COL. GEORGE WASHINGTON FLOWERS 
 MEMORIAL COLLECTION 
 
 DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 DURHAM, N. C. 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 W. W. FLOWERS 
 
[ 
 
 Digitized by 
 
 the Internet Archive 
 
 
 
 
 in 2015 
 
 
 https://archive.org/details/accountoflateintOOchar 
 
OF 
 
 THE LATE 
 
 AMONG 
 
 m lUvtimi tlje saiaftt^ 
 
 OF THIS CITY« 
 
 FHE CORPORATION OF Cx^ARLESTON. 
 
 (THIRD EDITION.) 
 
 CHARLESTON: 
 
 ..yRlNTED BY A. E. MILLER, 
 
 4 Broad-Street. 
 
 1822. 
 
August IStHj 1822. 
 
 Resolved, that the Intendant he requested to pre- 
 pare for publication y an account of the late intended 
 " Insurrection in this City^ with a Statement of the 
 *' Trials and such other facts in connexion with the 
 " same as may be deemed of public interest,^^ 
 
 TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 In complying with the objects of the above Resolution, I Imve not 
 been insensible to the difficulties and embarrassments necessarily in- 
 cident to the subject, as to what it might be politic either to pubUsh 
 or suppress. With the advice, however, of the Corporation, I have 
 deemed a full publication of the prominent circumstances of the late 
 commotion the most judicious course, as suppression might assume 
 the appearance of timidity or injustice. Whilst such a Statement is 
 due to the character of our community, and justification of our laws, 
 there can be no harm in the salutary inculcation of one lesson, 
 among a certain portion of our population, that there is nothing 
 they are bad enough to do, that we are not powerful enough to 
 punish. 
 
 J. HAMILTON, jun. Intendant 
 Charleston, August l6th, 1822. 
 
Mn Account, $fe. 
 
 ft 
 
 On Thursday, the 30th of May last, about 3 o'clock 
 in the afternoon, the Int^ndant of Charleston was in- 
 formed by a gentleman of great respectability, (who, 
 that morning, had returned from the country) that a 
 favourite and confidential slave of his had communi- 
 cated to him, on his arrival in town, a conversation 
 which had taken place at the market on the Saturday 
 preceding, between himself and a black man ; which 
 afforded strong reasons for believing that a revolt and 
 i^jsurrection were in contemplation among a proportion 
 at least of our black population. The Corporation 
 was forthwith summoned to meet at 5 o'clock, for the 
 purpose of hearing the narrative of the slave who had 
 given this information to his master, to which meeting 
 the attendance of His Excellency the Governor was so- 
 licited ; with which invitation he promptly complied. 
 Between, however, the hours of 3 and 5 o'clock, the 
 gentleman who had conveyed the information to the 
 Intendant, having again examined his slave, was induc- 
 ed to believe, that the negro fellow who had communi- 
 cated the intelligence of the intended revolt to the 
 slave in question, belonged to Messrs. J. & D. Paul, 
 Broad Street, and resided in their premises. Accor- 
 dingly, with a promptitude worthy of all praise, with- 
 out waiting for the interposition of the civil authority 
 he applied to the Messrs. Paul and had the whole of 
 their male servants committed to the Guard-House, 
 until the individual who had accosted the slave of 
 this gentleman, on the occasion previously mentionedj 
 could be identified from among them. 
 
4 
 
 could be identified from among tlieoi. 
 
 On the assembling of the Corporation at five, the 
 slave of this gentleman was brought before them, 
 having previously identified Mr. PauPs William as the 
 majp who had accosted him in the market, he then 
 related the following circumstances : 
 
 ' On Saturday afternoon last (my master being out 
 ^ of town) I went to market ; after finishing my business 
 
 * I strolled down the wharf below the fish market, 
 ^ from which I observed a small vessel in the stream 
 ^ with a singular flag; whilst looking at this object^ 
 
 * a black man, (Mr. Paul's William) came up to me 
 
 * and remarking the subject wdiich engaged my atten- 
 
 * tion said, I have often seen a flag with the number 76 
 ^ on it, but never with 96, before. After some trifling 
 ' conversation on this point, he remarked with consi- 
 ^ derable earnestness to me. Do you know that some- 
 ^ thing serious is about to take place ? To which \ 
 ' replied no. Well, said he, there is, and many of us 
 ^ are determined to right ourselves ! I asked him to 
 ' explain himself— when he remarked, why, we are 
 
 * determined to shake off our bondage, and for this 
 ' purpose we stand on a good foundation, many have 
 'joined, and if you will go with me, 1 will show you 
 
 * the man, who has the list of names who v^ill take 
 
 * yours down. — was so much astonished and horror 
 ^ struck at this information, that it was a moment or 
 ' two before I could collect myself sufficiently to tel! 
 
 * him I would have nothing to do with this business, 
 
 * that I was satisfied with my condition, that I was 
 ^ grateful to my master for his kindness and wished 
 ^ no change.~I left him instantly, lest, if this fellow 
 ^ afterwards got into trouble, and I had been seen 
 
 * conversing with him, in so public a place, I might be 
 
 * suspected and thrown into difficulty. — I did not how- 
 
 * ever remain easy under the burden of such a secret, 
 
 * and consequently determined to consult a free man of 
 ' colour named and to ask his advice. On con- 
 
 ferring with this friend, he urged me with great ear- 
 
5 
 
 * nestness to communicate what had passed between 
 ' Mr. Paul's man and myself to my master, and not to 
 ' lose a moment in so doing.* I took his advice, and 
 
 * not waiting, even for the return of my master to town, 
 ' I mentioned it to my mistress and young master.— 
 ' On the arrival of my master, he examined me as to 
 ' what had passed, and I stated to him what I have 
 ' mentioned to yourselves." 
 
 On this witness being dismissed from the presence of 
 Council, the prisoner (William) was examined. The 
 mode resorted to in his examination was to afford him 
 no intimation of the subject of the information which 
 had been lodged against him, as it Was extremely de- 
 sirable in the first place, to have the testimony of the 
 other witness corroborated as to time and place, that, 
 from the confessions of the prisoner himself, it might 
 appear that he was at the fish-market at the period 
 stated, and that a singular flag, flying on board of a 
 schooner, had formed the subject of his observation. 
 After a vast deal of equivocation, he admitted all 
 these facts, but when the rest of his conversation 
 was put home to him, he flatly denied it, but with 
 so many obvious indications of guilt, that it was deem- 
 ed unwise to discharge him. He was remanded, for 
 the night, to the Guard-FIouse, it having been decided 
 to subject him to solitary confinement in the black-hole 
 of the Work-House, where, on the succeeding morn- 
 ing, he was to be conveyed. 
 
 On the morning of the olst he was again examined 
 by the attending Warden at the Guard-House (having, 
 during the night, made some disclosures to Capt. Dove' 
 on which occasion he adnjitted all the conversation 
 which he had held at the fish-market, with the wit- 
 ness before mentioned, and stated that he had receiv- 
 ed his information from Mingo Harth, who was in 
 possession of the muster-roll of the insurgents. 
 
 * It would be a libel on the liberality and gratitude of this commu- 
 nity to suppose that this man can be ovei^looked among those wh» 
 are to be rewarded for their fidelity and principle. 
 
6 
 
 With the hope of still further disclosures William 
 was conveyed to the Work-House and placed in soli- 
 tary confinement. The individuals (Mingo Harth and 
 Peter Poyas) against whom he gave information, as 
 those who had communicated to him the intelligence 
 of the plot for raising an insurrection, were forthwith 
 taken up by the Wardens and their trunks examined. 
 These fellows behaved with so much composure and 
 coolness, and treated the charge, alleged against them, 
 with so much levity — -(no writings being found in their 
 chests, containing the smallest suspicion, excepting an 
 enigmatical letter,* which was then too obscure for ex- 
 planation, and to which subsequent events only afford- 
 ed a clue)- — that the Wardens (Messrs. Wesner & Condy) 
 were completely deceived, and had these men discharg- 
 ed. (3ne of these (Peter Poyas) proved afterwards, as 
 will appear in the sequel, to be one of the principal 
 ringleaders in the conspiracy, on whose courage and 
 sagacity great reliance v\^as placed. 
 
 Council being still under the conviction that William 
 Paul was in possession of more information than he 
 had thought proper to disclose, a Committee was ap- 
 pointed to examine him from time to time, with the 
 hope of obtaining further intelligence. Although Peter 
 and Mingo had been discharged, yet it was deemed 
 advisable to have them watched, and consequently 
 spies were employed of their own colour for this pur- 
 pose, in such a manner as to give advices of all their 
 movements. 
 
 Things remained in this state for six or seven da3^s, 
 until about the 8th of June, when William, who had 
 been a week in solitary confinement, beginning to 
 fear that he would soon be led forth to the scaffold, for 
 summary execution, in an interview with Mr. Napier, 
 (one of the Committee appointed to examine him) con- 
 fessed, that he had for some time known of the plot, 
 that it was very extensive, embracing an indiscriminate 
 
 * The purport of this letter will be seen by reference to the trial gf 
 Abraham Poyas. 
 
7 
 
 massacre of the whites, and that the blacks were to be 
 headed by an individual, who carried about him a charm 
 which rendered him invulnerable. He stated, that the 
 period fixed for the rising, was on the second Sunday in 
 June. This information was without delay conveyed 
 to his Excellency the Governor, and Council forthwith 
 convened. Whatever faith we might have been dis- 
 posed to place in the unsupported and equivocal testi- 
 mony of William, it was not conceived to be a case in 
 which our doubts should influence our efforts for pre- 
 paration and defence. Measures were consequently 
 promptly taken, to place the City Guard in a state of 
 the utmost efficiency. Sixteen hundred rounds of ball 
 cartridges were provided, and the centinels and patrols 
 ordered on duty with loaded arms. Such had been our 
 fancied security, that the guard had previously gone on 
 duty without muskets, with sheathed bayonets and 
 bludgeons. 
 
 Three or four days now elapsed, and notwithstand- 
 ing all our efforcs, we could obtain no confirmation of 
 the disclosures of William, on the contrary, they seem- 
 ed to have sustained some invalidation, from the cir- 
 cumstance, of one of the individuals (Ned Bennett) 
 whom he named as a person who had information in 
 relation to the insurrection, coming voluntarily to the 
 Intendant, and soliciting an examination, if he was an 
 object of suspicion. In this stage of the business, it 
 was not deemed advisable prematurely to press these 
 examinations, as it might have a tendency to arrest 
 any further developments. 
 
 On the night, however, of Friday the 14th, the infor- 
 mation of William w^as amply confirmed, and details 
 infinitely more abundant and interesting afforded. At 
 8 o'clock on this evening, the Intendant received a visit 
 from a gentleman, who is advantageously known in this 
 community for his worth and respectability. 
 
 This gentleman, with an anxiety, which the oc- 
 casion was well calculated to beget, stated to the In- 
 tendant, that, having the most unbounded confidence in 
 
8 
 
 ii faithful slave belonging to his family, who was dis- 
 tinguished alike for his uncommon intelligence and in- 
 tegrity, he was induced to inform him, that rumors 
 were abroad of an intended insurrection of the blacks, 
 and that it was said, that this movement had been 
 traced to some of the coloured members of Dr. Palmer's 
 church, in which he w^as known to be a class leader. — 
 On being strongly enjoined to conceal nothing, he, the 
 next day, Friday the 14th, came to his master, and in- 
 formed him, that the fact was really so, that a public 
 disturbance was contemplated by the blacks, and not a 
 moment should be lost in informing the constituted au- 
 thorities, as the succeeding Sunday, the 16th, at 12 
 o'clock, at night, was the period fixed for the rising, 
 which, if not prevented, would inevitably occur at that 
 hour. This slave, it appears, was in no degree con- 
 nected with the plot, but he had an intimate friend, A — 
 (one of his class) who had been trusted by the conspira- 
 tors with the secret, and had been solicited by them to 
 join their association ; to this A — first appeared to con- 
 sent, but, on no period absolutely sent in his adhesion. 
 According to the statement which he afterwards made 
 himself to the Court, it would seem that it was a sub- 
 ject of great regret and contrition with him, that he 
 had ever appeared to lend his approbation to a scheme 
 so wicked and atrocious, and that he sought occasion to 
 make atonement, by divulging the plot, which on the 
 Y^ih he did, to the slave of the gentleman in question, 
 his class leader.^' 
 
 This gentleman, therefore, mentioned, that his ser- 
 
 vant had informed him, that A 1 had stated, that 
 
 about three months ago, Rolla, belonging to Governor 
 Bennett, had communicated to him the intelligence of 
 the intended insurrection, and had asked him to join— 
 
 * Most of the black religious communities in this place, are divid- 
 ed into classes, over which a Leader is placed, having the confidence 
 of the Pastor of the Church. 
 
 tThis witness gave the information under a pledge, that his name 
 should not be divulged^ 
 
9 
 
 ^ That he remarked, in the event of their rising, they 
 
 * would not be without help, as the people from San 
 
 * Domingo and Africa would assist them in obtaining 
 
 * their liberty, if they only made the motion first them- 
 
 * selves. That if A wished to know more, he had 
 
 * better attend their meetings, where all would be dis- 
 
 * closed.' After this, at another interview, Rolla in- 
 formed A i that ' the plan was matured, and that 
 
 * on Sunday night, the l ''th June, a force would cross 
 ' from James' Island and land on South Bay, march up 
 
 * and seize the Arsenal and Guard House, that another 
 ' body at the same time would seize the Arsenal on the 
 
 * Neck, and a third vvould rendezvous in the vicinity of 
 
 * his master's mills. They would then sweej) tiie town 
 ' with fire and sword, not permitting a single white soul 
 ' to escape.' 
 
 As this account was remarkably coincident with the 
 one given by William (Mr. Paul's slave) as the witnesses 
 could have had no possible communication, or the story 
 have been the result of preconcert and combination, 
 the sum of this intelligence was laid before the Gover- 
 nor by 9 o'clock, and by 10 o'clock the commanding 
 officers of the regiments of the City militia, convened by 
 his Excellency's order, at the residence of the Inten- 
 dant. On this and the succeeding afternoon, at another 
 meeting of the same individuals, such measures were 
 determined on by his Excellency, as were deemed best 
 adapted to the approaching exigency of Sunday night. 
 
 On Sunday the 16th, at 10 o'clock at night, the fol- 
 lowing corps were ordered to rendezvous for guard— 
 
 Capt. CatteFs Corps of Hussars, Capt. Miller's Li^ht 
 Infantry, Capt. Martindale's Neck Rangersy Charleston 
 Riflemen, and City Guard.^ 
 
 The whole were organized as a detachment, and 
 placed under the command of Col. R. Y. Hayne. Al- 
 though there was necessarily great excitement, and 
 
 "Ili*^ Republican Artillery under Capt. Patterson, was on duty on the iij.f;ht 
 of the 16tb,and were armed witli muskets, and stationed in the Arsenal Yard. 
 
 2 
 
amon^ the female part of our community much alarm, 
 ypt, the nl^bt ;;)asset| off without any thins Hkf' commo- 
 tion or disturbance, and it is peculiarly honorable to 
 the corps on service, that in a populous town, the streets 
 filled until a late hour with persons, uncertain whether 
 it was SrUV to ^o to rest or 7iot, not a single case of false 
 alarm was excited. A steadiness altog;et!!« r praisewor- 
 thy, in troops unaccustomed to guard duty, at least on 
 an occasion involving such deep interest and distress- 
 ing anxiety. 
 
 The cons[)irators finding the whole town encompass- 
 ed at 10 o'clock, by the most vigilant patrols, did not 
 dare to show themselves, whatever might have been 
 their plans. In the progress of the subseqtient investi- 
 gation, it was distinctly in proof, that but for these mi- 
 litary demonstrations, the effort would unquestionably 
 have been made ; that a meeting took place on Sunday 
 afternoon, the 16th, at 4 o'clock, of several of the ring- 
 leaders, at DenmarkVesey's, for the purpose of making 
 their preliminary arrangements, and that early in the 
 morning of Sunday, Denmark despatched a courier, to 
 order down some country negroes from Goose Creek, 
 which courier had endeavored in vain to get out of 
 town. 
 
 No developement of the plot having been made on 
 Sunday night, and the period having passed, which 
 was fixed on for its explosion, it now became the duty 
 of the civil authority to take immediate steps for the 
 apprehension, commitment, and trial of those against 
 whom they were in possession oi iniormation. Coun- 
 cil was accordingly convened, and as a preliminary 
 measure, it was deemed expedient, that a Court of the 
 highest respectability, for the talents and integrity of 
 its members, should be assembled, and that, whilst the 
 requisitions of the Act of Assembly, of 1740, should be 
 strictly complied with, in devolving the warrant of sum- 
 mons on the Magistrates ; the Corporation saw no im- 
 propriety in affording these officers a list of such names 
 of Freeholders, as they knew would meet in a pre- 
 
11 
 
 eminent degree the public approbation ; and to these 
 persons private letters were written by the authority of 
 Council, strongly soliciting their acceptance of a trust, 
 involving indeed the most irksome labour, as well as the 
 deepest responsibility. In conformity with these ar- 
 rangements, the following Court was organized on the 
 evening of the 17th : — 
 
 Magistrates^ Freeholders, 
 
 Cotemporaneously with the organization of this 
 Court, a Committee of Vigilance and Safety was ap- 
 pointed from among the Members of Council, to aid the 
 Intendant in the execution of the laws ; to co-operate 
 with him during the recess of Council, in all those 
 measures necessary for exploring the causes and cha- 
 racter of the existing disturbance, and bringing to light 
 and punishment the suspected and guilty. How ably 
 these functions were discharged by this Committee, it 
 is not befitting the occasion or the circumstances under 
 which this publication appears to dwell. Their gene- 
 rous devotion and unremitting assiduity to the public 
 interests and safety, are left to the more appropriate 
 appreciation of a community that witnessed their la- 
 bours. This Committee consisted of Messrs. Wesner, 
 Napier, Condy, Burger, and Simons, and were zea- 
 lously aided by the rest of the Wardens; and for 
 its service, four of the most active, intelligent, and con- 
 fidential non-commissioned officers of the City Guard, 
 were detached as Police Officers, to search suspected 
 places, and to apprehend those for whom warrants 
 might be issued. This Committee commenced its la- 
 bours on the night of the 17th, and during the ensuing 
 twenty-four hours, the following slaves were commit- 
 ted : — Rolla, Batteau, Matthias and A^ed, the property 
 of the Governor Bennett ; Mungo and Peter^ the pro- 
 perty of James Poyas ; Amliurst^ the pioperty of Mrs. 
 
12 
 
 Lining ; Stephen, the property of T. R. Smith ; Rich- 
 ard and John, the property of Jonathan Lucas. 
 
 On the morning of the 19th of June, the Court of 
 Magistrates and Freeholders assembled at the Court- 
 House, were sworn in, and proceeded to the arraign- 
 ment of the above prisoners for trial. Who were 
 <^harged " ivith attempting to raise an insurrection 
 " among the Blacks against the Whites.^^ In order 
 that the public may understand the offence as defined 
 in the Act of 1740, the clause, at length, will be found 
 in the Appendix, marked (A.) 
 
 Before we proceed to a brief (and it necessarily must 
 be very brief) abstract of the testimony offered in the 
 cases brought before the Court, it may not be unimpor- 
 tant to observe, that, previous to their proceeding to 
 the painful investigation with which they were charged, 
 they laid down a variety of rules for their government, 
 all of them subservient to justice as well as humanity. 
 In the first place, it was decided, that the testimony 
 should be regulated by those established rules of evi- 
 dence, which are elsewhere found so important in the 
 exposition of truth ; that no slave should be tried but in 
 the presence of his Master or his Attorney ; that the 
 ifestimony of one witness, unsupported by circum- 
 stances, should lead to no conviction involving capital 
 punishment ; and that the statement of the party him- 
 self, should be heard in explanation of such particulars, 
 as seemed most inculpatory. 
 
 THE COURT, 
 Being thus organized, they proceeded to the trial of 
 ROLLA, the slave of Governor Bennett: — 
 
 Jacob Axson, Esq. attending as Attorney of his master. 
 
 It was proved, that RoUa had confessed to two per- 
 sons, both of whom were examined by the Court, that 
 he belonged to the conspiracy, and with one of these 
 witnesses (his friend) he used every effort to induce 
 him to joiu in the insurrection, which Rolla stated 
 
13 
 
 was to take place on the night of the 16th of June.— 
 Finding that this friend (the witness in qupstio-^j would 
 not join the association, he urged him to go out of 
 town on Sunday night, lest some harm should come to 
 him. Rolla represented himself as the commander of 
 the Force which was to rendezvous in the vicinity of his 
 master's mills, and explained to the witness fully the 
 order of attack; the division of the forces; and said, 
 " that his troops, in their way into town, would fix 
 his Old Buck (his master) and the Intendant." On 
 being asked whether it was intended to kill the wo- 
 men and children, he remarked when we have done 
 with the men we know what to do with the women. — 
 On this testimony Rolla was found guilty, and sen- 
 tenced to be executed on the 2d of July.* 
 
 B ATTEAU was next tried- 
 It was proved that Batteau confessed to two persons 
 (both of whom were introduced as witnesses) that he 
 belonged to the conspiracy, and made efforts to induce 
 them to join in the rising, by representing the extent 
 of their preparations, and the probability of their suc' 
 cess. He stated he was to head a party near Canon's 
 bridge, and that he expected aid from the country. — 
 More than one interview took place between Batteau 
 and the witnesses on the subject ; the last, on the Sun- 
 day fixed for the insurrection, on which he renewed 
 his solicitations that the witnesses should join him. — • 
 Batteau was found guilty, and sentenced to be execut- 
 ed on the 2d of July. 
 
 STEPHEN, belonging to Thos. R. Smith, Esq. 
 
 Was next brought before the Court, but the testi- 
 mony being deemed insufficient, and indeed, the Court 
 being satisfied of his innocence, directed his discharge, 
 
 * The following Note appears on the Journals of the Court, in re- 
 lation to the trial of Rolla — " Five witnesses were introduced and 
 examined in behalf of Rolla, but so far from impeaching the credi- 
 bility of the witnesses against him they rather supported it." 
 
14 
 
 PETER, the slave of Mr. James Poyas, was next tried. 
 
 It was distinctly in proof, against Peter, that he had 
 made great efforts to induce others to join in the insur- 
 rection; and the testimony represented him quite in 
 the character of a chieftain or leader, for which his 
 boldness and sagacity unquestionably qualified him. — 
 He appeared, from the testimony, to have employed 
 uncommon i^ains to remove all the objections arising 
 in the minds of those whom he attempted to enlist, as 
 to the probability of the success of the effort. And 
 spoke with great confidence of the succors which were 
 expected from San Domingo. It was strongly to be 
 infi^rred, from all the ^vitnesses stated, that the difficult 
 atid dangerous sally of endeavouring to carry the 
 M in\ Guard House was to have been confided to him, 
 for he particularly acquainted one of the witnesses with 
 the coQibination of stratagem and force with which he 
 projiosed to arcoiii|)lish this object. 
 
 Peter was found guilty on this testimony, and sen* 
 tenced for execution on the 2d of July.* 
 
 AMHERST, belonging to Mrs. Lining, was next ex- 
 amined, found not guilty, and discharged. 
 
 The Court then proceeded to the trial of NED, the 
 property of Governor Bennett. 
 Ned^s guilt was i)roved fully by the same witnesses 
 that appeared against Peter Poyas, with whom it was 
 established he was in the habit of frequent consultation 
 on the efforts that were to be made. Subsequent dis- 
 closures have justified very strongly the finding of the 
 
 * After the execution of Peter, his guiit, in the most flagrant de- 
 gree became most abundantly established ; affording, in every parti- 
 cular, the stiongest corroboration of the testimony by which he had 
 been convicted. It was apparent that he was the most efficient of all 
 the ringleaders, and one who possessed the largest share of the confi- 
 dence of Denmark Vesey, who was, in every sense of the term, the 
 father of the plot. Peter was a slave of great value, and for his colour, 
 a first rate ship-carpenter. He had the confidence of his master in a 
 remarkable degree^ and had been treated with indulgencCj liberality 
 and kindness. 
 
15 
 
 Court against him, and placed it beyond a doubt, that 
 he was a ringleader, and was to have headed a force in 
 the vicinity of the Lines. 
 
 He was foiuid guilty, and sentenced for execution on 
 the 2d of July. 
 
 On the 24th of June, the Court discharged as not 
 guilty, Samuel Guifford and Robert Hadden, two free 
 persons of colour, as also Matthias, the slave of Gover- 
 nor Bennett ; Mungo, the slave of Mr. Poyas ; Robert^ 
 the slave of Mr. Harth, and Richard and John, the slaves 
 of Mr. Lucas. 
 
 On the 25th of June, the Court examined the cases 
 of Jim, belonging to Mr. Ancrum ; Sandy, belonging to 
 Mr. Holmes, and Friday, the property of Mr. Rout, all 
 of whom were found not guilty, and discharged. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 26th of June, the Court proceeded 
 to the trial of ABRAHAM, the slave of Dr. 
 Poyas. 
 
 The only proof adduced against Abraham, was the 
 
 following letter, found in the trunk of Peter Poyas, 
 
 and acknowledged by Abraham to have been written 
 
 by himself, — 
 
 " Dear Sir, — With pleasure I give you an answer. I will en- 
 deavour to do it. Hoping that God will be in the midst to help his 
 own. Be particular and make a sure remark. Fear not, the Lord 
 " God that delivered Daniel is able to deliver us. All that I inform 
 " agreec?. I am gone up to Beach-Hill." 
 
 (Signed) Abraham Poyas." 
 
 Although this letter w^as extremely suspicious, yet, 
 there being no other testimony against Abraham, he 
 was found not guilty of the charge ' of attempting to 
 
 * raise an insurrection among the blacks against the 
 
 * whites.' 
 
 On Thursday the 27th, DENMARK VESEY, a free 
 black man, was brought before the Court for trial, 
 
 Assisted by his Counsel, G. W. Cross, Esq. 
 
 It is perhaps somewhat remarkable, that at this stage 
 of the investigation, although several witnesses had 
 
16 
 
 been examined, the atrocious of Denmark Vesey 
 had not been as yet fully unfolded. From the testi- 
 mony of most of the witnesses, however, the Court 
 found enough, and amply enough, to warrant the sen- 
 tence of death, which, on the 28th, they passed on 
 him. But every subsequent step in the progress of the 
 trials of others, lent new confirmation to his over- 
 whelming guilt, and placed him beyond a doubt, on the 
 criminal eminence of having been the individual, in 
 whose bosom the nefarious scheme was first engender- 
 ed. There is ample reason for believing, that this pro- 
 ject was not, with him, of recent origin, for it was said, 
 he had spoken of it for upwards of four years. 
 
 These facts of his guilt the journals of the Court 
 will disclose — that no man can be proved to have spok- 
 en of or urged the insurrection prior to himself. All 
 the channels of communication and intelligence are 
 traced back to him. His house was the place appoint 
 ed for the secret meetings of the conspirators, at which 
 he was invariably a leading and influential member : 
 animating and encouraging the timid, by the hopes of 
 prospects of success; removing the scruples of the reli- 
 gious, by the grossest prostitution and perversion of the 
 sacred oracles, and inflaming and confirming the reso- 
 lute, by all the savage fascinations of blood and booty. 
 
 The peculiar circumstances of guilt, which confer a 
 distinction on his case, will be found narrated in the 
 confessions of Rolla, Monday Gell, Frank and 
 Jesse, in the Appendix. He was sentenced for execu- 
 tion on the 2d July.* 
 
 * As Denmark Vesey has occupied so large a place in the conspi- 
 racy, a brief notice of him will, perhaps, be not devoid of interest. 
 The following anecdote will show how near he was to the chance of 
 being distinguished in the bloody events of San Domingo. During 
 the revolutionary war, Captain Vesey, now an old resident of this 
 city, commanded a ship that traded between St. Thomas^ and Cape 
 Francais (San Domingo.) He was engaged in supplying the F rench 
 of that Island with Slaves. In the year 1781, he took on board at 
 St. Thomas' 390 slaves and sailed for the Cape; on the passage, he 
 and his officers were struck with the beauty, alertness and intelligence 
 of a boy about 14 years of age, whom they made a pet of, by taking 
 
17 
 
 The Court tried JESSE, the slave of Mr. Thorns 
 Blackwood. 
 
 The testimony against Jesse was very ample. His 
 activity and zeal, in promoting the views of Denmark 
 Vesey, in relation to the plot, were fully proved. He 
 had engaged with Vesey to go out of town on Sunday 
 the 16th, to bring down some negroes from the country, 
 to aid in the rising on that night ; and remarked, to the 
 witnesses, on his way to Hibbens' ferry, if my fa- 
 ther does not assist I will cut off his head." All the 
 particulars in proof against him, he confirmed after re- 
 ceiving his sentence, by his own full and satisfactory 
 Confession, which will be found in the Appendix, 
 marked (H.) 
 
 him into the cabin, changing his apparel, and calling him by way of 
 distinction Telemaque, (which appellation has since, by gradual cor- 
 ruption, among the negroes, been changed to Denmark, or sometimes 
 TelmaL) On the arrival, however, of the ship at the Cape, Captain 
 Yesey, having no use for the boy, sold him among his other slaves, 
 and returned to St. Thomas'. On his next voyage to the Cape, he 
 was surprised to learn from his consignee that Telemaque would be 
 returned on his hands, as the planter, who had purchased him, repre- 
 sented him unsound, and subject to epileptic fits. According to the 
 custom of trade in that place, the boy was placed in the hands of the 
 king's physician, who decided that he was unsound, and Captain 
 Vesey was compelled to take him back, of which he had no occasion 
 to repent, as Denmark proved, for 20 years, a most faithful slave. 
 In 1800, Denmark drew a prize of $1500 in the East-Bay-Street 
 Lottery, with which he purchased his freedom from his master, at six 
 hundred dollars, much less than his real value. From that period to 
 the day of his apprehension he has been working as a carpenter in this 
 city, distinguished for great strength and activity. Among his colour 
 he was cilwa^s looked up to with awe and respect. His temper was 
 impetuous and domineering in the extreme, qualfying him for the 
 despotic rule, of which he was ambitious. All liis passions were 
 ungovernable and savage; and, tohis numerous wives and children, he 
 displayed the haughty and capricious cruelty of an Eastern Bashaw. 
 He had nearly effected his escape, after information had been lodged 
 against him. For three days the town was searched for him without 
 success. As early as Monday, the I7th, he had concealed hims'^if. It 
 was not until the night of the 22d of June, during a perfect tempest, that 
 he was found secreted in the house of one of his wives. It is to the 
 uncommon efforts and vigilance of Mr. Wesner, and Capt. Dove, of 
 the City Guard, (the latter of whom seized him) that public justice 
 received its necessary tribute, in the execution of this man. If the 
 party had been one moment later, he would, in all probability, have 
 effected his escape the next day in some outward iKJund vessel. 
 
IS 
 
 This man excited no small sympathy, not only from 
 ^he apparent sincerity of his contrition, but from the 
 mild and unostentatious composure with which he 
 me^t his fate. 
 
 Sentence of death was passed on these six men, on 
 the 28th of June, and they were executed on the 2d 
 of July. With the exception of Jesse and Holla, they 
 made no disclosures; all of them, with those excep- 
 tions, either explicitly or implicitly affirming their in- 
 nocence. It is much to be lamented that the si- 
 tuation of the Work- House, at this period, precluded, 
 after their sentence, their being separately confined ; 
 at least, that Vesey could not have been subjected to the 
 gloom and silence of a solitary cell. He might have 
 been softened, and afforded the most precious confes- 
 sions, as his knowledge and agency in the nefarious 
 scheme very far exceeded the information of others, 
 who, however guilty, seemed but the agents of his will. 
 But these men mutually supported each other, and died 
 obedient to the stern and emphatic injunction of their 
 Comrade (Peter Poyas) " Do not open your lips ! Die 
 silent^ as you shall see me do it was, perhaps, alone, 
 in Denmark Vesey's power, to have given us the true 
 character, extent and importance of the correspondence, 
 it was afterwards proved, was carried on with certaia 
 persons in San DomingOo 
 
 On the 1st of July the Court proceeded to the trial 
 ofMOxNDAY CELL, who,together with CHARLES 
 DRAY TON, had been apprehended ; the first, on the 
 27th of June, and the latter, on the 2d of July. 
 
 By referring to the Appendix (D.) & (E.) the nature 
 of the testimony against these individuals will be seen. 
 In reference to the case of Monday Gell it was estab- 
 lished that he had been a very important ringleader, 
 and that his shop, in Meeting-Street, was a place at 
 which many meetings were held ; at all of which he 
 was present, lending the most zealous aid, and afford- 
 ing the strongest countenance ; and if any confirmation 
 of his guilt should be sought for, it may be found in his 
 
19 
 
 own confession in the Appendix (K.) After Monday 
 Gell and Charles Drayton were convicted there ap- 
 peared to be a pause in our further discoveries, and 
 some prospect of the investigation closing with their 
 execution and that of John Horry, Harry Haig and 
 Guliah Jack, (for the guilt of the latter, see Appendix 
 (D.)(E.)&(F.) 
 
 On the 9th of July, however, these five men, where 
 called before the Court to receive sentence, and after 
 it had been pronounced, with the most impressive so- 
 lemnity, they were withdrawn to a common ward in 
 the Work-House, for half an hour, until separate cells 
 could be provided for them. It was at this moment 
 that Charles Drayton, overwhelmed with terror and 
 guilt, went up to Monday and reproached him with 
 having induced him to join in a scheme which had 
 placed him in such a miserable and perilous situation. 
 To this appeal Monday, not only confessed his guilt, 
 but observed to Charles — that their present fate was 
 justly and precisely what they had a right to ex pect, 
 after their detected and defeated project. On which 
 there immediately ensued between them a conversa- 
 tion on the extent of the guilt of others, in which Mon- 
 day gave Charles the names of many accomplices 
 whom he had not previously known in the plot ; — the 
 arrival of the blacksmith to iron the convicts, and the 
 turnkey to convey them to separate cells, interrupted 
 the conversation. 
 
 Charles, during the night of the 9th, sent for Mr. 
 Gordon, who has charge of the Work-House, and in- 
 formed him that he was extremely anxious to see theln- 
 tendant, as he had some important disclosures to make. 
 By day-light, on the morning of the 10th, this message 
 was conveyed to the person for whom it was intended, 
 and Charles was visited at sun-rise. He was found, 
 in a state of the most lamentable depression and panic, 
 and he seemed prepared to make tne most ample de- 
 clarations from the fear of death, and the consequences 
 of an hereafter^ if he went out of the world without 
 revealing all that he knew, in relation to the Conspira- ^ 
 
20 
 
 cy, in which he had been so active an a^ent. Before 
 his narrative was received, he was most specially put on 
 his guard, that no promis(,*^ could be made to him of a 
 reversal of his fate, but that he might rest satisiiedj 
 his condition could not be worse by his coming out 
 with a full disclosure of all that he knew. He then 
 stated many particulars, that had come to his own 
 knowledge, proving a much wider diffusion of the 
 plot than, at that period, was imagined; and, after 
 giving up the names of several of his comrades, he 
 mentioned the conversation which had been commenc- 
 ed and broken off, in the common ward of the Work- 
 House, between Monday Gell and himself. As Mon- 
 day, at this period, did not seem disposed to make any 
 confessions to others, whatever he might be inclined 
 to do to his friend Charles, it was considered impor- 
 tant, that the conversation between them, should 
 be renewed, and they were brought together in 
 the same cell, and left for twenty-four hours 
 alone; but some little stratagem was employed, to divert 
 the suspicions of Monday, that Charles was confined 
 with him, merely for the purpose of getting informa- 
 tion out of him. 
 
 On the morning of the 10th, the Court were conven- 
 ed, and apprized, generally, of these new disclosures, 
 which Charles had made, but as he was still closeted 
 with Monday, he could not be examined on that day^ 
 the Court adjourned to meet on the 13th ; on which 
 day Monday GelFs own confession w^as heard by them. 
 Between the 10th and 13ih, Charles mid Monday were 
 separated (having been respited by His Excellency, the 
 Governor, at the request of the Court) and Charles, on 
 his re-examination afforded much important informa- 
 tion, which he had derived from Monday. On Mon- 
 day's having all this brought to his view, he confessed 
 his own guilt, as well as the truth of the statements 
 which he had made to Charles.* 
 
 * Monday Gell is very well known in this city. He is a most ex- 
 cellent harness-maker, and kept his shop in Meeting-street. It 
 would be difficult to name any individual more actively engaged irx 
 
21 
 
 Cotemporaneously with these commumcations, PE» 
 RAULT, belonging to Mr. Strohecker, was taken up^ 
 on the 10th, and on his being closely and judiciously 
 examined by his master, he gave a large mass of intel- 
 ligence confirming what had been related by Monday 
 and Charles, and supplying several deficiencies in their 
 testimony, more especially that part of it which relat- 
 ed to the transmission of certain letters to San Domingo, 
 These disclosures, with some further details w hich were 
 obtained from Harry Haig, (whose confession and sub- 
 sequent testimony went to implicate a corps of Gullah 
 or Angola negroes, that had been organized under the 
 command of their Chief, Gullah Jack,) gave ample 
 employment for three or four days to the Cornmittee of 
 Vigilance, during which upwards of sixty slaves were 
 apprehended. 
 
 It would very much transcend the limits necessarily 
 prescribed to this brief memoir, to go over all the 
 trials that subsquently ensued, on these fresh discove- 
 ries. As the most important part of the testimony, 
 adduced on these trials, is to be found in the Appendix^ 
 it is deemed altogether, superfluous, to make a special 
 application of it to each of the cases, as this would 
 result in a repetition fatiguing and uninteresting to the 
 reader. It will be sufficient to single out a few of the 
 cases most pregnant in interest, and to remark, that the 
 Court on its reorganization on the 13th, justly estimat- 
 ing the extent of the labour before them, laid down 
 certain rules of discrimination in the guilt of the par- 
 ties to which they give the most definite precision and 
 perspecuity, by adopting two classes of offence ; tho 
 
 the plot than himself, or more able to aid Denmark Vesey, from his 
 uncommon sagacity and knowledge. He resds and writes with great 
 and equal facility, and obviously seems to have been the individual 
 who held the pen, at all the meetings. At which he wrote more than 
 one letter to San Domingo, for succors. His own situation afforded 
 no excuse for the effort in which he was engaged, as he enjoyed all 
 the substantial comforts of a free-man ; much indulged and trusted by 
 his master, his time and a large proportion of the profits of his labour 
 were at his own disposal. He even kept his master's arms and some- 
 times his money. Monday is an E6o, and is now in the prime of 
 life, having been in the country 15 or 20 years. 
 
first involving a primary and the second a minor degree 
 of guilt. Under the first class, they broui2;ht all those 
 who were ringleaders, who had made a declaration of 
 their belonging to the association, and who had been 
 present, aiding and abetting in the contribution of 
 money, arms or ammunition, at Denmark Vesey's, of 
 who were in the constant habit of visiting Monday 
 Cell's shop and Bulkley's farm, for the purpose of 
 obtaining and communicating intelligence of the pro- 
 gress of the conspiracy. Those found guilty in this class, 
 were to be punished with death. Under the second 
 class were arranged those who had merely sent in their 
 adhesion to the ringleaders without ever having attend- 
 ed a meeting at Vesv^y's, or having been recognized by 
 him as confidential men, or contributed to the 
 purchase of arms or ammunition, or endeavoured to 
 enlist others. The punishment which awaited those 
 found guilty in this class, was transportation beyond 
 the limits of the United States.* 
 
 By reference to the Calendar marked (S) in the 
 Appendix, the names of the prisoners committed will 
 be found, and under a proper column, the mode in 
 which they were disposed of, whether by death, trans- 
 portation, or discharge, from the insufficiency of testi- 
 mony. The extent of the evidence adduced, therefore, 
 against each individual, may be inferred with accuracy, 
 by observing the punishment awarded him ; as the 
 Court adhered with great and rigid fidelity to these 
 rules, which were in unison both with justice and 
 humanity. 
 
 Among the vast number of cases disposed of by the 
 first Court ; in a session of nearly six weeks, involving 
 the most intense and unremitting labour, it would be 
 impossible to overlook the case of Jack Pritchard, 
 otherwise called GULLAH JACK, The testimony 
 in the Appendix, of more than one of the witnesses, will 
 
 * At the meeting of the Court on the morning of the ISth, Mr. 
 James Legare, from feeble heahh and great exhaustion during its 
 previous sittings, asked, and obtained leave, to withdraw, whereupon 
 Mr. Henry Deas, was summoned by the Magistrates, who took his 
 seat and served until the adjournment of the Court. 
 
23 
 
 establish fully his guilt, and prove the justice of the 
 sentence, by which he was ushered into another world ; 
 but no description can accurately convey to others the 
 im{)ression which his trial, defence and appearance 
 made on those who witnessed the workings of his 
 cunning and rude address. Born a conjurer and a phy- 
 sician, in his own country(for in Angola they are matters 
 of inheritance) he practised these arts in this country 
 for fifteen years, without its being generally known 
 among the whites. Vesey, who left no engines of 
 power unessayed, seems, in an early stage of his design, 
 to have turned his eye on this Necromancer, aware of 
 his influence with his own countrymen, who are dis- 
 tinguished both for their credulous superstition and 
 clannish sympathies. It does not appear that Jack 
 required much persuasion to induce him to join in a 
 project, which afforded him the most ample opportuni- 
 ties of displaying his peculiar art, whilst it is very ob- 
 vious that his willingness, to do all that Vesey might 
 require, was in no little degree stimulated, by his bitter- 
 ness and his gall against the whites. Altho' he had been 
 fifteen or twenty years in this country, yet he appear- 
 ed to be untouched by the influences of civilized life. — 
 If the part which he was to play in this drama, be- 
 spoke that the treacherous and vindictive artifices of 
 war in his own country, existed in unimpaired vigour in 
 his memory, his wildness and vehemence of gesture and 
 the malignant glance with which he eyed the witnesses 
 who appeared against him, all indicated the savage, 
 who indeed had been caught, but not tamed. It would 
 be both tedious and disgusting to relate the many arti- 
 fices employed by this miscreant to deceive and cajole 
 his deluded countrymen. Such was their belief in his 
 invulnerability, that his charms and amulets were in 
 request, and he was regarded as a man, who could only 
 be harmed but by the treachery of his fellows. Even 
 those negroes who were born in this country seem to 
 have spoken of his charmed invincibility with a confi- 
 dence which loooked much like belief. When Jack 
 was dragged forth to the s(;affoldhe seemed conscious: 
 
24 
 
 that his arts would stand him in little stead, and gave 
 ap his spirit without firmness or composure. 
 
 The case of TOM RUSSEL, another of the Gul- 
 lah Band, deserves a brief notice. He was tried some 
 days after Jack, and was executed among the twenty- 
 two Criminals hung on the Lines, on the 26th July. 
 Tom was Jack's armourer^ and kept his blacksmith's 
 shop on East-Bay. His part in the conspiracy was 
 confined to the making of pikes and spears, which it 
 appears he did on a very approved model. After these 
 weapons were finished, they were held subject to the or 
 der of Jack, and by him sent up to Mr. Bulkley's farm,* 
 near the Cross Roads, where handles were provided for 
 them by Polydore Faber, a Gullah, who met his fate 
 on the same scaffold with Tom Russel. This farm 
 was one of the principal rendezvous of the Gullah 
 Band, of which Jack was the Captain. 
 
 The trial of LOT FORRESTER, was not without 
 interest, as he was the courier of the conspiracy, and 
 was proved to have gone out of town, for the purpose 
 of inducing the country negroes to join in the insur- 
 rection ; his journeys were both south and north of 
 Charleston. His zeal and persevereance in the cause 
 were strongly proved, and there is every reason for 
 believing that the conflagration of the city was confid- 
 ed, by Vesey, to him. Match-rope was found in a si- 
 tuation where he had probably secreted it. — He was 
 hung on the Lines on the 26th of July. 
 
 BACCHUS HAMMETT, who was hung, also, on 
 the 26th, did render, and was to have rendered, on 
 the night of the 16th, the most essential aid. Before 
 the latter period he had stolen from his master's store 
 a keg of powder, which w as conveyed, first to Vesey's 
 afterwards to Monday Cell's, and lastly to Gullah 
 Jack, to be prepared into cartridges. On the night 
 of the 16th he was to have slept where the arms of the 
 "Neck-Rangers were deposited, and facilitated their 
 seizure and distribution among Gullah Jack's corps, 
 
 * This farm was under the charge of a slave named Billy, who 
 became a witness for the state and gave some important details of the 
 meetings of the Gullnhs. Several of whom were executed on the 26ih. 
 
25 
 
 who were to have carried this post, as well as Mr. 
 Duquercron's store, in which there were 500 stands of 
 arms, deposited for sale. 
 
 The cases of JACK GLEN, BILLY PALMER, 
 and JACK PUKCELL, are distinguished, not by 
 any peculiar atrocity, but for the hypocricy they blend- 
 ed with their crime. Their assent to the plot was 
 distinctly shown, and it was in proof, that Vesey had 
 recognized them all as his men. Jack Glen was 
 a Preacher. Billy Palmer, exceedingly pious, and a 
 communicant at the church of his master ; and Jack 
 Purcell no less devout. The case of the latter was not 
 without its pathos, from the deep contrition he ex- 
 pressed before his execution ; the distressing interest 
 which his mistress is said to have taken in his fate, and 
 the lamentable delusion under which he laboured, 
 which is more particularly unfolded in his confession, 
 in the Appendix marked (L.)* Jack Glen and Pur- 
 cell were hung on the Lines. Billy Palmer has been 
 respited by His Excellency, the Governor, until Octo- 
 ber next, for a commutation of his punishment to 
 banishment beyond the limits of the United States. 
 
 The Court having used the testimony of Monday 
 Gell, Charles Drayton and Harry Haig, very effica- 
 ciously, to the ends of public justice, reconsidered 
 the sentences, which had been passed on them, and 
 instead of death, sentenced them to transportation 
 beyond the limits of the United States. 
 
 As a matter of form, PerauU, John Enslow and 
 Billy Bulkley, (who had become witnesses for the 
 state,) were then tried on their own confessions, and 
 sentenced to be transported beyond the limits of the 
 United States. These individuals were important 
 witnesses in all the apprehensions and trials subse- 
 quent to the 13th of July. 
 
 Perault gave his testimony with great fearlessness 
 and candour, and Enslow with much composure and 
 connexion ; the evidence of both, as well indeed as 
 
 * This Confession of PurcelFs will show, that the evil foretold, 
 irom the discussion of the Missonri Question, has been, in so^^ 
 degree, realized, 
 
 4 
 
26 
 
 that of most of the witnessess, was much appreciated 
 by the Court, after a severe scrutiny.* 
 
 This Court, having disposed of all the cases before 
 them, adjourned on the 26th of July. 
 
 At this stage of our investigation w^e were satisfied 
 that of all the ringleaders in the conspiracy, 
 William Garner, (who had effected his escape from 
 the city about the 1 st of July) only, remained to be 
 punished. As information had been received of his 
 having travelled towards Columbia, a proclamation 
 was issued by His Excellency, the Governor, for his 
 apprehension,in promotion of the success of which some 
 subsidary steps were taken by private means. On the 
 2d of August our wishes, relating to Garner, were grati- 
 fied, by his arrival in town. He had previously been 
 arrested at Columbia, thro' the public spirited efforts 
 of the Indendant of that place and Lieut. Maxcy, 
 who overtook and apprended him at Granby. 
 
 On Garner's arrival, a new Court was organized 
 for his trial, and such other cases as might be brought 
 before them, by precisely the same means as those 
 which had been employed on the appointment of the 
 first ; and the services of the following [gentlemen se- 
 cured, who were known to possess, deservedly, a large 
 share of the public confidence. 
 
 Magistrates, 
 Jacob Axon, ^ 
 
 and > Esqrs. 
 
 e, M. FURMAN; } 
 
 This Court adopted the same rules for their gover»- 
 ment whiclj had been so humanely and dispassionate- 
 ly adopted by the preceding Court, but, as enough 
 had been done for public example, they determined 
 to visit capital punishment on none but ringleaders. 
 The first case they tried was that of WILLIAM 
 GARNER. 
 
 Garner's guilt had all the characteristics, which the 
 Court had assigned to the first class of turpitude ; it 
 was not only proved that he was actively engaged 10 
 
 * See Enskw's Confession. Appendix (M.) 
 
 Freeholders. 
 Hon. Joel R. PoinsetTj 
 Thos. R. Smith, > ^ 
 R. Y. Hayne, \ ^'^l^^' 
 Col. Thomas Roper, 
 Col. John Gordon* 
 
27' 
 
 recruiting others, but that he was to have led a 
 troop of horse, at the rising, composed of all such of 
 the conspirators as might have appeared in the streets 
 on horseback. And further, that he had made an 
 offer of a command to others in his corps. Four 
 witnesses having sworn positively to his guilt, detail- 
 ing a variety of particulars, mutually corroborating 
 and supporting each other, he was found guilty and 
 sentenced for execution on the 9th of August, at which 
 period the sentence was carried into effect. This Court 
 having, after a short adjournment, of three or four, 
 days recommenced their session, disposed of twelve 
 cases more, involving a minor degree of guilt, and 
 adjourned finaJly on the 8th of August. 
 
 These trials, together with some private arrange- 
 ments, fiiiade with their owners, in reference to the 
 banishment of several slaves, in cases where their 
 guilt was clear, but not of the first degree, have at 
 length closed the anxious and irksome labours of the 
 corporation, after an examination of little less than 
 two months. 
 
 It will be seen, by referring to the Calendar marked 
 (S) that one hundred and thirty-one were committed ; 
 thirty-five have suffered death, and thirty-seven have 
 been sentenced to banishment. The most important 
 object to be obtained in uprooting a conspiracy, we 
 have fully accomplished, by bringing to punishment 
 the whole of the ringleaders. Monday Gell, whose 
 knowledge of the plot was, probably, exceeded only 
 byVesey's,has emphatically stated, that the ringleaders 
 were the first six, who were executed on the 2d of 
 July, to wit : Denmark Vesey, Peter Poyas, Ned Ben- 
 nett, Rolla, Batteau and Jesse ; to which he has since 
 added himself and William Garner, who was executed 
 on the 9th of August. 
 
 We, moreover, believe, that all who were active 
 agents (though not ringleaders) in the conspiracy, 
 have expiated their crimes, or are about to do so, by 
 an eternal exile from our shores. It may be mentioned, 
 in confirmation of this belief, that Monday Gell, from 
 memory, made out a list of forty-two names, of those 
 who were in the habit of visiting his shop, for the pur- 
 pose of combining and confederating in the intended 
 insurrection, whom he called his company ; every one of 
 
28 
 
 whom have been apprehended, and disposed of. We 
 cannot venture to say, to how many the knowledge of 
 the intended effort, was communicated, who, without 
 signifying their assent, or attending any of the meet- 
 ings, were yet prepared to profit by events. That 
 there are many who would not have permitted the 
 cnterprize to have failed at a critical moment^ for the 
 want of their co-operation, we have the best reasons 
 for believing. 
 
 Before we conclude, some notice of the probable 
 oauses of this conspiracy may be expected. As this is 
 a matter of speculation, we shall not speak without 
 reserve. Of the motives of Vesey, we cannot sit in 
 judgment ; they have been scanned by a power who 
 can do higher justice than ourselves. But as they are 
 explained by his character and conduct, during the 
 combinations of the plot, they are only to be referred 
 to a malignant hatred of the whites, and inordinate lust 
 of power and booty. Indeed, the belief is altogether 
 justifiable, that his end would have been answered, if, 
 after laying our city in ashes, and moistening its cin- 
 ders with blood, he could have embarked with a part 
 of the pillage of our banks for San Domingo ; leaving 
 a large proportion of his deluded followers to the exter- 
 minating desolation of that justice, w^hieh would have 
 awaited, in the end, a transient success. His follow- 
 ers were slaves, and for them it would not be so dif- 
 ficult to assign a motive, if it had not been distinctly- 
 proved, that without, scarcely an exception, they had 
 no individual hardship to complain of, and were 
 among the most humanely treated negroes in our city. 
 The facilities for combining and confederating in such 
 a scheme, were amply afforded, by the extreme indul- 
 gence and kindness, which characterises the domes- 
 tic treatment of our slaves. Many slave owners among 
 us, not satisfied with ministering to the wants of 
 their domestics, by all the comforts of abundant food, 
 and excellent clothing, with a misguided benevolence, 
 have not only permitted their instruction, but lent to 
 such efforts their approbation and applause. 
 
 Religious fanaticism has not been without its effect 
 on this project, and as auxilliary to these sentiments, the 
 secession of a large body of blacks from the white 
 Methodist Church, with feelings of irritation and dis» 
 
29 
 
 appointment, formed a hot-bed, in which the germ 
 might well be expected to spring into life and vigour. 
 Among the conspirators a majority of them belonged 
 to the African Church^'*' and among those executed 
 were several who had been Class Leaders. It is, how- 
 ever, due to the late head of their church (for since 
 . the late events the association has been voluntarily 
 dissolved) and their deacons, to say, that after the 
 most diligent search and scrutiny, no evidence entitled 
 to belief, has been discovered against them. A hear- 
 say rumour, in relation to Morris Brown, was traced 
 far enough to end in its complete falsification. 
 
 That the course which certain discussions assumed 
 in Congress were likewise efficacious in producing 
 both discontent and delusion, is sufficiently apparent. 
 Jack PurcelPs confession in the Appendix, will show to 
 what a purpose Vesey applied those beautiful propo- 
 sitions of civil and natural freedom, which were 
 sported with a wanton recklessness of their conse- 
 quences, as applied to the condition of a certain por- 
 tion of our common country. 
 
 It is consoling to every individual, who is proud of 
 the character of his country, in the late unhapp}^ 
 events, to be able to say, that, within the limits of the 
 City of Charleston, in a period of great and unpre- 
 cedented excitement, the laws, without even one viola- 
 tion, have ruled with uninterrupted sway — that no crue] 
 vindictive or barbarous modes of punishment have 
 been resorted to— that justice has been blended with 
 an enlightened humanity, in according to those who 
 had meted out for us murder, rapine and conflagration, 
 in their most savage forms — trials, which, for the wis- 
 dom, impartiality and moderation that governed them, 
 are even superior to those which the ordinary modes 
 of judicature would have afforded ourselves. 
 
 With little to fear, and nothing to reproach ourselves 
 we may, without shrinking, submit our conduct to the 
 award of posterity, and ourselves to the protection of 
 the Supreme Ruler of Events. 
 
 * An appellation, the seceders assumed after their leaving the 
 white Methodist Church. 
 
(A.) 
 
 Every Slave who shall raise, or attempt to raise an Insurrection^ 
 ifi this Province, or shall endeavour to delude or entice any Slave to 
 runaway and leave the Province, every such Slave and Slaves, and 
 his and their accomplices, aiders and abetters, shall, on conviction 
 thereof, as aforesaid, suffer death. Provided alioays, that it shall and 
 may be lawful, to and for the Justices who shall pronounce sentence 
 against such Slaves, by and with the advice and consent of the Free- 
 holders as aforesaid, if several Slaves shall receive sentence at one 
 time, to mitigate and alter the sentence of any Slave, other than such 
 as shall be convicted of homicide of a white person, who they shall 
 think may deserve mercy, and may inflict such corporal punishment 
 (other than death) on any such Slave, as they in discretion shall 
 think fit, any thing herein contained to the contrary thereof, in any 
 wise notwithstanding. Fi^ovided, that one or more of the said Slaves 
 who shall be convicted of the crimes or offence aforesaid, where seve- 
 ral are concerned, shall be executed for example, to deter others 
 from offending in the like kind. A. A. 1740. P. L. 167. 
 
 (B.) 
 
 A negro man testified as follows :* — I know Peter, he belongs to 
 Mr. James Poyas ; in May last, Peter and myself met in Legare street, 
 at the corner of Lambol street, where the following conversation took 
 place — He asked me the news — I replied, none that I know of — He 
 said, by George ! jwe can't live so. I replied, how will we do ? He 
 said, we can do very well, if you can find any one to assist us — will 
 you join ? I asked him, how do you mean ? He said, why ! to break 
 the yoke; I replied, I don't know. He asked me, suppose you were 
 to hear, that the whites were going to kill you, would you defend your- 
 self ? I replied, I'd try to escape. He asked, have you lately seen 
 Denmark Vesey, ancl has he spoken to you particularly. 1 said no. 
 Well then, said he, that's all now ; but call at the shop to-morrow af-- 
 ter knocking off work, and I will tell you more ! We then parted. — 
 I met him the next day, according to appointment, when he said to 
 me, we intend to see, if we can't do somethung for ourselves, we can't 
 live so. I asked him, where he would get men ? He said, we'll find 
 them fast enough, we have got enough, we expect men from country 
 and town. But how, said I, will you manage it. Why, we will give 
 them notice, said he, and they will march down and camp round the 
 
 * Against this witness, the Court had not a tittle ot testimony ; he consented 
 without hesitation to become a witness, and to give all the information he pos- 
 sessed ; a pledge having been previously given him by the Court, that he should 
 net be prosecuted, nor his name revealed.f 
 
31 
 
 dty. But what, said I, will they do for arms. He answered, they 
 will find arms enough, they all bring down their hoes, axes, &c. I 
 said, that won't do to fight with here. He said, stop ! let us get can 
 didates from town with arms, and we will then take the Guard-House 
 and Arsenal in town, the Arsenal on the Neck and the Upper Guai'd- 
 House, and supply the country people with arms. How, said I, will 
 you approach those Arsenals, &c. for they are guarded ? Yes, said he, 
 1 know that, but what are these guards, one man here, and one man 
 there, we let a man pass before us. Well, said I, but how will the 
 black people from the country, and those from the islands, know 
 when you are to begin, or how will you get the town people together. 
 Why, said he, we will have prayer meetings at night, and there notify 
 them when to start, and when the clock strikes twelve, all must move. 
 But, said I, the whites in the back country, Virginia, &c. ; when they 
 hear the news, will turn to, and kill you all, and besides, you may be 
 betrayed. Well said he, what of that, if one gets hanged, we will rise 
 at that minute. We then left his shop, and walked towards Broad 
 street, when he said, I want you to take notice of all the shops and 
 stores in town with arms in them, take down their nutfibers, and give 
 them to me. I said, I will see to it, and then we parted. 
 
 About the 1st of June, I saw in the public papers a statement that 
 the white people were going to build missionary houses for the blacks, 
 which I carried and showed to Peter, and said, see the good they are 
 going to do for us 5 when, he said, — What of that ? — Have you not 
 heard, that on the 4th of July, the whites are going to create a false 
 alarm of fire, and every black that comes out will be killed, in order 
 to thin them ? Do you think they would be so barbarous ? (said I) 
 Yes ! (said he) I do ! — I fear they have a knowledge of an army 
 from San Domingo, and they would be right to do it ; to prevent u$ 
 joining thai army, if it should march towards this land! I was then 
 very much alarmed. We then parted, and I saw no more of him till 
 the guards were very strict, (about a fortnight ago.) At that time I 
 saw Peter and Ned Bennett standing and talking together, at the cor- 
 ner of Lambol and Legare-streets. They crossed over and met me 
 by Mrs. Myles', and Ned Bennett said to me — did you hear what 
 those boys were taken up for the other day ? 1 replied. No ! but 
 some say it was for stealing. Ned asked me if I was sure I had never 
 said any thing to the whites about what Peter Poyas had spoken to 
 me about ? I replied, No ! Says Peter — You never did ? No ! I 
 answered. Says Ned, to me — How do you stand ? At which I 
 struck the tree box with my knuckles and said, as firm as this box — 
 I'll never say one word against you. Ned then smiled and nodded 
 his head, and said — That will do ! — when we all separated. Last 
 Tuesday or Wednesday week, Peter said to me — You see, my lad, 
 how the white people have got to windward of us ? You won't, said 
 I, be able to do any thing. O, yes ! (he said) we will ! By George 
 we are oblige to ! He said, all down this wa^ ought to meet and 
 have a collection to purchase powder. What, said I, is the use of 
 powder — the whites can fire three times to our once. He said, but 
 ^twill he such a dead time of the night, they wonH know tohat is the 
 matter, and our horse companies will go about the streets and pre-- 
 vent the wMtesfrom assembling. I asked hwH — where will you get 
 
32 
 
 horses ? Why, said lie, there are many butcher boys with horses 
 and there are the livery stables, where we have several candidates; 
 and the waiting men, belonging to the white people of the horse 
 companies, will be told to take away their master's horses. He 
 asked me if my master was not a horseman ? I said, Yes ! Has 
 he not got arms in his house ? I answered, Yes ! Can't they be got 
 at ? I said, Yes ! Then (said he) it is good to have them. I asked 
 what was the plan ? Why, said he, after we have taken the Arsenals 
 and Guard Houses, then we will set the town on fire, in different 
 places, and as the whites come out we will slay them. If we were to 
 set fire to the town first the man in the steeple would give the alarm too 
 soon. — I am the Captain, said he, to take the lower Guard-House and 
 Arsenal. But, I replied, when you are coming up, the Centinel will 
 give the alarm. He said, he would advance a little distance ahead, 
 and if he could only get a grip at his throat, he was a gone man, for 
 his sword was very sharp ; he had sharpened it, and had made it so 
 sharp, it had cut his finger, which he showed me. As to the Arsenal 
 ®n the Neck, he said, that it was gone as sure as fate, Ned Bennett, 
 would manage that with the people from the country, and the people 
 hetween Hihhens^ Ferry and Santee tvoidd land and take the Upper 
 Guard-House. I then said, then this thing seems true. My man, 
 said he, God has a hand in it, we have been meeting for four years, 
 and are not yet betrayed. I told him, I was afraid, after ail, of the 
 white people from the back country and Virginia, &c. He said that 
 the blacks would collect so numerous from the country, we need not 
 fear the whites from the other parts, for when we have once got the 
 city we can keep them all out. He asked, if I had told my boys. 
 I said no. Then said he, you should do it, for Ned Bennett has his 
 people pretty well ranged. But, said he, take care and don't mention 
 it to those waiting men who receive presents of old coats, 8fc. from 
 their masters, or theyHl betray us. I will speak to them. We 
 then parted, and I have not since conversed with him. He said the 
 rising was to take place last Sunday night, (l6th June) — That any of 
 the coloured people ivho said a ivord about this matter ivould be killed 
 hy the others. The little man, who canH be killed, shot or taken is 
 named Jack, a Gullah Negro. Peter said there was a French Com- 
 pany in town of three hundred men fully armed — that he was to see 
 Monday Gell, about expediting the rising. I know that Mingo went 
 ©ften to Mr. Paul's to see Edwin, but don't know if he spoke with 
 William. Peter said he had a sword, and I ought to get one. He 
 said he had got a letter from the country ; I think from St. Thomas'^ 
 from a negro man who belonged to the captain of a militia company, 
 who said he could easily get the key of the house where the company's 
 arms were put after muster, and take them all out, and help in that 
 way. This business originates altogether with the African Congre- 
 gation, in which Peter is a leader. When Bennett's Ned asked about 
 those taken up, he alluded particularly to Mr. Paul's William^ and 
 gsked irte if I said any thing to htm about it. 
 
The voluntary confession of Rolla, to the Court, made after his 
 tibial, but before sentence was passed on Jam. 
 I know Denmark Vesey, on one occasion, he asked me what news ? 
 I told him, none. He replied, we are free, but the white people here 
 won't let us be so; and the only way is, to raise up and fight the 
 whites. I went to his house one night, to learn where the meeting;*-- 
 were held. I never conversed on this subject with Batteau or Ned.— - 
 Vesey told me, he was the leader in this plot. I never conversed ei- 
 ther with Peter or Mingo. Vesey induced me to join. When I went 
 to Vesey's house, there was a meeting there, the room was full of peo- 
 ple, but none of them whhe. That night, at Vesey's, we determined 
 to have arms made, and each man to put in twelve and a half cents 
 towards tiiat purpose. Though Vesey's room was full, I did not 
 know one individual there. At this meeting, Vesey said, we were to 
 take the Guard-House and Magazines, to get arms ; that we ought to 
 rise up against tlie whites to get our liberties. He was the first to rise 
 up and speak, and he read to us from the Bible, how the children of 
 Israel were delivered out of Egypt from bondage ; he said, that 
 the rising would take place last Sunday night week, ('the iGth June) 
 and that Peter Poyas was one. 
 
 (C.) 
 
 Examination of Sally, a negro ivomun belonging to Mr. Alexander 
 
 Hoivard. 
 
 [ know Jesse, and heard him speak several times about it ; one 
 day in particular, he was anxious to see his brother, who has my mo- 
 ther for his wife, and waited until he came, when they conversed to- 
 gether. Jesse said, he had got a horse to go into the country, to bring 
 down men to fight the white people ; that he was allowed to pass by 
 two parties of the patrol on the road, but that a third party had 
 brought him back, and that, if there were but five men like him, they 
 would destroy the city. This was on last Sunday week, (the l6th 
 June,) he said, that before 3 o'clock, that night, all the white people 
 would be killed. That, if any person informed, or would not join in 
 the fight, such person would be killed or poisoned. He frequently 
 came into the yard to see his brother, and I threatened to inform, if he 
 came there, and spoke in that way, to get us all into trouble. We 
 never had any quarrel. 
 
 Examination of Lot, a negro man belonging to Mr. Forrester. 
 
 I know Jesse; he met me last Sunday week (l6th June) at the 
 corner of Boundary street, as I was coming into town ; he said, he 
 was going to get a horse to go into the country. From what my mas- 
 ter had told me the Thursday before, I distrusted his errand, and gave 
 him a caution. When, as I was going down into town towards Mr. 
 Hibben's ferry slip, and conversing with him, he said, you shall see to 
 night, when I come down, what I am going up for, and, if my own 
 father does not assist, I will cut off his head. He said, he was going 
 as far as Goose Creek bridge, and would get ahorse if it cost him nine 
 dollars. The church bells were then ringing, and at half past eleven 
 o'clock, same day. I saw him at Mr. Howard's, and afterwards un- 
 
34 
 
 derstood from Sally, that he had set off for the country, and Jiad beeii 
 brought back b}^ the Patrole. 
 
 (D.) 
 
 Examination of Frank, a negro man belonging fo Mrs. Ferguson. 
 
 I know Denmark Vesey, and have been to his house ; I have heard 
 him say, that the negroe's situation was so bad, he did not know how 
 they could endure it ; and was astonished they did not rise and fight 
 for themselves, and he advised me to join, and rise. He said, he was 
 going about to see different people, and mentioned the names of Ned, 
 Bennett and Peter Poyus, as concerned with him; that he had spoken 
 to Ned and Peter on this subject, and that they were to go about and tell 
 the blacks, that they were free, and must rise and fight for themselves : 
 that they would take the Magazines and Guard Houses, and the City, 
 and be free ; that he was going to send into the country to inform the 
 people there, too ; he said, he wanted me to join them. I said, I could 
 not answer. He said, if 1 would not go into the country for him, he 
 could get others ; he said, himself, Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas and 
 Monday Gell, were the principal men, and himself the head man.— - 
 He said, they were the principal men to go about and inform the peo- 
 ple, and fix them, &c. ; that one party would land on South Bay^ one 
 about Wappoo and about the Farms ; that the party which was to 
 land on South Bay, was to take the Guard House, and get arms, and 
 then they would he able to go on ; that the attack was to commence 
 about 12 o'clock at night; that great numbers would come from all 
 about, and it must succeed, as so many were engaged in it ; that they 
 would kill all the whites; that they would leave their masters' houses, 
 and assemble near the Lines, march down and meet the party which 
 would land on South Bay ; that he was going to send a man into the 
 country on a horse, to bring down the country people, and that he 
 would pay for the horse. He gave two dollars to Jesse, to get the 
 horse on Saturday week last, (15th June) about 1 o'clock in the day, 
 and myself and witness (No. 8,) also put in 25 cents a piece, and he 
 told Jesse, if he could not go, he must send some one else. I have seen 
 Ned Bennett at Vesey's. I one night met at Vesey's a great number 
 of men, and as they came in, they each handed him some money.— 
 Vesey said, there was a little man, named Jack, who could not be 
 killed, and who would furnish them with arms ; he had a charm, and 
 would lead them ; that Charles Drayton had promised to be engaged 
 with them. Vesey said, the negroes were living such an abominable 
 life, they ought to rise. I said, I was living well. He said, though I 
 was, others was not, and that it was such fools as I, that were in their 
 way, and would not help them, and that, after all things were well, he 
 would mark me. He said, he did not go with Creighton to Africa, 
 because he had not a will, he wanted to stay and see what he could 
 do for his fellow creatures. I met Ned, Monday, and others, at Den- 
 mark Vesey's, where they were talking about this business. 
 
 The first time I spoke with Monday Gell, it was one night at Den- 
 mark Vesey's house, where I heard Vesey tell Monday, that he must 
 send some one into the country to bring the people down, Monday 
 said, he had sent up Jack, and told him to tell the people to come 
 
36 
 
 down and join in the fight against the whites 5 and also to ascertain 
 and inform him who many people he could get. A ff»w days alter, I 
 met Vesey, Monday and Jack in the streets, under Mr. Duncan's 
 trees, at night, where Jack stated, he had been into the country, round 
 by Goose Creek and Dorchester; that- he had spoken to 6,600 per- 
 sons, who had agreed to join. Monday said to Vesey, that if Jack 
 had so many men, they had better wait no longer, but begin the busi- 
 ness at once, and others would join. The first time I saw Monday at 
 ^esey's, he was going away early, when Vesey asked him to stay, to 
 which Monday replied, he expected that night a meeting at his house, 
 to fix upon and mature the plan, &;c. and that he could stay no longer. 
 I afterwards conversed with Monday in his shop, when he asked me, 
 if I had heard that Bennett's and Poyas' people were taken up, that 
 it was a great pity. He said, he had joined in the business. I told 
 him to take care he was not taken up. Whenever I talked with Ve- 
 sey, he always spoke of Monday Gell as being his principal and active 
 man in this business. 
 
 Examination of Witness No. 10, a Negro Man. 
 Peter Poyas was the first man who spoke to me, and asked me to 
 join. I asked him what, the church ? He said no, have you not heard, 
 that the blacks were joining, to try and take the country. I asked 
 him, if he thought he had men enough to do it ? He said yes, a plenty 
 of men, and the Society will contribute money, with which a white 
 man would purchase guns and powder for them. He said he would 
 call back, and I must consider if I would join them. He called back, 
 and asked me, if 1 was willing now ? Why Peter, said I, you have not 
 got force enough. He said, if I did not join, he would turn all my 
 country people against me. Said I, if so, I'll join you, but you must 
 Bot put my name down, when you come out, if I find you strong 
 enough, I'll join you. Well, said he, if you don't join you'll be kill- 
 ed. Peter and Harry Haig called on me afterwards, I was not at 
 home ; but the next morning I met Harry, who asked me for my 
 name. I refused it. He said, I would be killed if I did not join. I 
 said, I would join when they came out, if they were stronger than the 
 Avhites. Harry called on me again, and asked me, if 1 was willing 
 that the thing would break out soon. I asked him, where they would 
 begin ? He said, in Boundary street. At what hour ? He said, at 12 
 o'clock at night, or early in the morning, as soon as the guard is dis- 
 charged. Jack Pritchard called on me, he is sometimes called Gullah 
 Jack, sometimes Couter Jack, he gave me some dry food, consisting 
 of parched corn and ground nuts, and said, eat that, and nothing else, 
 on the morning when it breaks out, and when you join us as we pass, 
 put into your mouth this crab claw, and you can't be wounded, and, 
 said he, I give the same to the rest of my troops — if you drop the large 
 crab claw out of your mouth, then put in the small one. Said I, when 
 do you break out, and have you arms. He said, plenty, but they are 
 over Boundary street, we can't get at them now, but as soon as the pa- 
 trol was slack, they could get them ; this was previous to the l 6th 
 June, on which day, he said, they were to break out. On that day he 
 
36 
 
 came to me, and said, they could not break oirt that night, as the pa- 
 trol was too strong ; he said, he would let me know when they were 
 ready. That Sunday fortnight, the 30th June, he came to me and 
 said, I must lay by still, they would not break out then, that he had 
 been round to all his company and found them cowards. I said, thank 
 God, then ! He said, give me back my corn and cu}lah,(that is crab 
 claw). I said, I would not, and upbraided him for having deluded so 
 many. He said, all his country born promised him to join, because 
 he was a Doctor, (that is a Conjurer). He said, the white people was 
 looking for him, and he was afraid of being taken, that two men came 
 to his master's wharf, and asl^ed him, if he knew Gullah Jack, and 
 that he told them, no. He said, his charms would not protect him from 
 the treachery of his own colour. He wenf^way, and I have not seen 
 him since. Hairy Haig has since seen me several times, and told me 
 to hold myself ready. I said, I'm ready when called on. He said, 
 all the draymen came to his master's cooper yard, and said they were 
 ready, but he told them, he was only waiting for Gullah Jack. He 
 said, he would tell me when they were ready, that they were only 
 waiting for the head man, who was a white man ; but he, although 
 asked, would neither tell me the white man's name, nor where the 
 powder and arms were ; this was last Tuesday, the very day the six 
 negroes were hanged, about six o'clock, A. M. this was the last time 
 we spoke, though I have seen him since. I saw Charles Drayton be- 
 fore the l6th, at Monday GelPs, I was going to market, and Charles 
 called to me as I crossed the street ; Joe, who has a wife at Mr. Re- 
 moussin's, asked me, if I did know that Monday was at the head of 
 the Ebo Company, who are going to fight the white people; Monday- 
 is an Ebo. I asked Joe, if he was one of that company. He said 
 yes, he was. I asked liim, what he could do, as he was an invalid.—- 
 He said, he would take Remoussin s sword and gun, and tell him to 
 lay down in his bed and be quiet. AVe parted. Previous to the l6th 
 of June, Monday Gell called me into his shop; I went in, and said 
 to him, I heard he was captain of his countrymen's company, the 
 Ebo's. He said, he was a sort of a one. 1 bid him good morning, 
 when he said, when you want to hear the news, come here. I never 
 saw him afterwards. 
 
 I met Charles Drayton on the 1st of July in the streets, when he 
 said, now get ready, we must break out at once, for we will not let 
 six lives be taken. I asked him, where they would begin ? He said, 
 in Boundary street, directly as the patrol and light horse turned in. 
 I said, had you not better wait till after the 4th of July. He said, no, 
 because in the mean time the people would be hanged. Charles said, 
 they had force enough, and we parted. I met him in Market, be- 
 twixt 8 and 9 o'clock, on the 2d of July, and said to him, now the 
 people are hanged, I suppose you are sorry you joined in the bu- 
 siness. He said yes, and we parted. Peter Poyas told me also, that 
 they had force enough, that some would come from James' and John's 
 islands, and sonte from Christ's Church Parish, where he generally 
 went over to a meeting to have a talk, and that he had some about and 
 in town, the number of which he would show me from the So- 
 ciety books, if I would only come to the Society. He said, they were 
 
SI 
 
 to fight the whites, and keep on fighting, till the English came to help 
 them. Harry told me the same thing. Jack being the head man, I 
 asked him about the plan, he told me the same thing ; that the Eng- 
 lish were to come here to help them, that the Americans could do 
 nothing against the English, and that the English would carry them 
 off to St. Domingo. Monday and Charles were very great together. 
 John, Mr. Horry-s coachman, came to me one day, and asked me 
 what! thought? Every one is ready, said John, to fight the whites, 
 are you ready ? He said, I am ready. This took place sometime be- 
 fore the l6th June, and every day he asked me the same questions.— 
 About this time George Vanderhorst came to me and said, they were 
 going to take the country, and he had joined ; that he was ready 
 whenever the blacks broke out. He requested me to let him sleep at 
 my wife's house near Boundary street ; I saw him almost every day 
 after the l6th June, and he always said, he was ready whenever the 
 troops were ready. On the l6th June, Jack requested me to let 
 twelve men sleep at my wife's, as they were to break out that night, 
 and he wanted them to be near Boundary street. On being refused, 
 he departed in anger, and reproached me. George called on me yes- 
 terday morning, and asked, if I knew that Charles Drayton was taken 
 up, and said, he was afraid Charles \vould name him, not because he 
 was on his list, for he had joined Jack's company, but because Charles 
 had met him at Guliah Jack's, when they were consulting on the sub- 
 ject ; that, if he could near that Charles had named him, he would 
 run off. On Monday, 1st July, Charles Drayton told me, that there 
 would be an insurrection on the morning of the 6th July, as soon as 
 the Guard turned in ; he said, he commanded the country born com- 
 pany. Jack told me on the 1st July the same thing, and in addition, 
 that they were to rush in with their dirks, guns and swords, &c. they 
 had got, Idll the City Guard, and take all the arms in the arsenals 5 
 he also said, there vt^ere some arras in King street, beyond Boun- 
 dary street, in possession of a white man, which they intended to 
 take, (alluding to the arms of the Charleston Neck Company, de- 
 posited at Wharton's, in King street). Charles Drayton said, he 
 had prepared for himself a gun and a sword. Jolin Horry came to me 
 very often, and once said, he had a sword, and that, as soon as it 
 broke out, he would go up stairs and kill his master and family. On 
 the 17th of June, on his carriage box, he expressed liimself to me in 
 the same manner he had done previous to the l6th. The blacks 
 would have risen on the night of the l6th, had tiie Guards not been so 
 strong ; this I know from Gullah Jack and Harry Haig,|who said, that 
 if the Guards were not too strong, they would get the arms near the 
 Lines, but if the Guards were out, they could not get them to break 
 out with. 
 
 (F-) 
 
 Confession 0/ Harry Haig. 
 Julius Forrest, and myself, always worked together. Gullah Jack 
 calls himself a negro doctor, he induced Julius and myself to join at 
 last, but at first we refused ; before the l6th June, Jack appointed to 
 meet us at Bulkley's Farm 5 when we got there. Jack was not there. 
 
38 
 
 but Peter Poyas came ; we broke up at day light. Not quite a month 
 before the. 1 6th June, Jack met me, and talked about war. I asked 
 Jack, how lie would do for arms? Bye and bye, said Jack, we will 
 have arms ; he said, he would have some arms made at the black- 
 smiths. Jack was going to give * * # * # 
 * * * * # * # # * # # 
 
 ********* Until Jack 
 was taken up and condemned to death, I was just like I was bound 
 up, and had not the power to speak one word about it. Jack charm- 
 ed JuHus and myself at last, and we then consented to join. Tom 
 Russell, the blacksmith and Jack are partners, (in conjuring) Jack 
 learnt him to be a doctor. Tom talked to Jack about the fighting, 
 and agreed to join, and those two brought Juhus and myself to agree 
 to it. .^ack said, Tom was his second, and " when you don't see me, 
 " and see Tom, you see one." Jack said, Tom was making arms for 
 the black people 5 Jack said, he would not be killed, nor could a white 
 man take him. 
 
 (H.) 
 
 Confession of Jesse, the slave of Thomas Blackwood, Esqr. ; fur- 
 nished to the Court by the Rev. Dr. D. Hall. 
 
 I was invited to Denmark Vesey's house, and when I went, I found 
 several men met together, among whom was Ned Bennett, Peter Poy-^ 
 as, and otheis, whom I did not know. Denmark opened the meeting 
 by saying, he had an important secret to communicate to us, which 
 we must not disclose to any one, and if we did, we should be put to 
 instant death. He said, we were deprived of our rights and privi- 
 leges by the white people, and that our church was shut up, so that we 
 could not use it, and that it was high time for us to seek for our rights, 
 and that we were fully able to conquer the v. hites, if we were only un- 
 animous and courageous, as the St. Domingo people were. He then 
 proceeded to explain his plan, by saying, liiat they intended to make 
 the attack by setting the governor's mills on fire, and also some houses 
 near the water, and as soon as the bells began to ring for fire, that they 
 should kill every man, as he came out of his door, and that the ser- 
 vants in the yards should do it, and that it should be done with axes 
 and clubs, and afterwards they should murder the women and children, 
 for he said, God had so commanded it in the Scriptures. At another 
 meeting at Denmark's, Ned Bennett and Peter Poyas, and several 
 others were present in conversation, some said, they thought it was 
 cruel to kill the ministers, and the women and children, but Denmark 
 Vesey said, he thought it was for our safety, not to spare one w hite 
 skin alive, for this was the plan they pursued in St. Domingo. He 
 then said to me. Jesse, I want you to go into the country, to enlist as 
 many of the country negroes as possible, to be in readiness to come 
 down to assist us. I told him, I had no horse, and no mone}^ to hire 
 one ; he then took out two dollars, and gave them to me to hire a 
 horse, and told me to enlist as many as possible. I got the horse the 
 next Sabbath, and started, but the guard was so strict, I could not pass 
 
S9 
 
 them without being taken up; so I returned, and told ©cnmark, at 
 which he expressed liis sorrow, and said, the business was urgent, for 
 they wanted the country people to be armed, that they might attack 
 the Forts at the same time, and also to take every ship and vessel in 
 the harbor, and to put every man to death, except the captains. For^ 
 said he, it will not be safe to stay in Charleston, for as soon as they had 
 got all the money out of the banks, and the goods out of the stores on 
 board, they intended to sail for St. Domingo; for he had a promise, 
 that they would receive and protect them. This Jesse asserted to me, 
 was the truth, whilst the tears were running down his cheeks, 
 and he appeared truly penitent; and I have reason to hope, 
 that he obtained pardon from God, through the merits of Christ, and 
 was prepared to meet his fate with confidence, and that he was ac- 
 cepted of God. At 4 o'clock on the morning of the execution, I vi- 
 sited all the prisoners condemned, and found Jesse at prayers. He 
 told me, his mind was placid and calm ; he then assured me, that 
 what he had told me was the truth, and that he was prepared to meet 
 his God. 
 
 (K.) 
 
 CONFESSION OF MONDAY CELL, 
 
 I come out as a man who knows he is about to die — some time after Christmas 
 Vesey passed my door, he called in and said to me, that he was trying to gathei- 
 the blacks to try and see if any thing could be done to overcome the whites ; 
 he asked me to join ; \ asked him his plan and his numbers ; he said he had 
 Peter Poyas, Ned Bennett, and Jack Purcell ; he asked me to join ; I said no ; 
 he left me and I saw him not for some time. About four or five weeks ago as 
 I went up Went worth street, Frank Ferguson met me, and said he had four 
 plantation's of people who he was to go for on Saturday, 15th June. How, said 
 1, will you bring them down ; he said through the woods ; he asked me if I was 
 going towards Vesey's to ask Vesey to be at home that evening, and he would 
 be there to tell him his success. I asked Jack Purcell to carry this message, he 
 said he would ; that same evening at my bouse I met Vesey's mulatto boy, he 
 told me Vesey wished to see me, I w^ent with him ; when I went into Vesey's I 
 met Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas, and Frank Ferguson, and Adam, and Gullah 
 Jack; they were consulting about the plan; Frank told Vesey on Saturday, 
 loth, he would go and bring down the people and lodge them near town in 
 the woods ; the plan was to arm themselves by breaking open the stores with 
 arms. I then told Vesey I would join them, after sometime I told them I had 
 some business of my own and asked them to excuse me, i went aw^ay, and only 
 then was I ever there. One evening, Perault Strohecker, and Bacchus Hammett 
 brought to my shop a keg, and asked me to let it stay there till they sent for it ; 
 I said yes, but did not know the contents ; the next evening Gullah Jack came 
 and took away the keg, this was before the 16th June ; since I have been in 
 prison I learnt that the keg contained powder. 
 
 Pharo Thompson is concerned, and he told me, a day or two after Ned aral 
 Peter were taken up, if he could get a fifty dollar bill, he would run away ; about 
 two Sundays before I was brought here, he asked me, in Archdale-street, when 
 shall we be like those while people in the church; 1 said when it pleased God ; 
 Sunday before I was taken up, he met me as I came out of Archdale Church, 
 and took me into a stable in said street, and told me he told his master, who had 
 asked him, that he had nothing to do in this alfair ; which was a lie, William 
 Colcock came to my shop once and said a brother told him that five hundred 
 men were making up for the same purpose. Frank said he was to send to Hefl- 
 Hole Swamp to get men 
 
 Perault Strohecker is engaged ; he used to go of a Sunday on horse back up 
 the road to a man he knows on the same errand. One Sunday he asked me to 
 go with him ; I went and Smart Anderson ; we went to a small house a little 
 
40 
 
 way from *h(i road aiter you turn into the ship yard road, on its left band ; they 
 too went into the stable witli an old man that lived there, I remained in the 
 yard; they remained in the stable about half an hour ; as soon as they came out, 
 I and Peirault started to town to go to church, and left Smart there ; I was 
 told by Denbow Martin, who has a wife in Mr. Smith's house, that Stephen 
 Smith belonged to some of the gangs. 
 
 Saby Gaillard is concerned; he met me on the Bay, before the 16th of June and 
 gave me a piece of paper from his pocket; this paper was about the batth? that 
 Boyer had in St. Domingo ; in a day or two he called on me and asked if I had 
 read it, and said if he had as many men he would do the same too, as he could 
 whif) ten white men himself; he frequently came to me to speak about this mat- 
 ter, and at last 1 had to insult him out of the shop ; he and Paris Ball was often 
 together. A week before I was taken up, Paris told me that my name was 
 called. 
 
 Billy Palmer and Vesey were constantly together; there was once in my shop 
 a long talk between them about this same matter ; 1 begged them to stop it ; 
 Vesey told him to try to get as many as he could ; he said he would. 
 
 John Vincent told me that Edward Johnson, n free man. had said, as he was 
 a free man he would have nothing to do with slaves, but the night they began 
 he would join them. 
 
 I lold Charles Drayton what uproar there was about this business, and since 
 we have been here we have talked together. 
 
 Albert Inglis came to me and asked it 1 knew any thing about it; I said ye.s. 
 He asked me if 1 had joined ; I said yes ; he said he was one also ; he said 
 Adam, a free man wanted to see me, I went with him one night; Adam asked 
 me how many men hadjoined ; I told him what Frank Ferguson had said ; he 
 asked me if I believed it ; 1 said yes ; he said if he could only find men behind 
 him he w^ould go before. Previous to the 16th, Albert said to me quit the 
 business ; I told him I w^as too far into»it, so I must slick to it 
 
 I never wrote to St. Domingo* or any where else on this subject, nor kept a 
 list or books, nor saw any such things, but heard that Paul's William had a list, 
 nor did I hear any thing about arms being in possession of the blacks. I don't 
 know that Tom Russel made pikes, nor that Gullah Jack had any of them. 
 
 Lewis Remoussin called at my shop and asked me to call at his house, he 
 had something to tell me, but I did not go ; Jack Glen told me he was 
 engaged. 
 
 I met Scipio Sims one Sunday, coming from the country, who said he 
 had been near the Savannah's to Mr. Middleton's place ; I heard afterwards 
 that his errand was on this business. 
 
 I know John the cooper, who said he was engaged too in this business. 
 
 William Garner said he was engaged in it and had got twelve or thirteen 
 draymen to join. 
 
 Sandy Vesey told me he belonged to it too. 
 
 At Vesey's house, Frank told Gullah Jack, to put one ball and three buck 
 shot in each cartridge. 
 
 Mingo Harth acknowledged to me that he had joined, and Peter Poyas told 
 me so too; he, Mingo, told me so several times ; Mingo said he was to have his 
 master's horse on the night of the 16th. 
 
 Lot Forrester told me frequently that he was one of the company, and I 
 know that he had joined in the business myself Isaac Harth told me once 
 that he hadjoined, he knew I was in the business. 
 
 Morris Brown knew nothing of it, and we agreed not to let him, Harry 
 
 Drayton, or Charles Corr, know anything about it. lold me in my 
 
 store that he was to get some powder from his master and give it to Peter 
 Poyas ; he seemed to have been a long time engaged in it, and to know a 
 great deal. Joe Jore acknowledged to me once or twice that he had joined, 
 he said he knew some of the Frenchmen concerned; he knew I was in it. 
 
 * Perault unhesitatingly slated to Monday's face, that he had written two letters, 
 to St.Domingo, and that he {Perault) had gone toVanderhorsts wharf with him, in 
 Mf ril or May last, to give them in charge of a black cook on board of a schooner 
 bound to that island. J^fter Monday was so charged, he confessed that the fact wa^ 
 so, and that he had been induced to conceal it under an apprehension that if it 
 were knoivn hs had bem guilty of such an act all chance of m&rcy would be denied 
 him 
 
41 
 
 (L) 
 
 THE CONFESSION OF JACK PURCELL. 
 
 if it had not been for the cunning of that old villian Vesey, I should not 
 now be in my present situation. He employed every stratagem to induce me 
 to join hira. He was in the habit of reading to me all the passages in the 
 n-ewspapers that related to St. Domingo, and apparently every pamphlet he could 
 lay his hands on, that had any connection with slavery. He one day brought 
 me a speech which he told me had been delivered in Congress by a Mr. King 
 on the subject of slavery ; he told me this Mr King was the black man'sfriend, 
 that he Mr. Kir?g had declared he would continue to speak, write and publish 
 pamphlets against slavery the longest day he lived, until the Southern States 
 consented to emancipate their slaves, for that slavery was a great disgraee 
 to the country. 
 
 (M.) 
 
 CONFESSION OF JOHN ENSLOW. 
 
 Monday Gell led me in it and took me toV^sey's; there was alarge meeting; 
 Vesey told the meeting the people was to rise up and fight the white [)eople 
 for their liberty : we aKvays went to Monday's house afterwards ; Monday did 
 all the writing ; I heard they were ti'ying all round the country to George- 
 town, Santee, and round to Combahee. Jkc. about to get people ; Peter was 
 also there, he was one ; Peter named Poyas' plantation, where he went to 
 meet; BeliisleYates 1 have seen at the meetiiigs, and Adam Yates, Naphur Yates, 
 Dean Mitchell, Ccesar Smith and George (a Stevidore.) At Vesey's they wanted 
 to make a collection to make pikes for the country people, but the men had 
 no money ! Monday Gell said Purcell wars one to get horses to send men into 
 the country ; I heard a blacksmith was to make pikes. Jack M'lNeil is engaged; 
 I have seen them all at Monday's; Jack said he was one and would try to get 
 men ; the plan was to take the Arsenals and Guard Houses for arras, and not 
 to fire the town unless they failed; Monday was writing a letter to St. Domingo, 
 to go by a vessel lying at Gibb's and Harper's wharf; the letter was about the 
 sufferings of the blacks, and to know if the people of St. Domingo would help 
 them it they made an effort to free themselves ; he was writing this letter in 
 March, lam Aot certain of the time ; Perault was present when Monday wrote 
 the letter, and also a painter, named Prince Righton ; 1 have seen Pompey 
 Haig at Mondays, but he neither assented or dissented ; Jerry Cohen was at 
 Vesey's, and said to me he was one ; 1 heard from Vesey and Monday that they 
 had engaged men from the country; Peter Poyas said he had sent into the 
 country to his brother to engage men, who would send him an answer ; a 
 party was to attack the Guard House and Ai-senal ; another the Arsenal oih 
 the Neck ; another the Naval Stores on Mey's wharf ; another to attack the 
 Magazine ; another to meet at Lightwood's Alley and then try to cut off the 
 companies from meeting at their places of rendezvous; I belong to the African 
 Congregation ; on Saturday the ioth June, a man was to be sent into the 
 country to bring down the people, and Rolla was to command the country 
 people from Ashley River at the Bridge; Ned Bennett and John Horry tr» 
 raeet at iMr. Horry's corner, and Battean ta come down with Vesey's party 
 
42 
 
 (S) 
 
 CLASS No. 1. 
 
 Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and executed. 
 
 
 OwTiCTS^ l^dfnes. 
 
 Time of 
 
 Comimt, 
 
 
 Peter 
 
 James Poyas 
 
 June 18 
 
 Ned 
 
 Gov. T. Bennett, 
 
 do. 
 
 Rolla 
 
 do. 
 
 do 
 
 Batteau 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Denmark Vesey 
 
 A free black man 
 
 22 
 
 Jessy 
 
 Thos. Blackwood 
 
 23 
 
 John 
 
 Elias Horry 
 
 July 5 
 
 Gullah Jack 
 
 Paul Pritchard 
 
 do. 
 
 Mingo 
 
 Wm. Harth 
 
 June 21 
 
 Lot 
 
 Forrester 
 
 27 
 
 Joe 
 
 P. L. Jore 
 
 July 6 
 
 Julius 
 
 Thos. Forrest 
 
 8 
 
 Tom 
 
 Mrs. Russell 
 
 10 
 
 Smart 
 
 Robt. Anderson 
 
 do. 
 
 John 
 
 John Robertson 
 
 11 
 
 Robert 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Adam 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Polydore 
 
 Mrs. Faber 
 
 do. 
 
 Bacchus 
 
 Benj. Hammet 
 
 do. 
 
 Dick 
 
 Wm. Sims 
 
 13 
 
 Pharaoh 
 
 — Thompson 
 
 do. 
 
 Jemmy 
 
 Mrs. Clement 
 
 18 
 
 Mauidore 
 
 Mordecai Cohen 
 
 19 
 
 Dean 
 
 — Mitchell 
 
 do. 
 
 Jack 
 
 Mrs. Purcell 
 
 12 
 
 Bellisle 
 
 Est. of Jos. Yates 
 
 18 
 
 Naphur 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Adam 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Jacob 
 
 John S. Glen 
 
 ! 1^ 
 
 Charles 
 
 John Billings 
 
 1 18 
 
 Jack 
 
 N. xMcNeill 
 
 1 22 
 
 Csesar 
 
 Miss Smith 
 
 do. 
 
 Jacob Stagg 
 
 Jacob Lankester 
 
 23 
 
 Tom 
 
 Wm. M. Scott 
 
 24 
 
 William 
 
 Mrs. Garner 
 
 Aug. 2 
 
 How Disposed of 
 
 Hanged on Tuesday 
 the 2d July, 1822, 
 on Blake's lands, 
 near Charleston. 
 
 Do on theLines near 
 Ch. 5 Friday July 12. 
 
 Hanged on the Lines 
 near Charleston, 
 on Friday, 26th 
 July. 
 
 Do. Tues. July 30. 
 Do, Friday, Aug. 9. 
 
43 
 
 CLASS No. 2. 
 
 Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and sentenced to 
 death, but recommended to the mercy of the Executive, by the 
 Court of Magistrates and Freeholders, 
 
 0^ They have been respited to the 25 day of October, 1822, 
 with a view to the commutation of their punishment to banishment 
 beyond the limits of the United States. 
 
 Prisoners Names. 
 
 Owners^ Names. 
 
 Tifne of 
 Commit. 
 
 How Disposed of 
 
 Louis 
 
 Seymour 
 
 Saby Gaillard 
 
 Isaac 
 
 Paris 
 
 Peter 
 
 Dublin 
 
 George 
 
 Sandy 
 
 Cromwell 
 Kunhardt 
 A free black man 
 Wm. Harth 
 Mrs. Ball 
 Mrs. Cooper 
 C. G. Morris 
 — Bampfield 
 Jacob Schnell 
 
 July 12 
 do. 
 
 13 
 
 do. 
 
 15 
 
 do. 
 
 18 
 
 do. 
 
 19 
 
 Respited until the 
 25th of October; 
 > and now confined 
 in theWork House 
 of Charleston. 
 
 J 
 
 CLASS No. 3. 
 
 Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and sentenced to 
 death, but since respited by the Executive, until the 25th of Oct, 
 loith a view to the commutation of their punishment, to banishment 
 beyond the limits of the United States. 
 
 Prisoners Names. 
 
 Owners^ Names. 
 
 Time of 
 Commit. 
 
 How Disposed of 
 
 William 
 John Vincent 
 Billy Robinson 
 
 Job Palmer 
 
 D. Cruckshanks 
 
 P. Robinson 
 
 July 1 8 
 
 23 
 
 do. 
 
 1 Respited till Oct. 25, 
 > and now in the Work 
 3 House. 
 
44 
 
 CLASS No. 4. 
 
 Comprises those prisoners who wei^e found guilty and sentenced to Im, 
 transported^ beyond the liinits of the United States, by their mas" 
 ters, under the direction of the City Council. 
 
 Trisoners Names. 
 
 Owners' Names. 
 
 Time of 
 Commit. 
 
 How Disposed of 
 
 William 
 
 Edwin 
 
 Monday 
 
 Charles 
 
 Harry 
 
 Frank 
 
 George 
 
 Perault 
 
 Billy 
 
 John 
 
 Scipio 
 
 Agrippa 
 
 Nero 
 
 Sam, Bainsill 
 Dembo 
 
 Adam Bellamy 
 
 Jack 
 
 George 
 
 Harry 
 
 George 
 
 Pompey 
 
 John Paul 
 do. 
 
 John Gell 
 Hon. J. Drayton 
 David Haig 
 Mrs. Ferguson 
 
 — Theus 
 
 — Strohecker 
 S. Bulkley 
 
 — Enslow 
 Wm. Sims 
 Mrs. Perry 
 David Haig 
 
 — Bainstill 
 J. N. Martin 
 J. H. Merritt 
 Wm. Cattell 
 
 — Evans 
 
 — Butler 
 Sam. Parker 
 Rjchd. Lord 
 
 JVlay 31 
 June 24 
 27 
 July 21 
 5| 
 
 June 27, 
 July 6 
 10 
 
 do. 
 
 13 
 
 do. 
 
 19 
 
 23 
 
 do. 
 
 25 
 Aug. 3 
 5 
 6 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 5 
 
 > Confined in the W. 
 5 House. 
 
 ) Do. and Sentenced to 
 
 > death, commuted to 
 \ banishment out U. 5 
 
 Confined ni the W. 
 House. 
 
 3 
 
 CLASS No. 5. 
 
 Co?nprises those who were found guilty and sentenced to he trans- 
 ported beyond the limits of the State of South-Carolina. 
 
 Prisoners Names. 
 
 Oivners^ Names. 
 
 Time of 
 Commit. 
 
 Hoiv Disposed of 
 
 Prince Graham 
 
 A free black man 
 
 July 21 
 
 Sentenced to be im- 
 prisoned one month 
 in the W.House, and 
 then transported be- 
 yond the limits of the 
 State. 
 
 This man will go out of the CJ. States at his own request, 
 under the direction of the City Council. 
 
46 
 
 CLASS No. 
 
 6. 
 
 Comprises tliose prisoners who were acquitted hy the Court, their 
 guilt not being fully proved. The Court, however, have sugges- 
 ted to their owners, the propriety of transporting them beyond 
 the limits of the United States. 
 
 Prisoners Names. 
 
 Otvners^ Names. 
 
 Time of 
 Commit. 
 
 How Disposed of. 
 
 Buonaparte 
 
 Abraham 
 
 Butcher 
 
 John 
 
 Prince 
 
 Quash Harleston 
 
 Harry Purse 
 
 Paoza 
 
 Liverpool 
 
 Francis Mulhgan 
 Dr. Poyas 
 Jas. L. Gibbes 
 Mrs. Taylor 
 Miss Righton 
 A free black man 
 
 Wm. Purse 
 — Mitchell 
 Mrs. Hunt 
 
 July 1 1 
 June 22 
 July 1 1 
 13 
 19 
 29 
 
 o. 7 
 
 ] Acquitted by Court, 
 I master desired to 
 transport, and now 
 in the work-house 
 Charleston. 
 —By arrangement with 
 Council J gone out 
 ^ of the U. S. 
 ^ Arranged with owner 
 ^ to be transported. 
 
 CLASS No. 7. ■ - 
 
 Comprises those prisoners ivho were acquitted by the Court of 
 Magistrates and Freeholders — and discharged. 
 
 Prisoners Names. 
 
 Owners'' Names. 
 
 Time of 
 Commit. 
 
 How Disposed of. 
 
 _ — r — 
 
 Amnerst 
 
 Mrs. Liinmg 
 
 J une I o 
 
 
 Mungo 
 
 Jas. Poyas 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Stephen 
 
 Tho. R. Smith 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Matthias 
 
 Gov. T. Bennett 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Jeffrey Grant 
 
 A free black man 
 
 20 
 
 
 Brand 
 
 Jon. Lucas 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Richard 
 
 do. 
 
 17 
 
 
 John 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Rob. Hadden 
 
 A free coPd. man 
 
 22 
 
 
 Sam. Guifford 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Pompey 
 
 John Bryan 
 
 28 
 
 
 Adam 
 
 Mrs. Ferguson 
 
 27 
 
 
 Harry 
 
 — Harleston 
 
 
 
 Peter 
 
 Mrs. Ward 
 
 July 10 
 
 ^ Acquitted and 
 
 Sandy 
 
 Francis Curtis 
 
 11 
 
 Isaac 
 
 Paul Trapier 
 
 do. 
 
 Discharged; 
 
 Charles 
 
 Mrs. Shrubrick 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Cutfy 
 
 Charles Graves 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Pierre Louis 
 
 Mons. Chapeau 
 
 18 
 
 
 Caesar 
 
 Mrs. Parker 
 
 19 
 
 
 William 
 
 Mrs. Colcock 
 
 12 
 
 
 Pompey 
 
 David Haig 
 
 June 23 
 
 
 Friday 
 
 Mrs. Rout 
 
 
 
 Philander Michau 
 
 A free col'd. man 
 
 Aug. 3 
 
 
 Edward Johnson 
 
 A free black man 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Stephen Walker 
 
 — Walker 
 
 5 
 
 
 James 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 Harry 
 
 J. NeU 
 
 6 
 
 
46 
 
 CLASS No. 8. 
 
 Comprises iJiose prisoners who loere discharged after their arrest 
 hi) the Committee of Vigilance, the testimony against them not 
 being sufficient to bring them to trial. 
 
 
 
 Ti77ie of 
 Commit 
 
 How Disposed of. 
 
 Hercules 
 
 — Clark 
 
 June 20 
 
 Discharged^ 
 
 June 28 
 
 Jim 
 
 J. H. Ancrum 
 
 22 
 
 do. 
 
 25 
 
 Sandy 
 
 H. P. Holmes 
 
 25 
 
 do. 
 
 26 
 
 Lemon 
 
 — Houston 
 
 23 
 
 do. 
 
 25 
 
 Rob. Nesbitt 
 
 A free man 
 
 July 3 
 
 do. 
 
 July 5 
 
 Patrick 
 
 Mrs. Datea 
 
 4 
 
 do. 
 
 6 
 
 Thomas 
 
 S. Magwood 
 
 5 
 
 do. 
 
 8 
 
 Charles 
 
 F. G. Deliesseline 
 
 8 
 
 do. 
 
 10 
 
 AViiham 
 
 — Adger 
 
 10 
 
 do. 
 
 20 
 
 Smart 
 
 Mrs. Ward 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 27 
 
 Mungo 
 
 Wm. Loundes 
 
 11 
 
 do. 
 
 20 
 
 Thomas 
 
 A. Lord 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 13 
 
 Bob 
 
 — Hibben 
 
 13 
 
 do. 
 
 27 
 
 Albert 
 
 Thos. Ingles 
 — Happoldt 
 
 15 
 
 do. 
 
 17 
 
 Jim 
 
 do. 
 
 ' do. 
 
 29 
 
 John 
 
 — Gates 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 a 
 
 Charles 
 
 — Hasell 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 « 
 
 James 
 
 — Dowling 
 
 17 
 
 do. 
 
 a 
 
 Prince 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 (( 
 
 Billy 
 
 — Fordham 
 
 20 
 
 do. 
 
 25 
 
 Ben 
 
 • — Cammer 
 
 22 
 
 do. 
 
 27 
 
 William 
 
 — = Cromwell 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 6i 
 
 Stephen 
 
 — Harper 
 
 26 
 
 do. 
 
 C( 
 
 Louis 
 
 John Gell 
 
 July 18 
 
 do. 
 
 July 20 
 
 Pompey 
 
 John Bryan 
 
 Aug. 5 
 
 do. 
 
 August 5 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 Number of Prisoners executed : : : : : 35 
 " respited until the 25th October, 1822, with a view > 
 
 to the commutation of their punishment ^ 
 " sentenced to be transported by their owners under > 
 
 direction of the City Council : : S ^ 
 '^^ sentenced lo be transported beyond the limits of > ^ 
 
 the State : : : : : : ^ 
 " acquitted, propriety of transportion suggested to ^ 
 
 their owners, and those whose masters have > 9 
 
 agreed to transport without trial : • • j 
 acquitted and discharged by the Court : : : : 27 
 « " « by Committee of Vigilance 25 
 
 Whole number arrested : : : : - 131 
 Respectfully suhrmtted by 
 
 FftED. Wesner, Tho. D. Condy, Tho. Napier, ? Com. of 
 Samuel Burger, Edwarb P. Simons^ S Vigilante 
 
47 
 
 SENTENCE. 
 
 9f/i Jul]^, 1822. — Jack, a slave belonging to Paul Prilchard, commonly called 
 GcLLAH Jack, and sometimes CoutiIr Jack, was brought up, and sentencepro- 
 nounced by L. H. KENiNEDY, Presiding Magistrate. 
 
 JACK PmTCHARD— The Court, after deliberately considering all the ciF- 
 cumstances of your case, are perfectly satisfied of your guilt. In the prosecution 
 of your wicked designs, you were not satisfied with resorting to natural and or- 
 dinary means, bat endeavored to enlist on your behalf, all the powers of dark- 
 ness, and employed for that purpose, the most disgusting mummery and super 
 stition. You represented yourself as invulnerable ; that you could neither be 
 taken nor destroyed, and that all who fought under your banners would be in- 
 vincible. While such wretched expedients are calculated to inspire the confi- 
 dence, or to alarm the fears of the ignorant and credulous, they excite no other 
 emotion in the mind of the intelligent and enlightened, but contempt and dis- 
 gust. Your boasted Charms have not preserved yourself, and of course could 
 not protect others. " Your Altars and your Gods have sunk together in the dust." 
 The airy spectres, con jured by you, have been chased away by the superior light 
 of Truth, and you stand exposed, the miserable and deluded victim of offend- 
 ed Justice. Your days are literally numbered. You will shortly be consigned 
 to the cold and silent grave, and all the Powers of Darkness cannot recue 
 you from your approaching Fate ! Let me then, conjure you to devote the 
 remnant of your miserable existence, in fleeing from the " wrath to come." This 
 <5an only be done by a full disclosure of the truth. The Court are willing to 
 afford you all the u\d in their power, and to permit any Minister of the Gospel^ 
 whom you may select to have free access to you. To him you may unbur- 
 then your guilty conscience. Neglect not the opportunity, for there is "no 
 device nor art beyond the tomb," to which you must shortly be consigned. 
 
 SENTENCE pronounced on Dick, Bacchus, William, Naphur, Adaivi, 
 Bellisle, Charles, Jeremy and Dean, by L. H Kennedy, Esq. Presi" 
 ding Magistrate. 
 
 The Court, on mature deliberation, have pronounced you guilty ; the punish- 
 ment of that guilt is death. Your conduct, on the present occasion, exhibits 
 a degree of depravity and extravagance, rarely parralleled. Your professed 
 objects were to trample, not only on the laws of this state, but on those of 
 humanity ; to commit murder, outrage and plunder, and to substitute for the 
 blessings we enjoy, anarchy and confusion in their most odious forms. — The 
 beauties of nature and of art, would have fallen victims to your relentless fury ; 
 and even the decrepitude of age and the innocence of childhood would have 
 found no other refuge than the grave ! 
 
 Surely, nothing but infatuation could have prompted you to enter into a plot 
 so wild and diabolical. A moment's reflection would have convinced you, that 
 disgrace and ruiti must have been its consequence, and that it would have pro- 
 bably resulted in the destruction and extermination of your race. But if, even 
 complete success had crowned your efforts, what were the golden visions which 
 you anticipated Such men as you, are, in general, as ignorant as you are 
 vicious, without any settled principles, and possessing but few of the virtues of 
 civilized life ; — you would soon, therefore, have degenerated into a horde of 
 barbarians, incapable of any government. But, admitting that a different result 
 might have taken j^lace, it is natural to inquire, what are the miseries of which 
 you complain .-^ 'X hat we should all earn our bread by the sweat of our brow, 
 is the decree which God pronounced at the fall of man. It extended alike to 
 the master and the slave ; to the cottage and the throne. Every one is more or 
 less subject to control • and the most exalted, as well as the humblest indi- 
 vidual, must bow with deference to the laws of that community, in which he is 
 placed by Providence. Your situation, therefore, was neither extraordinary 
 nor unnatural. Servitude has existed under various forms, from the Deluge to 
 the present time, and in no age or country has the condition of slaves been 
 milder or more humane, than your own You are, with few exceptions, treated 
 with kindness, and enjoy, every comfort compatible with your situation. Yon 
 
48 
 
 are exempt from many of the miseries, to which the poor are subject througJioui 
 the world. In many countries the life of the slave is at the disposal of his 
 master ; here you have always been under the protection of the law. 
 
 The tribunal which now imposes this sentence, through its humble ov^^Uj, 
 atFords a strong exemplification of the truth of these remarks. In the 'dis- 
 charge of the painful duties which have devolved on them, the members of 
 this Court have been as anxious to acquit the innoceut as determined to con- 
 demn the guilty. 
 
 In addition to the crime of treason, you have on the present occasion, dis- 
 played the vilest ingratitude. It is a melancholy truth tiiat those servants in 
 whom was reposed the most unlimited confidence, have been the principal 
 actors in this wicked scheme. Reared by the hand of kindness, and fostered by 
 a master who assumed many of the duties of a parent, you have realized the 
 fable of the Frozen Serpent, and attempted to destroy the bosom that sheltered 
 and protected you. 
 
 You have, moreover, committed the grossest impiety : you have perverted 
 the sacred words of God, and attempted to torture them into a sanction for 
 crimes, at the bare imagination of which, humanity shudders. Are you inca- 
 pable of the Heavenly influence of that Gospel, all whose " paths are Peace 
 It was to reconcile us to our destiny on eartn, and to enable us to discharge with 
 fidelity ail our duties, whether as master or servant, that those inspired precepts 
 were imparted by Heaven to fallen man. There is no condition of life which is 
 not embraced by them : and if you had searched them, in the spirit of truth, you 
 would have discovered instructions peculiarly applicable to yourselves — " Ser- 
 vants (says St. Paul) be obedient to them that are your masters, accordiyig to the 
 flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ : not with 
 eye-service as menpleasers, but : he servants of Christ, doing the will of God 
 from the heart.''' Had you listened with sincerity to such doctrines, you would 
 not have been arrested by an ignominious death. 
 
 Your days on earth are near their close and you now stand upon the confines 
 of eternity. While you linger on this side of the grave, permit me to exhort 
 you, in the name of the ever-living God, whose holy ordinances you have 
 violated, to devote most earnestly the remr>ant of your days, in penitence and 
 preparation for that Tribunal, whose sentence, whether pronounced in anger 
 or in mercy, is eternal. 
 
 The above Sentences is selected out of the many passed on this occasion, with a 
 mev), to give the reader a general idea of them. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 Since these sheets have been put to press, it affords him, who has 
 been engaged in their preparation, much gratification to be able to cor- 
 rect one mistake, as it places the fidelity of the slave who first gave 
 the intelligence of the intended insurrection, on much higher ground. 
 On conferring with his master and the free man of colour, whose advice 
 he sought, it appears that tlie slave in question communicated the con- 
 versation at the Market to his young master, before he consulted his 
 lYiend, (the free man of colour,) and that the advice of the latter was 
 that as " his young master was a youth, that it would be best for hira 
 iinmediafel]/, zoithout delay^ to tell his mistress, that his master 
 might receive the information the instant he came to town.*' Vidt 
 page 5. 
 
 PRINTED AND SOLD BY A. E. MILLER, NO. 4; BROAD-STKEET. 
 
 Price 25ds. each; discount by thefmndnd-.