question of victory or defeat. If they should prove true, capable, firm 
 and courageous in the day of battle, they would render great service — 
 if they proved deficient in these qualities, they might prove our ruin. 
 The bravest and best disciplined troops have had victory snatched from 
 them, by the ignorance, infidelity, or cowardice of the incapable, faith- 
 less or timid. The experiment is hazardous. 
 
 Nature seems to have fitted our slaves, as a race, above others, for 
 serv^ants. They are loyal, obedient, submissive and grateful, but timid 
 and unstable as children. Kept at home, and subjected to proper dis- 
 cipline, they are useful and happy. Freed from restraint, and exposed 
 to evil influences, they become licentious and fanatical. They are 
 credulous, and may be easily deceived. Let the facts of this war be 
 consulted for confirmation of this. Our enemies hoped, and all Europe 
 expected, that the commencement of hostihties would be followed by 
 the Hisurrection of our slaves, and deeds too black and horrible to be 
 named. Our slaves were to rise up and conqtier us, if our enemies 
 could not. War, with its varying fortunes, has now existed for nearly 
 four years, and yet, although we have among us, more than three mil- 
 lions of slaves, there has been no insurrectit>n or attempt at insurrec- 
 tion, while life and property have been more secure — infinitely more se- 
 cure with us, than with our enemies. Our wives and children have 
 been left on our plantations — frequently with no other protection, than 
 that afforded by our slaves. These slaves have taken care of our prop- 
 erty, cultivated our fields, and gathered our crops. Their loyalty was 
 never more conspicuous, their obedience never more child hke. These 
 are facts — indisputable fa-its. Let the world ponder them. 
 
 \et, as already stated, they are credulous, and easily misled. Our 
 enemies have made to such of them as they could reach fair promises, 
 and given them glowing accounts of the freedom th^y were fighting to 
 confer upon them — of the land of ''milk and honey" into which they 
 would carry them. Credulous creatures! They have placed confi- 
 dence in Yankee promises. Hence, many of them either deserted their 
 homes, or else were made willing captives — and now have liberty; yes, 
 in the words of Lord Campbell, ''liberty to starve." Many of them 
 have already escaped from their liberty-bondage, and returned to their 
 masters. They agree in declaring, that those, who have escaped t >, or 
 been captured by their Yankee friends, with very ^qw exceptions, long 
 to return to their masters and their homes. That they were deceived, 
 and made to run away from us, does not show, when properly consid- 
 ered, that they are not loyal, and submissive as a race. It does show, 
 that they are credulous, and may be induced to do at one moment, what 
 they will regret in the next. It may, if you please, prove more — that 
 though unfit for freedom, they can be deceived by faise friends, with 
 the idea of liberty. But the fact still remains notorious and indisputa- 
 ble, that with more than three millions of slaves among us, in the 
 midst of a war, waged, as they are told, for their emancipation, they 
 
remain faithful and obedient — commit no acts of violence or blood — 
 that, life and pn^perty have been more secure among us during the 
 whole time, than among our enemies, who boast, tfiat theij have no 
 slai)es. 
 
 Jt is, however, because the slave is credulous and timid, that the ex- 
 periment proposed, is full of hnzard. 1 have said, that nature seemed 
 to hav^e fitted our slaves to be servants; it certainly has not qualified 
 them for war. I speak of them as a race — not of exceptional cases. 
 They are fond of music, and sport with infinite satisfaction soldier 
 clothes, but from muskets and cannon, they pray to be delivered. 
 
 It is not necessary to hold, that you cannot raise and educate slaves 
 to become soldiers. In making the exp :riment proposed, we should 
 have to take them as they are — grown up, totally ignorant of the 
 use of fire-arms, and timid. You would have to remove this ignorance 
 and overcome this timidity. The first, you could accomplish more 
 readily than the last, but it may well be asked, how long it would re- 
 quire to make a raw negro a capable soldier? How long, before amass 
 of negro troops would, in the day of battle, be free from panic? 1 re- 
 peat, the experiment is hazardous. The coolest, bravest troops 
 are not always able to withstand the influences of panic, though 
 they may have done nothing to produce it. Let it be remembered, that 
 the Yankees cannot trace a single victory during this war to their 
 negp'> troops, while on the contrary, defeat has attended them, I believe, 
 on all occasions, in which they have employed the>n as soldiers. How 
 often, have wavering, unreliable troops, turned victory into defeat? 
 
 But, suppose you make them brave — firm in their courage — you have 
 not yet removed their credulity — their liability to be deceived and de- 
 luded by our enemies. If each man could have, in the day of battle, his 
 slave by his side, he could protect hmi from their fraud and deception, 
 but this would be impossible. The spies and secret emissaries of the 
 enemy, would be continually among them, producing mischief before 
 we apprehended it — encouraging them to infidelity and desertion — and 
 when they fell into their hands as prisoners of war, who can believe, 
 that they would bo able to resist Yankee fraud and cunning? They 
 arfe averse to fighting. Our enemies know this, and would promise all 
 deserters not only their ireedom, but. exemption from military duty. 
 Would ihey stand up, face danger and fight for us, or would they lay 
 down their arms, and go to those who, professing to be their friends, 
 promise them protection from their masters, and freedom from all the 
 dangers of the battle-field? It seems to me, that they know little of 
 the negro character, who wonld expect them to remain firm under such 
 circumstances. They would desert by hundreds and thousands. They 
 would go to avoid danger, if for notliing else. But more would be 
 promised — full rations, fine clothes, and no work. Gentlemen may de- 
 lude themselves, but whenever the experiment is made, it will prove to 
 be a ''recruiting service" for our enemies. It will weaken our own 
 army. 
 
 The circumstances under which we should introduce our slaves into 
 our army, are so entirely ditrerenf, from those under which, they have 
 ever been made soldiers before, that I do not stop to review historical 
 references. 
 
 I need not enlarge on these fruitful suggestions. TJiey are surely 
 
sufiicient, however, to shew, that tlicrc is danger in the"] < '^experi- 
 ment." 
 
 ■ Second. The introduction of slaves into our army, would not only 
 be hazardous for the reasons stated, but it would be offensive to many 
 of the brave men, who constitute our veteran army. To make a slave 
 a good soldier, you must not only put arms in his hands; you must 
 make him feel, that he is a soldier. You can not fight white and black 
 in the same army, without putting tliem on the same footing. You 
 cannot say, how long you will fight this portion of your army on one 
 part of the field, and that portion on another part. You must be gov- 
 erned by events, as they occur — and in most battles, before the "victory 
 is lost and won," ditferent portions of the army are mixed up and 
 brought together. Our soldiers have been brought up to be'ieve — we 
 ail believe — the negro an inferior race. Will they then consent to 
 march and fight with this inferior race, on terms of equality? If you 
 fight black and white on the same field, they must fight together. If 
 they conquer, they will rejoice over their victory together — if they are 
 defeated and captured, they must be prisoners together — eat and sleep 
 together. White and black prisoners, captured by us at the "explo- 
 sion" at Petersburg, were placed in the same hospital, and ocupied 
 cots adjoining each other. They must be subject to the same military 
 law, tried by the same courts-martial, and subjected to the same pun- 
 ishment. 
 
 If, as already stated, each soldier could carry his own slave — keep 
 him constantly by his own side, inspire him by his presence and pro- 
 tection, they could probably be fought to advantage, and the relation of 
 master and slave kept up — but this can not be done, and instead of the 
 master commanding his slave, by the plan proposed, the slave would 
 necessarily be made his equal, and lose the wholesome influence of his 
 authority. 
 
 The attempt may be made, to fight white and black soldiers together 
 in the same army, and^still keep up the present distinction between 
 them, but it will fail. Ir cannot be d<nie. If the army are opposed to 
 the introduction of slaves as scldiers, there is an end of the question. I 
 have no desire to make any plan or scheme offensive to them, which 
 the public interests may require. I mention these obvious facts, to 
 shew that you can not make this scheme otherwise than offensive to 
 them. Let every man who has felt inclined to favour this experiment, 
 ask himself, how the matter is to be arranged? How white and black 
 can be fought in the same army, without placing them practically on 
 terms of equality? Whether our soldiers will be satisfied to fight 
 through this war, side by side with our slaves? Whether they desire 
 these sable comrades? Let it not be said, it is a mere prejudice, and 
 will soon be overcome. It is a prejudice, which has "grown with their 
 growth, and strengthened with their strength." They feel their supe- 
 riority, and you can not eradicate the "prejudice." This sense of su- 
 periority makes them more manly in their conduct, braver in the field. 
 Yon should not eradicate it, if you could, it is part and parcel of their 
 character. 
 
 Third. To the slaves introduced into our army, and who prove 
 faithful, the boon of freedom is to be given at the termination of the 
 war» What is this but aboUtion ? The proposition is, "go into our ar- 
 
rai«s — fight our enemies — fight bravely, and when peace comeu, we 
 will make ynu free." Then, liberty to the slave is a boon. Is not this 
 precisely what the abolitionist holds? And is it not for this boon, that 
 he calls upon the slave to come and fight with him, against his master? 
 Does he not proclaim him free, not at the termination of the war, but 
 now — as soon as he deserts his master? Is it not a surrender of the 
 ground, on which we defend slavery? We hold, that freedom to the 
 slave is a curse, that all experience has shown him Incapable of self- 
 government — that, if left to himself, he would return to a state of bar- 
 barism — that liberty to him as a race, is simply liberty to starve — that 
 they are and ever have been "children" — that we have no more right 
 to turn them loose — give them their own way, than we would have to 
 permit our children to go without restraint — to do as they please. But, 
 we are now to declare by our conduct, that we have been insincere and 
 hypocritical in these solemnly proclaimed convictions, or else, that we 
 propose to reward our soldier-slaves by a curse, and not by a blessing — 
 that instead of giving them an egg, we desire to^give them a serpent. 
 
 If we have been in error heretofore — if hberty to our slaves be really 
 a boon — if they really be fit and qualified for liberty, and should receive 
 it as a merited reward for mil itar>^ service, then we surrender the whole 
 question, and should forthwith emaucipate them. For whenever it is 
 made to appear, that our slaves are prepared for freedom, and would be 
 happier by reason of being free, it becomes our duty to detain them no 
 longer — and though we may have inherited them, or purchased them 
 with our money, we are oppressors, if we still hold them in bondage. 
 Our theory and our conviction have been, that the restraint we impose, 
 afibrds them the only liberty they have ever enjoyed — that is, freedom 
 from the dominion and vices of the barbarian. When we surrender 
 this ground, the abolitionist gains a triumph, and the argument is con- 
 cluded. Surely, those who favour this experiment, have not reflected 
 on these things. 
 
 Some, who advocate the introduction of slaves into the army, per- 
 ceivuig these results, do not propose emancipation as a reward for faith- 
 ful services. They are surely more consistent, than their associates in 
 the scheme, although the abolitionists would declare, that they we.-e 
 making the slave fight for his chains. But the number of these is small. 
 The plan is, that we are to reward them at the termination of the war, 
 with their freedom. 
 
 And suppose the war ended — our independence achieved — that tho 
 slaves carried into the war have proved faithful; that they have remained 
 with us and fought for prospective freedom, rather than deserted to our 
 enemies and received present freedom, what then is to become of these 
 freed men? We surely will not deny them a home, in the land they 
 have defended— so, we should have a large number of free negroes scat- 
 tered over the several States. We shall have conceded, that they are 
 worthy of freedom. No State could deny to their black soldiers, liberty 
 to remain within their limits, no matter what may be the provisions of 
 their present constitutions on that subject. What shall become of their 
 wives and children? Shall they remain slaves, while their husbands 
 and fathers, who have fought for our liberties and their homes, are per- 
 mitted to become wandering vagabonds, and finally die of starvation — 
 having by their valour, earned the glorious ^'liberty to starve?" Or 
 
8 
 
 shall we give liberty to (heir wives and children, and thus make our 
 black population part free and part slave ? What then would be the 
 condition of our country ? Who would consent to live in it? What 
 would become of slavery? What would be the character of the re- 
 turned negro-soldiers, made familiar with the use of fire-arms, and 
 taught by us, that freedom was worth fighting for? In many sections 
 of the country, the two races could not continue together. According 
 to the census of 1860, the white population of five of the counties, 
 composing my Congressional District, was 13,792, the black population 
 31,228. I allude to the counties of Prince George, Nottoway, Amelia, 
 Powhatan and Cumberland. There would be near 6000 male slaves, 
 between the ages of 18 and 45. If 150 or 200,000 slaves were put into 
 the army, it would require, as I will shew hereafter, at least half 
 between those ages — so, that from the five counties named, there would 
 be taken about 3000 male slaves. Suppose only 2000 of this number 
 are returned, after having feughtas well and bravely, as the friends of 
 the scheme promise themselves, we should then have some 400 
 free negro soldiers, in each of these counties. We shall have taught 
 them, as already stated, the use of fire-arms, and that liberty is worth 
 fighting for. They will have learned, the power of combination, and 
 Iiave their minds set on mustering and guns. Naturally averse to la- 
 bour, they will have become indolent and mischievous. They will be 
 without restraint, and ready for all excesses. Here let the curtain drop. 
 Objections multiply as we advance, and 1 can do but little more, than 
 suggest them. 
 
 Fourth. By the conscription of slaves, we shall surrender every 
 ground, assumed by us on the subject, at the commencement of the 
 war. We denounced our enemies and invoked upon them the indig- 
 nation of every generous mind. We declared, that we would never, 
 under any circumstances, recognize their right to arm our slaves against 
 us — that their conduct in this respect was wicked and diabolical— that 
 no necessity should induce us to treat our own slaves as prisoners of 
 war. ' '- 
 
 We are now to follow their example and meet them on the field with 
 negro troops. True, they could not complain. It would be just to- 
 wards them. But, if we make soldiers of our slaves, we shall be bound 
 by every principle of justice and humanity, to claim for them the rights 
 of soldiers — that in case of capture by the? enemy, they are to be treated 
 as prisoners of war. We shall thereby acknowledge a corresponding 
 right on the })art of the enemy. There will no longer be any contro- 
 versy with <'Beast Butler" about the exchange of negro troops. We 
 shall have settled that question. Our enemies may entice our slaves 
 away to-day, place them in battle against us to-morrow — we may cap- 
 ture them, and should have no right to detain and hand them over to 
 their masters We shall have placed negro troops on the same footing, 
 with white troops. Thus, we shall have backed down from every posi- 
 tion assumed by us, in the beginning of the war. 
 
 Fifth. It would be a confession of weakness on our part, which 
 would inspire the enemy wiih renewed confidence, and induce greater 
 exertions. For they would then really believe, what they have hereto- 
 fore, so frequently declared without believing, that the rebellion was on 
 ''its last legs." A shout of rejoicing would go up from all yaukeedom.; 
 
9 
 
 and we should hear from every hill and valle^, ''we have conquered 
 slavery." It would enable them to raise troops without number, for 
 their men would be made to believe, that all they had' to do, was to 
 march forth and take possession of the "goodly land." It is a mistake 
 to suppose, as many do, that our enemy are alarmed at the idea of our 
 arming slaves. They would rejoice at it. 
 
 Sixth. And there is another objection to the experiment — one, 
 which ordinary prudence will not permit us to overlook, or lightly to 
 consider. I allude to the effect, which the abstraction of so large a 
 number of able-bodied slaves would have on the production of sup- 
 plies. There are but few localities in the country, in which any con- 
 siderable surplus of provisions is raised, and our means of transporta- 
 tion are so limited, and so liable to interruption, that we can not safely 
 rely upon distant points for the support of our armies and people. Ne- 
 cessity, therefore, requires every section to raise as large crops as its 
 means will allow. And I surely need not remind this House, that 
 heretofore we have had great difficulty in so distributing the products 
 of the country, as to prevent want in the army and among the people. 
 How vain it would be, to marshall a large army, and then be com- 
 pelled to disband it for the want of food, while we heard the cries of 
 women and children, begging for bread ? If we had surplus labour — 
 if we produced more bread and meat than were necessary, then we 
 could afford to spare labour, but if our supplies have been limited, and 
 if they are to be further diminished by the withdrawal from our fields of a 
 large number of the best labourers, to be used on fortifications, as 
 cooks, teamsters, 6cc., (a measure to which there is but little opposi- 
 tion,) it becomes us seriously to inquire, whether it is safe to make a 
 still further draft upon the labour of the country, to try such an exper- 
 iment as that proposed. 
 
 And in the consideration of this question, it will not do to prove by 
 figures, that we shall have supplies in abundance. They must be 
 available. What will it profit the army and people of Virginia to know 
 that there is corn to spare in Northern Mississippi, unless it can be 
 transported to Virginia? And if we could 'with our present means 
 transport supplies for the army, we could not do so for the people, gen- 
 erally, and hence the absolute necessity for producing the necessary 
 supplies in the different sections of the country. 
 
 The employment of slaves as teamsters and cooks, and upon our for- 
 tifications, commends itself to our approbation, because we see them 
 performing service appropriate for slaves, and know that we are thereby 
 able to send reliable soldiers into the field; but when we take them 
 from the plough, and put arms into their hands, we know that we shall 
 produce less bread and meat, while we have no assurance that we add 
 available and trusty soldiers to our ranks. 
 
 The question of supplies involves the existence of our army. Food 
 is as indispensable as men, and we should act unwisely to increase the 
 numb«ir of the one, by endangering the sufficjency of the other. Let 
 those who woul J treat this view lightly, remember the great scarcity 
 of provisions during the last year, and how often we have been pained 
 to hear that our army was on short rations. 
 
 The number of able-bodied slaves now in the Confederacy, and 
 which could be controled for miUiary service, is much exaggerated. 
 
10 
 
 The whole number of male slaves in the Confederacy, according to tlie 
 census of 1860, was 1,930,089. From this niimber must be deducted 
 for Arkansas, Florida, Kentucky, Missouri, Louisiana, Tennessee and 
 Texas, 657,434, and for the losses sustained in Mississippi, 60,000, 
 Virginia, 90,000, North Camlina, 40,000, South CaroMna, 20,000, 
 Georgia, 50,000, Alabama, 20,000, This would leave the slave popu- 
 lation, from which we could draw men, not more than 1,000,000. Of 
 course this calculation is not accurate, and in the nature of the case, 
 could not be accurate, but I think it near enough the mark for the pur- 
 pose. The Trans-Mississippi States are not included, because while they 
 would not be needed there, they could not be brought over to be usei 
 on this side. Of this number I think it may be assumed, that there 
 are males between the ages of 18 and 45, 335,000. From which 
 deduct 40,000, who are to be employed upon fortifications, and as team- 
 sters, cooks, <fcc., and there would be left less than 300,000. Vir- 
 ginia has a white population of upwards of a million, by the census of 
 1860, and there was, according to the computation of the Auditor, 
 168,000 males between the ages of 18 and 45, and I have arrived 
 at the number of black males betv/een the same ages, by adopting the 
 same ratio. 
 
 We have drawn heavily upon our white population to make up our 
 armies, because we could rely upon our slaves to raise the necessary 
 supplies. It IS now proposed to go among the slaves, and make sol- 
 diers of them. Certainly no necessity, present or future, will justify 
 such a policy, until it is shown beyond peradventure, that we shall 
 have the means of feeding our army. Kotwithslanding our enemies 
 have robbed us of many of our slaves, it is unquestionably true, that 
 thus far, they have proved an element of strength. Without slaves to 
 cultivate our fields, we could not have carried so many of our white 
 men into the army. As long as we keep them at the plough, they will 
 remain an element of strength. When we convert the plough-share 
 into the musket, whether they will help us to whip the enemy, who 
 now enable us to feed oi^.r ami)'-, is a question too doubtful to justify 
 a mere experiment. 
 
 There are some errors which may be corrected, while there are others 
 which are irremediable. Let us beware, lest in our anxiety to increase 
 our army, we fail to feed it. 
 
 And there is yet another difficulty, and that, too, of a grave and 
 delicate nature. The Confederate Government has no authority over 
 the institution of slavery in the States. Each State manages and con- 
 trols it, in its own way. The Confederate Government has not a foot 
 of land upon which to bury a slave, much less to settle him, after he is 
 liberated. Surely it would not rush blindly into the employment of 
 negro troops, engaging to liberate them at the termination of the war, 
 without having first made some arrangement with the several States on 
 the subject I Is it certain that necessary terms could be made with all 
 the States? Such States as approved the introduction of slaves into 
 the army, could not refuse them a home after the war. But what would 
 be the course of such as believed the whole scheme unwise and dan- 
 gerous? Suppose Virginia and North Carolina approve the measure, 
 and not only consent to the emancipation of such of their slaves as may 
 be put in the army, but agree that after the ^var they shall remain 
 
11 
 
 within their borders, what shall be done if Georgia and South Carolina 
 condemn it, and refuse them a home after the war? Or suppose the 
 States this side the MissiiJsippi embrace the plan recommended, and 
 make all necessary pledges, but that the Trans-Mississippi States reject 
 it, and enter into no engagements, what course is there to be pur- 
 sued ? 
 
 I suggest BO doubt as to the power of the Government to employ ne- 
 gro troops. The public safety justifies the conscription of every white 
 man able to bear arms. It would of course justify the conscription of 
 every slave — the employment of every instrument — of all means within 
 our power. The slave may be used to drive teams, to build fortifica- 
 tions — to fight, if you please. But the power of the government con- 
 tinues no longer than the public safety requires it. As soon as the ne- 
 cessity ceases, the power ceases. The Government may properly con- 
 scribe slaves for the public defence, but not for the purpo.se of defence, 
 and subsequent emancipation. The Government has claimed no power 
 to purchase and liberate, without the assent of the States — and an ex- 
 amination of the President's message, and the report of the Secretary 
 of War, to which the message lefers, will show that no such power is 
 claimed. 
 
 The States alone have power of emancipation; and if the slave must 
 be liberated, or promised liberation before he will fight, it follows that the 
 States alone can make him an available soldier, and that State action 
 must precede that of the Confederate Government. Nothing, therefore, 
 short of united and harmonious action on the part of the several States, 
 could give efficacy and success to the experiment. 
 
 1 do not treat this as a question of property. It is not that men are 
 unwilling to surrender their property jpi|ii' is because they are convinced 
 that the use proposed to be made of it is fearfully dangerous. No 
 patriot who realizes the magnitude of the struggle, and the interests at 
 stake, would hesitate for a moment to dedicate all that he has to the 
 service of his country. For, who that is a man, would count himself 
 rich, though he could point to his broad acres, and see hills and val« 
 leys covered with his herds, if he were the slave of a grinding despot- 
 ism, and subject to the taunts and insults of an insolent foe? What 
 is property without a country? He has no country, who has no 
 liberty. . 
 
 Who then will stop to count or value property ? If the country need 
 It, let it go — lands, houses, slaves, life itself — are worth nothing now, 
 except so far as they may assist and help in this life-struggle. If my 
 country take my property to save my honour and liberty, and that of 
 my family — if the enemy invade, capture, and destroy it, 1 shall have 
 no cause to reproach myself. I shall not have wasted it by bad man- 
 agement, or in indolence and ease. If my country be free, 1 shall be 
 rich, though I have not a penny. I shall feel that I am a welcome 
 guest in every good man's house. Poverty shall never cause a blush, 
 and the recollection of losses shall give me no pain. I shall live out 
 the brief period which may be vouchsafed me, a free man, and die 
 leaving my children and grand-children in the enjoyment of the price- 
 less boon of freedom, and bequeathing to them, at least, I trust, an 
 honest name. 
 
 But aU Uie objections to the measure have not yet been statefl. Not 
 
Id 
 
 long since, this House adopted with great unanimity, Mr. Trenholm's 
 currency scheme. The basis of this scheme is the products of slave 
 labour. Cotton, corn and wheal are "immutably pledged" to the re- 
 demption of our Treasury notes. Where are these to come from, if 
 you take the negro from our fields, and place him in the army? It may- 
 be said you will take only a portion of the able-bodied men. But the 
 first step will have been taken, and confidence have been lost. One 
 step will be followed by another. The institution of slavery will be 
 doomed, and all the credit it gives will be gone. Its money value has 
 heretofore been immense, while the annual pr<»ducts made us rich. 
 This money value will be destroyed, and these products soon become 
 so small, as hardly to support our population. However this may be, 
 it can hardly be controverted, that the employment of slaves in our 
 army would be the death of Mr. Trenholm's currency measure. Our 
 currency would become worthless, and we should have no credit. In 
 such a condition, what could be done? 
 
 With these grave objections to the measure, and these obstacles in 
 the way of its execution, it seems to me, the agitation of the subject was 
 unfortunate. For, it cannot be denied, that it has had a most depress- 
 ing influence upon the popular mind in many sections of the country. 
 It has been regarded as an admission by our authorities, that we were 
 reduced to an extremity; and the conviction (more general than is sup- 
 posed) that the proposed measure, so far from affording relief, would 
 only increase our difficulties and embarrassments, has produced a pain- 
 ful despondency. Men's hearts failed them, when it was seriously 
 proposed to employ negro troops, Avho had never desponded before. I 
 regret to be compelled thus to speak, but I am dealing with a question 
 of great magnitude, and the triftfi"^ though painful, must be spoken. 
 
 There are men of intelligence and worth, who not only favour the 
 measure, but entertain little or no doubt, that our slaves, if put into 
 the army, will turn for us (he tide of battle. But prudence would sug- 
 gest, that no matter how great their confidence, it would be unwise, 
 even if they had the power to do so, to hazard an experiment of such 
 ;a delicate, yet momentous character, against the judgment and senti- 
 ments of so large a portion of the community. 
 
 If, however, the measure is to be adopted — the experiment to be 
 made — it should be done without delay. It has been shown that 
 much must be done before it can be tried. I repeat, let there be no 
 delay, but let us go about it with earnest activity and determined en- 
 ergy. The States have to be consulted — the negroes to be purchased 
 or conscribed, and trained. We have not a minute to spare. If we 
 are ever to employ them as soldiers, let us do so now, and make the 
 .war ''sharp and decisive." If, on the contrary, we are not to resort to 
 this extreme alternative, let it be known at once; so that the painful 
 and depressing agitation may not longer be continued. If those, who 
 see safety and independence in negro troops are to be disappointed, let 
 them know it, so that their minds and energies may be turned to such 
 measures as will recruit our armies, and provide for their support and 
 comfort. If those, who have regarded the introduction of slaves into 
 our army as an omen of disaster and misfortune, are to be relieved of 
 their apprehensions, do not delay to revive their hopes and confidence. 
 Let the UDprofitable and mischievous agitation cease iorever, and all 
 
19 
 
 classes start afresh, with an unalterable determination to "spend and 
 be spent" in the defence of our altars and our homes. 
 
 Prompt and definite actitni is necessaiy for anoti.er reason. Our 
 slaves are now riiiiuitig away from apprehension that they ire to be 
 put in the army, yhey are opposed to fighting. They preferred to 
 remain at their honies when there was danger of being forced to fight 
 if they went to the enemy, while nothing of the kind was proposed 
 among us But since the a<jitation of the subject here, they have be- 
 come alarmed, atid fearitig that we will force them into the army, are 
 daily making their escape. This information I receive from various 
 sources. It is iu accordance with the negro character. In order to 
 escape present danger, they will run the hazard of even much more 
 serious dangers in the future. All know this who understand — are 
 familiar with the race. Placed in difficulties — threatened with suffer- 
 ing or punishment, there is no confession they will not make — no 
 promise they will not give. The h<ipe of present deliverance controuls 
 their words and actions. If, therefore, you intend to make them sol- 
 diers, take them before they run away; if you do not, so declare, and 
 let them remain at home. 
 
 But, it is asked, shall we not arm and fight our slaves, rather than 
 be subjugated? This is begging the question. It is assumed that wo 
 shall be subjugated, unless we arm and fight our slaves. The assump- 
 tion is not true. We are not reduced to the necessity of staking our 
 salvation on the capacity and fidelity of negro troops. We have "stout 
 hearts and strong arms" enough to drive back our enemies. They 
 occupy less of our territory than Uiey did twelve months ago. If they 
 have marched through the heart of Georgia, they have been driven 
 from the Trans-Mississippi and othei? sections. If we have met with 
 reverses, so have victories crowned our arms. Our forces are being 
 recruited, and our soldiers enjoy good health. Our fields have been 
 fruitful, and no disease has scourged our land. If our people remain 
 firm — if we are true to ourselves, there is no cause for despondency. 
 We believe- our cause just — our enemies faithless and cruel. The 
 struggle is gigantic — the prize priceless. The contest may yet con- 
 tinue — the issue is not doubtful. We may have more to endure. 
 More of our brave men may be called upon to seal their devotion to 
 their country, with their blood. iMore widows and orphans may be 
 added to the already fearful number. But let there be no quailing 
 among us. Without all this, those who fall, as well as those who sur- 
 vive, would be slaves of the most cruel and heartless tyranny. Those 
 costly, but noble sacrifices are the price of freedom. Liberty is the 
 child of oppression, and has ever been baptized in the blood of the 
 brave. 
 
 Let it not be asked, whether we will not arm our slaves, rather than 
 be subjugated? Every true man will do any thing — make any sacrifice, 
 rather than fail in onr present struggle — yea, sacrifice life itself; for 
 failure would be worse than death. But let us take care that in our 
 impatience, we are not driven into doubtful and ruinous experiments. 
 Privation and want, pain and suffering, affliction and sorrow are bless- 
 ings, when compared with humiliation and shame. We may pasy 
 through the "fiery furnace" and come out refined, but the flood of 
 << Yankee notions" and Yankee rule would consume and destroy us. 
 
14 
 
 Let us therefore accept with humble submission, whatever further 
 trials Providence may have in store for us, as a people. Let us do so 
 with a sure trust, and abiding faith, that ''the right shall prevail." 
 And though storm and tempest cnntiiiue, and the night be dark and 
 dismal, the morning shajl presently come, and bring with it the light 
 of cloudless day. Then shall it be manifest, that Liberty is cheap, 
 though purchased with blood. 
 
 I have already said, Mr. Speaker, that it would be right to arm our 
 slaves against our enemies. My opposition to the scheme arises from 
 no scruple of that kind. Why, sir, there is no power, no influence, no 
 instrument I would nnt bring to bear against them. Why should we 
 hesitate? They have faithlessly and wantonly come among us with 
 fire and sword. They have broken down our hedges, 'stolen our prop- 
 erty, burned our houses over the heads of our wives and children, des- 
 ecrate'd our altars, attempted to incite our slaves to rise up and cut our 
 throats, murdered our men and insulted and dishonored our women. 
 Scruple to employ any agency against them ! Why, sir, if I had power 
 over all the beasts of the forest, I would plant myself on Plymouth 
 Rock, gather them together from all the corners of the earth, into one 
 grand menagerie, and turn them loose to devour and destroy the puri- 
 tanical hypocrites. 1 might, perhaps, give notice to the ''ten just men" 
 (if there be so many) to flee for their lives. I remember, while I speak 
 this, that the Almighty has taid that "vengeance" is his. I would 
 destroy them to save my own people, and feel that I was rendering ser- 
 vice to my kind. For while the pure, unadulterated, New England 
 Yankee, who, for conscience sa/je^^^always meddling with other peo- 
 ple's business is on the earth, th^S^ll be strife and contention. We 
 are taught, that when the millefflmim comes, there will be peace and 
 good will. As long as this Yankee race exists and retain their 
 present dispositions, it may be known, that happy period doth not ap- 
 proach. 
 
 But, we are told, that distinguished Generals favour the employment 
 of slaves as soldiers. Were our Generals to recommend ti particular 
 military movement, it would be immodest — presumptuous in mere civ- 
 ilians to criticise such movement; but the propriety of taking slaves 
 from the field, and putting arms into their hands, may be discussed and 
 decided as well by civilians as military men. Whether they can be 
 spared from the labour of the country, and whether they will make 
 capable and trusty soldiers or not, are questions, which require for their 
 proper consideration and decision, a thorough knowledge of the wants 
 of our people and army, and an intimate acquaintance with the negro 
 character. Civilians and military men agree, that we should have a 
 larger army. Whether it is safe and judicious, to attempt to increase 
 it, by the introduction of slaves, is a question, which civilians are, per- 
 haps, quite as well qualified to decide as military men. Surely no Gen- 
 eral can speak on the subject, with such authority, as to make it my 
 duty, to give up my conviction, that by the employment of negro 
 troops, we should add no strength to ourarmy, while we would jeopard 
 our supplies, and inaugurate a policy which would shake, if not destroy 
 the very foundations of our social system. 
 
 We are told, if we do not take the slaves and put them in the army, 
 the enemy will. This proves too much; for if It be true, then we should 
 
• 15 * * 
 
 tak« every slave cnpablo of bearing arms. If u-e left half, they would 
 take them. 
 
 When it shall bo established, that slaves can bo relied upon to fij^ht 
 for us, and necessity requires it, I would not, of course, hesitate to arm 
 thcui and put every one in tho army, who could be aprin\i from agri- 
 culture, and I would send tho old and feeble* men home from the army, 
 to make jirovisions, and put slaves in their stead. 
 
 flnt, it is saiil, <'you agree, that our army should bo increased, and 
 yet yon^ oppose the employment of slaves. How do you expect or pro- 
 pose to prosecute tlie war?" I\lr. JSpenkcr, I claim no military knowl- 
 edge — do not speak as n militnn,^ mm\ — but it is ra.'^y to tell wliat I 
 would do; VVe have an army now in the field, much larger, than the 
 combined forces of Wellington and Xapoleon, at the battle of Waterloo. 
 I would nurse this army — feed it well — clothe it well, and pay it regu- 
 larly. I would increase its numbers, by conducting the business^ of 
 conscription, in such manner, as to send to the fieUl at once, all, who 
 should fight for ns, and send home at once, all, who are nnable to fight, 
 and can do more for us at home, than in the field; and thus save them 
 from annoyances, delays and vexations, which arc enough to make the 
 sonl side. To this end, I \vonld utterly destroy tlie present system. In 
 addition to this, I would appoint a commission of three from each Stale, 
 to consist of men above the military age, of kr>own virtue and intelli- 
 gence and firmness, and give them authority to go to every post and 
 county in their State, and to call up every man attached to the various 
 departments, and' to order directly into the field, all who, !)y law ought 
 to be there. These things, [ would do by the necessary legislation. 
 
 I would do more. I would, in the langnage of the gentleman from 
 Mississippi, Mr. Chambers, whose speech did honour to himself as 
 well as t(» the people, who sent him here, assist our army "by tho 
 steady co-operation of all classes at home." 
 
 Yes, Mr. Speaker, every field, that is cultivated, should be with a 
 view to feed our soldiers; every sheep that is sheared, shonld be to make 
 clothes to warm them; every hide, that is taimed, shonld be to make 
 shoes, with which they may be shod. If any are to go without shoes, 
 or warm clotliing, or plenty of food, le it not be those, who stand sen- 
 tinel foronr liberties in the cold, pelting rains of winter nights, but let 
 .• it be those at home, who can seek shelter from the storm, and sit 
 quietly and warm themselves by the bright burning fire. 
 
 Many classes at home, have assisted our soldiers by "steady co-oper- 
 ation." Onr women have toiled day and night — making clothes, knit- 
 ting socks, and wailing upon the sick and wounded. 'J'hey have sent 
 their husbands and sons into the field — telling them, though with tears 
 in their eyes, that a hero's grave was to be preferred to a coward's 
 Ijome. This is co-operation — acceptable both to God and man. Gen- 
 erous men have contributed liberally to the support Of the soldiers' 
 families, and have seen their wants supplied — this is co-operation, ef- 
 . fectual CO operation. Our clergy have repaired every Sunday morning 
 to the sanctuary, and there before Heaven pron'Htnced our cnnse just, 
 and taught their people, that next to the service of God, is the service 
 of country, and that, he who avoided or skulked his duty in such a 
 contest, was true, neither to his country nor his God. This is co-oper- 
 |ition» Tho Press throughoul the land, with rare exceptions, have 
 
'thrown its whole soul and strength into the struggle. Day after day, 
 has it come to us to cheer and animate. In seasons of depression, it 
 has revived onr hopes. In the day of victory it has rejoiced with us, 
 but counselled moderation, and admonished us, that the conflict, was 
 not over, and incited us to hiijher eflforts and nobler resolves. It has 
 rendered our convictions of duty firm and stable, by pointing out our 
 wrongs — shewing the perfidy and barbarity of our enemy. It has 
 shewn us, that while war is an affliction, Yankee subjugation would 
 be a perpetual curse, more intolerable than death itself It has hunted 
 out uU skulkers, and shamed hundreds and thousands into the army — 
 ten times, 1 verily believe, as many as the whole number of Editors and 
 their employees^. This is co-operaiion — powerful co-operation. Our army, 
 on more occasions than one, has henn reduced to straits for supplies — 
 our authorities have called upon the people for assistance, and many 
 noble, unselfish men, have not only sent f>rward all their surplus, but 
 even trenched upon their necessary family supplies. Our impressing 
 oflicers have gone out, and frequently, either wantonly or through ig- 
 norance, exceeded their authority, and committed outrages; our people, 
 from a spirit of patriotism, have submitted, or, if they have com- 
 plained, it was to prevent a repetition of such acts. ISow these persons 
 assist our army by unselfish co-operation. 
 
 I would, Mr. Speaker, that there were none among "all classes at 
 home," who failed to co-operate with our ."citizen soldiery." The man 
 or woman, who countenances in any way a deserter or skulker, or ad- 
 vises the soldier to remain at home aft«r his furlough is out, assists our 
 enemy. The man, who extorts upon the community — upon the sol- 
 diers or their families, fights against us. The planter, who keeps back 
 part of his tithe, is a robber, and steals from the soldiers. The 
 man, who gives in a false list of his property, and thereby avoids taxa- 
 tion, cheats the Government. Such persons and the like, co-operate 
 against our soldiers, and do not assist. We must have the assistance 
 of those at home — that assistance must be steady. 
 
 There is another class, Mr. Speaker, and by no means a small one, 
 who do not co-operate with our "citizen soldiery." I allude to that 
 class of critics, and fault-finders at home, who would have won every 
 batile, we have lost — avr>ided every error we have committed — who de- 
 clared lieau regard no General, because at the first battle of Manassas, 
 he did not, wiih a handful of men, pursue and take the whole Yankee 
 army, and capture Washington to boot — who were vociferous for the 
 removal of Sidney Johnson, because he did not successfully defend 
 Fort Donelson and Nashville against overwhelming forces — who pro- 
 nounced Lee incompetent, because he could not control the seasons, 
 and overwhelm Rosecrans in the mountains of Virginia — who de- 
 nounced Jos. E. Johnston because he did not, with an insufficient 
 f>rce, storm the breastworks, cut through the lines of Grant, and rescue 
 Vicksburg; who denounced the conscript law as unconstitutional and 
 oppressive — declared the tax in kind an outrage, the impressment laws 
 oppressive, our Government a Despotism — and who proclaim the ad- 
 ministration weak, and the President a tyrant, because thej do not ap- 
 prove all, that he does or recommends. 
 
 This class, Mr. Speaker, do not assist our soldiers, by a "steady co- 
 operation." I cast no ioaputatioQ on their motives — but here, in the 
 
IT 
 
 presence of this House and before the country, I charge that they ren- 
 der no assistance to our "citizen soldiery," but, on the contrary, that 
 though unwittingly, they give aid and comfort to our enemie^. 
 
 We are all involved in this great struggle. All are soldiers, though 
 not all in the field. Every man has his part to act. He cannot avoid 
 it, if he would. The President is our chosen Leader — upon him much 
 must deppnd. We are strong and powerful just in proportion as we are 
 united and harmonious, 
 
 Gonfidence in our leader is indispensable. What would be thought 
 of the soldier, who upon the eve of battle should take every occasion 
 to declare to his iellow- soldiers, "We are to have a terrible conflict — it is 
 for life or death. I have no confidence in our General. He is weak, 
 and tyrannical, but our cause is just, and we must fight to the death." 
 Would that be the way to ensure victory? Would that strengthen and 
 animate his comrades, or would it discourage and weaken them? Or 
 suppose, Mr. Speaker, that I were to get up in this Hall, and under the 
 responsibility which rests upon me, as a member of the Legislativ^e De- 
 partment of the Government, were to declare, that the head of the 
 Executive Department was a tyrant, and our Government a despotism, 
 would 1 be assisting the citizen-soldiery by steady co-operation ?% Our 
 newspapers are carried daily into our camps, and are there extensively 
 read. 1 have many constituents among the soldiers — men, who have 
 confidence in me. They would read, that I had made these grave 
 charges against my Government. Might I not well fear, sir, that I 
 should damp their ardour and enthusiasm? Would it be strange, if 
 they reasoned, somewhat in this way: "We were brought here to fight 
 against our enemies, who wish to destroy our liberties. What shall we 
 gain by it? Our representative, in whom we confide, tells us, there is 
 already a despotism at home, a tyrant at the head of it." Suppose 
 some of them deserted, might they not find some palliation for their 
 grievous ofience, in my indiscretions? Have not deserters already dur- 
 ing this war, when they were about to sufi'er the penalty of death, 
 charged their fate to the impraper teachings of men in position? 
 
 The gentleman from Mississippi is right; our army must be sustained 
 by the steady co-operation of all classes at home. 
 
 But it is asked, would you sustain measures you cannot approve? 
 By no means. It is our duty to oppose what our judgments cannot ap- 
 prove. We are not men, if we fail to do so. But if we find ourselves 
 in a minority— if a majority of our equals think the measure required 
 by the public exigencies, and that they have authority to pass it, and it 
 becomes the law of the land, and is sustained by the judiciary, we 
 have discharged our duty, and "flagrante bello" should no longer war 
 against it. The Conscript law was bitterly opposed; it was, however, 
 enacted, and its constitutionality sustained by our courts. Was it not 
 then the duty of every good man, to acquiesce and heartily to assist in 
 its execution, as a great war measure? Let us ditfer like men — let us 
 argue and debate. Let each man, with his hand upon his heart, vote 
 his honest ji^dgment. After the die is cast, let us act like patriots. 
 There must be conflict of opinion. We can't all see and think alike, 
 but obedience to law is the duty of all, and all can obey. 
 
 We hear gentlemen declare on this floor that our Government is a 
 despotism and Mr. Davis a tyrant. iVow, IMr. Speaker, is this fair or 
 
18 
 
 just to the Executive? If our Government be a despotism, as gentle- 
 men would have us believe, who made it so? The Conscript law 
 j»ives control over the persons of all from 17 to 50 — the Impressment 
 and Tax laws over the property of the country. By these laws power 
 is given over the purse and sword. Are these gentlemen opposed to 
 putting men in the army — opposed to arming, feeding, and clothing 
 them? If not — if they agree that we must have soldiers, and that they 
 must be fed and clothed, do they not know that the President, as Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, must, under our Constitution, have control of the 
 army and its supplies ? Is not, therefore, opposition to the President 
 on this ground, opposition to the war itself? 
 
 Besides, who conferred these powers on the President? He has not 
 usurped them — his enemies have not charged him with usurpation. 
 Congress — you — the Representatives of the people, in their name and 
 behalf, have conferred them. And yet he is treated as if he exercised 
 these great war powers without authority. J repeat, you cannot defend 
 the country without men and money — you cannot, under the Consti- 
 tution, place men and money in other hands than the President's. To 
 arraign him, therefore, on this account, is to oppose the prosecution of 
 the v^r. 
 
 No one dreamed, when hostilities commenced, that we should, at 
 the expiration of near four years, be still involved in one of the bloodi- 
 est and most gigantic wars that ever shook the earth. We began with- 
 out an organized government — without the munitions of war — without 
 triends and without money. We have had unnumbered difficulties and 
 obstacles to encounter — all the forms of government for the civil and 
 military departments to institute, and ten thousand and more officers to 
 appoint, and send to every corner of the Confederacy; and all the com- 
 plex machinery of government to set in motion; and this, too, in time 
 of war. No man born of woman, could have accomplished all this, 
 without committing many grave and serious blunders and errors, and 
 making many bad appointments. 
 
 And how unreasonable are many of our complaints. A Quarter- 
 master is guilty of corruption in office— an Impressing agent exceeds 
 liis authority and oppresses. Instead of preferring charges against 
 them, and furnishing the evidence to sustain the charges, we abuse the 
 Government. Is this right ? Have any of the Departments refused to 
 cause investigations to be made, and the guilty to be punished ? How- 
 can they act until charges are preferred ? 
 
 When I hear gentlemen indulge in denunciation and invective, I am 
 astounded. It seems to me they act as if they thought we were en- 
 gaged in ordinary party conflicts, and that in order to ensure the success 
 of their party, they should render their adversary as odious as possible. 
 Mr. Speaker, I am deeply pained at such exhibitions. I have continually 
 resting upon my mind the absorbing conviction that the whole re- 
 sources of the country, and our united and harmonious counsels, are 
 all necessary to our salvation in this great struggle. I cannot escape 
 this conviction. We have no energies to waste in internal strife. We 
 should have no blows to inflict, except upon our enemies. We cannot 
 strike our Government without striking ourselves. We cannot weaken 
 it without weakening ourselves It is our Government — Mr. Davis is 
 our President. If we refuse to aid and sustain him in his office, we 
 
' 19 ' 
 
 refuse to help ourselves. If we destroy confidence in him, we peril 
 our own existence as a people. Under him we must achieve our in- 
 dependence, or under him go down and live under the most galling and 
 iiumiliating despotism. To undertake, therefore, to hold him up to 
 ' ^he public indignation — to denounce him as a tyrant, and our Govern- 
 ment as a tyranny, because Congress confers upon him during this war 
 extraordinary powers, is to sport and trifle with the question of our 
 independence. 
 
 But, if under the influence of our passions or prejudices, we deny 
 the Executive justice, for mercy's sake let us not forget our bleeding 
 country. Let us hold, if we cannot strike him without striking our 
 country. Mr. Speaker, I am not speaking as the personal friend of 
 Mr. Davis-^I am, as you know, sir, unacquainted with him, having 
 been introduced to him by you since the meeting of Congress — I am 
 his friend, because I am the friend of our cause. But were 1 his veri- 
 est enemy, I would in this hour of trial, use my utmost endeayours to 
 sustain and uphold him in his administration. He deserves, and I be- 
 lieve has, the confidence of the country — I judge him by 'his acts — I 
 have observed an unwavering devotion to his countr}'-, and have never 
 discovered J nor have others shown, a disposition to usurp powers not 
 conferred. On the contrary, he has been sparing in the exercise of 
 the powers conferred upon him. He has exhibited moderation and for- 
 titude throughout his administration, and has, I verily believe, laboured 
 to advance and. secure the independence and happiness of his country. 
 That he has committed errors — that like other men, he has imperfec- 
 tions, 1 doubt none would sooner admit than himself. Were 1 to de- 
 nounce such a man, and thus, so far as my limited influence may e.:- 
 tend, impair confidence in the Government, I should feel that, so far 
 from assisting our army, I was, in truth, '^giving aid and comfort to the 
 enemy." 
 
 It is refreshing to turn from the complaining, fault-finding critics at 
 home, to the more impartial abroad. Even our enemies declare their 
 respect for the Rebel President, while foreigners, struck with his ^'mod- 
 eration, firmness and statemanship," have been constant in his praises. 
 But it is for the sake of our country — not for the sake of Mr. Davis — 
 that I beg gentlemen to give his administration a just and generous 
 support. 
 
 I have thus attempted to show that it is our duty, as legislators, to 
 sustain our army, by rendering a generous support to the administra- 
 tion. It is not less the duty of the Executive, to cheer and animate 
 the army by all appropriate means. Ours is an army of citizens, and 
 their sentiments and feelings must be consulted and respected. 
 
 The President, who is Commander-in Chief, would be direlect, were 
 he^o heed temporary clamour or excitement. Such a course would not 
 only be unjust, but would freqaenlly result in detriment to the public 
 interests. But whenever it is ascertained that any officer in command 
 of an army becomes obnoxious to the men and officers, and that this 
 feeling is settled and fixed, it is ])lainly, it seems to me, his duty, no 
 matter what may be his individual opinions, no longer to continue such 
 officer in command of that army. And so, if it should become mani- 
 fest that a particular army, with great unanimity, desire a certain 
 General to command them, and the country generally participate in 
 
20 
 
 this desire, I cannot doubt that it would be the part of wisdonj^, no 
 less than of duty, that Tbe Executive should defer to such desire— nor 
 can I doubt that in such case our Executive would gracefully do §o. 
 I can imagine no step so likely to restore confidence, and cheer and^ 
 animate our army. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I am done. The courtesy of this House, in postpone- 
 ing the order of the day, to permit me to conclude my remarks, has 
 placed me under obligations which 1 shall not forget. I promise not to 
 abuse this mark of kindness by presuming upon it herealter. 
 
peomalif€< 
 
 pH8.5