ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA BY FRANZ BOAS, ROLAND B. DIXON, PLINY E. GODDARD A. A. GOLDENWEISER, A. HRDLICKA, WILLIAM H. HOLMES, ROBERT H. LOWIE, PAUL RADIN, JOHN R. SWANTON, CLARK WISSLER 123981 NEW YORK G. E. STECHERT & CO, 1915 The papers included in this volume were prepared for presen¬ tation by the American Anthropological Association dnd the Ameri¬ can Folk-Lore Society to the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists, which was to have been held in Washington in October, 1914, but was deferred on account of the European war. The con¬ tributions have been reprinted from the American Anthropologist and the Journal of American Folk-Lore. PRESS OF THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY LANCASTER, PA. CONTENTS f - V - 'y'/ S-vt« y XT „ ^ ^ ^ - v > t-_yyy PAGE Primitive American History. John R. Swanton and Roland B. Dixon . 5 Areas of American Culture Characterization Tentatively Outlined as an Aid in the Study of the Antiquities. W. H. Holmes. (Plate 1) . 42 Material Cultures of the North American Indians. Clark Wissler. (Plate 11) . 76 Physical Anthropology in America. Ales Hrdlicka . 135 The Present Condition of Our Knowledge of the North American Languages. Pliny Earle Goddard . 182 Ceremonialism in North America. Robert H. Lowie . 229 Religion of the North American Indians. Paul Radin . 259 Mythology and Folk-tales of the North American Indians. Franz Boas . j . . 306 Social Organization of the North American Indians. A. A. Gold- enweiser . 350 ILLUSTRATIONS Plate I. Culture Characterization Areas of North America as Suggested by a Comparative Study of the Antiquities. 42 Plate II. Material Culture Centers in North America. 97 3 123981 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/anthropologyinno01swan ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA PRIMITIVE AMERICAN HISTORY By JOHN R. SWANTON and ROLAND B. DIXON Contents I. Introduction. 5 II. Indians of the Muskhogean Stock. 7 III. Other Southeastern Indians. 10 IV. Indians of the Siouan Stock. 12 V. Indians of the Iroquoian Stock. 18 VI. Indians of the Algonquian Stock. 20 VII. The Beothuk. 24 VIII. The Eskimo. 24 IX. Indians of the Caddoan Stock. 25 X. Indians of Southern Texas. 27 XI. The Kiowa. 27 XII. Indians of the Athapascan Stock. 27 XIII. Indians of the North Pacific Coast. 31 XIV. The Kutenai. 33 XV. The Shahaptians and the Indians of Western Oregon. 33 XVI. Indians of California. 34 XVII. Indians of the Shoshonean Stock. 36 XVIII. Indians of the Piman Stock. 38 XIX. The Pueblo Indians. 38 XX. Conclusion. 39 I. — Introduction T HE history, in the strict sense of that term, of the American Indians north of Mexico is contained in writings of a con¬ quering race and is confined entirely to the last four cen¬ turies. However, archeological investigations in classical and oriental lands have shown us that our knowledge of the history of a country does not begin with the earliest writings that have come down to us, nor yet with its most ancient inscriptions, but may be carried back far beyond them by the other relics of its culture and by studies of the living descendants of the people who possessed it. In investigating still existing peoples like the American Indians we 5 6 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA can appeal in the first place to their traditions which, although sometimes noncommittal and frequently misleading, gain in weight when recorded by several different persons and when taken in connection with other data. These other data consist of the infor¬ mation yielded by archeological and ethnological investigations, especially when they are applied to classification, whether by physical characteristics, language, or general culture. For even though we take the most extreme polygenetic position, the fact that certain tribes now separated belonged to one physical, linguistic, or cultural group indicates that there has been some kind of contact between them, and this involves true historical facts, although they are not commemorated in a single line of writing, or by a single monumental inscription. New information regarding the tribal movements of our Indians can come from only two sources: the discovery of new manuscript sources of information or of sources published but overlooked, and information obtained by field workers directly from the Indians themselves. As the latter is partly unpublished and is at any rate given out merely as incidental to other investigations, and the former is widely scattered, we shall not attempt a historical study of the growth of our knowledge on this subject nor include a bibliography, but confine ourselves to an attempt to link together the bits of information now available into a conservative statement of the results to which our studies appear to have led. In the absence of 'a satisfactory classification of native North Americans on a physical basis it will be most convenient to consider them as grouped into linguistic stocks, premising at the same time that we thereby admit the historical significance of that classi¬ fication. It will, however, be difficult for us to do otherwise. Roughly speaking, American linguistic stocks north of Mexico may be distinguished into an eastern and a western division, the former covering the eastern woodlands and most of the plains, the latter the grand plateau, the Pacific littoral, the southwestern arid region, and the plains of the extreme north, westward of Hudson bay. We will begin with the first of these, and with those stocks which occupied the southernmost part of the eastern area, of which the most important is known as Muskhogean. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 7 II. — Indians of the Muskhogean Stock The Muskhogean stock consists in the first place of the Musk- hogeans proper and of a small branch typically represented by the Natchez. The former embraced at one time about thirty-five groups sufficiently distinct to be called tribes, but many of these were small and evidently branches of the larger groups. The tribes of real importance were the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Chak- chiuma, Muskogee, Alabama, Koasati, Hitchiti, Apalachee, and Yamasi. Anciently there appears to have been another in the western part of the Muskhogean territory of which in historic times only fragments remained, known as the Napissa, Acolapissa, and Quinipissa. This tribe, the Choctaw, the Chickasaw, and the Chakchiuma spoke closely related dialects, and the traditions which have been preserved from them show that the fact was clearly recognized. The more recent legends affirm that the ancestors of at least the Chickasaw and Choctaw had emerged from the ground at the great sacred “mother hill” of Nanihwaya, in Winston county, Mississippi, between the ancient territories of these two peoples. 1 But there is an older form of the narrative according to which these tribes and their allies reached Nanih¬ waya from the westward and settled there only for a time before separating, the Chickasaw to the north, the Choctaw to the south. Adair, who seems to give us the very oldest form of the story, says: “The Chicasaw, Choktah and also the Chokchooma, who in process of time were forced by war to settle between the two former nations, came together from the west as one family.” 2 Dr Gatschet notes several other migration legends from both Chickasaw and Choctaw, all to the same general effect. 3 The Alabama language is very close to Choctaw, but our record of Alabama traditions is not so complete. According to Sekopechi, an old Alabama cited by Schoolcraft, 4 his people came “from the ground between the Cahawba and Alabama rivers.” The late 1 Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, 106. Miss. Hist. Soc., ii, 229-30; iv, 269-270. Cf. Du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, 11, 216-217. 2 Adair, Hist. N. A. Ind., p. 352. 3 Creek Mig. Leg., 1, 219-222. Miss. Hist. Soc , 11, 228-9; vin, 521-549. * Hist. Ind. Tribes, 1, 266 sqq. 8 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Dr Gatschet was told a somewhat similar story, only the rivers mentioned were the Alabama and the Tombigbee. 1 Those Ala¬ bama now living in Texas tell a story of having come westward across the Atlantic, but this has evidently been built up partly from what the whites have told them of their own origin, and partly from the subsequent westward emigration of the Alabama them¬ selves. The general drift of these people in accordance with their own traditions would thus seem to have been from west to east like that of the Choctaw, and this appears to be confirmed by the encounter which De Soto had with some of them between the Chickasaw country and the Mississippi river. There is no good reason to doubt that the “Alibamo” of his chroniclers refers to the tribe we are now considering. No distinct Koasati migration legend has been preserved, but this tribe must long have been associated with the Alabama, because the languages of the two peoples are closely akin. According to a story told Dr Gatschet by Chicote and G. W. Stidham the Hitchiti originated from a canebrake on the sea coast, 2 but those people later called Hitchiti embraced a number of tribes some of which had actually come into the Creek country from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. Other Hitchiti claimed that their ancestors had fallen from the sky. 3 From an old doctor belonging to these people, however, the writer obtained an origin legend almost parallel with that of the Creeks, relating how they had come from a country far in the west and had followed the sun until they came out upon the ocean. As this old man also claimed to be descended from Yamasi Indians the story possibly embodies a Yamasi legend rather than that of the Hitchiti proper. From other southeastern Muskhogeans, such as the Apalachee, no legend dealing with tribal movements has been preserved, but we know that the languages of most of them belonged to the same group as Hitchiti and that they were more closely connected with Choctaw than with Muskogee. 1 MS., Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 2 Creek Mig. Leg., x, p. 78. 3 Ibid., p. 77. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 9 Of the migration legends of the Muskogee, or Creeks proper, several versions have been preserved. The longest and best known is that told to Governor Oglethorpe in 1735 by Tchikilli, “head chief of the Upper and Lower Creeks.” 1 Another well known version was collected by United States Indian agent Benjamin Hawkins, 2 and a third, with modifications and exaggerations, by a French adventurer, Milfort. 3 But there are several notices besides to much the same effect, and one of the authors of this paper has collected four or five narratives. The origin myth of the Tukaba'tci Creeks differs, however, in bringing that tribe from the north. 4 A few words may now be added regarding the Natchez group of Muskhogeans. This consisted, so far as we now know, of three tribes, the Natchez, Taensa, and Avoyel. Penicaut is authority for the statement that the last of these had come from the Natchez, and he is probably correct; 5 that the Taensa and Natchez had not been separated long is attested by close resemblances in language and institutions. While we have no migration legend from the Taensa, two have been preserved from the more important Natchez tribe. One, the somewhat pretentious narrative of Du Pratz, brings them from the southwest, 6 while the shorter account, ob¬ tained by the missionary de la Vente, assigns to them a north¬ western origin. 7 These at least suffice to show that the Natchez had notions regarding the quarter from which they had come similar to those of the Muskhogean tribes already enumerated. It is easy to lay too much weight on the importance of oral traditions, which, although not absolutely false, may have originated in movements much less important than those which they profess to relate, or may have been true only of a limited number of people such as a ruling class. Nevertheless there is every reason to believe that they do indicate an actual drift of population which 1 Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., 1, pp. 237-251. 2 Ga. Hist. Soc. Coll., in, 81-83. 3 Memoire, pp. 229-265. 4 Tuggle coll., Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 6 Margry, Decouvertes, v, 497. 6 Du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, in, 62-70. 7 Compte-Rendu Cong. Internal, des Amer., 15th sess., 1, 37. IO ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA has a historical value. Roughly speaking, the history of the Musk- hogean stock appears to have been something like this: At least a part of the population now represented by the speakers of the languages of this group moved into the Gulf region from the north¬ west, being already or soon coming to be divided into a northern and a southern group, the former represented by the true Muskogee, the latter typically by the Choctaw. Later the Muskogee moved southeast and came in contact with the eastern tribes of the southern group with some of whom an alliance was formed, and the resulting confederacy finally destroyed most of those tribes—such as the Yamasi and Apalachee—which did not unite with it. The Chicka¬ saw were a northern branch of the Choctaw but more closely associ¬ ated with the Creek confederacy with which they might in time have become united. The Natchez group was evidently modified by very intimate contact and probably mixture with non-Muskho- gean tribes. While their position would indicate that they repre¬ sented the last wave of immigration there are reasons for believing that they had been among the first, a branch which settled to one side while the other tribes moved on eastward. III. — Other Southeastern Indians No tradition has been preserved regarding the origin of the Timucua, Calos, Tequesta, and Ais Indians of Florida, and we have no clue to their past history other than a distant resemblance between Timucua, the only language that has been preserved to us, and the Muskhogean dialects. A patient study of this language and comparison with those spoken north of it and in the West Indies would probably yield rich returns. Upon Grand lake, in southern Louisiana, and a network of bayous connecting this body of water, the Mississippi, and the Gulf of Mexico, was the little Chitimachan stock consisting histori¬ cally of only one tribe. Anciently they and the Natchez were on terms of closest intimacy, and for that reason Du Pratz supposed that their languages were the same. But, while there are some words common to the two, a superficial comparison fails to show any more intimate relationship, though it is quite possible that a ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA II closer connection may be revealed by future studies. According to the only Chitimacha origin myth which has been preserved, this tribe reached the country about Grand lake from Natchez, the story being thus the direct antithesis of the Natchez legend given us by Du Pratz. 1 Still farther west, from Vermilion bayou to Galveston bay and a little beyond, were a number of small bands of Indians generally known to the Choctaw as Atakapa (“man eaters”) and now classi¬ fied as the Atakapan stock. Their origin myth states that they came out of the sea but that later there was a flood which destroyed all mankind except a few persons who lived upon a high ridge,— “that of San Antonio, if we may judge,” adds our informant. 2 The Opelousa and Akokisa seem to have been eastern and western branches respectively of this stock, but we know little more about them than the names. The Chitimacha and Atakapa languages present many features in common, and some of these are shared by the languages of the Muskhogean group. Taken in connection with their several migration legends a suggestion is contained here which may yield interesting results to future investigation. Along the lower course of Yazoo river and scattered some dis¬ tance both to the north and south of it, as well as westward beyond the Mississippi, was another small stock, the Tunican, consisting in historic times of probably four or five tribes, the language of only one of which has been preserved. While this language contains features suggestive of Muskhogean, Chitimachan, and Atakapan, there are striking differences. No migration legend applying to prehistoric times has been preserved, but since the “Tunica old fields” were in northwestern Mississippi at a considerable distance from historic Tunica seats, "we may infer that they had moved from that place to the Yazoo at an earlier period. This inference is strengthened by Tonti’s statement that “the Yazou are masters of the soil,” 3 as if their neighbors the Tunica, Korea, etc., had come in from elsewhere. The Tiou, a tribe probably belonging to this 1 Bull. 43, B. A. E., p. 356. 2 Ibid., p. 363. 3 French. Hist. Coll. La., 82-83, 1846. 12 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA stock but incorporated with the Natchez, had been driven south by the Chickasaw. 1 A northern origin for many of these people is thus indicated. It is probable that they played an important part in the history of the lower Mississippi valley before the coming of the whites. 2 The Uchean stock consisted of a large body of Indians on Savannah river and a smaller band on the middle course of the Tennessee. No migration legend has been recorded from them, yet there is some ground for thinking that they had moved into this country from a more northerly habitat in the latter part of the sixteenth century or the early part of the seventeenth. At any rate De Soto, Pardo, and other Spanish explorers between 1539 and 1567 mention no tribe that can be identified with them, while the English colonists of South Carolina in 1670 speak of them at once as a very powerful people. 3 IV. — Indians of the Siouan Stock When first encountered by Europeans the great Siouan linguistic family occupied two large and two small areas. Of the former one lay along the eastern skirts of the Appalachian mountains, between them and the tidewater region of the Atlantic coast, from about the great falls of the Potomac to Santee river, South Carolina. The second covered a vast extent of country westward of the Mississippi, extending southward to the mouth of Arkansas river and northward nearly to the Saskatchewan. Northwest it reached the Rocky mountains. The Winnebago about Green bay, Wisconsin, were cut off from the main body of western Siouans only in late times. The two detached bodies were both in what is now the state of Mississippi, one, consisting of the Biloxi, on the lower course of Pascagoula river, the other of the Ofo Indians on the lower Yazoo. No migration legends have been preserved from these last, and beyond two slight clues we have only the language upon which to build a theory of origin. One of these clues is the appearance on the De Cresnay map of 1733 of a place called “Bilouchy,” on 1 Du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, n, p. 223. 2 Bull. 43, B. A. E., pp. 306-336. 3 Handbook of Am. Indians, Bull. 30, B. A. E., article Westo. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 13 Alabama river near what is now known as Yellow Bluff, Wilcox county, Alabama. 1 Either the Biloxi once had a camp at this place or the tribe as a whole had occupied it in the course of its migrations. If this latter hypothesis is correct it would point to a northeastern origin for them. The other hint is furnished us in a legend repro¬ duced by Schoolcraft purporting to recount the past history of the Catawba, the most prominent of the Siouan tribes of the east. The gist of this story is that the Catawba formerly lived in Canada and were driven thence by the French and the Mohawk. They then settled in the valley of the Ohio where they divided into two sections, part moving into the piedmont region of northern South Carolina while part went away with the Chickasaw and the Choc¬ taw. 2 The former home in Canada and the part played by the French as well as the late date assigned to such important move¬ ments, the middle of the seventeenth century, are features that must be rejected; but careful examination leads to the belief that they have been attached to a real native tradition. The substance of this tradition probably was that the Catawba had once lived farther toward the north or northwest where they had been so harrassed by Iroquoian or other peoples that they were impelled to move on southward, and that a part of them had separated and had gone to live near the western Muskhogean tribes. It is not a little curious, to say the least, that we now know of one Siouan tribe, the Ofo, which did live near the Chickasaw, and another, the Biloxi, which lived near the Choctaw, and also that the languages of the two resemble rather the dialects of the eastern Siouan group than those of the much nearer western Siouans. It should be noted, however, that this resemblance is rather with the Tutelo and their neighbors than with the Catawba. A northwestern origin, not alone for the Catawba but for the remaining eastern Siouans as well, is confirmed from two other sources. In his History of Carolina 3 Lawson says, speaking of the Siouan tribes between Charleston and the Tuscarora country, 1 Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, ed. 1910, map, p. 196. 2 Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, in, pp. 293-296. 3 Page 279. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA “When you ask them whence their forefathers came, that first inhabited the country, they will point to the westward, and say, where the sun sleeps our forefathers came thence.” And it is certainly the eastern Siouan people specifically to whom Lederer refers when he says that the native inhabitants of western Virginia and Carolina affirmed that they came from the northwest “about four hundred years ago” and settled in their later country in obedience to an oracle. 1 This tale agrees in a rather remarkable way with the migration legends of the Muskhogean tribes. All three of these notices tell substantially the same story, since the Ohio valley, which was roughly north from the Catawba, was west or northwest of some of the other eastern Siouans. It is worth noting that the Catawba are represented as having been preceded by the Cherokee. Turning to the western divisions of Siouan tribes we find nearly all migration legends pointing in a precisely contrary direction. In this great group are contained several well marked subdivisions, one of which includes the Winnebago, Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, a second the Mandan, a third the Hidatsa and Crow, a fourth the Dakota and Assiniboin, and a fifth the Omaha, Ponka, Kansa, Osage, and Ouapaw. Each of these is associated by language and by claims of a common origin. The traditions we have regarding the group first mentioned are in substantial agreement. Perhaps the most complete is that given by Maximilian, obtained originally by Major Bean, an Indian agent, from an old Oto chief. According to this, “before the arrival of the whites a large band of Indians, the Hotonga (‘fish- eaters’), who inhabited the lakes, migrated to the southwest in pursuit of buffalo. At Green Bay, Wis., they divided, the part called by the whites Winnebago remaining, while the rest continued the journey until they reached the Mississippi at the mouth of Iowa river, where they encamped on the sand beach and again divided, one band, the Iowa, concluding to remain there, and the rest continuing their travels reached the Missouri at the mouth of Grand river. These gave themselves the name of Neutache (‘ those 1 Lederer, Discoveries, p. 3. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 15 that arrive at the mouth’), but were called Missouri by the whites. The two chiefs, on account of the seduction of the daughter of one by the son of the other, quarreled and separated one from the other. The division led by the father of the seducer became known as Waghtochtatta, or Oto, and moved farther up the Missouri.” 1 The main features of this legend are reproduced in the Iowa origin myth given in Schoolcraft, 2 but it is peculiar in bringing the Winne¬ bago to Green bay from some northeastern region, and this is the only migration feature in the tradition which may fairly be doubted. There are reasons, traditional and archeological, for believing that the Winnebago had been in Wisconsin for a very long period in pre-columbian times. The early history of the Mandan Indians has been obscured by wild speculations based on a real or supposed lightness of com¬ plexion on their part and an attempt to identify them with the descendants of hypothetical Welsh colonists under Prince Madoc. In pursuance of that pleasing but absurd theory Catlin traces them back down the Mississippi river, and up the Ohio, until he lands them in what is now the state of Ohio, which they are supposed to have reached via the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. 3 Like others since his time he was misled, not unnaturally, by the traditions of the people themselves which refer their origin to an underground village farther east near the shores of a big water. Nowadays they appear to identify this water with the ocean, and even Maximilian says, “They affirm that they descended originally from the more eastern nations, near the sea coast.” 4 But, as we have seen, the eastern Siouans do not represent themselves as having started upon the coast but inland, and it is more likely that the big water of the Mandan was one of the great lakes. At any rate, if Maxi¬ milian can be relied upon, Mandan tradition indicated the mouth of White Earth river as the point where they first reached the Missouri, 5 and from which they moved successively to the Moreau, 1 Travels in the Interior of N. America, Appendix No. I. 2 Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, hi, pp. 256-261. 3 N. Am. Indians, II, pp. 259-261. 4 Maximilian, Travels in the Interior of N. Am., p. 335. * Ibid., p. 366. l6 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Heart, and Knife rivers, and finally to Fort Berthold where the remnant is now living. The mouth of White Earth river is almost due west from the Winnebago country, and this fact, taken in con¬ nection with the “big water” and a supposed linguistic relationship to Winnebago, has led some to believe that the origins of the two peoples were bound up together. Final judgment must be sus¬ pended until a more careful study of their language has been made. The traditions of the Hidatsa also point to a lake, and this has been identified by some with Devil’s lake, N. Dak. According to the story they migrated southwest from this place until they came to the Missouri which they reached at the mouth of Heart river where the Mandan were then living. 1 From that time on their history and that of the Mandan runs on together. A closely related tribe were the Amahami which were finally incorporated with them and had probably shared their fortunes for a long time previously. Some time after the Hidatsa reached the Missouri part of the tribe separated and moved out upon the plains about the upper Missouri where they afterward came to be known as Crows. 2 When first known to Europeans the home of the Dakota seems to have been in central Minnesota, extending from Mille Lacs and the neighboring parts of the Mississippi down as far as the mouth of the Minnesota. Westward they probably did not reach much if any beyond the present boundaries of AEnnesota state. After the Chippewa obtained guns, if not before, they began pressing upon the Dakota bands, drove them from Mille Lacs, and pushed them continually westward. Partly for this reason and partly perhaps owing to the attraction offered by the herds of bison, the western bands crossed the Missouri and in time occupied all of what is now South Dakota along with much of North Dakota as well. The Assiniboin are a northern branch of the Dakota and differ little from them in speech. Tradition affirms that they separated from that part of the Dakota known as Yanktonai, 3 and this appears to be confirmed to some extent by linguistic evidence. If not originally 1 Matthews, Ethnol. and Philol. of the Hidatsa Indians, p. 36 et se^. 2 Ibid. 1 15th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 222. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 17 caused this division was at least stimulated by the English trading posts on Hudson bay from which the Cree Indians were enabled to obta'n firearms to the disadvantage of their southern neighbors. By withdrawing from the other Dakota and allying themselves with the Cree the Assiniboin were enabled to share some of the advantages of this trade. Tradition does not take us much back of the region indicated. Riggs states that some of the Dakota could trace their history as far back as the Lake of the Woods, 1 and from this fact and the general tradition of a northeastern origin it has been assumed by some that they originally resided northward of Lake Superior. It is also said that Chippewa tradi¬ tion makes their first meeting place with this tribe at Sault Ste Marie, but, even if this were so, it would not prove that the Dakota ever lived north of the lakes. A rough summary of the traditional origin of the Omaha, Ponka, Kansa, Osage, and Quapaw is to the effect that these tribes came westward to the mouth of the Ohio river as one people, that the Quapaw separated at that point, going down the Mississippi, and that the rest moved up the Missouri, resolving themselves gradually into the Osage, Kansa, Omaha, and Ponka in about this order. 2 No doubt this is to some extent an ex post facto explanation, but all of these tribes do actually constitute one linguistic group, and there is reason to believe that they at one time occupied a conterminous area farther east. That the Quapaw moved down the Mississippi much as indicated is shown by other evidence. Thus the Jesuit missionary Gravier says that the Ohio was called “the river of the Akansea [Quapaw], because the Akansea formerly dwelt on it.” 3 Another missionary notes that his party passed a small stream falling into the Mississippi somewhat lower down upon which this tribe had formerly dwelt. In his Journal Historique de VEtablissement des Franqais a La Louisiane La Harpe says that “the nation Alkansa is so named because it is sprung from the Canzes established on the Missouri,” 4 and in the report of his 1 Handbook Am. Indians, art. Dakota, p. 39. 2 3d Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 211-212. 3 Shea, Early Voyages up and down the Miss., p. 120. 1 Page 317. 2 1 8 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Arkansas river expedition reproduced in Margry he repeats the same statement, adding that they had since adopted the name “Ougapa” [Quapaw], and that linguistically they were connected with the Osage. 1 The several Siouan groups suggest in their situations a broken semicircle and it is therefore not surprising to hnd that their tradi¬ tions point to a central region within this. The region thus indi¬ cated would seem to be that included in Illinois, Indiana, southern Wisconsin, and perhaps western Kentucky. We can determine it only in general outline and perhaps it included still more territory. V. — Indians of the Iroquoian Stock The Iroquoian tribes when first discovered formed three princi¬ pal divisions, all in the eastern parts of the present United States and in the provinces of Ontario and Quebec. In the valley of the St Lawrence and about Lake Simcoe southeast of Georgian bay were four allied peoples later classed as Hurons. In western New York, along the north shore of Lake Erie, and in portions of Michi¬ gan and Ohio were the Neutral nation, or rather confederacy; east of Lake Huron and south of Georgian bay were the Tionontati or Tobacco nation; south of Lake Erie the Erie confederacy pin central New York the great confederacy of the Iroquois or “Five Nations” (Seneca, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga, and Mohawk); and south¬ ward of them the Conestoga, Susquehanna, and probably several other tribes extending down Susquehanna river to its mouth. The second group was located in eastern Virginia and North Carolina, and embraced the Nottoway of Nottoway river, Virginia; the Meherrin on Meherrin river; the Tuscarora, probably a confederacy of three tribes, on the Roanoke, Neuse, Taw, and Pamlico rivers; and probably the Coree or Coranine about Cape Lookout. 2 The third group consisted of the one great tribe known as Cherokee centering in the southern Appalachians and occupying portions of the present states of Virginia, North and South Carolina, Tennessee, and perhaps Kentucky, in later times northern Georgia and northern Alabama also. 1 Margry, Decouvertes, vi, p. 36s. 2 See Lawson, op. cit., p. 280. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 19 It is a striking fact that, in contrast with both the Muskhogean and Siouan peoples, the migration legends which have been pre¬ served from the Indians of this stock are meager and unsatisfactory. According to colonial documents the Meherrin were a band of refugee Conestoga which fled south after the destruction of that tribe by the Iroquois about 1675, 1 but one form of their name occurs in the census of Virginia Indians taken in 1669. 2 Thus it is evident either that some Conestoga had replaced an Algonquian tribe of similar designation or else that the tribe antedated the destruction of the Conestoga and the reputed influx of population at that time. Possibly, as Mooney suggests, an original small Iroquoian tribe was practically submerged by later immigrations of Conestoga. At all events the whole question of origin is left in uncertainty. When the first northward migration of Tuscarora took place after their defeat by the English in 1711-12 and the Five Nations were pre¬ paring to adopt them, several Iroquois chiefs are quoted as having said that the Tuscarora had gone from them long before and were now returned. 3 Still we do not know whether there was a definite tradition that the Tuscarora had gone south from the place then occupied by the Iroquois, whether there was a general tradition of a common origin, the place of separation not being specified, or whether a common origin was merely inferred from similarity in language. So far as this evidence goes, however, it indicates a northern origin for the southeastern Iroquoian group. Still less substantial evidence is to be had regarding the move¬ ments of the tribes of the northeastern group. We hear of an attack on the Erie by some western enemy in consequence of which they were forced farther east, displacing some tribes of western New York; but this may have been a local and temporary affair. Colden, Cusick, Morgan, and some other writers assert that the traditional home of the Iroquoians was north of St Lawrence river. There is reason to believe, however, that the tales on which they base this opinion have been colored by more recent move- 1 Bull. 22 , B. A. E., pp. 7-8. 2 Neill, Virginia Carolorum, 326, 1886. 3 Handbook of Am. Indians, art. Tuscarora. 20 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA meats such as the expulsion of the Iroquoians of Hochelaga and Stadacona from the lower St Lawrence, the movement of the Tionontati and part of the Hurons south of Lake Erie after they had been broken up by the Iroquois, and the later movement of many Iroquoian tribes toward the southwest. Boyle shows the uncertain foundation on which this theory rests and cites evidences from Iroquois and other myths pointing in a diametrically opposite direction, 1 and most students of the Iroquois agree with him in his conclusions. The culture and social organization both point to a southern rather than a northern origin, and this is confirmed to some extent by archeological evidence and suggested in the morpholog¬ ical resemblance noted by Professor Boas between the Iroquois and Pawnee languages. It is also confirmed to some extent by the Walam Olum which represents the Iroquois and Delawares as having come east at the same time. In fact the sharp contrast in many particulars between these people and their Algonquian neighbors rather marks the northern Iroquoians as a wedge of southern tribes shoved northward at no very remote date. If the Talligewi and Alligewi of Delaware tradition are the Cherokee as Mooney contends, this fact seems to indicate an earlier occupancy of the upper Ohio valley by that tribe. Hewitt, how¬ ever, is of the opinion that the people referred to under those names were a part of the Miami. Be this as it may, Haywood is authority for the statement that the Cherokee formerly had a long migration legend bringing them from the upper part of Ohio river. 2 Dr Cyrus Thomas has brought together considerable archeological and other evidence which he believes to point in the same direction, and the gradual pressure of the tribe into Creek territory may also be cited. All things considered we may say that a more northerly habitat for the Cherokee in prehistoric times appears to be indicated. 3 VI. — Indians of the Algonquian Stock The Algonquian, with one possible exception, was territorially the most widely extended of all North American stocks. All but three of 1 Ann. Arch. Rep. for 1905, App. to Rep. of the Minister of Education , Ontario, pp. 146-156. 2 Thomas, The Cherokee in Pre-Columbian Times , p. 7. 2 Ibid. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 21 its dialects were comparatively near together, the exceptions being all in the far west—the Blackfoot of Montana, Alberta, and western Saskatchewan and Assiniboia, and the Cheyenne and Arapaho of our own great plains, the last the most divergent of all. The main group of dialects is further divided into those of the Cree, Chippewa, and Massachuset types. To the Chippewa group belong the Chippewa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Illinois, and Miami; to the Massachuset type belong the Indians of Rhode Island, eastern Massachusetts, and a few others. The remainder are all of the Cree type. When first encountered by Europeans the Indians of this major group were almost cut in two by the Iroquoians, leaving one set of tribes along the Atlantic coast from the mouth of the St Lawrence to Pamlico sound, and a northern and western group occupying much of eastern Canada above the Iroquoians and some of our present middle western states. We have few migration legends from the Atlantic coast tribes outside of the Delawares. The well known tradition of these last is given by Beatty and Heckewelder and in the famous Walam Olum, 1 according to which the Delawares came from the west, crossed a great river called Nemassipi, or Fish river, drove out a people called Talligewi, and finally pushed east to the river Delaware and the sea coast. Some investigators have sought to identify the Nemassipi with the Mississippi and some with the St Lawrence; all that seems certain is that the tribe believed itself to have come from the west or north¬ west at about the same period as the Iroquois, Nanticoke, and Shawnee. The origin of the Nanticoke of Chesapeake bay is thus bound up with that of the Delawares, and from some scraps of the languages of the Conoy, Powhatan Indians, and Algonquians of Albemarle and Pamlico sounds it is probable that they belonged to the same group and had the same origin. As much may be said of the Mohegan, Mahican, and Pequot of eastern New York and western New England. No legends pointing to tribal movements seem to have been recorded from the Indians of the Massachuset group, but archeological and other evidence appears to point to immigration from the southwest. Rand says of the Micmac, 'Thomas, op. cit., pp. 11-18. 22 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA that they always asserted that their former home was in the south¬ west also ; 1 and Boyle, in quoting Rand, adds “the southwest origin was claimed by all the Abenaki tribes.” 2 No authority is given for this last assertion, hut it would probably follow if the corre¬ sponding legend of the Micmac were correct. Turning to the northern and western Algonquian group we find that the Naskapi believed they had been driven into the inhospitable regions of northern Labrador by the Iroquois . 3 The Cree and Montagnqis appear always to have occupied much the same region as that in which we find them today, though the latter have displaced Eskimo from the north shore of the Gulf of St Lawrence, while the former have extended themselves somewhat to the north and west. Ac¬ cording to our earliest records the Sauk Indians once lived in the neighborhood of what is now Saginaw bay and later moved or were driven beyond Lake Michigan, to the west of the Winnebago. There is slight evidence pointing to a similar early location for the Fox Indians, but it is by no means as definite. Nevertheless the languages of the two tribes are so nearly related that their close as¬ sociation at some period in the not distant past can not be doubted. Another language belonging to the same group is Kickapoo, and Shawnee is but little removed. The traditions of the last point to the north . 4 The Menominee appear to have lived long in the region where they are still to be found; at least no migration tradi¬ tion has been recorded from them. From their linguistic con¬ nections it is probable that the Illinois and Miami had moved, like the tribes just considered, from north to south, and this is to some extent confirmed by the earliest historical references to them, though no actual migration traditions have come down to us. When we first hear of the Illinois some of them were in Wisconsin, some, including the Kaskaskia, in northern Illinois, while the Metchi- gamia had recently migrated much farther south into the present Arkansas. The Miami also appear to have drifted from southern 1 Ann. Arch. Rep. for 1905, App. to Rep. of the Minister of Education, Ontario. P- IS 4 - 2 Ibid. 3 nth Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 267. 4 Trans. Kansas Stale Hist. Soc., x, 383. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 23 Wisconsin toward the southeast as far as southwestern Ohio. The Monsopelea, who probably belonged to this group though we know very little about them, were driven out of Ohio or Indiana by the Iroquois and settled far down the Mississippi, finally uniting with the Taensa . 1 When we first hear of them the Potawatomi were in the lower peninsula of Michigan, but the Ottawa now found there have moved over in historic times from Manitoulin island and the neighboring shores of Lake Huron. The Chippewa now inhabit both shores of Lake Superior, but they entertain a general belief that they once lived farther toward the east. Within historic times they have driven the Dakota from Mille Lacs, and this may have been only a late stage in a very much older aggressive movement, since they are said to have had a tradition that they first en¬ countered the Dakota at the Sault. If any reliance could be placed upon this story it would indicate that they were at one time living north of Lake Huron, though we may discount Warren’s belief that their original home was on the Atlantic coast. Some of this western migration was, however, due to the acquirement of firearms by the eastern tribes and a consequent temptation to take advantage of those farther away who had not yet obtained them. Upon the whole we may perhaps consider the territory of the true Algonkin, who belonged to this group and lived between Ottawa river and Georgian bay, as lying nearest the center of the most ancient region occupied by Indians of the Chippewa division. According to Mackenzie, Maclean, and Grinnell the origin legends of the Blackfoot point toward the east or north, but this has been disputed by other writers . 2 That the nucleus of the tribe was Algonquian there can be no doubt, but it is equally evident from the language that they have been seriously influenced by other peoples. From the first fact a presumption is raised that the larger portion of the people now known as Blackfoot had moved westward. This is as far as we can go at the present time. Cheyenne tradition carries that tribe back to Minnesota river and 1 Margry, Decouvertes, I, p. 566. 2 For an extended discussion see Wissler, Anth. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. V, pt. 1, pp. 15-18. -4 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA thus to the neighborhood of other Algonquian peoples . 1 At some prehistoric period the Arapaho and Atsina separated from some common body the home of which is unknown though there are scanty indications pointing to the neighborhood of Red river. VII. — The Beothuk Newfoundland was formerly occupied by a people called Red Indians or Beothuks. The remnant of their language preserved to us shows some Algonquian affinities, but it varies so greatly that for the present it has been thought best to consider it an independent stock. In the first half of last century these Indians were exterminated by the whites and Micmac who took their places. It is believed that some escaped to Labrador, and that there were a few survivors has been proved by Dr Speck who had the good fortune to meet an individual descended from the Beothuk tribe. As an independent people, however, they have been long extinct. Willoughby inclines to the opinion that there may have been some connection between the Indians of this tribe and the “ red-paint people ” of Maine . 2 If this could be demonstrated it would extend the territory and increase the prehistoric importance of the Beothuk very considerably. VIII. —The Eskimo The Esquimauan stock occupied a long, narrow fringe of shore from the eastern coast of Greenland and the northern side of the Gulf of St Lawrence to the easternmost points of Siberia and south¬ ward on the Alaskan coast as far as Copper river. The Aleut of the western portion of Alaska peninsula and the Aleutian islands constitute a subgroup of the same stock, offering many points of divergence from the normal Eskimo. Formerly it was customary to separate the people of this stock from all other Americans and to assume a more intimate connection between them and the Ural-Altaic peoples of Asia. Nevertheless the language of the Eskimo is distinctly American in type. Moreover traditional and ethnological evidence alike point to a comparatively recent coloni- 1 Mooney, Mem. Am. Anthr. Asso., vol. i, pt. 6, pp. 363-4. 2 Willoughby in Arch, and Elh. Papers Peabody Museum, vol. 1 (No. 6), pp. 50-52. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 25 zation of Siberia from the American side , 1 and it seems certain that the Aleutian islands were also occupied from Alaska, since the Commander group, natural stepping stones between the Aleutians and Asia, were found uninhabited by their Russian discoverers, and they were the refuge of the sea cow, sure to have been exterminated had the islands been occupied for any considerable period . 2 Again the culture and mythology of the Alaskan Eskimo are strikingly different from those of the typical Eskimo farther east. It is, furthermore, unlikely that Siberia should have remained uncolonized until after all of the Alaskan coast afterward held by the Eskimo had been settled, and, if that occupancy was comparatively recent, the occupancy of the Alaskan coast south of Bering strait was probably recent also. From Norse chronicles we know that the Eskimo occupancy of Greenland began in the fourteenth century, and studies made by Thalbitzer on the languages of this stock indicate that the Labrador tribes also moved into their country from the west . 3 Thus the evidence so far collected points to an expansion outward from some middle region, between Baffin land and the Mackenzie river. IX. — Indians of the Caddoan Stock The earliest inhabitants of our central and southern plains beyond the Missouri belonged to the Caddoan stock, of which, in early historic times, there were three divisions. The largest of these covered most of northwestern Louisiana, southwestern Arkansas, southern Oklahoma, and northeastern Texas. It con¬ sisted of a large body of closely related people from which the stock itself derives its name of Caddo, the Wichita and their allies, and the Kichai. The second group centered on the Platte and Republican rivers in the present Nebraska and Kansas, and con¬ sisted of the four Pawnee tribes — the Skidai, Chaui, Pitahauerat, and Kitkehahki. Finally there was a northernmost group on the Missouri river, in the present states of North and South Dakota, constituted by the Arikara. 1 Some additional proof is announced by V. Stefansson in the Summary Report 0/ the Geological Survey, Canada, for the calendar year IQ12, pp. 488-489. 2 Dali in Coni. N. A. Eth., vol. 1, pp. 93-106. 3 Bull. 40, B. A. E., pt. 1. pp. 971-972. 26 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Traditional and early historical references as well as similarity in language all point to a separation of the last mentioned body from the Skidi Pawnee at a comparatively recent period. Of the Pawnee tribes proper the Skidi were to the north of the others and seem to have considered themselves original inhabitants of the country occupied by them when first discovered. According to Mr James Murie two of the remaining tribes placed their original homes in the east, one as far as the Ohio, while the last claimed to have come from the southwest. The Wichita are merely the largest and most representative of a group of seven or eight allied peoples most of whom have been absorbed by them. When first encountered by whites they were camping along Arkansas river and its branches. 1 Late in the eighteenth or early in the nine¬ teenth century, however, they were pressed out of this country by northern and eastern tribes and moved southwest, first to the North Canadian, later to the Wichita mountains. 2 There is no tradition pointing to any region outside of this area. The Kichai were formerly on the upper waters of Red river whence they were gradually forced down upon the Trinity. No Kichai migration legend has come to our attention. The Caddo proper also seem to have partaken of the compara¬ tively immobile character of the tribes of this stock. They were found by the De Soto expedition, in the region later associated with them, and there is no legend pointing to a place of origin or habitation anywhere beyond. Sibley cites a tradition to the effect that the Kadohadatcho, the leading eastern Caddo tribe, had formerly lived at the Cross Timbers, 375 miles above their later seats, 3 but this does not indicate any general movement on the part of all of the tribes. An origin myth collected by one of the writers from a Natchitoches Indian takes us back to the neighbor¬ hood of Lake Sodo. 1 Handbook of Am. Indians, article Quivira. La Harpe in Margry, Decouvertes, vol. vi, p. 289. 2 Gatschet in Am. Antiq., Sept. 1891, pp. 249-252. 8 Annals of Cong., 9th Cong., 2d sess., 1085. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 27 X. — Indians of Southern Texas South of the Caddoan peoples were a vast number of Indian tribes now classified into three linguistic stocks called Tonkawan, Karankawan, and Coahuiltecan, but there are reasons for believ¬ ing that more complete linguistic data (which unfortunately it will be difficult to obtain from any but the first mentioned) would show these to be related. And it is also probable that they would be found to have a connection with the ancient inhabitants of the northern and central parts of the state of Tamaulipas, Mexico. Further than this we have practically no information, no migration traditions having been preserved and little information of any kind regarding them having been recorded. XI. — The KioWa The Kiowa, constituting the Kiowan linguistic stock, are associated in history with the southern plains, but about 1780 they were in the Black hills and their own traditions as recorded by Mooney carry them back to the head waters of the Missouri in western Montana. Mooney believes that their affiliation is rather with the tribes west of the Rocky mountains than with those on the eastern side, and recent investigations would seem to confirm this view. 1 XII. — Indians of the Athapascan Stock We now turn to the great western division of stocks referred to at the beginning of this paper. In point of territory covered, the Athapascan family equals, if indeed it does not outrank, the Algonquian, which is usually con¬ sidered the largest of all the stocks in North America. Geographi¬ cally the Athapascans fall into three separate groups, Northern, Pacific, and Southern. The first, and by far the largest of these, comprises the various tribes sometimes known collectively as Tinneh or Dene. In one immense continuous area they spread over the whole of the interior of Alaska, northern British Columbia, and the Mackenzie basin, extending over about 65° of longitude and 1 Mooney in 17th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 151-155. See J. P. Harrington in Am. Anth., xii, 119-123. 28 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA nearly 20° of latitude. Among the more important of their many tribes were the Dog-ribs, Yellow-knives, Chipewyans, the various Kutchin divisions, the Nahane, Carrier, and Chilcotin. A small isolated tribe, the-Sarsi, lived with the Algonquian Blackfoot in southeastern Alberta and northern Montana. The Pacific group includes a small isolated band in southern British Columbia, together with others in western Washington, and a series of small tribes stretching in a nearly continuous strip along the Oregon and California coasts between Umpqua and Eel rivers. The southern division, of which the most important members were the Navaho and Apache, occupied a large area in eastern Arizona, western and southern New Mexico, and southwestern Texas extending south¬ ward some distance into the Mexican states of Chihuahua and Coahuila. A small isolated group of Athapascan people, the Kiowa Apache, were with the Kiowa in the southern Plains. The historical problems presented by the Athapascan stock are among the most difficult as well as most interesting in the northern continent, and there is much difference of opinion not only in regard to the movements of the various individual tribes and branches, but also concerning the relations of these branches within the stock. For the northern branch, migration traditions have been recorded chiefly from the tribes of the Mackenzie basin. These were first given by Mackenzie himself 1 and have since been secured by others, notably by Petitot. 2 Most of these accounts seem to be in accord in placing their earlier home far to the west, either across the sea or on the other side of a long lake full of islands. From this western land they were driven by the cruelty and fierce¬ ness of their neighbors, and after long travel and many difficulties came into their historical habitat. Some versions of the tradition make this western home a sort of terrestrial paradise, and it is uncertain how far the accounts are to be taken as purely mythical. Little or no information has been gathered from the Alaskan tribes as yet, and until more abundant material is at hand, it is premature to try to draw conclusions. The most that may be said is that 1 Mackenzie, Voyages, etc., p. cxviii. 2 Petitot, Monographie des Dene-Dindjie. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 29 attempts to derive the northern Athapascans from Asia on the basis of these traditions are absurd. The only really definite indi¬ cation of migration in this northern group is in the southward movement of the Sarsi, who separated from the main body to the north, and allied themselves with the Blackfoot. A similar origin seems to be indicated for the small tribe formerly living in the Nicola valley in southern British Columbia. The scattered tribes or bands forming the Pacific group seem to possess no trace of any traditions of migration, and all, without exception so far as is known, locate the creation of their first an¬ cestors within the territory where the bands were living at the time of first European contact. Their general distribution, however, is such as to indicate a movement parallel to the coast and presumably, in conformity with other tribes in this region, from north to south. From the completeness of their adaptation to the environment it would seem that the original immigration into this coastal area must have taken place at an early period. The two great tribes which together comprise the larger portion of the southern group present an interesting problem. Two con¬ trasted points of view are held. Hodge, 1 relying on the statements of early Spanish writers and explorers as well as native traditions, believes that the Apache moved westward from eastern New Mexico and had not reached Arizona until after the middle of the 16th century. On this theory they would be thus comparatively recent comers in the Southwest, where they have, with the usual readiness of the tribes of Athapascan stock, adapted themselves rapidly to their new environment, and borrowed many elements of their culture from the sedentary Pueblo tribes with which they came in contact and portions of which they completely absorbed. The Navaho on this theory are believed to have appeared originally about the end of the 15th century in northern New Mexico. At first an insignificant tribe, they grew gradually, in part by absorption of other elements derived from the Rio Grande pueblos, the Zuni, the Ute, and the Yuman stock, and in part by incorporation of portions of the affiliated Apache, and in this way extended their 1 Hodge, The Early Navaho and Apache, Am. Anthr., 1895, vm, pp. 223-240. 30 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA territory westward far into Arizona. Goddard 1 on the other hand, relying more on cultural and linguistic considerations, believes that the evidence brought forward by Hodge is inconclusive, and that the Apache and Navaho are on the contrary old residents of the Southwest, having become completely assimilated to the environ¬ ment in a way impossible if they were recent comers. The migra¬ tion and origin legends regarded by Hodge as in large part really historical are thus considered to be almost wholly mythical and to have little or no value as indicating tribal movements. The final solution of this problem must await fuller archeological evidence. For the small isolated tribe of the Kiowa Apache—whose affiliations seem clearly with the northern group—we have distinct traditions of their meeting with the Kiowa at the time when these were still in Montana, and of their accompanying them in their southward movements in the Plains. The larger problem of the movement of the Athapascan stock as a whole has usually been answered by assuming a southerly drift by which portions, breaking away from the parent body in the north, have wandered southward through the Plains as far as New Mexico and Arizona, the Sarsi and Kiowa Apache being laggards or remnants left behind. The Pacific group were thought to be either portions of these who passed west across the Rockies, perhaps down the Columbia, and then from its mouth down the coast as far as California, or else a separate migration from the westerly portion of the northern parent stock passing directly south along the Pacific shores, and of which the Washington and southern British Columbian fragments represented the laggards or latest comers. This view has been opposed by Goddard 2 who believes that the exact contrary is not improbable, and suggests that a further possibility is that the stock formerly had a continuous distribution but has been disrupted by the intrusion of other peoples. Until, however, more conclusive proof in favor of a north¬ ward movement or of a disruption by force is brought forward, the theory of a southerly drift seems best to fit the facts. 1 Goddard, XVth Congress of Americanists, i, pp. 337-359- 2 Ibid. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 31 XIII. — Indians of the North Pacific Coast We may divide the Indians of the north Pacific coast roughly into two sections, a northern composed of the Chimmesyan, Skitta- getan, and Koluschan stocks, and a southern, mainly represented by the Wakashan and part of the Salishan peoples. Among the former the Chimmesyans stand entirely apart, linguistically and to a certain extent culturally. They consist of three tribes, the Tsimshian on Skeena river, the Niska on Nass river, and the Kitksan on the headwaters of both these streams. Although typically a coast people their traditions all point to an inland origin, at least as far back from the coast as the present territory of the Kitksan. The Skittagetan stock, embracing the people more often known as Haida, was located on the Queen Charlotte islands, British Columbia, and the southern end of Prince of Wales island, Alaska. The traditions, both of the Haida themselves and the other Alaskan Indians, show that those Haida now on Prince of Wales island emigrated to that region some time in the early part of the eighteenth century. 1 The traditions of the Queen Charlotte Islands Haida carry us to the eastern shore of the islands, particularly to the northeastern point and to the southern end. 2 The Koluschan stock, embracing the Indians usually known as Tlingit, extended over all the coast and islands of the panhandle of Alaska, with the exception just indicated, and beyond as far as the mouth of Copper river. The traditions of the greater number of their clans point to an origin on the Nass river to the south, but that of the Klacke- qoan brings them from among the Athapascan tribes on Copper river, that of the Nanyaayi points to an origin inland from Taku inlet, and that of the Qatcadi to the interior along the upper Skeena. 3 On the other hand several Tlingit clans are now represented among the Tahltan of the upper Skeena by later settlement or intermarriage from the coast, 4 and the Tagish of Chilkat pass are said to be a Tlingit offshoot. 5 This last statement, however, is probably an 1 Dawson in Rep. Geol. Survey Can., for 1879, p. 104B. Swanton in Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., vm, pp. 88-90. 2 Swanton, ibid., p. 72 et seq. 3 Swanton in 26th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 410; also cf. p. 411. 4 Emmons in Anth. Pub. Univ. of Pa., vol. IV, no. 1, pp. 11-21. 6 Dawson in Rep. Geol. Surv. Can., 192B, 1887. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA error. Within comparatively late historic times the Tlingit have moved farther west toward Copper river, and have modified an Eskimo tribe on Kayak island, the Ugalakmiut, to such an extent that these are now indistinguishable from the Tlingit proper, having adopted their language as well as their customs. 1 The Tlingit and Haida languages furnish still further evidence of an inland origin, the resemblance between at least Tlingit and Athapascan being very marked. The Wakashans consist of two branches, the Kwakiutl of Queen Charlotte sound and the coast northward to Kitamat, and the Nootka of the west coast of Vancouver and the extreme north¬ western point of Washington. Many of these tribes are divided into family groups which trace their origin from an ancestor who descended from the sky and settled at such and such a place. As village sites are usually to be found at the places indicated it is probable that they were in fact formerly occupied by the people in question. Nevertheless these sites are all in the same region and do not indicate any movement en masse from elsewhere. 2 The Salishan tribes may be divided roughly into the coast Salish and the interior Salish. The former were on Georgian straits, the Straits of Fuca, Puget sound, and on the outer coasts of Washington and Oregon—with the exception of the Columbia river entrance, and the northwestern corner of Washington state— as far south as Siletz river. Still farther north, on North and South Bentinck arm, Dean inlet, and Bellacoola river, was a detached body known as the Bellacoola. These seem to have migrated from the coast Salish farther south, but along the heads of the deep inlets instead of by the outer coast. The interior Salish occupied a large part of the lower Frazer valley, including the valley of the Thompson, the upper valley of the Columbia, and as far east as the headwaters of the Missouri. While no memory appears to have been preserved of movements among these people in great bodies, there is reason to believe that the coast Salish originally pressed down from the interior. At least Boas is able to say that “both linguistic and archaeological indications sug- 1 Petroff in Tenth Census, vol. vin, p. 146. 2 Boas in Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus., for 1895, pp. 328-334. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 33 gest that the Salish tribes which now inhabit the coast of the Gulf of Georgia separated from the Salish tribes of the interior at a time when both had the simple form of culture that seems to be characteristic of the whole plateau area and of the Mackenzie basin.” 1 The Chimakuan stock consists, or rather consisted, of but two tribes, the Chimakum about Port Townsend, Washington, and the Quileute on the northwestern coast of the same state. It is believed that a closer study of the Chimakuan language may show some connection with Salish. XIV. — The Kutenai The Kitunahan stock consisted of the Kutenai tribe only. Its historic seat was in southeastern British Columbia along the west flanks of the Rocky mountains, extending also slightly into the present United States. Chamberlain says regarding the origin of these people: “Their traditions suggest that they are com¬ paratively modern intruders into this area from some quarter to the east of the Rockies, possibly around the headwaters of the Saskatchewan.” 2 3 Their language shows some points of resemblance with those of the Shoshonean group. XV. — The Shahaptians and the Indians of Western Oregon The Shahaptian area included a considerable territory in the vicinity of the Columbia and Snake rivers, in southwestern Idaho, southeastern Washington, and northeastern Oregon. The best known of the several tribes composing the stock was the Nez Perce. Very little information is available in regard to the early history of these tribes, which were first met by Lewis and Clark at the begin¬ ning of the last century. The Nez Perce themselves seem to have been long in their historic habitat; on the other hand the Klikitat appear to have begun a movement westward across the Cascades not long before European contact, and to have thus paralleled north of the Columbia the movements of the Molala south of it. 1 Ann. Arch. Rep. for 1905, App. to the Rep. of the Minister of Education, Ontario, p. 225. 2 Chamberlain in Ann. Arch. Rep., op. cit., p. 178. 3 34 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA A number of small, apparently independent linguistic stocks occupied the western portion of Oregon at the time when it first became known to Europeans. These were the Chinookan along both banks of the Columbia from the Dalles to the sea; the Kala- pooian in the Willamette valley; the Kusan about Coos bay; the Siuslauan and Yakonan just north of these along the coast; the Takelman isolated among Athapascan peoples on the middle Umpqua; the Waiilatpuan in two separate areas, one along the western slope of the Cascades south of the Columbia, and one southeast of the bend of the Columbia at Wallula; and lastly the Lutuamian, who occupied the southern Cascades, mainly on their eastern slope, and the basins of the Klamath lakes. For the majority of these, no traditional or other evidence of migration is available. Exceptions are in the case of the Molala who are said by the Cayuse (the eastern branch) to have separated from them, and to have crossed the Cascades toward the west to their historic sites. As the two dialects are quite distinct, this separation must have occurred at an early time. The Klikitat and some other Shahaptian tribes also seem to have been pushing north and west. 1 For the Kalapooians there is some evidence of a southward movement of slight extent, toward Umpqua valley. XVI. — Indians of California The Californian area presents a somewhat troublesome problem. Powell divided the languages of the state into twenty-two separate stocks, with the result that this region appeared to be linguistically one of the most complex in the world. Recent investigations however by Kroeber 2 and one of the authors and also by Sapir 3 make it very probable that the many stocks of Powell may be reduced to nine or ten, of which three (Shoshonean, Athapascan, and possibly Algonquian) are mainly extra-Californian families. Of the newly determined families, the largest is the Penutian, occupying a continuous area which may be roughly described as 1 Lewis, Mem. Am. Anthr. /Dso., vol. I, pt. 2, pp. 195-196. Gibbs in Cont. to N. A. Eth., vol. 1, p. 224. 2 Dixon and Kroeber, Amer. Anthr. (n. s.), xv, pp. 647-655. 3 Sapir, ditto, pp. 617-646. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 35 including the whole of the Great Valley together with the coastal region south of San Francisco to beyond Monterey. This includes the former Wintun, Maidu, Miwok, Costanoan, and Yokuts stocks. No definite traditions of migration have been found among any of the members of the Penutian family, but on linguistic grounds there would seem to be some evidence of a former continuity of the Maidu and Yokuts groups, now separated by the intervening Miwok; and in general of a spreading outward from the central portion of the state along the courses of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers. The second large Californian stock is the Hokan, whose territory is much broken up. In the north it comprises the region occupied by the Shastan, Chimarikan, and probably the Karok and Yanan groups as well. Separated from these and farther south are the Porno, along the coast and in the Coast Ranges north of San Fran¬ cisco; the now extinct Esselen on the coast south of Monterey; and the Yuman group of the extreme south of the state and in western Arizona. As in the case of the Penutian stock, practically no traditional evidence is available indicating any migratory move¬ ments except the slight indications shown by the Yuman branch. The area occupied by Yuman tribes comprised southwestern Ari¬ zona, the extreme southern portion of California, and the northern portion of the peninsula of Lower California. As in the case of most tribes west of the Rockies, there is little traditional evidence of migration. In one or two cases, however, there are some facts which may be significant. Thus the Havasupai now living in Cataract canyon (a tributary of the Colorado just west of the Grand canyon) have traditions of having lived formerly farther to the south, along the Little Colorado and upper Verde rivers. The Yavapai on the other hand, would seem to have moved from a position along the Colorado near the mouth of Bill Williams fork, eastward toward central Arizona. A somewhat similar eastward movement also occurred in the case of the Maricopa who moved during the 19th century from a position near the mouth of the Gila to one near its middle course. Except for the Havasupai, who acquired not a little of the characteristic culture features of 36 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA the Pueblo tribes, the general type of Yuman culture is reminis¬ cent of California, and would suggest an earlier home in that direc¬ tion. The Shastan group shows some indications of a southerly move¬ ment, and general considerations—cultural, linguistic, and geo¬ graphic—make the supposition of a similar tendency for the whole stock probable. How far the intrusion of the Athapascans has been responsible for this it is as yet impossible to say; the possibility of disruption due to this cause and to the expansion of the Penutian stock must certainly be considered. It seems probable, however, that any such movements, both in this case and in that of the Penutian stock, must have taken place at a very early period. For the other Californian stocks, there is little evidence at hand. The Yuki, who are in three separate divisions, two north of and one south of the Porno, show evidence of disruption by the intrusive Athapascans, and of an older separation by which the southern or Wappo group were divided from the parent stock. The Washo in the region about Lake Tahoe on the eastern border of the state show no indications of movement in any direction. For the Salinan and Chumash stocks of the southern coast also there is no tradi¬ tional or other evidence which would show tribal movements, and it is probable that they have been for a very long period in occu¬ pancy of the region in which they were found by the earliest European explorers. XVII. —Indians of the Shoshonean Stock The Shoshonean tribes stand at present in a somewhat uncertain position as regards their linguistic independence. Since the middle of the last century 1 a feeling has been growing that the Shoshonean languages should be grouped with the Piman and Nahuan to form a larger stock or family, called by Brinton 2 the Uto-Aztecan. Leaving this question aside for the moment, however, the history of the Shoshonean branch can be briefly summarized. The area covered by tribes of this group at the time of their 1 Buschmann, Spuren der aztekischen Sprache, Berlin, 1859. 2 Brinton, American Race, p. 118 sq. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 37 earliest contact with Europeans was, with two exceptions, a con¬ tinuous one. The mass of the people lived almost wholly within the region generally known as the Great Plateau, and comprised southeastern Oregon, southern Idaho, southwestern Montana, western Wyoming and Colorado, the whole of Utah and Nevada, together with most of California south of the Tehachapi and a narrow strip along its eastern border. The two outlying tribes were the Hopi, whose villages lay in northern Arizona, and the Comanche, who ranged over the southern Plains. On a linguistic basis 1 the Shoshonean tribes may be divided into four very unequal subdivisions: the Pueblo (comprising the Hopi only); the Plateau (the most important tribes being the Ute, Shoshoni, Comanche, and Paiute); the Kern River; and the Southern California (including the Serrano, Gabrieleno, Luiseno, Cahuilla, etc.). Little has been recorded for any of these tribes, except the Hopi and Comanche, in the way of migration traditions. The Hopi were of complex origin, and will be considered along with the other Pueblo Indians. The Comanche are linguistically closely related to the Shoshoni of Idaho and Wyoming, and there is tradi¬ tional evidence 2 of their being residents of that section early in the 18th century, and that they were driven by other tribes from this northern home southward along the western edge of the Plains. At this same period, probably, the Shoshoni were forced west across the Rockies to their h storical site. Brinton 3 and others have held that this latter movement indicated a former residence of the whole stock in the region between the mountains and the Great Lakes; and Powers 4 supposed the southern California tribes to be recent intruders there from the eastward. There seems, however, to be little ground for either of these assumptions, and the evidence, both linguistic and cultural, would appear to show that the tribes composing the Shoshonean group have been in occupancy of the Great Plateau and of southern California for a very long time. 1 Kroeber, Univ. Cal Pub. Amer. Arch, and Eth., iv, p. 97 et seq. 2 Clark, Indian Sign Language, p. 118. 3 Op. cit., p. 121. 4 Powers, Tribes of California, p. 369. 33 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA XVIII. — Indians of the Piman Stock The Piman family holds still, like the Shoshonean, a somewhat uncertain position in regard to its linguistic independence, and it is probable 1 that with the Shoshonean and Nahuanit forms merely a branch of the larger Uto-Aztecan stock. The larger part of the territory occupied by this group lies in northwestern Mexico, in the states of Sonora, Chihuahua, Sinaloa, and Durango, with extensions still farther south; of the tribes in the United States the Pima and Papago are the most important, and occupied in the 18th century a considerable area in southern Arizona. The origin tradition of the Pima 2 refers to the Salt River valley as the region where the tribe had its beginning, and states that their ancestors moved thence southward to the Gila; much later, under the attack of enemies from the east, a portion moved into Mexico while others went northward to join the Zuni and Hopi. 3 Other traditions refer to an earlier eastern home. 4 * That the Pima had been long settled in the southern portion of Arizona seems indicated by the abundant ruins throughout the area, the majority of which, including the famous Casa Grande, are attributed to their ancestors. 6 The fact that linguistically the Piman languages stand closer to the Shoshonean than they do to the Nahuan dialects 6 and that geo¬ graphically they are intermediate between these two branches of the Uto-Aztecan family, may perhaps be taken as indicating a general southerly drift for the entire great group. More definite knowledge of the culture and archeology of northwestern Mexico is, however, necessary before any certain conclusions can be reached. XIX. —-The Pueblo Indians There is very little information available regarding the migration traditions of the Pueblo Indians oiRside of the Hopi and the Zuni. All that we can make out is a widespread belief that the 1 Kroeber, op. cit., p. 164. 2 Russell in 26th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 206-230. 3 Fewkes in 28th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 153-160. 4 Russell, op. cit., p. 26. 6 Fewkes, loc. cit. 6 Kroeber, op. cit., p. 163. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 39 people had come up from the underworld at some point in the north. According to Cushing the Zuni were composed of two elements, an earlier element, the traditional origin of which was identical with that given above, and a later element from the west or southwest. 1 According to Dr Fewkes the Idopi were formed by three prehistoric immigrations, the first of which, consisting of the Honau or Bear people and Kokop or Firewood people, he believes to have come from the Rio Grande region, tradition specifying Jemez. Secondly came the Snake people from the San Juan region in the north, who settled first on the Little Colorado west of Walpi, and finally came to Tusayan. The third and last consisted of what is now the Patki people who came up from the Gila valley, and were perhaps of Piman origin. They were very likely of the same stock as the southern immigrants into Zuni. Within historic times, especially since the rebellion of the Pueblos against the Spaniards in 1680, several other movements have taken place. Thus the Asa, a Tewa people, moved to Zuni and from there again to Hopi, founding the Pueblo of Sichomovi, called “theZuni town.” About i7iocamethe Hano people, also of Tewa stock, and founded the pueblo of that name where the Tewa language is still preserved. Some Keres also came to Hopi, but the bulk of them afterward left and founded Sandia. Over and above these great migrations movements of small bodies of persons frequently occurred, sometimes perhaps of two or three people only, but this served to spread clans from one pueblo to another and to increase the complexity throughout. 2 XX. — Conclusion Let us now recapitulate briefly. From the data available it appears that the origin of the tribes of several of our stocks may be referred back to a swarming ground, usually of rather indefinite size but none the less roughly indicated. That for the Muskho- geans, including probably some of the smaller southern stocks, must be placed in Louisiana, Arkansas, and perhaps the western parts of Mississippi and Tennessee, although a few tribes seem to 1 Cushing in 13th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 342. 2 Fewkes in 19th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 573-634. 40 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA have come from the region of the Ohio. That for the Iroquoians would be along the Ohio and perhaps farther west, and that of the Siouans on the lower Ohio and the country to the north including part at least of Wisconsin. The dispersion area for the Algonquians was farther north about the Great Lakes and perhaps also the St Lawrence, and that for the Eskimo about Hudson bay or between it and the Mackenzie river. The Caddoan peoples seem to have been on the southern plains from earliest times. On the north Pacific coast we have indications that the flow of population has been from the interior to the coast. This seems certain in the case of the Indians of the Chimmesyan stock and some Tlingit subdivisions. Some Tlingit clans, however, have moved from the neighborhood of the Nass northward. Looking farther south we find evidence that the coast Salish have moved from the inner side of the coast ranges, while a small branch has subsequently passed northward to the west of it. The Athapascan stock in all probability has moved southward, sending one arm down the Pacific coast, and a larger body presumably through the Plains which reached as far as northern Mexico. Most of the stocks of the Great Plateau and of Oregon and California show little evidence of movement, such indications as are present, however, pointing toward the south as a rule. The Pueblo Indians appear to have had a mixed origin, part of them coming from the north, part from the south. In general there is to be noted a striking contrast between the comparatively settled condition of those tribes west of the Rocky mountains, and the numerous movements, particularly in later times, of those to the east. While we can hope for little more traditional evidence regarding the migrations of our Indians the collection of further ethnological material of all kinds is bound to cast a flood of light upon the whole question of tribal movements. More exact information regarding Indian languages will doubtless bring out new resemblances and contrasts, some of which will in time be shown to have historic value. Again, all of these tribes must be reclassified in accordance with the data yielded by physical anthropology as soon as those data are sufficiently complete. We already know that this classi- ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 41 fication will show a very different alignment of tribes, that in some cases linguistic stocks will be cut to pieces and in other cases brought together. This discordance, however, far from disturbing us, should be welcomed as giving a different angle of approach which will probably enrich rather than confuse our conception of aboriginal American history. The study of cultural features properly so considered will also yield certain valuable results, at least of con¬ firmatory value, but less is to be expected from this branch of ethnology than from the two already considered. Culture, how¬ ever, as well as physical anthropology, has one great advantage over language in that it can be enriched progressively by arche¬ ological investigations long after the living peoples are extinct, and there will come a time when the archeological method of approach will be the only method remaining. AREAS OF AMERICAN CULTURE CHARACTERIZATION TENTATIVELY OUTLINED AS AN AID IN THE STUDY OF THE ANTIQUITIES 1 By W. H. HOLMES Contents Introduction. The North Atlantic Area. The Georgia-Florida Area. The Middle and Lower Mississippi Valley Area. . . The Upper Mississippi and Great Lakes Area. ... The Great Plains and Rocky Mountain Area. The Arid Region. The California Area. The Columbia-Fraser Area. The Northwest Coast Area. The Arctic Shoreland Area. The Great Northern Interior Area. Introduction S an initial step in the description and interpretation of the antiquities of the continent, the archeologist observes the tribes of today, their cultural characteristics and environ¬ ments, and acquaints himself with what is known of them histori¬ cally. He finds that their achievements are greatly diversified and that certain forms and states of culture characterize particular geographical areas and realizes that environment has had a large share in determining the course of the culture evolution. He examines the antiquities and finds that analogous geographical distinctions characterize the material culture of the past and reaches the conclusion that the relations of environment to man and culture 1 The present paper is extracted from a work now in course of preparation which is intended to bring together in comprehensive form the antiquities of the continent; it is thus not complete in itself. The several areas are tentatively outlined to facilitate descriptive and comparative studies of the numerous classes of artifacts; and the brief sketches here presented are intended to familiarize the reader and student with the field as a whole and with the relative culture status of its more important subdivisions. 42 42 46 49 53 57 59 61 64 67 69 72 74 PLATE I.—CULTURAL CHARACTERIZATION AREAS OF NORTH AMERICA AS SUGGESTED BY A COMPARA¬ TIVE STUDY OF THE ANTIQUITIES ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 43 must play an important part in the prosecution of his researches and in the analysis of aboriginal history. In the practical work of museum classification and arrange¬ ment—a work which has served in part to give form to this writing— archeological materials are necessarily grouped primarily by conti¬ nents and other natural divisions, and secondarily by political divisions, such as states and territories. Separation by the larger natural divisions is always necessary, but separation by ethnic areas, or areas of culture characterization, as they are sometimes called, is most advantageous. These areas may be large or small according to the understanding or the needs of the student. By their means he approximates the real or natural grouping of the material traces of human achievement and studies to advantage culture and culture relationships and the causes of the resemblances and differences everywhere met with. The geographical limitations of culture units are, as a matter of course, not usually well defined. Cultures are bound to overlap and blend along the borders and more especially along lines of ready communication. But not¬ withstanding this, certain characteristics of achievement or groups of culture traits within each area will be found to separate it from its neighbors and afford effective means of comparison with other culture groups. In the present work, keeping in view the arche¬ ological rather than the ethnological evidence, it is convenient to recognize eleven areas north of Mexico (pi. xxxn), namely: (i) The North Atlantic area; (2) The Georgia-Florida area; (3) The Middle and Lower Mississippi Valley Region; (4) The Upper Mississippi and Lakes Region; (5) The Plains and Rocky Mountains; (6) The Arid Region; (7) The California Area; (8) The Columbia-Fraser Area; (9) The Northwest Coast Area; (10) The Arctic Coastal Area; (11) The Great Northern-Central Area. To these may be added (12) The Hawaiian Islands; and (13) The West Indies. These areas are here made as few and simple as possible to avoid too great complexity in conducting comparative studies of the several classes of antiquities. The Middle and South American areas, also outlined on the broadest possible plan, are as follows: (1) Northern Mexico; (2) 44 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Middle Mexico; (3) Southern Mexico; (4) The Maya Provinces; (5) The Central American or Isthmian Region; (6) The North Andean-Pacific Area; (7) The Middle Andean Pacific or Incan Area; (8) The South Andean-Pacific or Chilean Area; (9) The Amazon Delta Area; (10) Primitive South America, Northern Division; (11) Primitive South America, Southern Division. Detailed study of the antiquities and history of these vast regions might profit even in the initial stages of research work by further subdivision of the areas, but in the present restricted state of our knowledge this would not prove greatly advantageous, as it would prolong the summary review here contemplated without an equiva¬ lent in useful results. These areas in all cases are based on the clearly manifested phases of their culture content. In some areas evidence has been reported of early cultures radically distinct from the type adopted as characteristic of the areas, and ancestral forms grading into the later and into the historic forms are thought to have been recognized. In these particular branches of the research, however, haste must be made slowly as the utmost acumen of the student is called for in making areal and chronological discriminations. It is anticipated, however, since the period of occupancy of the continent must have been of long duration, that not only early but more elementary cul¬ tures may in good time be identified. Within the region north of Mexico the culture of the most advanced communities rises high in the scale of barbarian achieve¬ ment—a status characterized by an artificial basis of subsistence, sedentary life, successful agriculture, and extensive town building, yet still far below the culture level of glyphic writing reached by the more advanced tribes of Middle America. Pictographic records carved on stone, engraved or painted on bark, and painted on surfaces of many kinds, were almost entirely pictorial or graphic, slight advance having been made in the use of purely conventional characters, save as separate symbols or as ornamental designs. The lowest stage ranges well down in savagery where art in stone in its rudimentary forms had barely obtained a sure foothold, as with the Seri and other Lower Californians. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 45 In Middle and especially in South America the culture con¬ trasts are even greater, and nations standing upon the very thresh- hold of civilization, with arts, industries, and institutions highly developed, are in close juxtaposition with utterly savage tribes to which even clothing and stable dwellings are practically unknown. With the exception of a limited group at the mouth of the Amazon, the more advanced cultures were confined to the west coast and the Andean plateaus, where forests are rare and deserts common, while the primitive status was and is yet found in places throughout the vast forest regions of the eastern slope of the Andes and the Orinoco-Amazon region, in the broad pampas of Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina, and on the entire Atlantic coastal border from Panama to Tierra del Fuego, excepting always the limited areas about the delta of the Amazon. These differences in culture status appear to be due to a complex of causes not readily analyzed. Whatsoever the nature of the molding agencies, they have acted to diversify, differentiate, and individualize cultures in a most pronounced manner throughout the two Americas, and the results, as suggested by a study of the several areas, are among the most striking and scientifically im¬ portant features of our aboriginal ethnology. The following sketches do not assume to approximate complete presentation of the cultural remains of the several areas; they are merely intended to cultivate familiarity with the vast field as a whole and to lay out its great features tentatively as an aid in describing and comparing the antiquities and the cultures they represent. It is by no means assumed that the culture phenomena of any considerable area are uniform throughout. There may be much diversity, possibly great complexity of conditions. There may be a number of somewhat independent centers of development of nearly equal importance, or a single center may have spread its influence over a wide area. The mapping of the cultures will, in the end, take forms that cannot now be foreseen. When all avail¬ able relics of antiquity have been considered and their history and distribution recorded, discussion of the culture complex may be taken up to advantage, and, enforced by the somatic evidence and 46 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA illumined by the researches of ethnology, may round out the history of man in America with gratifying fullness. THE NORTH ATLANTIC AREA The north Atlantic characterization area, as outlined for present purposes, extends from Newfoundland and the St Lawrence valley on the north to Georgia on the south. It includes eastern Canada, New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and large portions of Virginia, West Virginia, and the Carolinas. It is a region of splendid forests, rugged highlands, charming valleys, and a diversified coast line indented by many tidewater inlets, and the aborigines, largely of the Algonquian, Iroquoian, and Siouan stocks, were primarily hunters and fishers, although agriculture was practised successfully in many of the fertile valleys. The native culture of both colonial and precolonial times, so far as known, though varying with the widely distributed centers of habitation, was quite uniform in grade and general characteristics. It is well differentiated from that of the south and middle west, but passes with no abrupt change into that of the upper lakes and the great interior region of the north. The changes from north to south were due in large measure to differences in food resources and the influence of neighboring cultures. The use of stone in building was practically unknown, the dwellings being constructed of bark and mats, and stockades were relied upon for village defense. Burial mounds and other earth¬ works in the area are rare or insignificant in size, save where the influence of the Mississippi valley culture was felt along the western border, but the shores are lined with shell-heaps often of great extent. Methods of burial were primitive and considerably varied, and the graves yield many examples of the simple artifacts em¬ ployed by the people. Numerous caves and rock-shelters were occupied for dwelling and burial. The ceramic art was in a somewhat rudimentary stage, although considerable skill and taste were displayed by the Iroquois in the manufacture of culinary utensils and tobacco pipes of clay. The vessels are round-bodied and often conical beneath, adapted thus ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 47 to earthen floors, and were decorated with incised lines forming simple geometric figures, with fabric or cord impressions, and often, among the Iroquois, with crude figures in relief. The tobacco pipes of this people are varied in form and elaborately embellished with modeled life forms. The Virginia clay pipe with long stem and upturned bowl, carried to England by the early colonists along with the first tobacco, gave form to the common clay pipe which pre¬ vails even today in the English-speaking world. Of implements of pecked and polished stone, the grooved ax, celt-hatchet, chisel, pick, gouge-adz, mortar, pestle, slate knife, slate spearhead, and hammerstone are present in large numbers, and articles of faith and ornament include bannerstones, bird¬ shaped stones, plummets, tubes, pierced gorgets, etc. Chipped implements of all ordinary types are well made and plentiful, as are also shell beads, pins, and pendent ornaments. The engraved conch-shell gorgets of Virginia and the Carolinas are of particular interest, but it is probable that these should be regarded as culture intrusions from the west. The tribes of this region surpassed their neighbors in the manu¬ facture of a few varieties of artifacts only; their gouge-adz takes first rank among implements of this general class. Within the area there are a number of local features of particular interest, some of which are due to the occurrence of mineral deposits of exceptional character, while others are due to ethnical conditions not at present fully determined. Maine has furnished a group of relics of exceptional character, most noteworthy of which are certain long, slender celts and gouge-adzes, and ground and polished lance-heads, discovered and described by Willoughby and tentatively ascribed by him to some pre-Algonquian people. The occurrence of red oxides with the burials has led to the use of the designation “the Red Paint people.” The resemblance of the lance- heads to those of the Eskimo and even to those of northern Europe and Asia is noted. The occurrence in New England and the eastern Lakes region of examples of the ground spearhead and the broad- bladed slate knife, the woman’s knife of the Arctic, is also worthy of remark. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 4 ^ Deposits of soapstone occur throughout nearly all the states from Massachusetts to Georgia and were extensively worked by the aborigines for the manufacture of cooking utensils, tobacco pipes, and articles of ornament, and the stone pick-axes and chisels used in cutting out and shaping these articles constitute a unique feature in American archeology. Mica was mined extensively in Virginia and North Carolina, and quarries of argillite, jasper, and rhyolite are found in Pennsylvania, and of quartz and quartzite boAvlder deposits in the District of Columbia. From the materials obtained in these quarries and from other widely distributed sources of supply vast numbers of chipped implements were made, as would be expected with a forest people devoted to war and the chase. It is stated that a single collector amassed, largely within the limits of a single county in South Carolina, twenty bushels of arrowheads. The coarse grain and refractory nature of most of the materials, however, rendered impossible the refined work which was produced in the areas to the west. Deposits or caches of large chipped blades, mostly of the narrow oblong type, have been found at many points throughout the area. The spear was not in general use on the arrival of the whites, the bow and arrow, the tomahawk (celt-hatchet), and club being the principal weapons. Dugout canoes and canoes of bark were in use, and occasional examples of the former have been uncovered in recent years. Petro- glyphs of primitive type are found in all sections. The most noted example is that of Dighton Rock, Massachusetts, which has greatly puzzled antiquaries and has been the subject of much controversy. Relics of stone and bone, believed to have had their origin in glacial and early post-glacial times, have been collected in the Delaware valley and elsewhere, but geologists are not yet agreed as to the exact age of the formations with which most of the objects are said to be associated. These artifacts are not specifically different from those of the Indian tribes, and whether they repre¬ sent an earlier and a distinct culture from that of the remains of the region generally seems to be an open question. The possi¬ bilities are that, howsoever ancient the older traces may be, they represent continuous occupancy of the area by the same or related tribal groups. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 49 A few remnants of the original tribes, mostly of mixed blood, still live within the more easterly and southerly states, while a considerable body of the Iroquois remains in the valley of the St Lawrence. That the tribes of this great region should have re¬ mained always in a state of culture so primitive while other areas witnessed advancement must be attributed in large part to the forest environment. In both physical and intellectual attributes they had few superiors on the continent. Explorations have been conducted in this area by numerous students, prominent among whom are Kain in New Brunswick; Boyle and Laidlaw in Canada; Willoughby, Putnam, Cushing, McGuire, and Moorehead in Maine; Putnam and Chase in Massa¬ chusetts; Perkins in Vermont; Haldeman, Mercer, Holmes, and Wren in Pennsylvania; Beauchamp and Harrington in New York; Rau, Abbott, and Volk in New Jersey; McGuire, Holmes, Fowke, Din- widdie, Kengla, Reynolds, and Proudfit in the District of Columbia and Virginia; Thomas, Holmes, and Bushnell in the Carolinas. Early observers embodying in their works important data re¬ garding the aborigines of the region are White of the Roanoke colony, Smith, Strachey, and Hariot of the Virginia colony, Burk, Beverley, Jefferson, Heckewelder, Kalm, Holm, Lawson, Adair, Bartram, and others. THE GEORGIA—FLORIDA AREA This area includes the Florida peninsula and part of southern Georgia. The aboriginal occupants, so far as known historically, were mainly of the Muskhogean and Timuquan stocks, a rem¬ nant of the former only, the Seminole, remaining in the peninsula today; and since the antiquities show no radical diversity of char¬ acteristics they may safely be assigned, in large part at least, to the ancestors of these groups. A colony of Cuban Arawak is said to have settled on the west coast of Florida in comparatively recent times, but no very distinctive traces of their presence have been observed. The early literature of the region, summarized by Brinton in Notes on the Floridian Peninsula , supplies many inter¬ esting details of the vanished peoples. 4 50 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA The antiquities of the area are somewhat distinctly set off from those of the North Atlantic area, but graduate almost imperceptibly into those of the Gulf states to the west and the great Mississippi valley area on the northwest. Shell-heaps, often of remarkable extent, occur along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, and on the river banks and lake shores. Some of these remain as originally deposited, while others have been more or less remodeled for purposes of dwelling, observation, or defense. Burial mounds, principally of earth and sand, are very numerous. The houses, built of poles and thatch, arranged often in circular village groups and surrounded by palisades, have left but meager traces. Communal houses mentioned by Cabeza de Vaca were so large that they “could contain more than 300 persons.” The researches of Cushing demonstrated the fact that pile dwellings were in use along the Gulf coast, and also that canals and “water courts” were dug to accommodate the canoes of the villagers. Agriculture was practised in favorable localities, as recorded by the early explorers. Knowledge of the native culture is obtained largely through a study of the contents of the burial mounds and shell-heaps, and more especially through a study of the earthenware, which is very plentiful and presents numerous features of interest. The forms were often pleasing, and in the west life forms were modeled with considerable skill. The figured stamp or paddle was employed in decorating the surfaces in the east and north, while engraved and indented designs are most common in the west. Curvilinear designs and peculiarly conventionalized life forms prevail, and some of these are thought to suggest Middle American influence. The use of color was elementary. Owing to the meagerness of sculptural remains pottery takes the place in large measure of stone art as a means of determining the culture status of the people. The remarkable finds of Cushing in an ancient village site on Key Marco which, through the accidental inclusion of articles of wood, bone, and shell in deposits of muck in an old canal bed, give us a most instructive and interesting glimpse of the Gulf coast culture of which otherwise we should have remained in a !most ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 51 total ignorance. The ceremonial masks, figurines, implements, and other carvings in wood, and the conventional and highly symbolic embellishments in color indicate a degree of artistic accomplishment not suggested by the few articles of stone and pottery found in the same connection or, for that matter, elsewhere in the south or west. That artistic development of such pro¬ nounced characteristics should be possible, practically without the aid of stone, is a matter of much interest to the student of culture history. It is probable that the culture was exotic in some measure. Implements of shell and sharks’ teeth appear to have been the main reliance of the craftsmen of the keys. Flint occurs in association with the extensive limestone forma¬ tions of Georgia and northern central Florida, and was utilized by the natives in the manufacture of chipped implements of all the usual varieties; their abundance in Georgia is phenomenal. Vari¬ eties of stone usually employed in the manufacture of pecked- ground implements do not occur in the area, and implements of this type are comparatively rare with the exception of the celt which is found in large numbers in mounds and graves and on village sites; the grooved ax is of rare occurrence, a noteworthy circumstance since it is observed that this implement is abundant in the northern portions of most of the Gulf states and in intimate association with the celt. Moore’s great collection of relics from the peninsular region includes hundreds of celts but not a single typical or fully specialized grooved ax. It is observed that while the celt is found in great numbers in the adjacent West Indies, the grooved ax does not occur there, the ax of the islands being of a totally distinct type. It is further observed that the celts of the Florida region approximate more closely those of the West Indies than do those of any of the more northerly districts, suggesting intrusion from that direction. An examination of the material of which they are made may serve to throw needed light upon their history. Mortars and pestles of stone are of rare occurrence. Wood was in common use for these utensils, and examples of mortars and pestles, as well as dishes,stools, masks,and figurines, of this material, 52 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA exceedingly well made, were recovered by Cushing from the canal muck at Key Marco. Numerous ornaments of gold and silver have been found in the peninsula. It is quite possible that some of the more elaborate pieces reached the peninsula from Mexico or Central America subsequent to the Columbian discovery, but that the native metal workers were highly skilled is amply shown by numerous examples of the overlaying of wooden ornaments and objects of bone with sheet copper and by certain plates of sheet copper collected b> Moore which display symbolic devices executed repousse fashion with much precision. Burial places and mounds yield a rich harvest of relics. A feature peculiar to the peninsula is the inhumation with the dead of great numbers of crudely shaped objects of baked clay, vessels of fanciful shapes, and rude images of creatures and things real and fanciful, manifestly intended for no other purpose than as mortuary offerings. Urn burial, common in Georgia, was rare on the peninsula. Decided relationships with the culture of Yucatan and the West Indies have been looked for in vain, yet certain analogies more or less pronounced do occur in pottery forms and decoration, in implements of stone and wood, and in the treatment of metals. The relationships are not intimate, but a glance at the general facies of the antiquities leaves the impression of trans-Caribbean kinship, which fades out as we penetrate the interior. A suggestion of cultural connection with South America is found in the frequent occurrence in this and other Gulf states of a perforated hoe-shaped stone implement which corresponds closely with a type of ax prevalent in South America. It is believed to have had only a ceremonial use north of the Gulf. There has been some discussion of certain supposed evidences of the geological antiquity of man in Florida based on the discovery of human skeletal remains, apparently fossilized, embedded in geological formations in the western part of the state, but it has been shown that the age of these deposits is recent, the appearance of petrifaction being due to the coating and infiltration of cal- ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 53 careous and ferruginous matter present in solution in percolating waters. The most remarkable evidence of age is that furnished by the shell deposits, which are of great depth and horizontal extent and include varieties of shells not now prevalent on the coasts. The superiority of the culture of this area over that of the North Atlantic region is manifest, especially in skill in the potter’s art and in the manipulation of metals. On the whole, considering all branches, the material culture of typical centers differs but slightly in state of advancement from that of corresponding centers in the Mississippi valley. In some respects it is decidedly inferior to that of the more advanced culture centers of the West Indies. The leading explorers of the antiquities of the Georgia-Florida area are: Brinton, Wyman, Webb, C. C. Jones, Bartram, Cushing, Moore. THE MIDDLE AND LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY AREA The very extensive interior region, which comprises the middle and lower portions of the Mississippi valley with much outlying territory, was the seat of a remarkable group of peoples whose culture, all things considered, stands higher than that of any other characterization area north of Middle Mexico. This culture was characterized by well established sedentary life, extensive practice of agricultural pursuits, and construction of permanent works— domiciliary, religious, civic, defensive, and mortuary, of great magnitude and much diversity of form. The people, some if not all of whom were mound builders, were of numerous linguistic stocks, principal among which were the Siouan, Algonquian, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Tunican, Chitimachan, and Caddoan; and these historic peoples, remnants of which are still found within the area, were doubtless preceded by other groups not of a distinct race but probably of the same or related linguistic families. This view, in recent years, has gradually taken the place of the early assumption that the mound culture belonged to a people of high cultural attainments who had been succeeded by the Indian tribes. That mound building continued down to the period of European occupancy is a well established fact, and many of the burial mounds contain as original inclusions articles of European make. 54 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Traces attributed to very early occupants of the area have been reported from time to time, especially the osseous remains of man found in association with remains of the mastodon and mammoth. In nearly every instance, however, subsequent observations have thrown serious doubt upon the authenticity of the original associ¬ ation. A human skeleton, found recently embedded in terrace deposits near Lansing, Kansas, is assigned by some authorities to the Iowan phase of the glacial period, while others regard the inclusion as more recent. Certain relics of stone, attributed to glacial times, have been found in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, and these await fuller investigation. Numerous crania of primitive type have been collected from ancient sites in the Missouri valley and claims to geological antiquity have been promulgated, but Hrdlicka has shown that this type occurs among the modern tribes of the area. The region abounds in caverns, and many of these contain traces of occupancy, but none so far examined seems to include in their floor deposits remains of other than the well-known culture products of the Indian tribes. Unfortunately for the antiquarian of today the peoples of this area did not construct their buildings of durable materials, and nothing is left to us of their architectural achievements save such works as employed earth and loosely laid stones. These works are now mere unshapely mounds and embankments. The buildings of the Natchez and other tribes of the south have been described by early writers, though imperfectly. The walls were often of wattle- work faced with plaster, and the roofs were of bark and thatch. Little that is specific can be ascertained regarding the character of the buildings which must have crowned such great mounds as those of Cahokia and Etowah, or as were associated with such remarkable works as those of Marietta, Newark, and Fort Ancient. Stockades often supplemented the embankments in defensive works and served to protect the villages from intruders. Modes of burial within the area were extremely varied, and a vast body of the minor works of the people were deposited as offerings with the dead in ordinary cemeteries, in stone graves of several types, and in earth and stone mounds. Shell-heaps, composed mainly of mussel ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 55 shells, border the rivers in some sections. They contain relics of art of the varieties prevalent in the respective localities. The lithic arts were wonderfully diversified and in some respects highly developed. Sculpture of the human figure had, however, made but slight advance, save in connection with the carved tobacco pipes where much skill is shown. The mineral resources, in which the region is extremely rich, were well exploited and extensively utilized. Stone was employed in a limited way in building walls and fortifications and in the construction of graves, and desirable varieties were quarried on a large scale for the manufacture of implements, utensils, and objects of faith, ceremony, and ornament. Heavily bedded chert deposits were worked in Ohio, Arkansas, Kentucky, Georgia, and Missouri; nodular cherts in Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky, and Tennessee; and hematite ore for imple¬ ments and ochre for paint in Missouri. The ice sheets of the glacial period brought down vast bodies of detritus from the far north, filled with fragments and rounded masses of granitic and other durable rocks which were utilized by the inhabitants of the region. Copper from the Lake Superior mines had taken an im¬ portant place in the arts and much skill was shown in its manipu¬ lation by maleating processes. The tribes of the middle region, the greatest of the mound builders, mined mica in western North Carolina, and the evidences of their operations are of astonishing magnitude. As a result of the mineral riches of the area, the range of lithic artifacts is greater than in any other region north of the valley of Mexico. By the fracture processes vast numbers of cutting, scraping, boring, piercing, digging, and hammering implements were manufactured. The sword-like blades of Tennessee approach the highest place among American chipped products, and the agricultural implements of the Illinois region constitute a unique and remarkable class without parallel in any country. The large class of implements and other articles shaped by pecking and grinding processes, often as secondary to chipping, is of great archeological interest. The grooved axes, celts, adzes, and chisels are of superior make, and the discoidal chunkey stones, 5 6 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA tobacco pipes, bannerstones, and other objects of faith and orna¬ ment are remarkable for their perfection of form and high degree of finish. Among the specially noteworthy features of the area are the caches or hoards of stone implements employed as mortuary offerings. Perhaps the most remarkable of these hoards is a deposit of many hundreds of obsidian implements found in an Ohio mound; the beautifully made implements are of unique shapes and were not designed for use, but as offerings merely. They had been trans¬ ported from unknown sources in the Rocky mountains a thousand miles away, or from California or Mexico. A single deposit in a mound at Hopewell, Ohio, contained upward of 8000 well-made disks of flint of large size. There are also the hematite objects of the central districts; the pigment palettes of Alabama; the engraved shells, and the sculptured utensils and idols of the middle districts; the skilfully executed implements and ornaments of copper; and the remarkable and very puzzling repousse figures in sheet copper obtained from mounds in Georgia and Illinois. Among the most noteworthy examples of the handiwork of the mound-building peoples are certain relics obtained by Putnam from the Turner group of mounds in Ohio. Some of the tribes were excellent potters, and the elaborately painted vases and effigy vessels of the middle Mississippi region and the scroll decorated vessels of the lower Mississippi and Gulf coast evince excellent taste and great skill, falling short, however, of the achievements of the ancient tribes of the arid region in some important respects. The stamp decorated ware of the south Appalachian region is of much interest. It is observed that the culture of this area in certain of its typical phases extends down to the Atlantic in Georgia, blending with that of the Florida area and to the Gulf in Alabama, Missis¬ sippi, Louisiana, and Texas. It has much in common with the culture of the upper Mississippi and Great Lakes region, and grades somewhat abruptly into the culture of neighboring areas on the east and west. Although presenting a certain degree of homo¬ geneity throughout, this area is by no means a simple culture unit. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 57 There are a dozen or more somewhat localized centers of develop¬ ment and differentiation, no one of which could in the present state of our knowledge be safely selected as a type for the entire area. Aside from the more typical forms of culture there are limited areas in which very primitive conditions seem to have prevailed down to the coming of the whites. There are some indications of culture relations with Mexico; among these are similarities in the arts as in certain sculptured figures and engraved designs on shell ornaments and pottery, but as a whole the cultures stand well apart. This area has been the field of extensive though somewhat scattered research. Some of the more important explorations are those of Tomlinson, Squier and Davis, Force, Putnam, Moorehead, Mills, Fowke, Thomas and his assistants, Phillips, Thruston, Moore, Jones, Peet, Whittlesey, MacLean, Holmes, and Metz. THE UPPER MISSISSIPPI AND GREAT LAKES AREA The upper Mississippi and Great Lakes region is not very sharply differentiated from the neighboring areas either in its aboriginal inhabitants or its culture, ancient or modern. The historical tribes are of the Algonquian and Siouan stocks, and important communities of the former are still found within the area. The ancient culture is about on a par with that on the east and in some respects is inferior to that on the south. Hunting, fishing, and seed gathering were the leading avocations of the people, but agriculture was practised in favorable localities and the so-called garden beds of Michigan are among the most novel features of our northern archeology. Burial mounds of ordinary forms are widely distributed and monumental features of unique type abound. The latter include groups and chains of earthworks in formal and puzzling arrangements, and numerous animal-shaped mounds, confined largely to Wisconsin, and supposed to have had some important sacerdotal function. The area has within its borders two features of exceptional interest: the ancient copper mines of the Lake Superior region and the catlinite or red pipestone quarries of southwestern Minnesota. The sites of the copper mines are marked by extensive pittings ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 5 § 1 / 1/ made in exposing the copper-bearing rocks and breaking them up to release the masses of native copper. This work was accom¬ plished mainly with heavy bowlder hammers obtained from the lake shores and by the aid of fire. Thousands of these hammers are found in and about the old pits, occasional specimens being grooved for hafting. The copper was worked up into implements, ornaments, and objects of faith of great variety which are found, especially associated with burials, throughout the United States. The implements employed in quarrying the pipestone were tough fragments of quartzite rock, roughly shaped for the purpose. The old excavations extend along the narrow outcrop for nearly a mile across the smooth surface of the prairie. The articles made from the catlinite were tobacco pipes, ceremonial objects, and orna¬ ments, and these were distributed and used as was the copper over a large part of the area now known as eastern United States. The stone utensils of the area comprise rude mortars and pestles, the latter of the cylindrical type, and the pecked and ground imple¬ ments include grooved axes, celts, adz blades—rarely of gouge shape—tobacco pipes, tubes, and the usual range of ceremonial and talismanic objects. The fluted ax and the faceted celt are peculiar to the area. Deposits of flint were worked in many places and chipped implements of usual types are exceedingly plentiful. Quartz veins were worked at an early period about the Little Falls of the Mississippi, and crudely chipped artifacts are found in flood-plain deposits of the vicinity which are regarded by some geologists as having been laid down during the closing stages of the glacial period. The pottery of the area is of distinctive types and generally more primitive in make than the ware of the south. In some sections the pots are carefully finished and decorated with incised and indented figures, but painted specimens are rare. A most noteworthy feature of the region is the manufacture in recent years of many false antiquities of peculiar type, purporting to represent early occupancy of the country by Old World peoples. Explorations have been conducted within the area by Catlin, Latham, Winchell, Brower, Brown, Hamilton, Phillips, Smith, Holmes, and many others. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 59 THE GREAT PLAINS AND ROCKY MOUNTAIN AREA Traces of the typical culture of the agricultural mound-building peoples of the Mississippi valley fade out gradually as we traverse the great plains which extend westward to the Rocky mountains. The region generally is not well suited to primitive agriculture, and, abounding in game, it encouraged a nomadic rather than a sedentary life, although several stocks—Siouan, Algonquian, Caddoan, Atha¬ pascan, Shoshonean, Kiowan, and others—claimed and perma¬ nently occupied somewhat definite areas. Agriculture was prac¬ tised in a limited way in some of the more easterly valleys. There were no buildings that could be called permanent, although many hut rings, house depressions, and small mounds, the last being the remains of earth lodges, occur on the old village sites, and burial mounds are not of infrequent occurrence in some of the principal valleys. The dwellings of the less sedentary tribes were made of the dressed skins of animals, especially the buffalo, which overran the region in vast herds. Quarries of flint with associated sites of manufacture are found in Oklahoma, Kansas, and Texas, and of quartzite and soapstone in Wyoming. Obsidian is plentiful in the Yellowstone park and in the upper valleys of the Snake river, and was much used locally. The obsidian implements found occasionally in the eastern states may have come from this region. The population was sparse, the activities restricted, and as a consequence the varieties of well specialized artifacts were limited in number. The more essential stone implements of the hunter tribes, the projectile points, knives, scrapers, hammers, and club-heads, are very generally distributed, while other forms are comparatively rare. An implement of much importance to the hunter tribes was the heavy grooved hammer so \iseful in killing and breaking the bones of large game, in driving stakes, and in pounding seeds and pemmican. It is probably the most typical and characteristic of the stone implements of the plains and mountains of the middle region. A powerful weapon was a hafted hammer, probably of somewhat recent introduction, called pogamoggan by some of the tribes. These two hammers were the principal articles of the pecked-ground variety of the 60 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA region, although implements of other classes and even objects devoted to sacred and ceremonial use occur here and there in the valleys. Similar lithic conditions prevail in the mountains and valleys north of the arid region, west to the Sierra Nevada and indefinitely toward the north. There are some traces of the spread of the characteristic implements of the arid region, especially the metate and muller, toward the north beyond Salt Lake and to the east over the great plains even as far as the Ozarks, and there is a noticeable overflow of the types of artifacts characterizing the middle Pacific slope into the upper valley of the Missouri. Among these latter objects are straight, tubular stone tobacco pipes and paddle-shaped stone clubs. These intrusions are probably due to the Shahaptian stock, whose habitat extended from Oregon and Washington well over into the valley of the Missouri. Two remarkable discoveries within the region are a deposit of nearly a thousand flint implements obtained from a sulphur spring at Afton, Oklahoma, and a cache of thousands of arrowheads in Dela¬ ware county, Oklahoma. Large areas along the eastern border of the plains that were formerly occupied by sedentary, mound-building peoples, had become, through the invasion of the buffalo, the hunting grounds of the so-called wild tribes. Pottery, the safest index of the stable status of a people, is somewhat rare in the area save in the more easterly valleys, and where found it is of the simplest culi¬ nary type. Collections from this great area are comparatively limited, and large tracts of the territory have received almost no attention on the part of archeologists. Claims to great antiquity in this grand division are based on reported finds of stone implements associated with fossil mammal remains in the loess formations, on a small figurine of baked clay known as the Nampa image found in Idaho, and on an obsidian blade from Nevada. It is a most remarkable fact that the image which is assigned tentatively to the Tertiary or early Quaternary, is probably the most mature example of modeled human figurine yet found west of the Missouri. Naturally the antiquities on the southwest border affiliate in ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 6l numerous features with the art of the Pueblo region and in the Far West with the remains of the California and Columbia-Fraser areas, but the general state of culture has been everywhere about the same and closely akin to that of the historic and the present time in the same area. The principal scientific explorations of the region are those of Dorsey, Smith, Flolmes, Norris, Brower, Winchell, Montgomery, Leidy, McGee. THE ARID REGION This area includes New Mexico and Arizona, and portions of Utah, Colorado, Nevada, and Texas. It is in the main a region of plateaus, canyons, and cliffs; of limited fertile areas bordering stream courses, and broad stretches of arid semi-desert. Con¬ trasting thus strongly with neighboring areas, it has induced a culture peculiarly its own. The cliffs abound in caves and deep recesses well adapted for habitation, and the improvement of these for dwelling probably led to the intelligent use of stone in building, with the result that the building arts were more highly developed than in any other section north of middle Mexico. That the region has been occupied for a long period is amply attested by the occurrence of great numbers of ruins of substantial structures, cliff-dwellings, and plateau and lowland pueblos scattered broadcast over the territory. Reservoirs and extensive traces of irrigating canals attest the enterprise of the people. That the present town-building tribes are the descendants of the ancient peoples is indicated by tradition, by skeletal evidence, and by material culture. The past connects with the present without perceptible break, and the implements and utensils of today are, save for the intrusive elements of white civilization, the imple¬ ments and utensils of the past. The town-building peoples belong to a number of linguistic stocks, — Shoshonean, Zunian, Tanoan, Keresan, Piman, and Yuman, — and aside from these a number of non-townbuilding tribes occupy the region, — the Ute, Paiute, Navaho, and Apache, — the range of whose lithic arts is quite limited, agreeing somewhat closely with that of the hunter tribes of the plains and mountains. 62 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Four types of dwellings are noted: concrete, as in the Casa Grande ruins in Arizona; adobe bricks, as in parts of New Mexico and Arizona; masonry, throughout the region; and excavated, as in Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona. The cliff-dwellings are of great interest and are single houses, small groups, and, in cases, villages capable of accommodating hundreds of people. Generally they occupy picturesque and almost inaccessible niches in the canyon walls. The plateau and cliff sites were often selected with a view to defense, and the lowland pueblos were practically forti' fications. The outer walls were unbroken save by a single doorway, while entrance to the dwellings generally was from the inner court by way of the roofs of the first story. In many places steep ascents and narrow passes were defended by low walls of rude masonry, and it is assumed that the round and square towers found in some sections were designed for observation and defense. Aside from the buildings and excavated dwellings, other features of the lithic art of the region, although distinctive, are in no case markedly superior to corresponding features of neighboring areas. Nearly all implement types are in present use or have been in recent use by the tribes, and the practice of gathering and using stone implements from the ancient sites has been so general that the old and the new are not separable, and references of implements or other relics of art to particular tribes, ruin groups, or districts must be made with caution. The mealing stones, especially the metate and the muller, though plain slabs or shallow troughs, are well made, and the numerous small mortars and pigment plates are sometimes carved to represent serpents, birds, and other animal forms. The carving of animal fetishes is a noteworthy feature, particularly of the modern art, but the work is not of a high order of merit. Attempts at representing the human form are exceedingly crude. The most ambitious sculptural effort of the region is ex¬ emplified in the figures of two crouching mountain lions worked out life-size in the rock in place near Cochiti in the Rio Grande valley, but these figures have been so mutilated that it is difficult to determine their original merit as works of sculpture. Receptacles of stone, aside from the mealing stones and mortars, ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 63 are rare, their place having been taken by products of the potter’s art, which are abundant and of superior quality, and remarkable for varied and tasteful decoration. The potter’s art had reached a degree of perfection not greatly surpassed elsewhere in America, certain groups of the ware displaying grace of form and beauty of decoration advanced apparently far beyond the attainments of the people in other directions. The minor stone implements of the area correspond in grade somewhat closely with those of the middle and eastern states and the Pacific slope, but the gouge, celt, chisel, and perhaps other formsare absent; "while a few are peculiar to the area,as the spatulate celt and the sandal last. The grooved ax takes the most prominent place, and in form, finish, and effectiveness as a stone-age cutting tool is rarely surpassed. Numerous axes of exceptional interest are quite distinct in type from the ordinary ax and are made of fibrolite, a handsome mineral of great toughness and hardness which is rarely found elsewhere. Implements for straightening and smoothing arrow-shafts are quite numerous and exceptionally varied in shape. A group of spatulate implements of jasper, re¬ sembling somewhat closely the celt of the East, is of special interest. Although it is referred to by the natives as an agricultural imple¬ ment, its modern use, according to Fewkes, is entirely ceremonial. In one instance this explorer found twelve of these implements among the sacred paraphernalia of a Hopi altar. The present writer found one embedded in a bin of charred corn in a cliff-house on the Rio Mancos. Hammerstones of all ordinary varieties are present in large numbers, and abrading stones and polishing imple¬ ments are of common types. Chipped implements—arrowpoints, spearheads, knives, scrapers, and drill-points—are of usual types and are not very abundant or especially noteworthy. The materials used include obsidian, jasper, and many varieties of chalcedony. Great skill was evinced in the manufacture of beads and other small trinkets, the boring being done with the pump drill. Bone was much used for awls, and shell for ornaments. The bow and arrow was the principal weapon, while the atlatl, or throw-stick, was in pretty general use. 64 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Mines of turquoise were worked extensively in New Mexico, Nevada, and Arizona. This semi-precious stone was used for ornaments and especially for inlay or mosaic work, some very attractive specimens of the latter having been collected, and it was distributed by trade to distant parts, even to Mexico. There are few traces of the working of metals, the silversmith’s art of recent times having been introduced by the Spanish, and the copper bells occasionally found are probably of Mexican origin. The weaving arts and basketry were practised with much skill. In three important branches of material culture—the ceramic, the textile, and the stone-building arts—this area stands far above any other north of middle Mexico. Little evidence of great anti¬ quity beyond that furnished by the complex cultural conditions and innumerable deserted dwelling places and acequias has been found. Among those who have contributed observations of scientific value regarding the antiquities are: Blake, Cope, Powell, Cushing, Fewkes, Bandelier, Matthews, Hewett, Russell, Hodge, Holmes, Hough, Jackson, the Mindeleffs, Nordenskiold, Stephen, Pepper, the Stevensons, Wheeler, Whipple, Simpson, Morgan, Dorsey, Bartlett, Voth, Bourke, Prudden, Kidder, N. C. Nelson. THE CALIFORNIA AREA Notwithstanding the diversified physical characters of the state and the extraordinary assemblage of linguistic groups within its limits, the culture of California was and is uniformly primi¬ tive. At the same time it is set off with remarkable distinct¬ ness from the equally primitive cultures of other areas, especially those of the Atlantic side of the continent. In the desert and semi-desert regions of the extreme south and in northwestern Mexico, occupied mainly by the Yuman stock, an exceptionally primitive state of culture prevailed, as graphically depicted by Father Baegert in his report dated 1772, and by McGee in the iyth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. It is observed that the Santa Barbara region, including the islands off the coast, was in early times the center of a somewhat exceptional ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 65 development in certain branches of handicraft and especially in the working of stone, while more primitive but kindred conditions prevailed to the north and east throughout California. The lithic antiquities of the Santa Barbara district, which are attributed in large part to the Chumashan group, are characterized by great numbers of well sculptured domestic utensils--—bowl - shaped mortars, and long, graceful pestles of sandstone, globular cooking pots, rectangular and ovoid baking or boiling plates, tubular tobacco pipes of steatite, and polished bowls and cups of serpentine. The quarries from which the materials were obtained are situated partly on the mainland, but principally, it is believed, on the islands off the coast. The shell-heaps and village sites of the main¬ land and of the islands have been examined by Schumacher, Bowers, Nelson, and members of the War Department surveys, and the quarries of Santa Catalina island have been described by Schumacher and the present writer. Contrasting with the thin-walled bowl-like mortars of this district and the slender, grace" ful pestles associated with them, are the heavy, globular, conical and cylindrical mortars, the numerous mortars and clusters of mortars worked in outcropping rock masses with their heavy cylindric pestles, and the metate slabs with their flattish mullers which occur in great numbers in many sections. Bone was much used for piercing implements and ornaments. The beautiful shells of the coast — especially the haliotis and large clam—were a favorite material for the manufacture of personal ornaments, and the dentalium and other of the smaller shells served as ornaments and as a medium of exchange. In the middle and northern districts obsidian is plentiful, and chipped implements made of this material are found in great num¬ bers. The large knives, some of which measure two feet or more in length, are marvels of the flaking art, and are second in this respect in North America only to the slender flint blades of Tennessee. There are also superb flint blades in some localities, and arrow- points and spearheads of exceptional beauty are found, their manu¬ facture having continued in some sections down to the present day. Other features deserving special mention are the perforated digging 66 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA weights made of numerous varieties of stone, the hook-shaped carvings and the killer whale images of soapstone of the Santa Barbara region, and the plummet stones of middle California. Among the unique objects are specimens of boat-shaped and banner stones (imperforate) of eastern type also found in middle California. It is a remarkable fact that the grooved ax, the celt, and the gouge, implements of so much importance in eastern areas, do not occur, or are found but rarely, on the Pacific slope; the small adz blades take, in a measure, the place of these tools. The dwellings were of grass, brush, bark, and earth, and in the north were to a limited extent of slabs of wood. The floors were sornetimes excavated to slight depths, and the more primitive structures were often covered with earth. Absence of stone building in the area and the practical absence of pottery are in striking con¬ trast with the well matured state of these arts in the arid region on the east, shortcomings which, notwithstanding the well-made utensils of stone and the exquisite basketry and shell and bone work of Cali¬ fornia, place the Pueblo culture on a considerably higher plane than that even of the most advanced group of the Pacific states. The practice of agriculture gave the Pueblo people a decided advantage over the non-agricultural peoples of the coast, whose chief food resource, aside from the products of the chase, consisted of acorns, seeds, and berries. The handiwork of the tribes of the coast merges with that of the inland valleys and ranges, and this blends in turn with the culture of the Sierra, and the basin range region to the east. The transition between the culture of southern California and that of the Pueblo region is decidedly abrupt, although the somewhat recent coastwise extension of the Shoshonean stock from the east has resulted in limited blending. The transition to the north is gradual, the disappearance of the oak being responsible for marked changes in the activities and manner of life of the people. A most extraordinary feature of California archeology is the occurrence of articles of stone—mortars, pestles, and other objects of kindred culture grade, as well as fossil human remains—in the gold-bearing gravels of the mountain valleys, numerous specimens ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 67 having been reported as coming from beneath beds of lava of early Quaternary or late Tertiary age. That the relics are old in cases can not be doubted, but their exact chronological place and value have not as yet been ascertained. The most noteworthy features of Californian culture are entirely its own and are manifestly due in great measure to the molding influences of the environment. The acorn is probably responsible for the wonderful development of the mortar and pestle, and de¬ posits of soapstone have made possible the unique cooking pots and other noteworthy features of the native handicraft. The art of basketry was remarkably developed and retains its superiority to the present day. Watertight baskets and utensils of stone took the place of earthenware. It is interesting to note that, beginning in middle California, the status of culture as represented by art works rises gradually as we pass to the north through Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia, the culmination being reached with the tribes of the Northwest coast. In the south attempts to model or carve the human figure are unknown, while animal figures are of rare occurrence. As we advance toward the north, sculptures, human and animal, increase in number, and in British Columbia there is an extraordinary development of the sculptor’s art culminating in the remarkable grave posts, masks, and giant totem poles. That Middle America has had no influence on the culture of this coast is apparent. ■ Considering all phases of their culture, the achievements of the California tribes must be regarded as inferior to those of the Gulf states, the Mississippi valley, the Pueblo region, and the Northwest coast, and even of the Eskimo of Alaska. Among those who have conducted archeological investigations in California are: Whitney, Schumacher, Yarrow, Henshaw, Powers, Bowers, Holmes, Sinclair, Meredith, Terry, Yates, Palmer, Becker, Nelson, Rust, J. C. Mcrriam, and Skertchley. THE COLUMBIA-FRASER AREA The interesting region beginning in northern California and extending north to include the Columbia and Fraser valleys, pre- 68 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA sents diversified yet in a large way uniform culture phenomena. Owing to the somewhat marked differences between the coastal environment which is moist, and rich in forests, and the interior which assumes generally a semi-arid aspect, the material culture, ancient and modern, presents numerous minor differences. Natur¬ ally the inland culture graduates into that of the plateau and mountain region on the east. It is not separated very definitely from California on the south, but presents strong contrasts with the culture of the Northwest coast. The inhabitants of recent times comprise numerous stocks and tribes of primitive culture whose chief dependence was and is hunting and fishing and the natural supply of seeds, nuts, fruits, and roots. In the south the acorn was a principal article of diet. Their better houses were of wood and earth, and have left few traces save the shallow floor excavations with accompanying heaps and ridges of earth, and in the arid interior the earth-rings which mark lodge sites. Along the shores are numerous shell-heaps, the industrial contents of which agree with those of the general region save in so far as differences have resulted from differences in environment. Eells mentions burial mounds in the Willamette valley which yielded a wide range of the ordinary local relics, besides, in cases, glass beads and articles of iron. Chase examined certain mounds on the coast in southwestern Oregon with similar results. Earth¬ works and simple fortifications are mentioned by both explorers. Numerous cemeteries have yielded many relics of art of all classes. Rock carvings are generally distributed over the area. The relics of stone seem to tell a consistent story of ethnic conditions varying but little from that of historic times. Certain forms of implements and objects of sculpture characteristic of California extend to the north throughout the entire length of the area, while other forms characteristic of the Northwest coast extend far to the south. Deep globular forms of mortars prevail in some sections, and metates are found in others. The pestles in certain regions are of the oblong-club shape, often well finished and even tastefully carved, while in others they are ovoid or flattish, often merely adapted bowlders. All were used as hammers on occasion. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 69 Tobacco pipes, straight in the south and bent tubes and other forms in the north, are mentioned. The grooved ax and celt are absent, the adz blade taking the place of these forms here as elsewhere on the Pacific slope. Dishes, slate knives, sinkers, wedges of antler, abrading stones, scrapers, drills, arrow-shaft rubbers, and clubs (the latter of bone and stone), and projectile points and knives are found in numbers. Among objects of exceptional types may be mentioned large obsidian ceremonial blades in the south, batons of stone or bone carved to suggest or represent animal shapes, weight-like stones with loop for suspension, and some curious carved heads which have been regarded by some as intended to represent apes. The latter, although not carvings of particular note, find no counterpart in any portion of North America. Detailed study of this region would, perhaps, as in other cases, require its separation into two or more minor environments, but the blendings of the material culture are so intricate that conclusions of value can not be reached until further field investigations are made. There appears no certain evidence of the presence in early times of peoples distinct in character and culture from those of the present. The valley of the Columbia is given an important place in the ethnic history of the continent by Morgan who imagined it was a kind of hot-house, the multiplying peoples of which spread out over the south and east; but slight evidence has been found to support this hypothesis. Certain finds of supposed geologically ancient human remains and culture traces have been reported, but none of these have so far been fully authenticated. If, however, geologically ancient man did occupy the continent, the valley of the Columbia ought to be a very promising field for the preservation and discovery of the record. Explorers of the region include Schumacher, Eells, Smith, Boas, Terry, Dawson, Morice, and Chase. THE NORTHWEST COAST AREA This area comprises a rather narrow strip of the mainland and the contiguous coastwise islands in British Columbia and Alaska, 70 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA and extends from Puget sound on the south to Mt Saint Elias on the north, a distance of twelve or thirteen hundred miles. The present tribes belong to half a dozen stocks, well differentiated in physical characteristics from the Eskimo, with whom they come in contact on the north, and differing somewhat decidedly from the Indian tribes on the east and south. The material culture em¬ bodies many noteworthy and exceptional features and, as a whole, stands well apart from all other areas of the continent. It affiliates in some respects with that of the coast culture on the south and with the inland culture on the east. Hunting and especially fishing are and have always been the chief food resources of the people, agriculture being unknown. The area abounds in splendid forests, and the people have developed exceptional skill in carving K wood, originally with stone tools, and later in greater elaboration with implements of iron and steel. The dugout canoes are often of great size, beauty, and seaworthiness, and are probably the world’s highest achievement in this direction. Not less worthy of mention are the substantial houses of hewn timbers, and the totem poles, house posts, grave posts, human and animal effigies, and various utensils, masks, and other objects carved with a skill and boldness that would do credit to any people. Although it must be allowed that these results are due in a measure to the acquirement of white men’s tools, it can not be denied that the people are endowed with a genius for sculpture without parallel among the tribes of northern America. Their skill in carving extended to stone, shell, bone, and horn, and to a wide range of minor articles of use, ornament, faith, and ceremony. The artifacts of stone include hammers and mauls of the highest known types, adzes, mortars, pestles, knives, batons, tobacco pipes, amulets, ornaments, and other objects, but examples of chipped stone are of rare occurrence. Pottery is unknown, vessels of wood, bone, and horn serving in its place. Slate obtained from deposits on the Queen Charlotte islands has been much used in recent times for carving, and remarkable results are seen in miniature totem poles, boxes, dishes, pipes, and in diversified animal, human, and fanciful forms. Jade, found in the Frazer valley and probably elsewhere, was skilfully cut by primitive ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 71 abrading processes and shaped into tasteful implements and orna¬ ments. Much taste is shown in the inlaying of ornaments of bone and stone with the brilliant nacre of shells. Petroglyphs are numerous in some sections and probably date back to very early times, although they display the peculiar characteristics of the graphic art of the living tribes as embodied in painting, engraving, and weaving. Copper was and still is worked with considerable skill, and although the native metal occurs within the area, it is not known to what extent it was mined and utilized before the coming of the whites. Certain features of the arts — practical, religious, and ornamental—are thought to suggest inspiration from the Pacific islands, but if this is shown to be the case we shall still be unable to say whether that influence may not have been exerted exclusively during the rather long period since modern sea-going vessels began to ply back and forth on the Pacific. Traces of advanced Asiatic art are occasionally encountered along the coast, but these may be attributed to the stranding of vessels carried across the Pacific by the Japan current rather than to purposeful voyages in prehistoric times. The peculiar geography of the country has doubtless served in conjunction with its exceptional vegetal and animal resources to develop the unusual ability and enterprise of the people. Indeed, if a greatly diversified coast line tends, as some have held, to accelerate the culture progress of peoples, the inhabitants of this region should rank high among American nations. The archeologist can lay little exclusive claim to the antiquities of the region, since nearly all the known fQrms of native artifacts appear to have been in use since the coming of the whites, and these have given way only gradually to the encroachments of iron and steel. Scientific researches within the area have hardly touched the problems of antiquity, and no evidence serving to carry the history of man into the remote past has been obtained. The culture, so far as observed, appears to be decidedly homogeneous and with slight trace of antecedent forms of art either lower or higher than the historic. It is b'elieved by some authorities that certain elements of the population entered the area from the high- ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA land valleys on the east. Although this region lies along the most likely trail of peoples entering America by way of Bering strait, nothing has been observed in the culture of the people suggesting migrations from the north, and no characteristic features that might not have arisen within the local environment or from possible intrusions within a few hundred years. Original investigators of this area who have contributed information regarding the native culture and antiquities are Swan, Niblack, Boas, Emmons, Smith, Swanton, and others. THE ARCTIC SHORELAND AREA The arctic characterization area extends from Greenland on the east to farthest Alaska on the west, and from the tortuous northern shores of the continent somewhat indefinitely into the interior. Along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts the peculiar arctic culture shades off into the cultures of the south. Where not subject to the direct influence of other races, it is essentially Eskimoan in its prehistoric as well as in its historic phases, and the uniformity of the frigid environment and of the racial elements involved has resulted in marked uniformity of achievement throughout the area. Indeed, so all-impelling are boreal conditions that it would seem strange, since Bering strait does not interfere with free intercourse between the east and the west, did this uniformity not extend practically the entire length of the Arctic circle. The culture of the past merges into that of the present and archeological researches may be expected in time to contribute much of interest to the cul¬ ture history of the area, at least of the more recent past. There is no doubt that marked changes have taken place in the arts and manner of life of such of the peoples as have come in close contact with the whites, but we may feel assured that their ingenuity and their exceptional dexterity in many directions are indigenous traits, developed largely as a result of long struggles with the exacting environment. In these inhospitable regions shelter during the inclement seasons is an ever-existing necessity, but home-building had its severe limitations. Houses were built of driftwood, whale bones, stone, ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 73 earth, sod, and snow, and the sunken floors aided in making exis¬ tence during the long winters bearable. Explorers find traces of these long-deserted structures and of storehouses and cairns scat¬ tered along thousands of miles of the frozen coast. Fire for warmth and for cooking is a first consideration to dwellers in the arctic, and since oils and fats were the main de¬ pendence for fuel, the lamp filled an important place in every household. This useful utensil was made usually of soapstone. It is a remarkable fact that the lamp is unknown in any other part of America, while several forms are found in arctic Asia. Hunting and fishing are and were always necessarily the almost exclusive means of subsistence of the people, and weapons and other devices for capturing game are among the most ingenious of their kind. In the west tough jades, the rare pectolites, and other hard varieties of stone were employed in making mortars, pestles, dishes, vessels for containing, hammers, adzes, chisels, picks, knives, whetstones, sinkers, tobacco pipes, and other implements and uten¬ sils. Hard, brittle stones, such as flint and slate, were wrought and skilfully shaped by fracture processes into knives, scrapers, drills, and projectile points, and the art is by no means a lost one at the present day. It is a noteworthy fact that, although great skill was shown in the shaping of stone by these processes, spear and harpoon heads, knives, and especially the woman’s knife, were very often shaped and sharpened by grinding. Familiarity with this process in the shaping of bone and ivory would necessarily suggest its use in working stone. The grooved ax, celt, and gouge are absent from the area. Stone was used also in the manufacture of personal ornaments, such as labrets, beads, ear-plugs, and pendants, some of these being unsurpassed for beauty of material and finish. Figurines, toys, fetishes, charms, talismans, and a multitude of other articles were also carved with great skill and in all available materials, and engraving of pictorial subjects of considerable merit is a distinctive feature of the more recent arctic art. It is a remarkable fact that pottery was formerly in common use in the far north, especially along the coast as far east as Franklin lX y 74 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA bay. The vessels, rather thick-walled, and generally of medium or large size, were probably intended for cooking and containing food, but are of good shape and tastefully ornamented with incised and impressed decorations. The pottery-making period is not yet determined, but the art appears not to have been practised in recent times, save in the manufacture of lamps. As with many of the ethnic areas of America, the material culture of the present and past blend completely. The task of determining by a study of the antiquities the changes that have been wrought falls to archeology. The shell-heaps of the Aleutian islands have yielded data of interest regarding the problems of chronology, carrying the story back perhaps thousands of years. The Bering region is believed to be pregnant with historic interest— geological, geographical, climatic, and anthropological—to hold within its soil and more recent formations solutions of many of the problems of the American race—but the inquirer must wait. A comparison of the culture of the Eskimo race with that of the other ethnic groups of the continent must result in giving this people an enviable place in the scale of intellectual achievements, but the environment has placed rigid limitations on the possibilities of accomplishment. However, the list of minor artifacts would probably be as long as that of any other northern American area, and many of the things are without corresponding features elsewhere. Among the explorers who have contributed original information regarding Eskimo culture may be mentioned Dali, Murdoch, Nelson, Turner, Boas, Solberg, Rink, Mackenzie, Holm, Frobisher, Simpson, Krantz, Kane, Hoffman, Grenfell, and Stefansson. THE GREAT NORTHERN INTERIOR AREA Archeologically the great interior region of British America is practically a negligible quantity. It may contain traces of early occupancy of deep interest to the historian of the race, but research has as yet made slight progress within its borders. It is assumed as probable that successive instalments of migrating peoples entered the gateway at the northwest and moved southward and eastward over the region, some remaining, unaware of better things, ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 75 others passing on to more genial climes. None appear, however, to have made a perceptible impression upon the face of the northern wilderness. Over a large part of the area, at least, all traces of very early occupancy, if such there ever were, must have been wiped out by the ice sheets which, one after another, swept southward over the country, the latest invasion in the central region con¬ tinuing down to the period which witnessed the building of the Egyptian pyramids. Limited areas in the west and northwest were not thus invaded, but these have, as yet, yielded nothing of particu¬ lar value to archeology. The extensive operations of the gold miners of the Yukon have, during twenty years of unprecedented activity, brought to light no trace of man or his works. That the primitive Athapascan and Algonquian stocks—the caribou hunting peoples—have long occupied the region and have left the simple products of their handicraft on countless abandoned sites is safely to be inferred, but it is probable that past cultures did not in any instance rise above the level of the present. The researches of Mackenzie, Hearne, Morice, and others indicate the poverty of the historical tribes in manifestations of material cul¬ ture, and the archeologist may expect to find little beyond artifacts of the simplest type-—projectile points, knives, scrapers, abrading stones, hammerstones, boiling stones, and minor relics of other materials-—merely such things as are necessary to the existence of hunter tribes. Traces of intrusive culture may be expected along the western and southern borders. The unfolding of the story of the past in this area must prove a tedious and almost thankless task. At any rate, it is apparent that in the present state of our researches this region will seldom be referred to in the discussion of the antiquities and culture history of the continent. Explorers of this area who have made contributions to the history of early times include Mackenzie, Hearne, Morice, Hill- Tout, Dawson, and others. Bureau of American Ethnology Washington, D. C. MATERIAL CULTURES OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS By CLARK WISSLER Contents DISTRIBUTION OF MATERIAL TRAITS. 78 Culture Areas. 78 Plains Area. 78 Plateau Area. 80 California Area. 82 North Pacific Coast Area. 83 Eskimo Area. 84 Mackenzie Area. 86 Eastern Woodland Area. 88 Southeastern Area. 91 Southwestern Area. 92 Widely Distributed Traits. 94 Culture Centers and their Problems. 95 TRAIT ASSOCIATION. 116 DIFFUSION OF MATERIAL TRAITS. 118 MOTOR FACTORS. 123 SUMMARY. 130 BIBLIOGRAPHY .. 132 F OR some years the study of material culture has been quite out of fashion, though not so very long ago it was otherwise. Field-workers still record such random data as come to hand and gather up museum specimens, but give their serious and system¬ atic attention to language, art, ceremonies, and social organization. As a result we have accumulated certain stimulating and serviceable conceptions which serve as a basis for the further development of these problems. On the other hand, there is little of this character to record for material culture, so that if we give our attention strictly to a review of progress, the task will be light. In conse¬ quence, we have chosen to review briefly the data for North Ameri¬ can material culture and then present some of the most obvious general problems that are suggested. The description of a tribe’s material culture, to be regarded as adequate, should give reasonably full data on the points enumer- 76 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 77 ated in our topical list. Such a list might well serve as a guide to field-work and also as an outline for the published reports. In the preparation of this outline we have been guided entirely by practical considerations rather than by logical relations. Thus the order of topics and their divisions have no scientific significance, but are such as justify themselves to us as the most convenient. The thorough treatment of our subject would require taking up in succession the three hundred or more tribes known to us and reviewing their culture in detail. Unfortunately, we have very meager data on many points, but on the whole this outline can be more completely filled in for all these tribes than similar ones for their social and ceremonial cultures. For some tribes we have special papers treating most phases of their material cultures, but the bulk of our information is scattered here and there among books of travel and exploration. Most of these data are still awaiting the ethnological student, yet we have now available in the readily accessible literature an extensive knowledge of the continent that is sufficient for a brief general discussion of our subject. Topical List of Data Needed to Characterize the Material Culture of an American Tribe 1. Food: a, methods of gathering and producing vegetable foods; b, hunting; c, fishing; d, agriculture and domestication; e, methods of cooking; /, manufactured foods. (Details of methods and appliances in every case.) 2. Shelter: details of structure for (a) seasonal types; (b) permanent types, and (c) temporary shelters. 3. Transportation: methods and appliances for land and water. 4. Dress: materials and patterns; sex differences, a, headgear and hair dress; b, foot gear; c, hand gear; d, body costume; e, over-costume. 5. Pottery: methods of manufacture, forms, uses, colors, technique of decoration. 6. Basketry, mats, and bags: materials, kinds of weave, forms, uses, technique of color and decoration. 7. Weaving of twisted elements: materials, methods of twisting thread and cord, weaving frames or looms, technique of dyeing and pattern-weaving, kinds and uses of products. 8. Work in skins: a, dressing, methods and tools; b, tailoring and sewing; c, technique of bags and other objects; d, use of rawhide. 9. Weapons: bows, lances, clubs, knives, shields, armor, fortifications, etc. IO. Work in wood: a, methods of felling trees, making planks and all reducing processes; b, shaping, bending and joining; c, drilling, sawing, smoothing, 78 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA d, painting and polishing; e, use of fire; /, tools; g, list of objects made of wood; h, technique of carving. 11. Work in stone: processes, forms, and uses. 12. Work in bone, ivory, and shell. 13. Work in metals. 14. Feather-work, quill technique, bead technique, and all special products not enumerated above. DISTRIBUTION OF MATERIAL TRAITS One cannot take up problems in the distribution of material traits in America without acknowledging the extensive work of the late O. T. Mason. Though deeply interested in logical classi¬ fication and genetic problems he rarely permitted these concep¬ tions to obscure the geographical relations of traits. Thus no matter what points of view may ultimately prevail in anthro¬ pology, his works will stand at the head of the reference list. Culture Areas It is customary to divide the continent into culture areas the boundaries to which are provisional and transitional, but which taken in the large enable us to make convenient distinctions. North of Mexico we have nine culture areas: the Southwest, Cali¬ fornia, the Plateaus, the Plains, the Southeast, the Eastern Wood¬ lands, the Mackenzie, the North Pacific Coast, and the Arctic areas. Each of these is conceived as the home of a distinct type of culture; but when we take a detailed view of the various tribal groups within such an area we find a complex condition not easily adjusted to a generalized type. Plains Area. In the Plains area we have at least thirty-one tribal groups, of which eleven may be considered as manifesting the typical material culture of the area.—The Assiniboine, Arapaho, Blackfoot, Crow, Cheyenne, Comanche, Gros Ventre, Kiowa, Kiowa-Apache, Sarsi, and Teton-Dakota. The chief traits of this culture are the dependence upon the buffalo and the very limited use of roots and berries; absence of fishing; lack of agriculture; the tipi as a movable dwelling; transportation by land only with the dog and the travois (in historic times with the horse); want of ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 79 basketry and pottery; no true weaving; clothing of buffalo and deerskins; a special bead technique; high development of work in skins; special rawhide work (parfleche, cylindrical bag, etc.); use of a circular shield; weak development of work in wood, stone, and bone. In historic times these tribes ranged from north to south in the heart of the area. On the eastern border were some fourteen tribes having most of the positive traits enumerated above and in addition some of the negative ones, as a limited use of pottery and basketry, some spinning and weaving of bags, rather extensive agriculture and alternating the tipi with larger and more permanent houses covered with grass, bark, or earth, some attempts at water trans¬ portation. These tribes are: the Arikara, Hidatsa, Iowa, Kansa, Mandan, Missouri, Omaha, Osage, Oto, Pawnee, Ponca, Santee- Dakota, Yankton-Dakota, and the Wichita. On the western border were other tribes (the Wind River Shoshone, Uinta and Uncompahgre Ute) lacking pottery, but producing a rather high type of basketry, depending far less on the buffalo but more on deer and small game, making large use of wild grass seeds, or grain, alternating tipis with brush and mat- covered shelters. Also on the northeastern border are the Plains-Ojibway and Plains-Cree who have many traits of the forest hunting tribes as well as most of those found in the Plains. Possibly a few of the little-known bands of Canadian Assiniboine should be included in this group in distinction from the Assiniboine proper. These variations from the type are, as we shall see, typical traits of the adjoining areas, the possible exception being the earth- lodges of the Mandan, Pawnee, etc. On the other hand, the tribes of the area as a whole have in common practically all the traits of the typical group . 1 For example, the Mandan made some use of tipis, hunted buffalo, used the travois, worked in skins and raw- 1 The reader should bear in mind that all the interpretations and assumptions in' this paper are limited absolutely to the bounds of material culture and that no con¬ sideration is given to the applicability of the several conclusions to other aspects of culture. Hence, the word culture, unless otherwise stated, is to be taken as excluding all traits not enumerated in the topical list. So ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA hide, and armed and clothed themselves like the typical Plains tribes, but also added other traits, pottery, basketry, agriculture, and earth-lodges. Thus we see that while in this area there are marked culture differences, the traits constituting these differences tend to be typical of other areas and that, hence, we are quite justified in taking the cultures of the central group as the type for the area as a whole . 1 Plateau Area. The Plateau area joins the Plains on the west. It is far less uniform in its topography, the south being a veritable desert while the north is moist and fertile. To add to the difficulties in systematically characterizing this culture, arising from lack of geographical unity, is the want of definite information for many important tribes. Our readily available sources are Teit’s Thomp¬ son, Shushwap, and Lillooet; Spinden’s Nez Perce; and Lowie’s Northern Shoshone; but there is also an excellent summary of the miscellaneous historical information by Lewis. In a general way, these three intense tribal studies give us the cultural nuclei of as many groups, the Interior Salish, the Shahaptian, and the Shoshone. Of these the Salish seem the typical group because both the Nez Perce and the Shoshone show marked Plains traits . 2 It is also the largest, having sixteen or more dialectic divisions and considerable territorial extent. Of these the Thompson, Shushwap, Okanagan (Colville, Nespelim, SanpoiO Senijixtia), and Lillooet seem to be the most typical. The traits may be summarized as: extensive use of salmon, deer, roots (especially camas), and berries; the use of a handled digging-stick, cooking with hot stones in holes and baskets; the pulverization of dried salmon and roots for storage; winter houses, semi-subterranean, a circular pit with a conical roof and smoke hole entrance; summer houses, movable or transient, mat or rush-covered tents and the lean-to, double and single; the dog sometimes used as a pack animal; water transportation weakly developed, crude dug-outs and bark canoes being used; pottery not known; basketry highly developed, coil, rectangular shapes, imbricated technique; twine weaving in flexible bags and mats; 1 Consult: Wissler, (a), (6), (e). 2 Consult: Lewis; Teit. (a), (6), (e); Spinden; Boas, (6); Hill-Tout; Lowie. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA some simple weaving of bark fiber for clothing; clothing for the entire body usually of deerskins; skin caps for the men, and in some cases basket caps for women; blankets of woven rabbitskin; the sinew-backed bow prevailed; clubs, lances, and knives, and rod and slat armor were used in war, also heavy leather shirts; fish spears, hooks, traps, and bag nets were used; dressing of deerskins highly developed but other skin work weak; upright stretching frames and straight long handled scrapers; while wood work was more advanced than among the Plains tribes it was insignificant as compared to the North Pacific Coast area; stone work was confined to the making of tools and points, battering and flaking, s'ome jadeite tools; work in bone, metal, and feathers very weak. The Shahaptian group includes tribes of the Waiilatpuan stock. The underground house seems to be wanting here, but the Nez Perce used a form of it for a young men’s lodge. However the permanent house seems to be a form of the double lean-to of the north. In other respects the differences are almost wholly due to the intrusion of traits from the Plains. Skin work is more highly developed and no attempts at the weaving of cloth are made, but there is a high development of basketry and soft bags. The Northern Shoshonean tribes were even farther removed toward Plains culture, though they used a dome-shaped brush shelter before the tipi became general; thus, they used canoes not at all, carried the Plains shield; deer being scarce in their country they made more use of the buffalo than the Nez Perce, depended more upon small game and especially made extensive use of wild grass seeds, though as everywhere in the area, roots and salmon formed an important food; in addition to the universal sagebrush bark weaving they made rabbitskin blankets; their basketry was coil and twine, but the shapes were round; they had some steatite jars and possibly pottery, but usually cooked in baskets; their clothing was quite Plains-like and work in rawhide was well de¬ veloped; in historic times they were great horse Indians but seem not to have used the travois either for dogs or horses. The remain¬ ing Shoshone of western Utah and Nevada were in a more arid region and so out of both the salmon and the buffalo country, but 82 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA otherwise their fundamental culture was much the same, though far less modified by Plains traits. The Wind River division, the Uinta or Uncompahgre Ute, it should be noted, belong more to the Plains area than here, and have been so classed. In the extreme western part of Nevada we have the Washo, a small tribe and linguistic stock, who in common with some of the little-known Shoshonean Mono-Paviotso groups seem to have been influenced by California culture. Among other variants, their occasional use of insects as food may be noted. On the north of our area are the Athapascan Chilcotin whose material culture was quite like that of the Salish.iand to the northeast the Kutenai with some individualities and some inclinations toward the Plains. In general, it appears that in choice of foods, textile arts, quantity of clothing, forms of utensils, fishing appliances, methods of cooking and preparing foods, there was great uniformity through¬ out the entire area, while in houses, transportation, weapons, cut and style of c othing, the groups designated above presented some important differences. As in the Plains area we find certain border tribes strongly influenced by the cultures of the adjoining areas. California Area. In California we have a marginal or coast area, which Kroeber divides into four sub-culture areas. However, by far the most extensive is the central group to which belongs the typical culture. Its main characteristics are: acorns, the chief vegetable food, supplemented by wild seeds, roots and berries scarcely used; acorns made into bread by a roundabout process; hunting mostly for small game and fishing where possible; houses of many forms, but all simple shelters of brush or tule, or more substantial conical lean-to structures of poles; the dog was not used for packing and there were no canoes, but used rafts of tule for ferrying; no pottery but high development of basketry, both coil and twine; bags and mats very scanty; cloth or other weaving of twisted elements not known; clothing was simple, and scanty, feet generally bare; the bow, the only weapon, sinew-backed usually; work in skins very weak; work in wood, bone, etc., weak; metals not at all; stone work not advanced. With the single exception of basketry we have here a series of simple traits which tend to great uniformity. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 83 As with the preceding areas we must again consider inter¬ mediate groups. In the south the characteristic linguistic indi¬ viduality vanishes to make room for large groups of Yuman and Shoshonean tribes; here we find some pottery, sandals, wooden war clubs, and even curved rabbit sticks, all intrusive. The extinct Santa Barbara were at least variants, living upon sea food, having some wood work, making plank canoes, and e xcelle nt workers of stone, bone, and shel l. In northern California are again the Karok, Yurok, Wishosk, Shasta, and Hupa and other Athapascan tribes; here sea food on the coast and salmon in the interior rival acorns and other foods; dug-out canoes; rectangular gabled houses of planks with circular doors; basketry almost exclusively twined; elkhorn and wooden trinket boxes; elkhorn spoons; stone work superior to that of central California; the occasional Tise of rod, slafTand elkskin armor and also basket hats of the northern type. These all suggest the culture farther north . 1 North Pacific Coast Area. Ranging northward from California to the Alaskan peninsula we have an ethnic coast belt, known as the North Pacific Coast area. This culture is rather complex and presents highly individualized tribal variations; but can be con¬ sistently treated under three subdivisions: (a) the northern group, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian; (b) the central group, the Kwakiutl tribes and the Bellacoola; and (c) the southern group, the Coast Salish, the Nootka, the Chinook, Kalapooian, Waiilatpuan, Chi- makuan, and some Athapascan tribes. The first of these seem to be the type and are characterized by: the great dependence upon sea food, some hunting upon the mainland, large use of berries; dried fish, clams, and berries are the staple food; cooking with hot stones in boxes and baskets; large rectangular gabled houses of upright cedar planks with carved posts and totem poles; travel chiefly by water in large sea-going dug-out canoes some of which had sails; no pottery nor stone vessels, except mortars; baskets in checker, those in twine reaching a high state of excellence among the Tlingit; coil basketry not made; mats of cedar bark and soft 1 Consult: Kroeber, (o). Also the special anthropological publications of the University of California. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 84 bags in abundance; the Chilkat, a Tlingit tribe, specialized in the weaving of a blanket of goat hair; there was no true loom, the warp hanging from a bar and weaving with the fingers, downward; clothing rather scanty, chiefly of skin, a wide basket hat (only one of the kind on the continent and apparently for rain protection); feet usually bare, but skin moccasins and leggings were occasionally made; for weapons the bow, club, and a peculiar dagger, no lances; slat, rodGandAfkin armor; wooden helmets, no shields; practically no chipped stone tools, but nephrite or green stone used; wood work highly developed, splitting and dressing of planks, peculiar bending for boxes, joining by securing with concealed stitches, high develop¬ ment of carving technique; work in copper may have been aboriginal, but if so, very weakly developed. The central group differs in a few minor points; use a hand stone hammer instead of a hafted one, practically no use of skin clothing but twisted and loosely woven bark or wool; no coil or twined basketry, all checker work. Among the southern group appears a strong tendency to use stone arrowheads in contrast to the north; a peculiar flat club, vaguely similar to the New Zealand type, the occasional use of the Plains war club, greater use of edible roots (camas, etc.) and berries, some use of acorns as in California, the handled digging-stick, roasting in holes (especially camas) and the pounding of dried salmon, a temporary summer house of bark or rushes, twine basketry prevailed, the sewed rush mat, costume like the central group . 1 Eskimo Area. The chief resumes of Eskimo culture have been made by Boas who divides them into nine or more groups, but his distinctions are based largely upon non-material traits. When we consider the fact that the Eskimo are confined to the coast line and stretch from the Aleutian islands to eastern Greenland, we should expect lack of contact in many parts of this long chain to give rise to many differences. While many differences do exist, the simi¬ larities are striking, equal if not superior in uniformity to those of any other culture area. However, our knowledge of these people 1 Consult: Boas, (c), ( d)\ Krause; Niblack; Emmons, (a), (b), (c). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 85 is far from satisfactory, making even this brief survey quite pro¬ visional. The mere fact that they live by the sea and chiefly upon sea food, will not of itself differentiate them from the tribes of the North Pacific coast; but the habit of camping in winter upon sea ice and living upon seal, and in the summer upon land animals will serve us. Among other traits the kayak and “woman’s boat,” the lamp, the harpoon, the float, woman’s knife, bowdrill, snow goggles, the trussed-bow, and dog traction, are almost universal and taken in their entirety rather sharply differentiate Eskimo culture from the remainder of the continent. The type of winter shelter varies considerably, but the skin tent is cjuite universal in summer, and the snow house, as a more or less permanent winter house, prevails east of Point Barrow. Intrusive traits are also present: basketry of coil and twine is common in Alaska ; 1 pottery also extended eastward to Cape Parry; the Asiatic pipe occurs in Alaska and the Indian pipe on the west side of Hudson bay; likewise some costumes beaded in general Indian style have been noted west of Hudson bay. All Eskimo are rather ingenious workers with tools, in this respect strikingly like the tribes of the North Pacific coast. In Alaska where wood is available the Eskimo carve masks, small boxes, and bowls with great cleverness. These variants all tend to disappear between Point Barrow and Hudson bay and it may be noted that they are at the same time traits that occur in Asia, the North Pacific coast, or the Mackenzie area. Hence, we seem justified in looking toward the east for the typical material culture. From our limited knowledge it appears ffiaFTTuP great "central group from Banks land on the west to Smith sound in North Greenland is the home of the purest traits; here are snow houses, dogs harnessed with single traces, rectangular stone kettles; and the almost entire absence of wooden utensils . 2 In Greenland and Labrador the differences are small and apparently due more to modern European influences than to prehistoric causes. 1 Mason asserts the occasional occurrence of coil baskets among the Central group. 2 Consult: Boas, (e), (/), (g), (A); Murdoch; Nelson, E. W. 86 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA The limited study of archeological specimens by Dali, Solberg, and Boas suggests much greater uniformity in the prehistoric period, a conclusion apparently borne out by the collections made by Stefans- son on the north coast. While this is far from conclusive, it is quite consistent with the view that the chief intrusive culture is west of the Mackenzie river. Mackenzie Area. Skirting the Eskimo area from east to west is a great interior belt of semi-Arctic lands, including the greater part of the interior of Canada. Hudson bay almost cuts it into two parts, the western or larger part occupied by the Dene tribes, the eastern by Algonkins, the Saulteaux, Cree, Montagnais, and Naskapi. The fauna, flora, and climate are quite uniform for corresponding latitudes which is reflected to some extent in material culture so that we should be justified in considering it one great area ; 1 this would, however, not be consistent with less material traits according to which the Dene country is considered as a distinct area. For this reason we shall treat the region under two areas. Our knowledge of the Dene tribes is rather fragmentary, for scarcely a single tribe has been seriously studied. Aside from the work of Father Morice we have only the random observations of explorers and fur traders. It is believed that the Dene tribes fall into three culture groups. The eastern group: the Yellow Knives, Dog Rib, Hares, Slavey, Chipewyan, and Beaver; the southwestern group: the Nahane, Sekani, Babine, and Carrier; the northwestern group comprising the Kutchin, Loucheux, Ahtena, and Khotana. 1 The chief cultural bond through this region is the use of the caribou. The caribou ranged from Maine to Alaska and throughout all this area furnished the greater part of the clothing and tents and a considerable portion of the food. They could not be taken easily in summer but in winter were killed in drives, on the ice, or after a thaw, in the water. They were also snared. All of these methods were known from Alaska to Newfoundland. Between the Mackenzie and Hudson bay ranged the barren ground variety, whose habits were somewhat like those of the buffalo on the Plains, and the tribes in reach of their range lived upon them almost as completely as did the Indians of the Plains upon the buffalo. (See Pike, chap. 4; for map see Madison Grant in the Seventh Annual Report, New York Zoological Society.) Along with these widely distributed caribou traits go the great use of spruce and birchbark for canoes and vessels, babiche, and bark fiber, toboggans, and skin or bark- covered tents, the use of snares and nets. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 87 The Chilcotin are so far removed culturally that we have placed them in the Plateau group and the Tahltan seem to be intermediate to the North Pacific center. Of these three groups the southwestern is the largest and occu¬ pies the most favorable habitat. From the writings of Father Morice a fairly satisfactory statement of their material cultures can be made, as follows: All the tribes are hunters of large and small game, caribou are often driven into enclosures, small game taken in snares and traps; a few of the tribes on the headwaters of the Pacific drainage take salmon, but other kinds of fish are largely used; large use of berries is made, they are mashed and dried by a special process; edible roots and other vegetable foods are used to some extent; utensils are of wood and bark; no pottery; bark vessels for boiling with and without use of stones; travel in summer largely by canoe, in winter by snowshoe; dog sleds used to some extent, but chiefly since trade days, the toboggan form prevailing; clothing of skins; mittens and caps; no weaving except rabbitskin garments , 1 but fine network in snowshoes, bags, and fish nets, materials of bark fiber, sinew, and babiche; there is also a special form of woven quill work; the typical habitation seems to be the double lean-to, though many intrusive forms occur; fish-hooks and spears; limited use of copper; work_iiistone weak . 2 Unfortunately, the data available on the other groups are less definite, so that we cannot decisively classify the tribes. From Hearne, Mackenzie, and others it appears that the following traits 1 These are often woven on a frame similar to the skin-dressing frame but without loom-like appliances. 2 The following statement as to the archeology of the southwestern group may be ,,/fioted: "Throughout the whole extent of their territory, no mounds, enclosures, forti¬ fications of a permanent character or any earthen works suggesting human agency are to be found, nor is their existence, past or present, even as much as suspected by any Carrier, Tse’kehne or Tsikoh’tin. In the same manner, pottery, clay implements, perforated stones, mortars, ceremonial gorgets, gouges, stone sledges and articles of shell either plain, carved, or engraved, have to this day remained unknown among them. They did formerly, and do still occasionally, use stone pestles. But for the mortars common among natives of most heterogeneous stocks, they substitute a dressed skin spread on the ground whereon they pound dried salmon, salmon vertebrae, bones, etc.” (Morice, a, 35.) 88 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA prevailed over the entire Dene area: the twisting of bark fiber without spindle and its general use, reminding one of sennit; snares and nets for all kinds of game; the use of spruce and birchbark for vessels and canoes; basketry of split spruce root ( watap ) for cook¬ ing with hot stones noted by early observers; the toboggan; in summer the use of the dog to carry tents and other baggage; extensive use of babiche; the short-handled stone adze; iron pyrites instead of the firedrill and fungus for touchwood; the use of the cache; and above all, dependence upon the caribou. These seem to be the most characteristic traits of the Dene as a whole and while neither numerous nor complex are still quite distinctive. Some writers have commented upon the relative poverty of distinctive traits and the preponderance of borrowed, or intrusive ones. For example, the double lean-to is peculiarly their own, though used slightly in parts of the Plateau area; but among the southwestern Dene we frequently find houses like those of the Tsimshian among the Babine and northern Carrier, while the Skena and southern Carrier use the underground houses of the Salish,and among the Chipewyan, Beaver, and most of the eastern group, the skin or bark-covered tipi of the Cree is common. Similar differences have been noted in costume and doubtless hold for other traits. Pemmican was made by the eastern group. According to Hearne some of them painted their shields with Plains-like devices. In the northwestern group we find some sleds of Eskimo pattern. Such borrowing of traits from other areas is, however, not peculiar to the Dene, and while it may be more prevalent among them, it should be noted that our best data is from tribes marginal to the area. It is just in the geographical center of this area that data fail us. Therefore, the inference is that there is a distinct type of Dene culture and that their lack of individuality has been over¬ estimated . 1 Eastern Woodland Area. We come now to the so-called Eastern Woodland area, the characterization of which is difficult. As just noted, its northern border extends to the Arctic and all the territory between the Eskimo above and Lakes Superior and Huron below 1 Consult: Morice, (&), (c); Mackenzie; Hearne; Emmons, (c). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 89 and eastward to the St Lawrence is the home of a culture whose material traits are comparable to those of the Dene. In brief, the traits are the taking of caribou in pens; the snaring of game; the considerable use of small game and fish; the use of berry food; the weaving of rabbitskins; the birch canoe; the toboggan; the conical skin or bark-covered shelter; the absence ok basketry and pottery; use of bark and wooden utensils. The tribes most distinctly of this culture are the Ojibway north of the Lakes, including the Saulteaux, the Wood Cree, the Montagnais, and the Naskapi. Taking the above as the northern group we find the main body falls into three large divisions: 1. The Iroquoian tribes (Huron, Wyandot, Erie, Susquehanna, and the Five Nations) extending from north to south and thus dividing the Algonkin tribes. 2. The Central Algonkin, west of the Iroquois: Some Ojibway, the Ottawa, Menomini, Sauk and Fox, Potawatomi, Peoria, Illi¬ nois, Kickapoo, Miami, Piankashaw, Shawnee, also the Siouan Winnebago. 3. The Eastern Algonkin: TheAbnaki group, and theMicmac, not to be distinguished from the northern border group save by their feeble cultivation of maize, the New England tribes, and the Delawares. While the Iroquoian tribes seem to have been predominant, their material culture suggests a southern origin, thus disqualifying them for places in the type group. The Eastern tribes are not well known, many of them being extinct, but they also seem to have been strongly influenced by the Iroquois and by southern culture. We must therefore turn to the Central group for the type. Even here the data are far from adequate, for the Peoria, Illinois, Miami, and Piankashaw have almost faded away. Little is known of the Kickapoo and Ottawa, and no serious studies of the Shawnee are available. The latter, however, seem to belong with the transi¬ tional tribes of the eastern group, if not actually to the Southeastern area. Our discussions therefore must be based on the Ojibway, Menomini, Sauk and Fox, and Winnebago. Maize, squashes, and beans were cultivated (though weakly by 90 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA the Ojibway), wild rice where available was a great staple, maple sugar was manufactured; deer, bear, and even buffalo were hunted, also wild fowl; fishing was fairly developed, especially sturgeon fishing on the lakes; pottery was weakly developed but formerly used for cooking vessels; vessels of wood and bark were common; some splint basketry; two types of shelter prevailed, a dome¬ shaped bark or mat-covered lodge for winter, a rectangular bark house for summer, though the Ojibway tended to use the conical type of the northern border group instead of the latter; canoes of bark and dug-out were used where possible; the toboggan^was occasionally used, snowshoes were common; dog traction rare; weaving of bark fiber downward with fingers; soft bags; pack lines; and fish nets; clothing of skins, soft-soled moccasins with drooping flaps, leggings, breech-cloth, and sleeved shirts for men, for women a skirt and jacket, though a one-piece dress was known; skin robes, some woven of rabbitskin; no armor, bows of plain wood, no lances, both the ball-ended and gun-shaped wooden club; in trade days the tomahawk; deer were often driven into the water and killed from canoes (the use of the jack-light should be noted); fish taken with hooks, spears, and nets, small game trapped and snared; work in skins confined to clothing; bags usually woven and other receptacles made of birchbark; mats of reed and cedar bark com¬ mon; work in wood, stone, and bone weakly developed; probably considerable use of copper in prehistoric times; feather-work rare. When we come to the Eastern group we find agriculture more intensive (except in the extreme north) and pottery more highly developed. Woven feather cloaks seem to have been common, a southern trait. Work in stone also seems a little more complex; a special development of steatite work. More use was made of edible roots. The Iroquoian tribes were even more intensive agriculturists and potters, they made some use of the blowgun, developed corn- husk weaving, carved elaborate masks from wood, lived in rect¬ angular long houses of peculiar pattern, built fortifications, and were super ior in bone work. 1 1 Consult: Hoffman; Jenks; Parker, (a); Chamberlain; Carr; Turner; Skinner, (a), (6); Harrington; Willoughby. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 91 Southeastern Area. The Southeastern area is conveniently divided by the Mississippi river, the typical culture occurring in the east. As we have noted, the Powhatan group and perhaps the Shawnee are quite intermediate. These eliminated we have the Muskogean and Iroquoian tribes (Cherokee and Tuscarora) as the chief groups, also the Yuchi, Eastern Siouan, Tunican, and Quapaw. The Chitimacha and Atakapa differ chiefly in the greater use of aquatic foods. The Caddoan tribes had a different type of shelter and were otherwise slightly deflected toward the Plains culture. We have little data for the Tonkawa, Karankawa, and Carrizo, but they seem not to have been agriculturists and some of them seem to have lived in tipis like the Lipan, being almost true buffalo Indians. These thus stand as intermediate and may belong with the Plains or the Southwest area. The Biloxi of the east, the extinct Timuqua, and the Florida Seminole are also variants from the type. They were far less dependent upon agriculture and made considerable use of aquatic food. The Timuqua lived in circular houses and, as did the Seminole, made use of bread made of coonti roots (Zamia primila), the method of preparing suggesting West Indian influence. The eating of human flesh is also set down as a trait of several Gulf Coast tribes. Our typical culture then may be found at its best among the Muskhogean, Yuchi, and Cherokee. The following are the most distinctive traits: great use of vegetable food and intensive agriculture; raised maize, cane (a kind of millet), pumpkins, watermelons, tobacco, and after contact with Europeans quickly took up peaches, figs, etc.; large use of wild vegetables also; dogs eaten, the only domestic animal, but chickens, hogs, horses, and even cattle were adopted quickly; deer, bear, and bison in the west were the large game, for deer the stalking and surround methods were used; turkeys and small game were hunted and fish taken when convenient (fish poisons were in use); of manu¬ factured foods bears’ oil, hickory-nut oil, persimmon bread, and hominy are noteworthy, to which we may add the famous “black drink”; houses were generally rectangular with curved roofs, covered with thatch or bark, also often provided with plaster walls 92 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA reinforced with wicker work; towns were well fortified with palisades, dug-out canoes; costume was moderate, chiefly of deerskins, robes of bison, etc., shirt-like garments for men, skirts and toga-like upper garments for women, boot-like moccasins for winter; some woven fabrics of bark fiber, and fine netted feather cloaks, some buffalo- hair weaving in the west; weaving downward with the fingers; fine mats of cane and some corn-husk work; baskets of cane and splints, the double or netted basket and the basket meal sieve are special forms; knives of cane, darts of cane and bone; blowguns in general use; good potters, coil process, paddle decorations; skin dressing by slightly different method from elsewhere (macerated in mortars) and straight scrapers of halted stone; work in stone of a high order but no true sculpture; little metal work. 1 Southwestern Area. In the Southwestern area we have a small portion of the United States (New Mexico and Arizona) and an indefinite portion of Mexico. For convenience, we shall ignore all tribes south of the international boundary. Within these limits we have what appear to be two types of culture: the Pueblos and the nomadic tribes, but from our point of view (material culture) this seems not wholly justifiable since the differences are chiefly those of architecture and not unlike those already noted in the Eastern Woodland area. On account of its highly developed state and its prehistoric antecedents, the Pueblo culture appears as the type. The cultures of the different villages are far from uniform, but ignoring minor variations fall into three geographical groups: the Hopi (Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano [Tewa], Shipaulovi, Mishongnovi, Shunopovi, and Oraibi); Zuhi (Zuni proper, Pescado, Nutria, and Ojo Caliente); and the Rio Grande (Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Pojoaque, Nambe, Jemez, Pecos, Sandia, Isleta, all of Tanoan stock; San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Sia, Laguna, and Acoma, Keresan stock). The culture of the whole may be characterized first by certain traits not yet found in our survey of the continent; viz., the main dependence upon maize and other cultivated foods (men did the cultivating and weaving of cloth instead of women as above); 1 Consult: Swanton; Speck; Jones; Adair; Mooney, (&); MacCauley. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 93 the use of a grinding stone instead of a mortar; the art of masonry; loom or upward weaving; cultivated cotton as textile material; pottery decorated in color; a unique type of building; and the domestication of the turkey. These certainly serve to sharply differentiate this culture. While the main dependence was placed on vegetable food there was some hunting; the eastern villages hunted buffalo and deer, especially Taos. The most unique hunting weapon is the flat, curved rabbit stick. Drives of rabbits and antelope were practised. The principal wild vegetable food was the pinon nut. Of manu¬ factured foods piki bread is the most unique. In former times the villages often traded for meat with the more nomadic tribes. Taos, Pecos, and a few of the frontier villages used buffalo robes and often dressed in deerskins, but woven robes were usual. Men wore aprons and a robe when needed. In addition to cloth robes, some were woven of rabbitskin and some netted with turkey feathers. Women wore a woven garment reaching from the shoulder to the knees, fastened over right shoulder only. For the feet hard-soled moccasins, those for women having long strips of deerskin wound around the leg. Pottery was highly developed and served other uses than the practical. Basketry was known, but not so highly developed as among the non-Pueblo tribes. The dog was kept but not used in transportation and there were no boats. The mechani¬ cal arts were not highly developed; their stone work and work in wood while of an advanced type does not excel that of some other areas; some work in turquoise but nothing in metal. The Pima once lived in adobe houses but not of the Pueblo type, they developed irrigation but also made extensive use of wild plants (mesquite, saguaro, etc.). They raised cotton and wove cloth, were indifferent potters, but experts in basketry. The kindred Papago were similar, though less advanced. The Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Maricopa, and Yavapai used a square, flat-roofed house of wood, did not practise irrigation, were not good basket makers (excepting the Yavapai), but otherwise similar to the Pima. The Walapai and Havasupai were somewhat more nomadic. The preceding appear to be transitioned to the Pueblo type. 94 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA but when we come to the Athabascan-speaking tribes of the eastern side of the area we find some intermediate cultures. Thus, the Jicarilla and Mescalero used the Plains tipi, they raised but little, gathered wild vegetable foods and hunted buffalo and other animals, no weaving but costumes of skin in the Plains type, made a little pottery, good coil baskets, used glass-bead technique of the Plains. The Southern Ute were also in this class. The western Apache differed little from these, but rarely used tipis and gave a little more attention to agriculture. All used shields of buffalo hide and roasted certain roots in holes. In general while the Apache have certain undoubted Pueblo traits they also remind one of the Plains, the Plateaus, and, in a lean-to like shelter, of the Mackenzie area . 1 The Navaho seem to have taken on their most striking traits under European influence, but their shelter is again the up-ended stick type of the north , 2 while their costume, pottery, and feeble attempts at basketry and formerly at agriculture suggest Pueblo influence. Thus in the widely diffused traits of agriculture, metate, pottery, and to a less degree the weaving of cloth with loom and spindle, former use of sandals, we have common cultural bonds between all the tribes of the Southwest, uniting them in one culture area. In all these the Pueblos lead. The non-Pueblo tribes skirting the Plains and Plateaus occupy an intermediate position, as doubtless do the tribes to the southwest, from which it appears that after all we have but one distinct type of material culture for this area . 3 Widely Distributed Traits Before closing this descriptive survey of material culture we may call attention to certain traits that transcend the bounds of culture areas and cannot, therefore, be so successfully localized. The bow was universal, likewise the simple art of twisting string 1 See Goddard, p. 134. 2 We refer to the older type of hogan and not the modern form. We have seen photographs taken by Dellenbaugh among the Paiute north of the Colorado, showing brush shelters, but apparently supported by three or four interlocking poles. The foundation for the older Navaho hogan was three posts similarly arranged. 3 Consult: Goddard; Russell; Nordenskiold; Mindeleff; Cushing, (o), (6). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 95 from vegetable or animal fiber. The firedrill is another, usually the simple hand form. The domestication of the dog was practically universal, but his use for bearing burdens and as a draft animal was limited to a few areas. The smoking of tobacco in a pipe was everywhere except in the extreme north. Curiously enough, the cultivation of tobacco, while not universal, was practised in locali¬ ties in every area, except the Arctic and possibly the Mackenzie. The soft-tan for deerskin, its treatment by smoke, and the use of the beaming tool are found in some parts of every area. The snow- shoe was used wherever the climate or elevation made it necessary. Among other less universal traits are the use of canoes, the true moccasin, basketry, pottery, cooking with stones, weaving down¬ ward, maize culture, chipping of stone, the grooved ax and maul, quill and bead technique, sewing with sinew and without a needle, the bowdrill. These traits all tend to show certain differences as we pass from one area to another, yet in their generality they must be considered as inter-area characteristics, the significance of which will be discussed under another head. Culture Centers and their Problems If now we consider the brief review of traits we have just made, we note that a culture area as usually defined tends to have well within its borders a group of tribes whose cultures are quite free from the characteristic traits of other areas, or present the type of the area. It is also apparent that these typical tribes are not scattered at random over the area but are contiguous, or definitely localized. We experienced, when the necessary data were available, no great difficulty in selecting the more typical tribes, but we found it often quite impossible to decide to which of two or more areas some of the less typical tribes belonged. It seems then, that while the grouping of all the tribes in inclusive areas is convenient and often useful, the more correct way would be to locate the respective groups of typical tribes as culture centers and classify the other tribes as intermediate or transitional. Thus from this point of view we have nine localities, or material culture centers, between which there are few traits in common: (i) Central Algonkin, 96 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA (2) Southeastern, (3) Pueblo, (4) Plains, (5) Plateau, (6) California, (7) North Pacific, (8) Mackenzie, and (9) Eskimo. The remaining tribes then fall naturally into intermediate groups: for example, as intermediate to the Central Algonkin and Plains cultures are the Plains-Ojibway, Plains-Cree, Santee, Iowa, and perhaps the Arikara, Mandan, Hidatsa, Peoria, Ponca, Omaha, Pawnee, Oto, Kansas, Missouri, Osage, and Illinois; intermediate to the Plains and the Southeast, the Wichita, the Caddo tribes, the Tonkawa, and Karankawa. In this way we are also able to handle more diffi¬ cult cases, as the Southern Ute and Jicarilla Apache who stand intermediate to the Plains, Pueblo, and Plateau cultures. On more general grounds a classification by culture to be serviceable must avoid the necessity for too great exactness. The division of a whole continent between a number of areas demands a kind of exactness that is irrelevant to the problems involved. In this respect the method of localizing centers is quite superior, for they can be located without difficulty by the habitats of the few tribes manifesting the separate cultures in their most typical forms. 1 It is then of no great moment if one is omitted, for by the observed rule of geographical continuity it will be found in contact with the type group and hence relatively one of the least intermediate tribes. However, our purpose is not to establish a method of classification but to discuss certain problems arising from the foregoing obser¬ vations of trait distribution. 1 The most typical tribes at each center are designated on the map accompany¬ ing this article by underlining. The material culture centers are numbered as follows: 1, The Arctic Area; 2, The Mackenzie Area; 3, The North Pacific Area; 4, The Plateau Area; 5. The California Area; 6, The Plains Area; 7, The Eastern Woodland Area; 8, The Southwestern Area; 9, The Southeastern Area. As stated above the designation by centers is far less arbitrary than the division of the continent into inclusive areas; yet practical considerations make such a demarkation desirable. Accordingly, we have tentatively drawn lines grouping the tribes by their nearest centers. The ideal is to draw the lines through the points of cultural balance, or at the place where the characteristic material traits of one center equal in number and weight those of other centers. Lack of full data and well developed methods for the evaluation of traits makes it impossible to place these lines with geographical precision; hence they must be taken as approximate. This is particularly true of points where three material areas meet, as in Nevada, Texas, and Alaska. Yet, notwithstanding these uncertainties, it is quite improbable that the error of position at any point will exceed that of a single tribal unit. This map was first published in hall labels for the American Museum of Natural History. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 97 Let us, therefore, return to the observed peculiarity of geo¬ graphical continuity among the habitats of the tribes making up the centers. The fact is plain and has scarcely escaped the notice of a single serious student. Yet, while many have called attention to the inter-gradations of culture, few, for example, have considered the significance of the rarity of abrupt breaks in its continuity in respect to the question of stability vs. migration of political units. And again, the significance of this observed continuity relative to the problem of independent invention vs. diffusion of traits seems to have almost escaped notice. One of the first problems to confront us is that of the permanency of these material culture centers. In the first place their very continuity is a strong presumption that their points of origin are to be found near their historic bounds. For instance, we note that the tribes in a culture center have only cultural unity, for they are scarcely ever united politically or speak mutually intelligible languages. It is curious how such uniformity of material culture may be found between neighboring tribes who when on the warpath kiil each other at sight: it would seem that such hostility is more of a game than real war. But to return to our problem, such lack of unity makes it difficult to see how in case of invasion from with¬ out a simple reaction to migration factors could move the whole group of disparate tribes as a body; it seems much more reasonable that their continuity would be broken. Upon these points we have some check data. For example, in California, the Plains, and Pueblo centers we have great material uniformity with notori¬ ous linguistic and political diversity. Then we have the case of the Cheyenne who seem to have been forced into the Plains center where they readily passed from an intermediate state to a typical one. 1 Likewise, the Shoshonean Hopi in the Pueblo center, the Athapascan Kato in California, and the Chilcotin in the Plateau area seem each to have been caught up by these several cultural swirls and reduced to the type. These examples, however, only suggest the tendency for the various centers to preserve their continuity. On the other hand, definite examples of tribes being Mooney, (a). 98 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA forced outward into intermediate positions do not readily come to hand. The Iroquois present a probable case. The evidence seems to warrant the assumption that they are of southern origin and erupted into the Eastern Woodland area, virtually cleaving the continuity of the Algonkin tribes. 1 Just what happened to their material culture can not be stated for want of careful studies. The use of the dome-shaped Algonkin wigwam on both sides of the Iroquois hiatus; and the probable Iroquois adoption of the art of maple-sugar making on the one hand, with the failure of the Iro¬ quois to impart correspondingly characteristic traits to the flanking Algonkin on the other, is consistent with our assumption, but little weight should be given it until more carefully investigated. Yet, in any event, the Iroquois of historic times were not typically southeastern in culture and are at least suggestive negative evidence in support of our assumption. Granting such a disruption of the older Algonkin center, the somewhat untypical culture of the Central Algonkin is intelligible. In his studies of the Plateau center Boas seems to justify the assumption of a Salish migration to the coast; but if such did occur, the typical culture broke down and became intermediate, since we find it so in historic times. Thus what evidence we have seems to indicate that by separating a tribe from a center its material culture is made intermediate and by joining a tribe to a center its culture is made typical. Hence, unless we find data to support the wholesale movement of a material culture center, we must assume stability of habitat during its historic life. We need not, however, assume stability as to its political, linguistic, and somatic unit constituents; but it is clear that abrupt wholesale displacement of them or anything short of the gradual infiltration of new units would tend to destroy the type. We have been long familiar with the lack of correlation between culture, language, and somatic type, but it is doubtful if we yet comprehend the phenomenon. In material culture we have one of the two great groups of anthropological problems for whose solution the ethnological and archeological methods are equally serviceable. It is chiefly by the Boyle. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 99 use of the latter method that we approach the problem as to the relative ages of the historic centers and the existence of' earlier centers. As yet, the results of archeological studies have not advanced sufficiently to give very satisfactory answers to these questions, but so far as they go they favor the great age of these centers. Thus the work of Smith in the Plateau center indicates considerable age and fails to reveal an equally developed prede¬ cessor. 1 Again, in California, Nelson finds very old shell deposits but still nothing radically different from the type culture. 2 In the Southwest we have evidence of long occupancy by the Pueblo type. Smith’s yet unpublished work in the Plains center brings to light no predecessors. In the Central Algonkin center, the case is not clear, owing to the uncertainty as to the mound culture in the western part of the Eastern Woodland area, but in the eastern part around the lower Hudson and in New Jersey we find a condition similar to that in the Plateau center. 3 Thus, in a general way the geographical stability of our material culture centers is confirmed by archeological evidence. Perhaps it should be noted that the tendency of archeological investigation is to show some development in richness and com¬ plexity. Thus Smith’s results in the Plateau center and Nelson’s shell-heap work in California show simpler and somewhat cruder cultures for the lower parts of their deposits, but the persistence of 1 Smith, (a). 2 Nelson, N. C., (a), (6). 3 Skinner, (c). As we have suggested, it is possible that the Iroquoian expansion struck the old and original center of the Algonkin tribes. Mr Parker finds sites in New York where Iroquoian remains overlie others of Algonkin type, yet many Iro¬ quoian sites bear every indication of respectable age. (Parker, ( b ), p. 88.) Hence the present Algonkin center can not be a recent development. Professor Dixon’s recent paper (pp. 549-566) calls attention to the assumed superposition of cultures on the Atlantic side of the continent; but in no case has a careful analysis of the area been made. Yet we are here concerned only with the archeology of the territory occupied by the few tribes forming our material centers, and the complications cited by Dixon are chiefly in the territories of intermediate tribes and on the extreme margins of the continent. Our discussion has not sought to make the centers the first American cul¬ tures, but only to show that they are relatively old. We may add that one of the best ways to approach the correlation of eastern ethnology and archeology would be to investigate the territory at a center and use the types thus obtained as the point of departure. 100 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA many fundamental forms throughout suggests that the succeeding cultures were built upon the foundation laid down at what seems to have been the period of earliest occupancy. This also seems to be true of shell and other deposits in the vicinity of New York City. Even in the Pueblo center we find a similar condition. So the best interpretation we can give the observed data is that in the formative period of North American material cultures the types now appearing in our centers were localized but less differentiated and that the striking individuality they now possess resulted from a more or less gradual expansion along original lines. If, as we now have reason to believe, the material cultures of these centers possess great vitality, are often able to completely dominate intrusive cultural units and so keep to their habitats as it were, it may be well to inquire if there are not objective causes for this persistence of localization. It is natural to suspect the subtle influence of the environment, since the fauna and flora of the locality are certain to leave their stamps upon material culture. One of the most distinctive char¬ acteristics is the tendency to specialize in some one or two foods. In California it is the acorn; Plateau, salmon and roots; on the North Pacific coast, sea food; Mackenzie, caribou; Plains, the buffalo; Southwest, maize; Southeast, maize and roots; the Eastern Woodlands, wild rice and maple sugar. We here refer to the pre¬ pared and stored foods, the staples; though in quantity they may at times be minor foods, they play a very necessary role. All the centers have more or less elaborate processes of preparation in¬ volving technical knowledge: for example, the making of acorn flour and bread, the roasting of camas, etc. These processes tend to spread throughout the area of supply. Thus the acorn industry extends well up into Oregon far beyond the California center; the roasting of camas to the mouth of the Columbia and also to the Blackfoot of the Plains, etc. Again we note certain specializations of manufacture; California, baskets; North Pacific coast, boxes and plank work; the Plains, rawhide work (parfleche, bags, etc.); Mackenzie, birch-bark (canoes, vessels, etc.); Plateau, sagebrush weaving; Southwest, textiles and pottery; Southeast, cane and ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA IOI fiber weaving; the Eastern Woodlands, knot bowls and bass fiber weaving. Types of shelter present similar distributions and so do many other traits. All of these traits are seen to reach out far beyond the borders of the respective type centers. While foods are quite dependent upon the faunal and floral distributions, some other traits are not (pottery, for example). In any case the people have but chosen a few of the possibilities and specialized in them, leaving many other resources untouched. Apparently we have here the fixity of habit or custom, a group having once worked out a process, like the use of acorns, its practice tends to find its way over the contiguous acorn area and, where established, to persist. The successful adjustment to a given locality of one tribe is utilized by neighbors to the extension of the type and to the inhibition of new inventions, or adjustments. ITherefore, the origin of a material center seems due to ethnic facfcrs more than to geographical ones. The location of these centers is then largely a matter of ethnic accident, but once located and the adjustments made, the stability of the environment doubtless tends to hold each particular type of material culture to its initial locality, even in the face of many changes in blood and language. Perhaps here at last we have laid bare the environmental factor in culture and chanced upon the real significance correlation between culture, language, and anatomy, Before we leave this subject it may not be amiss to examine the cultural relations of the few tribes constituting one of our centers. It is an axiom that absolute cultural identity is impossible, for this is but another way of asserting variation. We may expect, there¬ fore, certain tribal individualities. Our conception of a type unit is one in whose culture there are no appreciable traits characteristic of other centers. When we select a group of tribes as the consti¬ tuents of a center, we do not assume absolute identity in culture; for the facts are plain, that the gradation observed among the intermediate tribes extends into the typical group. It must follow, therefore, that some one tribe is the most typical, or manifests the type culture in its purest form. As an experiment, take the Plains group to which the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Assiniboine, Crow, 102 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Teton-Oglala, Arapaho, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche clearly belong. Then by cancellation proceed to eliminate the variants, or those tribes manifesting traits characteristic of other centers. If we take shelter, the brush lodge tendencies of the Comanche eliminate them; packing by dogs without the travois, the Crow, Kiowa, and Comanche; occasional water transportation in bark canoes, the Assiniboine (historical data); the use of fur caps, certain northern forms of bags, the Blackfoot and Gros Ventre; on historical data as to costume, the Cheyenne; absence of special forms of shirts for men, the Kiowa, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Comanche; a one-eared tipi, the Kiowa and Comanche; and some use of hooded - coats for men, the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, and the Crow. We have now eliminated all save the Teton-Oglala. The Arapaho stand next, and then the Crow. If we line these up according to certain parfleche peculiarities and certain types of bags frequent among westward intermediate tribes, we discount the Arapaho. If it were not for early historical data on the Cheyenne, they would lead the Arapaho. So far as the data go the Cheyenne since their migration were in most intimate contact with the Teton and the Arapaho. Thus our finding is consistent and also quite suggestive. We have good grounds for localizing the center of Plains culture between the Teton, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Crow, with the odds in favor of the first. 1 When we turn to a map we find again geo¬ graphical continuity, these four tribes being neighbors. Further, they are in the very heart of the area for the typical tribes. Similar treatment of other central groups gives analogous results, though not always so nicely balanced geographically. It seems, then, that when we come to deal with the distributions of associated material traits, we find certain points where specialization and individuality are greatest. 1 Considerations of space make it necessary to omit a discussion of the relative significance of these traits and a justification of the procedure. See Galton’s remarks (p. 270) on weighting cultural characters. The reducing of a center to a single tribe is presented only as the logical finale of our classification, the political identity of the tribe in question is not now important. It is clear that when we commit ourselves to a classification based upon the similarities of traits, and accept the principle of inter-gradation, we must expect to designate some one or two tribes as the most typical. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 103 If we should proceed by the above method of determination, we should ultimately specify nine political or social units whose material cultures could be taken as the individualized American types. Thus these studies of distribution lead us into new and perplexing problems. We seem to be dealing with ethnic forces, the lines of whose radiation are approximately determinable, but whose directions of movement are by no means obvious. What are the points of origin? Are these nine hypothetical tribes the origi¬ nators of these cultures, or even the perpetuators from whom all influences start? Or, are they but the resultants of forces moving in the opposite direction, and then from whence? One line of inquiry suggests itself. Since these centers may well be but the type units of a larger group, we may approach this problem by seeking for traits common to the centers and for evidence of their reaction upon each other, or in other words consider the distribution of the few very general traits previously enumerated. The cultivation of maize was spread over a considerable part of the continent. It was universal in the Southwest; among all the tribes intermediate to the Plains, Central Algonkin, and Southeastern centers, except those of the extreme north and possibly the Ton- kawa; all of the Southeastern area except a few on the Gulf coast, and all of the Eastern Woodland area except the extreme north. Scarcely any of the intermediate tribes in the California and the Plateau areas made even the feeblest of efforts to cultivate it. The most striking fact is that if you plot this distribution over an ethnographical map you have almost absolute continuity. This continuity also extends far down into Mexico and perhaps is con¬ tinuous with the maize area of South America. In this case, we have no reason to doubt the direction of diffusion, for botanical evidence makes it certain that the art of maize cultivation arose south of the Rio Grande. 1 Another interesting trait is pottery. All the tribes cultivating maize made some form of it, but it went somewhat farther into the California and Plateau areas. Yet from southern California northward to the limits of the North Pacific area, including the 1 Harshberger. 104 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA greater part of the Mackenzie area, we have no certain traces of pottery in either historic or prehistoric times. In Alaska, how¬ ever, it recurs among the Eskimo chiefly and extends eastward to Cape Parry at least. Some historical data make it probable that pottery was once made by all the type tribes of the Plains center and possibly by the Northern Shoshonean tribes. So disregarding for the present the pottery of the Arctic coast we have a distribution slightly more extensive but still coincident with the maize area. Internal continuity we have and also to the south far into South America. Roughly considered, this pottery is of two kinds, painted and incised (and stamped). The former prevails over the South¬ west and eastward to the lower Mississippi, the remainder is incised or stamped and is confined chiefly to the Atlantic coast and Great Lake regions. 1 Here again we find continuity southward for painted ware. Unfortunately, we cannot call in extraneous evi¬ dence to prove the direction of pottery diffusion and it will scarcely do to trust to an analogy with maize. It has been reported that incised ware also occurs on the South American Atlantic coast. 2 That this is due to an older continuity between the two continents at large is unsupported by archeological evidence, but similar marked pottery from the West Indies suggests a regional and insular continuity. 3 The southern origin of the blowgun is quite probable. We find it still in use among the Seminole of Florida and formerly known to most of the Southeastern tribes; it also occurs among the Iroquois. Perhaps in the same class may be placed the methods of preparing the coonti root, for the plant is found in the West Indies. Weaving in its crudest forms is quite universal, but certain specialized forms can be definitely distributed. The art requires two unrelated processes, spinning and weaving. The fundamental art of twisting fibers into string is universal, but the Dene, Central Algonkin, Iroquois, Eastern Algonkin, and all of the tribes of the Southeastern area made thread of bark fibers. These were shredded 1 Holmes, (b). 2 Hrdlicka, p. 151. 3 De Booy, p. 425. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 105 and twisted without spindles, so far as we know, the usual method being to roll the strands on the thigh or ankle. 1 The resulting thread was woven into pack straps, but especially into bags in the north. In the south, clothing seems to have been so made, and even footwear. The method of weaving was everywhere the same, the warp strands being suspended loosely from a rod or cord and the fabrication proceeding downward, the woof being inserted by the fingers. This type of weaving occurs in the Plateau and North Pacific Coast areas. In this region, however, the weaving is of two types. The intermediate North Pacific area produced blankets of goat and dog wool. While so far as we know the weaving was downward as before, a spindle has been used in historic times. In the Plateau area sagebrush bark fiber was coarsely twisted and joined by occasional woof strands. Among the intermediate Salish, and the Kwakiutl, this method was used with cedar bark. Among certain intermediate Alaskan tribes the method appears, but for bags only and not for clothing. In the Plateau area we have some evidence that the Shoshonean tribes used clothing of sagebrush, which we presume was made by the same method. The Shahaptian, however, seem not to have made blankets or clothing of fiber. In the Southwest we have a high development of weaving with a true loom, or upward weaving, and the use of spindles. Thus so far as our data go we have the spindle in two regions, the Southwest and the greater part of the Plateau and North Pacific areas. If its use could be established for the Shoshonean tribes of Nevada and Idaho we should have a continuous distri¬ bution from north to south, which taken in connection with the wide use of the spindle south of the Rio Grande would again indi¬ cate a southern origin. Unfortunately, we lack data on this point. That the spindle was recently introduced to the Salish area is suggested but not proven, by the absence of bone and stone spindle whorls in archeological collections. 2 In the Southeastern area there seems to have been some use of an improvised spindle, a 1 Holmes, (6). 2 Smith, (a). 106 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA stick bearing a ball of clay, but anything like a true spindle whorl is rare in archeological collections. 1 In this area, however, we must allow for contact with the Southwest. As to the loom, we have also the use of a weaving frame in parts of the Mackenzie and Plateau areas. 2 Rabbitskin robes were made by wrapping the warp around a rectangular frame and some of the Salish made use of a loom frame with a continuous warp of spun goat or dog hair, the two processes doubtless connected historically. On the other hand, this use of a frame without a batten or held seems to have a restricted distribution and to be discontinuous with the Southwest, though here again we lack full data as to weaving technique, for the rabbitskin blanket extends well down through the Plateaus into the Southwest. We have previously suggested that the frame for the rabbitskin blanket may have been derived from the skin-dressing frame, in which case its independent origin would be probable. The direction of weaving for rabbitskin blankets among the Cree is downward and some¬ times the warp is hung from a stick or cord, 3 and not wrapped around the frame. This brings us back to what seems a fundamental distinction between the weaving of the Southwest and the other areas. If we extend our data so as to include flexible baskets, we have practically a continuous distribution of downward weaving; or where the beginning is at the top of a suspended warp base, from the Aleutians, through the Tlingit, into the Dene, the northern- Algonkin and thence to the Gulf and the Atlantic seaboard. Thus, it is clear that we have a widely distributed method of weaving developed on different lines from that of Mexico and the Andean region. The continuous wrapped warp on the simple frames of some Salish and Dene is also suggestive of the Southwest and in contrast to the Chilkat and Algonkin modes. The art of basketry has a distribution similar to that of weaving. In one form or another it is found in every area from the Southwest to the Eskimo. The prevailing techniques are twine, coil, and 1 Holmes, (&). 2 See: Morice, (a); Skinner, (a); Teit, (a'; Boas, (a). 3 Skinner, (a). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 107 splint. The art was rather weak in the Plains, its almost entire absence from the Plains center having been noted. In the main, basketry is found intensified in two regions, the western moun¬ tainous belt and the eastern Atlantic belt. Though coil baskets were occasionally made by the Central Eskimo, the Ojibway and possibly other Eastern and Southeastern Indians (Mason), they are characteristic of the western area where they have a continuous distribution from Alaska 1 to the Rio Grande. One peculiarity of this distribution is that it is inland, the Tlingit and practically all the tribes of the coast down to the Californian center using the twine method. On the other hand, the twine technique is practised in the coil area, except perhaps in the extreme north. As we have previously noted, there is a continuous distribution for the flexible basket and bag woven from suspended warp, from the Aleutian islands southeastward to the Atlantic, which gives us another interesting problem. In contrast to this technique we have the stiff warp twine baskets of the Salish, Shoshone, California, and the Southwest tribes, again a continuous distribution suggesting a common origin. Likewise, the coil technique of this western region is distinct, because the few specimens known from the Ojibway and the Central Eskimo are sewed with a wide open stitch in a manner that indicates a different process concept. In the east basketry specialized in cane and splints: The very strong development of cane basketry in the Southeast, taken with the previously noted cultural intrusions into the Eastern Woodland area, makes it probable that the wood splint technique is historically connected with that of cane. Cane basketry is also highly de¬ veloped in eastern South America, to which the West Indies give us insular continuity. The limits of this paper forbid the further discussion of textile distribution, but it is now clear that it presents some of the most interesting problems in material culture. The study of forms, methods of ornamentation, etc., readily differentiates local vari¬ ations of greater or less distribution, the comprehensive comparison 1 Coil baskets also extend into Siberia. The distribution for the whole North American continent has been worked out by O. T. Mason. 108 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA of which would go far toward solving the historical relations of our centers. Coincident with the greater part of the western basketry region are the limits of stone boiling. Naturally, its distribution follows closely the outskirts of the pottery-using region. All the pottery- making tribes are pot boilers as are also the Eskimo. The extreme northern Algonkins and part of the Dene used stones but often hung bark vessels over beds of coals, a pot-boiling method. The Plains tribes were on the border line between the two great areas and varied accordingly. Clothing is another feature of interest. The Eskimo were heavily clothed, the Dene but slightly less so. The Interior Salish, the most Eastern Shoshone, and even some Apache of the Southwest covered practically the whole body with clothing, usually of skins. In contrast to this the Indians of California and the whole Pacific Coast belt wore little clothing, except in the far north. In the Plains, the tribes of the center resembled the Sho¬ shone while the Eastern intermediate tribes were inclined to nudity. East of the Mississippi, except in the far north, the tendency was likewise to nudity. Even in the Pueblo area men seldom wore shirts or leggings. Again we have one of those curious continuities in distribution, the real clothing of the body stretching across the Eskimo, Dene, and extreme northern Algonkin territories, dipping down through the Plateau and Plains areas almost into the South¬ west where climatic conditions certainly made it inessential. This bears the earmarks of a northern intrusion and sets up at new angles the problem of the Shoshonean tribes and the beginnings of Plains culture. In a similar manner dog transportation dips into the southern Plains. In winter dogs are used with sleds by the Eskimo and some adjacent tribes (Hearne), but in summer the Eskimo west of Hudson bay use them for packing and the dragging of tent poles, precisely as described by Coronado for the extreme southern Plains. Between these two points we have a continuous distribution of packing or dragging bundles by dogs. The wide distribution in the north and its apex-like form in the south suggest a northern origin. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 109 If space permitted we could make a special study of specific articles of dress, the basket hat in the west, the moccasin, the rabbitskin coat, the turkey-feather mantle, etc., which, as with the textile arts, would develop many important problems. Many other traits could be studied in this way. We may note the prob¬ lems of defensive armor in the Northwest, 1 the seeming Asiatic origin of the sinew-backed bow 2 and the bowdrill, the recent intro¬ duction of the Asiatic pipe among the Eskimo, etc. Among other points this hasty sketch of widely distributed traits has developed at least one general line of cleavage. If we draw a line southward through the extended Plains center, along the eastern limits of the Rocky mountains, we divide the continent into two parts each of which in respect to the traits just discussed has some claim to cultural distinction. On either side of this line within the United States the cultures stand out clearly. In the main, it is along this line that textiles are differentiated, likewise in part maize and pottery. Clothing also changes here. Certain traits in the east seem to have pushed up from South America across the West Indies, others appear north of the Rio Grande as the outposts of the higher cultures of the south. Across northern Canada from east to west is the caribou culture with its associated traits. The line of cleavage we have noted in the United States seems to be the extended southern apex of the caribou area. It almost separates the east from the west, and raises a number of problems we have no space to discuss. Thus our consideration of widely distributed material traits has developed at least three general areas, with each of which the respective centers have some¬ thing in common. The suggestion is that, more often than not, the tendency is for cultural continuity to range north and south on each side of this line, hence we must assume some historical con¬ nections between the respective centers. Yet, so far, there appear no indications that all the centers of the west can be classed as the former constituents of a single center; but on the east it seems quite probable that the Algonkin center has developed from an 1 Hough; Laufer. 1 Mason, (a). no ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA ancient culture intermediate to the caribou and southeastern centers. In the foregoing discussion of distribution we have seen positive proof of the northern spread of an important trait, maize culture engulfing three contiguous centers, and noted the analogous dis¬ tribution of several other traits in which the probability of a southern origin is very great (painted pottery, loom weaving, blowguns, and tobacco). Again we have certain probabilities of culture infusion from Asia by way of Alaska, though less definite because in some cases the evidence favors the movement from America to Asia rather than the reverse. In Asia we seem to have similar continental conditions, for the great culture centers lay toward the south and exerted a strong influence upon the north, leaving the two continents in contact where their later cultures were weakest. We could, however, dismiss this peculiar inter-conti¬ nental relation at once, if it were not for the belief that the Indians came from Asia via Alaska, at a relatively recent period. Each year of anthropological advance has seen the assumption become more and more of a conviction that this peopling of America could not have been much earlier than the dawn of the neolithic period in the Old World. 1 Granting this, we see that our material culture centers lie in the path of invasion and, if of considerable age, may even represent original intrusions from the Old World. As we have noted, archeological evidence seems not only to confirm the long durations of most of these centers but fails to reveal the remains of extinct predecessors. If cultural groups came from the Old World with a neolithic or a very late paleolithic horizon they could have brought with them the following traits: knowledge of fire (presumably the wooden drill), chipping and polishing stone, the bow, the bone harpoon point, the notched arrowhead, the dog, elemental knowl¬ edge of skin dressing. There is no reason why they may not have known the simple art of twisting string, the use of nets and snares, 1 Our complete ignorance of paleolithic Asia is now the chief obstacle to a satis¬ factory theory for the origin of the American race. For all we now know late paleo¬ lithic Europe may have been contemporaneous with early neolithic Asia. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA III been expert hunters, and in fact have possessed all the fundamental concepts of all the more general mechanical processes. This list, it will be observed, includes a considerable number of the traits common to our centers and may possibly represent the original culture of the immigrants. Yet, until we know a great deal about the earliest archeology of northern Asia, this must remain the merest speculation. On the other hand, certain very widely distributed traits are more likely of American origin and therefore must represent either older traits than those peculiar to the respec¬ tive centers or more recently diffused ones. It will be noted, how¬ ever, that such of these common traits as appear truly American are found to be more highly specialized and less fundamental. In short, all the status of the case seems to warrant, is the sug¬ gestion that except where a definite Old World similarity is found, most of the widely distributed traits of North America seem to have emanated from centers south of the United States, and not from Alaska, or from the Old World. This general fact has long been one of the traditions of our science, but the determination of the general northern trend of the most distinctively American traits must remain one of our problems and especially the harmon¬ izing of our conclusions with the belief in an Asiatic origin. Again we may consider what would happen to our centers, if we subtracted the traits suggesting the south and also those traits that seem to have come into Alaska recently. Suppose we cancel out agriculture, pottery, loom-weaving, and the use of tobacco, not to mention several minor traits. These would at once greatly reduce material differences, making all dependent upon game and wild vegetables and regulating their lives according to the resources of their respective habitats. In this way it is clear that we might reduce our centers to a primitive culture not unlike that of early neolithic Europe, whence it would not be unlikely that the develop¬ ment of some type individualities began after the first dispersion of tribes over the continent. In other words, there are various reasons for believing in the legitimacy of problems relating to the perma¬ nency and relatively early origin of centers. Finally, we have found a probable answer to our question as to the former genetic I 1 2 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA relations of the material centers: viz., that in so far as they are individual they are quite independent and as indicated by the environmental, ethnological, and archeological data, developed their peculiarities approximately within the respective territories of the typical groups of tribes. We have noted that in the few important archeological studies made for our centers, the earliest forms of culture are less complex and that there is likewise a suggestion of far greater similarity between the respective centers at that time. If then we cancel out the probable intrusive traits, as above, and discount the indi¬ vidualization of our centers, we reach a simpler form of culture in which the common origin of our centers is possible. Also, the general quantitative similarity of these residual traits to late paleo¬ lithic or early neolithic culture is apparent. We may again revert to the probable antiquity of origin. For the Eskimo and Mackenzie area we have no good archeological data, but for the remaining we have at least suggestive data, and the only one for which there appears a reasonable doubt is the Plains center. This doubt arises principally from more or less vague historical indications of recent migrations on the part of the typical tribes; thus the Cheyenne are considered recent arrivals, the Plains-Cree and Plains-Ojibway are clearly migrants, the Sarsi, Arapaho, Gros Ventre, Comanche, and Blackfoot have linguistic affiliations that make their migrations quite probable; the Crow and Teton have very near relatives among the inter¬ mediate group, raising doubts as to their original habitats. In short, with the possible exception of the Kiowa, all may be suspected as relatively recent intruders. No such condition holds for the other centers. Again when we look at the great intermediate group just west of the Mississippi river, we see a striking peculi¬ arity in the earth-lodge, which under other circumstances would be taken as the index of a new type of culture. Recalling that one of the chief characteristics of the typical group is horse culture and that this must have arisen since 1492, it becomes probable that this group arose since that date and so suggests that some of the now intermediate tribes formerly constituted a distinct culture ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 113 center, but now obscured by disintegration. It becomes neces¬ sary, therefore, to analyze the material culture of these tribes to see if the elements of an older center can be differentiated. We have previously reviewed the place of the horse among the forma¬ tive factors in Plains culture, with the result that practically all traits except those absolutely associated with the horse were formed before its introduction to the continent. On the other hand, there was good reason to believe that the stimulus of the horse did solidify and intensify the particular association of traits we now take as the type. When, however, we turn again to the earth- lodge-using tribes we find the familiar maize culture of the South¬ east. The very weak development of agriculture among the Central Algonkins suggests this southern influence, but we have also the general use of the shoulder-blade hoe in apparent continuity from the Mandan to the mouth of the Mississippi, not to mention forms of the Green Corn ceremonies. The weaving of buffalo hair was quite a trait in the south, and this also we find in varying degrees among the transitional tribes. The peculiar basketry of the Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa in its forms, materials, and especially in its decoration suggests the cane work of the south. Fortified villages were also known on the Missouri, a prominent Southeastern trait. Central Algonkin material traits are less obvious. We have some possible influence in matting and woven bags, also some crude attempts to make sugar of boxelder and other saps. The more northern tribes gathered some wild rice and used canoes, the birchbark culture of the north making itself felt to some extent. In costume the relation is fairly clear, for we have even today a tendency toward the styles of the Central Algonkin below the Missouri, but a tendency toward the Plains costume north of that point. The method of wearing the hair followed a like distribution; the sides of the head shaved in the south, long braids in the north. These differences again remind us of our finding a Dakota tribe to be the most typical, thus pointing toward the Dakota group as one of the originators of Plains culture. None of these traits are, however, so significant as the earth- 8 114 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA lodge. Its known distribution is the Arikara, Hidatsa, Mandan, Ponca, Omaha, Pawnee, Oto, Missouri, Kansas, and Osage, upon which we have commented at length in another place. Structurally it is almost unique, but nevertheless presents some vague southern resemblances. A type of thatched house formerly used on the lower Mississippi but not fully described seems to have had a frame¬ work similar to this. Again, the method of covering with earth is found in the south, but neither of these can have much weight and leave its independent origin as probable. The grass house of the Wichita is clearly related to the southern types. 1 The dome-shaped mat and bark-covered lodge of the Algonkin was used by the Iowa and sometimes by the Osage. The Eastern Dakota made some use of a rectangular cabin apparently like some of the Sauk and Fox. All of these are intrusive types and by their presence tend to isolate the earth-lodge. Yet, the tipi was in general use and we have else¬ where noted the peculiar tendency of these tribes to live in it, at all times when not actually engaged with their fields, even in mid¬ winter. This association between types of shelter and maize culture raises the suspicion that they may have come into the area together and so leaves us some reason to doubt the significance of the earth- lodge. The restricted distribution of the bull-boat, however, rather strengthens its claim to independent origin. We have, nevertheless, gone far enough to prove the later intermediate character of these tribes. When we note their use of the tipi, dog travois, parfleche and other rawhide work, technique of bead and quill work, weak development of textiles, large use of the buffalo, and the buffalo- hide shield, their fundamental Plains characteristics appear. These traits we have reason to believe are older than the introduction of the horse and the intensified development of the typical group. We suspect, then, the existence of an older Plains center which was strongly influenced by the Southeastern and later by the Central Algonkin centers, but nevertheless of a distinct type and probably formed before the introduction of maize culture. In an article on the horse culture of the Plains we have cited the 1 In this connection consult Miss Fletcher’s Omaha, p. 75, for the Arikara origin of the Omaha earth-lodge. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 115 prehistoric cultures of the tribes nearest Santa Fe, among which we can certainly place the Comanche and Kiowa, as having the basic elements of what later came to be the typical culture. 1 Our hypothesis is, that in these non-agricultural dog-using rovers after buffalo we have the outlying fringe of the older Plains culture, modified by Plateau influence, but still an indication of what pre¬ vailed at the earlier Plains center before agriculture and other foreign traits secured a footing. It was thus that the coming of the horse gave a new impetus to the Plains traits surviving among these then intermediate tribes and elevated them to the status of typical tribes. If this interpretation be correct, we have conditions similar to those in the Eastern Woodland area, the disrupting influence here being the subtle influence of intrusive native traits from the south¬ east and the later northward pressure of horse-using tribes. Horse culture appears here, however, as only a revivified or intensified form of the older Plains culture and so does not break the sequence of the type of this area, which demands considerable antiquity for its date of origin. If space permitted, a somewhat similar analysis of the Eastern Woodland area could be made and likewise an archeological survey of the Ohio Valley Mound area. We have, however, gone far enough to suggest a number of problems. Needless to say the various conclusions we have offered are in no way final but merely indicate new lines of research. By our characterization of the culture areas, as sanctioned by usage, we were able to determine the approximate geographical centers in which the most highly indi¬ vidualized cultures existed. By viewing the distribution of culture traits from the standpoint of geographical continuity, we were able to draw some conclusion as to the directions of influence for certain traits and also to define their relation to the geographical environment. We found it at least probable that it was the environment that maintained the cultural integrity and continuity of the centers, and also was largely responsible for the lack of correlation between language, culture, and somatic type. Wissler, ( d). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 116 TRAIT ASSOCIATION In this discussion we have used the term material culture without considering in what manner the traits composing it were related. The most obvious bond between them is their mere pertaining to the same political unit. In case a group of people manifests a trait, such a trait is by virtue of that relation alone an element of their culture. We characterize or determine a type of material culture by enumerating the several traits as stated at the outset; hence, unless we can find some basis for this association other than mere presence in the life of a political unit, these traits have no functional relations to each other. Material traits are chiefly productive processes and if we take these processes in unit cycles, their relations are not difficult to comprehend. Thus, in maize culture we have the related processes of planting, tending, gathering, preserving, storing, grinding, cooking, each of which may be quite complex and all of which are dependent one upon the other. If then we note pottery as a trait, we find another cycle of processes dependent upon each other; but between the traits of pottery and maize no such dependence is apparent. We know of no good reason why maize could not be boiled in a basket, box, or bark vessel, and yet we have found the distribution of these two traits almost coincident. This coincidence therefore can scarcely be due to functional relation between the two traits. It may be accidental, but on the other hand, may have an historical explanation in that the people from whom maize culture was derived cooked in pots. The two would thus be objectively associated and might be naively regarded as functionally associated, or as belonging to the same unit cycle; but it is clear that one could be taken up without the other. Another interesting example has been noted among some of the tribes intermediate to the Plains center; they lived in tipis at all times, except when engaged with the production of maize, when they occupied perma¬ nent houses of a different type. Now, the house has no known functional relation to the production of maize; hence, if the tipi sufficed on one occasion, it could upon the other. Again, it could be a mere accident, but also due to the historical association of such shelters with the cultivation of maize. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 117 Also we may cite the case of skin clothing and dog transportation whose respective distributions approximately coincide. Both seem to come from the far north where they may be observed as two of the several traits forming the Eskimo type of culture. In general, if we take up one trait after the other, in their unit cycles of pro¬ cesses, we find very little support for the assumption of functional relations between the various traits in a material culture; but do find suggestions of associations brought about by historical causes. 1 Such functional independence of traits suggests the futility of all studies based upon functional assumptions, unless it be that we can show that in the long run the presence of certain traits is coin¬ cident with others. While this fundamental principle of the evo¬ lutionary school of anthropology has been generally rejected as an unwarranted assumption, it may be well to consider the possibility of mere complexity and high development in one trait being corre¬ lated with complexity and high development in others. To a certain extent this principle holds, for we do not expect very com¬ plex material developments without considerable complexity in other phases of culture; but when strictly applied to American phenomena it falls short of universa’ity. Thus in California we have high development of basketry with great simplicity in other traits. Likewise, the use of acorns as food is in California associ¬ ated with simplicity of culture, but the Iroquois 2 used acorn meal in a somewhat similar way, though, of course, they depended far less upon this food than did the Californians. On the other hand, while the Californians have specialized on vegetable foods, this aspect of their culture when considered as a whole is seemingly less complex than the vegetable food development of the Iroquois or the Pueblos. If, however, we analyze these cultures we find that the respective traits are not so much more complex as they are numerous, and that our estimate of complexity is based upon the totality of material culture as a whole and does not apply to the processes themselves. For example, the California acorn process is fully as complex as the Iroquois maple-sugar process. 1 In this connection we may cite Tylor's discussion of “adhesions.” pp. 245-270. 2 Parker, (a). IlS ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Thus, we are brought to the view that the association of traits in material culture has no important intra-functional significance and that we must seek for extraneous causes to account for their observed correlations. We believe that historical explanations for such correlations will be found the most acceptable, for these do not exclude mere accident. However, environmental causes are sometimes set up- in oppo¬ sition to historical causes. In the discussion of the Mackenzie, or Dene area, attention was called to the caribou and how a certain culture was found throughout the whole range of these animals from Newfoundland to Bering strait. The dependence upon them was so marked that, if other phases of culture were ignored, we should take the caribou range as one culture area. Further, this culture shows some indications of being continuous with the rein¬ deer culture of the Old World. The analogous use of bark for vessels, 1 the bark-covered tipi of Siberia, and the remarkably tipi¬ like tents of Lapland and Norway may have a common origin. The tendency has been to attribute all these similarities to the Arctic environment. It seems more likely that the distribution of the allied reindeer and caribou alone has been the chief factor and that, as such, has served as a diffuser rather than a creator of various associated traits. The suggestion is that a culture having once developed around the caribou or reindeer, as the case may be, mere expansion and diffusion would tend to carry it along, thus making the animal itself the accidental carrier of the culture. The historical view conceives that the real cause for the various traits being associated lies in the fact that they were at some former time and place so associated. Traits may thus be perpetuated so long as the faunistic or other conditions permit and it may yet turn out that certain paleolithic traits of reindeer hunters in the Old World were still to be found in Canada and Siberia a few hundred years ago. DIFFUSION OF MATERIAL TRAITS We have vaguely touched upon the question as to the nature of diffusion in material culture. It is clear that in many cases the 1 Boas in Teit’s Shushwap, (c). pp. 477-487. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 119 borrowing of traits must be specific in that the whole cycle of processes is acquired. Thus, the taking up of the horse culture trait by the Indians of the Plains was more than the mere acquisition of the animal, for it consisted of many more or less closely related processes, as the care of horses, methods of harnessing, riding, packing, etc., also all the technique of riding and packing gear. In war and hunting there were special evolutions, not to mention other non-material practices. It is conceivable that different tribes could devise quite different ways of doing these things and that they could have taken over the trait complex to varying degrees; but we find great uniformity in all respects, so great that it is clear that the complex was taken over entire. We have here a splendid example because the essential facts are accessible. About the only changes the Indian made in the European horse traits were those necessary to adapt them to the materials and other conditions of his life; for instance, we find saddles after European models, but of Indian materials. All the essential concepts and techniques, however, were given to the Indian at once, these problems having been solved in the Old World. We have made a special study of women’s dresses and men’s shirts among the Plains Indians to be published elsewhere, from which it appears that a uniform technological concept complex is distributed among many tribes. Tribal individuality appears only in decoration and a few inessential features, but even so is rarely restricted to a single tribe and tends toward a geographical rather than a random grouping. Maize, as we have noted, carried with it a considerable technique and along with it went the cultivation of beans and squashes or melons; everywhere where we have data these plants were culti¬ vated simultaneously and quite uniform methods of cooking them in mixed dishes have been reported. The remarkable uniformity of this complex should be noted, for it is here again found in one about whose diffusion there can be no doubt. While not all the traits are so complicated as the examples just cited, the distinctly simple ones are so rare that we may legitimately consider all traits as true complexes. In like manner we might !20 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA follow up the acorn complex of California, maple sugar, birchbark, camas, tipi, etc., each presenting its own special problems. From these examples it appears that the tendency in material culture is not so much to profit by borrowed, disparate technological ideas as to take over whole complexes with all their concepts. This is in contrast to the observed condition in ceremonial traits as noted in the “pattern theory,” or the tendency of a tribe to have a more or less fixed conception of its own according to which im¬ ported ceremonies are worked over . 1 The difference also serves to make clear that material culture is decidedly heterogeneous, or composed of disparate traits, whereas ceremonial culture is likely to be unified, or built around a fundamental idea. We see that in the main there is no evidence of functional relations between material traits or that they are controlled by any one concept. Further, in ceremonial traits the political units so far examined manifest decided individualities in their tribal pattern concepts, though the more objective aspects of the ceremonies themselves may be quite similar for all the tribes in a typical group, while in material traits such tribal individuality is wanting, so that it is doubtful if any of the political units in our centers can be truly credited with distinctive material cultures. It will be recalled that we once distinguished between these units by quantitative differ¬ ences in traits rather than otherwise . 2 Now, though material cultures taken as a whole lack tribal patterns, or individualized controlling ideas, they do tend toward specialization in the use of certain complexes, as we have noted above. In all such we have basic technological conceptions, but that such concepts dominate other technological processes is doubt¬ ful. Thus, in general literature we find the oft-repeated statement that copper is first treated as a malleable stone and so subjected to the general concepts for working stone. In a certain sense we have here a strange material subjected to a familiar technological pattern; but, if work in copper develops at all, we find it with its own dis¬ tinctive cycle of processes and with its own basic conception. The 1 Goldenweiser, p. 606. 2 Wissler, (a), p. 166. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 121 suggestion from the preceding discussion is that instances of the new application of dissociated technological ideas cannot be cited readily and, further, that when they can they will be rather the extensions of technical processes already practised by a political unit than resultants of adapting borrowed ideas. Again we find examples like the following: In the Plains, especi¬ ally in the northern half, buffalo were driven into pens or enclosures. This method was applied to antelope, also. In the Mackenzie area caribou were often driven into enclosures or through narrow lanes, which method extended even to the Eskimo of Alaska. On the east, the method was general among all the northern Algonkin tribes. It was also used in parts of the Plateau area. In this we refer to the very specific method of driving between fences into pens or lakes, for the mere process of surrounding or driving is too general to be significant. It is admissible that in the application of this process to several different species of ruminants we have a kind of pattern phenomenon, a hunting concept with continuity of distribution suggesting diffusion; but the method was nowhere exclusive and its adoption by a tribe did not require radical changes to make it conform to already established methods. Further, there are certain generalized concepts of wide application, like the pulverizing of food in mortars, which are far too fundamental for our restricted problem; but in the making of pemmican, the pul¬ verization of dried salmon, and of dried roots in the Plateau area, we may again have the gross extension of a specific concept to new materials; but it is probable that here also we have only the appli¬ cation of the too generalized pulverizing concept. Anyway, the difficulty of analyzing such cases as these makes the result doubtful. Hence, it appears that the tendency in material culture is not so much to profit by borrowed ideas as to take over specific complexes: to take over one specific technological complex after the other and not to catch up from here and there disparate ideas, to be fitted into one or two unifying conceptions. This is rather in contrast to the conditions observed in ceremonial aspects of culture. This point may be more concretely presented if we overstep the bounds of our subject and consider the forms of manufactured 122 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA objects. So far we have held strictly to the limitations of our chapter and discussed the processes of production without regard to form and decoration. It is clear, however, that the form of utensils and other manufactured objects must have an intimate association with the processes. A long time ago Holmes demon¬ strated the influence of materials and processes upon form and decorative designs. In some cases we have the apparent carrying over of form patterns to other classes of objects, as gourd and bark vessel forms to pottery forms, water bottle forms to baskets, etc. Boas explains the angular baskets of the Plateau center as patterned after the boxes of the North Pacific area. One reason given is that it is difficult and awkward to make a coil basket of this shape and that it must have been suggested by some other form. The correctness of this interpretation need not concern us now, since we do find among some of the Coast Salish boxes and baskets of similar forms. The Tlingit and Haida, on the other hand, used round baskets and square boxes. As already noted there is some tendency in the Southwest to the same forms for pots and baskets, but such correspondences occur in few forms only. It is possible, though not altogether probable, that the oval wooden dishes of the Eskimo are copied from Dene oval bark vessels and likewise the angular stone kettles from bark kettles. Yet, we are here dealing with one class of objects, differentiated by materials and techniques, but underlying which is one and the same vessel concept in which there is certainly a form element. As previously noted, material culture is heterogeneous and without a unifying technological concept; hence, patterns can exist only for traits based upon the same concept and even then are subordinated in detail to the nature of the materials. In short, the “pattern theory” as applied to ceremonial traits has no similar significance in material culture; but, there are tech¬ nological conceptions that prevail over considerable geographical areas and which constitute patterns of a kind, though in no case does any one of these unify the material culture of a tribe . 1 We 1 It should be noted that we are here dealing with tribal units and contrasting their respective reactions to ceremonial and material culture traits, and not with ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 123 may conclude, then, that no significant functional connections exist among the material traits of a tribe; that between them are to be found no logical or other necessary associations, except in so far as their respective process cycles may happen to overlap, and that in consequence each trait complex presents its own distinct problem. In this connection we find ample justification for the methods of former years according to which single complexes like fire¬ making, skin-dressing, basketry, etc., were taken up individually and followed over very large areas without regard to the distribution of other traits. Also it is suggested that the proper method of approach is first to analyze the complex and determine the distri¬ butions of the various unit processes. Until this is carefully done for a few typical complexes, historical, genetic, psychological or other interpretations of the phenomena cannot have firm founda¬ tions, or make substantial contributions to the development of anthropology. MOTOR FACTORS It is in the productive processes of material culture that we should expect to find objective signs of functional motor differences between the several groups of men, if such differences are at all significant when operating in the culture level. In any event we have a field for the development of specific problems; for example, most Indians mount the horse from the right side; some tribes coil baskets in one direction, some in the other. Have such customs a true motor basis, or are they after all susceptible of historical explanations? First let us note the Indian method of mounting the horse. So far as we know the habit of mounting from the right side was universal west of the Mississippi and according to Adair prevailed culture areas. The use of common materials affords a kind of process pattern, as the use of cedar, rawhide, etc., but in so far as this is a pattern it is environmental and not a part of one tribe’s individuality. The present attitude in anthropology is to con¬ sider political and linguistic differences as synonymous with culture differences. In so far as these units have patterns of their own this is justifiable, but when we take up the study of the various culture traits involved, our boundaries become geographical rather than political or linguistic. This is particularly true of material traits. 124 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA among the tribes of the Southeastern area. From observation we know that in many parts of the west and southwest when Indians drive a wagon they turn to the left in passing, which is consistent with their method of mounting, for if one mounts from the right, the leader of a span must be the right-hand horse. Now, the universality of this custom among the Indians in contrast to Americans and Englishmen calls for an interpretation. Since we know that Indians are not left-handed in general, a physiological basis for the difference seems improbable. The horse culture of the western Indians came from the Spanish settlements and the same type of culture is noted by Adair in the Southeastern area, from which it follows that the striking uniformity of Indian horse culture is most satisfactorily explained by a single point of origin for all. Hence, it seems more likely that the observed uniformity in mounting is due also to historical causes and not in any way dependent upon obscure physiological differences. This does not give a final answer to the problem, since to give it an exhaustive treatment would require both historical as well as physiological and psychological research in several parts of the world. In the direction of movement around a basket in twining or coiling we have a process in which there are but two possibilities. If we turn a basket of these varieties upside down and look at its bottom, the spiral of the elements will run either clockwise or anti¬ clockwise according to how the beginning was made. Kroeber has discussed the distribution of directions for coil basketry in California, without, however, reaching any conclusion as to its significance. So far as we know, no one has investigated the direction in twine baskets, where the problem seems less compli¬ cated. The usual method of handling a twine basket, as soon as the sides have taken form, is to rest it upright on the floor or lap, or incline it with the bottom next the weaver; at least this is the position shown in such photographs as we have seen. The long standing stiff warp makes this position necessary. On a priori grounds the tendency will be for all right-handed persons to move in a clockwise direction. The left hand will be used to hold the wefts in place as the right passes them through. We may, there- ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 1 25 fore, expect practically all twine baskets made by this method to show the same direction. Mr William A. Sabine checked up twine baskets in the collections of the American Museum of Natural History—241 twine baskets were examined, distributed from Alaska to the Rio Grande, and with the exception of the Aleutians, the clockwise direction was found in all but nine baskets. The twenty-five Aleutian baskets examined were all without exception anti-clockwise. This is to be expected because the Aleutians weave their baskets suspended in an inverted position, and hence weave downward. Then if they moved in the normal order, left to right, the twining would appear anti-clockwise when the basket was turned over. According to Mason 1 and Emmons the Haida wove baskets like the Aleutians, but we had at hand no authentic speci¬ mens. The Tlingit, on the other hand, seem to have woven their baskets in the usual way as the photographs by Emmons indicate. Tlingit baskets present one peculiarity. Many of them have one direction for the bottom and another for the sides. In this case it is clear that the direction of movement was the same for both, since the smooth finish is on the inside of the bottom and on the outside of the sides. Hence, in our reading these baskets should be classed according to the outside direction. When so taken we have a total of ninety-six in clockwise direction and eight anti¬ clockwise. Unless some of the latter were made by suspension, they may be considered as the work of left-handed weavers. For one of these anti-clockwise baskets we have no locality, but the others are: Sitka, four, and Hoonah, three. This suggests that at least three women made these baskets. Among other collections we have found but one specimen in which the direction of the sides changed: viz., Yurok (50.1-5968). We also found one other left-hand basket from the Hupa (50-5978). It is now plain that the direction of movement in twine baskets is primarily a motor phenomenon, or determined by right-handed¬ ness, the actual direction of movement in relation to the weaver being always the same. Kroeber, on the other hand, found a somewhat different condition in coil baskets. 2 The process in coil 1 Mason, (6), p. 415. 2 Kroeber, (ft), p. 49. 126 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA is sewing rather than weaving. Here we may be sure that all right-handed women will operate the bodkin with the right hand and hold the basket with the left; but they can probably sew in either direction with equal facility. If the coil is toward the left hand, that hand will move along the rim of the basket ahead of the stitching or bodkin; but if toward the right hand, the left hand will move behind. The former will give us an anti-clockwise basket, the latter the reverse, when the bodkin is inserted from the outside of the basket. If the woman works from the inside, the directions will be reversed in our reading, but she is using her hands as before. This point is clearly shown in the plates to Mason’s publication: No. 235, Pima, working from the outside, left hand ahead of stitching, basket anti-clockwise; No. 215, Hopi, ditto; No. 200, Havasupai, ditto; No. 198, Saboba, working from the outside, left hand behind stitching, basket clockwise; and No. 197, Mission, working from the inside, left hand behind, anti¬ clockwise. 1 The last two show the effect of changing from the inside to the outside. Now it is clear that whether a basket is worked from the inside or out, is of little significance in determining the direction of the coil, because the woman can work right-handed and still use either of the two possible directions. Here we have a chance for tribal patterns, unless the character of the materials or some other obscure factor favor one direction. Kroeber states that the prevailing direction in California is anti-clockwise and elsewhere clockwise. 2 Yet in California he notes that some tribes change the direction with the form of the basket. The only tribes making all their coils in the same direction for all baskets are the Porno (anti-clockwise), the Wailaki (clock¬ wise), and the Yuki (clockwise). The Washo use the anti-direction but all the specimens were globular, or of one shape. As against these Kroeber notes the use of both directions by the Cahuilla, Maidu, Miwok, Yokuts, Mono, Mission, and Chemehuevi. 1 Mason, (6). 2 Kroeber examined his baskets on the inside, hence we have transposed his terms to correspond with ours. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 127 The possible explanations for the change of direction with shape, are limited. It seems unlikely that a woman would have two directions of stitching, when one would serve as well. It is almost certain that one of these directions will prevail in a tribe; hence, the most probable thing is that when baskets of both kinds occur in a tribe, in one class the bodkin is used from the outside, in the other from the inside. Since bottle-necked and many globular baskets cannot be sewed from the inside, it seems safe to assume that a tribe making these forms and using only one direction for all baskets works from the outside. Also that the direction of coil in such baskets gives us the key to tribal hand positions, where baskets vary in shape. Thus, the Porno are certainly “left hand ahead”; 1 but also are the Maidu, Miwok, and Washo; the Cahuilla, Wailaki, Yuki, Yokuts, Mono, and Mission appear as “left-hand behind.” In order to test these interpretations we examined a large series of Southwestern baskets. Here among the Apache, Pima, and Papago the bottle-necked are anti-clockwise, and flat and open- topped baskets clockwise. For the Pima and Papago we have field studies that show one prevailing tribal hand position for all baskets, left-hand ahead. Checking up the coil baskets in the Museum, we found almost without exception all in the Eskimo, Dene, and Plateau areas to be clockwise, with no change for shape. However, except among the Eskimo and a few Dene, the wide open mouth is almost uni¬ versal, permitting working from either side. Yet, in the Plateau area where imbrication is employed, the bodkin appears to have been used from the outside; hence, throughout we may expect “left-hand behind” position. In the Southwest, the position is “left-hand ahead.” Thirty baskets from the cliff houses of Utah were also “left-hand ahead,” all of them flat in shape and sewed from the inside. So far as this goes, the ancient and modern basketry of the Southwest is historically related. The distributions of the two hand positions for coil basketry are now definable. From the Colorado river northward through 1 For confirmation see Barrett, p. 161. 128 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA the interior to Alaska one position prevails, the left-hand behind, or negative relation. A few Ojibway baskets we have seen are also negative. We can extend this distribution into Siberia, but it seems to end with the Russianized natives. South of the Colorado river the tendency is emphatically toward the opposite, or positive hand relation. Our check data for California agrees in the main with Kroeber’s statements. Here we find the tribes in the central part also following the positive position, but the Shoshone and Mission Indians and also the Yokuts follow the negative. We have noted that the main body of the Shoshone use the negative hand position. Thus, our negative position area reaches the coast through southern California, separating the two smaller regions for the positive position. If it were not for this change in southern California we should have one continuous positive hand position area from central California to the Rio Grande and possibly southward. 1 When we recall the Shoshone peoples predominate in southern California, the possibility of cultural intrusion from the Plateau area is suggested. The Chemehuevi, for example, seem to practise both positions, or the basket-makers are divided into two classes, some following one mode, some the other. This tendency to vary is somewhat more in evidence among the Mission Indians than elsewhere, according to our specimens. Such mixture sug¬ gests that the tribes of southern California have been subjected to two influences. Thus, our problem becomes more complicated because on general principles the cultural independence of Cali¬ fornia basketry from that of the Southwest is open to question. Here is a real problem. We have, however, gone far enough to raise a strong presumption that a historical explanation will account for the observed differences throughout. The possible exception is the case of the Wailaki and Yuki in northern California, almost isolated by the twine-weaving tribes, and according to Kroeber using the negative position. They are in contact with the twine weavers on one side and the coil on the other. Unless they work 1 No specimens were available to us south of the Rio Grande until we reach the extreme south of South America; here thirteen baskets all ran anti-clockwise, or like the Southwest. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 129 all their baskets from the inside, they are certainly strong claimants for independence, though some contact with the Plateaus is not entirely impossible. In Africa we find a development of coil basketry somewhat com¬ parable to that of America. We have not worked out the distri¬ bution so fully but find that the greater part of the Congo and South African baskets we have seen are anti-clockwise, but those from North Africa and parts of the West Coast are clockwise. Assuming that this holds for all African baskets, we have two very different races manifesting similar ranges of differences with respect to an identical motor process. Thus, in the main, we have another example of the familiar continuity of traits, each hand position being rather definitely segregated and the whole offering an excellent opportunity to dis¬ cuss the relative merits of independent invention and diffusion. Our present interest, however, is in the motor problem. In twine basketry, we saw that the direction of weave was fixed by right- handedness, and that Aleutian baskets were different from others because they were woven downward, the actual direction of move¬ ment being the same. This difference is therefore due to objective causes and not in any sense to be explained as due to motor differ¬ ences in the Aleutians. In coil work, right-handedness controls the bodkin, but seemingly not the direction of movement. Some white teachers of basketry we have consulted say they teach the anti-clockwise coil because this position of the hands keeps the designs in full view. However, they believe that the sewing can be learned from one direction as easily as the other, but their experience is that when a person has learned in one of these direc¬ tions, she will find it very difficult to change over to the other. Hence, we have a case in which an initial choice can be made according to objective rather than psycho-physical conditions. Yet we cannot make this conclusion positive, for many people feel that if the choice were left to the hands, the normal direction would be positive, or anti-clockwise. 1 Nevertheless, should this prove true, the adoption of another direction could scarcely be explained 1 See also Barrett, p. 161. 9 130 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA on motor grounds. Thus we are dealing with cultural phenomena and not with physiological or psychological phenomena. In another place we have suggested that there were levels, or cycles, in human activities between which there were no correlations. The sug¬ gestion in this discussion is that motor differences of an individual character are not likely to produce cultural differences. Also that when a motor element does function as a culture determinant, it is likely to be a general human characteristic and neither individual nor tribal, and so cannot be considered a cause of culture differ¬ ences. We are all familiar with the vague assertions in psycho¬ logical and anthropological literature that knowledge of elemental psychological differences is quite essential to the investigation of culture, but so far we have not observed any successful use of such knowledge. All our own experience has indicated that culture differentiation and psychological differentiation as now understood run in relatively independent cycles. We make no claim that this brief consideration of certain func¬ tional problems gives us final solutions, but it certainly does suggest that they are of minor importance. Everything so far seems to favor historical explanations for cultural differentiation. SUMMARY As stated at the outset, there has been in recent years no forma¬ tive work in material culture comparable to that in art, mythology, and social and ceremonial organization. Our intent has been to show that this is in no way due to the nature of the phenomena, but that in material culture are to be found problems of the first importance. This is particularly true for North America where, so far as we now know, we deal with but one culture period comparable to the neolithic of Europe. This condition practically joins the archeological and ethnological methods, concentrating them upon a single group of problems. Nowhere else can we get so near to the objective aspects of man’s entire cultural history. For some years now our dominant studies have been of a decidedly psycho¬ logical character, the symbolic aspects of art, the conceptions and motives underlying the rituals of ceremonies, language, etc. All ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 131 these prove for the time ever so much more fascinating than the description and distribution of technological processes, that the real problems in material culture are lost sight of. At the present moment attention is centered upon historical explanations for cultural similarities, which when objectified become chiefly dis¬ cussions of observed geographical trait distribution. Yet, one difficulty in determining similarities in mythology, totemism, etc., is our inability to make sure of the reality of similarity. This is what lies at the root of the recent discussion of convergent evolution. Now, while similarities in material culture are not easily explained, their characteristics are objectified to such an extent that the deter¬ mination of their relation is fairly simple. This objective aspect of material culture offers opportunity for the application of experimental and scientific methods in as precise and definite a form as the various morphological sciences. In this respect it is on a par with anatomy. Every large ethnographical museum is a richly equipped laboratory, yet there has been a steady drift away from museums, some of our largest universities making practically no use of museum material in their work of instruction and research. It seems strange that in a scientific age our backs should be turned upon the one aspect of culture in which we find the experimental method in function, for modern science is most surely an outgrowth of material culture. This brief examination of the subject has suggested the following problems: 1. The significance of continuity in the distribution of a trait. 2. The prevalence of diffusion and the relative rarity of inde¬ pendent invention in the essential trait elements. 3. The apparent unimportance of the motor and other functional elements of the cause-complex underlying a trait and the prime importance of the historical elements. 4. The significance of the geographical environment as a localizer, associator, or carrier of material traits; or as a continuity factor. 5. The origin and duration of the specific material centers for North America, primarily an archeological problem. 132 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 6 . The analytical determination of the original elements in American culture, preparatory to inter-continental problems. These problems are not here proposed as original with the writer, but as viewed from the somewhat unfamiliar horizon of material culture. Bibliography Adair, James. History of the Amrrican Indians. London, 1775. Barrett, S. A. Pomo Indian Basketry (University of California Publications, Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 7, no. 3, 1908). Boas, Franz, (a) On thi North-western Tribes of Canada (Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889). (6) The Salish Tribes of the Interior of British Columbia (Annual Archaeological Report, 1905. Appendix, Report of the Min¬ ister of Education, Toronto, 1906). (c) The Tribes of the North Pacific Coast (Annual Archaeological Report, 1905. Appendix, Re¬ port of the Minister of Educa¬ tion, Toronto, 1906). (d) The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 8, part 2, 1909). ( e ) The Eskimo (Annual Archaeolog¬ ical Report, 1905. Appendix, Report of the Minister of Edu¬ cation, Toronto, 1906). (/) The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 15, part 1, 1901). (g) Second Report on the Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 15, part 2, 1901). (, h) The Central Eskimo (Sixth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1888). Boyle, David. The Iroquois (Annual Archaeological Report, 1905. Appen¬ dix, Report of the Minister of Edu¬ cation, Toronto, 1906). Carr, Lucian. The Food of Certain American Indians and their Methods of Preparing It. (Proceedings, Ameri¬ can Antiquarian Society, N. S., vol. 10, Worcester, 1896). Chamberlain, A. F. The Kootenay In¬ dians and Indians of the Eastern Prov¬ inces of Canada (Annual Archaeological Report, 1905. Appendix, Report of the Minister of Education, Toronto, 1906). Cushing. Frank Hamilton, (a) Zuni Fetiches (Second Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1883). ( b ) Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths (Thirteenth Annual Report, Bu¬ reau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1896). De Booy, Theodor. Certain Kitchen- middens in Jamaica (American Anthro¬ pologist, vol. 15 (N. S.), no. 3, 1913). Dixon, Roland B. Some Aspects of North American Archeology (American Anthropologist, vol. 15 (N. S.), no. 4, I9I3)- Emmons, G. T. (a) The Chilkat Blanket (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 3, part 4, 1907). ( b ) The Basketry of the Tlingit (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 3, part 2, 1902). (c) The Tahltan Indians (Anthropo¬ logical Publications, University of Pennsylvania, vol. 4, no. 1, 1911). Fletcher, Alice C., and La Flesche, Francis. The Omaha Tribe (Twenty- seventh Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1911). Gal ton, [Francis]. Remarks on the Weighting of Traits ([ournal of the Anthropological Institute, vol. 18, 270). Goddard, P. E. Indians of the South¬ west (Handbook Series, American Museum of Natural History, no. 2, I9I3)- Goldenweiser, A. A. The Origin of Totemism (American Anthropologist, vol. 14 (N. S.), no. 4, 1912). Grant, Madison. The Caribou (Re¬ printed from the Seventh Annual Report of the New York Zoological Society, New York, 1902). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 133 Harrington, M. R. Vestiges of Material Culture among the Canadian Dela¬ wares (American Anthropologist (N. S.), vol. io, no. 3, 1908). Harshberger, J. W. Maize: a Botanical and Economic Study (Contributions, Botanical Laboratory, University of Pennsylvania, vol. 1, no. 2, Phila¬ delphia, 1893). Hearne, Samuel A. Journey from Prince of Wales Fort in Hudson’s Bay to the Northern Ocean. London, 1795. Hill-Tout, Charles. The Salish Tribes of the Coast and Lower Fraser Delta (Annual Archaeological Report, 1905. Appendix, Report of the Minister of Education, Toronto, 1906). Hoffman, Walter J. The Menomini Indians (Fourteenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, part 1, Washington, 1896). Holmes, W. H. (a) Prehistoric Textile Art of the Eastern United States (Thirteenth Annual Report, Bu¬ reau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1896). (f>) Aboriginal Pottery ot the Eastern United States (Twentieth An¬ nual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1903). Hough, Walter. Primitive American Armor (Report of the United States National Museum, Washington, 1893). Hrdlicka, A. Early Man in South America (Bulletin 52, Bureau of Ameri¬ can Ethnology, Washington, 19x2). Jenks, A. E. The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes (Nineteenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, part 2, Washington, 1900). Jones, Charles C., Jr. Antiquities of the Southern Indians, particularly of the Georgia Tribes. New York, 1873. Krause, A. Die Tlinkit Indianer, Ergeb- nisse einer Reise nach der Nordwest- kuste von America und der Bering- strasse (Auftrage der Bremer geo- graphischen Gesellschaft, 1880-81, Jena, 1885). Kroeber, A. L. (a) Types of Indian Culture in California (University of California Publications, Ar¬ chaeology and Ethnology, vol. 2, no. 3, 1904). (6) Ethnography of the Cahuilla In¬ dians (University of California Publications, Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 8, no. 2, 1908). Laufer, Berthold. Plate Armor in America, A Sinological Contribution to an American Problem (American Anthropologist, vol. 15 (N. S.), no. 1, I 9 I 3 )- Lewis, A. B. Tribes of the Columbia Valley and the Coast of Washington and Oregon (Memoirs, American An¬ thropological Association, vol. 1, part 2, 1906). Lowie, Robert H. The Northern Sho¬ shone (Anthropological Papers, Ameri¬ can Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, part 2, 1908). MacCauley, Clay. The Seminole Indians of Florida (Fifth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash¬ ington, 1887). Mackenzie, Alexander. Voyages from Montreal to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans. London, 1801. Mason, Otis T. (a) North American Bows, Arrows, and Quivers (Smithsonian Report for 1893, United States National Museum, Washington, 1894). (b) Aboriginal American Basketry. Studies in a Textile Art without Machinery (Smithsonian Report for 1902, United States National Museum, Washington, 1904). Mindeleff, Cosmos. Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona (Thirteenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1896). Mooney, James. (a) The Cheyenne Indians (Memoirs, American Anthropological Association, vol. 1, part 6, 1907). (6) Myths of the Cherokee (Nineteenth Annual Report, Bureau of Amer¬ ican Ethnology, part 1, Wash¬ ington, 1900). Morice, Rev. A. G. (a) Notes on the Western Denes (Transactions, Canadian Institute, vol. 4, To¬ ronto, 1895). (6) The Western Denes (Proceedings, Canadian Institute, third series, vol. 7, Toronto, 1890). (c) The Canadian Denes (Annual Archaeological Report, 1905. Appendix, Report of the Minister of Education, Toronto, 1906). Murdoch, J. Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition (Ninth An¬ nual Report, Bureau of American Eth¬ nology, Washington, 1892). Nelson, E. W. The Eskimo about Bering Strait (Eighteenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Eth¬ nology, part 1, Washington, 1899). 134 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Nelson, N. C. (a) Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region (Uni¬ versity of California Publica¬ tions. Archaeology and Eth¬ nology, vol 7, no. 4, 1909). (6) The Ellis Landing Shellmound (University of California Publi¬ cations, Archaeology and Eth¬ nology, vol. 7, no. 5, 1910). Niblack, A. P. Coast Indians of South¬ ern Alaska and Northern British Columbia (Report, United States National Museum for 1888, Washing¬ ton, 1890). Nordenskiold, G. The Cliff Dwellers of Mesa Verde, Southwestern Colorado; their Pottery and Implements. Trans¬ lated by D. Lloyd Morgan. Stock¬ holm, 1893. Parker, A. C. (a) Iroquois Uses of Maize and other Food Plants (Bulletin 144, New York State Museum, Albany, 1910). ( b ) In Report of the New York State Museum, Albany, 1907. Pike, Warburton. The Barren Ground of Northern Canada. New York, 1892. Russell, Frank. The Pima Indians (Twenty-sixth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1908). Skinner, Alanson. (a) Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 9, part 1, 1911). (6) The Indians of Greater New York. Cedar Rapids, 1914. (c) Archaeology of the New York Coastal Algonkin (Anthropo¬ logical Papers, American Mu¬ seum of Natural History, vol. 3, 1908). Smith, Harlan I. (a) Archaeology of the Yakima Valley (Anthropo¬ logical Papers, American Mu¬ seum of Natural History, vol. 6, part 1, 1910). ( b) The Prehistoric Ethnology of a Kentucky Site (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 6, part 2' 1910). Speck, Frank G. Ethnology of the Yuchi (Anthropological Publications, University of Pennsylvania, vol. 1, no. 1, Philadelphia, 1909). Spinden, Herbert J. The Nez Perce Indians (Memoirs, American Anthro¬ pological Association, vol. 2, part 3, 1908). Swanton, John R. Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico (Bulletin 43, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911). Teit, James, (a) The Lillooet Indians (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 4, part 5, 1906). ( b ) The Thompson Indians of British Columbia (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, part 4, 1900). (c) The Shushwap (Memoirs, Ameri¬ can Museum of Natural History; vol. 4, part 7, 1909). Turner, Lucien M. Ethnology of the Ungava District (Eleventh Annual Report, Bureau of American Eth¬ nology, Washington, 1894). Tylor, E. B.. A Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, etc. (Journal of the Anthropological Insti¬ tute, vol. 18 245-269). Willoughby, C. C. Houses and Gardens of the New England Indians '(Ameri¬ can Anthropologist, N. S., vol. 8, 1906). Wissler, Claik. (a) Mateiial Culture of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthro¬ pological Papers, American Mu¬ seum of Natural History, vol. 5, part 1, 1910). ( b ) North American Indians of the Plains (Handbook Series No. 1, American Museum of Natural History, 1912). (e) The North American Indians of the Plains (Popular Science Monthly, vol. 82, no. 5, 1913). ( d ) The Horse and the Plains Culture (American Anthropologist, N. S., vol. 16, no. 1, 1914). American Museum of Natural History New York City PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY IN AMERICA An Historical Sketch By ALES HRDLICKA Contents I. Introduction. 135 II. Forerunners of American Anthropology. 136 III. The Beginnings of American Anthropology—Samuel G. Morton. 139 IV. Effects of Morton’s Work. 147 V. Morton’s Successors—-Joseph Leidy and J. Aitken Meigs. 150 VI. J. C. Nott and George R. Gliddon. 153 VII. Anthropology in Boston—George Peabody and Jeffries Wyman. 155 VIII. Later History of Anthropology. 158 IX. History of Anthropology in Washington. 168 X. Conclusion. 179 I—Introduction T HE term Anthropology is generally employed in this country to comprehend the entire field of researches relating to man. The present paper, however, does not aim to com¬ pass this wide range but relates exclusively to Physical Anthro¬ pology, sometimes called somatology. Geographically it is limited to the northern half of the continent and especially to that part of it under the jurisdiction of the United States, while chronologically it stops before the actual era of the science and its living repre¬ sentatives. No special and comprehensive effort has hitherto been made in this direction, though as early as 1855, in his “Archaeology of the United States,” 1 Samuel F. Haven gave an extended and very creditable account of the general opinions advanced to that time respecting the origin of population in the New World, and of the progress to that date of archeological and anthropological investi¬ gations in the United States. In 1898 Dr George A. Dorsey wrote the “History of the Study of Anthropology at Harvard Uni- 1 Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Phila., 1855, pp. 168. >35 136 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA versity,” 1 but he used the term “anthropology” in “its broadest, most general sense, ” and “somatology” received but slight mention; and in 1902 Dr George G. MacCurdy wrote on the “Teaching of Anthropology in the United States.” 2 There are no other publications on the subject and the task before the writer was thus the more gratifying though also the more difficult one of research rather than of compilation. The history of physical anthropology on this continent is rela¬ tively a brief one, dating back less than a century, yet preceding the beginnings of the same branch of science in most other countries and antedating the very use, in its modern sense, of the term anthropology. Also, though largely disconnected and individual¬ istic, that is, represented by workers who arose quite incidentally, sometimes far apart and more or less independently of each other, it nevertheless presents a total record that is highly creditable and should be better known outside of this country. It is almost wholly a history of anthropologists who were originally or at the same time medical men and especially anato¬ mists or physiologists, and whose field of research was in a very large measure, though not exclusively, American. And this his¬ tory is further distinguished by the fact that its beginnings, as to both time and mode, can be almost exactly determined. II— Forerunners of American Anthropology In a given country the history of any new branch of science would probably show, if it could be traced, a shorter or a longer preparatory period, occupied with the growth of interest in a new direction; the beginnings of collections or assembling of data; and the first efforts at lectures, writing, and association in the new field. Back of this, however, there is, as a rule, a long, unconsciously cumulative epoch, the slow preparation of the ground. The actual birth of a new science may be counted from the commence¬ ment of substantial research work in the new field, which in due time is followed by differentiation of concepts, advanced organiza- 1 Denison Quarterly, Granville, O., 1888, IV, No. 2, pp. 77-97. 2 Science, xv, 1902, 211-216. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 137 tion of forces and plans, standardization of procedures, and a gradual development of regular instruction. Such was the course of physical anthropology in the United States and the rest of North America. For the fertilization of the field in this country nothing could have been more effective than the presence on the American continent of a race whose identity, composition, and origin were problems that from the date of discovery interested the whole world, a solution of which, however, never advanced beyond a maze of hypotheses. To this, toward the beginning of the 19th century, was added the fact that the white man’s contact with the Indian in North America was becoming extensive, and the need of knowing the race better, physically as well as culturally, was felt with growing intensity. Good evidence of this feeling can be seen in the excellent instruction given in 1804 by President Jefferson to Lewis and Clark, for their memorable expedition to the sources of the Missouri. Besides other things they were to look into the “moral and physical circumstances which distinguish the Indians encountered from the tribes we know”; 1 and the results of this expedition helped greatly to further stimulate the universal interest in the Indian. An equally marked influence in this direction was due to a growing acquaintance with the multitude of mounds in the Ohio valley and adjoining regions on one hand, and with the Peruvian, Mexican, and Central American Indian remains on the other. Added to these factors at home came potent influences from abroad. Works on the natural history, races, and variation of man were published by Buffon, Linnaeus, and Cuvier, and especially by Blumenbach 2 and Prichard. 3 In 1789 there was organized at Paris the Musee d'Histoire naturelle, which eventually in its scope comprised also man; in 1800 there came into existence, in Paris, the Society of Students of Man (Societe des observateurs de I’homme ), which, although short-lived, pointed to a new sphere 1 See History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark, etc., by Elliott Coues, 4 vols., N. Y. 1893. 2 Decades craniorum, 1790-1828 (1873); De generis humani, etc., 1795 (3d ed.). 3 Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, 1813 (1st ed.). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 138 of investigations of great interest; and before many years had passed the early physiological phrenology began to call attention to the importance of the study of the skull. As the first most tangible result of these influences in North America we see the incorporation, in 1812, at Worcester, Mass., of The American Antiquarian Society, with the chief object of "collecting and preserving the material for a study of American history and antiquities.” 1 We learn that, "in the early days of the Society one of the prominent features of its work was the collection of anthropological specimens ’ ’; and we find that the first two volumes of the Transactions of this Society are devoted to the American Indian and his remains. 2 3 The year 1814 marks the beginning in Boston of The Linnean Society, the predecessor of the Boston Society of Natural History (1830); but there is no evidence that the study of man derived any special stimulus through the activities of this organization. Shortly thereafter, however, a small nucleus for anthropologic research took form through the labors of Prof. John C. Warren, the eminent anatomist and surgeon and future founder of the present Warren Anatomical Museum of Harvard University. Inspired evidently by Blumenbach’s works, Professor Warren began to collect and examine skulls of different races, and in 1822 he published an "Account of the Crania of some of the Aborigines of the United States,”* the first publication in this field on the continent. This publication, while of no permanent value sci¬ entifically, and while subscribing to the early error that the "mound- builders” were "a different people from the aborigines found here by our ancestors,” is nevertheless remarkable for the systematic, technical descriptions of the specimens. In this respect it might 1 Transactions American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass., 1909, pp. 32. 2 The first volume, published in 1820, contains Atwater’s “Description of the antiquities of the Ohio and other historical states”; Hennepin’s “Discovery of the Mississippi”; Johnston’s “Indian tribes of Ohio”; and Sheldon's “Account of the Caribs of the Antilles.” Vol. IX, 1836, contains Gallatin’s “Indian tribes of North America,” and Daniel Gookin’s “Historical Account of the Christian Indians of New England.” 3 Published as part H of the Appendix to his Comparative View of the Sensorial and Nervous Systems in Man and Animals, Boston, 1822, pp. 129-144, pis. v-vm. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 139 well have served as a shining example to some later writers on the same subject. A year before the appearance of his paper on American crania Professor Warren published A Description of an Egyptian Mummy , 1 and an address by him on American crania, given before the British Association, is also quoted in the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (xvil, 1838, pp. 249-253), but evidently his preoccupations were such that he could give the new subject relatively little attention. That he did not lose interest in the study of human crania is evident from the fact that in 1837 he engaged no less a student than Henry R. Schoolcraft to collect Indian crania for him. Owing to various difficulties, however, the gathering of the desired material was interfered with, so that the collection was restricted. The material was eventually transferred to the Warren Museum. In the thirties collection and study of human skulls received great impetus in this country through the establishment at Boston and Washington of phrenological societies, which interested at that time many physicians and other men of science. In 1835 the Boston Phrenological Society published a catalogue of specimens belonging to the Society derived mainly from the collections “of the late Dr Spurzheim and J. D. Holm,” embracing four hundred and sixteen entries, among them more than a hundred racial skulls or casts of skulls. Such was in brief the prodromal period of physical anthropology in this country, and we can now approach its more effective begin¬ nings. Ill— The Beginnings of American Anthropology—Samuel G. Morton Physical Anthropology in the United States, speaking strictly, begins with Samuel G. Morton, in Philadelphia, in 1830. Morton, who was born in Philadelphia, January 26, 1799, received the degree of M.D. at the Medical College of the Uni¬ versity of Pennsylvania in 1820 and from the Medical School of the 1 Pamphlet 1821; and later gave “An Account of the Siamese Twin Brothers,” Amer. Med. Jour., Med. Sciences, v, p. 253. 140 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA University of Edinburgh three years later. 1 In 1826 he began to practise medicine in Philadelphia and soon after engaged in private instruction in medicine and anatomy. Even before this, however, he became a member of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Phila¬ delphia, took active interest in its collections which he helped to classify and arrange, and became active in several branches of natural science, particularly paleontology. During these years, as anatomist, he also became interested, through the writings of Lawrence, Virey, Bory de St Vincent, Gall, and Combe, on the one hand, and through reading the publications of such American authors as Dr Barton, Professor Caldwell, Dr J. C. Warren, Professor Gibson, Dr B. H. Coates, and Dr M’Culloh, 2 on the other, in the rising comparative human anatomy, in phrenology (which doubtless seemed at that time a most promising branch of research), and in questions relating to the origin and racial affili¬ ations of the American Indians. According to J. Aitken Meigs, “craniographic” researches were begun by Morton two years after the completion of Blumenbach’s Decades craniorum. According to Morton himself, however, the beginning of his actual work in anthropology is related to have occurred as follows: 3 “Having had occasion, in the summer of 1830, to deliver an introductory lecture to a course in Anatomy, I chose for my subject: The different forms of the skull, as exhibited in the Five Races of Men. Strange to say, I could neither buy nor borrow a cranium of each of these races; and I finished my dis¬ course without showing either the Mongolian or the Malay. Forci¬ bly impressed with this great deficiency in a most important branch of science, I at once resolved to make a collection for myself.” The results of this resolution were that between 1830 and 1851, the latter the year of his death, Morton gathered 968 racial crania, 1 Grant, Wm. R , Lecture introductory to a course on Anatomy and Physiology in the Med. Dept, of Pennsylvania College, delivered October 13, 1851; 8°, Phila., 1852, pp. 1-16. Meigs, Charles D., M.D., A memoir of Samuel G. Morton, M.D., read Nov. 6, 1851, published Phila., 1851, 8°, pp. 1-48. 2 Crania Americana, preface, et seq. 3 Morton, S. G., Account of a Craniological Collection, Trans, of the Amer. Ethnolog. Soc., II, pp. 217-218, N. Y., 1848. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA I4I which, with 67 additional specimens that came soon after his death, constituted by far the largest and most valuable collection of anthro¬ pological materials then in existence. With the augmentation of his collection grew evidently also Morton’s interest in craniological research and in anthropology in general, leading eventually, with such additional stimuli as were furnished by the writings of Prichard, Lawrence, Humboldt, and possibly Anders Retzius, to active personal investigations in these lines. Finding a helping hand in the much interested and in¬ genious member of the Academy, John S. Phillips, Esq., Morton undertook the large task of measuring and describing his material, and the American collections received first attention. A very sensible schedule of measurements was formulated on the imperfect basis then extant; instruments where insufficient or lacking were improved or invented, and after “some years of toil and anxiety” sufficient data were gathered and excellent illustrations provided for an important publication. In 1839 Morton was appointed Professor of Anatomy in Penn¬ sylvania Medical College, and in the same year his truly monu¬ mental work for that time, Crania Americana, appeared, a volume not financed by any publisher or institution, but undertaken by the author with the assured support of only fifteen subscribers! This first and largest work of Morton makes manifest some of the defects of the early period in anthropology, and it includes a chapter on phrenology, though it is the physiological phrenology of Morton’s time and has no trace of the charlatanism later associated with the name; but these defects are slight when contrasted with the large bulk of astonishingly good work and the number of sound conclu¬ sions. One wonders at the nearness with which the measurements employed by Morton correspond with later and even present-day measurements in that line, and at the soberness and clear-sightedness of his deductions. As to phrenology, it is evident that Morton’s interest in that branch was not that of a believer or promoter, but rather that of a friendly and hopeful investigator. 1 As to the litho¬ graphic illustrations of the work, they have not been excelled in beauty and accuracy. 1 See prologue by John S. Phillips. Esq., in Crania Americana. 142 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Morton’s principal aims in preparing and publishing the Crania Americana were, in his own words, “to give accurate delineations of the skulls” representing as many Indian nations, from all parts of the American continent, as he could bring together in his col¬ lection; to show the position of the American crania with reference to those of other races; and to determine “by the evidence of osteological facts, whether the American aborigines of all epochs have belonged to one race or to a plurality of races.” But thus early Morton gave attention also to the artificial deformation of skulls, and especially to the determination of the internal cranial capacity in various races, taking cognizance not only of the entire skull cavity but of its main subdivisions as well. Moreover, he presented, in 62 pages of his work, an excellent review of the contemporary anthropological knowledge of peoples in all parts of the world, a summary which shows good discrimination and much erudition. The craniometric methods of Morton (and Phillips) call for special note. Not counting the more complex determinations of the facial angle and internal capacity, Morton took on each skull ten measurements, and of these the most important six were taken from precisely the same landmarks and in the same way as they are taken today under the recent Monaco agreement, though Morton was not remembered at that convention. These measure¬ ments and the manner in which they were made were, in the words of Morton 1 himself, as follows: “The longitudinal diameter is measured from the most prominent part of the os frontis, between the superciliary ridges, to the extreme end of the occiput. “The parietal diameter is measured between the most distant points of the parietal bones. . . . “The vertical diameter is measured from the fossa between the condyles of the occiput bone , 2 to the top of the skull. “The occipito-frontal arch is measured by a tape over the surface of the cranium, from the posterior margin of the foramen magnum to the suture which connects the os frontis with the bones of the nose. “The horizontal periphery is measured by passing a tape around the cranium 1 Crania Americana, pp. 249-250. 2 The present basicm. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 143 so as to touch the os frontis immediately above the superciliary ridges, and the most prominent part of the occipital bone. “The zygomatic diameter is the distance, in a right line, between the most prominent points of the zygomae.” The terms used in describing the measurements are perhaps not as specific as those which would be employed today, nearly eight decades later, but the meaning is unmistakably identical. The four other measurements, which now are no more or but seldom employed, were the frontal diameter, taken between the anterior- inferior angles of the parietal bones, the inter-mastoid arc and line, and the joint length of the face and vault. The facial angle was measured directly by an improved facial goniometer, while for obtaining the internal capacity of the skull a method was invented which, though seldom if ever duly credited, served and still serves as the basis of all subsequent procedures for obtaining this important determination with dry substances. Morton’s description of the method, which deserves to be quoted in full, is as follows: 1 “Internal Capacity .—An ingenious mode of taking this measurement was devised by Mr. Phillips, viz: a tin cylinder was provided about two inches and three-fourths in diameter, and two feet two inches high, standing on a foot, and banded with swelled hoops about two inches apart, and firmly soldered, to prevent accidental flattening.—A glass tube hermetically sealed at one end, was cut off so as to hold exactly five cubic inches of water by weight, at 6o° Fahrenheit. A float of light wood, well varnished, two and a quarter inches in diameter, with a slender rod of the same material fixed in its centre, was dropped into the tin cylinder; then five cubic inches of water, measured in the glass tube, were poured into the cylinder, and the point at which the rod on the float stood above the top of the cylinder, was marked with the edge of a file laid across its top; and the successive graduations on the float-rod, indicating five cubic inches each, were obtained by pouring five cubic inches from the glass tube gradatim, and marking each rise on the float-rod. The gradations thus ascertained, were transferred to a mahogany rod fitted with a flat foot, and then subdivided, with compasses for the cubic inches and parts. In order to measure the capacity of a cranium, the foramina were first stopped with cotton, and the cavity was then filled with while pepper seed poured into the foramen magnum until it reached the surface, and pressed down with the finger until the skull would receive no more. The contents were then transferred to the tin cylinder, which was well shaken in order 1 Crania Americana, p. 253. 144 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA to pack the seed. The mahogany rod being then dropped down with its foot resting on the seed, the capacity of the cranium in cubic inches is at once read off on it.” The most important scientific conclusion arrived at by Morton in his studies of American crania and their comparison with similar material from other parts of the world, conclusions which he held strongly to the end of his life, were (i) “That the American nations, excepting the Polar tribes (Eskimo), were of one Race and one Species, but of two great Families (Toltecan and Barbarous), which resemble each other in physical, but differ in intellectual character”; and (2) “That the cranial remains discovered in the Mounds, from Peru to Wisconsin belong to the same race (the Indian), and probably to the Toltecan family.” 1 These con¬ clusions subverted the numerous loosely formed but commonly held theories respecting the racial complexity of the American natives, and of racial separation of the “Mound-builders” from the rest of the American Indians. Besides this, Morton’s work must have proved highly useful as a contemporary compendium of anthropological knowledge; it established the main proportions of the skulls of many American tribes; it gave comparisons of skull capacity in series of skulls repre¬ senting the five human races of Blumenbach’s classification; it shed considerable light on the subject of artificial deformation of the head among the American natives; and it gave for the first time excellent illustrations, both plates and figures, of many American crania, which could be used in comparative work by investigators to whom original American crania were not accessible. The few erroneous statements and conclusions included were due entirely either to imperfect contemporaneous knowledge in anthropology or to lack of material. The latter deficiency, for example, was directly responsible for Morton’s opinion, supported by ten skul's which he called “Mongolian” but which were in reality only those of Chinese and Eskimo, that the American race differed essentially from all others, not excepting the Mongolian . 2 1 Crania Americana, p. 260; also p. 62 et seq. 2 Ibid., p. 260. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 145 The terms “Toltecan” and “Barbarous” were also, we now know, misnomers, and the classification of all the Indians into these two families was a mistake, though when it was made it served a good purpose as a basis for further investigation. Morton intended to follow the Crania Americana with a “supple¬ mentary volume” in which to “extend and revise both the Ana¬ tomical and Phrenological tables, and to give basal views of at least a part of the crania delineated ”; also to “ measure the anterior and posterior chambers of the skull in the four exotic races of man, in order to institute a comparison between them respectively, and between these and those of the American Race.” 1 This, on account of his untimely death, was never accomplished. Nevertheless the remainder of Morton’s life was largely devoted to anthropology, and resulted in the publication of more than twenty papers on sub¬ jects relating in the main, but by no means exclusively, to America. The most important of these publications, and one that compares favorably in clearness of presentation and the validity and advanced nature of its conclusions with Crania Americana, was his Crania AEgyptiaca, published in 1844 and dealing with one hundred old and thirty-seven modern Egyptian skulls procured for Morton by a United States consul at Cairo, subsequently an anthro¬ pological author of note, George R. Gliddon. Without entering into details, it will be sufficient to say that Morton through his studies recognized definitely that “the valley of the Nile, both in Egypt and in Nubia, was originally peopled by a branch of the Caucasian race”; and that “the present Fellahs are the lineal and least mentioned descendants of the ancient Egyptians; the latter being collaterally represented by the Tuaregs, Kabyles, Siwahs, and other remains of the Lybian family of nations.” Of his remaining papers the more noteworthy were those on a “Method of Measuring Cranial Capacity”; “On Hybridity of Animals,” etc.; on “The Size of the Brain in Various Races and Families of Man”; and on the “Physical Type of the American Indians.” Following is Morton’s complete anthropologic bibliography. 1 Crania Americana, preface, p. v. 10 146 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Besides these works he,published an excellent textbook on Human Anatomy. Crania Americana. 4 0 . Phila., 1839. Method of measuring cranial capacity. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., I, 1841, pp. 7-8. Mexican Crania (Otomi, Chechemec, Tlascalan, Aztec). Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1, 1841, pp. 50-51. Cranial sutures. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1, 1841, pp. 68-69. Pigmy “race” of Mississippi valley. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1, 1841, pp. 215-216. Negro skulls, capacity. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1, 1841, p. 135. Yucatan (Ticul) skeleton. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1, 1842, pp. 203-204. Observations on Egyptian ethnography, derived from anatomy, history, and the monuments. Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc. Phila., ix, 1843, pp. 93-159. Crania ^Egyptiaca. 4 0 , Phila., 1844. Observations on a second series of ancient Egyptian crania. Proc. Acad Nat. Sci. Phila., 11, 1844, pp. 122-126. Observations on the measurements of the internal capacity of the crania deposited [by Morton] this evening. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 11,1844, PP-168. The skull of a Hottentot. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 11, 1844, pp. 64-65. Two ancient Peruvian heads from Atacama deformed. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 11, 1845, pp. 274. Skull of a Congo negro. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 11, 1845, pp. 232-233. Skulls of New Hollanders (Australians). Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., II, 1845, pp.292-293. Remarks on an Indian cranium found near Richmond, on the Delaware, and on a Chenook mummy. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 111, 1847, p. 330. On an aboriginal cranium obtained by Dr Davis and Mr Squier from a mound near Chillicothe, Ohio. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., in, 1847, pp. 212-213. Skeletal remains from Arica, Peru. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 111, 1848, pp. 39 - 40 - On hybridity of animals, considered in reference to the question of the unity of the human species. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Ill, 1848, pp. 118-121. On the position of the ear in the ancient Egyptians. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., hi, 1848, p. 70. The catalogue of skulls of man and the inferior animals, in the collection of Samuel G. Morton, M.D., Phila., 1849 (with two subsequent editions). Observations on the size of the brain in various races and families of man. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., iv, 1850, pp. 221-224. Four skulls of Shoshonee Indians. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., iv, 1850, PP- 75 - 76 - Ancient Peruvian crania from Pisco. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., iv, 1850, P- 39 - ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 147 Observations of a Hottentot boy. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., iv, 1850, pp. 5-6. Physical type of the American Indians. In Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, 11, Phila., 1852, pp. 316-330. Unity of the human race, ibid., ill, pp. 374-375. IV— Effects of Morton’s Work Under Morton’s stimulus and with his cooperation the physical anthropology of the American Indian received attention in a number of important ethnological and archeological works published before or soon after his decease. Thus the first scientific memoir published by the Smithsonian Institution, the highly creditable Squier and Davis’s “Ancient Monumentsof the Mississippi Valley,” 1 included five pages of text and two excellent plates on the “Crania from the Mounds.” The main part of this report was by Morton himself. One skull only is described, but it was a very good, un¬ deformed, or but very slightly deformed specimen, derived from an ancient mound in Scioto valley, Ohio. For comparison there are given measurements of 308 mound, “tumuli,” and Indian crania 2 of different ages and from different parts of the North American continent and Peru. Curiously, and against the previously ex¬ pressed opinion of Morton, Squier and Davis assumed in this connection that there had existed a special “race of the mounds,” the skull described “belonging incontestably to an individual of that race.” Regarding skeletal remains from the mounds in general, however, they well recognized that these were “of different eras,” the superficial burials being comparatively late and to be ascribed to the Indian tribes in occupancy of this country at the period of its discovery. In the same year (1848) appeared the second volume of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, which contains important ethnological contributions and maps by Hale and Galla¬ tin in an article on the “Indians of North America.” Neither of these contributions added directly to physical anthropology, but both contained valuable data on the early distribution of the North 1 Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, I, N. Y., 1848, pp. 288-292, pi. xlvii-xlviii. 2 Mainly from Morton's Crania Americana. 148 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA American Indians, cn the population of some of the tribes, and on their environment. There are notes on the physical appearance of the Indians of various types, 1 but these are quite imperfect. In the same volume also appears Morton’s “Account of a cranio- logical collection, with remarks on the classification of some fami¬ lies of the human race.” 2 This brief contribution is interesting partly because in it Morton shows in a few words how he was led to the collection and study of American crania, and partly because he reiterates his conviction as to the racial unity of all the American nations, barring the Eskimo. 3 Even more important than both of the works heretofore men¬ tioned in this section was the great encyclopedia of knowledge concerning the American Indian, prepared by a special provision of the United States Congress under the auspices of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and published between 1851 and 1857, by Henry R. Schoolcraft in collaboration with a number of other authors. 4 This work gave much reliable information on the geographic distribution of the Indian tribes in North America; on their migra¬ tion; on the conditions of the Indian family, including birth and death; on the intellectual capacity of the Indian; and on the stat¬ istics and population of the tribes. Besides this, it included a series of articles dealing directly with the physical anthropology of the Indian. These comprised the “Essay on the physical character¬ istics of the Indian,” by Samuel G. Morton (11, 315-330); “Admeasurements of the crania of the principal groups of Indians of the United States,” by J. S. Phillips (11, 331-335); “Examination and distribution of the hair of the head of the North American 1 Particularly in Hale, chapter Ethnology, pp. 5-8. 2 Pp. 217-222. 3 P. 218: “The anatomical facts considered in conjunction with every other species of evidence to which I have had access, lead me to regard all the American nations, except the Esquimaux, as people of one great race or group. From Cape Horn to Canada, from ocean to ocean, they present a common type of physical organization, and a not less remarkable similarity of moral and mental endowments.” 4 Complete title: Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, Con¬ dition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United Stales, collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs: per act of Congress of March 3d, 1847, by Henry R. Schoolcraft, LL.D. 6 vols., 4 0 , Phila., 1851-1857. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 149 Indian,” by Peter A. Browne, LL.D. (in, 375-393); “Considera¬ tions on the distinctive characteristics of the American aboriginal tribes,” by Dr Samuel Forrey (iv, 354-365); and “Unity of the human race” (373-375), “Remarks on the means of obtaining information to advance the inquiry into the physical type of the Indian” (iv, 345-353), and “The aboriginal features and physiog¬ nomy” (v, 287-292), by Schoolcraft himself. Meanwhile also a number of publications appeared in the United States bearing on physical anthropology, which were incited not so much by Morton as by Lawrence ( Lectures on the Natural History of Man) and especially Prichard ( Natural History of Mankind) in England. Three volumes belonging to this cate¬ gory were The Races of Man , by Dr Charles Pickering ( Publications of the United States Exploring Expedition, 4 0 , Boston, 1848); the Natural History of Man, by Win. N. F. Van Amringe (8°, New York, 1848); and The Natural History of the Human Species, by Lieutenant Colonel Charles Hamilton Smith (8°, Boston, 1851). These volumes, as seen in part from their titles, deal compre¬ hensively and more or less philosophically with mankind as a whole. The two more valuable ones are those of Smith and Pickering, both presenting good summaries of contemporaneous knowledge of the subjects with which they deal. Van Amringe wrote on the basis of biblical data; nevertheless his book also contains many a good thought. The works of both Smith and Pickering were published later in new editions, the former in 1859 (Boston), with additions by Dr S. Kneeland; and the latter in 1854 (London), with An Ana¬ tomical Synopsis of the Natural History of Man, by Dr John Charles Hall. The influence of these publications was more of a general nature. They were largely read, educating and influencing the public mind on a subject which was then claiming a large share of the attention of all thoughtful minds, without actually adding much to existing knowledge or stimulating intensive research. During the latter part of the first and the early part of the second half of the 19th century there were also several other impor¬ tant occurrences, the results of which served to enhance interest in anthropology, particularly that of the American aborigines. These 150 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA were the numerous Government exploring expeditions to the far Northwest, West, and Southwest, under Wilkes (i 838-’42), Fre¬ mont (i 842-’44), Emory (1846-47), Stansbury (1849), and others; and the extensive Pacific Railroad Surveys of 1853—’54, comprising the explorations of Parke, Whipple, Pope, Stephens, Williamson, and their companions. V— Morton’s Successors—Joseph Leidy and J. Aiticen Meigs From what precedes it is plain that Morton may be termed justly and with pride the father of American anthropology; yet it must be noted with regret that he was a father who left many friends to the science and even followers, but no real progeny, no disciples who would continue his work as their life vocation. The collection of racial crania which Morton assembled was purchased from his executors, for the sum of $4,000, by forty-two gentlemen of Philadelphia and by them presented to The Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, where it rests a sad relic to the present day; the Academy, whether owing to lack of scholars or for other reasons, failed to provide for further research in con¬ nection with the precious material or for systematic accessions. What might not the Academy have been to American anthropology had circumstances been different! However, the time was doubt¬ less not ripe. As it was, two men were approached with a view to continuing Morton’s work, either of whom would have made a thorough success of the undertaking had he been in a position to devote himself exclusively to anthropology. They were Joseph Leidy and J. Aitken Meigs. According to Leidy, 1 “after the death of Dr Morton, it was proposed to me to take up the investigation of the cranial characteristics of the human races, where he had left it, which I omitted, not from a want of interest in ethnographic science, but because other studies occupied my time. Having, as Curator of the Academy of Natural Sciences, the charge of Dr Morton’s extensive cabinet of human crania, I confided the under¬ taking to Dr Meigs. ...” 1 In Nott and Gliddon’s Indigenous Races of the Earth, 8°, Phila., 1857, p. xvi. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 151 Dr J. Aitken Meigs, eventually professor of climatology, physiology, and the institutes of medicine in various colleges of Philadelphia and an indefatigable worker, 1 endeavored with con¬ siderable success to pick up the threads where broken by Morton’s death and in the course of sixteen years (1850-1866) contributed a number of good papers on anthropology. The most important of these were “The Cranial Characteristics of the Races of Men,” in Nott and Gliddon (1857), with extensive bibliography; the Catalogue of Human Crania in the Collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia (1857), a continuation of Morton’s Cat¬ alogue, which meanwhile had reached the third edition; the Obser¬ vations on the Occiput in Various Races (i860); the Hints to Crani- ographers (1858), which includes the first comprehensive data on other cranial collections then in existence, both here and in Europe; and the Mensuration of the Human Skull (1861), which, besides referring to much of the earlier history of anthropometry, gives clear directions for 48 cranial measurements and determinations. In appraising Meigs’ anthropological work as a whole, it is felt with regret that he was not all to the science that he could and should have been. His writings show much knowledge of the field, minute application, and considerable erudition, but they do not go far enough; they are only excellent by-products of a mind preoccupied in other though more or less related directions. Meigs also like Morton left no disciples. The bibliography of his anthropological contributions is as follows: Description of a deformed, fragmentary human skull, found in an ancient quarry-cave at Jerusalem; with an attempt to determine by its configuration alone the ethnical type to which it belongs. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., XI, 1850, pp. 262-280. On Dr Morton’s collection of human crania. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1855, p. 420. Catalogue of human crania in the collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1856, Suppl. 1 Born at Philadelphia, 1829, died 1879. Biography by Geo. Hamilton in Trans. Med. Soc. Pa.. Phila., 1880, pp. 1-22. For other biographic notices see under Meigs in Catalogue of the Library of the Surgeon General, U. S. A. 152 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA The cranial characteristics of the races of men. In Nott and Gliddon’s Indigenous Races of the Earth, 8°, Phila., 1857, pp. 203- 352. Hints to craniographers—upon the importance and feasibility of establishing some uniform system by which the collection and promulgation of craniological statistics, and the exchange of duplicate crania, may be provided. 8°, pp. 1-6, Phila. 1858 (?), with Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila. for 1858, and separately. Observations upon the form of the occiput in the various races of men. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., xn, i860, pp. 397-415. The mensuration of the human skull. North-Amer. Med. Chirurg. Review, Sept., 1861, pp. 837-861. Observations upon the cranial forms of the American aborigines, based upon specimens contained in the collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Phila. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1866, p. 197. Description of a human skull in the collections of the Smithsonian Institu¬ tion (from Rock Bluff, Ill.), Smithsonian Report for 1867, pp. 412-414. Meanwhile Dr Joseph Leidy (i823-’9i), later Professor of Anatomy in the University of Pennsylvania, Curator of the Acad¬ emy of Natural Sciences, and a foremost naturalist, did not wholly abandon his interest in anthropology. As will be seen from the appended bibliography, he published a number of smaller contri¬ butions of more or less direct interest to the new science, all of which bear the mark of an able and conscientious observer. Among other things those of us who are more closely interested in human antiquity owe to him one of the earliest and clearest statements regarding the unreliability of the fossilization of bone as a criterion of antiquity. His words on this point are as follows: 1 “Bones of recent animals, when introduced into later deposits, may in many cases very soon assume the condition of the fossils belonging to those deposits. Fossilization, petrification, or lapidification is no positive indication of the relative age of the organic remains. ...” As well known, it was Professor Leidy to whom the fossil pelvic bone of Natchez and the variously petrified human bones from the west coast of Florida were submitted for examination, which re¬ sulted in the opinion that they were not necessarily of any great antiquity, though he was inclined to believe that the native Ameri¬ can had “witnessed the declining existence of the Mastodon and 1 In his article on human paleontology, Nott and Gliddon’s Indigenous Races of the Earth, 1857, p. xviii, footnote. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 153 Megalonyx” on this continent, and that man was probably a companion in America of the latest prehistoric horse. Among the more than five hundred published contributions to natural science by Leidy, the following are of interest to anthro¬ pology: On the cranium of a New Hollander. Journ. & Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1847, p. 217. On the hair of a Hottentot boy. Jour. & Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1848, p. 7. Observations on the existence of the intermaxillary bone in the embryo of the human subject. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., iv, 1848-1849, pp. 145-147. On a so-called fossil man. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1855, p. 340. (On human paleontology.) In Nott and Gliddon’s Indigenous Races of the Earth, 8°, Phila., 1857, pp. xxi-xix. On an acephalous child. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1858, p. 8. On blood crystals. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1858, Biol. 9. On the cause of monstrosities. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1858, Biol. 9. On sections of the human cranium. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1858, Biol. 10. Exhibition of the lower jaw of an aged man. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1870, p. 133. On the reversed viscera of a human subject. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1870, p. 134. Anomalies of the human skull. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1888, p. 273. Notice of some fossil human bones. Trans. Wagner Free Institute of Science, Phila., 1889, 11, pp. 9-12. VI—J. C. Nott and George R. Gliddon Besides J. Aitken Meigs and Joseph Leidy, there were two other men who were closely associated with Morton in his anthro¬ pological work and who subsequently endeavored to fill at least a part of the void left by his death. They were Dr J. C. Nott, of Mobile, Alabama, and Mr George R. Gliddon of Philadelphia, formerly U. S. Consul at Cairo and a large contributor to Morton’s cranial collections. Aided in the beginning by Morton himself and supplementing their work by contributions from Agassiz, Leidy, Meigs, Usher, Patterson, and others, Nott and Gliddon published in 1854 a volume on the Types of Mankind, which by 1871 reached the tenth edition; 154 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA and in 1857 this was followed by a volume on the Indigenous Races of the Earth , which also had a large circulation. The scope of these works, which exercised considerable influence on the public mind in the field they covered, can best be appreciated from an enumeration of their main sections, which were: The Types of Mankind ” Memoir of Samuel George Morton. The natural provinces of the animal world and their relation to the different types of man, by Prof. L. Agassiz. Geographical distribution of animals and the races of man. Types of mankind. Excerpts from Morton’s unedited manuscripts on “The Size of the Brain in various Races and Families of Man”; and on “Origin of the Human Species.” Geology and paleontology in connection with human origins, by W. Usher, M.D. Hybridity of animals viewed in connection with the natural history of mankind; and comparative anatomy of races, by J. C. Nott, M.D. “ Indigenous Races of the Earth ” Contribution by Leidy on “Human Paleontology”; with a letter on “Primi¬ tive Diversity of the Races of Man” and “The Reliability of Philological Evi¬ dence,” by L. Agassiz. Distribution and classification of tongues, by Alfred Maury. Iconographic researches on human races and their art, by Francis Pulszky. The cranial characteristics of the races of man, by J. Arthur Meigs. Acclimation; or the comparative influence of climate and endemic and epidemic diseases on the races of man, by J. C. Nott. The Monogenist and the Poligenist, by George R. Gliddon. It is to be regretted that these publications and particularly the Types of Mankind were strongly attached to the biblical tradi¬ tions, more than three hundred pages of the later volume being devoted to efforts at harmonizing the results of the rising science with the biblical Genesis. Another serious defect of the two works was a dearth of actual field or laboratory research. They bore on the whole the stamp of popular science rather than that of reports on scientific investi¬ gation. So they were evidently received and on that basis reached their extensive circulation. They have not advanced or benefitted physical anthropology in this country to any great extent, and are now but seldom referred to. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 155 VII— Anthropology in Boston—George Peabody and Jeffries Wyman It now becomes necessary to leave Philadelphia for a while and return to Boston. Toward the end of the first half of the last century there were living in Salem and Boston two men, George Peabody and Jeffries Wyman, who, directly or indirectly, were destined to become important factors in American anthropology. It was the former who, after extensive travels in both North and South America, and from personal appreciation of the problems awaiting archeology, ethnology, and physical anthropology on this continent, not only assisted his friend Jeffries Wyman, but estab¬ lished and endowed, besides other scientific foundations, the Pea¬ body Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard University (1866), an institution which from the beginning has been of highly valued service to our science. As to Jeffries Wyman, his services to American anthropology can not be passed over with only a brief notice. Wyman was born at Chelmsford, Massachusetts, August 11, 1814. He studied at Harvard, and in 1837 graduated in medicine. Finding difficulty in securing a favorable opportunity for practice, he became Demonstrator of Anatomy at Harvard College; but his earnings were so small that to eke out his subsistence he was obliged at the same time to become a member of the Boston fire depart¬ ment. 1 In 1840, however, he was appointed Curator of the Lowell Institute. In 1840-1841 he delivered at the Institute his well- known course of twelve lectures on comparative anatomy and physiology, and with the money thus earned went to Europe for further studies. At Paris he devoted himself to comparative anatomy and physiology, and here in all probability he also became acquainted more directly with the beginnings of physical anthro¬ pology. In 1843 he accepted the chair of anatomy and physiology at Hampden-Sidney College, Virginia; and in 1847 he was ap¬ pointed to succeed Doctor Warren as Hersey Professor of Anatomy at Harvard College. 1 Asa Gray: Jeffries Wyman. Memorial Meeting of the Boston Society of Nat. History, Oct. i, 1874, 8°, pp. 1-37. Also Memoir of Jeffries Wyman by A. S. Packard, Nat. Acad. Sci., pub. 1878, pp. 75-126. 156 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA In 1S52 Jeffries Wyman began, on the occasion of a necessary trip to the South for his health, an exploration of the shell-mounds in Florida. In 1856 he penetrated deep into Surinam, and two years later traveled extensively with George A. Peabody through Argen¬ tina, across the Andes to Chile, and back by way of Peru and Panama. In 1866, when “failing strength demanded a respite from oral teaching,” he was named by George Peabody one of the seven trustees of the newly founded Peabody Museum, at the same time becoming the first Professor of American Archeology and Ethnology at Harvard University and a curator of the museum. Long before his connection with the Peabody Museum, Wyman began to assemble collections in comparative anatomy, including some human material; and while a curator of the museum he brought together an important collection of human crania, the foundation of the present large somatological collections of that institution. Wyman died of pulmonary hemorrhage September 4, 1874. He left no great published works, but a large number of valuable smaller contributions, many of which relate to or deal directly with anthropology. He gave us our first precise osteological knowledge of the gorilla; he investigated most conscientiously the human crania at the Peabody Museum, and extended his studies to the bones of the limbs, pointing out for the first time the prevalence of platycnemy in the Indian; he gave an excellent description of the shell-heaps of Florida and their human skeletal remains; and was at the time of his death “undisputably the leading anthropologist of America” (Packard). That the premature demise of Jeffries Wyman was a great loss to our branch of science will be seen from the following list of publications showing his anthropological and related activities: Observations on the external characters, habits, and organization of the Troglodytes niger, Geof. Boston Jour. Nat. Hist., iv, 1843-1844, pp. 362-376, 377 - 386 . Notice of the external characters, habits, and osteology of Troglodytes gorilla, a new species of ourang from the Gaboon river. Boston Jour. Nat. Hist., v, 1845-1847, pp. 417-422; Ann. Sci. Nat., xvi (Zool.), 1851, pp. 176-182; Proc. Boston Nat. Hist. Soc., 11, 1845-1848, pp. 245-248; Amer. Jour. Sci., vm, 1849, pp. 141-142. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 157 A new species of Troglodytes. Silliman’s Jour., v, 1848, pp. 106-107. A description of two additional crania of the enge-ena (Troglodytes gorilla, Savage and Wyman) from Gaboon, Africa (1849). Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., ill, 1848-51, p. 179; Amer. Jour. Sci., ix, 1850, pp. 34-45; New Phil. Journ. Edinb., xlviii, 1850, pp. 273-286. On the crania of Indians. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., iv, 1851-1854, pp. 83-84. Description of the post-mortem appearances in the case of Daniel Webster. American Jour. Med. Sci., Jan., 1853. Dissection of a black Chimpanzee (Troglodytes niger). Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., v, 1854-56, pp. 274-275. On the cancellated structure of some of the bones of the human body (1849). Jour. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., vi, 1857, pp. 125-140. Account of the dissection of a human foetus. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Feb. 3, 1858. Account of the collection of gorillas made by Mr Du Chaillu. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Jan. 4, i860. On bones of a gorilla recently obtained in western equatorial Africa. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Oct. 2, 1861. Dissection of a Hottentot. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., April 2, 1862. On the development of the human embryo. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Dec. 3, 1862. Observations on the cranium of a young gorilla. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., iv, 1863, pp. 203-206. On the skeleton of a Hottentot (1863). Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., ix, 1865, pp. 352 - 357 ; Anthropol. Review, III, 1865, pp. 330 “ 335 - On malformations. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Oct. 19, 1864. On Indian mounds of the Atlantic coast. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Nov. 2, 1864. On the distorted skull of a child from the Hawaiian islands. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Oct. 17, 1866. Measurements of some human crania. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., Nov. 20, 1867. On symmetry and homology in limbs (1867). Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., xi, 1868, pp. 246-278. Observations on crania. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., XI, 1868, pp. 440-462. Also Observations on crania and other parts of the skeleton. Fourth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum, 1871, pp. 10-24. On the fresh-water shell heaps of the St. John’s river, East Florida. American Naturalist, 11, 1869, pp. 393-403, 449-463. Human remains in the shell heaps of the St. John’s river, East Florida. Cannibalism. American Naturalist, vm, p. 403-414, July 1, 1874; also 7th Ann. Report of Peabody Museum, 1, 1874, pp. 26-37. Remarks on cannibalism among the American aborigines. Proc. Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist., May 20, 1874. 158 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Fresh-water shell mounds of the St. John’s river, Florida; Fourth memoir. Peabody Academy of Science, Salem, Mass., 1875, pp. 94, pi. i-ix. VIII— Later History of Anthropology After Wyman, the history of physical anthropology in Boston, and later also in Worcester, Mass., is one that belongs, with two notable exceptions, to the realm of the living, headed by one of the best friends the science has ever had in this country, Prof. F. W. Putnam. The two exceptions apply to Henry P. Bowditch and Frank Russell. Dr Henry P. Bowditch (1840-1911), Professor of Physiology in the Harvard Medical School, has left us, besides his physiological writings, a number of direct contributions to physical anthropology, some of which are of great value. The most noteworthy ones were those reporting his investigations on the growth of children. These investigations, undertaken in the early seventies under the auspices of the Health Department of the Social Science Association of Boston, were stimulated by the results of researches on Belgian children published in Quetelet’s Anthropometrie (Brussels, 1870). Their final object was “to determine the rate of growth of the human race under the conditions which Boston presented.” The results contributed much to our knowledge of the laws controlling the growth of the child, and stimulated in turn all later investi¬ gations on the subject in this country. Other contributions of Professor Bowditch to anthropology are included in the following bibliography: The growth of children. 8th Ann. Rep. State Bd. Health of Mass., Boston, 1877, pp. 1-51. The growth of children. (A supplementary investigation) with suggestions in regard to methods of research. 10th Ann. Rep. State Bd. Health of Mass., Boston, 1879, pp. 35-62. Relation between growth and disease. Trans. Am. Med. Asso., 1881, 9 pp. The physique of women in Massachusetts. 21st Ann. Rep. State Board of Health of Mass., Boston, 1889-90; Also in Med. Pub. Harvard Med. Sch., 20 pp., 1 table. The growth of children, studied by Galton’s method of percentile grades. 22d Ann. Rep. State Bd. Health, Mass., Boston, 1891, pp. 479-522. Are composite photographs typical pictures? McClure’s Mag., N. Y., 1894, 331 - 342 - ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 159 Frank Russell, Ph.D. (1868-1903), was unfortunately taken away too soon to be able to accomplish much for our branch of science. He was Instructor in Anthropology in Harvard Uni¬ versity and was in charge of the anthropological laboratory of the Peabody Museum. In 1901 he also became associated temporarily with the Bureau of American Ethnology. He carried on explora¬ tions, partly anthropological and partly ethnological, among the tribes in northern Canada and among the Pima of Arizona, and published several contributions on craniological work in the labo¬ ratory. He succumbed to tuberculosis before his work could leave a lasting impress on American anthropology. Following is a list of his writings which bear more or less on our subject: Explorations in the Far North, 8°, 290 pp., 1898 (expeditions under the auspices of the University of Iowa, 1892-3-4). Human remains from the Trenton gravels. Am. Naturalist, 1899, p. 33. Studies in cranial variation. Am. Nat., 1900, pp. 737-745. New instrument for measuring torsion. Am. Nat., 1901, No. 412. Laboratory outlines for use in somatology. Am. Anthropologist, v, 1901, p. 3. Before we turn again southward, a few words are due to Canada. In 1862 Sir Daniel Wilson (1816-1892), Professor of History and English Literature in University College, Toronto, published two volumes on Prehistoric Man, the second of which is devoted largely to notes and measurements, many of them original with the author, on Mound, Peruvian, Mexican, and other American crania, including a nice series (39 male, 18 female) of those of the Hurons, besides a valuable series (39 skulls) of the Eskimo. To the description of the crania is added a chapter on “Racial Cranial Distortion,” and other chapters on “The Indian of the West,” “Intrusive Races,” and “Migrations.” Besides his Prehistoric Man, which reached three editions, Sir Daniel Wilson published a number of articles touching more or less directly on physical anthropology, the principal of which are: Ethnical forms and undesigned artificial distortions of the human cranium. Canad. Jour., 1862, pp. 399-446; also sep., 8°, Toronto, 48 pp., 3 pi. Brain-weight and size in relation to relative capacity of races. Canad. Journ., 1876, pp. 177-230; also sep., 8°, Toronto, 56 pp. Anthropology, 8°, N. Y., 1885, 55 pp. The right hand: left handedness. 12 0 , London and N. Y., 1891, x, 215 pp. i6o ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA It is regrettable, from the scientific point of view, that most of these writings, while of considerable contemporary value, were somewhat general in nature, lacking in a measure the impress of the hand of the specially trained anatomist and anthropologist, hence they left no substantial, enduring impression on the progress of phys¬ ical anthropology. The measurements on the crania, particularly, were few in number, recorded in inches, and taken with instruments regarding which there is no record, though presumably they were such as had been used by Meigs and Morton. The skulls utilized by Wilson were largely those of the Boston and Philadelphia collec¬ tions in Quebec, and probably also from the collection now in the Provincial Museum at Toronto. Proceeding southward from Boston and Toronto we find that, in New York, the old Ethnological Society had gone out of existence. A number of medical collections, including anthropological speci¬ mens, were being formed in connection with several of the hospitals and colleges, but resulted in nothing of importance to our science. The American Museum of Natural History was not established until 1869, and had not seriously begun its valuable collections or research in physical anthropology until well toward the end of the century. West of New York, also, some collections of Indian crania were begun in the earlier part of the second half of the nineteenth century —particularly in Chicago, where there also appeared, between 1867 and 1873, a number of publications touching on the physical anthropology of the American race, by J. W. Foster, the geologist (1815-1873). 1 Unfortunately none of these publications, so far as they deal with somatology, are of great value. In coming back to Philadelphia, we see that the old Wistar and Horner Museum (founded 1808) has been enriched by anthro¬ pological material; 2 and there are rising from the same medical 1 On the Antiquity of Man in North America, Trans. Acad. Sci., i, Chicago, 1867- 69, pp.' 227-257. On Certain Peculiarities in the Crania of the Mound-builders, Proc. Am. Asso. Adv. Sci., xxi, 1872, 227-255; American Naturalist, Vi, 1872, 738-747. Prehistoric Races of the United States of America, 8°, Chicago, 1873, pp. xv, 415. 2 Destined eventually to become a part of the collections of the Wistar Institute of Anatomy and Biology, incorporated in 1892. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA l6l ranks which have already given us Morton, Meigs, and Leidy in that city, two new men who, particularly in one case, were to become of considerable importance to physical anthropology. They are Dr Harrison Allen (i84i-’97), and Dr Daniel G. Brinton (i837~’99). Dr Harrison Allen was born in Philadelphia in 18—. Like Morton he was deprived, by untoward circumstances, of preliminary higher education. In a large measure self-taught, he matriculated in 1859 in the medical department of the University of Pennsylvania and was graduated in 1861. From the latter date to 1865 he served as physician or surgeon in various city and army hospitals at Philadelphia and about Washington. At the close of 1865, resigning from the army service, he returned to Philadelphia to attend on the one hand to practice, and on the other to anatomi¬ cal, anthropological, and biological investigation. Soon after he was offered the position of Professor of Zoology and Comparative Anatomy in the Auxiliary Faculty of Medicine in the University of Pennsylvania, 1 which he held for many years. Later he was also for a time Professor of Institutes (mainly physiology) at the Uni¬ versity; the chair of anatomy was occupied by Leidy. In 1892 he was elected President of the Association of American Anatomists, and shortly after became the first Director of the Wistar Institute. Judging from his anthropological writings, Harrison Allen became interested in this branch of science primarily through the works of Morton and J. Aitken Meigs, the latter of whom he knew personally; in large measure, however, he also followed the more modern English craniologists. The number of his anthropological contributions is large, as will be seen from the appended register; but in many instances it is to be regretted that the title covers merely a note on a more or less extended oral communication, the publication of which in full would have been of much interest. Allen’s three most important contributions to physical anthro¬ pology are The Clinical Study of the Skull (1890); The Crania from 1 Memoir of Harrison Allen, M.D., by Horatio C. Wood, M.D.; read April 6, 1898; 8°, Phila. 1898, pp. 1-15. This memoir, as well as the appended bibliography, are, however, defective. 11 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 162 the Mounds of the St. John's River, Florida (1896); and The Study of Hawaiian Skulls (1898; finished just before his death). These works are accompanied by excellent illustrations; the measurements and special observations are much more detailed than in any previous American work; the whole treatment of the subjects shows much erudition; and the works compare favorably with any anthropological memoirs published to that date abroad. The Clinical Study of the Skull was the tenth of the Toner Lectures of the Smithsonian Institution: lectures “instituted to encourage the discovery of new truths for the advancement of medicine.” It was delivered May 29th, 1889, and printed a year later. Notwithstanding its medical title, it is strictly an anthro¬ pological publication which deals with many features and anomalies of racial skulls, that had scarcely been noticed up to that time, as will be apparent from the following subdivisions of the essay: 1, the malar bone; 2, the lower jaw; 3, the norma basilaris; 4, the basi-cranial angle; 5, the posterula; 6, the nasal chambers; 7, the vertex—its sutures, eminences, depressions, general shape, etc.; and 8, sutures other than those of the vertex. The memoir on Crania from the Mounds of the St. John's River calls attention for the first time to the highly deserving series of arche¬ ological explorations, with their accompanying anthropological collec¬ tions, carried on to this day by Mr Clarence B. Moore. Comparative measurements and observations are given on a considerable number of other American skulls from Alaska to California. The results of several interesting new measurements are shown; and included are reports on complete and incomplete divisions of the malar bone, on various features of the condyloid process of the lower jaw, on senile absorption, and on numerous interesting morphological characteristics of the teeth. The final larger anthropological contribution of Harrison Allen, that on Hawaiian skulls, is really a modern production, which gives valuable detailed measurements; shows a novel method of graphic representation of the numerical data and contrast of series; and, like the works previously mentioned, includes many interesting collateral observations, such as those on prenasal fossae, the lower ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 163 jaw, the infra-orbital suture, the hard palate, the teeth and their effect on skull form, the premature closure of sutures, and various pathological conditions. Besides the above, there are a number of articles by Harrison Allen, the true contents of which are more or less obscured, or imper¬ fectly expressed by their titles, and which are of considerable interest to the anthropologist. They are “The Jaw of Moulin Quignon” (1867); “Localization of Diseased Action in the Osseous System” (1870); “On Certain Peculiarities in the Construction of the Orbit” (1870); “On the Methods of Study of the Crowns of the Human Teeth” (1888); and “On the Effects of Disease and Senility in the Bones and Teeth of Mammals.” Considering the excellence of Harrison Allen’s contributions to anthropology and the unquestionable fact that he, after Mortom stands as the foremost American representative of our branch of science on this continent before the end of the nineteenth century, it might seem strange that his influence on the development of the science remained only moderate. The explanation of this lies doubtless in the facts that he did not devote himself exclusively to physical anthropology, but by many was regarded rather as a biologist or anatomist; that except for the few years before his death, when he held the directorship of the Wistar Institute, he was not connected in a higher capacity with any museum or insti¬ tution, and made no noteworthy collections. Also he never engaged in the teaching of anthropology; and his publications in this line, while altogether of a respectable number and volume, were never¬ theless, when taken individually, often far apart, disconnected, and mostly quite brief. A list of his writings follows: [The Third Condyle in Man.] Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1867, p. 137. The Jaw of Moulin Quignon. Dental Cosmos, ix, Phila., 1867, pp. 169-180. On the inter-orbital space in the human skull. ProQ. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1869, Biol. 13. Localization of diseased action in the osseous system. Am. Jour. Med. Sci., 1870, pp. 401-409. On certain peculiarities in the construction of the orbit. Am. Jour. Med. Sci., n. s., lxix, Phila., 1870, 116-119. Life-form in art. 4 0 , Phila., 1875, 70 pp. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 164 On the effect of the bipedal position in man. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1875 . PP- 468-469. Autopsy of the Siamese Twins. Trans. Coll. Physicians Phila., vm, Phila., 1875, pp. 21-42. A human skull exhibiting unusual features. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1876, pp. 17-18 (Pterygo-sphenoid process). Distinctive characters of teeth. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1878, p. 39, note. Asymmetry of the turbinated bones in man. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1882, pp. 239-240. Irregularities of the dental arch. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1882, p. 310. Asymmetry of the nasal chambers without septal deviation. Arch, of Laryngol., iv, 1883, 256-257. On the methods of study of the crowns of the human teeth, including their variations. Dental Cosmos, xxx, Phila., 1888, pp. 376-379. On hyperostosis of the premaxillary portion of the nasal septum, etc. Med¬ ical News, lvii, Phila., 1890, pp. 183-186. The influence exerted by the tongue on the positions of the teeth. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1891, p. 451. On the bipartite malar in the American Indian. Proc. Asso. Am. Anatomists for 1888-1890, Wash., 1891, p. 16. The forms of edentulous jaws in the human subject. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1893, pp. 11-13. Congenital defects of the face. N. Y. Med. Jour., lviii, 1893, pp. 759-760. Hyperostosis on the inner side of the human lower jaw. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1894, pp. 182-183. The changes which take place in the skull coincident with shortening of the face-axis. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1894, pp. 181-182. Pithecanthropus erectus. Science, N. s., 1, 1895, pp. 239-240, 299. The classification of skulls. Science, N. s., 1, 1895, p. 381. Demonstration of skulls showing the effects of cretinism on the shape of the nasal chambers. N. Y. Med. Jour., lxi, 1895, pp. 139-140. Note on a uniform plan of describing the human skull. Proc. Asso. Am. Anat., 8th session, 1895, pp. 65-68; also in Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., 1896, pp. 170- 174. On the effects of disease and senility as illustrated in the bones and teeth of mammals. Science, N. s., v, 1897, pp. 289-294. German translation in Rundschau. Study of skulls from the Hawaiian islands. With an introduction by D. G. Brinton. Wagner Institute. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., v, pp. i- 55 > 12 plates, 1898. The second student mentioned at the beginning of this section was Daniel G. Brinton. Of widely different personality from that ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 165 of Harrison Allen, his services to physical anthropology were also of quite a different character. Doctor Brinton was graduated from Yale; he received his medical degree in i860 at the Jefferson Medical College in Philadelphia, and had traveled in Europe. He served through the Civil War in his medical capacity, but toward the end of 1865 he returned to West Chester, thence to Philadelphia, where he practised medicine and became editor of The Medical and Surgical Reporter, which position he held until 1887. 1 Eventually he became Professor of Ethnology and Archeology in The Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Professor of American Linguistics and Archeology in the University of Pennsylvania, and Curator of the American Philo¬ sophical Society collections. Brinton’s interest in anthropology dated probably from his childhood, and extended to all branches of the science, including somatology. Like Harrison Allen, he came but little in direct contact with the American tribes, in whom nevertheless all his interests centered; but unlike Allen he was much more a student than a laboratory man or a practical anatomist. Allen and Brinton associated, however, as friends, and each doubtless exercised an influence on the other’s thought and scientific production. Among the numerous publications of Brinton relating to anthro¬ pological subjects, more than thirty are of more or less direct inter¬ est to physical anthropology (see appended bibliography). Of these the large majority are of a documentary or general nature, the more noteworthy being The Floridian Peninsula (1859); The Mound- builders (1881); Races and Peoples (1890); and The American Race (1891). Among his special articles, those deserving more partic¬ ular notice, are that on “Anthropology, as a Science and as a Branch of University Education in the United States” (1892); ‘‘On Certain Indian Skulls from Burial Mounds in Missouri” (1892); “On the Variations of the Human Skeleton and other Causes” (1894); “On the Aims of Anthropology” (1895); and “On the Factors of Heredity and Environment” (1898). 1 For further details see Report of the Brinton Memorial meeting, 8°, Phila., 1900, pp. 67. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 166 In glancing over these publications the student of physical anthropology will find many useful data and much that is helpful; but here and there he will also come across a bowlder in the path which it will be necessary to remove and the traces of which in some cases will long be perceptible. Among the most helpful were Brinton’s articles on the mound-builders, counteracting the old prevalent opinion that there had existed a separate mound-builder race distinct from the rest of the Indians. Among his opinions which it would be hard to accept today were that the Eskimo extended far to the south of their present eastern abode; the prob¬ ability of the derivation of the American race at the close of the last glacial epoch from Europe; and his correspondingly antagonistic attitude toward the theory of Asiatic derivation of the Indians. Doctor Brinton excelled as a critic and in discussion; and not¬ withstanding a lack of sufficient specialization in physical anthro¬ pology, his activities exercised a favorable influence on the progress of the science in common with other branches of anthropology. Dr Brinton’s bibliography relating more or less to somatology follows: The Floridian peninsula, its literary history, Indian tribes and antiquities. 8°, pp. 202, Philadelphia, 1859. The Shawnees and their migrations. Historical Magazine, x, pp. 1-4, Jan., 1866 (Morrisania, New York). The Mound-builders of the Mississippi valley. Historical Magazine, xi, pp. 33 - 37 . Feb., 1866. The probable nationality of the mound-builders. American Antiquarian, tv, pp. 9-18, Oct., 1881. Anthropology and ethnology. pp. 184. Iconographic Encyclopedia, 1, pp. 1-184, Phila., 1886. A review of the data for the study of the prehistoric chronology of America. Pp. 21. Proc. Amer. Assoc, for the Advancement of Science, 1887. On an ancient human footprint from Nicaragua. Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., xxiv, pp. 437-444, Nov., 1887. On a limonite human vertebra from Florida. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1888. On the alleged Mongoloid affinities of the American race. Proc. Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci., xxvxi, p. 325, 1888. The cradle of the Semites. A paper read before the Philadelphia Oriental Club. Pp. 26, Phila., 1890. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA I67 Races and peoples; Lectures on the science of ethnography. 12°, N.Y., 1890, 313 PP-. 5 maps. Essays of an Americanist. I, Ethnologic and Archaeologic. Illus., 8°, Phila., 1890. Folk-lore of the bones. Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, III, pp. 17-22, Jan. 1890. The American race: A linguistic classification and the ethnographic descrip¬ tion of the native tribes of North and South America. Pp. 392. New York, 1891. Current notes on anthropology. Science, New York, 1892. Anthropology as a science and as a branch of university education in the United States. Pp. 15. Phila., 1892. The nomenclature and teaching of anthropology. American Anthropolo¬ gist, v, pp. 263-271, July, 1892. Remarks on certain Indian skulls from burial mounds in Missouri, Illinois and Wisconsin. Trans, of the Coll, of Physicians, Phila., third series, xiv, pp. 217-219, Nov., 1892. European origin of the white race. Science, xix, p. 360, June, 1892. Proposed classification and international nomenclature of the anthropo¬ logic sciences. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., xli, pp. 257-258, 1892. The African race in America. Chambers’ Cyclopedia, new edition, vn, London and Phila., 1893, PP- 428-430. Article “ Negroes.” The beginnings of man and the age of the race. The Forum, xvi, pp. 452-458, December, 1893. Variations of the human skeleton and their causes. Amer. Anthropologist, Vii, pp. 377-386, Oct., 1894. On various supposed relations between the American and Asian races. Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894, pp. I45-I5I- The “nation” as an element in anthropology. Memoirs of the Inter¬ national Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894, PP- r 9 - 34 - The aims of anthropology. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., xliv, pp. 1-17, 1895. Left-handedness in North American aboriginal art. Amer. Anthropologist, IX, pp. 175-181, May, 1896. The relations of race and culture to degenerations of the reproductive organs and functions in women. Medical News, N. Y., Jan. 18, 1896, pp. 68-69. On the remains of foreigners discovered in Egypt by Mr. Flinders Petrie, 1895. Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc., xxxv, pp. 63-64, Jan., 1896. Dr Allen’s contributions to anthropology. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., December, 1897, pp. 522-529. The factors of heredity and environment in man. Amer. Anthropologist, xi, pp. 271-277, September, 1898. The dwarf tribe of the upper Amazon. Amer. Anthropologist, xi, pp. 277-279, Sept., 1898. The Peoples of the Philippines. Amer. Anthropologist, xi, pp. 293-307, Oct., 1898. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 168 IX— History of Anthropology in Washington Again leaving Philadelphia, further tracing of the earlier history of physical anthropology in the English speaking countries of this continent leads us to Washington and to the various Govern¬ ment exploring expeditions, to certain corporate bodies associated with the United States Government, and finally to Government institutions proper. The earliest event of importance to physical anthropology in Washington of which any records exist, was the gathering of Indian and other crania made by the United States Exploring Expedition of 1838-1842. No concrete record seems to exist showing exactly what this collection comprised. It was deposited with the National Institute (1840-1862), a society with a strong Government affili¬ ation. In 1841 this society was granted the use of quarters in the Patent Office building for its collections, and those of the Government were confined to its care; and in these, we are told, natural history and ethnology predominated. 1 According to a catalogue of the collections of the National Institute, by Alfred Hunter (second edition, 1855), the anthropological material in the Institute at that time comprised an “Ancient skull”; “A very superior collection of human crania, many of them collected by the United States Ex¬ ploring Expedition from the Pacific Islands”; “A skull from the Columbia river”; “Skull of a Chenook Chief”; four skulls “from an ancient cemetery”; a “Mummy from Oregon”; “Two tatooed heads from Fiji”; “Peruvian mummies”; “Two Egyptian mum¬ mies”; “The skull and paws of a chimpanzee”; and numerous busts in plaster of distinguished persons. These collections re¬ mained in the Patent Office in part until 1858 and in part until 1862, when they were transferred to the Smithsonian Institution. The Smithsonian Institution was established in 1846, under the terms of the will of James Smithson, who bequeathed his fortune in 1826 to the United States for the “increase and diffusion of knowledge among men.” 2 From the income of the fund the present 1 See Richard Rathbun: The National Gallery of Art, Bull. 70, U. S. National Museum, Wash., 1909, p. 25 et seq. 2 The Smithsonian Institution, at Washington, etc., Washington, 1907; also. The Smithsonian Institution; documents relative to its origin and history, by Wm. J. Rhees, Washington, 1879, pp. 1027. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 169 Smithsonian building was erected on land given by the United States, and on its completion in 1858 a large part of the collec¬ tions assembled under the auspices of the Government up to that time were assigned to the custody of the Institution. The National Institute passed out of existence in 1862. In 1863 the Smithsonian Institution collections were partly destroyed by fire, 1 but the anthropological part fortunately escaped. In 1866 another establishment was founded in Washington which was destined to render a great service to physical anthro¬ pology. This was the Army Medical Museum. Almost from the first close relations were established with the Smithsonian Insti¬ tution, involving exchange of specimens; and on January 16, 1869, a formal arrangement was entered into between Secretary Henry, for the Smithsonian Institution, and Dr George A. Otis, curator of the Army Medical Museum, for the transfer thenceforth from that Museum to the Smithsonian Institution of all ethnological and archeological articles that were then in the Medical Museum or might be received in the future, in return for which the Museum received and was to receive thenceforth all human skeletal material. The actual number of crania then transferred does not appear in the records, but the collection must already have been of some importance; and in the following years hundreds of specimens of similar nature were received by the Museum from the Smithsonian. In addition, letters and circulars were sent out by Doctor Otis to Army and Navy surgeons as well as to other persons, and through this medium the Army Medical Museum anthropological collections grew until, in 1873, they included approximately sixteen hundred crania of American aborigines and other races. 2 About 1870, or shortly after, a series of measurements were under¬ taken on the crania in the Army Medical Museum collection under Doctor Otis’s direction; and in 1876 and again in 1880 a “Check- List” was published by Doctor Otis, the later edition including records on more than two thousand human crania and skeletons 1 See Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1864, p. 117, et seq. 2 A detailed account of the services of the Army Medical Museum to American anthropology is being prepared by Dr D. S. Lamb of the Museum. 170 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA from many parts of the world. Unfortunately the majority of the measurements were made by an unscientific employee and with instruments less perfect than those now in anthropometric use, with the consequence that many of the determinations have since been found by remeasurement of the specimens to be more or less inac¬ curate, and the catalogue on that account can not be used with any degree of confidence. After Doctor Otis’s death in 1881 the anthropological studies suffered a temporary set-back, but were stimulated again in 1884 when Dr J. S. Billings, U. S. Army, became Curator of the Museum. As a result of Doctor Billings’ interest in anthropological work it was taken up by another United States army surgeon, namely Dr Washington Matthews. Before this, however, two important publications of much direct interest to physical anthropology were made possible by investi¬ gations conducted in connection with the United States Army and were published in New York and Washington. The first was Dr B. A. Gould’s, The Military and Anthropological Statistics of the War of the Rebellion, 8°, New York, 1865; the second was Statistics, Medical and Anthropological, of the Provost-marshal- general's Bureau, two volumes, 4 0 , 1875. Both of these works deal with statistical data and observations obtained on Northern recruits during the Civil War, and represent the first efforts of note on this continent in anthropology of the living, the records extending to many thousands of subjects. The data were secured by medical examiners and other physicians. Unfortu¬ nately the work was carried out under unfavorable circumstances, and by men many of whom had no previous knowledge of these matters and who received no instruction except by circulars. The records in consequence, while interesting, can not be regarded as sufficiently reliable for the present demands of anthropology. In a number of instances, as in the reports on certain physiological ob¬ servations on the “Indians” enlisted in the army, the results, in view of our subsequent information on these subjects, are so inaccu¬ rate as to be quite useless. Dr Washington Matthews (1843-1905), to whom we may now ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 171 return, while known to science mainly for his contributions to Hidatsa and Navaho ethnology, was nevertheless interested con¬ siderably and directly in physical anthropology. In the Army Medical Museum, and in part with Doctor Billings, he carried on and published the results of investigations on the measurement of the cranial capacity, on composite photography and appliances for the same, on several modifications of anthropometric instruments, and on anatomical and anthropological characteristics of Indian crania, particularly those of the ancient Pueblos collected by the Hemenway Expedition. The Hemenway Expedition was fitted out in 1886 under the direction of Frank Hamilton Cushing, with funds supplied by Mrs Mary Hemenway of Boston, for exploring certain ruins of the Gila drainage in Arizona. While the work was fairly under way, Dr J. L. Wortman, at that time the anatomist of the Army Medical Mu¬ seum, visited the excavations in the Salt River valley at the instance of Mr Cushing and Dr Matthews, and obtained a large col¬ lection of the fragile skeletal remains of the ancient Pueblos, which was forwarded to the Museum. Here they were eventually studied by Matthews and Wortman and the results were published in a quarto memoir 1 which forms a contribution of lasting value to physical anthropology and a worthy companion to Allen’s Crania of the St. John's River. Doctor Matthews, a personal friend of the writer, was interested in physical anthropology to the close of his life; but advancing illness obliged him for several years before his death to abandon active work in that direction. Shortly before his death he was partly instrumental in the final stage of retransfer of the anthropological collections from the Army Medical Museum to the Smithsonian Institution; and he left hundreds of drawings and records on parts of these collections. Doctor Matthews’ contributions to physical anthropology were as follows: 2 1 The human bones of the Hemenway collection in the U. S. Army Medical Museum at Washington, by Dr Washington Matthews, surgeon U. S. Army; “with observations on the Hyoid bones of this collection, by Dr J .L. Wortman. Seventh Me¬ moir of the National Academy of Sciences, Washington, 1891, pp. 141-286, plates 1-59. 2 For other publications and a biographical sketch, see Mooney, J., in American Anthropologist, n. s., vii, no. 3, 1905, pp. 514-523. 1-2 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA The curvature of the skull. Trans. Anthr. Soc. Wash., ill, pp. 171-172, Wash., 1885. On composite photography as applied to craniology, by J. S. Billings; and on measuring the cubic capacity of skulls, by Washington Matthews. Read April 22, 1S85. Mem. Nat. Acad. Sci., ill, pt. 2, 13th mem., pp. 103-116, 19 pi., Wash., 1886. On a new craniophore for use in making composite photographs of skulls, by John S. Billings and Washington Matthews. Read Nov. 12, 1885. Mem. Nat. Acad. Sci., ill, pt. 2, 14th mem., pp. 117-119, 4 pi., Wash., 1886. Apparatus for tracing orthogonal projections of the skull in the U. S. Army Medical Museum. J. Anat. and Physiol., xxi, pp. 43-45, 1 pi., Edinb., 1886. An apparatus for determining the angle of torsion of the humerus. J. Anat. and Physiol., xxi, p. 43-45, 1 pi., Edinb., 1886. The study of consumption among the Indians. N. Y. Med. Jour., July 30, 1887. A further contribution to the study of consumption among the Indians. Trans. Am. Climatol. Assoc., Washington meeting. Sept. 18-20, 1888, p. 136-155, Phila., 1888. The Inca bone and kindred formations among the ancient Arizonians. Am. Anthropologist, 11, pp. 337-345, Wash., Oct., 1889. Human bones of the Hemenway collection in the U. S. Army Medical Mu¬ seum. Mem. Nat. Acad. Sci., vi, 7th mem., pp. 139-286, 57 pi., Wash., 1893. Use of rubber bags in gauging cranial capacity. Am. Anthropologist, xi, pp. 171-176, Wash., June, 1898. We may now return to the Smithsonian Institution. While conditions during a larger part of the second half of the 19th century were not propitious for active participation by the Institution in anthropological research, nevertheless its publications, as will be seen from the bibliography, included many anthropological contri¬ butions by writers both foreign and American. In 1872 Professor Otis T. Mason became connected with the Institution as collaborator in ethnology. In 1879, the collections of the Institution increasing, Congress authorized the erection of a separate building for the National Museum, which was completed in 1881. In 1884 Professor Mason became curator of the Department of Ethnology in the Museum, and for almost a quarter of a century he was active in this position with abundant results. 1 1 See Otis Tufton Mason, by Walter Hough, American Anthropologist, x, 1908, pp. 661-667. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 173 While above all an ethnologist (in the American sense of the word), and while from a deep religious sentiment rather averse to the doctrine of man’s evolution, Professor Mason was nevertheless one of the warmest friends of physical anthropology; and his helpful hand was in no small measure responsible for the subsequent auspicious development of the Division of Physical Anthropology in the U. S. National Museum. Furthermore, somatology benefitted also directly from Professor Mason’s scientific contributions. After Squier 1 and Fletcher, 2 he described one of the earliest known examples of Peruvian tre¬ phining; 3 he had printed for distribution the best contempor¬ aneous classification of the human races; and several of his papers, 4 with his very useful annual contribution to anthropological bibli¬ ography, were of real service to our science. He was one of the founders (1879) and for a long time one of the most active members of the Anthropological Society of Washington; and his beneficial, stimulating effect on all branches of anthropology was felt at many a meeting of Section H of the American Association. Among other friends of anthropology in connection with the Smithsonian Institution, now deceased, it is necessary to mention Dr J. M. Toner and Thomas Wilson. By the generous endowment of Doctor Toner there were de¬ livered under the auspices of the Institution, between 1873 and 1889, a series of lectures on medical and related topics which included two of special interest to physical anthropology, namely, “The Dual Character of the Brain,” by Dr C. E. Brown-Sequard; 5 6 1 Squier, Peru, N. Y., 1877. 2 Fletcher, On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets, Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, vol. vi. 3 The Chaclacayo trephined skull; with measurements by Dr Irwin C. Rosse, U. S. A., Proc. U. S. National Museum. 1885, pp. 410-412, pi. 22, and list of measure¬ ments (appended). * What is Anthropology? A Saturday lecture delivered in the U. S. National Museum, March, 1882, 21 pp. The scope and value of anthropological studies, Proc. A. A. A. S., 1884, 365-383. The relation of the mound builders to the historic Indians, Science, 1884, in, 658-659. Indians in the U. S., June 30, 1886, Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1885, 902-907. Migration and the food quest: A study in the peop¬ ling of America, Smithsonian Rep., 1894, 523-539, map. 6 Delivered Apr. 22, 1874, published in Smithsonian Misc. Coll., Jan., 1877. 174 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA and “The Clinical Study of the Skull,” by Dr Harrison Allen. 1 Doctor Toner was also one of the founders of the Anthropological Society of Washington. Thomas Wilson (1832-1902), previously for several years United States Consul to Ghent, Nantes, and Nice, became attached to the National Museum in 1887 as curator of the Division of Prehistoric Anthropology. 2 While abroad, and particularly in France, he became deeply interested in archeological matters and especially in the remains of early man, subjects which occupied his attention throughout the period of his connection with the Museum. Col¬ laterally he was, however, interested in physical anthropology, and a number of his papers deal with matters relating to that science. It is to be regretted that they were not specific enough to be of lasting value. His publications of interest to physical anthropology are: “A study of prehistoric anthropology” (Annual Report U. S. National Museum ., 1888); “Man in North America during the Paleolithic period ” (ibid.); “Anthropology at the Paris Exposition” (ibid., 1890); and “The Antiquity of the red race in America” (ibid., 1895). By 1897 the collections of the United States National Museum had grown to such an extent that a new plan of organization of its departments became necessary. By this plan three large depart¬ ments were established—Anthropology (in the broader sense of the term), Biology, and Geology, and Professor W. H. Holmes was appointed head curator of the Department of Anthropology, which was subdivided into eight sections. 3 Prof. O. T. Mason remained as curator of ethnology, later serving for several years as acting head curator. It was Prof. W. H. Holmes, fortunately still living and in full vigor, who conceived the need of and eventually succeeded in adding to his department the Division of Physical Anthropology, the first regular division devoted entirely to this branch of science on this 1 See Allen’s bibliography, page 536 of this article. 2 See In Memoriam: Thomas Wilson, by O. T. Mason, American Anthropologist, IV, April-June, 1902. 3 See Report U. S. National Museum for 1897, Washington, 1899, p. 6, et seq. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 175 continent. With this end in view and at Professor Holmes’ sug¬ gestion, an arrangement was made with the Army Medical Mu¬ seum whereby a larger part of the normal somatological material in that institution (approximately two thousand crania) was trans¬ ferred to the National Museum in 1898-1899. The division came into actual existence in 1902, in charge of the writer; in 1904 another highly valuable instalment of anthropological material (approxi¬ mately fifteen hundred crania and skeletons) was transferred to the division from the Army Medical Museum, the latter retaining only specimens of pathological or surgical interest; and subsequently, by cooperation with other institutions and through the help of many friends of the Smithsonian, as well as through field explora¬ tion and laboratory work, the collections have increased until today they consist of more than 11,000 racial crania and skeletons. 1,600 human and animal brains, and thousands of photographs, casts, and other objects relating to physical anthropology. In touching on the development of the Division of Physical Anthropology in the National Museum we have passed by a col¬ lateral event of much importance, namely, the establishment, in connection with the Smithsonian Institution, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. In 1879 the Bureau of American Ethnology was definitely organized and placed by Congress under the supervision of the Smithsonian Institution. 1 Several years before this, however, Major Powell, as Director of the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, began the publication of a series of important volumes called Contributions to North American Ethnology, and it was the preparation of these which may really be looked upon as the beginning of the Bureau’s existence. Major Powell himself had accomplished important work among the tribes of the Rio Colorado drainage in connection with his geological and geographical researches, and he logically became the first director of the Bureau when separately established. The Bureau of American Ethnology has not directly occupied 1 Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Washington, 1912, 1. (4th im¬ pression), p. 171 et seq. i ?6 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA itself with somatology; but from the beginning of the important explorations carried on under its auspices the collection of skeletal remains of the American Indians was encouraged, and an important part of the present collections in physical anthropology in the U. S. National Museum proceeded from such field work. Besides this the publications of the Bureau were from the first open to our branch of science, with the result that at this time they contain a respect¬ able number of more or less direct contributions to the subject, and physical anthropology in this country derived much encouragement from this most deserving institution. Among the members of the Bureau, not now living, several deserve special mention for their services to our branch of science. These are J. C. Pilling, whose bibliographies are of assistance; Dr W. J. Hoffman, who was interested directly in somatology, reporting, among other writings, on “The Chaco Cranium ” 1 and on the Menomini Indians; 2 Cyrus Thomas, who during his explora¬ tion of the mounds collected many crania now part of our collec¬ tions; and W J McGee, who contributed to our knowledge of the Sioux and Seri Indians, and gave us, with Muniz, a fine memoir on Primitive Trephining in Peru. 3 Papers published by the Smithsonian Institution and its branches relating more or less directly to physical anthropology, and excluding those of living authors, are the following: 4 1851. Culbertson, T. A. Indian tribes of the upper Missouri. S.R., v. 1852. Stanley, J. M. Catalogue of portraits of North American Indians, and sketches of scenery, etc. S.R., vi. 1855. Letterman, J. Sketch of the Navajo Indians. S.R., x. 1856. Haven, Samuel F. Archeology of the U. S., or Sketches, Historical and 1 Tenth Ann. Report of the U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, of the Terr, for 1876, Wash., 1878, pp. 4S3-4S7. 2 pi. 2 Fourteenth Ann. Report Bureau Amer. Ethnology. 3 The Seri Indians, 17th Ann. Rep. B. A. E. With M. A. Muniz, Primitive Tre¬ phining in Peru, 16th Ann. Report B. A. E. 4 Abbreviations: S. R., Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution; S. C., Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge; S. M., Smithsonian Miscellaneous Col¬ lections; P. N. M., Proceedings United States National Museum; B. N. M., Bulletin United States National Museum; R. N. M., Annual Report United States National Museum; C. E., Contributions to North American Ethnology; R. B. E., Annual Report Bureau American Ethnology; B. B. E.. Bulletin Bureau American Ethnology, ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 177 Bibliographical, of the Progress of information and opinion respecting vestiges of antiquity in the United States. S.R., vm. 1859. Retzius, A. Present state of ethnology in relation to the form of the human skull. S.R. 1860. Morgan, Lewis H. Circular in reference to the degrees of relationship among different nations. S.M., 11. 1861. Morgan, L. H. Suggestions relative to an ethnological map of North America. 1862. Stanley, J. M. Catalogue of portraits of North American Indians. S.M., n. 1862. Reid, A. Skulls and mummy from Patagonia. S.R. 1862. Gibbs, G. Ethnological map of the United States. S.R. 1862. Wilson, D. Lectures on physical ethnology. S.R. 1862. Morlot, A. Lecture on the study of high antiquity. S.R. 1862. Quatrefages, A. de. Memoir of Isidore Geoffrey St. Hilaire. S.R. 1862. Reid, A. Human remains from Patagonia. S.R. 1864. Baegert, Jacob. Aboriginal inhabitants of the California peninsula. S.R. 1864. Dean, John. The gray substance of the medulla oblongata and trapezium. S.C., xvi. 1864. Troyon, Fred. On the crania helvetica. S.R. 1864. Gibbs, G. The intermixture of races. S.R. 1864. Morlot, A. The study of high antiquity in Europe. S.R. 1865. Petitot, E. Account of the Indians of British America. S.R. 1866. Gibbs, G. Notes on the Tinneh or Chepewyan Indians of British and Russian America. S.R. 1866. Von Hellwald, F. The American migration; with notes by Prof. Henry. S.R. 1866. Scherzer; Schwarz. Table of anthropological measurements. S.R. 1867. Darwin, C. Queries about expression for anthropological inquiry. S.R. 1867. Pettigrew, J. B. Man as the contemporary of the mammoth and reindeer in middle Europe. S.R. 1867. Meigs, J. A. Description of a human skull from Rock Bluff, Ill. S.R. 1867. Smart, C. Notes on the Tonto Apaches. S.R. 1867. List of photographic portraits of North American Indians in the gallery of the Smithsonian Institution. S.M., xiv. 1868. Broca, P. History of the transactions of the Anthropological Society of Paris, from 1865 to 1867. S.R. 1870. Swan. James G. The Indians of Cape Flattery. S.C. xvi. 1870. Gardner, W. H. Ethnology of the Indians of the valley of the Red River of the North. S.R. 1870. Blyden, E. D. On mixed races in Liberia. S.R. 1871. Grossmann, F. E. Pima Indians of Arizona. S.R. 1872. Broca, P. The troglodytes, or cave dwellers, of the valley of the Vezere. S.R. 12 17 S ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 1873. Mailly, E. Estimate of the population of the world. S.R. 1573. Gillman, H. The mound-builders and platycnemism in Michigan. S.R. 1874. Mailly, E. Eulogy on Quetelet. S.R. 1874. Schumacher, P. Ancient graves and shell-heaps of California. S.R. 1574. Farquharson, R. J. A study of skulls and long bones, from mounds near Albany, Ill. S.R. 1874. Tiffany, A. S. The shell-bed skull. S.R. 1876. De Candolle, A. Probable future of the human race. S.R. 1876. Gillman, H. Characteristics pertaining to ancient man in Michigan. S.R. 1876. Swan, J. G. Haidah Indians of Queen Charlotte’s islands, British Columbia. S.C., xxi. 1876. Brackett, A. G. The Sioux or Dakota Indians. S.R. 1876. Jones, Joseph. Explorations of the aboriginal remains of Tennessee. S.C., xxii. 1877. Galt, F. L. The Indians of Peru. S.C. 1877. Gibbs, George. Tribes of western Washington and northwestern Oregon. C.E., 1. 1877. Dali, W. H. Tribes of the extreme Northwest. C.E., 1. 1877. Brown-Sequard, C. E. Dual character of the brain. S.M., xv. 1878. Hart, J. N. de. The mounds and osteology of the mound builders of Wisconsin. S.R. 1878. Dali, W. H. On the remains of later pre-historic man. S.C., xxii. 1879. Pratt, R. H. Catalogue of casts taken by Clark Mills, Esq., of the heads of sixty-four Indian prisoners of various western tribes, and held at Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla., 1. 1879. Havard, V. The French half breeds of the Northwest. S.R. 1880. Mason, Otis T. Record of recent progress in science. Anthropology. S.R. 1881. Powell, J. W. On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data. R.B.E., 1. 1881. Mason, Otis T. Anthropological investigations. 1881. Index to anthropological articles in publications of the Smithsonian Institution. George PI. Boehmer. 1881. Mason, O. T. Anthropology. (Bibliography of anthropology; abstracts of anthropological correspondence.) S.R. 1882. Fletcher, R. Prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets. C.E., v. 1882. Rau. Charles. Articles on anthropological subjects contributed to the Annual Reports of the Smithsonian Institution from 1863 to 1877, pp. 180. 1885. Donaldson, Thomas. The George Catlin Gallery in the U. S. National Museum, with memoirs and statistics. R.N.M., 1. 1886. Mason, Otis T. The Chaclacayo trephined skull. R.N.M. 1887. Thomas, C. Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States. R.B.E., v. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 179 1887. Porter, J. H. Notes on the artificial deformation of children among savages and civilized peoples. S.R.; R.N.M. 1887. MacCauley, Clay. The Seminole Indians of Florida. R.B.E., v. 1888. Results of an inquiry as to the existence of man in North America during the paleolithic period of the Stone Age. R.N.M. 1888. Niblack, Albert P. The coast Indians of southern Alaska and northern British Columbia. R.N.M. 1888. Wilson, Thomas. A study of prehistoric anthropology: Handbook for beginners. R.N.M. 1890. Evans, John. Antiquity of man. S.R. 1890. Hitchcock, Romyn. The Ainos of Yezo, Japan. R.N.M. 1890. Wilson, Thomas. Criminal anthropology. S.R. 1890. Hitchcock, Romyn. The ancient pit-dwellers of Yezo. R.N.M. 1890. Wilson, Thomas. Anthropology at the Paris Exposition in 1889. R.N.M. 1890. Romanes, George J. Weismann’s theory of heredity. S.R. 1891. Thomas, Cyrus. Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the Rocky Mountains. B.B.E., 12. 1893. Rockhill, William Woodville. Notes on the ethnology of Tibet. 1895. Wilson, Thomas. The antiquity of the red race in America. R.N.M. 1895. Hamy, E. T. The yellow races. S.R. 1896. Hoffman, Walter James. The Menomini Indians. R.B.E., xiv. 1897. McGee, W J. The Siouan Indians. R.B.E., xv. 1897. Muiiiz, M. A., and McGee, W J. Primitive trephining in Peru. R.B.E., xvi. 1898. McGee, W J. The Seri Indians. R.B.E., xvii. 1898. Haeckel, Ernst. On our present knowledge of the origin of man. S.R. 1902. Gaudry, Albert. The Baousse-Rousse explorations: Study of a new human type, by M. Verneau. S.R. X— Conclusion The preceding notes close a rapid and doubtless imperfect survey of the history of physical anthropology among the English- speaking people of northern America, so far as connected with those no longer living. Interdigitating closely with the more recent chapters of this history is the unfinished, richer, and more organized portion which rests in the hands of those who are still active. Looking backward into this history, we see on the whole very creditable, though more or less sporadic and irregular, beginnings, and an irregular, often defective, course, yet not without lasting results. The more recent period belongs only to the development proper of the branch—development now based on great and accur- iSo ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA ately identified collections, nourished by advancing systematic training and regulation of methods, definitely conscious of the immense and complex field of research ahead, and confident that in cooperation with closely allied branches of science physical anthropology is destined to serve worthily these countries and humanity in general. The influences on and direct participation in American anthro¬ pology of various scientific societies and journals, and of foreign men of science, have been mentioned only casually and must be left for a future paper. Suffice it to say here that the foremost among our societies whose activities favored the advance of physical anthropology were the Anthropological Society of Washington (1879-); the American Ethnological Society of New York (1842-; i 899 _ ); the Boston Society of Natural History (1830-); the Amer¬ ican Association for the Advancement of Science, Section H (1882-); and the American Anthropological Association (1902-). Among journals especial credit is due to the American Naturalist (1867-); to Science (1880-), and above all to the American Anthropologist (1888-), besides which there are the periodical publications of the Smithsonian Institution and its branches, the Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the publications of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, and those of The Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, the American Museum of Natural History, and other institutions, which include numerous contributions to physical anthropology. As to foreign men of science who have most influenced the progress of our science in America, the list includes Blumenbach, Gall, Prichard, Lawrence, Anders Retz- ius, Broca, Quatrefages, Hamy, Topinard, Barnard Davis, Flower, Kollmann, E. Schmidt, and Rudolph Virchow. Finally, there are also a number of additional American names connected with isolated publications or noteworthy collections pertaining to phys¬ ical anthropology, which will deserve a more extended reference in some future publication on this subject. They include men like Emil Bessels, known for his contributions on Eskimo crania 1 and 1 Einige Worte uber die Inuit (Eskimo) des Smith-Sundes, nebst Bemerkungen iiber Inuit-Schadel, Archiv fur Anthropologie, vm, 1875-1876, pp. 107-122. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA l8l “The Human Remains found among the Ancient Ruins of South¬ western Colorado and Northern New Mexico”; 1 H. Gillman, who wrote on crania and platycnemism in Michigan; 2 Dr George W. Peckham, to whom we owe a contribution on “The Growth of Children” of Milwaukee; 3 David Boyle who in the “Archaeological Reports” of the Province of Ontario reported on Indian crania; Cordelia A. Studley, who wrote on “Human Remains from the Caves of Coahuila, Mexico ”; 4 Paul Schumacher, to whom we owe the large collections of California crania now in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge and the U. S. National Museum; and Ad. F. Bandelier, who collected a large amount of skeletal material in Bolivia for the American Museum of Natural History. Writings on physical anthropology in Mexico and the countries to the south, if we exclude those of the living, are very meager. Lund’s contributions in Brazil and Ameghino’s in Argentina have been dealt with in another place. 5 In Peru a collection of crania had been made by Raimondi; the foreign contributions to Peru¬ vian anthropology are given in the writer’s reports on that coun¬ try. 6 In Mexico, if we exclude what has been done relatively recently by a few living workers, we have little to mention except the contributions of Morton, and those by two or three French authors; 7 the history of anthropology in that country, hovrever, is now receiving the attention of Dr Nicolas Leon. United States National Museum Washington, D. C. 1 Bulletin U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey, II, 1876. 2 See the bibliography of the Smithsonian Institution, p. 549 of this paper. 8 6th Annual Report Slate Bd. of Health of Wisconsin. * Sixteenth Report Peabody Museum, Cambridge. 6 Early Man in South America, Bull. 52, B.A.E. 6 Smithsonian Misc. Coll., 1911 and 1913. 7 E. T. Hamy, Mission scientifique du Mexique. Anthropologie, Paris, 1891. Also Quatrefages and Hamy, Crania Ethnica, THE PRESENT CONDITION OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF NORTH AMERICAN LANGUAGES By PLINY EARLE GODDARD Contents Introduction. 182 Extinct Stocks—Atakapan, Beothukan, Coahuiltecan, Esselenian, Karankawa, Siuslaw, Timucuan, Waiilatpuan. 188 Nearly Extinct Stocks—Chimariko, Chitimachan, Chumashan, Costanoan, Sali- nan, Shastan, Tonkawan, Tunican, Yakonan. 192 Stocks Satisfactorily Studied—Chinookan, Haida, Klamath, Kusan, Takelma, Tlingit, Yanan. 195 Stocks on Which Work is Progressing—Chimakuan, Kalapuyan, Kutenai, Maidu, Piman, Shahaptian, Tanoan, Tsimshian, Wakashan, Yokuts, Yuman. 198 Stocks Practically Untouched—Caddoan, Miwok, Karok, Keresan, Kiowan, Pomo, Washo, Wintun, Wiyot, Yuchean, Yukian, Yurok, Zuni. 203 Stocks Presenting Comparative Problems—Algonkian, Athapascan, Eskimo. Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Salishan, Shoshonean, Siouan. 207 Conclusion. 219 Bibliography. 220 Introduction T HE attention given the languages of America since its dis¬ covery has resulted from several interests. Missionary spirit was the first of these in point of time and one of the most important in results. A number of individuals of various sects and nationalities realized that it is necessary in order to reach and influence the native mind to have a common language as a means of communication. Racial conceit usually prevents a people generally from acquiring the language of its would-be teachers. The really effective missionaries are those who apply themselves to the study of the native language in question with sufficient earnestness to be able not only to speak it fluently, but to think in it and to construct words and phrases capable of con¬ veying new ideas. We are interested at the present moment only in the by-products of such endeavors—the numerous dictionaries and grammars written by these missionaries to aid themselves and 182 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 1 83 others in acquiring a mastery of the languages needed in the work of propaganda. One of the best known and one of the first missionary students of an American language was John Eliot, who, beginning in 1632, was pastor of a church at Roxbury, Massachusetts, for fifty-seven years. During this time he acquired the language of the neigh¬ boring Indians, an Algonkian tongue, made a translation of various parts and finally of the whole Bible, and published an essay on the grammar. 1 The people for whom he labored have passed out of existence, but his work is treasured as an example of printing and is of real value as a record of the language formerly spoken in eastern Massachusetts. Of much greater importance from a linguistic standpoint, is the work of Stephen R. Riggs, who, with his wife Mary, went to the Eastern Sioux in 1837. During many years among these Indians he acquired their language, translated the entire Bible, and pub¬ lished a grammar and dictionary. As a result of his labor and that of his descendants the Sioux generally have learned to write and read their own language. The elderly men are now able to write highly interesting and important accounts of their former life and ceremonies in the Dakota language. Similar practical results in teaching Indians to write and read their own languages resulted from the invention by Rev. James Evans (1801-46) of a system of syllabic characters which much reduces the effort necessary in such undertakings. By means of these characters the Bible and much other religious literature has been issued in Cree, for which language they were first devised, and in Ojibway and other Algonkian languages of Canada. With certain modifications these characters have been used also for the Athapascan languages of the north and for Eskimo. Of these northern missionaries, those who have contributed most abundantly to our linguistic knowledge, are: Father A. Lacombe, who issued a grammar and dictionary of Cree in 1874, still the best source of information for that language; 2 Father Emile : Eliot, (a), (6). 2 Lacombe. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 184 Petitot, who issued, besides other works of literary and scientific interest, a large comparative dictionary of the Mackenzie River Athapascan languages; 1 and Father A. G. Morice who has pub¬ lished numerous papers of particular and comparative interest on the Athapascan languages of the north. 2 Linguistic work stimulated largely by missionary motives is still in progress. Father Julius Jette, stationed on the Yukon, has published texts of the Ten’a, 3 and Rev. J. W. Chapman, lower on the same river, has issued this year a volume of texts in the related Athapascan 4 dialect. In Arizona, the Franciscan Fathers of St Michaels have made an exhaustive lexical study of the Navaho language which they have published in the form of a dictionary. 5 The scientific interest aroused in Europe by the discovery that Sanscrit is genetically related to Greek and Latin was soon com¬ municated to the New World. Before this discovery, it had been generally assumed that Hebrew was the first language to be spoken and the one from which all other languages were descended. The new view of the world languages falling into related groups stirred to activity some of the foremost scholars of Europe. Philology took its place with science and literature as a subject of the highest intellectual importance. The publication of Mithridates in 1816 by Adelung and Vater was the first attempt to present a comparative view of the languages of the world. 6 Included in this work is a discussion of a considerable number of American languages. In America the interest developed at two definite points. P. S. Duponceau, a Frenchman, who had transferred his activities from our war for independence to political life, was associated with Jefferson and Franklin in the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia. Among the documents gathered relating to the Indians of the vicinity was the manuscript 1 Petitot, (o), (b), (c). 2 Morice, (a), ( b ). 3 Jette. 4 Chapman. 6 Franciscan Fathers, (a), ( b ). 6 Adelung and Vater. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 185 grammar of Delaware by David Zeisberger in German. Duponceau undertook its translation and became very much impressed with the beautiful organization of the language. 1 He was led by his interest to some comparative observations on the languages of America in general. His studies were stimulated by the work of Adelung and Vater which became accessible to him at this time and by the linguistic works of Wilhelm von Humboldt. Albert Gallatin, who had been a teacher of languages in his youth, became interested in the languages of America through Alexander von Humboldt, whom it is probable he met when Humboldt was returning from his epoch-making journey through Spanish America. Gallatin, through the Secretary of War, in 1826, sent out a circular containing a list of words, the equivalents of which in the various Indian languages were desired for com¬ parative study. In 1826, the material gathered by Mr Gallatin was used for publication by Adrien Balbi in France. 2 This publi¬ cation attracted the attention of the officers of the American Anti¬ quarian Society of Worcester, Mass., and they invited Mr Gallatin to publish his material in full in the Transactions of their society. This is the first comparative treatment of the languages of North America. 3 It is accompanied by a map showing the distribution of the Indians according to tribes and linguistic grouping. Con¬ sidering the small amount of material at the time available, Mr Gallatin’s conclusions are sound and accurate. He organized and became the first president of the American Ethnological Society in 1842. His interest in the subject continued until his death. Horatio Hale, at the time a young man, was the ethnologist of the United States Exploring Expedition (1838-1842) under the command of Charles Wilkes. The seventh volume of the publi¬ cations of this expedition was devoted to ethnology and philology. The greater portion of the work is concerned with the islands of the Pacific, but the native languages of the western coast of North America are comparatively treated. Under the editorship of 1 Duponceau, (a), ( b). 3 Balbi. 3 Gallatin, (a). 1 86 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Gallatin the material gathered by Hale was published in the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. 2. Soon after, George Gibbs became interested in ethnology and linguistics. He visited California as ethnologist with an expedition made by Col. M’Kee. This material was published by Schoolcraft who was associated with the Bureau of Indian Affairs in the gather¬ ing and publication of information relating to the Indians. Vocabularies were generally gathered by engineering or other government parties engaged in the new west as occasion offered. Of especial importance are those secured by A. W. Whipple and others in 1853-4, edited by W. W. Turner. Dr Washington Matthews, a surgeon in the U. S. Army stationed in the west, devoted himself to linguistic studies. He prepared a grammar of the Hidatsa language which was published by the government in 1877, following a Grammar and Dictionary published by John Gilmary Shea in 1873. Dr D. G. Brinton, who became professor of American linguistics and archeology at the University of Penn¬ sylvania in 1886, added much to the interest in and discussion of American linguistic problems. He was the first man to hold a chair in an American institution devoted to the study of American languages. In 1879 the Bureau of American Ethnology was established under the Smithsonian Institution. Major Powell, whose interest in ethnology had been aroused while conducting exploration work for the Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, was the first head of the Bureau. The seventh annual report of this Bureau, issued in 1891, con¬ tains a classification of the Indians north of Mexico according to linguistic families. In the preparation of this paper Major Powell was assisted in the linguistic comparisons by two men of unusual linguistic ability and equipment, Albert S. Gatschet and J. Owen Dorsey. The publication of this paper marks the end of the first period of scientific linguistic work in America. With the exception of the work of Duponceau and Gallatin, it was stimulated largely by comparative interest. It was considered sufficient to gather selected word lists and make a comparison of the vocabularies so ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 187 obtained. By the means of these lists, first Gallatin and later Powell were able to determine the linguistic grouping according to lexical or genetic relationship. For this purpose the methods employed seem to have been fairly adequate. The work of Gallatin has stood except where he lacked even word lists of sufficient extent, or where his praiseworthy caution prevented the grouping of languages which he felt morally certain belonged together. The linguistic families of Powell remain largely undisturbed. His caution separated the Shoshonean language from Nahuatl on the basis of the material at hand. The two men mentioned above as contributing to Powell’s classification inaugurated the second period of linguistic work stimulated by scientific interest rather than missionary zeal in North America. Until their time the chief purpose had been to secure sufficient material to determine to which large group each language belonged. The new interest was two-fold: a psychological interest in the languages themselves, a desire to know what ideas were expressed and what was the mental classification applied to these ideas by the particular people as evidenced by their language; and a historical interest in the changes that had taken place in a single language or in the various languages belonging to one family. Both of these interests have readily lent themselves to wider com¬ parative ones, but it has generally been comparison with linguistic knowledge itself as the main motive rather than a search for a convenient means of grouping people or a means of tracing migra¬ tions that has distinguished this second period of study. The new purposes required more abundant material and more accurate recording of it. J. Owen Dorsey recorded and published texts of native tales and myths from several of the Siouan-speaking tribes. From these texts and from grammatical material secured from the speakers of these languages, Mr Dorsey secured an ex¬ cellent conception of the general structure of the Siouan languages and of their mutual relationships. Albert S. Gatschet recorded and published a number of texts in the language of the Klamath Indians of Oregon, together with a grammar and dictionary. He also recorded texts and vocabularies of many languages which were 1 88 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA deposited in the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington and still remain unpublished. Franz Boas, who had spent several seasons with the Eskimo and the Indians on the North Pacific coast, joined the staff of the American Museum of Natural History in 1895. The wide interests of Professor Boas had included the languages of the natives among whom he had worked. Through the research work of the Museum and his contact with the students of anthropology at Columbia University, Professor Boas soon dominated the linguistic work in North America. Largely under his direction and stimulation thousands of pages of texts of Indian languages have been gathered and published. Analytical studies of a large number of these languages have been made and uniform grammatical sketches published. The personal linguistic interest of Professor Boas is primarily psychological, but the historical and comparative aspects have not been neglected. Of the considerable number of the younger men who have been engaged in the work only a few have had special training in the scientific study of Indo-Germanic or other linguistic families of the Old World. Recently Prof. C. C. Uhlenbeck, who has made a name for himself in Sanscrit and Indo-Germanic philology, has under¬ taken the study of American languages. Dr J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong has spent two summers studying Algonkian dialects. Extinct Stocks Of the fifty-six or more linguistic stocks in existence north of Mexico when the continent was being colonized only eight appear to have become totally extinct. In every case some material of value is extant. It is truly fortunate that in the great decrease of native population in certain regions, such as the eastern portion of the United States and in Oregon and California, a larger number of stocks have not disappeared. Atakapan. The Atakapa of southwestern Louisiana formerly spoke two dialects which, as far as is known, were all that belonged to this stock. The statement of Dr John Sibley that the Karankawa of Texas spoke the same or a similar language has been proven ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 1 89 incorrect. 1 There remains a vocabulary recorded by Martin Duralde in 1802, 145 words of which were published by Gallatin, 2 and 54 words, apparently selected from the former list, in the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society. 3 Doctor Gatschet visited the Atakapa in 1885 and secured a text and other material making a total of about 2,000 words. This material is in the Bureau of American Ethnology and has never been pub¬ lished. When Doctor Gatschet visited the Atakapa he found and heard of nine individuals. It is not likely that any now exist who speak the language consecutively although there are a few who remember many words. Beothukan. This extinct linguistic stock, formerly spoken in Newfoundland, is known by three vocabularies furnishing alto¬ gether 480 words. Dr John Clinch secured a vocabulary, probably from John August, a Beothuk, some time between 1783 and 1788. Rev. John Leigh recorded a vocabulary from a captive Beothuk woman, called Mary March (her native name was Demasduit) in 1819, of 180 words. W. E. Cormack obtained a vocabulary from a Beothuk woman living in his family called Nancy (native name Shanandithit). These are published with discussions by Gatschet in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 4 Latham was convinced the Beothuk were “a separate section of the Algon- kins,” but Gatschet with better material pronounced them distinct. Nothing had been known of living Beothuk since 1827 until in 1912 Doctor Speck found a part-blood Beothuk woman among the Micmac of Nova Scotia. He obtained from her a short vocabulary. 5 6 Coahuiltecan. This stock, now probably extinct, is discussed by Dr Gatschet under the name Paikawa. 5 It was formerly represented by several dialects spoken on either side of the lower Rio Grande. There is a catechism in one of these dialects by Bartholome Garcia published in 1760. Dr Gatschet was able in 1886 to collect con- 1 Sibley. 2 Gallatin, (a), pp. 307-367. 3 Gallatin, ( b ), pp. 95-97. 4 Gatschet, (1), (m), ( p ). 6 Speck, ( c ). 6 Gatschet, ('), p. 38. 19° ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA siderable material of the Comecrudoand Cotoname dialects amount¬ ing to about i,ooo words besides phrases and one extremely short text. A few scattered words were recovered from mission records by Prof. H. E. Bolton. Esselenian. The remains of the only language belonging to this stock are scanty. Esselen seems to have been spoken along the coast of California northward from the Santa Lucia mountains nearly to Monterey bay. There are about two hundred separate words included in a total of three hundred words and phrases. Two short vocabularies were recorded long ago: one of twenty- two words by Jean F. G. de la Perouse in 1786, and one of thirty- one words by Dionisio Alcala Galiano in 1792. Later, Duflot de Mofras gave a set of numerals, and Arroyo de la Cuesta fifty words and phrases. Mr H. W. Henshaw secured one hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases in 1888. Dr A. L. Kroeber has brought all the available material together and published it with a discussion of the phonetics and grammar. 1 Karankawa. The Karankawa lived on the coast of Texas,— those of whom we have linguistic material near Matagorda bay. Doctor Gatschet 2 in 1884 was able to secure twenty-five words from an o’d man and an old woman, both Tonkawa who had lived with Karankawa mates. In 1888, through Prof. F. W. Putnam, Doctor Gatschet learned of a white woman, Mrs Alice W. Oliver, who had lived near the Karankawa and learned to speak the language fairly well. Doctor Gatschet secured from her about 150 words. These vocabularies, with analysis and discussion, Gatschet published in Peabody Museum Archaeological and Eth¬ nological Papers , 3 pp. 69-167. The Karankawa have been extinct since the middle of the nineteenth century. Siuslaw. Two closely related dialects, formerly spoken on the Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw rivers, Oregon, were considered to belong to the Yakonan stock until in 1910 Dr Leo J. Frachtenberg, while collecting additional material, concluded that they form an 1 Kroeber, (a), 49-68. 2 Gatschet, (t), PP- 69-167. 3 Gatschet (o). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA I9I independent stock. Vocabularies of both dialects were recorded by Doctor Gatschet in 1884. Smaller ones had been collected by Doctor Milhau and Mr Bissell in 1881. These vocabularies remain unpublished in the Bureau of American Ethnology. Doctor Frachtenberg secured a good-sized vocabulary, grammatical notes, and a few texts of the Lower Umpqua dialect. The texts have been published 1 and a grammatical sketch, now in press, will appear in Part 2, Bulletin 40, Bureau of American Ethnology. Doctor Frachtenberg’s informant was an old woman who was not accus¬ tomed to the use of her own language. The stock is now extinct. Timucuan. This language was formerly spoken by a group of tribes in northern Florida. They were the first natives within the present boundaries of the United States to come in contact with Europeans. Our linguistic sources are the writings of two mission¬ aries, Francisco Pareja who was with them from 1594 to 1610, and Gregorio de Mouilla. Their church literature contains abundant and excellent text material which was studied and selections pub¬ lished by Gatschet in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 2 3 At that time his Arte de la Lengua Timuquana was not available. It has since been reprinted (1886). These people either ceased to exist or to speak the language soon after 1821. There is some indication of relationship to Muskhogean, but Doctor Swanton, who makes this statement, is not yet ready to give a final opinion. IVaiilatpuan. Two tribes of Oregon spoke dialects rather remotely connected, which, taken together, make up the linguistic stock known as Waiilatpuan. The Cayuse lived on the head¬ waters of the Walla Walla, Umatilla, and Grande Ronde rivers. They have been extinct for fifty years. The Molala lived between Mt Hood and Mt Scott. Doctor Frachtenberg secured in 1910 from the last person speaking this dialect an extensive vocabulary, grammatical notes, and more than thirty texts. This material, now in manuscript and the property of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1 Frachtenberg (e). 2 Gatschet, (w), (d ). 3 Pareja. 192 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA it is expected will be published as a bulletin of that Bureau. The only other material known to be in existence is a vocabulary of Cayuse secured by Hale. 1 Nearly Extinct Stocks In addition to the seven linguistic stocks which are totally extinct, there are nine each of which is spoken by a few individuals only, no one of whom is able to furnish material of great extent or value. Of none of these languages do we have ample or satisfactory recorded material. Chimariko (Chimarikan of Powers). The Chimariko lived on the main Trinity river south of the mouth of South fork as far as Taylor’s flat, California. Stephen Powers recorded a vocabulary of about 200 words in 1875, which he published. 2 Jeremiah Curtin is said to have secured a good vocabulary in 1889. After attempts by Kroeber and Goddard attended with but slight success, Dr Roland B. Dixon visited the surviving Chimariko in 1906 and secured texts which, with translations and notes, cover twenty printed pages. Doctor Dixon obtained other valuable material in the form of lists of words and phrases. This material, with analysis and discussion, has been published. 3 It is the opinion of Doctor Dixon that Chimariko is related to Shasta. Chitimachan. This is the language of a single tribe, the Chiti- macha of southern Louisiana. According to the last census there are 69 persons of Chitimacha blood. Most of them have employed French patois as a means of communication even among themselves for many years. The first published linguistic material known is a vocabulary furnished by Martin Duralde, but probably recorded by Murray about the beginning of the nineteenth century. This vocabulary was included by Gallatin in his comparative list. 4 Doctor Gatschet visited the Chitimacha in 1881-2 and secured considerable linguistic material, including some texts. Only a few words of this have been published. 5 Doctor Swanton worked with 1 Gallatin, (6), pp. 97-98. 2 Powell, (a), pp. 474-477. 3 Dixon, (c). 1 Gallatin, (a), pp. 303-367. 7 Gatschet, (j). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 193 the Chitimacha in 1907 and 1908, and secured additional texts which have not yet been published. He has also carefully revised the material secured by Doctor Gatschet. Chumashan. The Chumashan dialects, formerly spoken on the Santa Barbara islands and adjacent coast of California, are gen¬ erally known by the names of the five missions with which the speakers were afterward connected. Of these dialects there are vocabularies collected by various individuals which Doctor Kroeber has brought together and published with similar material obtained by himself. 1 Some grammatical material gathered by the same author from Indians still speaking the Santa Ynez dialect appears in an earlier volume of the same series. 2 Costanoan. This name is given to the dialects formerly spoken on the coast of California from the Golden Gate southward to Monterey. Gatschet and others have considered these dialects related to those of the Moquelumnan stock (Miwok) and have called the combined stock Mutsun. 3 Powell separated them in 1891 on the advice of Curtin. 4 We have a grammar of the Cos¬ tanoan by Father Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta, published in 1861. 5 Doctor Kroeber has a short grammatical sketch and a text of one of the dialects. 6 Grammatical notes of two other dialects, short texts, and comparative vocabularies are published by the same author in the same series. 7 The probable relationship to Miwok is discussed in the latter paper. Salinan. There are two known dialects of Salinan, those of two missions, San Antonio and San Miguel, on the coast of Cali¬ fornia. Of the San Antonio dialect there is a vocabulary recorded by Father Buenaventura Sitjar, published by Shea, vol. vii, Library of American Linguistics, and a vocabulary of the San Miguel dialect recorded by Hale. 8 Doctor Kroeber secured some 1 Kroeber, (j). 2 Kroeber, (a), pp. 31-43. 5 Gatschet, (6), pp. 157-8. 4 Powell, (c). 6 de la Cuesta. * Kroeber, (a), pp. 69-80. 7 Kroeber, (j), pp. 239-263. 8 Gallatin, (6). p. 126. 13 194 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA words of the latter dialect at Jolon, in 1901-2. These, with gram¬ matical notes and comparative vocabularies, have been published. 1 Shastan (Sastean of Powell). The Shastan stock, as formerly known, was believed to have occupied the Klamath river valley above Happy Camp, California, and to have extended somewhat into Oregon. Doctor Dixon 2 has traced the stock to the Rogue river valley, Oregon, to Salmon and New rivers, California, and to the head of the Sacramento river. With the Shasta he has com¬ bined the Achomawi, the Palaihnihan of Powell,—a combination favored by Gatschet. The languages making up the new group differ considerably from each other. A vocabulary of the Shasta recorded by Hale is reprinted with others from Lieuts. Ross, Crook, and Hazen; 3 and there is also one from Powers. 4 Considerable linguistic material, collected by Doctor Dixon, has not yet been published. Tonkawan. The Tonkawa, who alone constitute the stock bearing their name, lived in southwestern Texas. There are at present forty-two of them on a reservation in Oklahoma. Oscar Loew in 1872 secured a vocabulary which Gatschet published in Zwolf Sprachen aus dem Sudwesten Nordamerikas , 5 together with a vocabulary furnished by von Rupprecht. Altogether these make three hundred words and some phrases. Doctor Gatschet discussed the Tonkawa on the basis of this material in Die Sprache der Ton- kawas . 6 Subsequently Doctor Gatschet himself collected a vocabu¬ lary of upward of a thousand words and about fifty pages of texts, now in the keeping of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Tunican. This language was spoken on each side of the Missis¬ sippi river near the mouth of the Yazoo river. There is no pub¬ lished Tunican linguistic material. They were visited in 1886 by Gatschet who obtained a considerable vocabulary and concluded that the language was an independent one. Doctor Swanton visited 1 Kroeber, (a), pp. 43-47. 2 Dixon, (a, b). 3 Gallatin, (6), p. 98. 4 Powell, (a). 6 Gatschet, (a). 6 Gatschet, (c), pp. 64-73; (*). p. 318. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 195 the Tunica (of whom 43 remain according to the census of 1910) in 1907 and secured additional material which will be published together with that of Gatschet. Swanton 1 thinks there is good reason to suppose that Koroa, Yazoo, Tiotix, and Grigra, now extinct at least in language, were related to the Tunica of whom they were neighbors. Yakonan. Two dialects, Yaquina and Alsea spoken in western Oregon within the territory covered by the present county of Lincoln, since the separation of two dialects to make the new Siuslaw stock, comprise the Yakonan stock. The Yaquina dialect is no longer spoken and there are only three who are still able to speak Alsea. J. Owen Dorsey recorded vocabularies of both dialects in 1884. Dr Livingston Farrand secured a vocabulary and five texts of Alsea in 1901. Doctor Frachtenberg recorded about twenty texts of Alsea and grammatical notes in 1910. The texts will probably be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Stocks Satisfactorily Studied There are seven of the linguistic stocks which have already received such study as to remove them from the list of those de¬ manding immediate attention. These stocks, it is needless to say, are among the less extended ones, represented by one or two languages. Chinookan. This language was spoken on both sides of the Columbia river in Oregon below the Dalles and some distance up the Willamette river. There are two main dialects, known as Upper and Lower Chinook. The Upper dialect consists of the following subdivisions: Wasco and Wishram in the region of the Dalles, and Kathlamet and Clackamas in the lower valley of the Columbia. The Lower dialect is represented by the Clatsop on the south bank and the Chinook proper on the north bank. The last census gives the population of the five tribes making up the Chinookan stock as 897. Vocabularies, grammatical notes, and discussions of minor importance have been given by Hale, Gallatin, Sapir, and Boas. 2 1 Swanton, (g), pp. 18-24. 2 Boas, (e); Sapir, (a). ig6 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Several volumes of texts have been published. 1 A grammatical discussion of the language by Franz Boas, fully illustrated, is included in the Handbook of American Indian Languages. 2 The phonetics ofc Chinook present some interesting problems which might repay further attention. Haida. The Haida, called Skittagetan by Powell, is spoken on the Queen Charlotte islands in two dialects: Skidegate and Masset. Vocabularies are given by Gallatin, 3 Gibbs, 4 Tolmie, Dawson, and others. The really important work on the language has been done by Doctor Swanton, who has published the Masset dialect, 539 pages of text and translation, and the Skidegate dialect. 5 6 The latter work has texts only to page 109 and English translation in the remaining pages. The American Ethnological Society intends to publish, in volume vn of its Publications, the texts correspond¬ ing to the translation of the pages following no. A grammatical sketch of Haida by Doctor Swanton is in the Handbook of American Indian Languages. The possible or even probable relationship of Haida to Tlingit and to Athapascan has been entertained by Boas, Swanton, and Sapir. Klamath (Lutuamian of Powell). Two tribes, Modoc and Klamath, speaking a single dialect make up the Klamath stock. The Klamath live about Klamath lakes in south central Oregon; the Modoc formerly lived south of them in northern California. The latter tribe were prisoners of war for many years in Oklahoma. They have now been returned to Oregon. The language was first known from a vocabulary secured by Hale. 7 Doctor Gatschet, as the result of long study in the field, published in 1890 a large number of texts followed by a grammar and dictionary, both Klamath- English and English-Klamath. 8 This was the first thorough study of a language of North America carried through and fully published 1 Boas, (/), (»); Sapir, (c). 2 Boas, (r), pp. 559-678. 3 Gallatin, (6). 4 Gibbs, ( c ), pp. 135-142. 6 Swanton, (e), (6). 6 Boas, (r), pp. 209-282. 7 Gallatin, (6), p. 100. 8 Gatschet, (q), (r). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 197 by one man. It is also Doctor Gatschet’s largest and best single contribution to American linguistics. Kusan. A small stock now nearly extinct was spoken along Coos bay and river, Oregon. Texts collected in 1903 by H. H. St Clair and by Dr L. J. Frachtenberg in 1909 have been published by the latter. 1 A grammatical sketch of the language by Doctor Frachtenberg is in the Handbook of American Indian Languages, Part II. 2 It is unfortunate that a rather dissimilar dialect, Miluk, has become extinct with no record except a few notes secured by Mr St Clair in 1903. Takelma (Takilman of Powell). This stock consists of a single language spoken in two dialects on the middle portion of Rogue river in southern Oregon. J. Owen Dorsey secured a vocabulary in 1884 which has never been published. On the basis of this vocabulary, Gatschet concluded Takelma was unrelated to other languages. 3 Doctor Sapir very fortunately secured a splendid series of texts in 1906 from Frances Johnston. 4 Based on these texts a grammatical sketch has been included in the Handbook of Ameri¬ can Indian Languages, Part II. 5 The last census has but a single individual listed as belonging to this stock. Tlingit (Koluschan of Powell). The Tlingit language was known to Gallatin and discussed by him under the name Koluschen from a vocabulary by Davidoff. 6 The Tlingit occupy the southern coast of Alaska southward from Controler Bay to British Columbia. They number at present 4,458. The only particularly distinct dialect is that spoken by the Tagish who live in the interior. Doctor Swanton recorded texts among the Tlingit in 1904 which have been published. 7 A grammatical sketch of the Tlingit language prepared by Doctor Swanton appears in the Handbook of American Indian Languages. 8 More text material is needed for this language. It 1 Frachtenberg, (a). 2 Frachtenberg, (6). 3 Powell, (c), p. 121. 4 Sapir, (£>). 6 Sapir, (/). 6 Gallatin, (a), pp. 14-15. 305-367. 7 Swanton, (J). 8 Boas, (r), pp. 159-204. I 9 § ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA has been frequently suggested that Tlingit is related to Athapascan and perhaps also to Haida. Of the latter suggested relationship Doctor Swanton has a discussion. 1 Yanan. The Yana seem never to have been numerous. They live in north central California. The language was known only by vocabularies collected by Powell in 1880, and by Curtin in 1884 2 3 until they were visited by Doctor Dixon in 1900 for the American Museum of Natural History and by Doctor Sapir in 1907 for the University of California. The combined material of Dixon and Sapir was published by the latter. The language is known in two dialects, the northern and central, both of which were recorded by Doctor Sapir. A third dialect, varying more widely, spoken to the south of the first two, was supposed by Sapir to be extinct. Since then a single individual, whose only means of communication was that dialect, has been found. He has been residing for some years at the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Cali¬ fornia at San Francisco. Stocks on Which Work is Progressing Fair progress has been made in the study of eleven other stocks. In the case of several of them considerable material has been gathered which as yet has not been published. For some of the others a fair amount has been published, but this needs supple¬ menting in one direction or another. Chimakuan. There are said to be two tribes and probably rather distinct languages belonging to this stock. Of the Chimakum tribe the last census reports three persons still alive. They formerly lived in western Washington on the peninsula between Hood canal and Port Townsend. Myron Eells secured a vocabulary of 780 words, which seems never to have been published. 4 The manu¬ script is in the Bureau of American Ethnology. Professor Boas in 1890 secured 1,250 words together with grammatical forms and 1 Swanton, (i), pp. 472-485. 2 Powell, (e), p. 135. 3 Sapir, ( e). 4 The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, vol. 3, pp. 52-54, Chicago, 1880-1. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 199 sentences. A digest of his material is published in the American Anthropologist . 1 The Quileute live on the coast of Washington south of Cape Flattery. The last census gives the population as 259; and for the subtribe Hoh, 44. No linguistic material from the tribe seems to be in print. They are to be visited during the present year by Doctor Frachtenberg. Kalapuyan (Kalapooian of Powell). There were formerly a number of dialects spoken in the Willamette valley, Oregon, grouped under the stock name, Kalapuyan. Several of these dialects are now extinct and the number still speaking dialects of the language is about fifteen. Hale secured a short vocabulary (Willamet). 2 Gatschet recorded a vocabulary and a few texts of the Atfalati dialect, now extinct. In 1913, Doctor Frachtenberg secured a vocabulary, grammatical notes, and ten texts. He is now engaged in obtaining additional material. Kutenai (Kitunahan of Powell). The Kutenai tribe, which makes up the linguistic stock, lives in southeastern British Columbia and northern Montana and Idaho. The language is spoken in two slightly differing dialects. They were visited by A. F. Chamberlain in 1891 and by Professor Boas in 1888 and again in 1914. The results of Professor Boas’s first visit appear in Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science . 3 Professor Chamberlain has published a number of papers dealing with the Kutenai lan¬ guage. 4 There are numerous vocabularies by Hale, Tolmie and Dawson, and others. Maidu (Pujunan of Powell). The Maidu live in north central California east of the Sacramento river and now number 1,100. The language of the Maidu, according to Doctor Dixon, our chief authority, is spoken in three dialects. It was first mentioned by Hale who gives a vocabulary furnished by Mr Dana. 5 Doctor Dixon recorded texts and collected general linguistic material while working among the Maidu for the American Museum of 1 Boas, (rf). 2 Gallatin, (i>), pp. 97-99. 3 Boas, (/), pp. 889-893. 4 Chamberlain, ( a-c , e-h). 6 Gallatin, ( 6 ), pp. 124-5. 200 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Natural History in 1902 and 1903. The texts have been published, 1 and, a grammatical treatise based on them is in the Handbook of American Indian Languages. 2 Further work should be done with the Maidu, since Doctor Dixon dealt with only one dialect and, because of the other work required of him, he could not devote his time to a thorough linguistic study of them. Piman. The name Piman was used by Powell as the name for the group of languages spoken in Arizona and Sonora by the Pima, Nevome, Papago, and related tribes. Buschmann considered the Pima related to Nahuatl, the language of the natives of the valley of Mexico, and to the Shoshonean languages. 3 Doctor Kroeber has recently reargued the case. 4 There is a Spanish dictionary of the Nevome dialect made in the 18th century, published in 1862, in Shea’s Library of American Linguistics, vol. 5. Vocabularies have been published by Doctor Scouler, 5 Doctor Parry, 6 and by Whipple. 7 Dr Frank Russell recorded a goodly number of texts of songs and speeches which have been published with interlinear translations. 8 Juan Dolores has made an analysis of the Papago and has published a list of the verb stems. Shahaptian. The Shahaptian stock is composed of a number of tribes which formerly lived in southwestern Idaho, southeastern Washington, and northeastern Oregon. The best known o,f these are: Klikitat, Nez Perce, Paloos, Topinish, Umatilla, Wallawalla, Warm Springs, and Yakima. There are various vocabularies, 9 and a grammar of Nez Perce, by J. M. Cataldo, also a dictionary by L. Van Gorp. Dr H. J. Spinden spent the summers of 1907 and 1908 with the Nez Perce. He recorded some of their myths in texts which have not yet been published. This large and rather diversified family offers an excellent opportunity for intensive and comparative study. 1 Dixon, ( e). 2 Boas, (r), pp. 679-734. 8 Buschmann, (c). 4 Kroeber, (e), pp. 154-165. 6 Scouler, p. 248; Gallatin, (b), p. 129. 6 Schoolcraft, Part 3, pp. 460-462. 7 Whipple, p. 94. 8 Russell, pp. 272-389. 9 Hale, (a), pp. 542-561; Gallatin, (6), p. 120. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 201 Tanoan. The dialects of the villages of the Rio Grande valley, New Mexico, have recently received the very careful attention of John P. Harrington. As yet he has been able to issue only intro¬ ductory papers. He makes three groups of these dialects: The Tiwa, including the villages of Taos, Picuris, Sandia, Isleta, and Isleta del Sur, to which he adds the extinct Piro; the Towa, consist¬ ing of Jemez and the former village of Pecos; and the Tewa, including San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Pojoaque, Tesuque, and Hano. Harrington has published in the American Anthro¬ pologist on the dialect of Taos, 1 on the Tewa, 2 and on the Piro. 3 4 In collaboration with Junius Henderson he has published the Tewa names of the animals of the region. Of this extinct dialect, Piro, we have a vocabulary recorded with care by John R. Bartlett, in 1852, published by F. W. Hodge in 1909. 4 The earlier material of the Tanoan dialects consists of vocabularies and a text by Gatschet. 5 Tsimshian (Chimmesyan of Powell). The Tsimshian live on the northern coast of British Columbia. The language is spoken in three dialects: the Tsimshian proper on the Skeena river and the islands south; the Niska on the Nass river; and the Gyitkshan on the upper courses of the Skeena. According to the latest available figures there are 4,392 speaking these dialects. Count von der Schulenburg discussed the Tsimshian in 1894. Professor Boas has preliminary discussions in the Fifth, Tenth, and Eleventh Reports of the Committee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada. He has also published two volumes of texts. 6 These texts were written out in Tsimshian by Mr Henry W. Tate, a full-blood, and revised by Professor Boas by the aid of another Tsimshian. A dis¬ cussion of the grammar has been published by him in the Hand¬ book of American Indian Languages. 7 Additional texts of the three dialects should be recorded. 1 Harrington, (c). 2 Harrington, ( shooting of four children in the Origin Myth; but, as Rad' shown, 2 the shooting ceremony is so widespread a feature ii tribes, that it cannot have originated from this particular tal Okipa performers do not enact their tale of a flood, but use 1 as a partial explanation of their annual festival. A second? effect of the myth on the ritual and its symbolism is of cours able. Thus in the Okipa we do find an actor imperson mythic hero Numak-maxana; but, while the actor narrati 1 Wissler i, p. 13. 2 Radin 1, p. 182. 238 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA of the flood, he does not, so far as we can judge, perform the actions of his prototype at the time of the flood or on any other occasion. Similarly, among the Hidatsa, the hero-trickster figures in many ceremonial performances; but he does not act out his heroic or clownish exploits . 1 Again, among the Bellacoola, the kusiut ceremonial appears to the native mind as a dramatic representation of legendary happen¬ ings. As a matter of fact, we do meet with impersonations of the deities of the Bellacoola pantheon; but the essential elements of the ceremonial, such as the cannibalistic practices, have an origin, not in the highly specialized Bellacoola mythology, but in actual observances shared in recent times by a number cf Northwest coast tribes, and connected in part with war customs. So among the Hopi the episodes of the legends associated with ceremonials do not determine at all definitely the sequence of cere¬ monial procedure; here also the ritual appears as a less variable and as a pre-existing feature . 2 Finally may be mentioned the Mohave :ase. Here the ceremonies not connected with mourning “ consist ssentially of long series of songs, occupying one or more nights in the ■cital, which recount, in part directly but more often by allusion, 1 important myth. At times the myth is actually related in the irvals between the songs. In some cases, dancing by men or women wnpanies the singing; but this is never spectacular, and in many s is entirely lacking.” 3 But, though the prominence of the myth re so great that the ceremonies in question are only ceremonial itions of myths, this very fact obviously precludes dramatization 3 mythic incidents. DIFFUSION OF CEREMONIALS ie Plains area, the diffusion of ceremonies is in some cases not a plausible hypothesis, but an historical fact. No one could hat the Hot Dance of the Arikara, Ruptare Mandan, and (involving in each instance the plunging of the performers’ > scalding hot water), must have been derived from a common and Wilson, p. 320; and field-notes by the present writer. 1 , pp. 253 et seq. 3. P- 340 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 239 source. But we have in addition Maximilian’s assurance that the ceremony was obtained by the Hidatsa from the Arikara. 1 Lewis and Clark (1804) mention ceremonial foolhardiness as a feature borrowed by the Dakota from the Crows. 2 Within the memory of middle-aged men at least, two ceremonies have been introduced into the northern Plains from the south. The peyote cult, which is found among the Tepehuane, Huichol, and Tarahumare of Mexico, flourishes among the Kiowa and Comanche, and has thence traveled northward to the Arapaho, and even to the Winnebago. 3 The Grass Dance was intro¬ duced among the Crows by the Hidatsa about 1878; among the Blackfeet by the Grosventre, about 1883; among the Flathead by the Piegan, in quite recent times. 4 It seems to have originated among the Omaha and cognate tribes, including the Ponca, Osage, Iowa, and Oto. 5 6 In addition to the tribes already mentioned, its occurrence has been noted among the Pawnee, Dakota, and Assiniboin. Other unexceptionable instances are numerous. Thus a Medicine Pipe Dance of the Pawnee hako type was adopted by the Crows from the Hidatsa during the second half of the nineteenth century; and the Hidatsa remember that their Medicine Pipe ceremony was in turn derived from the Arikara. A sacred Horse Dance practised by the River Crows was secured from the Assiniboin. The same division of the Crows adopted a Crazy Dog Society from the Hidatsa about thirty-five years ago. To pass to another area, the Kwakiutl proper ascribe the origin of their cannibalistic ceremonial to the Heiltsuk, from whom they derived the practice in approximately 1835; while the Tsimshian derive a corresponding custom from the same source, whence it reached them probably ten years before. 0 While native tradi¬ tion is often untrustworthy, the date set by it in these instances is so recent that scepticism is hardly in place. This is especially true, since linguistic evidence supports the account of the Indians; for practically all the names applied to the Tsimshian performances are derived 1 Maximilian, II, p. 144. 2 Lewis and Clark, I, p. 130. 2 Kroeber 1, p. 320; Handbook; Radin 2. 4 Lowie 2, p. 200; Wissler 4, p. 451. 6 Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 459. 6 Boas 2, p. 664. 240 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA from the Kwakiutl, and the characteristic cry of the cannibal is likewise a Kwakiutl word. 1 The foregoing instances, which could be considerably multiplied, illustrate diffusion as an observed or recollected historical phenomenon. Even in the absence of such direct evidence, however, the theory of diffusion is in many cases inevitable. Among the graded ceremonies of the Grosventre, the lowest is a Fly Dance, which is said to have been instituted by a Mosquito; the members imitated mosquitoes, pursuing people and pricking them with spines and claws. The lowest of the graded Blackfeet ceremonies recorded by Maximilian in the early thirties of the nineteenth century was likewise practised by a Mosquito Society, whose members imitated mosquitoes, maltreat¬ ing their fellow-tribesmen with eagle-claw wristlets. 2 The coincidence is so complete in this instance, that a common origin is certain, espe¬ cially since the Blackfeet and Grosventre have been in intimate con¬ tact with each other, and since the only other people known to have had a Mosquito ceremony, the Sarsi, have also been closely associated with the Blackfeet. In the case at hand, we are even able to go a step farther, and ascertain not merely the fact, but the direction, of the diffusion process. The Grosventre are linguistically most closely allied with the Arapaho, with whom they once lived, and whose cere¬ monial system presents striking resemblances to their own. The presence of a Mosquito Dance among the Grosventre constitutes one of the glaring disparities amidst otherwise far-reaching like¬ nesses: we may therefore reasonably infer that the difference resulted from the adoption of the Blackfeet Mosquito Dance by the Grosventre subsequent to their separation from the Arapaho. In other cases we must be content to infer the mere fact of diffusion from the observed homologies. For example, the Arapaho and Chey¬ enne have each a Dog organization with four scarf-wearing officers pledged to bravery, and characterized by the same ceremonial regalia, such as dew-claw rattles, feather head-dresses, and eagle-bone whistles. The union of these logically quite unrelated features in adjoining tribes establishes beyond doubt a common origin; but I am not 1 Ibid., p. 652. 2 Lowie 1, p. 82. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 241 acquainted with any specific data that would indicate whether the Arapaho borrowed from the Cheyenne, or vice versa. Cases of this type are exceedingly common in every one of the principal culture areas; and where similarities extend beyond the confines of these conventional provinces, or beyond a linguistic stock that more or less coincides w r ith a cultural group, the fact of transmission is emphasized by the type of distribution found. Thus the shooting of a magical object with intent to stun candidates for initiation into the Midewiwin Society occurs among the Central Algonkin. In one form or another, this shooting is also a feature of societies among several Siouan tribes; but these are precisely those tribes which have been in close contact with the Central Algonkin — the eastern Dakota, southern Siouan, and Winnebago. The Sun Dance offers another case in point. This ceremony is found among the majority of Plains tribes, but has also been celebrated by several divisions of the Shoshonean stock, who properly belong, not to the Plains, but to the Plateau area. Here, again, the type of distribution is such as might be expected on the theory of diffusion: of the Shoshoni proper, the Lemhi did not practise the Sun Dance, but it is still performed at Wind River and Fort Hall, where the Shoshoni come more in contact with Plains peoples. The fact of diffusion must, then, be regarded as established; and the very great extent to which ceremonials have travelled from tribe to tribe, coupled with undoubted diffusion of other cultural elements in North America, indicates that, while the process has been greatly accelerated by improved methods of transportation and other circum¬ stances promoting intertribal intercourse, it must have been active prior to these modern conditions due to white influence. The next problem is, How have ceremonial features been diffused? Plausible answers to this question seem relatively easy. Ceremonial regalia were often carried in war, and might readily be imitated, or snatched away from the enemy, and thus become a ceremonial feature of a new tribe. Among the Kwakiutl and their cognates, alien dance regalia were often secured by killing the owner. 1 During meetings of friendly tribes, dances were sometimes performed for the entertain¬ ment of the visitors, who might thus learn a new ceremony. It was 1 Boas 2, pp. 424-431. 16 242 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA in this way that the River Crows came to have their Muddy Mouth performance. 1 Wherever a ceremony was considered (as frequently happened) a form of property, the right to perform it was naturally transferable to an alien who paid the customary amount of goods. Thus the Hidatsa secured the Hot Dance from the Arikara by purchase. Before going further, we must be clear as to what is really trans¬ mitted through the agencies suggested. For example, the method of acquiring certain regalia through killing the owner does not account for the diffusion of the ceremony itself which these regalia symbolize. Take an instance cited by Boas. The Matilpe had not been permitted by the other tribes to acquire the Cannibal performer’s regalia. At one time their village was approached by a party of men and women from the northern tribes, one of the men wearing the badge of the Cannibal order. Two Matilpe youths killed the strangers, and one of them assumed the Cannibal’s cedar-bark ornaments, and at once began to utter the characteristic Cannibal cry, “ for now he had the right to use the dance owned by the man whom he had killed.” It is clear that the knowledge of the performance preceded the acquisition of the badge. In the native mind, to be sure, the Cannibal Dance was a form of property that could be acquired by killing the owner; and before its acquisition it did not, from the native point of view, form part of the Matilpe culture. But in reality, of course, it did form part of that culture; for otherwise the attitude of the Matilpe, both before and after the murder, would be impossible. The essential problem involved is, not how the Matilpe secured the symbols of the ceremony (however important these may appear to the native mind), but how the Matilpe came to participate in the knowledge of the ceremonial. The murder did not effect simple bodily introduction of a new cere¬ mony, but only bodily introduction of new ceremonial badges, which were fitted into their customary ceremonial associations through prior knowledge of the ceremonial complex to which they belong. It is, however, quite intelligible how such knowledge spread to the Matilpe through simple attendance as onlookers at performances of other tribes, for in that capacity they were hardly in a different position from the uninitiated spectators who belonged to the tribe of 1 Lowie 2, pp. 197 et seq. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 243 the performers. Whether an observed ceremonial routine is actually imitated (as in the case of the Muddy Mouth Dance of the River Crows), or remains unexecuted, contingent on fulfilment of require¬ ments due to existing property concepts, is, from the point of view of diffusion, relatively unimportant. The point is, that not only tangible articles, but even an objective series of acts, songs, etc., may readily spread from tribe to tribe. In Australia it has been proved that ceremonies travel in various directions, like articles of exchange, and that frequently “ a tribe will learn and sing by rote whole corrobborees in a language absolutely remote from its own, and not one word of which the audience or performers can understand the meaning of.” 1 Illustrations of similar forms of borrowing are not lacking in North America. Thus the Winnebago chant Sauk songs during their Medi¬ cine Dance; and the music of songs is readily passed on from tribe to tribe, as in the case of the Grass Dance. When there is esoteric ceremonial knowledge, the process of trans¬ mission implies, of course, far more intimate contact. Here the borrow¬ ing individuals or groups must be treated, for purposes of initiation, as though they belonged to the tribe from which the knowledge is obtained. The Arikara trick of plunging one’s arm into scalding hot water without injury could not be imitated by the Hidatsa on the basis of mere observation; instruction must be bought, as it would be bought by an Arikara novice from an Arikara adept. Through similarly close personal contact, the Medicine Pipe ceremony spread from individual Arikara to individual Hidatsa, and from individual Hidatsa to individual Crows. To sum up: transmission of external features, such as ceremonial paraphernalia, is possible on the basis of superficial, possibly even hostile, meetings; friendly intertribal gatherings render possible the borrowing of ceremonial routine, songs, and the like, in short, of the exoteric phases of the complex; while initiation into the inner meaning of a ceremony becomes feasible only through the closest form of personal contact. Nevertheless the problem of diffusion is still far from being ex- 1 Roth, Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines, p.117. 244 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA hausted. Even where a ceremony seems to be bodily transferred, it may become different because of the differences in culture between the borrowing and transmitting tribes; that is to say, even an entire ceremony is not an isolated unit within the culture of the tribe per¬ forming it, but has definite relations to other ceremonies and to the tribal culture generally. Even tribes sharing in large measure the same mode of life tend to diverge as regards specific conceptions of social and ceremonial procedure. The “same” ceremony may thus enter different associations, and in so far forth become different through its novel relations. There can be no doubt that the Tlingit and Haida potlatches represent a single cultural phenomenon. Nevertheless there is a remarkable disparity between the associations of the great potlatches of these tribes. Among the Haida, the main festival was conducted by a chief in behalf of his own moiety, and was intended only to enhance his social standing. The Tlingit performed a potlatch for the benefit of the complementary moiety and for the sole avowed purpose of showing respect for the dead . 1 This illustration is instruc¬ tive, because it embodies both types of changes that a transmitted ceremony undergoes, — a change in objective relations, which, how¬ ever, cannot in many instances fail to affect the subjective attitude of the performers or borrowing tribe at large; and a change of the ostensible object, of the theoretical raison d'etre, of the performance. These types of changes had best be considered separately. I shall approach the primarily objective alterations undergone by a borrowed ceremony through a consideration of the specific tribal patterns for ceremonial activity; and I shall consider the changes of avowed raison d'etre in diffused ceremonies in the section dealing in a general way with the ends sought through ceremonial performances. To avoid misunderstanding, it must be noted that by no means all changes of diffused ceremonies can be brought under these two heads. This is best seen when comparing the established variations in the performance of the same ceremony by local subdivisions of the same tribe. Thus we find that in some Haida towns the Grizzly Bear spirit inspired only women, while in others there was no such restriction . 2 1 Swanton 2, pp. 434 et seq.; 1, pp. 155 et seq., 162. 2 Swanton i, p. 171. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 245 The River Crows adopted the Crazy Dog Dance from the Hidatsa without assimilating it to the old Crow dances, while the Mountain Crows at once assimilated it to the rivalry concept of their Fox and Lumpwood organizations . 1 The unique historical conditions upon which such changes of borrowed ceremonies depend are not different in type from those which determine modifications in an indigenous ceremony, and are in neither case amenable to generalized treatment. CEREMONIAL PATTERNS Among the Arapaho the seven ceremonies distinctive of the age- societies, as well as the Sun Dance, are performed only as the result of a pledge made to avert danger or death . 2 The dances of the Kwa- kiutl, differing in other respects, resemble one another in the turns about the fireplace made by entering dancers; paraphernalia of essen¬ tially similar type (head-rings, neck-rings, masks, whistles) figure in Kwakiutl performances otherwise distinct; and the object of ap¬ parently every Kwakiutl society’s winter ceremonial is “to bring back the youth who is supposed to stay with the supernatural being who is the protector of his society, and then, when he has returned in a state of ecstasy, to exorcise the spirit which possesses him and to restore him from his holy madness.” 3 Among the Hidatsa the right to each of a considerable number of esoteric rituals must be bought from one’s father: in each case the requisite ritualistic articles were supplied by a clansman of the buyer’s father; a “singer” conducted the ceremonies; the purchaser received the ceremonial bundle, not directly, but through his wife; and so forth . 4 All important bundle ceremonies of the Blackfeet require a sweat-lodge performance; in nearly all rituals the songs are sung by sevens; for almost every bundle some vegetable is burned on a special altar; and every ritual consists essentially of a narrative of its origin, one or more songs, the opening of the bundle, and dancing, praying, and singing over its contents . 5 1 Lowie 2, p. 148. 2 Kroeber i, pp. 158, 196. 3 Boas 2, pp. 43 el seq. 4 Writer’s field notes. 6 Wissler 2, pp. 237, 271, 254, 101, 251. 246 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA It would be manifestly absurd to assume that the notion of perform¬ ing ceremonies to ward off death originated eight times independently among the Arapaho; that the oiiginators of the Kwakiutl Cannibal ceremonial and the originators of the Kwakiutl Ghost Dance inde¬ pendently conceived the notion of wearing neck-rings ; 1 and so forth. Wissler has forcibly brought out the point that among the Blackfeet the Beaver Bundle owners seem to have established a pattern of cere¬ monial routine that has been copied by the owners of other bundles; and many additional illustrations could be cited to prove that, in every tribe with a highly developed ceremonial system, a corresponding pattern has developed. The psychology of this development has been felicitously compared by Goldenweiser with the process of borrowing ideas from an alien tribe: in both cases a novel idea is suggested, and may be rejected, or partly or wholly assimilated . 2 Whenever such an idea is generally adopted within a tribe, it tends to assume the char¬ acter of a norm that determines and restricts subsequent thought and conduct. The Plains Indian generally ascribes any unusual achieve¬ ment, not to personal merit, but to the blessing of a supernatural visitant; hence he interprets the invention of the phonograph in accordance with this norm. Among the Hidatsa it is customary to give presents to a father’s clansman; hence an Hidatsa purchasing admis¬ sion into an age-society selected from among the group of sellers a member of his father’s clan. The notion at the bottom of the norm originates, of course, not as the notion of a norm, but like all other thoughts that arise in individual consciousness; its adoption by other members of the social group is what creates the pattern. We cannot, without tautology, generalize as to the type of concept that will be¬ come a model; indeed, we have found that, in two different bands of the same tribe, an already established concept may in the one case assimilate an alien introduction, and in the other capriciously fail to exert any influence on it. All that we can say is, that patterns exist, and are one of the most active forces in shaping specific cultures. From the point of view here assumed, a problem that might other¬ wise arise in the study of North American ceremonialism, and has 1 Boas 2, in which compare figs. 81, 147. 2 Goldenweiser, p. 287. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 24 ? already been touched upon, assumes a somewhat different aspect. Finding a very complex ceremonial system in certain parts of the continent, in the absence of such a system in others we might be tempted to ascribe the difference to a psychological difference between the respective tribes. In some measure, to be sure, extensive diffusion of cultural elements in some areas as compared with others would account for the observed phenomenon. If at one time the tribes of the Northwest coast or the Plains, taken singly, possessed a ceremonial culture as simple as that of California or the Plateaus, but spread their respective ceremonials among other tribes of the same area whose ceremonials they in turn adopted, then complexity might ensue without any cause other than conditions favorable for cultural dis¬ semination. On the other hand, the purely internal action of the pattern principle would suffice to produce a corresponding complexity. The Crows have a Tobacco order composed in recent decades of per¬ haps a dozen or more distinct branches or societies, all sharing the right to plant sacred tobacco, and differing only in the specific regalia, and instructions imparted to the founders in the visions or other experiences from which the branches are derived. Visions of similar type are not lacking among such a tribe as the Shoshoni; but in the absence of an integrating pattern they have not become assimilated to a ceremonial norm. A Crow who belonged to the Tobacco order, and stumbled across a nest of curiously shaped eggs, would form an Egg chapter of the Tobacco order; a Shoshoni might experience precisely the same thrill under like conditions, but the same psycho¬ logical experience could not possibly result in the same cultural epiphenomenon. The several Tobacco societies of the Crow do not represent so many original ideas, but are merely variations of the same theme. There is, then, only one basic idea that the Crow have and the Shoshoni have not, — the idea of an organization exercising certain ceremonial prerogatives, for the ceremonial features in themselves are of a type probably not foreign to any North American group. The complexity of the socio-ceremonial life of the Crows is thus an illusion due to the fact that this single idea became a pattern. The pattern principle is also of the greatest value in illuminating the precise happenings during the process of diffusion. It has been 2 4 S ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA shown in another section, that a borrowed ceremony, even when bodily adopted, becomes different, because it originally bore definite relations to other cultural features of the transmitting tribe; and, unless these additional features happen to exist in the borrowing group, the same unit must assume a different cultural fringe. What happens in many, perhaps in the majority of, such cases, is, that the borrowed elements are fitted into conformity with the pattern of the borrowing tribe. Thus the Dog Society of the Crows is traced back to the Hidatsa. But among the Hidatsa this ceremonial body is one of a graded series of military societies in which it occupies a definite position; and entrance into it, as in the case of the rest, is a matter of purchase. Since the Crows neither grade their military organizations nor exact an entrance fee in any of them, the Dog Society naturally lost the impress of the Hidatsa mold so far as these features were concerned. Moreover, it was made over to fit the Crow scheme. Entrance into the society was, as for all other Crow military societies, either a matter of choice, or, more commonly, was stimulated by the desire of members to have the place of a deceased member filled by a relative. Again, while police duties among the Hidatsa were the exclusive right of the Black- mouth Society, the Crow organizations all took turns at exercising this social function, the Dog Society among the rest. Thus the Dog Society with all its ceremonial correlates came to enter quite new combinations and to assume a specifically Crow aspect . 1 To Radin we are indebted for a suggestive investigation of the mechanism of ceremonial borrowing with special reference to the selective and assimilative influences exerted by the recipient culture on the borrowed features. The peyote cult, a very recent importation from Oklahoma, has rapidly risen to a most important position in the life of the Nebraska Winnebago. A detailed study indicates that the only really new thing introduced was the peyote itself, its ceremonial eating, and its effects. Several Christian elements that enter into the present Winnebago performance prove to be similar to pre-existing aboriginal concepts, so as to suggest that their acceptance was due to this conformity. The founder of the Winnebago cult seems to have at once placed the new plant in the category of medicinal herbs, and 1 Lowie 3, p. 70; 2, p. 155. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 249 accordingly to have associated with it the traditional shamanistic ideas. The organization of the new society automatically conformed to the Winnebago norm. The origin narrative developed by one of the converts “assumed all the characteiistics of a Winnebago fast¬ ing experience and ritualistic myth, similar to those connected with the founders of the old Winnebago cult societies. In its totality, the atmosphere of the peyote cult became thus highly charged with the old Winnebago background.” * 1 THE OBJECT OF CEREMONIES Speaking of the Mandan Okipa, Catlin recognizes three ‘‘distinct and ostensible objects for which it was held:” it was an annual com¬ memoration of the subsidence of the deluge; it was an occasion for the performance of the Bull Dance, which caused the coming of buffalo herds; and it was conducted in order to inure young men to physical hardship, and enable the spectators to judge of their hardihood . 2 The diversity of these alleged objects suffices of itself to suggest that the Okipa is a complex performance; that it would be vain to try to account for its origin by a simple psychological explanation. It is a priori psychologically conceivable that the Okipa (that is, an annual four-days’ summer festival) originated as a celebration commemorative of the mythical flood, however improbable this may appear from our considerations of “Myth and Ritual;” but, if so, the conception that it was intended to attract the buffalo and the conception that it was an ordeal for the young men were secondary. Or we may assume that the ordeal concept was primary; then the two other alleged functions were secondary. And a corresponding conclusion seems inevitable if we suppose that the enticing of the buffalo was the oiiginal motive for the festival. In a more acceptable form, this theory might be stated as assuming that three originally independent ceremonies performed for diverse ends somehow became welded together into what then became the Okipa. Before going further, it will be well to demonstrate that the com¬ plexity of the ceremony is an historical fact. This becomes at once 1 Radin 2. 1 Catlin, p. 9. 250 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA obvious when we consider the distribution of two of our three hypo¬ thetical elements. The buffalo-calling ceremony is by no means a peculiarity of the Mandan Okipa, but a ceremony very widely diffused over the Plains area: indeed, a buffalo-calling ceremony not differing in principle from that of the Okipa was performed by the Mandan themselves independently of the Okipa ; 1 and a ceremony undertaken for the same ostensible purpose and with corresponding mimetic features was practised by the Mandan White Buffalo Cow Society . 2 What is true of the buffalo-calling feature applies with even greater force to the voluntary self-torture element. This appears with all its characteristic details — such as piercing of the breasts, insertion of skewers, suspension from a pole, and dragging of buffalo-skulls — not only in the Sun Dance of various tribes (where there is a collective torture strictly comparable to that of the Okipa), but also among the Dakota, Crows, and other Plains peoples, as a fairly normal procedure in the individual quest for supernatural aid . 3 That the buffalo¬ calling ceremony and the specific self-torturing practices under dis¬ cussion were at one time independent of each other, and of whatever other features they are combined with in the Okipa, must be con¬ sidered an established fact: indeed, the complexity is greater than the theory here discussed would indicate. To mention but one con¬ spicuous feature, a great deal of time is consumed in the Okipa with dances by mummers impersonating animals and closely mimicking their appearance and actions. The performances are objectively, in a rough way, comparable to the Bull Dance, but have nothing to do with any solicitude for the food supply, since many of the beings represented are not game animals. These animal dances rather suggest the dream-cult celebrations of the Dakota, especially as the performers chanted sacred songs distinctive of their parts, and taught only on initiation and payment of heavy fees . 4 The mimetic animal dance thus forms an additional element of the Okipa complex. The complex character of the ceremony is thus an historical fact. 1 Maximilian, II, pp. 181, 264 et seq. 2 Lowie 2, pp. 346-354. 3 Dorsey, J. O., pp. 436 et seq. 4 Catlin, pp. 19 et seq.', Maximilian, II, p. 178. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 251 How, then, shall we interpret the equally certain fact, that, to the native consciousness, it appeared as a unified performance instituted by the mythical hero Numak-maxana , 1 and celebrated, if not for the specific reasons assigned by Catlin, from the vaguer motive of promot¬ ing the tribal welfare in general ? 2 We shall not go far wrong in putting the alleged raison d'etre of the Okipa in the same psychological category with ritualistic myths. As the myth is an aetiological afterthought associated with a pre¬ existing rite, so the alleged object of a complex ceremony may be merely an afterthought engrafted on a pre-existing aggregation of ceremonial elements. In the one case it is the eetiological, in the other the teleological, feature that welds together disparate units, and creates the illusion of a synthetized articulated whole. If the hero Numak- maxana ordered the Mandan to practise a particular combination of un-unified observances, these performances become unified by that mythical fiat; and the causal requirements of the native, at the stage when rationalization sets in, are satisfied. At this stage the teleo¬ logical point of view naturally serves the same purpose: in practice, in fact, it largely coincides with the aetiological attitude. If Numak- maxana instituted the annual festival, he did so for the purpose of benefiting the Mandan, and dereliction would spell tribal disaster. On the other hand, if the ceremony insures the commonweal, no further cause for its performance is required. The principle here illustrated by the Okipa may be demonstrated in even more satisfactory fashion for the Sun Dance of the Plains tribes. Whatever may be the avowed purpose of this performance, certain elements are practically uniform throughout the area; for example, the selection and felling of a tree treated as an enemy, the erection of a preparatory and a main lodge, and a several-days’ fast culminating (except among the Kiowa) in torture proceedings of the Okipa type. The Sun Dance of the Crows was performed exclusively in order to secure vengeance for the slaying of a tribesman; among the western Algonquian tribes it was vowed in the hope of delivering the pledger or his family from sickness or danger; while benefits of a vaguer and 1 Maximilian, II, p. 172. 2 Curtis, V, p. 26. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 252 more public character were expected by the western Dakota, Hidatsa, and Kiowa . 1 In view of this diversity of ends sought, we cannot associate the ceremonial routine defined above with any of the osten¬ sible objects of the Sun Dance; for in all cases but one the object must be secondary, and, from an argument analogous to that used in the consideration of “Myth and Ritual,” the residual case appears amenable to the same psychological interpretation. In other words, the ostensible motive of complex ceremonies is not the genuine or original motive, but embodies merely the present native theory of the reason for the performance. Several questions naturally arise: If we cannot directly interpret a complex ceremony, can we not at least give a psychological interpre¬ tation of its components? further, if we can resolve it into such con¬ stituents, how must we conceive the process by which originally unrelated elements became joined together (as we have assumed) through historical accident, to be integrated only at a later stage by some rationalistic synthesis? and, finally, if the native theory is merely an interesting speculative misinterpretation of native psychology, what is the present psychological correlate of those complicated series of observances under discussion? Let us consider first of all the second question. Analysis resolves a ceremony into a number of disparate elements; how did these ever become joined together? We are here confronted by the problem of secondary association, a large topic to which only a few words can be devoted in this article. In the first place, we should beware of con¬ founding logical with historical analysis. Two features may be not only logically as distinct as musical pitch and timbre, but also as in¬ separable in reality. This principle has already been expressed by Dr Radin, though his illustration rather shows how apparently un¬ related concepts are nevertheless logically related in the native mind. The notion of a society derived from a water-spirit and the notion of curing disease are apparently distinct; but, if the water-spirit is always associated with the granting of medical knowledge, a vision of the water-spirit and the acquisition of medical skill coincide. Thus, 1 Dorsey, G. A., 1, pp. 5 et seq.; 2, p. 58. McClintock, p. 170; Kroeber 2, p. 251; Scott, p. 347; Dorsey, J. O., p. 451. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 253 whatever may be the development of the conception entertained regarding the water-spirit, the association between the idea of a society based on a supernatural communication by that spirit and the idea of doctoring is primary . 1 Here the initial disparity of the elements found in combination proves to be apparent, being merely due to our ignorance of the tertium quid. A primary ceremonial 2 association of genuinely distinct and ceremonially indifferent objects may be achieved through their juxtaposition in a vision, as illustrated by many medicine bundles. Thus, a jackrabbit-skin and a bunch of eagle-feathers may together form an ultimate unit of ceremonial stock-in-trade. Let us now turn to cases of association of elements once existing apart. One cause of secondary association has already been touched upon. Wherever a particular ceremonial concept becomes the predominant one, it tends to assimilate all sorts of other concepts originally inde¬ pendent of it: thus, in the Crow example of the Tobacco societies and in the case of the Blackfeet Beaver Bundle, which has not only become the pattern for other bundles, but has even absorbed such rituals as the Sun Dance and Tobacco ceremony . 1 Among the Crows, individual visions by members of the Tobacco order have led to the association of quite heterogeneous features. A Tobacco member who chanced upon curiously-shaped eggs would found an Egg chapter of the order, and initiate new members into it, thus bringing about a connection between egg medicine and the sacred Tobacco; and in corresponding fashion have developed the Weasel, Otter, Strawberry, and other divisions. In these cases it would seem that the notion of sacredness or cere¬ monialism is so strongly associated with a particular content that has become the ceremonial pattern, that any new experience of correspond¬ ing character is not merely brought under the same category as the pattern, but becomes an illustration, an adjunct of the pattern con¬ cept. In many other instances, a ceremony may bring about condi¬ tions normally associated with certain activities in no way connected 1 Radin i, pp. 193,196. The point seems to me to be closely related to that repeatedly made by Levy-Bruhl in his Les Fonctions mentales dans les societes inferieures, with reference to ‘‘participation." 2 Otherwise, of course, the association is secondary. 2 Wissler 2, p. 220. 254 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA with the ceremony itself; and, when these conditions arise in the course of the ceremony, they act as a cue to the performance of the normally associated activities. There is no connection between initiation into a society privileged to plant tobacco for the tribal welfare and the re¬ counting of an individual’s war-record; nevertheless, in the Crow Tobacco adoption, the entrance into the adoption lodge is uniformly followed by such a recital. The reason is fairly clear. At every festive gathering of the Crows there is a recital of war-deeds; the Tobacco initiation produces such a gathering, which elicits the cus¬ tomary concomitant; and thus the coup-recital becomes a feature of the Tobacco adoption ceremony. Similarly, every Iroquois festival seems to have been preceded by a general confession of sins . 1 Still another way by which heterogeneous ceremonial activities or features become associated is, of course, by purchase. ' The Hidatsa Stone- Hammer Society, according to Maximilian, bought the Hot Dance from the Arikara. But the Stone-Hammers had a ceremony of their own prior to the purchase, which was thus associated with the newly acquired fire-dance and the plunging of arms into hot water. These few suggestions must suffice to indicate how disparate elements may become secondarily associated. So far as the interpretation of the single elements is concerned, there is relatively little difficulty. Though we may not be able to compre¬ hend the ultimate origin of a certain mode of ceremonial behavior, we can generally apperceive it as typical of a certain tribe or a certain group of tribes. The fact that the Plains Indians went to fast in a lonely place, looking for a supernatural revelation, may remain an irreducible datum; but, when we disengage from the Crow Sun Dance complex the attempt to secure a vision that is given as its ultimate motive, we at once bring it under the familiar heading of “vision- quest.” So we may not know how “four” came to be the mystic number of many tribes; but it is intelligible that, where it is the mystic number, dances, songs, processions, and what not, should figure in sets of four. Prayers, dances, sleight-of-hand performances, the practice of sympathetic or imitative magic, etc., are likewise ultimate facts; but 1 Morgan, p. 187. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 255 their special forms in ceremonies of which they are part are readily classified with corresponding psychological manifestations. But the social setting of the cultural elements enumerated during a ceremony cannot fail to lend them a color they otherwise lack. The pledger of the Crow Sun Dance, who sets in motion the tremendous machinery required for the communal undertaking, and is thenceforth subjected to tribal scrutiny, cannot be supposed to be in the same psychological condition as if he were merely seeking a vision in the seclusion of a four-nights’ vigil on a mountain-top. What we find in any complex performance of this type, then, is a number of distinct acts with distinct psychological correlates, integrated, not by any rational bond, but by the ceremonial atmosphere that colors them all. From this point of view the question, What may be the object or psychological foundation of a ceremony? becomes meaningless. The psychological attitude is not uniform for the performers of a ceremony: it is not the same for the Sun Dance pledger (who wishes to compass an enemy’s death) and the self-torturing vision-seekers in quest of martial glory. Much less is it the same for the pledger and the self¬ advertising reciters and enactors of war-exploits or the philandering couples hauling the lodge-poles. But is not the attitude of the pledger the essential thing? To assume this customary view is the surest way to miss the nature of ceremonialism. A Crow Sun Dance pledger wishes to effect the death of an enemy; a Cheyenne Sun Dance pledger wishes to insure the recovery of a sick relative. Why must both have, say, a dramatic onslaught on a tree symbolizing an enemy? From the rationalistic point of view here criticized, the answer is not obvious. It would be in perfect accord with the Plains Indian mode of action for the Crow and Cheyenne simply to retire into solitude and secure a vision bringing about the desired result. If they are not content with this, and require an elaborate ceremonial procedure, that procedure must have an additional raison d'etre. The absence of intelligible object (from the native rationalistic point of view no less than from our own) in a ceremonial feature becomes at once clear, if we regard its very performance as self-sufficient, as gratifying certain specific non-utilitarian demands of the community. View it not as primitive religion, or as a primitive attempt to coerce the forces 256 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA of nature, but as a free show, and the mystification ceases: ceremonial¬ ism is recognized as existing for ceremonialism’s sake. BIBLIOGRAPHY Annual Archaeological Report, 1905. Toronto, 1906. Boas, Franz. 1. The Central Eskimo (Sixth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 409-669). 2. The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians (Report U. S. National Museum for 1895, pp. 311-737). 3. The Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. i). 4. The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay (Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xv, 1907). Catlin, George. O-kee-pa. London, 1867. Curtis, E. S. The North American Indian. Nine volumes, 1907-13. Dorsey, G. A. 1. The Arapaho Sun Dance (Field Columbian Museum, Anthropological Series, vol. iv, 1903, pp. 1-228). 2. The Cheyenne (same series, vol. ix, 1905, pp. 1-186). Dorsey, J. 0 . A Study of Siouan Cults (Eleventh Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1891, pp. 351-544). Ehrenreich, Paul. Die allgemeine Mythologie und ihre ethnologischen Grundlagen. Leipzig, 1910. Fewkes, J. W. 1. The Snake Ceremonials at YValpi (Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. iv, 1894). 2. The Group of Tusayan Ceremonials called Katcinas (Fifteenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 251-313). Fletcher, Alice C. The Hako: A Pawnee Ceremony (Twenty-second Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1904, part 2). Fletcher, A. C., and La Flesche, F. The Omaha Tribe (Twenty-seventh Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911). Goldenweiser, A. A. The Principle of Limited Possibilities in the Development of Culture (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xxvi, pp. 259-290). Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30; F. W. Hodge, editor). Hearne, Samuel. A Journey from Prince of Wales’ Fort in Hudson’s Bay to the Northern Ocean. London, 1795. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 257 Hoffman, VV. J. The Midewiwin or “ Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa (Seventh Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 149-300). Krause, Aurel. Die Tlinkit-Indianer. Jena, 1885. Kroeber, A. L. 1. The Arapaho (Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xviii, 1902-07, pp. 1-229, 2 79 _ 454). 2. Ethnology of the Gros Ventre (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1908, I, pp. 141-282). 3. The Religion of the Indians of California (University of California Publication, vol. iv, 1907, pp. 319-356). Lewis and Clark. Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition (Thwaites edition). New York, 1904-1905. Lowie, R. H. 1. The Assiniboine (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1909, IV, pp. 1-270). 2. Societies of the Crow, Hidatsa and Mandan Indians (same series, 1913, XI, pp. 143-358). 3. Some Problems in the Ethnology of the Crow and Village Indians (American Anthropologist, 1912, pp. 60-71). Matthews, Washington. The Night Chant, a Navaho Ceremony (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, vol. vi, 1902). Maximilian, Prinz von Wied-Neuwied. Reise in das innere Nord-America. Two volumes. Coblenz, 1839, 1841. McClintock, Walter. The Old North Trail. London, 1910. Morgan, Lewis H. League of the Hodenosaunee, or Iroquois. Rochester, 1854. Parker and Converse. Myths and Legends of the New York State Iroquois (N. Y. State Museum, Bulletin 125, 1908). Pepper, G. H. and Wilson, G. L. An Hidatsa Shrine and the Beliefs respecting it (Memoirs, American Anthropological Association, vol. ii, 1908, pp. 275-328). Petitot, E. Traditions indicnnes du Canada Nord-Ouest. Paris, 1886. Radin, Paul. 1. The Ritual and Significance of the Winnebago Medicine Dance (Journal American Folk-Lore, vol. xxiv, pp. 149-208). 2. A Sketch of the Peyote Cult of the Winnebago: a Study in Borrowing (Journal of Religious Psychology, vol. iii, 1914, pp. 1-22). Scott, H. L. Notes on the Kado, or Sun Dance of the Kiowa (American Anthropologist, 1911, pp. 345 ~ 379 )- Skinner, A. Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians 17 258 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1913, XIII, pp. 1-165). Speck, F. G. Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians (University of Pennsylvania, Anthropological Publications, University Museum, I, pp. 1-154). Stevenson, Matilda Coxe. 1. The Sia (Eleventh Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894, pp. 9-157). 2. The Zuni Indians (Twenty-third Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1904). Swanton, John R. 1. Contribution to the Ethnology of the Haida (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. v, 1905). 2. Social Condition, Beliefs and Linguistic Relationship of the TIingit Indians (Twenty-sixth Annual Report, Bureau of American Eth¬ nology, 1908, pp. 391-485). Teit, James. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. ii, 1900, pp. 163-392). Wissler, Clark. 1. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthropological Papers, Amer¬ ican Museum of Natural History, 1908, II, pp. 1-164). 2. Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians (same series, 1912, VII, pp. 65-289). 3. Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota (same series, 1912, XI, pp. 1-99). 4. Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians (same series, 1913, XI, pp. 363-460). American Museum of Natural History New York RELIGION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS By PAUL RAD IN INTRODUCTION 'HERE are always two factors to be considered in religion, — X first, a specific feeling; and, secondly, certain beliefs, concep¬ tions, customs, and acts associated with this feeling. Of these beliefs, perhaps the one most inextricably connected with the specific feeling is that in spirits, who are conceived of as more powerful than man, and as controlling all those elements in life on which he lays stress. These two component elements of religion may be regarded either as having always been associated and thus forming an insepa¬ rable whole, or the one as having preceded the other in time. These beliefs play an important role with all people, but the im¬ portance of the specific feeling varies with each individual. The less intense the feeling, the greater, on the whole, will be the value attached to the beliefs, and the stricter will be the punctilious performance of custom and observance. The reverse is not true, however, for the greatest intensity of feeling is frequently known to accompany the observance of customs. Beliefs and customs, as such, contain no religious element. They belong to that large body of folkloristic elements toward which the individual and the group assume an attitude of passive acceptance. What makes certain of these beliefs part of the religious compiex is their association with the specific religious feeling. It does not matter with what degree this feeling is held, or whether it is held by all the members of the group. Religious feeling, however, is not a simple unit. It is accompanied by certain muscular responses, — the folding of the hands, the bowing of the head, the closing of the eyes; in short, by all external signs of mental and emotional concentration. Now, whether these various activities invariably condition religious feeling, and therefore constitute this state of mind, or vice versd, is a problem for the psychologists to 2 59 26o ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA determine; but this much is true, that these various activities, per¬ formed at certain propitious times, do actually call forth religious feeling. On the other hand, we know that the folding of the hands and similar actions have become so entirely dissociated from religious feeling, that they ai'e little better than stereotyped formulae unac¬ companied by the slightest thrill. The discussion of the muscular responses accompanying religious feeling has brought us to a crucial question: Does the association of such muscular responses as have become stereotyped acts with certain beliefs, customs, etc., constitute the religious complex? I do not see how we can possibly deny the term “religion” to it; for the stereo¬ typed acts ■were primarily associated with religious feeling, and only secondarily became dissociated. In other words, we shall in this case have to consider as a religious complex a complex in which one of the essential elements — the specific religious feeling ■— may be absent. Let us now turn to an examination of the specific religious feeling. What I should call religious feeling is a far more than normal sensitive¬ ness to certain beliefs, conceptions, and customs, that manifests itself in a thrill, a feeling of exhilaration, exaltation, awe, and in a complete absorption in internal sensations. Negatively it is characterized by a complete abeyance of external impressions. As a feeling, I should imagine that it differs very little from other feelings, such as the aesthetic or even the joy of living. What distinguishes it from them is the fact that it is called forth by entirely different elements. A pure religious feeling is, however, exceedingly rare; for from the nature of the folkloristic background with which it has been associated, and from the nature of the role it plays in primitive man’s life, it has become assimilated with almost all the other feelings possessed by man. With certain individuals, religious feeling may on almost all occasions dwarf other feelings; but with the vast majority of men and women it is but one among others, rising at times to a position of predominance, and more frequently being entirely displaced. Often it is artificial in the extreme to attempt any separation. Let us now inquire into the nathre of those beliefs, conceptions, and customs that have become part of the religious complex. A cursory glance at the religious beliefs of peoples shows that almost ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 261 any belief or custom can and has at different times become associated with religious feeling. This can be explained in only one way, — by regarding religion, not as a phenomenon apart and distinct from mundane life, not as a philosophical inquiry into the nature of being or as a group of concepts and acts that spring from the relation of the individual to the outer world, but, broadly speaking, as one of the most important and distinctive means of maintaining life-values. As these vary, so will the religious complex vary. In other words, religion will only emphasize and preserve those values that are accepted by the majority of the group at any given time. Religion is thus closely connected with the whole life of man; and only when other means of emphasizing and maintaining life-values are in the ascendant, does it become divorced from the corporate life of the community. This divorce has never taken place among primitive man, and religion consequently permeates every phase of his culture. It does not, however, permeate every phase equally, with the same intensity, or with the same permanency; and in this variability lies, it seems to me, the possibility of discussing religion apart from all other aspects of the life of a group, as well as the possibility of separating the religion of one people from that of another. In the midst of the variability of life-values, three stand out promi¬ nently and tenaciously; and they are success, happiness, and long life. In the same way there stands out, from the heterogeneous mass of be¬ liefs, the belief in spirits who bestow success, happiness, and long life. These life-values are in no way inherently connected with the spirits, and may, we know, be obtained in another way; for instance, by magical rites. Our constant element is consequently the life-values. The association of these values with spirits may justifiably be regarded as secondary, and not as necessarily flowing from the nature of the spirit as originally conceived. Is it not, then, emphatically putting the cart before the horse to contend that “religion springs from the relation of the individual to the outer world (i.e., the spirits)?” Is it not just the converse that is true, that religion springs from the relation of the spirits to the life-values of man? In North America I am certain that this is the case. While religion is thus concerned primarily with the important life- 262 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA values of man, in stressing these it has been compelled, perforce, to include with them (because they form so important and integral a part of man’s life) a large and variegated assortment of his folkloristic- magical background; and while the individual’s attitude toward these is on the whole one of passivity, in their new setting there are occasions on which the religious feeling becomes diffused over these folkloristic- magical elements too. If religion is thus so intimately connected with the stressing of life-values, it is essential to inquire carefully into the personnel of its carriers and the gradations of their religious intensity. From the nature of religious feeling, it is quite evident that no one can be in this state continuously. In some individuals, however, it can be called up easily. These are the truly religious people. They are always few in number. From these to the totally unreligious person the gradations are numerous. If we were to arrange these gradations in the order of their religious intensity, we should have as the most important the following: the truly religious, the intermittently reli¬ gious, and the indifferently religious. The intermittently religious really fall into two groups, — those who may be weakly religious at most any moment; and those who may be strongly religious at certain moments, such as temperamental upheavals and crises. In the inter¬ mittently and indifferently religious are included by far the large majority of people; but, since so many extra-religious factors enter into their religious consciousness, they are really the most poorly adapted for the study of religion. To understand religion and its development we must study those individuals who possess religious feeling in a marked degree. I believe that much of the confusion that exists in so many analyses of religion is due to the fact, that, in so far as these analyses are based on the study of distinct individuals, the individuals selected belonged to the class of intermittently or ab¬ normally religious. Starting, then, from the markedly religious person, we should study the intermittently and the indifferently religious with reference to him. It is not enough to realize the division of people into the three religious groups we have enumerated above: we have also to know when their religious feeling is called forth. Apart from the degree of ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 263 religious susceptibility, we can legitimately claim that the members of all our three groups show a pronounced religious feeling at certain crises of life, and that these crises are intimately connected with all the important socio-economic life-values of the tribe, — puberty, sickness, death, famine, etc. The frequent existence on such occasions of temperamental upheavals is unquestionably a great aid in evoking a religious feeling. Whatever it be, however, it is during individual and tribal crises that the majority of men and women are possessed of what, in spite of other ingredients, is a religious thrill; and this religious thrill becomes instantaneously associated with definite beliefs, concepts, and customs, the most important of which is the belief in spirits and the necessity of their being brought into relation with man. There is nothing inherent in the religious thrill that would necessarily suggest an association with specific beliefs. That it does suggest them is due entirely to the influence of the early education the man has undergone. It is, then, at crises that the majority of men obtain their purest religious feeling, because it is at such times only that they perhaps are most prone to permit inward feelings to dominate. It is only at crises, however, that the majority of men obtain a pure religious feeling at all. The markedly religious man is quite different. A certain temperamental susceptibility permits him to obtain a religious thrill on innumerable occasions; and since with each thrill are asso¬ ciated the specific religious beliefs, etc., he sees the entire content of life from a religious viewpoint. Life and its values as determined by his traditional background are, of course, primary; and the function religion assumes is that of emphasizing and maintaining these life- values. The intermittently and indifferently religious are taught and accept unhesitatingly, as far as they comprehend it, the religious complex of the religious. They assuredly rarely see life from a religious standpoint. There are occasions, however, in the corporate life of a community,—such as a ceremony or ritual, — where a religious feeling does at times seem to be diffused over the entire content of life. Certainly even the intermittently and indifferently religious who participate in these activities must partake somewhat of this feeling too. At a ceremony many of the conditions favorable 264 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA to the calling-forth of a religious feeling are given, — the presence of truly religious people and of acts and customs associated with religious feeling; the condition of detachment from the outer world; and, lastly, the very important fact that an individual has been taught to expect a religious thrill there. Summing up, we may say that all people are spontaneously religious at crises; that markedly religious people are spontaneously religious on numerous other occasions; and that the intermittently and in¬ differently religious are secondarily religious on a number of occasions not connected with crises. One of the most important points in the study of religion is to know where to begin the inquiry. It has been customary, whether we are conscious of this fact or not, to treat the subject as though each generation evolved its religion anew. We admit the inheritance of the cultural background in theory, but make no use of it in practice. The general impression conveyed by the discussions is that to each generation the problems of religion present themselves for solution. This lack of correspondence between theory and practice seems to me due to the fact that we do not begin our investigations at some definite point in the concrete data at our disposal. It is absolutely essential, however, to have a starting-point; and there is, it seems to me, only one logical and historical starting-point, namely, the relation of a youth to the preceding generation in the persons of his immediate family. If we know what an individual, in the formative years of his life, has learned of the objective and subjective content of religion from his immediate relatives, and how the latter have moulded his religious nature, we are on firm ground. In the transmission of the religious complex, two important points are to be considered, -— first that from the nature of the age at which youths are generally taught the objective contents of religion, which embraces the years from ten to fourteen, all individuals must begin with an attitude of unhesitating acceptance of their traditional back¬ ground, with all its implications; and, secondly, that the appearance of religious feeling is subsequent to the acquisition of that mass of beliefs, concepts, and customs, with which in adult life it is inextricably interwoven. In the emotionally formative period of life, the individual ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 265 is taught the socio-economic importance of being religious; and what becomes the traditional religious background in later life, becomes endeared to him in earlier life for reasons extraneous to religion, — through family ties and affection, through personal ambition, etc. He obtains all this before he has experienced any intense religious emotion. If, consequently, we wish to understand the religious com¬ plex, we shall have to bear in mind clearly the historical order of development of its component elements and stresses. Before entering on the discussion of North American religion proper, a few words on the relation of magic and religion may not be out of place. The distinction which we wish to make between religion and magic is a very simple one. Ic is concerned principally with the nature of the subjective attitude. In religion this attitude is positive and defi¬ nite; while in magic it is negative and indefinite, and may be said to consist mainly in the feeling that certain facts will occur together. The objective content of religion and magic, while differing in many ways, is frequently the same. The resemblances are due, in my opinion, to two facts, -—- first, because religion and magic are primarily concerned with the same things, namely, the maintenance of life- values (although here the range of magic is more restricted than that of religion); and, secondly, because quite a number of the elements that form a part of the magical complex have become secondarily included in the religious complex. CRITIQUE OF SOURCES Religion has never been made a special subject of inquiry in North America; and practically all the accessible data are to be found in the general accounts of tribes, in mythologies, and in specific studies of ceremonies. However, even in the best of the studies at our dis¬ posal, what is specifically dealt with is not religion in its entirety, but religious practices and observances. The nature of religious feeling and its role have rarely been dwelt upon, except in connection with the discussion of the concept of magical power ( orenda , wakanda, manito, etc.). Frequently, too, even in the best descriptions of the religion of a certain tribe, we are at a loss to know whether it is the 266 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Indian’s viewpoint that is given, or an ethnologist’s conception of that viewpoint. Even when we have satisfied ourselves that we are essen¬ tially dealing with an Indian’s viewpoint, we rarely know what Indian’s viewpoint,—whether it is the shaman’s or the layman’s, that of a religious or of an essentially unreligious person. The raw material for the study of the subjective side of religion is given to a certain extent in the myths, especially in the ritualistic myths. These are generally merely personal religious experiences cast in a literary mould. They naturally leave much to be desired. One of the ideal methods for acquiring data relating to the subjective side of religion is to obtain “spiritual” autobiographies. These are not difficult to obtain in many parts of North America, owing to the not uncommon use of modern syllabic alphabets. In addition, great emphasis should be placed on securing verbatim, or at least approxi¬ mately complete, accounts of speeches given at ceremonies or on other occasions of a religious nature, for they often throw an admirably clear light on the subjective aspects of our subject. Unfortunately, in addition to certain defects in the nature of our available material, we have to reckon with a serious gap in our knowl¬ edge of certain tribes. This is conspicuously true for the interior Athapascan tribes, for many of the tribes included in the Plateau area, for almost all the Shoshonean, and for a large number of the Southeastern tribes. For the Southeastern area a large mass of ma¬ terial has recently been collected by Dr. Swanton, but it still awaits publication. A peculiar condition exists with regard to the data on the Southwest. While our published sources of information are by no means small, with the exception of the Navajo, Pawnee, and Hopi material, it is presented in such a confused way that it is frequently extremely difficult to use. METHOD OF EXPOSITION The difficulties in the way of an adequate presentation of so com¬ plex a phenomenon as religion are well known. For purposes of description it is necessary to separate our subject into a number of definite, often enough artificial units; and yet it is essential to hold these units together in a close nexus. At the same time, to treat ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 267 religion statically is manifestly one-sided, and likely to lead to many misinterpretations. It is, then, at all times necessary to bear in mind that we are dealing with a dynamic phenomenon. Finally, we must remember that we are dealing with an historical group, and that we must endeavor, even in spite of our unfortunate lack of historical sources, to utilize those contemporary sources in our possession in such a way that the religious complex as a whole, and the religious concep¬ tions, beliefs, and customs in particular, are interpreted in the light of their probable development. For the reasons given above, it has seemed best to present our whole subject under certain headings suggested by our definition of religion. We shall accordingly treat religion under the following topics: 1 — Introductory: Religion as a shamanistic interpretation. I. The specifically religious concepts. 1. The concept of supernatural power. 2. The concept of spirits. 3. The power and localization of spirits. 4. The development of spirits into deities. 5. Monotheism. II. The relation of spirits to man. 1. The twofold interpretation of this relation. 2. Guardian spirits. III. The methods of bringing spirits into relation with man. 1. Fasting. 2. “Mental concentration.” 3. Self-castigation and torture. 4. Offerings and sacrifices. 5. Prayers and incantations. 6. Charms and fetiches. 1 It might be well to state that the writer is personally acquainted with two tribes, — the Winnebago and the Ojibwa. His analysis of religion naturally started with data secured from them. 268 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA IV. The folkloristic-religious complex. 1. The concept of evil. 2. The concept of disease. 3. The concept of death, after-life, and re-incarnation. 4. The concept of the soul. V. The transmission of the religious complex. INTRODUCTORY: RELIGION AS A SHAMANISTIC INTERPRETATION Among the North American Indians emphasis was naturally laid upon different aspects of life in different parts of the country. The purely hunting and fishing tribes, with a loose social and ceremonial organization, were bound to have a religious complex quite distinct in certain ways from that of the Plains Indians or the agricultural and sedentary tribes of the Southeast and Southwest. Throughout America, as in other parts of the world, man has always asked for two things, — success and long life. The kind of success he desired would naturally depend upon what, in his culture, was con¬ sidered of value, and also upon individual temperament. Man was accordingly to conduct himself in the manner which would conform best to the conditions necessary for the attainment of his specific life- values. These conditions were more or less precisely given by the preceding generation as interpreted by the elders of that generation. From the point of view of the elders, a man’s life might be separated into a number of divisions of prime significance both to the commu¬ nity and to the individual. These are birth, adolescence, old age, death, future life, etc. To what extent these different periods of life are religiously as well as socially emphasized, varies with different tribes. In the life of the individual, irrespective of any observance associated with these periods, certain events will take place at the age of adoles¬ cence and early manhood, for instance, around which a religious feeling clusters. These events are generally of two kinds, — one that might be called positive, and one negative. As illustrations of the first kind might be given such events as the first killing of a food- animal or the first killing of an enemy, the acquisition of a new name, ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 269 the first enjoyment of products of the field, etc. As illustrations of the second kind might be given such occurrences as lack of success in one’s undertakings, the presence of dilemmas and crises, where the question arises, “What am I to do?” It is at this point that the religious feeling arises most easily and is felt most deeply, according to the available data at our disposal. It is quite natural that it should, for it is on such occasions that there exist a pronounced desire for success and a willingness to put one’s self in a condition by which success may be achieved. According to the theory of the shamans, complete absorption in the religious feeling is the essential require¬ ment; but with this essential requirement there has come to be associated, through an historical growth directed by the shaman, a belief in spirits more powerful than man, who control success. The predication of the religious feeling as essential to success, and the association of this feeling with spirits who are also conceived of as essential to success, flow neither from the nature of the feeling nor from that of the spirits. In North America, at least, it is a theory and an interpretation of the religious man, the shaman. I do not mean to imply that the shaman has necessarily established this association; but it seems highly probable that he has analyzed the entire complex, and has given an interpretation of the relation of the religious feeling to success in life and to the belief in spirits. This interpretation is accepted uncritically and unhesitatingly by the other members of the tribe. How r thoroughly concerned this theory is with the accentuation and preservation of specific life-values, is made plain by the following excerpt from the Winnebago system of instructions: — “My son, when you grow up, you should try to be of some benefit to your fellowmen. There is only one way in which this can be done, and that is to fast. ... If you thirst yourself to death, the spirits who are in control of wars will bless you. . . . But, my son, if you do not fast repeatedly, it will be all in vain that you inflict sufferings upon yourself. Blessings are not obtained except by making the proper offerings to the spiiits, and by putting yourself, time and again, in the proper mental condition. ... If you do not obtain a spirit to strengthen you, you will amount to nothing in the estimation of your fellowmen, and they will show you little respect. 270 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA . . . My son, as you travel along life’s path, you will find many narrow passages [i. e., crises], and you can never tell when you will come to them. Try to anticipate these, so that you will be endowed with sufficient strength [by obtaining powers from the spirits] to pass safely through these narrow passages.” Certainly we have here a markedly materialistic conception quite in contrast to the formulation of the relation of God to man in the Semitic religions. In the latter religions man is admonished to put himself in an attitude of thankfulness and veneration for the deity who has created him and this world. In the religion of the Indians, even where the idea of creation is markedly developed, there is no trace of any such attitude. Prayers and offerings are not made to the spirits in order to glorify them: they are made in order to obtain something very definite; and, as we shall see, the blessings they bestow are not made because of their love of mankind, but because they have received offerings. In theory they may at times refuse these offer¬ ings, but in practice this rarely happens. Having once accepted the offerings, the spirits must grant man the powers they possess. They practically become automatons, and their relation to man becomes mechanical. So much for the formulation of the shamanistic theory. Let us turn now to the presentation and examination of the specifically religious concepts with which the shaman deals. I. THE SPECIFICALLY RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS i. The Concept of Supernatural Power. — In North America the shamanistic theory is a purely animistic one. The main char¬ acteristics of the spirits or spiritual beings which the theory predi¬ cates is that the spirits are non-human and more powerful than man. The question as to whether they are anthropomorphic or not seems to be of comparatively small consequence. When seen or conceived of as acting, there is unquestionably a well-marked tendency to de¬ scribe them either as anthropomorphic or as theromorphic beings. This is particularly true of those spirits who play a role in mythology. In spite of this, there is ample evidence to show that the Indians were very little interested in the form under which their spirits were ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 271 conceived, without, however, making them any the less definite. The lack of definiteness in form has led a number of ethnologists in America and elsewhere to postulate the existence, in America, of a “spirit-force” or magic power. Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was perhaps the first to discuss it among the North American Indians, and his con¬ clusions seemed to be corroborated by the studies of Miss Fletcher among the Omaha, and by those of William Jones among the Central Algonkin. Falling in, as it did, so admirably with conclusions that had been reached by a number of European ethnological theorists, in particular Mr. R. R. Marett, it soon obtained great currency. In the last expression on the religion of the Indians, that of Professor Boas , 1 it is assumed as fundamental. Professor Boas says as follows: “The fundamental concept bearing on the religious life of the individual is the belief in the existence of magic power, which may influence the life of man, and which in turn may be influenced by human activity. In this sense magic power must be understood as the wonderful qualities which are believed to exist in objects, animals, men, spirits, or deities, and which are superior to the natural qualities of man. This idea of magic power is one of the fundamental concepts that occur among all Indian tribes. It is what is called vianito by the Algonquian tribes; wakanda, by the Siouan tribes; orenda, by the Iroquois; sulia, by the Salish; naualak, by the Kwakiutl; and tamanoas, by the Chinook. Notwithstanding slight differences in the signification of these terms, the fundamental notion of all of them is that of a power inherent in the objects of nature which is more potent than the natural powers of man. . . . Since the belief in the existence of magic powers is very strong in the Indian mind, all his actions are regulated by the desire to retain the good will of those friendly to him, and to control those that are hostile.” The concept of magic power has assumed such prominence in dis¬ cussions on American religion, that I feel justified in dwelling on it here in some detail, particularly as I wish to demonstrate that in the form in which it is generally presented it is quite untenable. From Professor Boas’s definition of magical power, one might infer 1 "Religion,” in Handbook of American Indians (Bureau of American Ethnology i Bulletin 30, Part 2). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA at first that he is really dealing with an interpretation of magic. However, as he distinctly says that “man’s actions are regulated by the desire to retain the good will of these powers,” we shall have to assume that this power is identical with the “outer world” of his definition of religion. The first question that suggests itself for discussion is, In what way is magical power related to spirits? According to Professor Boas, spirits represent the magic power of nature individualized; and the variation in the conception of spirits, that exists in different parts of America, is due to differences in the degree of individualization they have undergone. Where strong anthropomorphic individualization has occurred, we have deities; and where a belief in magic power that is vaguely localized is pronounced, we have the “concept of a deity or of a great spirit which is hardly anthropomorphic in character.” Miss Fletcher formulates her conception of magic power in a dif¬ ferent way. According to her, “Wakonda ... is the name given to the mysterious all-pervading and life-giving power to which certain anthropomorphic aspects are attributed,” and “is also applied to objects or phenomena regarded as sacred or mysterious. These two uses of the word are never confused in the minds of the thoughtful. When during his fast the Omaha sings, ‘ Wakonda, here needy he stands, and I am he!’ his address is to ‘the power that moves,’ ‘causes to move,’ that is, gives life. . . . To the Omaha nothing is without life. . . . He projects his own consciousness upon all things, and ascribes to them experiences and characteristics with which he is familiar; there is to him something in common between all creatures and all natural forms, a something which brings them into existence and holds them intact; this something he conceives of as akin to his own conscious being. The power which thus brings to pass and holds all things in their living form he designates as wakonda. . . . Wakonda is invisible, and therefore allied to the idea of spirit. Objects seen in dreams or visions partake of the idea or nature of spirit, and when these objects speak to man in answer to his entreaty, the act is possible because of the power of wakonda, and the object, be it thundercloud, animal, or bird, seen and heard by the dreamer, may be spoken of by him as a wakonda, but he does not mean that they are wakonda. The ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 273 association in which the term wakonda is used determines the char¬ acter of its meaning. Wakonda, the power addressed during the fast, ... is not the same wakonda as the thunder that speaks to a man in a dream is sometimes called; yet there is a relation between the two, not unlike that signified by the term wakondagi when applied to the first manifestation of an ability; for all power, whether shown in the thunder-storm, the hurricane, the animals, or man, is of wakonda." 1 I think it is quite plain from the above that Miss Fletcher is not dealing with power at all, but with a kind of Semitic deity conceived of inconsistently, sometimes as an all-pervading principle of life, some¬ times as a definite spirit. Still another interpretation is that given by Mr. Hewitt in the dis¬ cussion of the Iroquoian orenda. According to him, Orenda is a “magic power which was assumed ... to be inherent in every body . . . and in every personified attribute, property, or activity. . . . This hypothetic principle was conceived to be immaterial, occult, impersonal, mysterious in mode of action. . . . The possession of orenda ... is the distinctive characteristic of all the gods, and these gods in earlier time were all the bodies and beings of nature in any manner affecting the weal or woe of man .” 2 Mr. Hewitt, in another article , 3 tells us that “primitive man inter¬ preted the activities of nature to be the ceaseless struggle of one orenda against another, uttered and directed by the beings or bodies of his environment, the former possessing orenda, and the latter, life, mind, and orenda, only by virtue of his own imputation. ... In the stress of life coming into contact with certain bodies of his environ¬ ment more frequently than with the other environing bodies, and learning from these constraining relations to feel that these bodies, through the exercise of their orenda, controlled the conditions of his welfare and in like manner shaped his ill-fare, he came gradually to regard these bodies as the masters, the gods, of his environment, whose 1 Article “Wakonda” (Handbook of American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, Part 2). 2 “Orenda" (Handbook of American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, 30 Part 2). 3 “Orenda and a Definition of Religion” (American Anthropologist, N. S., vol. iv). 18 274 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA aid, goodwill, and even existence were absolutely necessary to his well-being and his preservation of life itself. . . . And the story of the operations of orenda becomes the history of the gods.” Mr. Hewitt claims to base his conclusions on an analysis of a large number of phrases in which the expression “ orenda ” is found; but any one who will take the trouble to examine these expressions, and to compare the translation he gives with the interpretation of the trans¬ lation, can see at a glance that he is illegitimately extending the mean¬ ing of these words. The conclusions are palpably not based on his analysis of these words; but, on the contrary, the analysis of the words is based on a certain concept of orenda that is held. Let us see what is at the bottom of this concept of orenda. I believe this is to be found in the phrase, “the possession of orenda is the distinctive characteristic of all the gods.” The gods have been separated into beings plus magical powers, and it has then been for¬ gotten that they belong together and cannot be treated as though they were independent of each other. It seems to me, however, that the error lies in the separation itself. What warrant have we for thinking of the god as a deity plus power, and not merely as a powerful deity? Are we not here really at the bottom of the whole matter? And are we not committing the old error of confusing an adjective with a noun? I think there is no doubt of it. Mr. Hewitt, in fact, has presented us, not with certain facts, but with an interpretation of facts. What the facts themselves are, we have no means of determining from his data. Dr. Jones’s conception of the manito 1 is essentially the same as Mr. Hewitt’s conception of the orenda. To him the manito “is an un¬ systematic belief in a cosmic, mysterious property, which is believed to exist everywhere in nature. . . . The conception of this something wavers between that of a communicable property, that of a mobile, invisible substance, and that of a latent transferable energy; . . . this substance, property, or energy is conceived as being widely diffused amongst natural objects and human beings; . . . the presence of it is promptly assigned as the explanation of any unusual power or efficacy which any object or person is found to possess; ... it is a distinct and rather abstract conception of a diffused, all-pervasive, 1 “The Algonkin Manitou” (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xviii). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 275 invisible, manipulable, and transferable life-energy, or universal force. . . . [Finally] all success, strength, or prosperity is conceived to depend upon the possession of [this force].” Dr. Jones, like Mr. Hewitt and, as we shall see, Dr. Swanton, lays considerable stress upon language, ‘‘as affording means of approaching nearer to a definition of this religious sentiment.” He says, “When they [the Indians] refer to the manitou in the sense of a virtue, a property, an abstraction, they employ the form expressive of inanimate gender. When the manitou becomes associated with an object, then the gender becomes less definite.” Jones here seems to accept the assumption that grammatical distinctions correspond to pyschological ones. It is clear, however, quite apart from the general incorrectness of this assumption, that the gender of Algonkin words depends fre¬ quently on analogy. We do not know with what words “manitou” is used in an “inanimate” sense; and until we do, and have been able to satisfy ourselves that these words have not become inanimate through analogy, Jones’s linguistic argument lends no corroboration to his contentions. Although I am firmly convinced that such use of the linguistic data as Jones, Swanton, and in the main Hewitt, have made, is both illegit¬ imate and futile, there is no gainsaying the fact that a discussion and an examination of the roots used in describing religious concepts may prove of great importance. Let us now, before summing up, pass to Dr. Swanton’s view of supernatural power. He seems to rely entirely upon the linguistic argument, interpreting language likewise, in the same manner as Dr. Jones. “Most Indian languages ,” 1 he says, “at any rate the Tlingit, do not have a true plural, but usually a distributive and occa¬ sionally a collective. This means that instead of thinking of so many different objects, they think of one diffused into many. Therefore they do not divide the universe arbitrarily into so many different quarters ruled by so many supernatural beings. On the contrary, supernatural power impresses them as a vast immensity, one in kind and impersonal, inscrutable as to its nature, but wherever manifesting itself to men 1 J. R. Swanton, “ Condition. Beliefs and Linguistic Relationships of the Tlingit Indians” (26th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 451. note). 2J6 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA taking a personal and it might be said a human personal form in what¬ ever object it displays itself. Thus the sky-spirit is the ocean of supernatural energy as it manifests itself in the sky, the sea-spirit as it manifests itself in the sea. ... It is not meant that the Tlingit consciously reasons this out thus or formulates a unity in the super¬ natural, but such appears to be his unexpressed feeling. For this reason there is but one name for this spiritual power, yck, a name which is affixed to an)' specific personal manifestation of it, and it is to this perception or feeling reduced to personality that the great-spirit idea seems usually to have affixed itself.” I think that it is apparent, from the quotations given above, that in no case are we dealing with a clear presentation of certain facts, but with interpretations. The facts themselves are rarely given as such, and, when they are given, are so closely bound up with the specific interpretation advanced, that they can be used only with the greatest caution. If we were dealing with a general analysis of religion from a logical or metaphysical standpoint, perhaps all that would be required would be the inner consistency of the explanation advanced; but we are not concerned with that. All that we wish to know are certain facts and the Indians’ interpretation of them, and this our authorities on magical power have signally failed to give us. Quite apart, therefore, from the fact that there .is abundant evidence to show that they have generally approached the subject from a pre¬ conceived European metaphysical viewpoint (whether they have done this consciously or not is immaterial), the premises of which it is legiti¬ mate to examine, we are compelled to reject their data because they have confused interpretations with facts. However, I do not wish to rest my rejection of a belief in magical power, as presented by the writers quoted above, on this negative evidence. I was fortunate enough to work among the Winnebago and Ojibwa, where the belief in wakanda and manito is strongly and characteristically developed. In both tribes the term always referred to definite spirits, not necessarily definite in shape. If at a vapor- bath the steam is regarded as wakanda or manito, ic is because it is a spirit transformed into steam for the time being; if an arrow is possessed of specific virtues, it is because a spirit has either trans- ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 2 77 formed himself into the arrow or because he is temporarily dwelling in it; and, finally, if tobacco is offered to a peculiarly-shaped object, it is because either this object belongs to a spirit, or a spirit is residing in it. The terms “ wakanda" and “manito” are often used in the sense of “sacred.” If a Winnebago tells you that a certain thing is waka (i.e., sacred), further inquiry will elicit from him the information that it is so because it belongs to a spirit, was given by a spirit, or was in some way connected with a spirit. It is possible that Dr. Jones, Miss Fletcher, and Mr. Hewitt interpreted a certain vagueness in the answer, or a certain inability (or unwillingness) to discuss objects that were regarded as manito or wakanda , as pertaining to the nature of sacred. In addition to the connotation of “sacred,” wakanda and manito also have the meaning “strange,” “remarkable,” “wonderful,” “unusual,” and “powerful,” without, however, having the slightest suggestion of “inherent power,” but having the ordinary sense of those adjectives. Is it not possible, however, that the idea of a force inherent in the universe may have been developed by shamanistic systematization? It is possible; but no data pointing to this exist, as far as I know, in North America. In some cases the shamans have thought away all the personal characteristics; but an “unpersonal” unit still exists, set off against other “unpersonal” units. This is not magical power; for, according to our authorities, it is not divisible, but forms one unit. Even if, finally, we were to interpret wakanda and manito as in the nature of a tertium quid, that the personal characteristics were not thought away from them, but that they never possessed them, the individuality of each tertium quid would still prevent it from corre¬ sponding to magical power. We may say, then, that from an examination of the data customa¬ rily relied upon as proof, and from individual data obtained, there is nothing to justify the postulation of a belief in a universal force in North America. Magical power as an “essence” existing apart and separate from a definite spirit, is, we believe, an unjustified assumption, an abstraction created by investigators . 1 1 In the discussion of the nature of the spirits, a number of points come out, of con¬ siderable importance in connection with the notion of supernatural power, and to this readers are referred. 278 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA There is another way in which we may look upon the idea of a uni¬ versal force, and that is to regard it as the unconscious expression of the religious emotion itself. It should be looked upon, in other words, as the non-individualized feeling of fear, awe, etc., which forms the subjective side of religion. It is this, perhaps, upon which Jones insists in certain passages of his essay. From this point of view, the answer given by an Indian to any question presupposes a certain amount of reflection on his part, and cannot, therefore, be regarded as a true expression of the religious emotion. If, conse¬ quently, by “force” we wish to designate simply the religious emo¬ tion as such, no issue need be taken with the concept. However, this is not what the majority of theorists mean by the term. Quite apart from this consideration, are we justified in separating the re¬ ligious emotion from its associated historical elements? And does not the admittedly individual object or happening which becomes asso¬ ciated with the religious emotion, in a way, individualize the entire complex? It is of course well-nigh impossible to determine this satis¬ factorily; but it seems to me that the individual, in the vast majority of cases, does not content himself with the mere pleasure of “swim¬ ming” in a vague religious emotion, but almost mechanically indi¬ vidualizes the emotion by reference to the facts he has been taught. 2. The Concept of Spirits. —Animism, then, in the old Tylorian sense of the term, is the belief of the Indians. What, however, is the nature of these spirits with which animism deals? It has frequently been urged that spirits must of necessity be conceived of in a vague manner by the majority of Indians; but this seems to me an entirely erroneous view, due to lack of analysis of the answers received from direct questioning of the Indian. To those Indians who have never spent any time thinking upon the nature of spirits, the concept of spirit is neither vague nor definite, for they cannot really be said to have any concept at all. The question has really never presented itself to them. When, therefore, an ethnologist seeks by direct ques¬ tioning to inquire into the nature of spirits from the ordinary lay Indian, he is likely to obtain an answer (in those cases where he obtains an answer at all) prompted by a moment’s consideration. Such an answer no more reflects the true conception of spirits than a reply ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 279 concerning the Holy Ghost, obtained under the same conditions, from an illiterate peasant, would reflect the Catholic belief on this subject. There is no reason for even supposing that such an answer reflects the same Indian’s belief after he has given the subject some consideration. The vagueness present in our lay Indian’s answer is consequently not an indication of vagueness in the conception of spirits, but is due to entirely different reasons. This distinction is of the utmost im¬ portance. While, however, this ignorance as to the precise nature of the spirits, on the part of the ordinary man, is a fact to be borne in mind, to understand the Indian’s conception of spirits, we must inquire principally from those who have thought upon the question, and who have inherited the thoughts of others upon this question, — the shamans. What has the shaman to say upon the nature of spirits? Are they anthropomorphic, theromorphic, dream-phantasms, or in¬ definite entities in general? Can we divide them into personal, impersonal, or unpersonal spirits? Right here, it seems to me, we are apt to make an unjustifiable assumption. Our ordinary division into personal and impersonal is made on the possession of cor¬ poreal characteristics, which are in turn dependent upon our sense- perceptions,— sight, hearing, touch, etc. Ordinarily, too, the pres¬ ence or absence of corporeality is the test of its reality or unreality. What right have we, however, to assume that the Indian either makes the same classification or equates corporeality with reality, with existence? To judge from specific inquiries made among the Winne¬ bago and Ojibwa, and from much of our data in general, reality does not depend necessarily upon sense-impressions. Among the Winne¬ bago shamans, what is thought of, what is felt, what is spoken, is as real as what is seen or heard. It is, I believe, a fact that future investi¬ gations will thoroughly confirm, that the Indian does not make the separation into personal as contrasted with impersonal, corporeal with impersonal, in our sense at all. What he seems to be interested in is the question of existence, of reality; and everything that is per¬ ceived by the sense, thought of, felt and dreamt of, exists. It follows, consequently, that most of the problems connected with the nature of spirit as personal or impersonal do not exist. 28o ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA Because, however, the Indian is thus essentially interested in the existence of things, it does not follow that he classifies the universe into that which exists and that which does not exist. Whatever is the object of his thoughts and his feelings exists. He does not concern himself with the negative aspects of existence. The questions with which he concerns himself, by preference, are those relating to the kind and the permanency of the existence of spirits. Far more impor¬ tant than these two questions, however, is the question relating to the authority for the existence of spirits. Before entering into this discussion, a few words on the respective roles of the shaman and the layman may not be out of place. That the shaman works with the general folkloristic material on hand is self-evident. To a large extent, therefore, he must be re¬ garded as a mere arranger and synthesizer. But he is also an inter¬ preter and a theorizer; and in the exercise of these capacities he is only in part limited by the interpretations and theories known to the mass of the people. When we remember the special religious aptitude that characterizes the more capable of the shamans, it must be quite plain to us that he will actually invent new interpretations and new theories, and that his individuality will stamp itself indelibly upon the new syntheses he attempts. If we regard religion as the association of a religious emotion with certain concepts and folkloristic elements, then it is essential to realize exactly how the religious emotion may be extended to new folkloristic elements. It is just in this connection, it seems to me, that the role of the shaman shows itself. It is he that extends them. If we survey the whole field of North America, we shall find that spirits are conceived of as being visible, audible, felt emotionally, or as manifesting their existence by some sign or result. They are all equally real. When visible, they may appear as human beings, animals, “mythological” animals, rocks, trees, fire, phantasms, etc.; when audible, it may be as a human voice, or as the voice of a bird, in the form of a song, in the whistling of the wind, the crackling of the fire; when manifesting their presence by a sign, it may be by lightning, by a cloud, by an object found, etc. How a spirit vouchsafes to mani¬ fest himself to an individual may to a certain extent vary with the ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 281 particular individual; for it probably depends upon the predominance of visual images in one case, and auditory images in another. How¬ ever, in the vast majority of instances the particular manner of mani¬ festation is given. As might be expected, a large number of spirits are believed to be visible to man. A large number of spirits are distinctly and definitely corporeal. As such they may be definitely anthropomorphic, theromorphic, etc. We shall first examine the anthropomorphic spirits. The North American Indians have peopled their universe with spirits, who may be defined, we have said, as being more powerful than and as real as man. The lay Indian, we have pointed out, does not concern himself with the nature or the shape of spirits at all. Both the lay Indian and the shaman, however, when speaking of spirits as directly related to the activities of man, must from the nature of the case have generally conceived him as acting similarly to the principal sentient beings with which he was mainly concerned,—man and animals. In general, these anthropomorphic characteristics would be vaguely defined; but when, owing to shamanistic activity, the powers and nature of spirits were more sharply drawn, their the spirits took upon themselves more definitely the shape of man or of some animal. Whether anthropomorphic, theromorphic, or indeterminate spirits predominate, varies in different parts of America. In the Northwest coast, the Plains, and the Southwest areas, anthropomorphic spirits largely predominate; while in the Woodland and Southeast areas they do not seem to be of any more importance than either the thero¬ morphic or the indeterminate spirits. Among the Plateau Indians and those of the interior and northern Canada, indeterminate spirits are largely in the majority. Analyzing the distribution of anthropo¬ morphic spirits, it seems fairly clear that they are most abundant in those areas in which a ritualistic organization is well developed. In the Woodland and Southeast areas, where this, and its invariable accompaniment shamanistic systematization, are found only in certain places, anthropomorphism plays only a moderately important role; whereas in the Northwest, on the Plains, and in the Southwest, where the ritualistic organization is complex, the converse is true. Among the Pueblo Indians the anthropomorphic character of spirits 282 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA or deities has developed from the influence of two features, — one being the reconstructions of the shamans, which are analogous to what has taken place on the Northwest coast and the Plains; and the other being what might be called a “deification” of clan-ancestors. Dr. Fewkes speaks of the second feature as ancestor-worship. To him the katcina cult, for instance, is a phase of ancestor-worship; and the katcinas, “deified spirits of ancestors.” In this he is followed by Mrs. Stevenson; but only by a peculiar, and to me illegitimate, extension of the concept ancestor-worship, is this true. As a matter of fact, what we are dealing with here is not ancestor-worship, but the not uncommon transformation of an heroic animal into a man who becomes the ancestor of the clan. This belief, so characteristically developed among the Winnebago, Sauk and Fox, and Omaha, has taken a different turn among the Flopi and other Pueblo tribes. Among the latter, the animal ancestry of the clan founder has been completely lost sight of, and consequently the katcinas seem to have taken upon themselves the nature of anthropomorphic beings or ancestors who were worshipped. That we are not dealing with deified ancestors comes out clearly from what Dr. Fewkes says about “animate” totems. “When the totems are inanimate, — as sun, water, lightning, corn, — the clan totem ancestors are likewise anthropomorphic, and their worship the central idea of the cult.” 1 It would be erroneous to imagine that the shaman has consistently or completely interpreted or systematized, or brought into harmony with itself, the vast magico-folkloristic background which forms, after all, the matrix of the religious complex. First of all, the task was far beyond his powers; and, secondly, this complex was changing contin¬ ually as it passed through the hands of the lay Indian, and as new elements were added to it from the inexhaustible magico-folkloristic background. It is to this lack of complete systematization that is due at times the uncertainty as to the nature of spirits. We fre¬ quently do not know whether we are dealing with an anthropo¬ morphic or a theromorphic spirit. As an example we might take the thunder-bird among the Winnebago. In the popular belief in the clan legends, it is always spoken of and depicted as a bird akin 1 Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xi, pp. 173-194. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 283 to the eagle. In the shamanistic religion the thunder-birds are theo¬ retically bald-headed anthropomorphic beings. Frequently, however, although they are spoken of as men, they act as birds. Complete as has been the shamanistic transformation of the bird into a man, the spirit has still kept two of the old characteristics of the thunder-bird concept, — the baldness of the birds, and the flashing of the eyes as the cause of lightning. In one other way did the shaman seem powerless to withstand the influence of the popular beliefs. When spirits of a definitely circum¬ scribed type were developed, one of the first and most natural reactions to be expected was that the people would elevate to the rank of spirits those heroes and hero-buffoons so dear to the popular mind. The shamans, it would seem, fought against this tendency, to judge from the utter lack of unanimity regarding the status of these popular spirits in North America; but this did not prevent the raven among the Bellacoola, the hare, trickster, and turtle among the Winnebago, Wisaka among the Sauk and Fox, Nenebojo among the Ojibwa, etc., from becoming bona fide spirits. Upon their inclusion in the pantheon of spirits, the shaman did his best to obliterate their more grossly animal characteristics; and, though he could not change the animal form of many of these hero-spirits, he did succeed in making them either indeterminate or at least human animals. Under the present discussion belongs properly also that of the High God, for he is generally conceived of as markedly anthropo¬ morphic; but, owing to its importance, we shall discuss this conception separately. If we except the heroic animals who have developed into spirits, theromorphic spirits are by no means common. There exists, how¬ ever, another class of spirit characteristically developed among the Winnebago and kindred tribes, among the Ojibwa and Sauk and Fox, and among some of the Plains Indians, who is regarded as a spirit controlling the living species of animals. Among the Winnebago this spirit seems to possess no corporeality at all. He is a generalized, clarified animal. He, for example, it is who is the guardian spirit, not the specific animal. There is no doubt in my mind that this con¬ ception is largely, if not entirely, a shamanistic one. It plays an im- 28 4 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA portant part in Winnebago life, for it permits an individual to kill any animal without running the risk of killing either his guardian spirit or his clan animal. This spirit-animal is distinguished from, let us say, the anthropomorphized hare of the Winnebago Medicine Dance, in that he does not represent the gradual development of a benevolent spirit out of an heroic buffoon animal, but simply a newly-created ab¬ straction of the shaman, based, it is true, on an animal prototype. A large number of spirits are indeterminate in shape. The reasons for this seem to be, that the object with which the spirit is associated has no definite shape; that its shape, while definite, has been discarded; that they are creations of the popular fancy; or that, finally, they are in a more or less constant state of transformation. To the first class belong such spirits as water, fire, light, wind, etc., on the one hand; and those spirits whose existence is made known by sounds or signs, on the other. Among the Winnebago, water is addressed as, “thou whose body is of water.’’ Nothing more definite is ever given. For those spirits who manifest themselves only by sound and signs, I have definite information only from the Winnebago and Ojibwa, though there is reason to believe that they also exist among the other tribes belonging to the Woodland area and to the territory just west of it. As to the nature of the identification of spirits with celestial objects, both shaman and lay Indian are at one; but a difference seems to exist in their interpretation of the identification with stones, trees, etc. The shaman seems to identify spirits with the latter objects, while the layman apparently conceives them to be inhabited by spirits. The sun, moon, and stars are among the most important spirits in America. So closely, however, have they been identified with these particular bodies, that no systematic attempt seems to have been made to transform them into true anthropomorphic spirits. These celestial bodies belong everywhere to the older strata of beliefs, and were in many tribes displaced by the development, on the part of the shaman, of other spirits. Wherever shamanistic systematization was at its highest, -—among the Bellacoola, Ojibwa, Winnebago, Pawnee, Pueblos, Iroquois, etc., — there we find evidence of a former marked prominence of the sun. In the popular mind, as evidenced by some of ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 285 the popular cults and the mythology, the sun always retained its prominence. Among the Natchez and in the civilizations of Mexico, the cult of the sun obtained so high a development that it displaced all others. Monsters as spirits are found all over America. Perhaps the most characteristic of them all is the widespread Water-Spirit, also known as the Horned Snake and the Plumed Serpent. He unquestionably belongs to the old strata of beliefs, and, although adopted by the shaman everywhere, has undergone almost no recasting. Around his figure still cluster the whole mass of magico-folkloristic beliefs characteristic of the popular spirits. No attempt has been made to clarify this picture. He is always regarded as a more or less malign being, at war with the Thunder-Bird. It may be in consequence of this latter trait that he was so little appreciated by the shaman; for the Thunder-Bird is favored by the shaman and the people, and the old belief in the eternal enmity of the two beings must have meant the development of one at the expense of the other. Among the Winnebago a sort of rehabilitation and clarification of the Water-Spirit has taken place in connection with the origin legend of the Water- Spirit clan. There is, however, another class of monster-spirits found in North America, whose origin does not lie so definitely in the popular folk-lore. As such we may cite the Eskimo Sedna and the Winnebago Disease- Giver. The latter is conceived of as human in shape, and as having his body divided into parts, one dealing out life, and the other death. This figure seems to me to be largely a development of the shaman, although it may be based on popular belief. According to the shaman, he is the cause of disease; but he has not succeeded in displacing the popular belief as to the cause of disease and death. All of the spirits discussed are capable of taking an indefinite number of shapes. This power of transformation does not seem to be insisted upon as much by the shaman as by the lay Indian, due perhaps to their different standpoints. Naturally this power is possessed to its highest degree by spirits. But to the lay Indian the spirits are not merely beings from whom all blessings flow, but also heroes; and their infinite capacity for transformation is dwelt upon everlastingly as 286 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA proof of their superior power. To the shaman as religious systematizer the spirits partake of the nature of deities, and their hero character is less important. The task they have before them is to define, co¬ ordinate, and classify the spirits. Emphasis upon their powers of transformation is not conducive to this. In defining them in prayers, in ritualistic speeches, etc., their character and the mode of representing them became fixed, and this literary fixation led to standardization in certain areas. Where artistic representation also occurred, the standardization was even more prominent. We have, then, to con¬ sider all these interpretations, each of which is partially true, and each of which has historically influenced the other, in our conception of the nature and figure of spirits. 3. The Power and Localization of Spirits. — Spirits possess the power of bestowing upon man all those things that are of socio¬ economic value to him. These may vary from such very important things as success on the war-path or rain to the most insignificant trifles. Whether these powers are possessed collectively by a few spirits, or possessed singly by a large number, will be found to vary according to the degree of systematization the beliefs have undergone. Where this systematization is marked, the powers have become grouped together in the hands of a comparatively small number of spirits; and where this is not the case, the powers have been scattered over an enormous number. The same powers are frequently possessed by different spirits, due mainly to their number, their localization, and the influence of family groups and clans. Historically the multiplicity of spirits may to a certain extent repre¬ sent the influence of localization. As to the prevalence of the belief in the localization of spirits in North America, there can be little doubt. The prominence attached to the belief in “magic power” has obscured this fundamental conception. Any study of North- American religion based on mythology, ritualistic speeches, and personal experiences, will demonstrate this clearly. People are blessed by guardian spirits whose abode is a definite place in the near vicinity of their village, not by spirits who live somewhere in the universe. Among the Winnebago, the Ojibwa, the Omaha, there were as many spirits as there were lakes, hills, rivers, etc.; and each of these spirits ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 287 possessed practically the same powers. Among the Eskimo the same thing is true. According to Turner , 1 “every cove of the seashore, every point, island, and prominent rock, has its guardian spirit.’’ Among the Takelma, according to Dr. Sapir, “a potent group of spirits are localized and associated with certain definite rocks, trees, or moun¬ tains. Direct offerings of food and other valuables seem often to have been deposited at the localities with which such beings were associated.” 2 So thoroughly ingrown is, in fact, this localization in the popular mind, that the shamanistic systematization never made any real headway against it. Its spirit-deities never displaced the local genii, but at best were established at their side. As in most other things, so here too there seems to be a difference between the lay Indian’s conception of the powers associated with the spirits and the shaman’s. The localized spirits are to the popular mind true genii loci, who are concerned not so much with granting power to man as with the protection of their respective precincts. The granting of powers to man is popularly believed to have been the work of the early culture-heroes. True, man never prayed to them for power; but then it had been given for all time when they trans¬ formed this world and made it habitable. If by offerings to the genii loci they could placate them and safely pass from place to place, then life was fairly secure. This apparent lack of positive relation of the genii loci to the socio-economic needs of man, I believe to have been the popular and earlier viewpoint. Certain spirits — like the sun, moon, earth, stars, etc. — all be¬ longing, according to our evidence, to the earlier strata of spirits, although they are of course not genii loci in the strict sense of the term, are looked upon, nevertheless, as being concerned with their own in¬ terests. Their own interests happen, however, to be of the utmost importance to man. Man’s attitude toward them is sufficiently illustrated by the fact that he asks them not so much for power as for the continuance of their own strictly private functions. It is interesting to note that the same attitude, the main feature of which 1 L. M. Turner, “The Hudson Bay Eskimo” (nth Annua! Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology). 2 E. Sapir, “The Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians” (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 35). 288 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA seems to be a lack of direct relation to man’s needs, is characteristic of the tricksters and transformers of North-American mythology. The shaman’s viewpoint is characteristically different. To judge from those areas where our information is sufficiently definite, in particular from the Winnebago and Ojibwa, the emphasis on the association of the power to grant man all his socio-economic needs with the realization of the direct relationship between the maintenance of these needs and the spirits, is almost exclusively the work of the shaman. The function of the genii loci was transformed, or, better, augmented. They still remained the guardians of their precincts, but, in addition, were regarded as the source of man’s power throughout his life. The creative animal heroes had to give way to these new¬ comers as the original source of power, unless they were themselves elevated to the dignity of spirits. Such are the two points of view prevalent in North America; and these should be carefully borne in mind if we wish to obtain a correct idea of the Indians’ religion. 4. The Development of Spirits into Deities. -—The conception of deities is quite clearly due to shamanistic systematization. From what were the deities developed? Doubtless to those ethnologists who believe firmly in the existence of a “magic power,” the differ¬ ence between spirits and deities is one of degree of individualization of the magic power. To me the facts seem to point toward a devel¬ opment in exactly the opposite direction. But to what are we to relate them,-—-to such spirits as sun, moon, stars; to the genii loci; or are we to regard them as new conceptions largely representing the reconstructions of the shaman? I believe an examination of the data points in all three directions. Deities are found developed in practically all parts of North Amer¬ ica, with the possible exception of interior and northern Canada and among the Plateau tribes. In certain sections — like the Northwest coast, the Plains Woodland, the Plains, California, the Southwest, and certain parts of the Eastern Woodlands — two types of deities are found; to wit, the trickster deity and the “pure” deity. The wide distribution of the trickster deity shows that it is not associated with any marked ritualistic development. To my mind it represents ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 289 the shaman’s acknowledgment of the power of popular beliefs, and likewise an admission that he too shares many of them. His recon¬ structed trickster is generally more consistent as a creator, more directly and consciously benevolent, but his origin is indicated in a number of features. Indeed, it could not be otherwise; for the shaman’s re-interpretation is never thorough and complete, and, no matter how clarified his conception may be, the people as such have never lost their conception of the trickster. What appears to me a probable reason for the lack of remodelling of the trickster deity, at least in certain portions of America, is the fact that the shaman has developed another deity in which he was more interested. The trick¬ ster was probably always forced upon him to a certain degree. In certain sections of the Northwest coast and California where the second type of deity is not well developed, the trickster deity retains less of his primeval character: as, for instance, the raven among the Tlingit, Haida, and the Asiatic Chukchee; and the coyote among the Mewan. Conversely, the trickster nature of the deity, or perhaps the influence of the trickster conception on the second type of deity, creeps out even when the deity has obtained so abstract a formulation as among the Chitimacha. Although he is spoken of here as “having neither eyes nor ears, but who sees, hears, and understands every¬ thing,” he yet plays the role of trickster at the same time. One word of caution is necessary here: we may be dealing with information obtained from two sources, — the shamanistic and the popular. Although, as we have pointed out before, the development of deities need not coincide with a marked development of ritualistic organiza¬ tion, it is frequently so associated; the Central Algonkin, some of the Eastern-Woodlands tribes, and California presenting a notable excep¬ tion. This association is not due to the complexity of the ritual, but to the necessity of having founders and creators for the various rituals. These founders are for the most part trickster deities. Such, for instance, is the case with a number of the societies of the Northwest coast, the Winnebago, the Sauk and Fox, etc. We have thus two sources for the origin of the trickster deities, — the reconstructions of the individual shaman, and the desire of having a founder for a ritual or society. 19 290 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA The “pure” deities are quite clearly unrelated to the trickster or culture-hero. They may vary from such definite deities as the sun, moon, earth, star, etc., to such indefinite ones as the Great-Medicine of the Cheyenne, Olelbis (“ Dwelling-on-High ”) and Namhliestawa (“ Hurling-Left-Handed-to-the-West) of the Wintun, Shining-Heavens of the Haida, Tirawa of the Pawnee, Earth-Maker of the Winnebago, and the Good Spirit of the Ojibwa. Of these, certain ones (like the sun, etc.) belong, as we have seen, to the oldest possessions of the people; while the others seem at first glance to be largely reconstructions of the shamans, although, as we shall see later, this is only partially true. One difference between these two types appears fairly clear, — the sun, moon, etc., generally belong to a polytheistic phase in America, while the Great Medicine, etc., belong to a monotheistic phase. There are of course exceptions; such, for example, as the role of the sun among the Natchez, and that of Raven-at-the-Head-of-Nass among the Tlingit. The position of the former was due to the remark¬ able development of the sun cult among that people. Let us examine the names of our deities more closely. Dwelling- on-High and Hurling-Left-Handed-to-the-West are descriptive terms from which nothing can be learned. The Good Spirit of the Ojibwa, we know, exists side by side with the Bad Spirit. Earth-Maker of the Winnebago is the only name that explains the function of the deity. This, however, is only one of his names. He is also known as the Creator and the Great Spirit. Like the Good Spirit of the Ojibwa, another spirit of equal rank appears in the mythology, called Herec- gunina, corresponding exactly to the Ojibwa Bad Spirit. The Shining-Heavens of the Haida represents, in my opinion, merely a transformed older spirit. Dr. Swanton says, “He (Shining- Heavens) is the sky god, the highest deity anciently recognized by the Haida.” 1 He goes on to say, “Sin, the name by which he is known, is the ordinary word for ‘day,’ as distinguished from ‘night’ or from an entire period of twenty-four hours which also is called ‘night;’ but it seems to be more strictly applied to the sky as it is illuminated by sunshine.” This explanation is, I believe, far-fetched. Sin is 1 J. R. Swanton, Haida Texts and Myths (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 29, P- 30). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 291 apparently identical with the Winnebago hap and the Tciwere (Oto, Iowa and Missouri) hape, which means “day.” There is also a very important deity by this name. Hap, however, has two other second¬ ary meanings, — that of “light air, heavens,” and that of “life.” In view of the remarkable correspondence of the Haida and Winne¬ bago deities, may we not legitimately identify the two? Sin would then simply be an old spirit deity who has been transformed into a supreme deity. The names of these deities show clearly that we are to look for their origin neither in the older spirits (like sun, moon, etc.) nor in the genii loci. Where, then, are we to look? There seem to me to be three sources of origin, — the generic genii loci, the dual creators, and the shamanistic reconstructions. Among the Tlingit we are told that there were “one principal and several subordinate spirits in everything.” A similar conception exists among the Eskimo, the Asiatic Chukchee, the Winnebago, etc. What we find here is a localization of authority. There was at all times an inequality in the importance of the genii loci. The genii loci of the trees were subject to the genius loci of all the trees within a cer¬ tain area, etc. This conception is quite similar to that of the spirit- animal mentioned before. We are not dealing here, however, with an abstraction for the purpose of subjecting a number of individual entities to some unifying principle, but clearly with generic genii loci. It is from this generic genius loci that, in my opinion, such deities as the Hard-Being-Woman of the Hopi, the Spider-Woman of the Pueblos, Sedna of the Eskimo, the Water-Spirit of the Winnebago, etc., were developed. All these deities have, of course, undergone considerable re-interpretation and clarification at the hands of the shaman. Dual creators — or, better, dual transformers — are found in all parts of America. They are a common feature of all their mythologies. Frequently three, four, or five transformers are found, depending upon the sacred number of the tribe. Among the Winnebago, for instance, there are four. The dual creators are generally regarded as equal in power; but one is supposed to be more benevolent than another, and more directly interested in furthering the needs of man. In many 292 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA areas this antagonism in the character of the dual deities developed a marked Good Spirit and Bad Spirit. This is typical, for instance, of the Central Algonkin, Winnebago, Omaha, etc. This postulation of a Good Spirit and a Bad Spirit was not developed by the shaman. It seems to be one of the fundamental folkloristic conceptions of the North American Indians. The Good Spirit and Bad Spirit are merely the spirits-in-chief of the numerous good and bad spirits. Let us see now what the shamanistic reconstructions have done with these dual deities. Where the systematization was very strong, — as, for instance, among the Pawnee and Winnebago, — the Bad Spirit has disappeared completely. Among the Winnebago he is still found, however, in the popular cycles. He has, it is true, degenerated into a sorry figure; but Earth-Maker confesses himself powerless to destroy him. Among the Pawnee, Tirawa reigns supreme; and there seem to be only hints as to the earlier existence of a rival. 5. Monotheism. — The belief in a single supreme deity is not very common in America. The nearest approach to it is Tirawa of the Pawnee. According to Mr. Grinnell, he is “an intangible spirit, omnipotent and beneficenc. He pervades the universe and is its supreme ruler. Upon his will depends everything that happens. He can bring good or bad; can give success or failure. Everything rests with him. . . . Nothing is undertaken without a prayer to the Father for assistance. When the pipe is lighted the first whiffs are blown to the deity. When food is eaten, a small portion of it is placed on the ground as a sacrifice to him.” 1 Such a conception is quite rare. If, however, we take the belief in a single God to mean the belief in a mildly benevolent creator, who may or may not be the creator of all deities and spirits, to whom offerings are made similar in nature to those made to the other spirits, the conception, though not common, is found among the Californian tribes, the Bellacoola, the Central Algonkin, the Woodland-Plains, some of the Plains, and some of the Southwestern tribes. As to the origin of the idea of a single deity, there is little doubt in my mind that it is to be sought in the older belief in the Good Spirits and Bad Spirits, and probably represents the complete displacement of 1 G. B. Grinnell, “Pawnee Mythology” (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. vi, p. m). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 293 the latter. The non-ritualistic myths and the popular beliefs bear this out amply. The single deity never seems to have become very pop¬ ular. He was, for instance, rarely appealed to directly by the average man; and it is only by a tour de force that he appears as a guardian spirit. In fact, though based on a popular belief, he is a thoroughly shamanistic construction. To what extent Christianity has influenced the development of the Good Spirit into a supreme deity, it is difficult to determine. Its influence must have been considerable in certain areas. However, as we have tried to show, it is not necessary to call in the aid of Chris¬ tian influence to account for the origin of the idea of a single supreme deity. II. THE RELATION OF SPIRITS TO MAN i. The Twofold Interpretation of this Relation. — Among all North American tribes there is always to be found an unsyste¬ matized postulation of a purely mechanical relation between man and the spirits or deities. If certain conditions are fulfilled, the blessing will flow mechanically, quite independent of the volition of the spirits. If, for instance, the Winnebago make the necessary offerings of tobacco and eagle-feathers to the Thunder-Birds, and they accept them, they must grant man those powers which they possess. Theoretically the spirits have the alternative of accepting or refusing these offerings; but there is something so inherently tempting in the tobacco, eagle- feathers, etc., that very few spirits are credited with sufficient strength of character to refuse. As an instructive example of this attitude, I might cite the following incident in a Winnebago myth. The Winne¬ bago are offering tobacco to the Buffalo spirits, and the smoke is ascending through a hole in the sky to the home of these spirits. The younger Buffaloes cannot resist the temptation of approaching the opening to catch a few whiffs of their favorite tobacco. They are thereupon warned by the older Buffaloes not to go too close, for the tobacco fumes might tempt them too strongly; and should they succumb and accept the offerings, then they would have to appear on earth and be killed. This interpretation of the relation of the spirits to man is the popular one, that of the unreligious man. Alongside of it arose another closely allied historically. The popular interpretation was 294 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA only in a vague way a cause-and-effect relation. It remained for the shaman to emphasize this latter fact, to give a reason for the spirits’ fondness for tobacco, to grant the spirits a certain amount of volition, and finally to insist upon certain qualifications on the part of the sup¬ pliants. A certain precision in the manner of making offerings was probably always present. The mechanical interpretation gave way to what might be called a “contract” theory. The spirits possessed the various powers without which man could achieve only a modicum of success; and man possessed tobacco, corn, eagle-feathers, buckskin, etc. Man would give the spirits tobacco, etc.; and the spirits would give man the powers they controlled. Accompanying this change of interpretation, there was a difference of attitude. The mechanical interpretation demanded but a modicum of religious feeling; the “contract” interpretation was heavily charged with it. 2. Guardian Spirits. — One of the fundamental features of North American religion is the marked projection of even the most minute socio-economic life-values into the idea of spirits and deities. It is probably for this reason that the relation of spirits to man is so intimate. There is no aloofness, such as we find in many modern religions. This intimate and direct relationship is of utmost impor¬ tance; for to it and to the belief in genii loci was due the most char¬ acteristic feature of Indian religion, namely, the development of the idea of guardian spirits. If the genii loci played no role in the develop¬ ment of the conception of deities, it is perhaps largely due to the fact that they had already been requisitioned for the elaboration of this idea of guardian spirit. Very little was necessary to accomplish the transformation of the genius loci into the guardian spirit. The idea of guardian and protector of the precinct, as such, had but to be extended so as to include all those who lived in that precinct, both individually and collectively. I think it would be a mistake to assume offhand, that, strictly speaking, each individual had, or could have had, a distinctly different guardian spirit. The evidence accumu¬ lating now, although it will never be conclusive, points unmistakably to an association of guardian spirits with families or even larger groups. It is not to be supposed that there was an inheritance of such spirits, however, but rather a tendency to acquire those spirits who had proved their usefulness and power by the blessings they had given to ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 295 older members of the family. This tendency toward inheritance becomes especially marked in those areas where the guardian spirit is associated with certain definite powers, like success in hunting, etc . 1 The only satisfactory method of describing the nature of the guar¬ dian spirits is to give a few fasting experiences in extenso. I will select such as bring out all the various aspects of this belief. (A) 2 “Shanapow, when a young boy commenced fasting for his fortune. . . . He fasted eight days without eating, till he got very weak. On the eighth night he dreamed that one of the sacred monsters who lived in the falls appeared and told him, ‘Look yonder and you will see something laced there as your rewaid for fasting,’ indicating a rock in the centre of the falls. The whole earth looked transparent, and he went to the rock island, going over ice. When he got there he discovered a sacred kettle which was as bright as fire. It was a bear kettle from the underneath god to feed from when a sacrifice feast was given. ‘Now,’ said the god, ‘go a short distance and you will find there what is granted you. You will then break your fast and eat.’ So Shanapow went and found a large bear which he killed and made a sacrifice of, and then ate with others whom he invited.” (B) 3 “When I was ten years old, my grandmother wanted me to fast, so that I might know what blessing I was to receive. I was to start in the autumn of the year. At first I was to get just a little to eat and drink in the morning and evening. This meagre diet was to continue all through the autumn and winter. In the spring a little wigwam was built for me on a scaffold, not very far from the ground. In this wigwam I was to stay ten days and nights, and only get a little to eat in the mornings and evenings. My grandmother told me before enteiing not to believe every spirit that would come to me with promises, for there are some who try to deceive people, and only to accept the blessings of that spirit who came with a great noise and power. “The first and second night I did not dream of anything, but during the third night a very rich man came to me and asked me to go along with 1 The powers associated with the guardian spirits, and the method of acquisition of the guardian spirits, will be treated in other sections. 2 Alanson Skinner, Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians (An¬ thropological Papers, American Museum cf Natural History, vol. xiii, part i). 3 P. Radin, Some Aspects of Puberty Fasting among the Ojibwa (Museum Bulletin No. 2, Anthropological Series No. 2, Geological Survey of Canada). 296 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA him and that he would give me all the riches I wanted. I went along with him, but I did not accept what he offered me, and returned to my wigwam. Then I looked in the direction in which ... he was disappearing, . . . and I saw that he had changed into an owl, and that the lodge that I had visited with him was a hollow tree with holes. The next night another rich man came to me, dressed in a suit of red material. He offered me the same things as the first man, and in addition told me that if I accepted his blessings I could change my clothes twice a year. After I refused he told me to look in his direction as he left me; and as I did so, I saw nothing but oak trees and dry and green leaves. The next night another man came and offered me boxes of sugar. I went with him, too, but I refused his blessing; and when I turned to look at him as he left, just as I had done in the other cases, I only saw a large maple-tree. “My grandmother came twice a day to ask me about what I had dreamt and to give me something to eat. I told her about my dreams, and she again told me to accept the blessing of no one but the spirit who came to me with a great noise and strength. Some night before the tenth I heard the noise of a gush of wind above me and saw a very stout and strong man. With this man I went towards the north, and finally came to nine old men sitting around a circle. In the centre sat a very old man, and this was the man who blessed me. He told me that he had just been sent down from above. Then I was brought back to my little wigwam and told to look in the direction in which my guide was going. When he had gone some dis¬ tance, I looked and I saw a number of large white stones in a circle and one in the centre of this circle. The next morning when my grandmother came to feed me and question me, I told her of what I bad dreamt. That was the end of my fasting.” (C ) 1 “One time in a dream the Sun came to me and said, ‘Look at the old woman’s face (moon)!’ I looked and saw that she had turned her back, but I saw through her head. I could see the paint on her face. There was a black spot on her nose, and a ring over her forehead, cheeks, and chin. Then the Sun said, ‘Look at my face! This is the way you are to paint your face. You must always wear a cap made of running fisher- skin with one feather. This cap is to be like the one I now wear. If you do this, you shall have power to turn away rain.” 1 C. Wissler, Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natuial History, vol. vii, p. 74). ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 297 The foregoing fasting-experiences show clearly what powers are supposed to be possessed by guardian spirits. Of any attitude of veneration felt for the spirits by the fasters, I cannot detect the slightest trace. A religious thrill there certainly has been at all times, depending in intensity on the age and temperament of the faster. On the whole, however, we are dealing with a stereotyped explanation of success in life. It might be said to read as follows: “I am a successful hunter; I am a prominent warrior, etc.; and I am told that I have become such because I have done what my elders told me, — have practised these professions diligently, and made offerings to the spirits.” The formula is put in the mouth of the youth; but it means nothing until it is interpreted much later in terms of each man’s experience in life. It is because this formula has been tested by the results obtained, and found correct, that it is accepted and perpetuated. The guardian spirit is not supposed to be in permanent attendance upon man. It is only when he is needed, in the crises of life, that he is brought into relation with man; and it is quite characteristic of the markedly materialistic basis of the belief that the spirit is only called into aid for the particular needs of each case. If it is a warpath that is to be undertaken, then the individual will demand such and such honors and safety for himself and the precise number of men accom¬ panying him. Frequently his fasting-experiences will be carefully tested by the elders; and if found wanting in any respect, he will be restrained from going. This is of course merely another way of saying that the man was either too young or inexperienced for such an undertaking, or that the enemy were perhaps too powerful, etc. The fact that the Indians expressed this in religious terms should not blind us to the fact that they realized quite well that they were dealing with a purely mundane affair, and that mundane facts were to be given the greatest consideration. III. THE METHODS OF BRINGING SPIRITS INTO RELATION WITH MAN I. Fasting. — There seem to be two marked methods of bringing spirits into relation with man, — the one magical, and the other religious. Here we are concerned only with the religious. In the discussion of the latter, two things are to be borne in mind, — first, 298 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA that it means essentially a method of superinducing a religious feeling; and, secondly, that religious feeling is bound up with the desire for preserving and perpetuating socio-economic life-values. On the whole, religious feeling was superinduced in the customary way, by fasting, self-castigacion, etc.; but the characteristic method was fasting. In-America fasting was undergone for a definite reason; namely, to superinduce religious feeling, which psychologically meant a state of mind in which the world of sense-impressions was shut out, and in which auto-suggestion and hallucinations were predominant. The desirability for such a state of mind lay not so much in the emotional pleasure it gave the Indian as in the belief that such a state of mind was essential for placing him in a position to overcome certain crises in his life which it was reasonable to anticipate would develop. He believed that fasting would accomplish this, because he was told so by the shaman and his elders. If primarily religious feeling was evoked by the contemplation of the goods of this world and the desirability of possessing them in full measure, secondarily it was called forth by the belief in spirits possessed of powers that would make the question of acquiring these goods easy. If to us it seems that in the formula of fasting the relation to spirits is the essential thing, this is due to the fact that we are misled by the state of mind of the faster and our own religious bringing-up. 2. “Mental Concentration.” — Among the Winnebago and Ojib- wa, and I have reason to believe among other tribes, the efficacy of a blessing, of a ceremony, etc., depended upon what the Indians called “concentrating your mind” upon the spirits, upon the details of the ritual, or upon the precise purpose to be accomplished. All other thoughts were to be strictly excluded. The insistent admonition of the Winnebago elders is that the youth, in his fasting, centre his mind completely on the spirits, and that his blessing will vary in direct pro¬ portion to the concentration he has been capable of. It was believed that the relation between man and the spirits was established by this “concentration,” and that no manner of care in ritualistic detail could take its place. Very frequently failure on a warpath or lack of efficacy of a ritual was attributed to the fact that the Indian or Indians had been lacking in the intensity of their “concentration.” There are indications that this “concentration” played an important ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 299 part in a number of purely magical rites among the Winnebago and Ojibwa. Thus among the former there was a special ceremony con¬ nected with the obtaining of animals, which consisted simply in “setting your mind ” upon them. It is probable, therefore, that “con¬ centration” was originally a purely magical device that was re-inter¬ preted and included in the religious complex by the shaman. 3. Self-Castigation and Torture.- —There seems to be little doubt that both self-castigation and torture were originally uncon¬ nected with the religious complex. The idea that a relation between man and spirits could be established with their aid, is always a special and shamanistic interpretation. Neither self-castigation nor torture are commonly found associated in North America with religion. They form prominent elements, however, in the religious complex associated with the Sun Dance of the Plains Indians, the Mandan Okeepa and ceremonies of the Mexican Indians. 4. Offerings and Sacrifices. — The theory on which the Indians made offerings has been touched on before. It is what Tylor calls the “gift-theory.” Of his “homage” and “abnegation-theory,” I cannot find any trace in North America. Offerings were made to spirits, the dwelling-place of spirits, or objects in any way connected with spirits. What was sacrificed de¬ pended largely upon the pursuits of the people and custom. To different spirits different articles were frequently given, but all received tobacco. Among most tribes, food-animals — such as deer, elk, moose, buffalo, etc. — were offered. Among the Woodland and Woodland-Plains tribes, white dogs were sacrificed. Human sacrifices were found only among the Pawnee. As is well known, they were common in Mexico. The method of sacrifice varied. When the offerings were made to spirits, food was either put for them at certain places or partaken of by the Indians themselves upon the supposition that the spirits either partook only of the spirit of the food or were present invisibly as feasters. When the offerings were made to places supposed to be the abode of spirits, or to objects connected with them, they were placed near them. Offerings to the genii loci were made whenever an individual passed their precincts. To the more important spirits and deities, sacrifices were made at definite times or when ceremonies were performed. Any individual could make offer- 300 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA ings. On certain occasions — such, for instance, as before starting out on a war-expedition, at specific ceremonies, etc. — this function devolved upon special individuals. 5. Prayers and Incantations. — “Prayers may either be spoken words, or they may be expressed by symbolic objects placed so that they convey the wishes of the worshipper to the powers.” 1 The latter type is found only among the Pueblo Indians. Prayers accompany practically all sacrifices and ceremonies. In the rituals of the North Pacific coast Indians they are, however, rare. The objects of prayer are always those socio-economic life-values to which importance is attached in any given area. What in these values is stressed depends, to a certain extent, upon the ambitions of the individual, and conse¬ quently it happens at times that individuals may pray for abstract blessings or for ideal objects. Prayers are always accompanied by a religious feeling when made by the shaman, but frequently become mere formulas in the hands of the lay Indian. In such cases their effi¬ cacy will generally be regarded as depending upon the correctness with which they are repeated. When the prayer takes a ritualistic form and it is regarded as efficacious in itself, it becomes an incantation, and properly belongs to the domain of magic. This seems to be char¬ acteristic of prayers in northern California and among the Eskimo, but is frequently found elsewhere. 6 . Charms and Fetiches. — Charms and fetiches are employed in many parts of North America as a means of establishing a relation¬ ship between man and spirits. These charms and fetiches are either regarded as the gift of the spirits, the dwelling-place of the spirits, or are connected intimately with them in some way. They belong largely, however, to the domain of magic, and may be regarded as having been secondarily associated with the religious complex. The main element in this transformation from magic to religion was prob¬ ably the definite interpretation of the relation of the charm to the results obtained. For the purely mechanical or perhaps coercive rela¬ tion, the shaman substituted the religious relation. 2 1 F. Boas, article “Prayer,” in Handbook of American Indians (Buieau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, Part 2). 2 It might be well to mention here the idea that spirits may be propitiated if offended by transgressions of certain rules. The most important of these means of propitiation is confession, which is found among the Eskimo, Iroquois, and Athapascan. It has lately developed among the Winnebago, but it may be due there to the influence of Christianity. ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 301 IV. THE FOLKLORISTIC-RELIGIOUS COMPLEX 1 1. The Concept of Evil. — It is generally supposed that the Indians’ actions are regulated “by the desire to retain the good will of those [spirits] friendly to him, and to control those that are hostile.” This suggests a clear concept of evil, and seems justified when we remember that almost every tribe postulates its good and bad spirits. An examination of North American data, however, shows that while the Indians do speak of the existence of bad spirits, with the exception of the Eskimo, these spirits seem to exercise little influence upon their lives. Evil would most assuredly befall individuals who, for instance, fasted at the wrong time, or who accepted blessings from spirits when they were expressly warned against them; but people seem to have been quite careful to heed these warnings. In the vast majority of cases, evil seems to result either from inability to obtain protection or from infringement of rules. Thus, if an indi¬ vidual succumbs during one of life’s crises, it is not because of an evil spirit, but because he failed to provide himself with the means of protecting himself on such an occasion. There is another kind of evil, however, besides that which is connected with inability to obtain protection from the spirits; and that is the evil caused by definite individuals. Such individuals claim to have received the power of inflicting injury from the spirits. This does not mean, however, that bad spirits blessed them. The power to inflict evil is one of the powers that men may covet and that all spirits may grant. Summing up, we may say that in practice the Indian does not deal with the evil spirits he unquestionably postulates, but that the same spirit may be connected with good as with evil. It may yery well be chat in this twofold aspect of the spirits we still see the reflection of an older concept of the spirits in which they, like the tricksters, were not concerned with the weal or woe of man, but their own interests; and that whatever evil or good man obtained through them was indirect. 2. The Concept of Disease. — Disease is conceived of in a variety of ways. It may be due to a general lack of protection, to the presence of a material object in the body, to the absence of the soul from the body, or rarely to the action of a spirit who distributes it. I believe 1 Under this heading we shall concern ourselves entirely with the folkloristic-religious concepts. 302 ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA it is a fundamental belief in North America that disease is natural to man, and that without the spirits’ protection he will most assuredly become ill on numerous occasions in life. The specific disease itself is caused by some individual who has caused a material object to enter another person’s body or has abstracted his soul. I know of only one case in North America where disease is conceived of as being incarnated in a spirit or deity; and that is among the Winnebago, where the curious deity known as Disease-Giver is found. Disease is associated with the religious complex, because those individuals who are conceived of as causing and curing it are supposed to have obtained their powers from spirits. This inclusion represents undoubtedly the activity of those shamans with whom the function of curing disease became definitely associated. For the majority of lay Indians, I feel confident, disease was regarded as being caused and cured by purely magical methods. 3. The Concept of Death, After-Life, and Re-incarnation. — Deach was everywhere conceived of as a cessation of life on this earth, and a cessation of certain kinds of intercourse between the individual who had died and living individuals. It was not, however, considered by any means as a cessation of all kinds of intercourse. It could not be staved off entirely; but it could be staved off for a larger or smaller number of years, depending upon the nature of the blessings an individual received, his participation in certain ceremonies, the nature of his offerings to the spirits, etc. Death was regarded as having originated in a number of ways at the beginning of the world, the reasons given being generally folkloristic ones. At times it is not accounted for at all. After death, an individual was supposed to travel to a spirit-land much the same as ours, and to remain there. This journey to the spirit-land is regarded as being beset with many dangers, to overcome which the aid of the living is necessary. Among certain tribes the belief is found that only individuals who have led an upright life are able to reach the spirit-land; but among most tribes this is apparently not the case, and the ability to reach the spirit-land depends upon a variety of causes. Among the Winnebago, for instance, if one of the warriors invited to a wake boasts of his war-exploits, the individual who has died will fall over one of the precipices on the spirit-road; ANTHROPOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA 303 and among the Ojibwa, all infants are doomed to die on the road, be¬ cause they are unable to balance themselves successfully on the slippery bridge that spans one of the rivers that have to be crossed. The life that is led in the spirit-land is one of unadulterated joy. Indi¬ viduals are much the same as when they lived on earth, except that among many tribes a person is believed to appear there in the precise bodily form in which he died. If he had been scalped, if his head had been cut off, if he had been wounded in a certain way, etc., he would continue his existence in the spirit-land in that shape. Among most tribes a belief in re-incarnation is present in varying degrees. It is especially prominent among the Sauk and Fox, Winne¬ bago, and Omaha. Only shamans and prominent warriors were gen¬ erally regarded as being able to become re-incarnated, as a rule, although among the Winnebago it was associated with death on the warpath and membership in the Medicine Dance. The following Winnebago account will bring out most of the salient features con¬ nected with this belief. “I came from above, and I am holy. This is my second life on earth. Many years before my present existence I lived on this earth. At that time every one seemed to be on the warpath. I also was a warrior and a brave man. Once when I was on the warpath I was killed. It seemed to me, however, as if I had only stumbled. I rose and went right ahead until I reached my home. There I found my wife and children, but they would not look at me. Then I spoke to my wife, but she seemed to be quite unaware of my presence. What can be the matter? I thought. . . . Finally it occurred to me that I might in reality be dead, so I returned to the battle-field; and, surely enough, there I saw my body. . . . After that I tried for four years to return to my home, but I was unsuccessful. “After a while I became transformed into a fish. Their life is much worse than ours, for they are frequently i 4 iw i .$£,91 0 tfEB . t *4§ Oct3) : AUG 1 2 « oC. 4 MOCK ** SOCIC f nrjy . r 7/P 'if) ■ o nflV prorPl 'F ~"Ug*rX If* u • 3-DAi ini htotKVt 2 4*5o ]|A ft 26 MM 2 9 ' 46 •MIL %ir34e NO. Jb»3'4S r~ Juii; ;g 7 * 1 Feb ■'?3© B t VJ9-&, i .f'T ? a