DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES Gift of John Hallowell Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/annalsofphiladel003wats JOHN FANNING WATSON. ANNALS OF Philadelphia, and Pennsylvania, IN THE OLDEN TIME; MEMOIRS, ANECDOTES, AND INCIDENTS OF THE CITY AND ITS INHABITANTS, AND OF THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS OF THE INLAND PART OF PENNSYLVANIA; INTFNDED TO PRESERVE THE RECOLLECTIONS OF OLDEN TIME, AND TO EXHIBIT SOCIETY IN ITS CHANGES OF MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, AND THE CITY AND COUNTRY IN THEIR LOCAL CHANGES AND IMPROVEMENTS. By JOHN F. WATSON, MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETIES OF PENNSYLVANIA, NEW YORK, AND MASSACHUSETTS. ENLARGED, WITH MANY REVISIONS AND ADDITIONS, BY WILLIS P. H AZARD. PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. III. “ Oh ! dear is a tale of the olden time !” Sequari vestigia rerum. “ Where peep’d the hut, the palace towers; Where skimm’d the bark, the war-ship lowers; Joy gaily carols where was silence rude. And cultured thousands throng the solitude. ” PHILADELPHIA: LEARY, STUART & CO., 9 South Ninth Street. I909. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1857, by ELIJAH THOMAS, In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. Copyright, 1877, J. M. Stoddart & Co. I ANNALS OF Philadelphia and Pennsylvania IN THE OLDEN TIME: OE, MEMOIRS, ANECDOTES, AND INCIDENTS OF PHILADELPHIA AND ITS INHABITANTS FROM THE DATS OF THE FOUNDERS. BY WILLIS P. HAZARD. PHILADELPHIA: LEARY, STUART & CO., 9 South Ninth Street. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1879, by J. M. STODDART & CO., In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington iHemocg OF SAMUEL HAZARD, WHOSE LABORS IN BEHALF OF HIS NATIVE CITY AND STATE ARE ATTESTED IN FIFTY-TWO VOLUMES, THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED. PREFACE. Man, drifting with the tide of life, oft fancies he is carving out his own fortune, and yet perhaps at his most fortuitous mo- ments he may be, and often is, the creature of circumstances, or perchance of destiny. That is, his destiny, all unknown to him- self, may be already marked out. Or the Law of Inheritance — that which proves that like begets like — quietly but surely out- lines his every thought, and leads him to shape his actions, his destiny, to carry out the fixed law. Surely, when the author of this volume, as it lies before him, reflects that circumstances over which he exercised no guiding hand have caused him to be the creator of its existence, he may believe some unseen power, whether it be that of Destiny or of Inheritance, has controlled his actions. For he is the third generation of his family in a direct line that has gathered materials for History, and, according to rule, in a descending scale. The first of the three generations collected materials for the history of the States ; the second, of the State; and the third of the City. The publishers of this volume, having purchased the plates and copyrights of John F. Watson’s Annals of Philadelphia, requested the compiler to prepare an additional volume of similar character, which, in the light of later research, would eliminate certain facts, and by additions bring some portions down to a recent period; also make necessary corrections of various things that either escaped Mr. Watson’s notice, or which documents that were not then accessible have since proved to have been different. It would have been far more easy to write an entirely inde- pendent work, and certainly a much more pleasant book might have been produced by thus doing ; or it would have been better, perhaps, in many cases to have inserted this later matter in the form of foot-notes in the original volumes or as addenda to the various chapters. But the desire w r as to leave Mr. Watson’s work just as he made it — a work sui generis — so that they who possessed it should be able to add this volume to those, and that they who now obtain the whole work for the first time shall know what is Mr. Watson’s and what that of the present Editor. There seemed, then, no other feasible method than to follow Mr. Watson’s arrangement, and introduce our facts and articles seriatim and corresponding to his. While this has made a more useful book, it has prevented it being as agreeable a volume as 7 8 Preface. might have been made of the materials, and sometimes has neces- sitated the repetition of some facts stated in the first two volumes. Many facts in this volume have been derived from an inter- leaved copy of Watson’s Annals in which Samuel Hazard had written a large number of notes, additions, and corrections, with references to other sources of information, which have been dili- gently followed up. His Annals of Pennsylvania have furnished the material for the greater part of the early history in this vol- ume, as have also his Colonial Records and Archives. His Reg- ister of Pennsylvania, 16 vols., has been largely drawn upon for many facts and incidents which his unwearied industry gathered. By the above books, the histories by Proud, Gordon, Dr. Smith, and various local histories, Watson’s Annals, and that monument of perseverance, research, and historical acumen, Thompson West- cott’s History of Philadelphia, this City and this State have had their history more developed and illuminated than that of any other City and State in this country, and the works of Watson, Hazard, and Westcott will be quoted as long as the State exists. The records of Council in the early days of the city, by the quaint, formal jottings down of the period, of important matters to those of that day, but now of such trivial moment as often to provoke a smile, give a faithful picture of the times, of the slow progress of the growth of the City and of the people in the arts and luxuries of civilization, and have to be drawn largely from until the advent of the newspapers ; those faithful chroniclers of current events, though they may be, as Dr. Rush says, “ vehicles of disjointed thinking.” Now, the newspaper is the Daily His- tory, though it may be written currente calamo. From the files of these the historian must glean many facts and elucidations. A late writer on art has said, defining Originality, “ It consists in the power of combining, transfusing, digesting, assimilating the material that comes into our possession from any source what- ever.” That is all of originality that is, or well can be, in a vol- ume of this character, and the compiler claims no more. His aim has been rather to preserve such facts as may frequently be referred to than to make a fascinating volume. From such an abundance of material as he had collected it was difficult to know what to cull out, and quite enough has been left to form another volume. This must account for its absence to many who will look for some article on his favorite topic ; and to the many friends who sent us articles and which do not appear this must be our apology. WILLIS P. HAZARD. Maple Knoll, Westchester, -> March, 1879. i CONTENTS Arcade, The Auction Sales Banks, Panics, etc Bar, Courts, etc., The Bingham Mansion, and Lans- downe Blue Anchor Tavern Board of Trade Bradford Family Burlington Anniversary Capital City in 1682 Carpenters’ Hall Carpets, Oil-cloths, and Paper- hangings Cemeteries..., Chew Family, The Christ Church Churches „ Country-seats Crazy Norah Dancing and Balls Darrach, Lydia, and Captain Loxley Declaration of Independence, First read Declaration of Independence, where Written Delaware River Directories of Philadelphia PASS Duchy’s House and St. Peter’s Church 266 Duponceau, Peter S 283 Education. 160 Fairmount and the Park 397 Fashions 124 Fifty Years ago in South-west Part of City 390 Fires and Fire-Engines 405 First Powder-House 303 Fort Wilson 286 Fourth and Market Streets 301 Fox-Hunting 156 Free Quakers 435 Friends’ Almshouse 287 Friends or Quakers 431 Gas, Watchmen, etc 130 Germantown Academy 462 Germantown Notes 457 Grseme Park 192 Historical Society ,501 History of Philadelphia till Penn’s Death 17 Kelpius, the Hermit of the Wis- sahickon 458 Lenape Indians 466 Letitia Cottage 117 Libraries 335 Logans, The 446 PAGE 190 141 381 164 271 175 89 439 80 84 278 125 136 166 193 306 493 451 159 265 223 226 490 152 9 10 Contents. London Coffeehouse Lotteries Market-Houses Mayors of Philadelphia McAllister, John Memoir of John F. Watson Meschianza Military Miscellaneous Facts Morris Mansion Morris, Mrs. Ann Willing Morris, Robert, by Mrs. Hart... New Public Buildings Newspapers Office of Secretary of Foreign Affairs Old Academy and University of Pennsylvania Old Houses One of the Peales Paper Money Passenger Railroads Pegg’s Run Penn Family Pennsbury Penn’s Character, by MacVeagh Penn’s Treaty Tree Pennsylvania Hospital Poorhouses. .. Post and Postmasters Prisons Progress of Philadelphia Public Gardens PAS* Punishments 163 Quacks 478 Railroads and Canals 485 Ready-made Garments and Man- ufactures 149 Relics of Washington 495 Schuylkill Fishing Company.... 291 Schuylkill River 491 Seasons and Climate 473 Shop Signs 368 Slate-Roof House 119 Sports and Amusements 154 State House 204 Steamboats 483 Stoddart, John - 450 Stoves, Public Stages, Toma- toes, etc.. 132 Streets, Names Changed 499 Swedish Church and the Swedes. 106 Swedish Settlements, Professor Still6’s Address 113 Taverns and Hotels 344 Theatres and Actors 369 Thomson, Charles 442 Tilghman Mansion 193 Tunkers or Dunkards 461 Wardrobe of Franklin 121 Washington and Franklin Squares 229 Washington’s Carriage 128 Watches and Clocks 122 Windmill, or Smith’s, Island.... 489 PAGK 203 483 182 87 454 11 470 168 503 464 448 251 232 479 283 275 148 94 482 488 302 96 465 99 104 329 333 475 177 234 400 MEMOIR OF JOHN FANNING WATSON. The life of a man of the character of John F. Watson is marked by few incidents. The greater portion of his life was passed in a routine of responsible official duties, offering little variation, but requiring prompt attention, good judgment, and unswerving honesty : all these he possessed in an eminent degree. As a recreation from these duties his spare hours were devoted to the acquisition of information relating to the early history and progress of Philadelphia and its neighborhood. He said of himself : “ I was born in the stirring times of the Revolutionary War, on the 13th of June, 1779.” He adds: “ My mother, wishing to identify me with the scenes of the Revolution, when the Flag of Peace was hoisted to the breeze on Market Street hill held me up in her arms and made me see and notice that Flag, so that it should be told by me in after years, she at the same time shedding many tears of joy at the glad spectacle. And now, an octogenarian, I feel a melan- choly pleasure in recording this my testimony for the consider- ation of my own posterity.” The ancestors of Mr. Watson, by both the father’s and mother’s side, were among the earliest settlers in the States of Hew Jersey and Pennsylvania. His paternal ancestor, Thomas Watson, born in Dublin of English parentage, came to Salem, New Jersey, in 1667, and afterward removed to Cohansey, where he had a town-lot of six- teen acres in 1685. His father, William Watson, was born in Salem, and married there, in December, 1772, Lucy Fanning, whose family emigrated to New Jersey from Stonington, Conn. His maternal ancestor, Gilbert Fanning, came to this country from the vicinity of Dublin in 1641, with his bride, “the beau- tiful Kate,” daughter of Hugh O’Connor, earl of Connaught, and settled in Groton, Conn., about the year 1645, on a place called Fort Hill, formerly fortified against the Indians, and which re- mained in the family for more than a century. u 12 Annals of Philadelphia. The Fannings were, most of them, noted for their patriotism and celebrated in the defence of their country. John F. Watson therefore came of excellent stock. His father, William Watson, married Lucy Fanning. His father was “a true patriot, of a noble, generous nature, who would sacrifice his own interest for that of his country.” “ At the beginning of the Revolutionary War my father, being the owner of several vessels, disposed of his property therein, and, putting the proceeds into Continental money, went to sea as a volunteer in the General Mifflin, private ship of war, with my uncle, Lieut. John Fan- ning.” They were shipwrecked and nearly perished, but going to sea in another vessel they captured several prize-vessels. Afterward he left his bride and served in a detachment under Pulaski to resist a British invasion ; his commander was shot, when Watson brought off his company. His house w r as fired Nov. 10, 1781, and he was taken prisoner by the refugee Joe Mulliner, sent to the New York provost, and placed sick in the Stromboli hospital-ship ; and returned home in May to find his Continental money depreciated and himself surrounded by ad- verse circumstances. Finally, on a voyage to New Orleans with one of his sons, both were lost. Mr. Watson’s mother was a noble woman, with rare accom- plishments, a highly cultivated mind, and great purity of heart. She was a vocal and instrumental performer, a composer of music, a poetess, and an artist both with her pencil and her embroider- ing-needle. Though a woman of great beauty, she possessed great piety. Of such parents John F. Watson was born June 13th, 1779, at Batsto in Burlington county, New Jersey. After receiving a good education he entered mercantile life in the counting-room of James Vanuxem, an eminent merchant in Philadelphia, where he learnt to speak and write French. Here he continued until he was nineteen years of age, when (in 1798) his having joined the Macpherson Blues offended the French interests of the firm, and he therefore had to resign and withdraw. He next became a clerk in the War Department at Washington, where he re- mained until 1804, when, in his twenty-fifth year, he formed a business connection with Gen. James O’Hara of Pittsburg, quar- termaster-general to Gen. Wayne’s Indian army. He was soon appointed to the office of commissary of provisions for the army at all the posts in Louisiana. This brought him in contact with many prominent citizens and officers and their families — people of refinement and intelligence. He wrote an interesting journal of this period, including the long and tedious ride in a rude boat down the Ohio and the Mississippi, drifting with the current. His residence at New Orleans after two years was cut short by the distressing news of the loss of his father and brother and all on board of the vessel. He soon returned to his mother at Phil- Memoii of John Fanning Watson. 13 adelphia, and shortly after established himself as a publisher on Chestnut street, aud so continued for several years. He was espe- cially interested in publishing the American edition of Dr. Adam Clarke’s Commentaries, and also the Select Reviews of Literature. In 1812 he married Phoebe Barron Crowell, daughter of Thomas Crowell of Elizabethtown, New Jersey, a lineal descend- ant of Oliver Cromwell. The two brothers, coming over to this country, when at sea were informed of the unpopularity of the name with some. They therefore determined to make a new family name, and with form and solemnity cast the m into the sea and adopted the name of Crowell. Mr. Watson’s union with Miss Crowell proved a very happy one ; they lived together for forty-seven years ; she died in 1859. They had seven children ; two died in early life, and five survived their parents — three daughters and two sons. In 1814, Mr. Watson was elected cashier of the Bank of Ger- mantown on its organization, and held the office for thirty-three vears, faithfully performing its duties. He was chosen treasurer and secretary of the Germantown and Norristown Railroad in 1847, and resigned the cashiership. He resigned in 1859, “ not wishing to occupy any office after his eightieth year,” though he said he felt like “ Caleb — as strong to go out and come in as he was forty years before.” During all the period of these duties he was scarcely ever detained from his office one day by sickness, and was never sick in bed until the last two years of his life. As early as 1820, Mr. Watson commenced to collect antiqua- rian material, beginning with the legends and histories about Ger- mantown. Probably the first time any of these was printed was in 1828. In May of that year my father printed in the Register of Pennsylvania (vol. i. 279 and 289) some extracts from Mr. Watson’s MS. books, and prefaced them with a short introduc- tion, in which he said they were “collected by him from various sources, principally from aged persons in that town, either de- scendants of early settlers or others who had opportunities of ascertaining the facts communicated. The opportunity at present afforded by ancient persons being still alive, who can communi- cate anecdotes and facts, ought to be embraced for obtaining them, as in a very few years the old generation will have passed away, and even the few facilities we now have of acquiring information of the characters, manners, and habits of the settlers, and the cir- cumstances attending their early settlement of those towns, be for ever removed. From this small example we may see how much information may be acquired by a single person with Mr. Wat- son’s industry and application to inquiries of this nature; and these notes form a very small portion of what he has amassed re- specting the early history and incidents of this city, which we hope he may at some future period be induced to present to th« public.” 14 Annals of Philadelphia. These hopes were realized, for in 1830 Mr. Watson issued the first edition of his Annals of Philadelphia ; being a Collection of Memoirs, Anecdotes, and Incidents of the City and its Inhabitants from the days of the Pilgrim Founders; also, Olden-Time Re- searches and Reminiscences of New York City in 1828. It was in one volume, 8vo, of about 800 pages, illustrated with a number of lithographs. In 1842, as the work had been long out of print, he republished it, revised and enlarged, in two volumes, 8vo, pp. 609, 586. Again, in 1856 he made his final revision and additions, increasing the second volume by an appendix of 47 pages. In the later editions he omitted the portions relating to New York, but added a number of fine woodcuts from original drawings, of which he gives an account in his work, as well as of the artist. In 1833 he published in one volume, 12mo, Historic Tales of Olden Time concerning the Early Settlement and Progress of Phil- adelphia and Pennsylvania, the sale of which, he says, paid him no profit. (For an account of his writing these books see the Annals, Vol. II. pp. 1-16, where he speaks feelingly of his subject.) It is due to Mr. Watson’s memory to say that his writings awakened an active spirit for antiquarian research, which culmi- nated in the Historical Society. Two years before he published his Annals Samuel Hazard had commenced the Register of Penn- sylvania, which was partly devoted to the preservation of our early history. They worked hand in hand in unearthing many facts that would otherwise have been lost ; they were lifelong friends. A letter to Edward Everett by Mr. Watson shows how he had himself gained his information : “ First, aim to give an intellect- ual picture of Boston and its inhabitants, customs, etc. as it stood at its settlement, and then at successive stages of thirty to fifty years. My scheme enables you to detail much of that which would not suit the gravity and dignity of common history; indeed, I rather aim to notice just such incidents as that omits. You will perceive that the mind which shall be qualified for such a pleas- ing task must possess such taste, enthusiasm, and energy to ex- ecute his will and express his feelings as must prompt a poet to lay everything under contribution to his art. He must seek out old people of all descriptions ; he must not scruple to act without formal introduction ; he must labor to bring back to the imagina- tion things which none can any longer see ; he must generate the ideal presence and learn to commune with men and manners of other times. He should seek out and carefully run over the oldest gazettes, magazines, etc. ; their local news will furnish many facts and valuable hints. Another source of local informa- tion will be found in consulting the earliest court records, etc. ; but more particularly in the presentments of the grand juries of Memoir of John Fanning Watson. 15 each court you will get at the earliest condition of the place and people. Collect from the old soldiers of the Revolution all the remarkable incidents coming to their knowledge of the war. This would collect many proofs of individual valor and many moving anecdotes. Get also from those pioneers who were the first set- tlers in the interior the many strange things they first saw in its savage state, and the contrast now.” It was in this spirit he worked, making short journeys in every direction, consulting every old person likely to give him hints, watching the demo- lition of old buildings, and examining MSS. and papers wherever he could hunt them up. It is by his unwearied diligence that many things are preserved that would otherwise long since have . passed into oblivion. In his rambles he collected many curios- ities, pictures, portraits, autographs, etc., and his MS. annals in the Philadelphia Library and Historical Society are not only very curious, but valuable. In this spirit of preserving the memory of the great and good he caused the remains of Godfrey, the inventor of the quadrant, and those of his parents, to be removed to Laurel Hill and a monument to be placed over them, and a monument to be erected over the remains of General Nash ; another over Colonel Irwin, Captain Turner, and others who fell at the battle of German- town ; one over the British officers, Brigadier-General James Ag- new and Lieutenant Bird, who fell in the same battle; he en- deavored to honor in like manner John Fitch’s memory by a stone on the banks of the Mississippi, and interested himself in the erection of a monument to Charles Thomson in Laurel Hill. Mr. Watson’s long life may be attributed to his temperate habits, his love of exercise and gardening, and his equanimity of temper. He was a man of few but strong attachments, of un- tiring energy and perseverance — strong in a religious belief, a firm patriot, though no politician, and a man of retentive memory. Besides the Annals and other local works, he wrote on many subjects, particularly on theology. While in New Orleans, and not then a pious young man, he originated the first Episcopal church there. For thirty years, up to his death, he was a com- municant in St. Luke’s Episcopal Church in Germantown. He persuaded G. W. P. Custis to write out his Recollections of Washington, and suggested the topics for that work. He was one of Macpherson’s Blues, who formed a guard of honor in the funeral procession in memory of Washington, December 26th, 1799, which marched to the Lutheran church to hear the oration of General Henry Lee. Not one is now living. Mr. Watson died Sunday, December 23d, 1860, in the eighty- second year of his age. The Historical Society at a meeting on the 14th of January passed a series of resolutions expressing their deep regret at the 16 Annals of Philadelphia. loss of one of its most distinguished members, and requesting Rev. Benjamin Dorr, D. D., to prepare a memoir, which was read in public. From this memoir, with facts added by mem- bers of his family, this sketch of Mr. Watson has been prepared. This memoir was supplemented by a touching eulogy of the deceased by Hon. Horatio Gates Jones. In New York, Benson J. Lossing, the historian, and a friend of Watson, announced his death to the New York Historical Society in some appropriate remarks, and the society adopted a series of resolutions. Mr. Lossing also prepared a memoir of him, and published it in his Eminent Americans. Only two months after Mr. Watson’s decease another annalist, and one of his friends, passed away — Dr. John W. Francis, the historian of New York City. ANNALS OF PHILADELPHIA AND PENNSYLVANIA. FROM HUDSON’S DISCOVERY OF THE DELAWARE TO THE DEATH OF PENN. CHAPTER I. SETTLEMENTS BY THE DUTCH ON THE DELAWARE, 1609-1638. The originator of these Annals having already given an out- line of the Colonial History of Philadelphia (Vol. I. p. 6, et seq.), it only remains for us to add a few details. Those who see the great city in our time can form but little conception of its appearance in 1609, when Hudson entered the bay, hesitating to pursue his way farther up the stream on ac- count of shoals. But its site was a trackless wild, and covered with hills where now all is so level, and these again intersected by creeks. The inhabitants were numerous, principally of the Lenni Lenape Indian tribe. Hudson, an Englishman in the service of the Dutch East India Company, sailed north and discovered the river which bears his name, though sometimes called the North River, while the Del- aware was known as the South River. It received its present name, soon after Hudson’s visit, from the English in Virginia, after Lord de la War, who touched at its mouth about one year after Hudson, or in 1610. Thus matters rested till the expedition sent out by the Dutch East India Company under Cornelis Jacobsen Mey, who gave his name to Cape May and to Cape Hindlopen, Henlopen, or Hin- loop, which he called Cornelis. He came amply provided with numbers and means of barter, subsistence, and defence. Mey, in the “ Fortune,” cruised along the Atlantic coast, taking the southern course, the others the northern coast as far as Cape Cod. After making their explorations, four of the vessels returned to Holland. Of the five vessels Mey brought with him, one was burnt at the mouth of Manhattan River, but it was replaced by a small craft they built of sixteen tons, forty-four and a half feet long and Vol. III.— B 2 * 17 18 Annals of Philadelphia. eleven and a half wide, to which they gave the name of “ On rust” (or Restless). Thus in 1614 was the first vessel built in Amer- ican waters. Captain Mey returned to Holland, leaving Captain Hendrickson and a crew behind. Hendrickson about the sum- mer of 1615 left Manhattan, and, coasting along in the “ Onrust,” entered the Delaware, discovered most probably the Schuylkill, and traded with the natives for furs and other supplies, also foi “three persons ” from the Minquas. Returning home in 1616, he claimed certain rights in the lands he had discovered, bat which the Netherlands Company refused him. The East India Company’s charter expired in 1618, and in 1621 the West India Company was chartered for twenty-four years, with the sole right to trade and settle in America and other countries. Under this right a vessel w T as sent to the region of the South River, but no further account of it is preserved. Though the English had made in 1622 certain claims for priority of discovery, the Dutch Company ignored them, and sent out in 1623 a vessel under command of Captain Mey and Adriaen Joriss (or Jorissen) Tienpont. After landing at New York and leaving some of their passengers, among whom were five women, four of whom had been married at sea, they entered the Delaware, which, in addition to its other titles, was now called Prince Hendrick’s River. They landed at or about Gloucester Point, and built Fort Nassau of logs. The four women and their husbands, and eight seamen, were sent a few weeks later by the Dutch governor to the Delaware. The whole colony next year (1625) was transported to Manhattan to strengthen the colony there, the fort was deserted, and the river left to the rule of its native tribes. This was varied only by an occasional trading-visit from the Dutch, or from the English in Virginia, and thus ended the first attempt at settle- ment. Thus matters remained until 1629, when the Dutch India Com- pany issued a document, “Freedoms and Exemptions,” inviting settlements in the “New Netherlands.” They offered to any member of the company free passage for any three or four per- sons he might send out to select lands. Also, to any one who would plant a colony of fifty persons over fifteen years of age, within four years, the title and privileges of “ a patroon.” If lands were selected on one side of the river, he should have a front of sixteen miles and of any depth ; if on both sides of the river, a front of eight miles. The privileges were to be those of lords owning the lands and with great authority over their people. Under these inducements Heer Samuel Godvn made the first purchase of lands on the South River from the Indians residing near Cape Hindlop, on the south side of the bay, from Cape Hindlop to the river’s mouth, thirty-two miles, with a depth of two miles, paying therefor “ certain parcels of goods.” Godyn, with Samuel Bloemaert, in the same year (1630) bought a square Settlements by the Dutch. 19 of sixteen miles on the east side of the bay, covering what is now known as Cape May Landing, and up the river. Godyn had several partners, among whom was the celebrated Van Rensselaer, patroon of New York, and David Pieterzen de Vries. The latter was induced to take part in the enterprise on account of the whale-fishery. They sent out the “ Walrus,” under command of Captain Peter Heysen (or Heyes), Decem- ber 12, 1630. They arrived in the South River in the spring of 1631, and landed at Hoern (or Hoer) Kill, now Lewes Creek, on the west side of the river. They built Fort Oplandt, and called the settlement Zwanendael, or Valley of the Swans. In June, Heysen sailed for Holland, leaving in command Gillis Hosset (or Osset), a man of little judgment, whose imprudence cost the colony their lives. Having set up on a post the arms of Holland painted on a piece of tin, one of the Indian chiefs unwittingly took it to make tobacco-pipes; and on Hosset’s making an ado about it the Indians slew the chief and brought his head. The chief’s friends, in revenge, gained entrance to the house under the pretence of barter, slew the entire colony and killed the horses and cattle. Thus ended the colony as settled under what is usually styled “De Vries’s first expedition,” though he was not personally with them. The next visit to the river was by the English — probably in 1632, in a sloop from Virginia — who penetrated as far north as Passaiung, Coquanoc, and Shakamaxon. They were all mur- dered at Graf Ernest River, supposed to be either the Timmer Kill or Cooper’s Creek. Notwithstanding the ill-success of the first venture, the pa- troons fitted out another expedition in 1632, the chief object being the whale-fishery. De Vries personally took command of the ship and yacht, and sailed on the 24th of May, and entered the Delaware not until the 5th of December. He found only the ruins of the settlement. However, he concluded on the 9th inst. a treaty of amity, the first on record, and preceding Penn’s celebrated treaty by fifty years. From this time till March he spent the time in sailing up and down the river, being several times frozen in, and in dan- ger from the Indians about Fort Nassau and Timmer Kill, some of whom wore the clothes of the murdered Englishmen from Virginia. On the 6th of March, De Vries left Zwanendael for Virginia on a visit to the governor, who treated him well, though claim- ing the South River territories for the English by right of the visit of Lord de la War, and not being aware of the discovery by Hudson and the building of the fort by Mey in the interest of the Dutch. De Vries returned to Zwanendael, broke up the establishment, and returned with his men, and the proceeds of nine whales out of seventeen struck, by way of New Amster- 20 Annals of Philadelphia. dam on Manhattan, to Holland. Thus once more (April, 1633) was the sway of the whole river abandoned to the natives. Some time after this, in the same year, the Dutch, under the orders of Wouter van T wilier. director-general at Nassau, again took possession of Fort Nassau and built an additional house. The commander, Arent Corssen, pursuing orders, purchased “ the Schuylkill and adjoining lands for certain cargoes ” of the Indians. Upon this land, and supposed to be on the eastern side of the Schuylkill, and where that portion of Philadelphia called Passyunk stands, they erected Fort Beversrede. Here they carried on a thriving trade with the Indians for beaver- skins and other commodities. Fort Nassau was kept up, and the only incident of note for a few years was an attempt at its capture by about a dozen Eng- lishmen from Connecticut in 1635, among whom were George Holmes and Thomas Hall. They did not succeed, but were taken and sent as prisoners to Manhattan, though they even- tually escaped punishment. CHAPTER II. SETTLEMENTS BY THE SWEDES ON THE DELAWARE, 1624-1653. During the latter years of these Dutch occupations another power had been casting its eyes toward the shores of the Dela- ware and originating a company for its settlement. In 1624, William Usselincx of Antwerp, who was said to have been also the projector of the Dutch West India Company, and to have be- come dissatisfied with his companions, applied for a charter for a Swedish West India Company. This was granted by King Gus- tavus Adolphus in 1624, and the charter was issued June 24th, 1626, granting exclusive privileges for twelve years from May 1st, 1627. The company at first received considerable attention and liberal subscriptions, but the wars of Gustavus delayed active operations for eleven years. Usselincx seems never to have taken an active part in the actual operations, beyond being named as director in the charter, as the first colony was sent out in 1638 under the direction of Governor Peter Minuit, the former first Dutch director of Manhattan. Queen Christina was the patron of the expedition, which sailed in the man-of-war “ Key of Cal- mar” and a tender, “The Griffin.” Arriving in the spring at Jamestown, Virginia, they sailed north to the Delaware early in April. Notwithstanding vigorous pro- tests from the Dutch, they finished by July “ Fort Christina,” and entered vigorously into trade with the Indians — so much so as to have exported thirty thousand skins the first year. This fort was situated near a place called “ The Rocks,” near Wilming- Settlements by the Swedes. 21 ton, on the Christine Creek, then called Minquas Kill. In the latter part of July, Minuit left twenty-four men in the fort, pro- vided with all sorts of merchandise. The Swedes purchased all the land from the Indians between Cape Henlopen and Sankikan, at the falls of the Delaware at Trenton. Minuit bought a piece of ground for a house, but accounts vary as to his leaving for home in the vessel which brought him, or as to his continued residence on the Delaware for three years, at which time Acrelius says he died there. However, he was succeeded by Peter Hollandaer, who probably came over with Jost de Bogardt, who was commander of i new expedition from Holland, though under the Swedish comn ssion, in 1640. Hollandaer was succeeded by Governor John ) ‘rintz, under whose management the Swedish rule was maintains l with vigor and glory. In the mean while, during the years 164C‘ ; 1641, and 1642, the English from New Haven had made seve; al at- tempts at settlement on the river, the Indians again having resold lands to them, as they seem to have been willing to sell t o any who would buy. The Dutch made several attacks upon these English, and broke up their settlements. John Printz was commissioned as governor in 1642, and arrived at Tinicum in 1643. His instructions from the Swedish govern- ment were to be very politic, using suavity to the Dutch and In- dians, but if necessary to maintain the rights acquired by purchase. He was to trade and introduce Christianity and civilization ; to cultivate tobacco, cattle, and silkworms ; to gather salt and metals, whale oil and useful woods ; and to govern according to his judg- ment. His salary as governor of New Sweden was twelve hun- dred dollars per annum ; the whole expense of the government was to be three thousand and twenty rix-dollars, besides provisions in excise for further support of the government. After a passage of one hundred and fifty days he arrived at Fort Christina February 15th, 1643. Soon after he built a fort and fine mansion on Tinicum Island, not far from the Dutch fort Nassau. Besides this Fort Gottenburgh, he built another on the east side of the river, below the mouth of Salem Creek, thus, with Fort Christina on the west, commanding both sides of the river. This new fort was maintained for only about eight years ; it was mounted with eight iron and brass guns and one “ potshoof,” and garrisoned by a lieutenant and twelve men. De Vries, who again visited the river in 1643, was astonished and arrested in his passage by it. It was, however, rendered useless by the erec- tion of a Dutch fort below it on the same side of the river, and abandoned. Governor Printz, to secure the Minquas trade, built Fort Manaiung (or Manayunk) on Province Island at Kinsessing, thus controlling the kill or creek near the mouth of the Schuyl- kill by which the Indians reached the Delaware. He also erected 22 Annals of Philadelphia. a mill on Cobb’s Creek, just above the bridge, near what is now known as the Blue Bell Tavern, and where the holes sunk into the rock in which the posts were placed can still be seen. He also erected near it a strong-house. The mill did a constant business in grinding corn and wheat. In 1644 the English, from Boston, endeavored to explore the sources of the Delaware, expecting to find good beaver-territorv at Lake Lyconnia, the supposed source of supply. They were brought to by the Swedes at Fort Gottenburgh, and sent back, after paying forty shillings as the cost of the powder and ball fired at them. In this same year the Swedes sent home over forty thousand pounds of tobacco and two thousand one hundred and twenty- seven packages of beaver-skins. In 1645 the Dutch governor at Fort Nassau, Jan Jansen von Ilpendam, was superseded by Andreas Hudde, a man of energy. While endeavoring to trade with the Minquas at Fort Manayunk, Printz ordered the vessel away. Hudde refused, and the Rev. John Campanius, the Swedish historian, was sent to remonstrate with him. In September, 1646, the Dutch resolved to boldly assert their right to the west side of the river, and Hudde was ordered to pur- chase some land from the savages. Having purchased land where Philadelphia now stands, the savages, as usual, being ready to re- sell, he planted the arms of the company on a pole, and prepared to build. Printz sent Hendrick Huygens to prostrate the arms. Hudde arrested him, and sent Olof Stille and Moens Flom, two Swedes, to request Printz to punish him. Hudde claimed, “ The place which we possess, we possessed indeed in just property per- haps before the name of the South River was heard of in Sweden,” and protested against the Swedish usurpations. In the years 1647 and 1648, and even until 1651, there were repeated attempts made by the Dutch to build houses, which were as often destroyed by the Swedes, the constant bickerings leading to much ill-feeling between the representatives of the two nations, the Indians in the mean while siding with the Dutch, and con- firming the original sale in 1633 to Arent Corssen. To settle matters, Director-General Peter Stuy vesant came from New Amsterdam, held communications with Printz, and had the land formally ceded to him by deed from the Indians. This covered all the lands between Fort Christina and Bomptie’s Hoek (or Bombay Hook), called by them Neusings. Stuy vesant aban- doned Fort Nassau, and erected in its stead Fort Casimir, near New Castle, so as to command the river ; this soon became a strong- hold of much importance. Stuy vesant concluded a treaty of peace with Printz, and returned to New Amsterdam. With the easy-going nature of the Dutch, the war of words waged for some years past had not hurt anybody, but this decisive 23 Extinction of the Swedish and Dutch Power. stroke, of building Fort Casimir so short a distance below Fort Christina, seemed to betoken more vigorous measures. CHAPTER III. EXTINCTION OF THE SWEDISH POWER BY THE DUTCH, AND OF THE DUTCH BY THE ENGLISH, 1653-1664. The Swedish government at home now resolved to prosecute measures for a more absolute settlement of New Sweden on the Delaware. Rev. John Campanius had returned to Sweden in 1648, and was followed by Governor Printz in 1653, leaving his son-in-law, John Pappegoya, in charge. In 1653 (August 26th) the government granted to Captain John Amundson Besk (or Besh) and wife land extending to Up- land’s Kill, or Chester Creek, and including Maritie’s Hoek, or Marcus Hook ; and to Lieutenant Swen Schute and wife, Mock- orhulteykyl and the island of Karinge, and Kinsessing, including, probably, lands on both sides of the Schuylkill in the townships of Kinsessing and Passyunk. Here was Fort Korsholm, after- ward abandoned by the Swedes and burnt by the Indians; it probably stood near Point Breeze. This same year John Rysingh (or Rysing) was commissioned as governor, and directed to extend the colony without giving offence to the Dutch or English, for fear of “ risk to what we already possess,” and “ to avoid resorting to hostilities “ and rather suffer the Dutch to occupy the said fortress than that it should fall into the hands of the English, who are the more powerful, and, of course, the most dangerous in that country.” Notwithstanding these orders, when Rysingh, together with John Amundson — who went with him as military commander — appeared off Fort Casimir on the 31st of May, 1654, they deter- mined to make a bold stroke. They sent on shore Captain Swenso with twenty men, who marched up to the fort, and, it being opened, entered it. Whether the Dutch commander, Gerrit Bikker, was paralyzed with fear or unsuspecting, he submitted to the Swedish authority, having ten or twelve men in the fort. This was on Trinity Sunday, which the Swedes signalized by calling it Trefalldigheetz Fort, or Trinity Fort. Rysingh assembled the Indians at Tinicum, and renewed the old agreements with Naaman and other Indians. Such successes on the part of the Swedes fairly aroused the Dutch. The company at Amsterdam sent out to Stuyvesant five armed vessels, with authority to employ more. He appeared be- fore Fort Trefalldigheetz with seven vessels and six hundred men, and after a brief parley with Swen Schute, the commander 24 Annals of Philadelphia. marched in with flying colors. At Fort Christina the Dutch at- tempted a siege, and after fourteen days, with only one gun fired on either side, Rysingh marched out with colors flying. They also burnt Fort Gottenburgh on Tinicum Island. Thus ended the Swedish power for ever in the Delaware settle- ments. The Dutch became good masters, and those Swedes who remained had no cause of complaint. Fort Christina was called Altona, Fort Casimir resumed its name, and a settlement sprang up near it called New Amstel, the first town on the river. Various •ttempts were made by the Swedes and others for settling higher • p the river, but few of which were successful. The Dutch gov- mor in 1654 granted permission to settle a tract of land to Mar- tin Clensmith, William Stille, and Lawrence Andries, which was confirmed by William Penn in 1684. It was then in Philadelphia, in Passyunk. Also eight hundred acres were granted to Swen (or Sven) Gondersen, Swen Swensen, Oele Swensen, and Andries Swensen, known as Wicaco. It commenced at Moyamensing Kill, or Hollander’s Creek, extending up the river to about South street. Part of this ground was sold by Swensen in 1701 to Edward Shippen — about fifty acres, extending west to about Tenth street at the southern point, and to Seventeenth street below South street at the northern point. This tract had been previously confirmed in 1671 by Francis Lovelace, governor- general under the duke of York. From these most of the present titles in Southwark date. During this time, up to 1664, various intimations were given of the claim of the English to all this territory on the Delaware, agents having been sent from the Maryland settlements ; and at one time Lord Baltimore himself paid a visit to New Amstel. These culminated on March 12th, 1664, when King Charles II. granted to James, duke of York and Albany, a patent for the tract of land between New England and the east side of the Delaware River. May 5th, four commissioners were sent to visit the lands in America and reduce them to subserviency to the English crown. They left Portsmouth in the frigate “ Guinea ” and three other vessels, and, arriving at New Am- sterdam in August, demanded its surrender, which Stuyvesant finally consented to on the 8th of September. The frigate and two of the vessels then sailed to Fort Casimir, and after a parley stormed it, with a loss to the Dutch of three killed and ten wounded. The capitulation ended the authority of the Dutch on the river, and the English were masters from New England to Virginia. We have forborne to mention some previous attempts to settle portions of this country on the part of the English, as no perma- nent settlement was made. But it is certain that King Charles I. had granted (July 24th, 1632) to Edmund Plowden (or Ploy- den) “a certain island and regions hereafter described,” for which Extinction of the Swedish and Dutch Power. 25 he made agreements with others to assist him to colonize, to the extent of live hundred and forty colonizers. A charter was therefore granted June 21, 1634, for “all that entire island near the continent, or terra-firma of North Virginia, called the island of Plowden, or Long Island, between 39° and 40°, together with part of the continent or terra-firma aforesaid near adjoin- ing described, to begin from the point of an angle of a certain promontory called Cape May, and from thence westward for the space of forty leagues, running by the river Delaware, and closely following its course by north latitude into a certain rivulet there arising from a spring of the Lord Baltimore in the lands of Maryland ;” and so on in such a rambling, undis- tinguishable part of the country that it is unnecessary to quote it further. The curious will find the details in Hazard’s State Papers (4to, vol. i.) and reprinted in Hazard's Annals. In Plowden’s petition it is described, “ Near the continent of Vir- ginia, sixty leagues north from James City, without the bay of Chesapeake, is a habitable and fruitful island, named Isle Plow- den, otherwise Long Isle, with other small isles between 30° and 40°, about six leagues from the main, near De la Warre’s bay, whereof Your Majesty, nor any of your progenitors, were ever possessed of any estate,” etc. This territory Sir Edmund Plow- den desired should be named New Albion. A description of this province was published in 1648 by Beau- champ Plantagenet and Robert Evelyn. It was dedicated to Plowden, “ Lord Proprietor, Earl Palatine, Governor and Cap- tain-General of the Province of New Albion,” and others — “ in all, forty-four undertakers and subscribers, bound by indenture to bring and settle three thousand able, trained men in our said severall plantations in the said Province.” It is believed Plow- den was in Virginia and New England for some seven to ten years, from 1620 to 1630 ; when he returned to settle his lands under the charter is uncertain, but there is evidence of his being in America in 1642; he was here during the time of Director Kieft and of General Stuyvesant, and of the Swedish governor John Printz. He again returned to England in 1646 or 1648, and found his affairs in a troubled state. In his will in 1698 he bequeathed the “ county palatine of New Albion and the Peer- age to Thomas Plowden,” having disinherited his son, who had mismanaged the estate. It is a very curious fragment of early history, and so nearly lost in historic annals as to be invested with an air of doubt and mystery, as to the exact location of the various tracts claimed by Plowden, and the grants under his charter to others. 3 26 Annals of Philadelphia. CHAPTER IY. FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT UNTIL THE GRANT TO PENN, 1664^1681. The English having assumed the control of the settlements made by the Dutch and the Swedes, treated them very liberally. They protected the inhabitants in their persons and estates, con- tinued the magistrates in their offices, allowed liberty of conscience in church discipline upon taking the oath of allegiance, declared they should be free denizens, and that they should trade to any part of His Majesty’s dominions as freely as any Englishmen. Fort Casimir became Fort Delaware, and Nieu Amstel, New Castle ; Zuydt (or South) River was always thereafter designated as Delaware River. Sir Richard Nicolls was governor, with his residence at New York, and Captain John Carre remained in com- mand on the Delaware. It is about this time (1667) we find the first mention of a “ town ” in one of the old deeds by Governor Nicolls, for ground connected with Peter Rambo’s farm in Kinsessing. It refers to the town of Kinsessing in the bounds of Philadelphia, and must have been situated on Kingsessing Creek, somewhere in the neighborhood of the present Blue Bell Tavern or Suffolk Park. In May, 1667, Colonel Francis Lovelace succeeded Richard Nicolls as governor, residing at New York. He established a court under his deputy, Captain Carre, and ordered that all who held lands without authority of the English government should apply to him for letters patent and pay quit-rents to William Tom. These patents were generally, with a few exceptions, to those bearing Swedish names. Thus matters progressed peaceably until 1669, when a rebellion against the English authority was fomented. The ringleader, Marcus Jacobson, “ the Long Finne,” was finally arrested, branded with an R, and sold as a slave to Barbadoes. One Henry Cole- man, also a Finn, and, it is supposed, the Rev. Jacob Fabricius, with others, were concerned in it. Punishment was meted out to those arrested in the shape of fines and forfeiture of their goods. The next disturbance occurred in 1671, with the Mantas (or Maquas) tribe of Indians, near Burlington. The first military organization was established for mutual defence, but the Indian chiefs arrested and shot the offenders, thus proving their friend- ship for the whites. But a more important disturbance of the peaceful progress of affairs occurred in 1673, and the re-establishment of the Dutch authority for sixteen months altered many of the existing arrange- ments for that period. The war between the Dutch and English, which commenced in 1662, was felt on the Hudson and Delaware in July, 1663, when a Dutch fleet appeared before the English Under the Dulce of York. 27 fort on Staten Island, which surrendered to the authority of the prince of Orange without firing a shot. Anthony Colve was made governor-general of New Netherlands, and Peter Alricks com- mander on the Delaware. Liberal concessions were made to the people, among which were free trade with Christians and savages, freedom of conscience and equal rights; and three courts were established — one at New Castle, one at Whorekill, and one at Upland (now Chester), the latter having authority over Philadel- phia. The lands and goods of the king of England and his offi- cers were confiscated. All this was reversed by the treaty in Feb- ruary, 1674, between the English and Dutch, and authority was formally reassumed by the English in November, being the final extinction of the Dutch authority in America for ever. All former rights, privileges, and concessions under the English government and proceedings under the Dutch government were confirmed by Major Edmund Andros, the new governor under the duke of York. The latter, being doubtful of the renewal of his former title to the extensive territories in America granted by Charles II., known as New York, New Jersey, and the Settle- ments on the Delaware, obtained a new grant from the Crown. Governor Andros encouraged settlers, granting fifty acres of land to each. He visited the settlements in person, and held a special court at New Castle in May, 1675; at which a church was authorized to be established and paid for out of the taxes, as well as the maintenance of the minister. All this was done away with subsequently by Penn. By the same court the first road-laws were passed and a ferry established. The settlements were extended above the falls at Trenton by purchases from the Indians by the duke of York from 1675 to 1678. The Indians were the Senecas, the Susquehannas, and other “river” tribes. In 1677 the Upland court levied on each tithable person twenty- six guilders as poll-money for “defraying of the public charges;” there were seventy-three taxables, or about one hundred and fifty to two hundred men, women, and children, living in our own boundaries. Light as the taxes were at that day compared with those of this time, they were collected with difficulty. This Upland court continued its jurisdiction for five years, granting lands to various settlers and taking cognizance of most of the affairs of the people of the time. November 12th, 1678, by an agreement with the president of the New Castle court, the boundary-lines between New Castle county and Upland county were defined, the latter being the first time the territory of our city was so defined, even to the time of Penn. Upland was the place of meeting until June 8th, 1680, when the court, taking into consideration that Upland was at the lower end of the county, resolved thereafter “ to sett and meet att y® town of Kingsesse in y® Schuylkills.” It adjourned on the 14th of June, 1681, and on 28 Annals of Philadelphia. the 21st, Anthony Brockholls, in the absence of Governor Andro 3 , issued letters mandatory “ to y e severall Justices of y e Peace, mag- istrates and other officers Inhabiting within y e bounds and Limits above mentioned, now called Pennsylvania,” informing them that on the 4th of March preceding the king had granted to “William Penn, Esquire, a certain tract of land in America, bounded east by the Delaware River, from twelve miles’ distance northward of New Castle towne, unto the three-and-fortieth degree of northern latitude,” etc., etc.; and that the said William Penn had commis- sioned William Markham to be his deputy governor, who had shown his authority. “ Therefore thougt fitt to Intimate y e same to you, to prevent any doubt or trouble that might arise, and to give you or [our] thankes for yor good Services done in yor severall offices and stations during ye tyme you remained under Plis Royal Highness’s Government; Expecting noe further ac- count than that you readdily submit, and yeeld all due obedience to ye sd Letters Pattent, according to y e true Intent and meaning thereof, in y e prformance and Injoyment of weh wee wiesh you all happiness.” Thus ended a court peculiar to itself, exercising almost despotic rule over the private and public affairs of the citizens, frequently without jury deciding cases civil, criminal, ecclesiastical, and of equity. It granted lands or ordered agreements with Indians ; ruled church affairs and raised taxes for their support; it appointed guardians and administrators ; made settlements of estates ; regu- lated the sale of servants and took care of lunatics. Its process was by summons on petition, as it had no prosecuting attorney, and its execution was against property, and not the person, as there was no jail. It was a court of law and equity, and its decisions were respected. CHAPTER Y. THE GRANT TO PENN AND SAILING OF MARKHAM, 16S1. Having taken a rapid survey of the settlements on the Del- aware, and their progress from the time of the Indians under the rule of the Dutch, the Swedes, and the English under the duke of York, until the royal grant to William Penn, it will be necessary to allude to certain events that occurred during the latter twenty years of this period to show why and how Penn became interested and owner in lands in Pennsylvania. The extensive rights in America bestowed upon the duke of York covered, besides other territory, the State of New Jersey, and of course the eastern side of the river Delaware, while his right to absolute proprietaryship of lands on the western side of the river was doubtful ; most probably he held them only as trus- Sailing of Markham. 29 tee for the king. In 1664 he sold New Jersey to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, and settlements were made at Newark, Elizabeth, and Shrewsbury by English and Scotch and from the adjoining settlements in New York. Lord Berkeley sold his interest in 1675 to Edward Byllinge, who was a Friend. Byl- linge, becoming reduced, conveyed his interest to trustees for his creditors. Penn was one of these trustees, and in the manage- ment of the estate became acquainted with the land on the west- ern side of the Delaware. Penn, having himself suffered for his religious belief, con- ceived the idea of founding a colony where entire freedom in religious thought should be allowed and civil liberty would pre- vail, and be an asylum for the oppressed of all nations. When the king, who owed his father money and a debt of gratitude for services rendered, proposed to make him a grant of this land, he accepted it, and at once proceeded to found a colony and develop its resources. We are thus about to enter on the history of Philadelphia at a momentous period. Penn at the time of the grant to him in 1681 was thirty-seven years of age, and had married Gulielma Maria Springett in 1672. In his advocacy of the belief of Friends he was ardent and con- sistent, frequently suffering imprisonment for his principles. The duke of York, at his father’s deathbed, had promised him to be- friend his son, and therefore the more readily gave his assistance and consent in establishing a colony in Pennsylvania. The king owed his father’s estate sixteen thousand pounds. Under these circumstances a charter was issued at Westminster, January 5th (later style, March 4th), 1681, constituting Penn absolute proprietor of all that tract of land contained within the present limits of Pennsylvania, and investing him with the power of government therein, and making him substantially independent of the royal authority. The grant covered “the tract bounded on the east by the Delaware Piver, from twelve miles distance northward of New Castle town unto the three-and- fortieth degree of north latitude, if the said river doth extend so far northward ; if not, then by the said river as far as it does ex- tend ; and from the head of the river the eastern bounds are to be determined by a meridian line drawn from the head of the river unto the said forty-third degree.” It was to extend west- ward five degrees in longitude from the eastern bounds. On the north it was to be bounded by the forty-third degree, and on the south by a circle drawn at twelve miles’ distance from New Castle northward and westward unto the beginning of the fortieth de- gree of northern latitude, and then by a straight line westward to the limits of longitude. It gave him all property in the lands and waters, the woods and mines, and all fish ; authority to make laws for the raising of money, with the consent of the greater part of the freemen or their delegates ; power to appoint officers, 3 * 30 Annals of Philadelphia. pardon crimes, constitute courts, and nominate judges to maintain the laws of England and the Province, the provincial laws to be transmitted to England within five years after their passage for approval ; authority to lay out towns, cities, and counties ; to make fairs and markets, seaports and harbors ; to impose custom duties, subject to the royal customs ; to punish savages, pirates, and robbers ; to raise militia and make war against enemies by sea or robbers by land ; to put his prisoners to death or to save them, according to the laws of war; to dispose of lands, erect manors with power to hold courts-baron and hold view of frank- pledge. The king agreed not to levy taxes without consent of the Proprietary or chief governor, or of act of Parliament in England ; and that whenever twenty inhabitants should signify their desire the bishop of London might send them a preacher or preachers. For all this Penn was to send two beaver-skins annually to the castle at Windsor in token of fealty. With such unlimited powers delegated to him, Penn says: “I took charge of the Province for the Lord’s sake ; to raise a people who shall be a praise in the earth for conduct, as well as for civil and religious liberty; to afford an asylum to the good and op- pressed of every nation ; to frame a government which may be an example; and to show men as free and happy as they can be. I have also kind views toward the Indians.” The charter was granted and signed at Westminster 5th of 1st month (or, by later style, on March 4th), 1681, and on the 10th of April, Penn issued a commission to Captain William Mark- ham, his cousin, as deputy governor. He wrote a letter dated the 8th of April to the inhabitants, informing them of the change in government and proprietaryship, also that they should be unmolested in their property, that they should make their own laws, and directing them to pay their annual dues to his deputy. To Markham he gave instructions to call a council of nine, he presiding ; to send his letter to the inhabitants, and take their acknowledgments of his authority ; to settle boundaries ; to sur- vey, sell, or rent lands ; to erect courts and appoint officers ; to cail to his aid any of the inhabitants ; to suppress tumults, make ordinances, or anything else needed except making laws. Markham must have sailed with little delay, as he was at New York on the 21st of June, when Governor Brockholls issued a letter informing the people of the change. There seems to have been none to settle who came with him ; shortly after his arrival he came to Philadelphia. A fac-simile of the charter granted by Charles II. to William Penn for the “ Province of Pennsilvania,” from the original in the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, has been beauti- fully printed in red and black on four sheets, to accompany the second series of Pennsylvania Archives, of which seven volumes are issued to 1879 by the State. Penn Founding Ms Government. 31 CHAPTER VI. PENN POUNDING HIS GOVERNMENT; HIS ARRIVAL IN AMERICA, 1681-1682. In April, Penn issued a pamphlet giving his views of the benefit of colonies, an account of the country, his thoughts on the constitutions ; laid down the conditions ; described who and what kind of people should go, what to take, and the cost, what was to be done on arrival, and finally an account of the estate and power granted to him. He concludes: “ I desire all my dear country- folks ” . . . “ to consider seriously the promises, as well as the present inconveniences, as future ease and plenty, that so none may move rashly or from a fickle, but solid mind, having above all things an eye to the providence of God in the disposal of themselves. And I would further advise all such at least to have the permission, if not the good liking, of their near relations, for that is both natural and a duty incumbent upon all. ... In all which I beseech Almighty God to direct us, that His blessing may attend our honest endeavor, and then the consequence of all our undertaking will turn to the glory of His great name and the true happiness of us and our posterity. Amen. “William Penn.” Of the above he says : “ The enclosed was first read to traders, planters, and shipmasters that know these parties, and finally to eminent Friends hereaway, and so comes forth. I have forborne pains and allurement, and with truth. W. P.” He issued a paper entitled “ Certain Conditions and Conces- sions, July 11 [September], 1681,” giving the terms of sale and the general necessary regulations. In this he gave directions for laying out “ a large town or city,” in which each purchaser was to have lots of ten acres in proportion to every five hundred acres of land he bought. Roads forty feet in breadth were to be laid out from town to town, and streets laid out. Two hundred acres to be the size of the town. Families or friends should have their lots and lands sold as near each other as possible. Mining was encouraged by the right to dig on any man’s land, the miner paying the damages and giving two-fifths of the proceeds to the governor, one-tenth to the owner, one-fifth to the discoverer, and the rest to the public treasury, saving to the king the share re- served by patent. Every man was bound to plant or man his share within three years. All goods to be exported or sold to the Indians were to be bought and sold in the public market- place, and be inspected to see if they were good. The Indians were to be protected, dealt with, and have the same rights as the white man. The laws were to be carried out mostly as they were in England. All cattle, etc. were to be marked, to avoid «trife. One acre out of every five cleared was to be left in trees, especially 32 Annals of Philadelphia. mulberries and oaks for silk and shipping. All ships and ship masters to be registered. No one to leave the place with- out publication being made in the market-place three weeks before. In 1681 he was offered six thousand pounds for the monopoly of the Indian trade between the Susquehanna and Delaware Rivers, and two and a half per cent, rent by a company to be formed. He declined it, because “ he would not defile what came to him clean.” In the next month he appointed his “ trusty and loving friends, William Crispin, John Bezar, and Nathaniel Allen commissioners for the settling of the present colony this year transported into the Province,” directing them to take especial care of those who embarked with them, and getting them comfortably fixed — to fix the site of his city or “ great town ” where “ it is most navigable, high, dry, and healthy,” and where ships could unload cheaply, particularly where the rivers run “ up into the country.” Ten thousand acres to be laid out for the town. Every share of five thousand acres to have one hundred acres of town-lots, or one pound per acre. “ Be tender of offending the Indians. . . . Make a friendship and league with them. ... Be grave ; they love not to be smiled on.” No islands were to be sold. The streets were to be straight, running back from the river, with “ a storehouse on the middle of the key, which will yet serve for market- and state-houses too.” They were directed to select the very middle of the plot on the street parallel with the river for his house, and his lot to be one-thirtieth part of the city, instead of one-tenth, or three hundred acres. The distance of each house from the river to be one quarter of a mile, or at least two hun- dred paces, because of building hereafter streets downward to the harbor. Every house to be put in the middle of the breadth of the lot, so as to leave “ ground on each side for gardens or orchards or fields, that it may be a green country-town, which will never be burnt, and always be wholesome.” Lastly, “ See that no vice or evil conversation go uncomplained of or unpun- ished in any, that God be not provoked to wrath against the country.” This paper was witnessed by Richard Vickry, Charles Jones, Jr., Ralph Withers, Thomas Callohill, Philip Th. Lehn- mann. At the same time he sent a communication to the Indians breathing a spirit of goodwill and peace, amity and justice. These commissioners, to whom were added William Haige, set sail near the end of October, in, most probably, the “John and Sarah,” of one hundred tons, Henry Smith captain. After it, in November, left the “ Bristol Factor,” Captain Roger Drew, landing at Upland December 11th, on the lower side of Chester Creek ; and as the river froze that night, they remained there all Penn Founding his Government. 33 winter. It is supposed the commissioners’ families came with them, as did those of John Otter and Edmund Lovett ; also Joseph Kirkbride, who was afterwards a preacher among Friends. Applications for land and positions began to pour in upon Penn, not only from England, but various foreign countries, and he soon felt assured of success in his scheme. The press of business prevented him from going in person, as he had hoped to have done. Being desirous of affording facilities for trade, and to develop the commerce of his settlement, he char- tered a company from among the large purchasers for trade, manufactures, and agriculture. It was started on a grand scale, its charter, dated April 3, 1682, under the title of “The Free Society of Traders,” granting extraordinary privileges and twenty thousand acres of land in trust. Factories were to be set up — one on the Delaware and another on Chesapeake Bay ; storehouses and ships were to be built ; peltry to be bought from the Indians. An agent in London was to sell the goods, and the business in Pennsylvania was to be managed by four officers. There was to be a secretary, treasurer, surveyor, and miner ; each officer to have a numerous corps of assistants, tradesmen, laborers, bookkeepers, miners, fishermen, glassmakers, etc., etc. Of course all this tended to increase immigration, the people interested and to be employed in developing this scheme alone adding many to the population, which was increased by their families. But as people arrived and settled they probably found they could do better by themselves than in the company, and its schemes were not carried out. We give the names of many in- terested, as the descendants of some exist here to this day : Dr. Nicholas More, James Claypoole, Philip Ford, William Sherloe, Edward Pierce, John Symcock, Thomas Brassey, John Sweetapple, Robert Turner, John Bezer, Anthony Elton, John Bennston, Walter King, Thomas Barker, Edward Brookes, Francis Plumsted, Francis Burroughs, Edward West, John Crow, John Boy, Joseph Martin, Edward Pelrod, Thomas Holme, Griffith Jones, James Harrison, Isaac Martin. Amidst all the business pressing upon him William Penn’s mind was busy studying out the different systems of govern- ment and framing a body of laws for the new country. He took the advice of others, and amongst them that of his friend the celebrated Algernon Sidney, who was of great use to him. The result was “ The Charter of Liberties,” a “ Frame of Gov- ernment,” bearing date April 25, 1682. It commenced with a preface setting forth his views of the responsibilities of govern- ments, and ending with his idea of “ the great end of all govern- ment — viz., to support power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power, that they may be free by their just obedience and the magistrates honorable foi Vol. hi.— c 34 Annals of Philadelphia. their just administration ; for liberty without obedience is con- fusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery.” Then followed a preamble setting forth Penn’s title and his own grant to the freemen of the Province. The body of the instrument declared there should be a governor and the freemen in the form of a Provincial Council and General Assembly. The first election by the freemen of the Province was to be held December 20, 1682 [February 12, 1683], for seventy-two persons of “ note for their wisdom, virtue, and ability,” to meet January 10th [March 10th], 1683, as a Provincial Council. The governor was to preside, and have “ a treble voice.” They were to prepare all bills for the consideration of the General Assembly, drafts of which were to be published thirty days before a meeting of the Assembly. They were to execute the laws, care for the public peace and safety, “ settle the situation of all cities, ports, and market-towns in every county, modelling therein all public buildings, streets, market-places, and shall appoint all necessary roads and highways in the Province;” to inspect the public treasury, punish robbers or peculators thereof ; to erect all public schools, and reward authors of useful sciences and laud- able inventions. The Council was divided into four commit- tees of eighteen each — on Plantations, on Justice and Safety, on Trade and Treasury, and on Manners, Education, and the Arts. Two hundred persons or less might be elected by the freemen of the Province to the General Assembly at the same time as members of the Council. The first session was to be held in the capital town or city on the 20th of February [April], 1683. For eight days the members were to confer together, and on the ninth day to read over the several bills and decide on them. The pres- ent system is exactly the reverse, as the Assembly prepares the bills and the governor decides on them ; then it was only the business of the Assembly to decide on the bills and suggest amend- ments. For the first year the General Assembly might consist of all the freemen of the Province, and afterward it should be chosen as mentioned. Courts were to be established by the governor and Council. Judges, treasurers, and masters of the rolls to be chosen annually by the governor from double the number of names necessary pre- sented by the Council. The Assembly might impeach criminals, and might sit longer than nine days if necessary, or until dismissed by the governor and Provincial Council. Passing bills and im- portant business were to be done by ballot. If the governor should be an infant, his father by will might appoint three commission- ers, one of whom might act as deputy governor ; and in case of no such appointment the Provincial Council might exercise that authority. This charter was followed, on the 15th of May, by the laws Penn Founding his Government. 35 passed in England and intended to be presented to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania at its first meeting. They confirmed the Charter of Liberties, and defined who were freemen thus; Every person who was an inhabitant and purchaser of one hun- dred acres and upward, such privilege transferable to his heirs and assigns; every one who paid his passage and took up one hundred acres and paid one penny an acre quit-rent, and culti- vated ten acres of it ; every one who had been a servant or bond- man, and was free through service, that had taken up fifty acres and cultivated twenty of it ; every inhabitant, artificer, or other resi- dent who paid scot-and-lot to the government, whether Swede, Finn, or Dutch, recognizing “ the Almighty and Eternal God to be the Creator, Upholder, and Ruler of the world.” Elections were to be free. A bribe forfeited the vote and the right of office of the one who offered it. Contributions could only be raised by public tax according to laws made. Courts were to be open, and free to every one to plead his own cause. Process was to be regulated by complaint in court fourteen days before trial, with summons ten days before. Pleadings to be short and in English ; trials by juries of twelve men ; indictments by the finding of a grand jury of twenty-four. Moderate legal fees were provided for. There was established a prison and workhouse in each county ; bail for offences less than capital, and double damages for wrong imprisonment. Lands and goods were liable to pay debts, except where there was legal issue, and then all the goods and one-third of the land only. Wills in writing with two witnesses were valid. Seven years’ quiet possession of lands gave right, except in the case of infants, lunatics, married women, and persons beyond the sea. Briberies and extortions were to be punished ; marriages encouraged, parents or guardians first consulted. Charters, gifts, conveyances of land, except leases for one year or under, and bills, bonds, and specialties above five pounds payable in not less than three months, were to be enrolled in county offices in a certain time or else to be void. Defacers or corrupters of charters, deeds, or other securities were to be punished. Births, marriages, burials, wills, and letters of administration were to be registered. Servants were to be registered, with their times of service, wages, and days of payment. The lands and goods of felons were subject to make double satisfaction to the party wronged, and in case of the want of lands and goods the felons were to be bondmen, to work in prison or workhouse, or otherwise, until the wronged party was satisfied. Estates of traitors and murderers were to go one-third to next of kin of the sufferer, and the remainder to next of kin of the criminal. Witnesses were to be protected, and allowed to testify upon their solemn promise to speak the truth. In case of perjury the false witness was to suffer the same penalty or punish- ment that would have been undergone by the persons against whom 3 6 Annals of Philadelphia. the false testimony was given. No person was allowed to enjoj more than one public office at the same time. All children of twelve years of age were to learn a trade ; ser- vants were to be discharged at the end of their time properly equipped. The franchises of the Free Society of Traders were confirmed. Breaches of trust were to be punished. Religious liberty was guaranteed, and the Lord’s Day made one of rest. Besides the ordinary crimes, the following were to be punished : lying, drinking of healths, prizes, stage-plays, cards, dice, May games, masks, revels, bull-baitings, cock-fightings, and the like, “ which excite the people to rudeness, cruelty, looseness, and irre- ligion.” These laws were to be hung up in the Provincial Council chamber, the General Assembly, and courts of justice, and read once a year. These laws were particular and precise, endeavor- ing to reach to all the needs of a thriving community. The office of surveyor of Pennsylvania was a very important one, requiring a skilful and careful man. Penn first appointed his cousin, William Crispin, a captain under Cromwell, who sailed to America, but being prevented by contrary winds from ascend- ing the Delaware, the ship carried him to Barbadoes, where he died. If Crispin had lived he was also to have been “ chief-jus- tice to keep y e seal, y e courts and sessions.” Penn next ap- pointed, on the 18th of April, 1682, Thomas Holme as surveyor- general, and John Claypoole, son of James, as assistant. They sailed on the 23d, in the “Amity,” Captain R. Dimond, and with them also Holme’s two sons and two daughters, and Silas Crispin, the son of William, who afterward married one of the daughters of Holme and took up five hundred acres on the Pennepack Creek. Thomas Holme also took up one thousand six hundred and forty- six acres of land on the Pennepack, where Holmesburg now stands. The school now bearing the name of the Thomas Holme School, formerly known as Lower Dublin Academy, is on three acres of land given by his heirs in lieu of a sum of money left in his will. By Holme, Penn sent a letter to the Indians, recommending him to them, as he most probably would constantly be thrown in contact with them, and breathing a spirit of peace and love, hop- ing soon to be with them, and that his people will for ever remain in peace with them. Penn’s long-cherished desire to visit his new country, which had been retarded by the great press of business on him, was now about to be gratified. Having sufficiently concluded his arrange- ments, he took passage on board the ship “Welcome,” Captain Robert Greenaway, a vessel of about three hundred tons, near the 1st of September. With him sailed about one hundred emigrants, of whom some thirty died before reaching their destination. The voyage was long, and the smallpox broke out, many having taken Penn’s Arrival in America. 37 sick with it. In that frightful time Penn’s courage and ability were displayed, as he contributed not only to their necessities, but “his good conversation was very advantageous to all the com- pany.” He left his wife and children in England, but wrote them a beautiful letter of counsel and consolation, and sent also a “Salutation to Friends in England.” The following is a list of those who sailed in the “Welcome” with Penn, as far as it can be made out : John Barber and Elizabeth his wife. William Bradford, the first printer. This is doubted by some; some say he came later. William Buckman, Mary his wife, and children, Sarah and Mary. John Carver and Mary his wife. Benjamin Chambers; was sheriff in 1683. Thomas Chroasdale, his wife Agnes, and six children. Ellen Cowgill and family. John Fisher, his wife Margaret, and son John. Thomas Fitzwater and sons Thomas and George. His wife Mary and children Josiah and Mary died on the passage. Thomas Gillett. Robert Greenaway, the master of the “ Welcome.” Bartholomew Green. Nathaniel Harrison. Cuthbert Hayhurst, his wife and family. Thomas Heriott ; died on board (?). John Hey. Richard Ingelo. Isaac Ingram ; died on board (?). Thomas Jones. Giles Knight, his wife Mary, and son Joseph. William Lushington. Jeane Matthews. Hannah Mogdridge. Joshua Morris. David Ogden. Evan Oliver, his wife Jean, and children, David, Elizabeth, John, Hannah, Mary, Evan, and Seaborn ; the last a daugh- ter, born at sea October 24th, 1682, almost within sight of the capes of Delaware. Pearson ; most likely Robert, though it might have been Thomas or Edward. John Rowland and his wife Priscilla. Thomas Rowland. William Smith. John Songhurst. John Stackhouse and his wife Margery. George Thompson. 4 38 Annals of Philadelphia. Richard Townsend, his wife Anne, daughter Hannah, and son James born on the “ Welcome” in Delaware River. William Wade; died on board (?). Thomas Walmesly, his wife Elizabeth, and six children. Nicholas Wain. Joseph Woodroofe. Thomas Wrightsworth and wife. Thomas Wynne, “ clnrurgeon.” Dennis Rochford and his wife Mary, the daughter of John Heriott, another passenger ; also, two daughters of Mr. and Mrs. Rochford, who died at sea. John Dutton and his wife. Philip Theodore Lehnman (or Lehman). In addition to the above, and the names of those who came over in vessels previously mentioned, the following were among those who came over before the end of the year 1682 : Richard Barnard. John Beales (or Bales), who married Mary, the daughter of William Clayton, Sr., in 1682. John Blunston, his wife Sarah, and two children. Michael Blunston. Samuel Bradshaw. Edward Carter and his son Robert. John Churchman. William Cobb, of Cobb’s Creek fame. Thomas Coburn, his wife Elizabeth, and their sons William and Joseph. Richard Crosby. Elizabeth Fearne, widow, with her son Joshua and daughters Elizabeth, Sarah, and Rebecca. Richard Few. Henry Gibbons, his wife Helen, and family. John Goodson, Penn’s commissioner. John Hastings and his wife Elizabeth. Joshua Hastings and his wife Elizabeth. Thomas Hood. Valentine Hollingsworth. William Howell and his wife Margaret. Elizabeth Humphrey, her son Benjamin and daughters Anne and Gobitha. Daniel Humphrey. David James, his wife Margaret, and daughter Mary. James Kenerly. Henry Lewis, his wife Margaret, and family. Mordecai Maddock. Thomas Minshall and his wife Margaret. Thomas Powell. Caleb Pusey, his wife Ann, and his daughter Ann. The Laying Out of the City. 39 Samuel Sellers. John Simcock, Jr., and Jacob Simcock. John Sharpies, Jane his wife, and his children Phoebe, John, James, Caleb, Jane, and Joseph. Thomas, also on board, died at sea in July. The family arrived at Upland in August. Christopher Taylor. Peter Taylor and William Taylor. Gabriel Thomas. Thomas Usher. Thomas Vernon. Robert Vernon. Randall Vernon. Ralph Withers. George Wood, his wife Hannah, and his son George and other children. Richard Worrell or Worrall. John Worrell. Thomas Worth. CHAPTER VII. THE LAYING OUT OF THE CITY, 1682. It will be necessary now to see what had been done under the administration of Lieutenant-Governor Markham, who had ar- rived in Philadelphia not far from the 1st of July, 1681 ; also what had been done by the commissioners sent out by Penn, and by Thomas Holme, surveyor-general, who had been kept very busy m laying out the town and locating lots for purchasers. Markham had an interview with Lord Baltimore at Upland, at which he discovered that by the grant to Penn the land to commence at twelve miles’ distance northward from Hew Castle would not embrace the Swedish settlements on the Delaware; the error originated from a mistake as to the distance of the fortieth degree of northern latitude from Hew Castle. Upland, which was some distance above Hew Castle, is itself twelve miles south of the fortieth degree of latitude. To gain possession of what he supposed had already been granted him, Penn negotiated with the duke of York, and succeeded in obtaining from him a cession of all the duke’s right and title in the lands granted by the king ; a deed for Hew Castle and all the land lying about it within a compass or circle of twelve miles ; and a deed for all the tract of land on the Delaware River and Bay, beginning twelve miles south of Hew Castle and extending to Cape Hen- lopen, or Whorekills — the latter upon payment to the duke yearly of one half of all the rents, issues, and profits. Thus 40 Annals of Philadelphia. Penn rested content, and was not disturbed as to his boundaries until claims were afterward made by Lord Baltimore. Markham not long after his arrival, in carrying out his in- structions, selected nine men for a Provincial Council ; August 3d, 1681, it was organized. The new Upland court under the Proprietary government met on the same day as the old one had adjourned to — September 13th. The manner of proceeding was changed, and jury trials were held. Governor Markham pre- sided at several after terms of this court, and on July 15, 1682, he purchased for Penn a large tract of land from the Indians above the falls of the Delaware, which included the present county of Bucks, and where the Proprietary located his mansion of Penns- bury. The laying out of the city with the commissioners Haige (or Haigue), Allen, and Bezer also kept Markham busy during the spring and summer of 1682. In this matter they were as- sisted by Thomas Fair man, and Hollingsworth was one of the assistant surveyors to Captain Thomas Holme. By a long ac- count rendered to Penn by Thomas Fairman we learn that Markham, Haige, Holme and his children, and Penn lived a while with Fairman in his mansion; the latter also af- terward using it until the Letitia House was finished.* By the fall of this year the surveys were sufficiently completed for many lots to be drawn for, and the plan laid out was nearly in accordance with the original drawing of Thomas Holme. The original idea was to carry the city over the Schuylkill, but it was abandoned, probably in 1684. The position of Centre Square on Broad street was also changed ; the original idea of Penn was to have it equidistant from both rivers, and to have the market-, state-, meeting-, and school-houses there. The names of the streets put down on the original plan were also changed after Penn’s arrival ; thus, Valley street, on ac- count of its being in a ravine, became Vine street; Songhurst street (after John Songhurst) became Sassafras street, now called Race street ; Holme street (after Thomas Holme) changed to Mulberry street, now Arch street ; High street bore its name until a recent period, when it popularly became Market street ; Wynne street (after Thomas Wynne), now Chestnut street; Pool street (as it crossed a pool at Dock Creek) became Walnut street; Dock street (because it ran down to the dock) became Spruce street; Sixth street was originally Sumach street. The distances from the Delaware and the Schuylkill to Broad street were respectively 5088 feet, and Broad street 100 feet, making a total of 10,276 feet between the two rivers, divided mostly into squares of 396 feet. The distance from Cedar (now * By the record of Friends, November, 1682, we observe, “Thomas Fairman, at the request of the governor, removed himself and family to Tacony, where there was also a meeting appointed to be kept, and the an emit meeting of Shak- amaxon removed to Philadelphia.” The Laying Out of the City. 41 South) street to Vine street, the original boundaries of the city, was 5253 feet, divided thus : from Cedar to Pine, 652 ; to Spruce, 468; to Walnut, 821; to Chestnut, 510; to Market, 497; to Arch, 663; to Race, 614; to Vine, 612; and five streets of 50 feet each = 250 feet ; Market street, 100 feet, and Arch street, 66 feet. Thus, the city extended, as Holme officially declared, two miles from east to west, and one mile from north to south. It contained an area of nearly two square miles, or 1280 acres, instead of 10,000, as originally proposed by Penn. Of course, the first purchasers did not get their ten acres of city lots for every five hundred in the country, but got their two per cent, of the city and Northern Liberties combined, as a large tract was laid out and called the Liberties. Penn in his original instruc- tions had suggested this might be the case. Holme says of his plan : “ In the centre of the city is a square of ten acres ; at each angle are to be houses for publick affairs, as a Meeting House, Assembly or State House, Market House, School House, and severall other buildings for publick concerns. There are also in each quarter of y e city a square of eight acres to be for the like uses as. the Moorfields in London, and eight streets besides the High street that run from front to front, and twenty streets besides the Broad street that run across the city from side to side ; all these streets are fifty foot in breadth.” As most of the houses were built on the river-bank, and to- ward the southern side of the city, and as the Schuylkill never became the river of commerce that Penn expected, Centre Square was too far from the dwellings for the public buildings, and they were therefore never erected there. A meeting-house was after- ward erected near there, but as it was too far out of town, it be- came disused, was suffered to decay, and was torn down. The founders of the city built on Front street mostly, as the view from the Bank, then high above the river, was very attrac- tive. The following are some of the earliest names between Cedar and Vine streets on Front street : William Penn, Jr., Free Society of Traders, James Boyden, Francis Borrough, Robert Knight, John Reynolds, Humphrey South, Sabain Cole, Thomas Baker, James Claypoole, Alexander Parker, Robert Greenway, Samuel Carpenter, Charles Taylor, John Love, Nathaniel Allen, Edward Jefferson, Charles Pickering, Thomas Bearne, John Willard, Letitia Penn, William Bowman, Griffith Jones, Thomas Holme, John Barber, George Palmer, John Sharpies, Francis Plumsted, William Taylor. On the west side of Second street were — John Moon, Andrew Griscomb, John Fisher, Isaac Mar- tin, William Carter, John Southworth, Richard Inglion. On Walnut street, Nehemiah Mitchell, Thomas Jones, William Tan- ner, Edward Blake. On Chestnut street, Thomas Rouse, David Brint, Richard Townsend. On Arch street, Thomas Barry, 42 Annals of Philadelphia. George Randall. On the Schuylkill was but one house, Jacob and Joseph Fuller’s. JHAPTER VIII. PENN’S MANAGEMEN r OP AFFAIRS UNTIL HIS DEPARTURE, 1682-1684, On the next day after the arrival of Penn at New Castle (Oc- tober 27th, 16821 ne was put in possession of the town and fort and twelve miles’ circle of land by the attorneys of the duke of York, and the inhabitants pledged in writing their submission and obedience to his government. Six justices were appointed, and November 2d was set down for the session of the court ; at which were present, Penn, Markham, Holme, Haige, Symcock, and Brassie of the Council, and the justices. Penn made a speech, giving the terms of his purchase and hints for the future conduct of the settlement. Two days after his arrival he proceeded up the river, stopping at Upland, and as he lay in the stream is reported to have turned to his friend Pearson and said, “ Providence has brought us here safe : thou hast been companion of my perils. What wilt thou that I shall call this place ?” Pearson answered “ Chester,” in remembrance of the city whence he came. Penn replied it should be so called, and that he would give one of his new counties the same name. In a few days he sailed up to the new city, and landed from a boat at the mouth of Dock Creek, where George Guest had built a house, and which was long known afterward as the Blue An- chor Tavern. The first printed record of his being in the city is found in the records of the Society of Friends: “At a monthly meeting the 8th of 9th month [November], 1682. At this time Governor William Penn and a multitude of Friends arrived here and erected a city, called Philadelphia, about half a mile from Shakamaxon, where meetings, etc. were established.” It will be observed that this is also the first time the name of the city, “ Philadelphia,” appears. When or w r hy the name was given has been variously stated. His acquaintance with the Scriptures, and the definition of the word, “ brotherly love,” had perhaps the most effect in recommending it to him. Penn sent two persons to Lord Baltimore in November “ to ask of his health, offer kind neighborhood, and agree upon the better to establish it.” In the mean while he went to New York to visit the governor and colony there belonging to the duke of York, perhaps partly to fulfil a duty to his friend the duke, to inform him through an eye-witness of its progress, appearance, etc., and partly to see the country for himself, his former charge of the estate in New Jersey creating an additional interest. He Penn’s Management of Affairs until his Departure. 43 probably returned before Captain Greenaway, who had discharged his cargo, sailed for England. He was known to have been at Upland on the 29th. And about this time he laid out three counties — Chester, Philadelphia, and Bucks. Undoubtedly, he was very busy, visiting different parts of the country, conferring with officers and citizens, visiting the Indians, and making and ratifying treaties with them, thus thoroughly informing himself, that he might send home true and intelligent word of the state of the country, its affairs and prospects, and ordering things that would be needed. At this time also it has been supposed was made a great treaty with the Indians, and tradition says under the Great Elm at Shakamaxon. Certainly, with tradition in its favor, some re- marks in his own letters, and the natural desire between himself and the Indians to come together at the earliest moment, it may be supposed such an occurrence at this time should happen. In all his previous arrangements the Indians were constantly thought of, and even addressed. His own coming was several times al- luded to, when he said he would be with them personally. Ben- jamin West in his great painting of the Treaty, and Birch in his admirable engraving, have permanently fixed in the public mind the facts of the traditions of the particular tree, the names of the Indian chiefs and other parties present, articles of dress worn, etc. The style of costume in which West painted Penn is absurd, as it was not worn for many years after, nor is Penn represented as sufficiently young, he being then an athletic young man of thirty-eight. Penn in a letter of August, 1683, alludes to several meetings held for treaties with the Indians ; describes their style and ac- tions ; alludes to the Indians apologizing that they had not com- plied with him the last time ; praising their wit in “ any treaty about a thing they understand and describes the strong terms of love and friendship the Indians used ; and concludes, the chiefs did “ command them to love the Christians, and particu- larly to live in peace with me and the people under my govern- ment ; that many governors had been in the river, but that no governor had come himself to live and stay here before ; and having now such an one that had treated them well, they would never do him or his any wrong.” (See Watson, Vol. I. p. 134 et seq. ; also pp. 104, 105 of this volume.) In 1682 arrived twenty-three vessels, most of them with immi- grants, many of whom were Quakers. The provident character of these taught them to bring many of the necessaries of life ; many had money, and while some sought shelter in New Castle, Upland, or Burlington, the majority as rapidly as possible took up land and erected log houses in the new city. Some lived temporarily in caves in the Bank until their houses were erected. Of course, many privations had to be endured in such a new 44 Annals of Philadelphia. country, but they were free from persecution for their opinions. Fortunately, provisions were plentiful and cheap. The first legislature of Pennsylvania met in General Assembly at Chester on the 4th of December, and consisted of delegates from Bucks, Philadelphia, and Chester counties. The session lasted three days, and there were passed an act of union, annexing the three lower counties, Newcastle, Jones, and Whorekill (after- ward Kent and Sussex), to the Province, and naturalizing the Dutch, Swedes, and other foreigners ; and the Great Law, a general system of jurisprudence in sixty-nine chapters, embracing most of the laws previously agreed upon in England. The “for- eigners” gladly welcomed the new rule as being just. The days of the week and names of the month were to be called by the first, second, etc., beginning with Sunday and March. After the session of the legislature was closed, Penn met Lord Baltimore at West River, and held a conference with him about their boundaries. Also in December he “ cast the country into townships for large lots of land.” He appointed sheriffs and officers for each county, issued writs for the election of members of the Provincial Council, and directed the sheriffs to notify all the freemen of their right to appear in the Assembly. But the freemen of the six counties (three for Pennsylvania — Phila- delphia, Bucks, and Chester — and the “three lower counties” afterward constituting Delaware) preferred to send twelve mem- bers from each to represent them — three for the Council and nine for the Assembly — or eighteen for the Council and fifty-four for the Assembly ; in all, seventy-two. The Council met at Philadelphia on the 10th of 1st month [March], 1683, and the Assembly was met by Penn two days afterward.* Amongst the most important business done was the ordering of seals for the counties — for Philadelphia, an anchor; for Bucks, a tree and vine; for Chester, a plough; for New Castle, * Whether Penn’s Council met in the unfinished house of George Guest, near the Blue Anchor, and the first Assembly of Pennsylvania met in the Swedes’ Church, as the only building large enough to hold fifty-four men, is unknown. But the next Council, and those for many years after, met in “Penn’s Cottage” in Letitia Court, which was finished in the fall of 1683, thus establishing a pre- cedent of meeting at the governor’s residence, which practice was continued until they removed to the State House in 1747. The Assembly for years wandered from place to place for their meetings. Shortly after Penn’s arrival a rough Friends’ meeting-house was built, and after- ward in the same vicinity, in Front street above Arch, the “Bank Meeting- House,” where the Assembly met for twelve years. In 1695 they met in Whit- pain’s big house, in Front between Walnut and Spruce, and the next year in the “ Carpenter ” mansion or “ Slate-Boof House.” In 1701 they returned to Whit- pain’s mansion. After the new charter extorted from Penn in 1701, and the Council was no longer a part of the legislature, the number of members of the Assembly was reduced — first, by the secession of the representatives of the three lower counties, or Delaware ; and second, by the terms of the charter — to twelve, though shortly after raised to twenty-six members. They then occupied Makin’s schoolhouse, and afterward private dwellings. In 1728 they resolved to build a State Houstf for their sessions, which finally took shape. Penn’s Management oj Affairs until his Departure. 45 a castle ; for Kent, three ears of corn ; for Sussex, a wheatsheaf ; and the adoption of a new charter or “ Frame of Government.” By this the Council was reduced to eighteen and the Assembly to thirty-six members, though they might be increased to seventy- two and two hundred. This charter continued in force till 1696, but both were superseded by the “ Charter of Privileges ” of 1701. It seems odd at this day that the Assembly and Council should have had cognizance of so many minor matters, some of which seem very ludicrous. One Anthony Weston having presented a paper which was deemed disrespectful to the Council, he was whipped in the market-place three days, ten lashes each day. William Clayton was ordered to build “ a cage 7 foot high, 7 foot long, and 5 foot broad ” for evil-doers. A law was proposed “ to incourage making Linnen cloth another for wearing two sorts of “cloaths” only, for winter and summer wear; another for “ Young Men’s Marrieing at or before a certain age another for “ Makeing of severall sorts of Books another for “ Persons that put water into Rum a case was also tried before the Coun- cil of two women for witchcraft. In January, 1683, the Grand Jury made a presentment that “ the swamps at the Blue Anchor be made passable for footmen ; that Coquenakur Creek [Pegg’s Run], at the north end of the city, be also made passable for footmen ; that the bridge called the Coanxen [Cohocksink], going to Shakamaxon, be bridged ; that the bridge at Tankanner [Tacony or Frankford Creek] be bridged or cannowed ; that the King’s road from Sculkill through Phila- delphia to Neshaminey Creek may be marked out and made pass- able for horses and carts, where needful, and to ascertain, with Chester and Bucks, where to fix the ferries of those creeks ; and the want of a county court house.” Also, against stumps in the streets ; against ships firing guns on First Day ; the want of rings for the snouts of swine, etc. During the summer of this year Penn made large additional purchases from the Indians of lands between the Pennypack and Neshaminey ; from Wingebone all the lands on the west side of the Schuylkill, from the first falls along the river and as far back as his title went ; from others all the lands between Manaiunk alias Schulkill and Macoponackhan alias Chester River, begin- ning at the west side of Manaiunk called Conshohocken, from thence by a westerly line into the said river Macoponackhan ; and from others the lands on the Manaiunk so far as the hill called Conshohockin, and thence in a north-west line to the river of Pen- napecka. Penn was also busy this summer in making a visit to the inte- rior of the State, which he speaks of as being a pleasant tour, and in building a very fine mansion of brick, sixty feet long, with carved doors and windows and ornamental brick, all brought from 46 Annals of Philadelphia. England. It was two stories high, with a large porch and steps. It had on the first floor a large room for an audience-hall, where he met the Indians, strangers, and his Council ; a little hall and three parlors, all wainscoted and communicating by folding-doors. In addition to the main building, there were a brew-house, a bake- house, a kitchen and larder, a wash-house, and a stable for twelve horses ; all a story and a half high and fronting the river, on a line with the mansion. From the landing to the house was a row of poplars ; there was a lawn and gardens, well planted with trees and shrubs brought by him from England. He called this coun- try residence Pennsbury ; it was situated in a manor of six thou- sand acres, called by the Indians Sepessing, about four miles above Bristol, with a river-front of two miles. Though the house has long since disappeared, the title of “ Penn’s Manor” is retained. The appearance of the country at this time is described by Penn in a letter to the Free Traders at home in a very attractive man- ner. After alluding to the many inventions concerning him in England, particularly that he had died a Jesuit, he alludes to the love and respect and universal kind welcome he met with in this country. He then describes the soil, air, water, seasons, and pro- duce, the fish, animals, etc. Amongst the latter he mentions the elk as big as an ox, and among fowls the turkey forty and fifty pounds in weight. Of horses there was such a plenty that they shipped them to Barbadoes ; and also plenty of cattle and some sheep. He said : “ The Dutch inhabit mostly those parts of the Province that lie upon or near the bay, and the Swedes the freshes of the river Delaware The Dutch have a meeting-place at New Castle ; and the Swedes three — one at Christina, one at Tene- cum, and one at Wicoco, within half a mile of this town. “ The country lieth bounded on the east by the river and bay of Delaware and Eastern Sea. It hath the advantage of many creeks, or rivers rather, that run into the main river or bay. . . . Those of most eminency are Christina, Brandywine, Skilpot, and Sculkill The lesser creeks or rivers are Lewis, Mespillon, Cedar, Dover, Cranbrook, Feversham, and Georges, below; and Chichester, Chester, Toacawny, Pammapecka, Portquessin, Neshi- menck, and Pennberry, in the freshes ; and many lesser. “ The planted part of the Province and territories is cast into six counties — Philadelphia, Buckingham, Chester, New Castle, Kent, and Sussex — containing about four thousand souls. “ Philadelphia, the expectation of those that are concerned in this Province, is at last laid out The situation is a neck of land, and lieth between two navigable rivers It has advanced within less than a year to about fourscore houses and cottages, such as they are, where merchants and handicrafts are following their vocations as fast as they can, while the countrymen are close at their farms. “You.” city lot is a whole street and one side of a street from Penn's Management of Affairs until his Departure. 47 river to river, containing near an hundred acres, not easily valued, which is, besides your one hundred acres in the city liberties, part of your twenty thousand acres in the country.” A post was established to Maryland this year (in July, 1683). Henry Waldy of Tekonay had authority to run one, and supply passengers with horses from Philadelphia to New Castle or the Falls. The rates of postage were — letters from the Falls to Philadelphia, 3 d. ; to Chester, 5 d. ; to New Castle, 7d . ; to Mary- land, 9 d. From Philadelphia to Chester, 2d. ; to New Castle. 4 d. ; to Maryland, Qd. It went once a week, notice having been placed on the meeting-house door and at other public places. Communication was frequent with Manhattan or New York, the road starting on the eastern side of the Delaware at about Bor- dentowm, New Jersey. On account of claims pressed upon Penn and upon the home government by Lord Baltimore, Penn sent Lieutenant-Governor William Markham to England to have the matter settled by the Lords of Plantations, and to have the boundaries of the two prov- inces more clearly defined. Penn wrote a letter to them (July 14th, 1683), detailing the whole dispute, with the arguments against Lord Baltimore’s claim. The trouble arose from the imperfect knowledge of the geography of the country at the time the two grants were made. Lord Baltimore claimed all the land upon the Delaware up to the 40th degree of latitude, which would have taken in the city as far as the present Port Richmond. His grant from Charles II. of 1632 gave him “ unto that part of Delaware Bay on the north which lieth under the fortieth degree of northerly latitude” . . . . “ in certain parts of America not yet cultivated and planted, though in some parts thereof inhabited by a certain barbarous people having no knowledge of Almighty God.” The Dutch had been settled here before 1632, as early as 1623, and after- ward the Swedes. Though claims had been made by Baltimore against the Dutch, he had not disturbed the authority of the duke of York. Penn’s patent in 1681 gave him the land “from twelve miles northward of New Castle town unto the three-and-fortieth degree of northern latitude,” . . . “ and on the south by a circle drawn at twelve miles’ distance from New Castle town northward and westward, unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of northern latitude.” The fortieth degree was evidently intended to be the northern limit of Maryland, and, as evident by the patent of Penn, supposed to be twelve miles north of New Castle. In September, 1683, Baltimore sent Colonel George Talbot to demand of Penn all the land south of the fortieth degree. Penn being in New York, his deputy, Nicholas More, delayed answer till Penn’s reply in October. Talbot then made, with armed men, demand unon owners and renters in the Lower Counties for obedi- 48 Annals of Philadelphia. ence and rent to Baltimore. Lord Baltimore himself addressed a petition to the king that no further grants should be made to Penn until he should be heard as to his rights; it, as well as Penn’s petition, was investigated by the Lords of Plantations. At the next session of the Assembly at New Castle (in May, 1684) these disputes were brought before them. At this session the following measures were under discussion : to license tavern- keepers ; to preserve the life and person of the governor from treasonable designs ; a bill of excise for support of the govern- ment. It was determined to create a provincial court with five judges “ to try all criminalls and titles to land, and to be a court of equity to decide all differences upon appeals from country courts.” In July, 1684, the project of making a borough of Philadel- phia was again revived. Thomas Lloyd, Thomas Holme, and William Haige were appointed to draw up a charter providing for a mayor and six aldermen, with power to call to their assist- ance any of the Council. The time had now arrived when Penn felt desirous, for various reasons, of returning to England. He had been hard at work lay- ing out the city, establishing the government, making sales and per- fecting titles of land, visiting different parts of Pennsylvania and the adjoining country, laying out counties and subdividing them into townships and manors, making ti’eaties with and purchases of the Indians, starting various industries, building houses, and attending to many other matters necessary ; so that the twenty- two months spent in this country were very busy ones. He thus had got matters into such shape that he felt the more able and willing to return for a short time — as he supposed it would be — to England to look after his interests in the grants of land given to him, which were now being assailed by other parties as well as Lord Baltimore, and to endeavor to repair his fortunes, which, not- withstanding his sales, rents, and receipts, were, on account of the heavy expenses he had been under, now much impaired and en- croached upon. His long absence from his family, to a man of his nature, must have been also a powerful motive for leaving his colony. The visit was intended to be of short duration, but events thickened around him so upon reaching England that his second visit to this country w T as delayed for seventeen years. To provide for the administration of the government during his absence, he authorized the Provincial Council to exercise the executive power in his stead, and commissioned their president, Thomas Lloyd, as keeper of the Great Seal ; Nicholas More, Wil- liam Welch, William Wood, Robert Turner, and John Eckley provincial judges for two years ; Thomas Lloyd, James Claypoole, and Robert Turner to sign patents and grant warrants as com- missioners of the land office ; William Markham was secretary of the Province, and Thomas Holme surveyor-general. The Government under Thomas Lloyd. 49 Having arranged matters to his satisfaction, he sailed in the ketch “Endeavor” on the 12th of August, 1684, and stopped at Sussex and held a council there. He addressed a farewell letter from on board the vessel to his friends Thomas Lloyd, James Claypoole, J. Simcock, Charles Taylor, and J. Harrison, to be . communicated in meetings, breathing sentiments of friendship and true piety. In this letter occurs the sentence — “ And thou, Philadelphia, the virgin settlement of this Province — named be- fore thou wert born — what love, what care, what service, and what travail has there been to bring thee forth, and preserve thee from such as would abuse and defile thee !” Penn, after a pleasant voyage of seven weeks, landed within seven miles of his own residence, at Worminghurst. CHAPTER IX. PENN ABSENT IN ENGLAND; THE GOVERNMENT UNDER THOMAS LLOYD, 1684-1688. When Penn left Philadelphia the management of the Prov- ince was deputed to the Council and Thomas Lloyd, who was president of it as well as acting governor. The first session was held at Xew Castle in August, 1684. It issued commissions as justices to William Clayton, Robert Turner, and Francis Daniel Pastorius. By the minutes we find it regulating a ferry across the Sehuylkili at High street ; rearranging the boundaries of several of the counties ; making purchases from the Indians ; establishing the first watchmen ; regulating tavern licenses ; and clearing out, according to orders from Penn, the caves in the river-bank, which had become a nuisance from the character of the people living in them. In May of this year news was received of the death of Charles II. and the accession of James II. The latter was publicly pro- claimed — “ to whom wee acknowledge faithfull and constant obe- dience, heartily wishing him a happy Raign in health, peace, and Prosperity, and so God save the King.” In August, Major Dyer and his deputy “ sercher and waiter,” Christopher Snowden, arrived with a commission from the king as collector of customs. Dissensions sprang up between the rival authorities, and Nicholas More, the chief-justice, was accused of malpractices and misdemeanors in office. The Assembly drew up articles of impeachment, and requested the Council to remove him from office. The Council treated the matter coldly, but ordered him to desist from acting in any place of authority or judicature. His clerk, Patrick Robinson, refused to produce the records of the court. The Council decided he could not be removed until Vol. III.— D 5 50 Annals of Philadelphia. convicted, but after such conviction he should be dismissed from any office of trust. Penn was much grieved at these dissensions, and named several to endeavor to make peace, as it was, besides preventing emigration, bringing reproach on the Friends, though neither More nor Robinson were members of the Society. Not- withstanding these quarrels, Penn appointed More one of the commissioners of government, which office he held until his death ; Robinson also continued to hold office. In the mean time, Penn in England was prosecuting his claims against Lord Baltimore, and with success, as the Lords of Plan- tations, “ after three full hearings,” decided against Lord Balti- more, and “ he was cast, and the lands of Delaware declared to be not within his patent,” because before his grant they were in- habited by Christians, his grant including only those that were inhabited by savages. The line was therefore decided to be one drawn from the latitude of Cape Henlopen to the fortieth degree of north latitude ; and that one half of this tract of land, lying between the Delaware River and Bay and the Eastern Sea on one side and Chesapeake Bay on the other, should belong to King James, under whom, as duke of York, Penn was grantee, and the other half south of that line to Lord Baltimore. The lord objected for years to this decision, but the final settlement of the dispute was made by Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, who defined the boundaries between Pennsylvania and Maryland in the line famous as “ Mason and Dixon’s line.” Penn, being thus firmly fixed in his possessions, published another pamphlet describing the merits and advantages to pur- chasers and settlers. With his usual shrewdness he omits no attractive particulars, yet with his firm honesty he advises them to “ be moderate in Expectation, Count no Labor before a Crop, and Cost before Gain.” He stated that ninety ships with passengers since the beginning of 1682 to the end of 1685 had sailed, and arrived safely, and estimated them, at eighty passengers to each vessel, to amount to seven thousand two hundred persons, which added to a thousand there before, and other accretions from other settlements, and births, would probably swell the amount to about ten thousand persons. These were composed of “ French, Dutch, Germans, Sweeds, Danes, Finns, Scotch, Irish, and English ; and of the last equal to all the rest.” He described Philadelphia, “our intended Metropolis,” as two miles long and a mile broad, “with High and Broad streets of one hundred feet in breadth, and eight streets parallel with High street, and twenty cross streets parallel with Broad street, all of fifty feet breadth. The names of those streets are mostly taken from the things that spontaneously grow in the country; as Vine, Mulberry, Chesnut, Wallnut, Strawberry, Cranberry, Plumb, Hickery, Pine, Oake, Beach, Ash, Popier, Sassafrax, The Government under Thomas Lloyd. 51 and the like.” Many of these names are still preserved, but not applied to streets in the same position as those of Penn’s time. In the first ten months after his arrival fourscore houses had been erected, and up to the time of his coming away, which was about a year more, “ the Town advanced to three hundred and fifty-seven houses ; divers of them large, well built, with good cellars, three stories, and some with Belconies.” . . . . “ There is also a fair Key of about three hundred foot square, built by Samuel Carpenter, to wdiich a ship of five hundred Tuns may lay her broadside, and others intend to follow his example. We have also a Ropewalk made by B. [Benjamin] Wilcox.” This ropewalk was on the north side of Vine, above Front street, and gave the name to Cable Lane, a street running north, afterward called New Market street, and the northern portion of it Budd street. He stated, also, that nearly every useful trade was represented ; that there were two markets every week and two fairs every year ; seven ordinaries, where a good meal could be had for sixpence ; “after nine at night the officers go the rounds” and empty the bars of “ Publick Houses;” some vessels had been built, and many boats ; divers Brickeries going on ; convenient mills ; and, with their “ Garden Plats,” “ Fish of the river, and their labor,” the countryman “ lives comfortably.” “The advance of Value upon every man’s Lot .... the worst . . . . without any improvement upon it, is worth four times more than it was when it was lay’d out, and the best forty.” He describes the country settlements of townships or villages, each of five thousand acres in square, and of ten families, one family to each five hundred acres ; the village in the centre, the houses either opposite or opposite to the middle betwixt two houses over the way, for near neighborhood. Before the doors of the houses lies the highway, with his land running back from it. Be- fore he left he had settled fifty, and visited many of them, and found many farms with substantial improvements. His accounts of the “ Produce of the Earth, of our Waters, and of Provision in Generali,” were most glowing, showing great plenty and consequent cheapness. Grain produced from thirty- to sixty-fold ; the land required less seed ; all the corn and roots of England would grow, including the Spanish potato, which we now call the sweet potato ; cattle were fed easily ; grass-seed would grow as well as at home ; as also all English fruits, as well as peaches, melons, and grapes. Of the fish, “ mighty Whales roll upon the coast, near the mouth of the Bay of Delaware;” sturgeon play continually and plenti- fully, and are much liked ; “ Alloes, as they call them in France, the Jews Allice, and our ignorants Shads, are excellent fish and of the bigness of our largest Carp,” and “ so plentiful ; ” “ Rock 52 Annals of Philadelphia. are somewhat rounder and larger, also a whiter fish,'’ “ often bar- relled like Cod;” the sheepshead, the drum, and lesser fish; and the herring, “they almost shovel them up in their tubs;” also “ Oysters, Cockles, Cunks (?), Crabs, Mussels, and Mannanoes” (?). Provisions were so plenty marketers would frequently carry back their produce ; beef, twopence ; pork, twopence halfpenny ; veal and mutton, threepence per pound ; wheat, four shillings ; rye, three ; barley, two and sixpence ; corn, two and six ; and oats, two shillings per bushel ; and some farmers have from twenty to fifty acres in corn. Stock was increasing fast ; a good cow and calf was worth three pounds, a pair of oxen eight pounds, and a breeding mare five pounds. Fish, six shad or rocks, were worth twelve pence, salt fish three farthings a pound, and oysters at two shillings per bushel — the shilling sterling rating at fifteen pence in this country. For drink they had beer of molasses well boiled with sassafras or spruce pine in it, and punch of rum and water ; and a little later William Frampton, “ an able man,” established the first malt brewery, on Front street between Walnut and Spruce streets. For trading they had wine, linen, hemp, potashes, whale oil, provisions for the West Indies, lumber, sturgeon, tobacco, furs and skins, and iron. Of the Indians he says: “We have lived in great friendship. I have made seven purchases, and in Pay and Presents they have received at least Twelve hundred pounds of me.” To the adventurers he mentions the time of passage, from one to four months, though the usual passage was from four to nine weeks, according to wind and weather. Penn also quotes a letter from Robert Turner, which gives many interesting particulars. He says : “ There are about six hundred houses in three years’ time ; his was the first brick house (west side of Front, below Arch) ; bricks w T ere as cheap as timber, sixteen shillings per thousand.” He mentions among the first to follow his example Arthur Cook, on Front, east side below Wal- nut; William Frampton, a house, brew-house, and bake-house, of brick, on Front, east side below Walnut; John Wheeler, from New England, on Front, west side below Walnut, by the Blue Anchor; Samuel Carpenter, Front, west side above Walnut; John Test, north-east corner of Third and Chestnut; Nathaniel Allen, Front, west side above Chestnut, next to Thomas Wynne’s; John Day, a good house after the London fashion, of brick, with large front shop-windows, Front, west side between Arch and Race; Plumphrey Murray, from New York, a large timber-house, with brick chimneys. Robert Turner himself built another brick house by his own on Front street, west side, below Arch, of “ three large stories high, besides a good large brick cellar under it, of two bricks and a half thickness in the wall, and the next story half under gro’rnd ; the cellar hath an Arched Door (for a Vault to gc The Government under Thomas Lloyd. 53 under the street) to the River, and so to bring in goods or deliver out.” He adds : “ Thomas Smith and Daniel Pege are partners, and set to making of Brick this year, and they are very good ; also, Pastorus, the German Friend, Agent for the Company at Frank- ford, with his Dutch People, are preparing to make Brick next year. Samuel Carpenter is our Lime-burner on this Wharf. Brave Limestone found here, as the Workmen say, being proved. We build most houses with Belconies. Lots are much desir’d in the Town, great buying one of another. We are now laying the foundation of a large plain Brick house, for a Meeting House, in the ceuter (sixty foot long and about forty foot broad), and hope to have it soon up, many hearts and hands at Work that will do it. A large Meeting House, fifty foot long and thirty-eight foot broad, also going up, on the front of the River, for an evening Meeting, the work going on apace.” This was afterward known as the Bank Meeting-House, and was on Front street between Race and Vine. About the same time as the appearance of Penn’s pamphlet, Thomas Budd, a Friend, who built “Budd’s Row” of houses near the Blue Anchor, corroborated the statements of Penn in a work he published in London in 1685, entitled “ Good Order Established in Pennsylvania and Hew Jersey, in America, being a True Account of the country, with its Produce and Commodi- ties there made, by Thomas Budd.” This rare book was re- printed by Mr. Gowans of Hew York, with ample notes by the late Edward Armstrong. Like Penn, he speaks of the many and varied products, but he goes farther and makes many valuable suggestions for trade and educational improvement. Amongst others, he suggests the manufacture of wines, beer, ale, and rum, which with flour and biscuit, pork and bacon, and horses, he suggested should be sent to Barbadoes to make export trade, and receiving back, among other articles, cotton wool, to be manufactured here. His ideas for public schools, storage-houses, banks, and public granaries were excellent, though far ahead of his time ; many of them were subsequently adopted. The storage-houses were for storing flax, hemp, and linen cloth; certificates of deposit were to be issued which would pass current as money. The schools were to be established and main- tained at public expense, the rent or income of one thousand acres for each school to help defray the expenses. Two hours in the morning were to be devoted to study, two to work, two to dine and for recreation ; two hours of the afternoon for study and two for work. The work to consist of learning some useful trade by the boys, and spinning, knitting, sewing, making straw-work, and other useful arts by the girls. The bank was to loan money, on mortgage or pledges of houses and lands, at eight per cent. ; to be an office of registry for all bills and bonds, which should 5 * 54 Annals of Philadelphia. be transferable by assignment, and for houses and lands. At this time there were no banks known for loan or circulation, nor was even the Bank of England in existence ; nor was there any system of registry known, the purchaser depending only on the title-deeds. The public granaries were for storing grain, so that destruction or damages by rats and mice should be prevented. Negotiable certificates of deposit were to be issued. The cost of storing, sixpence per annum for the quarter of eight bushels. In 1686 the Assembly met 10th day 3d mo. (May) in the Bank Meeting-House, in Front street between Race and Vine streets, and the Council most probably in the “ Letitia House,” in Market street above Front. (For a description of these two houses see the latter part of this volume.) No business of great importance was transacted ; the quarrels about More and Robin- son still continued, evoking from Penn complaining letters, in which he claims the damage to himself was ten thousand pounds, and to the country one hundred thousand pounds and the loss of hundreds of emigrants. William Bradford, the first printer in the colony, was brought before the Council, together with Samuel Atkyns, for issuing an almanac in which were the words “ Lord Penn.” Atkyns was ordered to “ blot out y e words,” and Bradford “ not to print any- thing but what shall have lycence from y e Council.” As this was the first pamphlet printed in this city, we give some notice of the first printer : William Bradford came to this country with a recommendation from George Fox, as one “ convinced of the truth ” as known to Friends. Fie brought with him type, a press, printing paper, and ink, intending, as Fox wrote, “to set up the trade of print- ing Friends’ books,” or, as he himself states in the Almanac, “to print blank Bills, Bonds, Letters of Attorney, Indentures, War- rants, etc., and what else presents itself.” He was accompanied by a young wife, the daughter of Andrew Sowle, printer, of Shoreditch. The pamphlet of twenty pages was intended to sup- ply “ the people generally, complaining that they scarcely knew how the time passed, nor that they hardly knew the Day of Rest.” The printer apologizes for the “ irregularities,” “ for, being lately come hither, my materials were misplaced and out of order, whereupon I was forced to use Figures and Letters of various sizes.” The sheriff was empowered to act as prosecuting attorney, but in April the authority was revoked, and also declared that no clerk of a court should plead in that court. In February the caves were ordered to be removed from before William Frampton’s door, in order that he might build a wharf. And in November it was ordered that the surveyers should meet and lay out a road from “ y e broad street in Philadelphia ” to the Falls of Delaware. This important road, which was the king’s The Government under Thomas Lloyd. 55 road to New York by way of “ the falls ” at Trenton, was made by piecemeal at various times, and as late as 1700 was ordered to be cut and cleared of trees and stumps, and be made commo- dious and easy; it went out Front street by way of Frankford, Bristol, etc. and not from Broad street. In 1687 other roads were made — one to Plymouth, and two from Schuylkill ferry to Darby and to Radnor — and “ that ne- cessary public roads be everywhere set forth and duly main- tained.” Buoys were to be erected ; pirates were to be arrested and detained until the royal pleasure was known as to the dis- position of them ; the king’s moiety of all riches and treasure taken from the sea was to be secured to him. Penn issued a proclamation against trespassers on his lands for timber, he hav- ing before his departure appointed a woodsman to collect 6d. for each tree cut. A prison, larger than “the cage” built in 1683, was found necessary, and a log house was built by Lacv Cock in Second street above Market, but not being suitable a house was hired of Patrick Robinson, probably in Second street below Chestnut. The caves and houses on the banks were ordered to be destroyed. Penn, being dissatisfied with the actions of the Council and Assembly, gave authority to five commissioners to act for him as if he were present, any three of whom were empowered to act. He named Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas More, James Claypoole, Robert Turner, and John Eckley ; but as the commission did not arrive until a year after (in February, 1688), More and Clay- poole were dead, and John Symcock and Arthur Cook were sub- stituted. They were to execute the laws, enacting, disannulling, or varying them, and declaring his abrogation of all that had been done since his absence and of all laws but the fundamentals, and to call another Assembly to repass, alter, and modify the laws ; and do other acts as if he himself were present, Penn re- serving to himself the power of confirming what was done. This was but a poor substitute for his yearning to be at the head of affairs personally, but his controversy with Lord Baltimore, and his presence abroad, necessary during the change from the dy- nasty of Charles II. to that of King James II., with the business relating to his colony, prevented his returning to “poor Penn- sylvania.” He felt too, keenly, the lack of provision made for his support on this side of the water, and tne returns he had thus far received left him five to six thousand pounds the poorer for his speculation. 56 Annals of Philadelphia. CHAPTER X. THE GOVERNMENT UNDER THE FIVE COMMISSIONERS, 1688. The government under the five commissioners was not destined to be long lived; with a Council and Assembly in existence to be overawed by five men with the authority of one governor, it would require careful management not to excite factious feelings. The new order of things lasted only from February to December, 1688. The new commission was read before the Provincial Council, and the priority was quietly settled by naming Thomas Lloyd always first at the meetings. The Assembly adopted a resolution of secrecy as to their ac- tions and speeches, which was probably aimed against the Council. The latter in return expressed also new sentiments of their supe- riority and the deference that should be shown them by the Assem- bly. Such proceedings at the commencement were not likely to produce very harmonious action between the three bodies repre- senting the Proprietary and the people. Finally, Thomas Lloyd declined to serve as president of the Executive Board, and upon proper representations being made to the Proprietary he appointed John Blackwell, son-in-law of General Lambert, and formerly an officer under Cromwell, to serve as governor. He was at the time in New England, and he arrived in the city in December, and his commission was read at the first meeting, December 18th. But little worthy of note occurred this year. It had been cus- tomary to hold an annual fair, and this year the place of holding it having been changed to the Centre, some dissatisfied residents, more distant from this than before, made strong objections. It was ordered that the fair should be held in May, and another one at the Centre in August. An alarm, which created great uneasiness, was widespread con- cerning an attack by the Indians. As they outnumbered the whites and resided very near the settlements, people were very timid about them. The rumors were finally put at rest by Caleb Pusey of Chester county and five other Friends visiting unarmed the Indians at their town on the Brandywine, and finding them most peaceably disposed. The Friends were also foremost in another good work, the abolition of slavery. The first testimony against slavery on record is a paper emanating from the Monthly Meeting of Ger- man Friends at Germantown in April of this year. It was signed by Garret Henderieh, Derick op de Graeff, Francis Daniel Pastorius, Abram op de Graeff. The arguments were weighty and unanswerable, and the remonstrance was passed from one Meeting to the other, and the Yearly Meeting postponed its con- sideration for the present. John Blackwell, Governor. 57 CHAPTER XI. JOHN BLACKWELL, GOVERNOR, 1688-1690. The new governor had a troublous time during his career as Buch. The first month Thomas Lloyd, keeper of the Great Seal under Penn’s commission, refused to affix it to commissions issued by the governor. The constant succession of quarrels between the governor, the Council, and the Assembly, and they again amongst themselves, kept the Province in a turmoil, and it is un- necessary for us at this day to repeat them. The controversies led to the printing of the “Frame of Government,” with a view of the better understanding of the rights of governed and gov- erning. Of course, as there was but one printer, William Bradford was brought up for examination. He made a shrewd defence of himself and the liberty of the press, and demanded his accusers. The governor laid before the Council some rumors of an in- tended attack by the French, Papists, and Indians to cut off the Protestants. The design of these representations was to induce the Council to authorize the raising of a defensive force. The Friends were true to their principles and refused, and there the matter ended. Though the news of the flight of James II. and the accession of William and Mary reached the Province in February, 1689, the prudence of the people led them to be thoroughly certain of the permanence of the new monarchy before declaring it ; conse- quently, the proclamation of their accession was not formally made till November. The announcement that England was about to wage war upon the French, and the demand of the governor for militia and arms to place the Province in a state of defence, again created a warm discussion, and a refusal on the part of many to have anything to do with such matters. Finally, the subject was left to the governor’s discretion. Shortly after, in January, 1690, the governor announced to the Council that he had been relieved of his authority, and expressed his thanks at his release from such troubles. Penn sent at this same time a letter full of advice and entreaty for peace to the Council ; also two commissions — one authorizing them to select three persons, of whom he would choose one, to act as deputy or lieutenant-governor, and the other authorizing the one of the three having the highest number of votes to act until his pleasure and choice should be known. This year Robert Turner, John Tissick, Thomas Budd, Robert Ewer, Samuel Carpenter, and John Fuller proposed to establish a “ Bank ffor money,” etc., probably on the plan formerly pro- 68 Annals of Philadelphia. posed by Thomas Budd in his book, but it does not seem to have been carried out. Also was originated the first public school, of which an account is given under the head of “ Education ” (see p. 160). CHAPTER XII. THOMAS LLOYD, PRESIDENT OF COUNCIL, 1690-1693. On January 2d, 1690, Council met and took into consideration Penn’s letter, and elected Thomas Lloyd president. Governor Blackwell gave the members new instructions of Penn as to the manner of conducting the government. In February, William Markham presented to the Council a request from Penn that they should build him a house on his lot after a model he sent William Markham, in lieu of six hundred pounds due him, and which yet remained unpaid ; or in lieu of that to stock the three plantations of his three children, each two hundred pounds. In April of this year Benjamin Chambers and Francis Rawle presented a plan for constructing an arched bridge over Mulberry street at Front street. “ Mulberry street being not less than sixty foot in breadth, in y e midst of the same, and about twenty perches back from y e river, we intend to cutt out a cart-road of twenty foot in breadth, from thence to extend with a graduall dessent to low-water mark, and to have y e said passage paved and walled up with stones on both sides, and to have a bridge over y e said pas- sage in y e middle of y e ffront street, and that part w’ch remains uncovered to be ffenced with railes, and y e river end of the s’d passage to make a ffree and publick wharf of twenty Afoot in breadth on each side thereoff.” Council consenting to this, the cut was made and a bridge arched over it, and thus did the name of “Arch” street gradually sup- plant “Mulberry” street, though the writer well remembers the direction-boards at the corners bearing the name of Mulberry street, the official designation long remaining after “ Arch ” was the popu- lar one. At the same meeting the counties were authorized to divide their boundaries into hundreds or such other divisions as they should think most convenient for collecting taxes. They laid them out in townships. At the same meeting it was requested a bill might be prepared to prevent hogs running at large in Philadelphia and New Castle. But such a bill was inoperative even within my recollection, as hogs were allowed to run at large in the best streets. In September a county seal was ordered for Philadelphia ; also, that the watch should be strengthened. Thomas Lloyd, President of Council. 59 In this year a number of the inhabitants formed a company and erected the first American paper-mill, on the Wissahickon near Germantown. Among them were William Bradford and William Rittenhouse. The latter, with his son Nicholas, became owner of the mill in 1704; it remained in the family from son to son till 1811 ; Nicholas was succeeded by his son William, and he by his son Jacob, who died in 1811. It was afterward a cot- ton-factory. At this Rittenhouse paper-mill was made the paper used by William Bradford even after he settled in New York, and also that for the Weekly Mercury, the first paper in Pennsylvania, and published by Andrew Bradford. While the colony was progressing in peace and prospering, notwithstanding the war between the mother-country and France, only a little of which was felt by them — viz., in the fears of the French families on the Schuylkill, and of the Indians joining them — the Proprietary was having much trouble from the persecutions of the adherents of the new dynasty. His having been a favorite with James II. constantly laid him open to suspicion, and he was several times arrested and examined, once before King William in person. His defence, always plain and candid, enabled him each time to clear himself. He now in- tended a second visit to America, and issued his “ Second Pro- posals ” to settlers, chiefly inviting settling on the Susquehanna, in which he said that “ a thousand houses had been erected and finished in the city of Philadelphia, and that ten sail of ships were freighted with the growth of the Province for Barbadoes, Jamaica, etc. last year.” If the Province had built him a house and guaranteed a certain sum for the support of his family, and granted other privileges which he claimed, his exertions to leave England would have perhaps been more stimulated and success- ful. But the dissensions among his people seemed to become greater and more widespread. The inhabitants of the Lower Counties, called territories, were different in manners and feelings from those of the newer settlements, or Province, and became jealous of the greater prosperity and maritime importance of the city of Philadelphia. This culminated in an open rupture and secession of the members of Council of the lower section, who appointed judges, thus creating two Councils. Penn un- willingly sanctioned the new order of things in 1691, and ap- pointed Thomas Lloyd deputy governor of the Province, and William Markham of the territories. In 1692, William Bradford, who with one McComb had pub- lished “ A Plea for the Innocent,” a virulent tract of George Keith’s, was tried for issuing a malicious and seditious publica- tion reflecting upon the magistrates. The press, tools, and type of Bradford were seized, and were not returned to him until 1693, when Governor Fletcher was in power. Bradford ably conducted his own defence, and the verdict was against the de GO Annals of Philadelphia. fendants, but it is uncertain as to any punishment or fine having been inflicted. Keith and Thomas Budd were also tried for defaming Judge Jennings, convicted, and fined five pounds each, but the fine does not seem to have been paid. Keith some time after went to England. Penn’s troubles culminated in 1692 by having his Province taken from him, and Governor Fletcher of New York was commissioned in October to act as “captain-general and gov- ernor-in-chief of the Province of New York, Province of Pennsylvania, and country of New Castle.” CHAPTER XIII. BENJAMIN FLETCHER, ROYAL GOVERNOR; WILLIAM MARKHAM, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, 1693-1695. The commission to Fletcher did not reach this country till 1693; he arrived in Philadelphia April 26th, and had the commission read in the market-place in his presence. He ten- dered the first place in Council to Thomas Lloyd, who declined to serve, when William Markham was appointed lieutenant-gov- ernor, and presided when the governor was absent in New York. Others who held commissions as justices also declined, and new ones were appointed. Penn did not quietly submit to the usurpation, but wrote to Fletcher “to tread softly and with caution in the affair,” as that the country and the government were his, and there was no quo warranto brought or judgment passed against his charter. To another he wrote: “ You are to hear and obey the crown of Eng- land speaking in the voice of the law, which this is not, but sic volo sic jubeo.” Governor Fletcher had the same trouble with the people as had his predecessors ; he had disputes with the Assembly about the election of representatives, he having united the Province and the territories in one as formerly ; also about furnishing aid in men and money to the colony of New York for carrying on the war with the French and Indians on the Canadian frontier ; a bill for this failed. The old laws were re-established ; a tax of one penny on the pound was laid for the support of the govern- ment, which yielded £760 16s. 2d., of which Philadelphia paid £314 11s. lid.; a bill was passed for the education of children, and one for the establishment of a post-office, which was part of a general colonial law. Many curious minor matters were regulated. The owner of a ferry across the Schuylkill at High street complained of a rival establishment, and of persons ferrying themselves across William Markham , Governor, 1695-99. 61 in their own boats. It was settled that no ferry should be al- lowed within four miles, and that it was the sole right of the Proprietary to establish ferries. A channel was ordered in the middle of Front street between Wall-nut and Chess-nut streets. Negroes found gadding abroad on First Day were to be impris- oned without meat or drink, and publicly whipt next morning with thirty-nine lashes. The place for the markets to be held was put to vote August 8th, 1693 — whether the market should continue on the “ west side of Front street within the High street ” or “ where the Second street crosses the High street.” The latter was settled upon as soon as it could be staked out for the purpose. In 1694 the first execution took place, that of Dick Johnson for murder. In the summer of 1694 the peaceable tribe of Delawares showed Governor Fletcher a belt of wampum sent them by the Onondagoes and Senecas, -with a request the Delawares should join them in fighting the French. The governor dismissed them with praise for their desire for always remaining in peace with all Christians; but at the meeting of the Assembly he again asked for means for defence, for money to “feed the hungry and clothe the naked,” meaning the Senecas and Onandagoes who were fight- ing the French. But the Quakers, true to their principles, de- clined to vote the money, but offered to vote two hundred pounds each to William Markham and Thomas Lloyd for past services. Governor Fletcher, bitterly disappointed, dissolved the Assembly. At the close of 1693, Penn was acquitted of the charges of treason, and discharged in November, several of his friends, in- fluential courtiers, having convinced King William that the charges of disaffection were malicious and groundless, though he was not restored to his rights as Proprietary until August, 1694. His wife Gulielma died February 23, 1694, but his pecuniary embarrassments still prevented his desires to revisit the Province from being realized. He therefore commissioned William Mark- ham as deputy governor of the Province and territories, with John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter as assistants. CHAPTER XIV. WILLIAM MARKHAM, GOVERNOR, 1695-99. William Markham convened the members of the old Coun- cil March 26, 1695, and laid before them the patent of William and Mary restoring to Penn his Province, and the commission to him under it. On the 29th of June, Markham notified the Council of the demand repeated by Governor Fletcher at New York for a quota 6 62 Annals of Philadelphia. of eighty men and their proper officers — in ail ninety-one men — or the equivalent cost of maintaining them. Council parred the matter by saying it could not be done without the consent of the Assembly, which would not meet until September 9th. The Assembly met at the appointed time, but was still unwilling to vote the supplies without certain restrictions. They passed a bill for raising a penny per pound and six shillings per head, the amount to be expended in giving three hundred pounds to Wil- liam Markham, two hundred and fifty pounds to the support of the government, and the balance toward defraying the debts of the government. At the same time they passed another, an act of settlement, claiming new privileges for the Assembly and the people. Markham, viewing the amount voted to him as being intended to influence his decision in a matter he was opposed to, declined to sign them both, and as the Assembly would not sepa- rate the two, he rejected both and dissolved the Assembly. Markham seems to have governed without a Council for a year. He called a new Council September 25th, 1696, to whom he pre- sented various documents received from England — parliamentary acts, addresses and letters from the ministers and other officers, some of them complaining of violations of the laws regulating trade and plantations. But little had been heard from Penn, communication being difficult on account of the war with France. By the advice of Council the governor convened the Assembly on the 26th of October. He again asked for appropriations for troops and money, and to ratify Penn’s promise that on the restoration of his government the interests of England should be attended to. The Assembly finally agreed to pass an act for raising money for the king’s service, provided the act to settle them in former constitutions, enjoyed before the government was committed to Governor Fletcher’s trust, was framed and passed, and that the governor would convene a new Assembly with a full number of representatives, according to the old charter, to serve until the Proprietary’s pleasure should be known. Mark- ham complied with these demands, pressed as he was by the letters of the queen and Fletcher. He called a new Council and Assembly to meet March 10th, 1697, and had prepared “A Frame of Government of y e Province of Pennsylvania and terri- tories y r unto belonging ; ” also a bill for granting a tax of a penny on the pound for the support of government; both of which were passed by the Assembly. During this session numerous roads were ordered to be laid out to accommodate the growing settlements ; among these were — a road from William’s Landing on the Delaware in Bucks county into the king’s great road, to shorten the post-road from New York; the Gray’s Ferry road; a road by the way of the Darby road to Hertford ; and others. The governor dissolved the Assembly on the 7th of November. William Markham, Governor. 63 Shortly before this his assistants, Samuel Carpenter and John Goodson, declined, and Samuel Jennings and Arthur Cook ac- cepted the office. In this same year (1696), in January, William Penn took to himself a second wife, Hannah Callowhill of Bristol. In April his eldest son, Springett Penn, died, leaving him but two chil- dren — Letitia, who afterward married William Aubrey, and William Penn, Jr. The events of 1697 that transpired were only of local interest. In May several pirates were arrested, but two of them escaped, aud the others were not brought to trial. Complaints were for- warded to the Commissioners of Trade in England that Mark- ham was lenient to them or protected the pirates. The commis- sioners representing the matter to Penn, he wrote a severe letter, complaining that the Province winked at “ Scotch trade, and a Dutch one too,” and “ embrace pirates, ships, and men ;” “ there is no place more overrun with wickedness ;” “ so foul that I am forbid by common modesty to relate them.” The Council re- plied : they knew of no contraband trade, but if such, it was with the connivance of the officers of the Crown, and the magistrates and courts had been diligent to suppress illegal trade; that no pirates had been harbored, unless the temporary stay of Avery’s crew could be so construed, and as soon as these were known they were apprehended, but afterward broke jail and fled to Hew York. They admitted looseness and vice had increased with the population, owing to too many public-houses existing, but that the magistrates were careful to punish offenders. A watch was ordered to be kept by the justices of Sussex county on Cape Heulopen, to give notice of the approach of any enemy. Markham, who was not restrained by any feeling against warlike principles, commissioned Captain John Day to attack the French privateers, who had taken several sloops on the coast. Governor Nicholson of Maryland complained that Markham enticed men from the vessels of that Province. In this year the home government established courts of ad- miralty in America, appointing as judge for Pennsylvania Robert Quarry, a man inimical to the Quakers and their principles. The first public case of lunacy occurred. A clerk of the market and wood-corder was appointed. The Assembly met this May, when Governor Markham pre- sented a communication from Governor Fletcher of Hew York, acknowledging the receipt of three hundred pounds voted last year, stating it had been expended for food and clothing for the Indians, and that the quota of men from the Province would be eighty men or two thousand pounds. The Assembly replied : the three hundred pounds sent was borrowed, and had run some six months with interest, and was not yet repaid — that with that and other considerable debts, considering the infancy and poverty of 64 Annals of Philadelphia. the government, they could not raise any more money, but they were ready “ to observe y e king’s farther commands, according tc their religious persuasions and abilities.” The tax collected in 1696 at one penny to the pound amounted to three hundred and fifty-six pounds, with some collectors yet to report. Nothing more seems to have been done, though there was an incipient militia “ association ” formed, which met with approval of some the members of the Assembly, though the Quakers signed a declaration of their principles as to loyalty and fidelity, which of course was against the association. The Assembly appropriated twenty pounds yearly as a salary to Andrew Hamilton, the postmaster of North America under the Crown, who stated that New England appropriated fifty pounds a year, New York fifty pounds a year and a bitt or ninepence on every letter from Philadelphia to New York or forty miles from New York, and upon foreign letters. Connecticut and Rhode Island gave free carriage to the post. The post only went as far north as New England, and did not extend to the Southern colonies. The law for regulating fires was passed ; the town growing so rapidly it became a measure of necessity. It directed that each householder should keep ready a swab at least twelve or fourteen feet long, as also two leathern buckets, and that the justices should have made six or eight good hooks for the purpose of tearing down houses in case of fire ; which they were empowered to do where necessary without liability for damages. Early in 1698, in February, at a meeting of Council a petition to the governor requested him to “ place officers of good repute and Christian conversation, and to cause tables of all officers’ tees to be hung up in their offices, and that they would reduce the number of ordinaries, and better regulate y m , and to cause the laws of the Province to be put into execution, and cause stocks and cages to be provided, and to suppress the noise and drunkenness of Indians, especially in the night, and to cause the crier to go to the extent of each street when he has anything-to cry, and to put a check to horse-racing.” Governor Nicholson of Maryland, by authority of the Board of Admiralty in England, appointed John Bewley collector of customs at Philadelphia. He was shortly after superseded by Captain John Jewell. William Harmer, John Fisher, Daniel Howell, Edward Burch, Thomas Rutter, and Nicholas Scull applied for a road from the limekilns for carting of lime to Philadelphia, extending from the kilns “ into Plimouth rode, near Cressoon,” the commencement of that now known as “ the Ridge Road.” Notice was received of the cessation of the war between France and England. Colonel Quarry, who was admiralty judge under the king, The Proprietary in Pennsylvania, 1700-01. 65 issued a warrant to Marshal Webb to seize a sloop containing goods, said to be without a certificate, and belonging to John Adams, but who afterward presented one, and obtaining a writ of replevin, Sheriff Claypoole seized the goods, but Governor Markham ordered him to withhold them from Adams. The Council voted themselves and the governor blameless in the mat- ter. Anthony Morris, who issued the writ, together with his brother justices, argued that the writ of replevin was a writ of right for the king’s subjects, and the sheriff was as fit an officer to hold the goods as the marshal of the admiralty. Anthony Morris resigned, and David Lloyd, the attorney for Adams, was suspended by Penn after his arrival. This was only one of the conflicts occasionally taking place between the king’s officers and the governor and Council, the king’s officers being generally hos- tile to the Proprietary governor, and constant complaints were transmitted to the home government. Lieutenant-Governor Markham acted very independently of the Crown officers, and they in turn complained of him and said he favored pirates ; which does not seem to have been true, although the famous Captain Kidd arrived in Delaware Bay and was visit- ed by some of the people. He landed in Long Island Sound in June, 1699, was captured, sent to. England, and there tried and hung in 1701. In the summer of 1699 the yellow fever raged with great vio- lence ; its origin was ascribed to the influence of the tanyards, but it is certain that many died between them and the river. William Penn, with his wife and his daughter Letitia, sailed from Cowes September 9th, 1699, and landed at Chester, Decem- ber 1st, after nearly three months’ passage. He found the peo- ple just recovering from their recent distress from the epidemic, but they received him with great demonstrations of welcome when he reached the city on the 3d of December. His friend and sec- retary, James Logan, came with him. CHAPTER XV. THE PROPRIETARY IN PENNSYLVANIA, 1700-01. Logan says when Penn landed on Sunday he first paid a short visit to Governor Markham, then to Meeting, where he spoke, and afterward to Edward Shippen’s house. Here he remained for a month, and removed in January to what was known as the Slate-Roof House, which formerly stood on the site of the present Commercial Exchange in Second street. Here, a month later, his eon John, surnamed the American, was born. Penn met the Council about three weeks after his arrival. One 6 * Vol. ill.— E 66 Annals of Philadelphia. of the important matters transacted was the appointing by Penn of a committee, consisting of Robert Turner, Griffith Jones, Fran- cis Rawle, and Joseph Wilcox, to arrange a plan of reconciling differences that had arisen on account of the old charter and the Frame of Government, originating from the former seizure of the Proprietary’s rights by the king. The Assembly was convened on the 25th of January, and passed laws against pirates and illegal trade ; and at later ses- sions, in May and October, the Frame of Government was con- sidered, and all laws were re-enacted or amended ; and among the new ones made were the first quarantine law and an act for registering births, deaths, and marriages. In 1701 the governor and Council were petitioned by the Ger- mantown corporation, through Francis D. Pastorius, that they should be exempted from the county charges for court, taxes, etc., and proposed to pay all their own public charges ; and they curiously added, “ they had seated themselves so close together that they have scarce room to live.” They also at this time established the market-house on the Main street where the road “goes to the Schuylkill.” Amongst other matters settled this year was a regulation of the streets and water-courses of the city ; a prohibition against killing cattle, and the ordering of farmers to raise more, so that the drain of coin to Jersey to pay for cattle imported from there should be stopped ; regulation of the slaughter-houses, and that they should be on the banks of the Delaware ; the road to Chester was re- viewed, and the bridge over Frankford Creek repaired. We now come to the closing events of Penn’s stay in America before his leave of it for ever. In August, 1701, Penn, having received a letter from the king requiring there should be raised £350 toward the fortifications of New York, called the Assembly together and presented the claim. But the Assembly, as usual, pleaded their poverty, the amounts they had already granted, and that the levy was not equally made on other Provinces, and ad- journed in five days without passing the bill. In September, Penn again convened the Assembly, stating he had received a letter from England of such an alarming character as would require his presence there. A bill for annexing all the Proprietary governments to the Crown had been twice read be- fore the House of Lords. In Penn’s address to the Assembly he says : “ I confess I cannot think of such a voyage without great reluctaney of mind, having promised myself the Quietness of a Wilderness, that I might stay so long at least with you as to ren- der everybody entirely easy and safe, for my heart is among you as well as my body, whatever some people may please to think ; and no Unkindness or Disappointment shall (with submission to God’s Providence) ever be able to alter my love to the country and resolution to return and settle with my family and posterity The Proprietary in Pennsylvania, 1700-01. 67 in it; but, having reason to believe I can at this time best serve you and myself on that side of the water, neither the rudeness of the season nor the tender circumstances of my family can over- rule my intention to undertake it.” He desired the Assembly to review the laws, and make such propositions for new ones as would leave everything secure for the proper continuance of the government, both for himself and the people. The Assembly replied with twenty-one grievances ; amongst them were — the rents and reservations on the land in the city, which they supposed was to be a free gift to the pur- chasers ; the land lying back of the part of the town already built to remain for common, and no leases be granted until the respect- ive owners shall be ready to build and improve ; and that the streets be regulated and bounded, and the ends of the streets on each river be free, and that public landing-places at the Blue Anchor and Penny-pot house be free. To these Penn replied : The first purchasers had agreed to all he had asked them to comply with, and if those who had been given double lots would return one-half, or fifty-two feet, he would be easy on the quit-rents ; they were mistaken in thinking a fourth part of the city belonged to anybody but himself, it be- ing reserved for such as were not first purchasers who might want to build in future time, but still he would consult with those in- terested about settling it ; and the ends of the streets and public landings he would grant as desired. The Charter of Privileges was also agreed upon and signed by Penn, Oct. 28, 1701, in which liberty of conscience was assured to all “ who shall confess and acknowledge one Almighty God ” and “ live quietly under the civil government,” and that all who believe in Jesus Christ should be capable to serve the government. It was also provided an Assembly should be elected yearly of four persons out of each county, or more if the governor and As- sembly should agree, on the 1st of October, to meet on the 14th in Philadelphia. The governor was to select sheriffs and coroners out of a number elected at the same time; county justices could name clerks of the peace, to be confirmed by the governor ; prop- erty-cases were to be heard in the courts ; tavern keepers were to be licensed by the governor ; estates of suicides and accidental deaths should go to their heirs, and not be forfeited as before ; and no part of the charter should be repealed without the consent of the governor and six-sevenths of the Assembly. The city, when incorporated, was to be represented by two members in the Assembly. The charter for the city was signed on the 25th of October, Edward Shippen mayor and Thomas Story recorder. The Charter of Liberties is in possession of the American Philosophical Society. Penn appointed Andrew Hamilton to be his lieutenant-gover- 68 Annals of Philadelphia. nor, James Logan secretary of the Province, and Edward Ship- pen, John Guest, Samuel Carpenter, William Clark, Thomas Story, Griffith Owen, Phineas Pemberton, Samuel Finnev, Caleb Pusey, and John Blunston his Council of State. Of the above, Shippen, Owen, Story, and Logan were commis- sioners of property and to make titles. And now, having arranged all the affairs of state, confirmed his treaties with the Indians and his purchase of lauds from them on the Susquehanna, he embarked on board the ship Dalmahoy about the 1st of November, 1701, with his wife Hannah, his daughter Letitia, and his infant son John. His last instructions were from on board ship to James Logan, his secretary and agent, dated November 3d. Amongst other things he says : “ I have left thee an uncommon trust, with a singular dependence on thy justice and care, which I expect thou wilt faithfully employ in advancing my honest intent.” .... “Thou mayest continue in the house I lived in till the year is up.” .... “Get my two mills finished; make the most of them to my profit, but let not John Marsh put me to any great expense.” Mr. Westcott says one of these mills was at Chester, the other on the Cohocksink Creek, where Germantown road crosses it, known then as the Governor’s Mill, and now as the Globe Mills. He concluded : “ Give my dear love to all my friends, who I desire may laboi to soften angry spirits and to reduce them to a sense of their duty; and at thy return give a small treat, in my name, to the gentlemen of Philadelphia for a beginning to a better understanding, for which I pray the Lord to incline then hearts.” No doubt exists of Penn’s intention to return to his Province, but various difficulties intervened. Philip Ford, steward of his Irish estates, though a Friend, had been dishonest to Penn, and by charges of commissions, interest, and compound interest had made out a claim of £10,500, on account of which Penn, without carefully examining the accounts, gave Ford a conveyance of Pennsylvania in 1690 for £2800. Ford died in 1700, and his heirs brought forward the claim and pressed for the money. Penn was arrested and imprisoned, as a verdict was obtained against him. He finally mortgaged his Province for £6800 in December, 1708, to some friends, and was set free by paying the Fords. To relieve himself from embarrassments, Penn in 1712 agreed to sell his Proprietary interests in Pennsylvania to the Crown for £12,000, payable in four years. He received £1000 on account before the instrument was finally executed. Being struck with apoplexy and his mental power destroyed, the agreement was not carried out, and he lingered in this weak state of mind till his death, at his residence in Buckinghamshire, July 30, 1718. He left his English and Irish estates to the children by his first wife, John Evans, Governor, 170^-09. 69 and his Pennsylvania lands and interests were left to his widow and her children, after paying his debts. His wife was left sole executrix and legatee of his personal estate. CHAPTER XVI. ANDREW HAMILTON, GOVERNOR, 1701-03. Andrew Hamilton acted as governor from his appointment until his death, on April 20th, 1703, while on a visit to his family at Amboy, New Jersey. His rule was full of disturbances, partly arising from the difficulty of getting the machinery of a new gov- ernment into easy working-order, and partly from the striving for mastery of opposing parties. The governor proclaimed on the 10th of July, 1702, Princess Anne of Denmark queen of Great Britain, and, on account of the breaking out of war be- tween England and France and Spain, endeavored to form a militia for defence. But “the hot Church party opposed it to the utmost, because they would have nothing done that may look with a good countenance at home.” Then the delegates from the Lower Counties, or Territories, refused to join with those of the Province, who in turn refused to meet with those from the Territories. The authorities of the city, too, claimed so much un- der their charter as caused Penn to write : “ I could wish the officers of the city of Philadelphia would be careful not to strive nor strain points to make their charter more than it truly means, and so a burden to the county and government ; for if they take that course I shall inquire into it and put a period thereto. I therefore desire an accommodation may be found out to ease the controversy between town and county.” CHAPTER XVII. JOHN EVANS, GOVERNOR, 1704-09. Edward Shippen, president of the Council, assumed the ad- ministration of affairs, together with the Council, until the arrival of John Evans, February 2d, 1704, who was appointed lieuten- ant-governor by William Penn, with the queen’s approbation. Penn’s letter said Governor Evans was “ a young man of above six-and-twenty, but sober and sensible ; the son of an old friend who lovest me not a little.” He was accompanied by William Penn, Jr., and Roger Mompesson. William Penn, Jr., was requested by his father to come to 70 Annals of Philadelphia. America, in hopes the sober example of the Friends would win him from the vices and extravagances of England. Penn’s letter to Logan about him is very touching, and concludes : “ Pennsyl- vania has cost me dearer in my poor child than all other con- siderations. The Lord pity and spare in his great mercy ! I yet hope.” The young man was married, but left his wife and young child in England. Roger Mompesson was sent over to be judge of admiralty and attorney-general for the Proprietary. The three young men, with James Logan, took the new house known as Clark’s Hall, at the south-west corner of Third and Chestnut streets. (See Vol. I. 374, and III. 190.) Governor Evans had the same difficulty of bringing the mem- bers of the Province and those of the Lower Territories to act to- gether as one Assembly. The Provincial members therefore acted as the Assembly. In 1703 the Quakers gained the privilege of having affirmations taken by all persons and in all cases, instead of oaths as prescribed by the royal order of January, 1702. A body of militia was organized ; they buried Governor William Markham with military honors; his death occurred 11th of February, 1704. William Penn, Jr., got into an affray at a tavern, and was badly beaten by some of the citizens ; it is said bv Alderman Wil- cox. On being brought before the mayor, young Penn said “ he was a gentleman, and not responsible to bis father’s petty offi- cers.” The grand-jury, composed mostly of Quakers, indicted Penn and several others, which so incensed him that he abjured Quakerism and became a Churchman, and continued so till his death, which occurred in France about two years after the death of his father. In 1705 the governor urged the appropriation of money for a revenue for the government and granting supplies to the Propri- etary for expenses. The House resolved £1200 should be raised for the support of government, and an impost upon all wines and cider, horses, cattle, sheep, swine, meats, butter and cheese, etc. imported into the Province. This first tariff was not passed. As regarded the Proprietary’s quit-rents of twelvepence for every one hundred acres of purchased land, the House declared it was in- tended to be a tax for the support of the government, and not of the Proprietary. One William Biles, a member of the Assembly, having said of Governor Evans, “ He is but a boy ; he is not fit to be our gov- ernor ; we’ll kick him out,” he was sued, and £300 found for the governor. Refusing to pay, he was imprisoned, and the governor asked he should be expelled from the House. This the House refused, because the words had not been spoken there, and their privileges had been invaded. Finally, the Assembly adjourned. In December, 1705, a solemn thanksgiving was appointed to John Evans , Governor, 170^-09. 71 be celebrated in January “ for the signal victory obtained over y* French, after having forced the enemy’s lines in the Netherlands this last summer.” In this year the city was first divided into wards, ten in num- ber, none of which extended west of Seventh street, there being no residents there ; for it was ordered in Council that “ that part of the city between Broad street and Delaware be grubb’d and clean’d from all its rubbish, in order to produce English grass ” to feed the cows of the inhabitants ! And for which each owner paid twelvepence per annum per cow toward buying and keeping the town-bulls ! A new freedom-paper was ordered to be drawn up. It was customary to apply for papers declaring the owner a freeman or freewoman — a plan adopted to help raise revenue, for which from 2s. 6d. to two guineas was paid. It gave certain privileges, such as eligibility to corporation offices, right to vote for represent- atives to the Assembly, privilege to keep shops or be master workmen, etc. In January, 1706, the first Potter’s Field was established, on Washington Square, the Proprietary granting it for that use, though it was one of the squares set out in the original plot for public uses and to be reserved for ever. The Assembly this year was asked to pay Thomas Makin, the schoolmaster, for loss on account of the Assembly using his school-house so long. This led to a petition to the governor to have the Assembly meet in Chester and Bucks counties until “ a state-house or other convenient place ” should be prepared. Among the laws passed were — all teams within six miles of the city should go double ; the first Sunday law ; regulating the number of members of the Assembly — eight for each county and two for the city — also the time of elections ; and some fifty minor laws. The governor, in order to force the enrolment of militia, pre- tended to have received a letter of notice from the governor of Maryland of several French vessels threatening an attack, and the next day a messenger arrived in apparent alarm and great haste with the news of the vessels coming up the river and ap- proaching the city. The governor started out on horseback with a drawn sword, ordering every one to arm. Great consternation ensued, and much loss and damage to property occurred. But before long it turned out to be a miserable attempt of the gov- ernor to excite their fears and show what might happen. Even this deceit would not have been so bad, but Logan says in the two letters received the governor counterfeited the handwriting. The governor called a meeting of the Assembly and asked for ap- propriations for defence, which were denied him, with a request added that the actors in the late false alarm should be punished. 72 Annals of Philadelphia. The result of the whole matter was that the reputation of the governor suffered and the militia gradually dwindled away. At a subsequent Assembly, James Logan was threatened co be impeached for reported interfering with the rights of the people. At the latter part of the year Governor Evans succeeded in having a law passed for building a fort at Newcastle, which for defence only would have been satisfactory enough, but attached to it were laws regulating the commerce. Vessels passing were required to stop and have their papers examined; the penalty for refusing was £5, and 20s. for the first gun, 30s. for the second, and 40s. for every subsequent gun fired to bring the vessel to. Foreign-owned inward-bound vessels were obliged to pay half a pound of powder for every ton’s measurement of the ship. The merchants complained loudly, until in May, 1707, Richard Hill, Samuel Preston, and William Fishbourne went on board of a vessel of Hill’s, and, coming in sight of the fort, anchored. Preston and Fishbourne went on shore and informed French, the commander of the fort, that the vessel was regularly cleared, and desired to pass. This was refused, and Hill started his ves- sel, with himself at the helm ; shots were fired, but only one passed through the mainsail. French pursued in an armed boat, and on coming alongside a rope was attached, and he as- cended the ship; the rope was cut, the boat fell astern, and French was led into the cabin a prisoner. Governor Evans, who had heard of the attempt to pass that was to be practised, had ridden down to Newcastle, and, seeing that French’s boat was cut adrift, followed in another boat. Hill proceeded to Salem, and there delivered French to Lord Cornbury, a Crown officer, as governor of New Jersey and admiral of the Delaware. French was reprimanded, and promised to cease the practice, and Gover- nor Evans, who was still very angry, was also much blamed. Logan protested in the name of Penn against the action of the governor, and some two hundred and twenty merchants remon- strated to the Assembly, and the act was discontinued. At several meetings of the Assembly this year and the next the governor and the members had continuous quarrels, thus imped- ing business. One was because David Lloyd, the Speaker, while answering the governor, sat in his presence — an affront which the governor resisted, and the Assembly upheld Lloyd. Another quarrel was about the impeachment of Logan, who claimed he could not answer until charges were made ; the governor upheld him against the Assembly, who adjourned and sent a remonstrance to Penn against Evans, demanding his dismissal on the grounds of his excesses and misdemeanors scandalizing the government and of his exactions and arbitrary proceedings. Evans undoubtedly was unfit for his place ; his youth and his immoralities, and lack of dignity and experience, brought him Charles Gookin, Governor , 1709-17. 73 constantly in contest against the judgment of good men. Penn, having already reproved him in 1707 for his “false alarm ” and his gross immoralities, wrote him that he was superseded by Colonel Charles Gookin, who arrived at Philadelphia January 31, 1709. Evans had his residence at Fairman’s Mansion at Shacka- maxon, a place for which Penn always had a strong liking. CHAPTER XVIII. CHARLES GOOKIN, GOVERNOR, 1709-17. On the morning of February 1st, 1709, Governor Evans and the Council turned over their authority to Lieutenant-Governor Gookin in the market-place, where the commission was read, with acclamations of the populace. The Council gave him a public “treat.” The Assembly met on the 7th of March, and the new governor was asked that Evans should be prosecuted for his misconduct, his false alarm, and for instituting courts without the authority of the Assembly. The Assembly adjourned to meet on the 20th of April, but was called together on the 12th by writs from the governor, when Governor Gookin endeavored to conciliate the feelings of the members, who had not met the new governor with the most friendly feelings. An act was passed regulating the cur- rency according to the new schedule in England, but it met with no favor, and was repealed in 1713. Charges were renewed against Logan, followed by complaints and quarrels lasting through the year about the taxes, granting of pardons, titles to lands, etc. The queen having fitted out an expedition to retake Newfound- land and Canada, Pennsylvania was called on for 150 men and officers and £4000. The Assembly evaded this by offering to present the queen £500 as a part of her revenue. Gookin be- came angry, and said the turbulence was kept up by half a dozen men, and he would only treat with the Assembly hereafter in writing. With wrangling and recriminations the House ad- journed, and sent a message to the queen explaining their conduct. Early in Maya French privateer plundered the town of Lewes, and in July another one made a second attempt, was driven off, and started up the bay. The governor issued a proclamation forming a militia composed of all men between sixteen and sixty years of age, and that all men should provide themselves with arms. The spirit of antagonism to the Proprietary’s interests still 7 74 Annals of Philadelphia. showed itself in further attacks upon James Logan, whom the As- sembly ordered to be confined in jail ; but the governor and Coun- cil decided that the Assembly had no right to attach a Council- man ; besides, as this Assembly had not been called by the gov- ernor, it was not a legal body ; the governor therefore ordered the sheriff not to arrest Logan. It was in this year that Sprogell laid claim to the Germantown lands of the Frankfort Company, on account of an alleged pur- chase in Germany from the owners, and the remarkable state- ment was made that he had retained all the lawyers (four), and none could be found to defend against his claim. Pastorius and Jawert, successors to Kelpius and agents of the company, laid a statement of the facts before the governor and Council, who ordered the judgments reversed. During 1710 the Assembly met twice, but the governor would not recognize it, and nothing was done. But in October a new election was held, when members more in keeping with the Pro- prietary’s interest were elected, not a member of the old Assembly having been returned. The new Assembly met in November, and the governor congratulated them and promised hearty co- operation. A long letter was received from Penn on the 20th, expressing his grief at the dissensions, stating what he had done for them, and regretting their ill-treatment of him. The Assem- bly twice adjourned until January 1, 1711. In 1710-11 a new market was built for the butchers’ use; the new court-house at Second and High streets was perhaps first used ; a petition was presented from the best citizens asking for extended powers to the city corporation ; a tax-bill was passed : single men and servants were taxed extra; a duty of 40s. was put upon imported negroes ; duty was imposed on imported rum and wine, and on cider. The Assembly was called July 10 to raise £2000 for a quota of men and money for an expedition against Canada under Col- onel Nicholson. Contrary to previous demands, it was raised, and, unfortunately for their patriotism, the expedition proved unsuccessful and was the last attempted. In 1712 an attempt was made to discourage the importation of negroes by placing a tax of £20 on each head. But England, desirous of forcing slavery on the colonies, would not approve the law. During this year several conferences were held with the Indians ; the mayor advised providing buckets, hooks, and engines for fires ; overseers of the highways were directed to receive Is. 6d. per day from such inhabitants as did not want to labor on the streets ; steps were taken to establish a house of employment ; and the next year the Friends established an almshouse for their poor. Also, an act was passed for the limitation of actions ; another for establishing orphans’ courts; one for the tearing down of the jail on High below Second, and building a new one at Third and High Charles GooJcin, Governor, 1709-17. 75 streets ; the water-courses of the streets were arranged ; and th6 grand jury declared the drawbridge over Dock Creek needed repairs. The Assembly met in 1714 in January, and adjourned several times without accomplishing any business until August, when but little business was done. On the 23d of October news of Queen Anne’s death was received, and King George I. was proclaimed in the market-place. In 1715 but little business was done by the Assembly. Among the acts passed was one allowing appeals from the supreme court to Great Britain within eighteen months ; an- other for acknowledging and recording deeds; several acts were again passed against slavery, but disallowed in England. A ferry to Gloucester and one to Cooper’s were established ; pumps were allowed to be put down by any one paying Is. yearly rent for twenty-one years. A challenge to fight a duel sent by Sheriff Peter Evans to Rev. Francis Phillips created a stir, as well as Phillips’s boast of intimacy with some reputable ladies. The sheriff arrested him, but his friends created a riot, and Phillips was released. Gover- nor Gookin supported Phillips, but he was dismissed from his curacy. The governor also protected Hugh Lowden, who had endeavored to murder two of the justices of the court of common pleas. These acts, with various others, were having the tendency to lower Governor Gookin in public estimation, and many com- plaints were sent to the home government. This year many visits were paid by the Indians, and councils were held. In 1716 the governor desired something should be raised to- ward his support, saying for eight years’ service he had received but little, and that unless he was allowed more he would solicit his recall ; the Assembly voted him £100. A misunderstanding arose between the governor and Richard Hill, Speaker of the House and mayor of the city, Gookin having said Hill was disaffected to His Majesty King George. Logan also com- plained that Gookin had represented him to be a Jacobite and friend to the Pretender. The House considered the cases, and declared there was no ground for the governor’s charges, and specified many causes of complaint against him. The Council this year fined a number of respectable people for having their chimneys fired ; some paid in buckets, others in lad- ders. Wharf-dues were established. In 1717, Governor Gookin having again asked for support, £200 was voted to him ; the House then adjourned on the 16th of May, and Governor Gookin was recalled by the home govern- ment. 76 Annals of Philadelphia. CHAPTER XIX. SIR WILLIAM KEITH, GOVERNOR, 1717-20. Sir William landed at Philadelphia May 31st, 1717, and was well received by the authorities, and proclaimed governor. He was a man of complaisant manners, and won the good opin- ions and feelings of the people, so that by the time of the calling together of the Assembly, on the 19th of August, they were will- ing to promptly vote him £500 for his support and £50 for house- rent. At the meeting of the Assembly in October the large immigration of foreigners, especially of German Mennonists and Palatines, began to excite attention and alarm. These most worthy additions to the population were required to take an oath or an equivalent of being well affected toward His Majesty’s government. Many proved to be the most valuable citizens. James Logan wrote that there were upward of 1500 pirates afloat, and that they were so numerous as to create fears of an attack on the city ; and a proclamation offering rewards for their capture was issued. Among the minor matters of the year was the claim for two patents from the king for fourteen years to Thomas Masters for “cleansing, curing, and refining of Indian corn,” and for “work- ing and weaving in a new method palmetto, chip, and straw for covering hats and bonnets.” In a competition for the office of vendue-master between Joseph Antrobas and George Claypoole, the former was reconfirmed. A “ducking-stool and house of correction for the just punishment of scolding, drunken women, as well as divers other profligate and unruly persons,” was recommended. In 1718 the pirates continued their depredations, while some gave themselves up to the authorities and received their pardons, and a vessel was brought in by some pirates who escaped from their fellows, well armed with great guns, swivel-guns, pistols, etc. Two sloops were sent down the bay, but made no captures. It was suspected some of those who gave themselves up remained as confederates. William Penn died July 30, 1718, and his son, William, Jr., sent over to Governor Keith to have himself proclaimed as Pro- prietary. The governor communicated the intelligence to Council Xov. 30th, and commemorated the Founder’s death by a military funeral and other ceremonies. He declined, with the advice of the Assembly, to proclaim William, Jr., until the result of cer- tain lawsuits that were commenced was settled, and acted as gov- ernor, under t he legitimate authority of Hannah Penn as executrix, until June 22, 1726, when he was supplanted by Major Patrick Gordon. (For history of the colonial governors see Vol. II. 273-278.) ADDITIONS AND EMENDATIONS TO YOLTJME I. r • TT ADDITIONS AND EMENDATIONS TO VOL. I. In 1631, also, p. 4. — In 1638. P. 4, Note . — Campanius the historian probably was never in this country, having himself derived his information from his grandfather, who resided here, and from his father; and is in many other particulars incorrect. Swedes in 1631, p. 6. — They did not arrive till 1637 or ’8. Captain Kornelis, etc., p. 6. — Captain Mey was not “the first explorer of our bay and river.” Hudson first discovered it, 1609; Lord de la War touched at it in 1610; Mey first explored the bay in 1615, and Captain Hendrickson first explored the river. The Schuylkill was discovered in 1616 by Captain Hendrickson in the schooner “ Restless,” he leaving Delaware Bay and ascend- ing the river August 18th. (See Annals Penna., p. 6.) Name of Hinlopen, p. 7. — It is so called in 1612 in a letter of Captain Asgill (N. Y. Hist. Soc. Transactions). The eastern cape was called Cape May, the western Cape Cornelis, while the prin- cipal cape was named Hindlopen. The Cape Henlopen of to- day is the one then called Cornelis. Because of his death, etc., p. 7. — It could not have been the latter, because the Delaware is so called in a letter of Asgill in 1612. The Swedes claim, etc., p. 8. — The Swedes did not arrive till 1638, and Fort Casimir was built by the Dutch in 1651. Printz did not arrive till 1643, and these buildings could not have been made. Port on Tenecum Island, etc., p. 9. — Shortly after Gov. Printz’s arrival he sought a place for a permanent residence and for forti- fying the river. He chose the island of Teneko (now Tinicum), and built the fort of Hew Gottenberg, of very heavy hemlock logs. He also built a mansion for himself and family which was very handsome, with a fine orchard, a pleasure-house, and other conveniences, which he called Printz Hall. On this island the principal inhabitants had their dwellings and plantations. Fort Hew Gottenberg was accidentally destroyed by fire in De- cember, 1645, with all the buildings in it, and all the powder and goods blown up. It happened in the night, by the negligence of a servant, who fell asleep, leaving a candle burning. It must have been rebuilt, for the Dutch destroyed one in 1655. 80 Annals of Philadelphia. ANNIVERSARY OF BURLINGTON’S SETTLEMENT. Burlington, p. 10. — On December 6th, 1877, the city of Bur- lington, New Jersey, celebrated the two hundredth anniversary of its settlement. In the morning one hundred guns were fired, hundreds of flags waved, the military turned out about one thou- sand members, the steam fire-companies joined in the parade, and many organizations. A second salute of one hundred guns was fired at noon, and at three o’clock the commemorative exercises were held in Birch’s Opera-House. The Rt. Rev. William H. Odenheimer, bishop of Northern New Jersey, opened the exercises with prayer. Hon. J. Howard Pugh, M. D., of Washington, then congratulated the people of Burlington on the rare privilege of celebrating their second centennial, and, after music by the Orpheus Club of Phil- adelphia, the orator of the day, Henry Armitt Brown, Esq., of this city, delivered an oration replete with historical interest, sparkling with brilliant gems of thought and flights of rare eloquence: “ There are few events in American history more interesting than that which we commemorate to-day. There are few stories more honorable than that which I shall have to tell. There can be no anniversaries more worthy to be observed than this, which marks the peaceful planting of a people, the founding of a free and happy commonwealth. The life of old Burlington has been a modest one. She sings no epic song of hard-fought fields and gallant deeds of arms ; she has no tales of conquest, of well-won triumphs, of bloody victories. Seated in smiling meadows and guarded by the encircling pines, her days have been full of quiet- ness and all her paths of peace. The hand of time has touched her forehead lightly. The centuries have flown by so softly that she has hardly heard the rustle of their wings. The stream of years has flowed before her feet as smoothly as the broad bosom of her own great river by whose banks she dwells. But her his tory is none the less worthy to be remembered, for it is full of those things which good men rejoice to find in the character of their ancestors — of a courage meek but dauntless, a self-sacrifice lowly but heroic, a wisdom humble and yet lofty, a love of hu- manity that nothing could quench, a devotion to liberty that was never shaken, an unfaltering and childlike faith in God. And it is right that it be remembered by those who enjoy the blessings which such qualities have won. ‘ I wish,’ wrote one who had witnessed the beginning, describing in her old age the dangers and trials of her youth — ‘ I wish that they who may come after may consider these things.’ Sevenscore years have gone since that was written. The heart that held that hope has long been still. The hand that wrote those words has been motionless for more than a century, and the kindred to whom they were addressed have vanish- ed from the earth. But here to-day, in that ancient town, strange- Burlington Anniversary. 81 ly unaltered by the changes of two centuries — here amid scenes with which those venerable eyes were so familiar — we who have ‘ come after’ have assembled to fulfil that pious wish, to ‘ consider those things’ with reverence and gratitude, and take care that they be held hereafter in eternal remembrance and everlasting honor.” The orator described the sailing of the “Kent” in the year 1677 from England, freighted with “Quakers bound for Ameri- ca;” their entering New York harbor on the 6th of August, 1677 ; their interview with “Sir Edmund Andros, the duke of York’s lately-appointed governor of his territory,” who gives them per- mission, under certain conditions, to set sail for the Delaware; their landing at New Castle, from which place they prospected for a permanent settlement, and their final choice of Burlington. “A broad and imposing main street was opened through the forest, running at right angles to the river, southward with the country. It is probable that it did not at first extend very far past the place at which we are gathered now. Another, crossing it, ran lengthwise through the middle of the island, and a third was opened on the bank. The town thus laid out was divided into twenty properties — ten in the eastern part for the Yorkshire men, and ten in the western for the London proprietors. All hands went at once to work to prepare for the winter. Marshall, a carpenter, directed the building, and the forest began to resound with the blows of his axe. A clearing was made on the south side of the main street, near Broad, and a tent pitched there as a temporary meeting-house. In a short time the settlement began to have the appearance of a town, and when worthy of a name, in mem- ory of a village in old Yorkshire, was christened ‘ Burlington.’ . . . “The soil fertile, the climate healthy, the situation good, and the Indians friendly, the little settlement soon became a prosperous colony. Ships began to come with emigrants from different parts of England — the ‘ Willing Wind,’ from London, with sixty pas- sengers; the ‘ Flieboat’ Martha, from the older Burlington, with one hundred and fourteen; the ‘Shield,’ from Hull, and several more besides. It is this last one of which the story is told that tacking too near the high shore called ‘ Conquannock,’ her masts caught in an overhanging tree, and her passengers, unconscious of the Philadelphia that was soon to be, were struck with the beauty of the site and spoke of its fitness for a town. “ Here on the threshold of your history I must stop. My talk is finished, and my duty done. How could I hope to tell the story of two centuries? — how in Colonial days great men as gov- ernors lived in Burlington ; how Council and Assembly met in the now-vanished court-house, before whose door one day George Whitefield preached ; how, in a darker time, the Hessians camped in a meadow beyond Yorkshire bridge; how the Whigs knocked one night at Margaret Norris’s door, and the Tory parson hid trembling in the ‘ auger-hole ; ’ how patriotic gondolas bom- VOL. in.— P 82 Annals of Philadelphia. barded Burlington, and managed to hit a house at Broad and York streets; how, in the following year, the British, in their turn, opened the cannonade, and after an hour’s firing knocked a hole in Adam Shepherd’s stable near the wharf ; how things were quiet for a little while till Light-Horse Harry Lee came thundering in ? “ And what can I hope to say, in the last moments of so long a speech, of the inhabitants of a city whose life has not been more peaceful than her sons illustrious? From the beginning to the end in times of the Colony, the Province, and State, it has always been the same. Here were the famous printers, Bradford, the pioneer, and Isaac Collins, who published the first Jersey news- paper. Here dwelt Judge Daniel Coxe, who planned a union for the Colonies full thirty years ere Franklin thought of it and half a century before the Revolution. Here came Elias Boudinot, the president of Congress, to pass the evening of his well-spent life; and in the spacious garden of his house some of you may have seen his daughter and her friend, those venerable women who had borne the names of William Bradford and Alexander Hamilton. Here on a Saturday morning, weary with walking ‘more than fifty miles,’ clad ‘in a working dress,’ his ‘pockets stuffed out with shirts and stockings,’ a boy of seventeen came trudging into town. Nobody noticed him, except to smile per- haps, save an old woman who talked to him kindly and sold him ginger!) read. Years afterward he came again to print the money of the Province, and became the friend of all the great men who dwelt in Burlington, for by that time the world had begun to hear of Benjamin Franklin. Two other boys belong to Burling- ton. Born side by side, beneath adjoining roofs, close to this spot where you are gathered now, both became sailors, but of different destinies. The elder, after a brief but brilliant life, fell in disas- trous battle on the deck with that immortal cry upon his lips, ‘Don’t give up the ship!’ The younger lived to a green and vigorous old age, to make those Jersey names of Fenimore and Cooper famous for ever in American literature. Count this array of native or adopted citizens : Ellis and Stockton and Dutton and Sterling and Woolinan and the mysterious Tyler; Franklin, the Tory governor, and Temple, his accomplished son ; Samuel Smith, the historian, and Samuel J. Smith, the poet; William Coxe, the pomologist, and John Griscom, the friend of learning; Shippen and Cole in medicine, and Dean and the Gummeres in education ; Bloomfield and Mcllvaine and Wall in politics ; and at the bar Griffith, Wallace, Reed, two generations of the Mcll- vaines and four of the name of Kinsey, and those great masters of the law, Charles Chaunoey and Horace Binney. Read the long list of teachers of religion — I name the dead alone — Grellet and Cox and Hoskins and Mott and Dillwyn among Friends, and in the Church, Talbot the missionary, the witty Odell, the vener- able Wharton, the saintlike Mcllvain, and that princely prelate — Burlington Anniversary. 83 the most imposing figure of my boyish memories — whose tongue alone could have done justice to this anniversary. ‘‘Now as I speak of them under the inspiration of those memo- ries I seem to feel the touch of vanished hands and hear the sound of voices that are still. Before me rise the scenes of other days. I see the brilliant Wall, the venerable Grellet, Allen, your mayor for a quarter of a century, the little form, too small for such a heart, of William Atkinson, the white head of Thomas Milnor, the well-beloved face of Courtland Van Rensselaer, and the splen- did countenance and manly form of him — the friend of many here — whose name I dare not trust myself to speak. And you, too — friends of my boyhood’s days, whom death has crowned with an immortal youth — you, young defenders of my country’s honor — Grubb, Chew, Barclay, Raquet, and Van Rensselaer — on such a day as this you too shall be remembered. “ My countrymen, the age that saw the birth of your old town has passed away. The passions that raged about her cradle have long been dead. The furies of contending creeds have been for- gotten, and Quaker and Presbyterian, Churchman and Catholic, rest in her bosom side by side. The twin sycamores by yonder meeting-house stand guard above a soil enriched with the bones of six generations of your kindred, and the spire of old St. Mary’s springs from a doubly-consecrated mould. The tree, the ancient church, the pleasant field, the flowing river, — these shall endure, but you shall pass away. The lifeless thing shall live and the deathless die. It is God’s mystery. We cannot solve it. That change that has come to all must come to you, and long before this story shall be told again you will have followed the footsteps of your fathers. But still on the banks of the Delaware shall stand your ancient town. Time shall not harm her, nor age de- stroy the beauty of her face. Wealth may not come to her, nor power nor fame among the cities of the earth ; but civil freedom and liberty of conscience are now her children’s birthright, and she rests content. Happy, indeed, if they can exclaim, with each recurring anniversary, as their fathers did two hundred years ago, ‘We are a family at peace within ourselves !’ ” The above oration acquires a new but sad interest. The bril- liant orator is silent. Though young, with a splendid record already made, and with every promise of a prominent career of usefulness before him, his tongue was silenced by the hand of death, through typhoid fever, in the summer of 1878. A dispute which was not settled with Pennsylvania till 1732, etc., p. 10. — Nor till about 1750. For one, the Amity, etc., p. 13. — This is a mistake; the “Amity” did not sail till April, 1682. On board of her came Thomas Holme, surveyor-general, and John Claypoole, his assistant, son of James Claypoole, afterward treasurer of the Free Society of Traders. (See J. Claypoole’s letter in Hazard’s Annals, p. 558.) 84 Annals of Philadelphia. THE CAPITAL CITY IN 1682. Such a place was not known, etc., p. 1 3. — Does not the follow* ing extract from a letter from James Claypoole’s letter-book (in Dec., 1849, in the possession of the late J. Parker Fonlke, Esq., and from which the late Samuel Hazard, the historian, copied it) rather disprove these assertions ? — “ I have 100 acres where our Capital City is to be upon the river near Schuylkill, and Peter Cock ; there I intend to build my first house.” July Af, 1682, in London. (Annals Penna., 579.) This was written while Penn was there, and about a month before Penn’s departure for Pennsylvania. In another letter, dated 6th mo. 5th [August], a little before Penn’s departure, he says to a friend in Ireland : “ I may hereafter send thee a map of Pennsylvania, and ¥m. Penn’s book about it.” It is probable the commissioners had selected the spot and sent over the necessary information. Under warrant dated 5th mo. [July], 1682, Thomas Holme, surveyor-general, says: “I have caused to be surveyed and set out unto David Hainan, in right of Amos Mythol’s purchase of 250 acres, his city-lot between the 5th and 6th streets from Delaware River, and on the south side of the street called as yet Pool [on account of a pool there, afterward Walnut] street in the City of Philadelphia, containing in length 220 feet, bounded on the west with Robert Hards lot, on the east with John Kirk’s lot, on the north with Pool street, and on the south with vacant lots, and containing in breadth 50 feet ; and was surveyed the 6th inst, and accordingly entered and recorded in my office, and hereby returned into the governor’s secretary’s office, Philadelphia, this 10th of the 5th month, 1682.* Thomas Holme, Surveyor- General .” Thomas Holme was commissioned by Penn April 18th, 1682, in England ; he sailed thence about the 23d of April in the ship “ Amity,” and probably arrived in June, but a short time before the above survey. Penn was yet in England. The above record is from “ The Book of Records of Warrants and Surveys No. 14,” which is one of the books made in pur- suance of the act of “ for recording warrants and surveys, and for rendering real estate and propertys within the Province more secure,” page 15. This is copied from a copy compared with the book by J. H. Castle, Esq. On page 1 of the same book is the following : “ Second streef lots from the river as drawn by lot are numbered 1 to 54, with the names ; at foot of 54 is this entry : ‘ These lots were drawn before us this 19th of 7th month, 1682.’ “William Markham, Thomas Holme, “William Haig, Griffith Jostes.” * This is correctly from the record, but on comparing it with the original at Harrisburg, I find it should be 1683. Gov. William Markham. 85 (See the purchasers’ names in Hazard’s Annals Penna., Ap- pendix.) So at the end of each of the other drawings — viz., Broad street lots, Fourth street lots, Bank street lots. Penn had not yet arrived in Pennsylvania, and did not till 28th of October [10th mo.]. Instructions to Commissioners of the llfth of October, 1681, p. 13. • — 30th Sept., 1681. (See these instructions at length in Memoirs Hist. Socy., vol. ii. p. 215, etc.; also Hazard’s Annals, p. 527.) Oi'ispin died in England, etc., p. 13. — In the drawing of city lots Sept. 19, 1682, Crispin’s name occurs several times. How is it then that he died in England ? Though this is no proof that he was present ; and it may have been drawn for his estate, he being one of the original purchasers. He was appointed a commissioner both on Sept. 30th and Oct. 14th, 1681. (See Hazard’s Annals .) Penn’s Workmen, etc., p. 15. — Ralph Smith, Penn’s gardener, died 3d mo. 5th, 1685, and was buried at the burying-place on the point. James Harrison was one of the executors. [Bucks Co. Records, Carr.) Henry Gibbs, the governor’s carpenter, died 9th mo., 1685, and was buried on the point. (Ibid.) Proud had assigned the 2ph of October, p. 15. — Proud may have followed a letter of William Penn, in which he says he arrived on the 24th, but this was probably the date of his arrival in the bay. His landing at New Castle w~as Oct. 28th, and he arrived off there on the 27th, as the records show. Nicholas Moore, a lawyer, etc., p. 16. — He was a doctor of medicine. (Claypoole.) A man like Penn, etc., p. 21. — See Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 317, for his request to Council to pay six hundred pounds for building a city house and stocking three plantations. Till his death, in 1694, P- 23. — Markham died in 1704. (See Boston Trans.) William Markham was twenty-one years of age when he arrived. He is frequently mentioned by Watson, and was an important man in the earliest days of the Province. He was deputy governor from April 10, 1681, to Oct. 27, 1682, and from April 26, 1693, to Dec. 3, 1699; secretary to the governor and Council from May 28, 1686, to April 26, 1693. He was cousin to Penn, his first representative, and a soldier by profession. He died June 11, 1704, and was buried with military honors. A wife and two married daughters survived him. He lived in Front street, east side, between Walnut and Spruce streets, in formerly Jasper Yates’s house. There formerly stood at the north-east corner of Grindstone alley and Market street a quaint old house which was supposed to have been a residence of Markham. This old-time building was for some time the store and dwelling of the late Peter Shad**, 8 86 Annals of Philadelphia. a well-known brushmaker, who carried on an extensive retail and wholesale business at that locality sixty years ago. Mr. Shade was originally from the old district of Southwark. For many years he had a large brush-factory on the north side ot Spruce street, between Fourth and Fifth streets, nearly opposite to the present Baptist meeting-house. He removed from Spruce street to Second and Callowhill, and then to the Governor Mark- ham house. Whilst residing at the corner of Market street and Grindstone alley Mr. Shade’s daughter was married, in the old mansion, to Captain John L. Ferguson, a citizen of Southwark, who was well known in the Laguayra trade. Why was this narrow passage between Church alley and Market street called Grindstone alley ? The Commercial Bank was built about half a century ago on the site of the old Markham house. This bank commenced business at Ho. 102 (old number) Chestnut street, near its present banking-house. Its first president was Andrew Bayard (father of Charles P. Bayard, Esq.), who continued in that office for many years. Among those who were at an early day in the board of directors were Commodore Richard Dale, Henry Pratt, John McCrea, Charles N. Bancker, Samuel Archer, James S. Duval, and William Newbold ; all these are deceased. In 1763, John Penn, etc., p. 31. — See Colonial Records, vol. ix. p. 72 ; his arrival as governor and honors paid to him. Their first prison, etc., p. 39. — See Colonial Records, vol. i p. 408, June, 1694. Contemporaneous with the structures, etc., p. 39. — See History of Christ Church, by Dr. Dorr, its pastor, 1853, and Annals of the Swedes’ Church, by Rev. J. C. Clay, its pastor, 1853 — ■ now an Episcopal church. Penn’s instructions, etc., p. 42. — See these at length in Annals Penna., p. 531. Penn in his letter, p. 43. — See it at full length in Hazard’s Annals Penna., p. 522. It is dated Sept. 4, ’81. Such as Edward Drinker’s, p. 44. — Should be John. Minutes of Council, p. 58. — These minutes were published by Couucils in one large volume in . There are many chasms in them, and they do not begin till 1704, whereas the city was chartered in 1701 ; the previous ones are therefore missing. Where are they ? The extracts published in Register of Penna. were copied by S. Hazard from the original minutes. C. Willing, p. 64. — Died Nov. 30, 1751, aged forty-five, and was buried in Christ Church ground, Fifth aud Arch streets. Mayors of Philadelphia, p. 66. — Oct. 25, 1701 : “ And I do nominate Edward Shippen to be the present mayor, who shall continue until another be chosen, as is hereinafter directed.” (Penn’s Charter.) On pp. 336, 337 of Vol. I. of this work a petition is alluded to as signed by “ Humphrey Murrey, mayor and also proceed- Mayors of the City. 87 mgs of a meeting of governor and Council 3d of 6th mo., 1691, where the application of Hugh Murrey, mayor, is considered. Where does Watson find them? They are not printed in Colo- nial Records. If they are correct, the city was incorporated before 1691. A committee was appointed 20th of 5th mo., 1684, to bring in “a charter for Philada. as a borough.” (See Col. Records, vol. i. p. 117.) Anthony Morris, October, 170J/., p. 66. — Should be “12th Oc- tober, 1703.” Anthony Morris, mayor elect of this city, in pur- suance of the charter, for the following year, presented himself, with the aldermen and Common Council, made a solemn promise of fidelity to the queen, took the declaration of his abhorrence of popery, and the test for his qualification, etc. ( Colonial Records, vol. ii. p. 104.) B. Shoemaker (p. 66) died June, 1767, aged sixty-three, and was buried in Quaker grounds. He had been one of the Su- preme Executive Council and treasurer of the city, as well as mayor. (See Penna. Chron., June 22 to 29, 1767.) T. Willing, 1763, p. 66. — He died 19th January, 1821, aged eighty-nine; born Dec. 19, 1731, O. S. ; and was buried in Christ Church ground, Fifth and Arch streets. He was secre- tary of congress of delegates at Albany ; mayor of Philadel- phia, 1763; member of Assembly; president of Provincial Congress ; delegate to Congress of Confederation ; president of Bank of North America and of first Bank of the United States. MAYORS OF PHILADELPHIA. We give a correct list of the mayors of the city, to take the place of the one as given by Watson, Vol. I. p. 66 : 1701. Edward Shippen. 1703. Anthony Morris. 1704. Griffith Jones. 1705. Joseph Wilcocks. 1706. Nathan Stanbury. 1707. Thomas Masters. 1709. Richard Hill. 1710. William Carter. 1711. Samuel Preston. 1712. Jonathan Dickinson. 1713. George Roch. 1714. Richard Hill. 1717. Jonathan Dickinson. 1719. William Fishbourne. 1722. James Logan. 1723. Clement Plumsted. 1724. Isaac Norris. 1725. William Hudson. 1726. Charles Read. 1727. Thomas Lawrence. 1729. Thomas Griffitts. 1731. Samuel Hassel. 1733. Thomas Griffitts. 1734. Thomas Lawrence. 1735. William Allen. 1736. Clement Plumsted. 1737. Thomas Griffitts. 1738. Anthony M. Morris. 1739. Edward Roberts. 1740. Samuel Hassel. 1741. Clement Plumsted. 1742. William Till. 1743. Benjamin Shoemaker. 1744. Edward Shippen. 1745. James Hamilton. 1746. William Atwood. 88 Annals of Philadelphia. 1748. 1749. 1750. 1751. 1752. 1753. 1754. 1755. 1756. 1758. 1759. 1760. 1761. 1762. 1763. 1764. 1765. 1767. 1769. 1771. 1773. 1774. 1775. 1789. 1790. 1791. 1792. 1796. 1798. 1800. Charles Willing. 1801. Thomas Lawrence. 1805. William Plumsted. 1806. Robert Strettell. 1808. Benjamin Shoemaker. 1810. Thomas Lawrence. 1811. Charles Willing. 1812. William Plumsted. 1813. Atwood Shute. 1814. Thomas Lawrence. 1819. John Stamper. 1820. Benjamin Shoemaker. 1824. Jacob Duche. 1828. Henry Harrison. 1829. Thomas Willing. 1830. Thomas Lawrence. 1831. John Lawrence. 1832. Isaac Jones. 1838. Samuel Shoemaker. 1839. John Gibson. William Fisher. 1841. Samuel Rhoads. 1844. Samuel Powel. 1845. Samuel Powel. 1849. Samuel Miles. 1850. John Barclay, when the 1854. mayors commenced to occupy the new City Hall, Fifth and Chest- 1856. nut streets. 1858. Matthew Clarkson. 1865. Hilary Baker. 1868. Robert Wharton. 1871- John Inskeep. Matthew Lawler. John Inskeep. Robert Wharton. John Barker. Robert Wharton. Michael Keppele John Barker. John Geyer. Robert Wharton. James N. Barker. Robert Wharton. Joseph Watson. George M. Dallas. Benjamin W. Richards. William Milnor. Benjamin W. Richards John Swift. Isaac Roach. John Swift, first mayoi elected by the people. John M. Scott. Peter McCall. John Swift. Joel Jones. Charles Gilpin. Robert T. Conrad, first mayor of the consoli- dated city. Richard Vaux. Alexander Henry. Morton McMicbael. Daniel M. Fox. 1879. William S. Stokley. Gabriel Thomas’s Account, p. 66. — A facsimile of this work was published by J. W. Moore of this city in 185- ; a small thin volume which sold at first for $1.50, the original having become very rare, and the reprint is now also scarce. And there are other wharfs, p. 72. — See Col. Records, vol. i. p. 267, where permission is asked by Humphrey Murrey, Philip Richards, Philip James, and William Lee “to build a wharf on the side of Delaware River against the end of Chestnut street,” 26th 1st mo., 1689. For some time without inhabitants, p. 74. — This is not correct; he found several settlements near Chester, New Castle, Burling- ton were all settled before his arrival, and many persons had set- tled on the Schuylkill, and in Bucks, at Shakamaxon, Wiccacoe Commerce of the City. 89 etc. Several churches had been built. The population was about two thousand. (Gordon’s Penna., p. 59.) Note, p. 74. — This MSS. History of Pennsylvania was pub- lished in Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania, vol. i. This first volume is in possession of the New Jersey Historical Society. James Logan’s letter to the Proprietaries, p. 79. — See Colonial Records, vol. iii. p. 372, etc. Heylin’s Cosmography (p. 86) is also in the library of the Athenaeum, P. 86. The duke’s deed of sale is dated the %fth of August — not the 20th. Note, p. 86. — The records at Albany were carefully examined by Samuel Hazard when preparing his Annals of Pennsylvania. Of them he says : “ I have examined them pretty thoroughly ; there are twenty-six or twenty-seven volumes, translated by Van- derkemp, besides proceedings of courts, etc. ; to these have been added the fruit of J. R. Brodhead’s special mission, sixteen vol- umes of Holland documents, and volumes of London and French documents, now being translated by Mr. O’Callaghan, and about to be printed by the Legislature. They contain a great deal about Pennsylvania, much of which I have introduced into my Annals.” (S. H., 1849.) R. G. Johnson (p. 88) died while on a journey at New Haven, in 1850, aged eighty. THE BOARD OF TRADE. The Commerce of the City, p. 88. — The vast increase of the commerce of the city has led to the formation of various boards and organizations of merchants interested in commerce, who have supervision of it generally and of the various branches of it. Amongst the most prominent and important is the Board of Trade, who hold quarterly meetings of the members and monthly meetings of the executive council. The latter have the constant and active supervision of all matters of commercial interest, and are appointed monthly from the members. Among some of the advantages derived from the actions and suggestions of this board we will only mention — “ The committee of this Board on Foreign and Coastwise Com- merce has for the five years last past given special attention to the improvement of the Delaware River and Bay, for the purposes of navigation, and has at all times been ready to co-operate with committees of other associations for that object ; and the purpose of this report is to show what has hitherto been done in the premises and to indicate further requirements. “ The results hitherto obtained are as follows : The depth of water in the lower Schuylkill, and especially at its mouth, has beer 90 Annals of Philadelphia. increased by dredging there, as has also been the channel across Fort Mifflin bar and near the upper end of the Bulkhead Shoal. “ A substantial lighthouse has been built and lighted on the Cross-Ledge Shoal, in the lower bay, and another higher up, on the Ship John Shoal. “ Two lighthouses, forming a range, have been erected on the Delaware shore below Few Castle, and two on the Jersey shore at or near Deepwater Point. These lights serve as guides to the navigator to considerable distances up and down the river, and when the lights on both shores are in range at the same time they indicate the turning-point for ships at the upper part of the Bulk- head Shoal, above Fort Delaware. “ Other range lights are in course of construction farther down the river — two on the Delaware shore, below Port Penn, and two on the Jersey shore, at Finn’s Point — intended for guides to ships around Dan Baker Shoal. “ A fog-whistle has been placed at Reedy Island, and another at Cape Henlopen, and assurance has been given by the Light- house Board that the lightboat now in use on the Five-Fathom Bank, outside the capes of the Delaware, shall soon be replaced by a larger one having on board a powerful fog-whistle. Such a whistle there would be of great service to vessels coming into and departing from the Delaware in thick weather, and also to ves- sels plying to and fro between Few York and Southern ports. “ Range lights have also been placed to guide vessels out and in over the bar at the mouth of the Schuylkill. “ The works already completed, as above named, have greatly facilitated navigation in our waters, but others are needed to make the facilities complete — viz. : “A lighthouse in the Delaware on the Joe Flogger Shoal; “ Range lights to guide around the Cherry Island Shoal ; “A lighthouse on the lower end of Tinicum Island, above Chester ; “ And range lights on the shore below Gloucester to guide ships through the Horseshoe. “When these additional lights have been obtained the navi- gable waters between our city and the sea can be traversed by ships at night with less difficulty than they were a few years ago by day.” Our own ai chives at Harrisburg, etc., p. 89. — After this was written the late Samuel Hazard was employed by the State to select such documents as were worthy of preservation and pub- lication, which were published in the Colonial Records, 16 vols. 8vo, and the Pennsylvania Archives, 10 vols. — monuments of his industry and perseverance and of the State’s liberality. When the “ Wilcox ” store in Water street above Walnut was pulled down in 18 — , an immense number of old records and papers were thrown into the street, which was then very muddy Histories — Free Traders. 91 as, it was raining at the time. From many which were collected it would appear they were relating either to the Land or the Sec- retary’s office. My father collected several — one a letter from Hannah Penn to her sen William. It was an immense and un- pardonable destruction of old papers which cannot be recovered, and might have been preserved if known in season. — W. P. H. Joseph Shippen, p. 89. — He was the son of Edward Shippen, the first mayor, and resided in Germantown for many years in what was afterward known as the Buttonwood Tavern. He was a scientific man and a member of the Junto. He died in 1741, aged sixty-two. P. 91. The Harrative by John Watson; Hutch records from 1630 to 1656 ; MSS. copies of Swedish records ; Minutes of Coun- cil, 1748 to 1758. The above were all republished in Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania, 16 vols. 8vo. Clay’s Annals of the Swedes, Ferris’s Original Settlements on the Delaware, Montgomery’s Reminiscences of Wilmington, Hazard’s Annals of Pennsylvania, and the History of New Sweden, by Thomas Campanius Holm, usually called Campanius 1 s History, printed in Memoirs of the His- torical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. iii., are the principal books which have been published in relation to our early Swedish history. They will all be found in the Philadelphia Library. Province of Pennsylvania, p. 92. — A portion of this is pub- lished by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in their Memoirs. Holm’s New Swedeland, p. 92. — The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, in vol. iii., pp. 1-166, have published the entire work of T. Campanius Holm, translated by P. S. Duponceau. P. 92. Grayclon’s Memoirs has been republished several times — once in 184r-, with notes by John S. Littell. Minutes of Council, p 92. — Mr. Watson was mistaken about the valuable and interesting contents of these minutes. They were from 1683 to 1790, and were reprinted by the Legislature at the suggestion of the Pennsylvania Historical Society by acts of 1850-52, under the supervision of Samuel Hazard, as mentioned in a previous note. The London Society of Free Traders, p. 94. — This society in the course of a few years ceased to actively pursue its franchises as a corporation. In 1722 an act of Assembly was passed vesting all the rights of the society in Charles Reed, Job Goodson, Evan Owen, George Fitzwater, and Joseph Pidgeon, merchants, of Philadelphia, in trust for the use of the persons interested in the said society on the 24th of March, 1681, or at any time since, with power to dispose of all lands, etc. Under this authority the whole tract of ground lying between Spruce and Pine streets, from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, three hundred and sixty-six feet in width, was disposed of. It had been originally granted to them in 1684, and the patent was dated August 3, 1692. The eastern front of this ground was called Society Hill. (See Vol. I., p. 484.) 92 Annals of Philadelphia. Deaths in the City, p. 99. — Watson does not exactly state the number of deaths for 1731 correctly. A committee of the House in 1752, presenting statistics to show the necessity for more paper currency, said : “ In the year 1722 the burials in Philadelphia of all ages, sexes, and colors amounted to no more than 188, an exact account for that year being published monthly. Of the preceding and next following years we find no account; but from November 20, 1729, to November 20, 1730, the burials were 244; and from November 18, 1731, to November 16, 1732, they were 254, not- withstanding that in the intermediate year the small-pox, then rag- ing in the town, had alone carried off nearly 240 persons, and swelled the bill for that year to 490. From thence to 1738 no ac- count is come to our hands; but from December 25, 1738, to De- cember 25, 1744, the burials amounted to 3179, which, being at a medium of 454 per annum, shows the great increase of inhab- itants to that time; and since 1744 the increase is thought rather to have exceeded that proportion.” Poor Richard's Almanac for 1750, speaking of the above statis- tics, says : “ Excluding the Dutch Palatines, who, crowded on shipboard, contracted many diseases, the deaths for the seven years is about 2100, which is 300 per annum ; by which we should have had nearly 10,500 inhabitants during these seven years at a medium ; for in a healthy country (as this is) political arith- meticians compute those who die yearly at one in thirty-five. But in these last five years, from 1744, the town is greatly in- creased In 1748-9 the dwelling-houses in Philadelphia were 2076. The following summer there arrived twenty-four or twenty-five sail of ships with German families, supposed to bring near twelve thousand souls;” which was adding to the material for increasing the population very fast. “ Filthy-dirty ,” p. 101. — In the early history of the city, even to 1750, the condition of the streets was deplorable. Diseases were engendered and increased by the quantities of stuff allowed to accumulate in them, and the records show how fatal and fre- quent the pestilences of those days were. Dirt and filth were thrown into the gutters until the passage of the water in them would be stopped. Tradesmen would throw refuse into the streets, and it was a common practice for hatters and shoemakers “ to cast pelts, tails, and offelts of the fur into the principal streets and al- leys, the ends of leather, etc., so that they bred vermin.” In 1750, Mayor Lawrence issued his proclamation ordering that each citizen should collect the dirt before his premises for removal. Hogs were allowed to run at large in the streets, even within my time, until some thirty years ago. The One-penny Bills of Bank of North America, p. 104. — I nave two, obtained when the old building was being removed. The office was temporarily removed to Chestnut street above Fourth, between the Custom-House and the Philadelphia Bank. The Residence of Dr. Rittenliouse. 93 The ground of Dr. Rittenhouse, etc., p. 104. — The name of the celebrated self-taught mathematician and astronomer, David Rit- tenhouse of Philadelphia, was lately prominently mentioned in connection with the erection of a statue in the government Pan- theon which Congress has ordered to be formed by the presenta- tion from each State of the figures of two of its illustrious men. At the same time the old house in which Rittenhouse dwelt for so many years is undergoing a partial tearing-out, in order that it may be extended and reconstructed for the purpose of being an- nexed to a hotel adjoining. Situated at the north-west corner of Seventh and Arch streets, erected about the year 1787, and bear- ing a quiet, solid, old-fashioned appearance, it has been long known to Philadelphians of a past generation by the belligerent name of “Fort Rittenhouse.” It was here, in the year 1809, that the governments of the United States and State of Pennsylvania came into a conflict that at one time threatened to be bloody and de- structive. Rittenhouse, who during the Revolution occupied the office of treasurer of the State, had deposited with him funds in a prize-money case which were claimed by both governments, and in which so mischievous a man as Benedict Arnold was originally interested. Some years subsequent to the death of Rittenhouse, in 1796, the United States, having obtained judgment from the courts in its favor, demanded a reimbursement from his execu- trices, Mrs. Elizabeth Sergeant and Mrs. Esther Waters. Those ladies, daughters of Rittenhouse, were ordered by the State to re- tain the money ; and to prevent service of a writ, Pennsylvania troops were stationed around the mansion at Seventh and Arch streets for five weeks during the months of March and April, 1809. Finally, United States Marshal John Smith, eluding the vigilance of the soldiers, succeeded by a strategical movement in entering the house and serving his writ. The warlike conflict was over, but the claim was settled only after an additional period of litigation. Mr. Rittenhouse, who was director of the United States Mint from 1792 to 1795, resided, it will be seen, within quite a short distance of that institution, it then being located in a building which still stands on Seventh street above Filbert. His astronomical observatory was in the garden attached to his residence, and under that observatory his body was originally buried. Some years afterward it was taken up and reinterred in the ground of the Third Presbyterian Church, at Fourth and Pine streets. When Reale, etc., p. 104. — (See Penna. Archives , vol xi. p. 95.1 94 Annals of Philadelphia. ONE OF THE PEALES. One of the Peales , p. 104. — Miss Sarah M. Peale, artist, daugh- ter of James Peale, miniature-painter, and niece of Charles Wil- son Peale, has lately returned to reside in this city after an absence of over thirty years in St. Louis and nearly twenty years else- where. Besides her connection with a family of painters, Miss Peale’s ancestry on the maternal side is traced back to Oliver Cromwell. Her great-grandfather, John Claypoole, grandson of the Lord Protector, was one of the seven who accompanied Wil- liam Penn to America in 1682, and his son, James Claypoole, built the first brick house in Philadelphia. James Peale had six children, only three of whom are now living — Miss Sarah, Miss Margaretta, and the widow of General William Duncan. Mrs. Duncan resides at the south-east corner of Seventh and Wood streets, and her sisters are with her. The three ladies are far advanced in years, Miss Sarah being about seventy, although still having the appearance of mental and physical vigor in her pleasing face. She has never had necessity for the use of eye- glasses, and can read fine print by lamplight. In conversation the old lady is lively and interesting, but her memory of events that occurred in her youth is not so good as it generally is in persons of her age. The descendants of the Peales are numerous in this city . Miss Peale is self-taught in painting. “ My first work,” she says, “ was a portrait of myself. My father, when we lived in Baltimore, mixed the colors and told me to sit before a mirror and paint it. He left me alone till I had finished; then re- turned and criticised it, found some fault and said, a little im- patiently, ‘ D — n it ! why didn’t you do as I told you ?’ That was the only time I ever heard him use anything like pro- fanity.” Subsequently Miss Peale painted with her uncle, in Philadelphia. Her portraits had won reputation for excellence, and the Mar- quis de la Fayette, when on his second visit to this country, in 1825, was among the notable personages who gave her sittings. Generally five sittings of about two hours each were required for a portrait. La Fayette, having finished the fourth sitting, visited the scene of his Revolutionary achievements at Brandywine, and there, being called upon at once to fulfil an engagement farther South, he sent a note to Miss Peale with reference to the fifth sitting. The note was afterward mislaid, and the lady gave it up as lost. But since her arrival in this city she has found it in a box of old papers at Mrs. Duncan’s house. Although it is fifty-three years old, the paper is well preserved and the ink but little faded. The writing is on the first page of a sheet of note- paper, runs gracefully, and is perfectly legible : The Peale Family. 95 “ Brantdywiye, July 26, 1825. “ I have every day expected the pleasure to wait on Miss S. Peale, and am obliged now to present a double apology for my non-attendance, and for my not having answered her note. The latter she will the better excuse as it was mingled with a daily hope to present myself to her. I am on my way to Baltimore, Washington, and Virginia, and will pass at Washington and Baltimore the ten last days of August, the vicinity of Baltimore permitting my paying there a visit of at least one full day before I come back. Should the arrangements of Miss Peale, who is often at those places, give me an opportunity to wait upon her, I would be very happy to give her the last sitting she is pleased to request. I have the honor to offer to the ladies my best respects. La Fayette. “ My affectionate regards wait on the whole family. “ Miss Saeah Peale.” But an opportunity for the fifth sitting never occurred, and the unfinished portrait was subsequently lost. Later, Miss Peale painted portraits in Baltimore and Washington, among those who sat for her being Congressmen Caleb Cushing, Thomas Benton, Lewis F. Linn, Dixon H. Lewis, Abel P. Upshur, Henry A. Wise, and William R. King, who was subsequently Vice-President of the United States. Of Mr. Cushing the old lady says : “ He was in the Congressional Library. I sent my card to him. He came out. I requested sittings from him, but he behaved so rudely that I felt mortified for having asked him. He promised to sit, however, and named a day when he would meet me at my house. He came according to appointment. I was up stairs. When the colored boy who had shown him in came up to me, I told him to request the gentleman to take a seat in the parlor. The boy did so, but Mr. Cushing said gruffly, 1 Never mind ; I can take care of myself, can’t I '?’ and he con- tinued pacing up and down the hall until I presented myself. Throughout the first and second sittings his conduct was so care- less and rough as to disgust me. He was vain, too, and very particular about the color of the dress. To provoke me further, he demanded to know all about the materials composing the colors, and spoke as though he knew more of my business than I did myself. When the picture was finished he said, ‘ Why, madam, you have made it too handsome.’ ‘ Ah,’ I replied ironi- cally, ‘ but not so handsome as the original.’ That sentence made the vain Senator my firm friend. He at once paid me my price — sixty dollars — and took away the picture. He was so pleased with it that some days afterward, when I was sitting with other ladies in the Senate gallery, the Senator, seeing me, came over and chatted with me so long as to make me feel em- barrassed, for the eyes of many Senators were upon us.” Not long after Judge Upshur’s sittings he was killed by the 96 Annals of Philadelphia. explosion of the big gun on the “ Princeton.” Mrs. Upshur then bought the portrait and blessed the artist for having painted it. For Dixon H. Lewis, “the fat member from Alabama,” Miss Peale used a canvas thirty inches wide, and yet “ couldn’t get the gentleman all on it.” The head was right, but the shoulders had to be painted olf. Mr. Lewis weighed four hundred and sixty pounds. His seat in the Congressional hall was of twice the or- dinary width. In sitting for the portrait, however, he managed to get along with an ordinary chair, -without letting it divide him into two equal parts. But, as he said himself, “ it was a terrible job.” When William R. King sat he showed scrupulous care in the choice of every article of his dress and the manner of its arrangement. So precise was he in matters of this kind that his fellow-members rarely called him, outside the halls of Congress, by any other name than “ Miss Betsey.” Shively — above Chestnut, p. 104. — Below? Wells and pumps, p. 104. — The Green Tree pump was famous in its day and after 1800. It stood in Front street above Wal- nut, east side, a few doors above the stores of Robert Ralston. It was afterward covered over or filled up. P. 104. See p. 425 for an account of the riot at this house in 1779. THE PENN FAMILY. P. 105. William Penn’s mother was Margaret Jasper, a Dutch woman. P. 110. William Penn died July 30th, 1718, in his seventy- fourth year, at Ruscombe, Buckinghamshire. A week afterward he was buried in the ground of Jordan’s Meeting, Buckingham- shire. P. 117. There is a letter in the Poultney family dated “29th day of 2d mo., 1695,” by Rees Thomas and Martha Thomas, and addressed “most dear and tender father,” “ffor William Aubrey att Landbrod in Breckenocke Shire, South Wales, to be delivered with care,” which says : “ I and my wife and two chil- dren are at this present time ” [in health]. “ My son Aubrey was born y e 30 day of the 11 month on the fourth day of the week, 1694; his mother and he now very hearty. I do under- stand y* thee was not well pleased y‘ my eldest son was not called an Aubrey. I will assure thee I -was not against it, but my neighbors would have him called my name, being I bought y e land and I so beloved amongst them. I do admit to what thee sayest in thy letter y* an Aubrey was better known than I, though I am here very well acquainted with most in these parts 97 The Penn Family. He is the first Aubrey in Pennsilvania, and a stout boy he is of his age, being now a quarter. My uncle John Beevan came over very well, and a good voyage he had.” He then owned land in the township of Merion, county of Philadelphia, S. E. ; the other land is pretty far in the woods. Speaks of Edward Prichard’s land, also land joining John Eckly’s plantation formerly, and to John Humphreys and to Philip Price and Morris Lewelen and Stephen Eckly. “ Have built a barn and a shed for cattle and a stable, and am going to make a stone house for corn, and also built a cellar and one room with a chimney.” 1695 was a hard winter, and cattle died. Motto of the Penn Arms, p. 121. — The motto of Admiral Penn, the father of William Penn, was Dum clavum teneam, literally, “ While I hold the helm,” meaning, according to in- ference, “ While I hold the helm the ship sails safely.” . . . . Admiral Sir William Penn, at the time of his death, left two sons and one daughter. Richard, the younger son, survived him only three years. William was the elder. His sister Margaret married Anthouy Lowther of Maske, who was a member of Parliament, and their son became a baronet. During the American war, etc., p. 126. — A law was passed November 27, 1779, for vesting the Penn estate in the Prov- ince, for which the State agreed to pay one hundred and thirty thousand pounds sterling to the legatees and devisees of Thomas and Richard Penn, late Proprietaries, and the widow of Thomas Penn — the first payment to be made in one year after the peace was signed. On April 2, 1785, the Council, being ready to pay, order an advertisement for the proper parties to appear and re- ceive their shares. (See Colonial Records, vol. xiv. p. 397.) P. 126. Granville John Penn, son of Grenville Penn, ar- rived here in 1852. He was about forty years of age, intelli- gent, a modest and unassuming man, a little deaf. It was pro- posed in the Legislature to give him a public reception at Har- risburg, but it did not carry. April 13, 1857, Granville J. Penn, after an absence of about a year, having returned from Europe, presented to the Pennsyl- vania Historical Society the belt of wampum delivered by the Indians to William Penn at the Treaty under the Great Tree in 1682, it having been preserved in the family till now. (See the U. S. Gazette of April, 1857, for an official account of the in- teresting proceedings at the presentation.) A very neat lithographic chart of the Penn family, prepared and distributed to his friends, was published by Thomas Gilpin in 1852, and dedicated to Gr. J. Penn. Its author, Thomas Gilpin, an excellent and intelligent man, died March 32, 1853 and was buried at Laurel Hill. William Penn’s Descendant in America. — The hall of the His Vol. III.— G 9 1)8 Annals of Philadelphia. tori cal Society was visited by the great-great-great-grandson of William Penn, now resident in London, Peter Penn-Gaskell, Esq., of Shanagarry Castle in Ireland, and his wife, an English lady. The party were received by the president and other offi- cers of the society, and some hours were spent in examining the “Penn Manuscripts” (now contained in about eighty large vol- umes) and the numerous very curious and authentic memorials of the founder of our Commonwealth — among them his Bible. The volume contains an engraved book-plate, with Penn’s name thus given in an antique letter : “ William Penn, Esqr., Pro- prietor of Pennsylvania, 1703.” One of the Descendants of Penn . — In 1877 the funeral of Mary Penn-Gaskell, wife of Dr. Isaac T. Coates of Chester, Pa., took place from the residence of her mother, No. 4058 Chestnut street, Philadelphia. Deceased was a daughter of Peter Penn-Gaskell, who was descended from Peter Gas- kell, the husband of one of William Penn’s granddaughters. At this marriage the family name was changed to Penn- Gaskell, its members being the only descendants of Penn in America. The Penn Society was established about the year 1824 to commemorate the landing of William Penn. In Independ- ence Hall is a large portrait of William Penn which was painted for the Penn Society. (For various accounts of the commemoration of the landing of William Penn by the Penn Society, see Hazard’s Register, vols. ii. to xvi.) The last account of a celebration by the society in that publication is in October, 1835. At that time J. Parker Norris was president of the so- ciety, and Peter S. Duponceau vice-president. The latter, in his speech on that occasion, said that the society had been in operation eleven years. It built the small monument at the Treaty Ground in Kensington in 1827. The Penn Society celebrated the one hundred and ninety-fifth anniversary of the landing of William Penn at New Castle on October 27th, 1877. The celebration ought to have been on November 7th, 1877, according to new style. It was on the 27th of October, 1682 (old style), that the Founder arrived at New Castle. By the reformation of the calendar in 1752 eleven days were dropped, and it is still necessary to drop eleven days , which operation pushes forward a real anniversary or turning of a year eleven days. Thus, we celebrate the birthday of Wash- ington — who was born February 11th, old style — on the 22d of February. The Character of Penn. 99 THE CHARACTER OF WILLIAM PENN. The following eloquent address was delivered by the Hon. Wayne McVeagh before the Penn Club of Philadelphia on the one hundred and ninety-fifth anniversary of the landing of Wil- liam Penn, the Founder of Pennsylvania. The audience included prominent men of the city, and as special guests the members of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Gentlemex : The executive committee of the Penn Club thought it not unbecoming to gather its friends together upon this anniversary of the landing of him whose name it bears upon the soil of the State he founded, and their partiality has devolved upon me the agreeable duty of expressing the gratification the members of the club feel at your presence, and the heai’tiness of the welcome they desire to prolfer you. They are especially glad to receive the learned members of the Historical Society of Penn- sylvania, and to avail themselves of this opportunity to bear their testimony to the inestimable value of the distinguished services that society has already rendered, and the services more distin- guished, if possible, which it is destined to render, in enlightening and elevating the patriotism of the citizens of the imperial Com- momvealth whose early history it has caused to be investigated with so much patience and illustrated with so great discernment. It is, indeed, on no less an authority than my Lord Bacon, who, in “ the true marshalling of the sovereign degrees of honor/’ assigns “ the first place to the conditores imperiorum, founders of states and commonwealths;” and cultivated communities have always com- memorated with pride the virtues of the heroic men who laid the foundations of their strength and greatness. Apart, however, from any patriotic interest natural to us, the story of American colonization is one of the most interesting and attractive episodes in human history. It was an age of marvellous ambition and of marvellous achievements; and except those sunny years at Athens during which the human spirit attained and preserved the serenest and completest culture it has ever known, perhaps blood was never less sluggish, thought never less commonplace, lives never less monotonous, than in the early days of the settlement of America. Great scientific discoveries had filled the minds of men with thirst for wider knowledge. Mechanical inventions of price- less value had awakened in them an eager desire to avail them- selves of their advantages. By the aid of movable type wise books could be cheaply printed. By the aid of the mariner’s compass great ships could be safely sailed. By the aid of gunpowder vir- gin lands could be rescued from savage tribes. The illustrious names of that illustrious time crowd upon our recollection, for their renown still kindles the flame of a generous emulation in all the leading departments of virtuous human effort — in art, in ad- venture, in discovery of new lands, in philosophy, in poetry, ir 100 Annals of Philadelphia. searching for the secrets of Nature, in subjecting the forces of Nature to the will of man, in heroism in war by sea and by land, in sacrifices for liberty of conscience. It cannot therefore do us harm to stand, as it were, a little while in the presence of any emi- nent man of that formative period, and by the contemplation of his spirit to quicken our own as by coals of fire from off an altar. In Sir Thomas More’s portrayal of the perfect state we are told that “ they set up in the market-place the images of such men as had been bountiful benefactors to the commonwealth, for the per- petual memory of their good acts, and also that the glory and renown of the ancestors might stir and provoke their posterity to virtue.” This is an anniversary of the most momentous event in the eventful career of him who has been our most bountiful bene- factor, and we may wisely, therefore, withdraw a few moments from the social enjoyments of the evening to look once more upon a likeness of our Founder. It is true that when he landed at Up- land he entered into possession of a Province which had before attracted the attention of great statesmen, and been selected by them as the theatre of a novel and lofty experiment in govern- ment ; for it was here that Gustavus Adolphus hoped to secure a city of refuge for the oppressed, and the sagacious Oxenstiern hoped to realize his beneficent scheme of colonization ; and it was here that Christina had founded a New Sweden, whose simple- minded, pious, and frugal citizens purchased the lands they cov- eted, and tilled them with their own hands, living in peace with all their neighbors ; but nevertheless the coming of William Penn was the founding of Pennsylvania, and in spite of all abatement, though he Was flamed For Adam, much more Christ, yet he was eminently worthy of the greatness of his trust. He had inherited a distinguished name and a great opportunity. His grandfather had been a captain in the English merchant service in the latter years of the reign of Elizabeth, when that service was perhaps the best school which ever existed to render men alert, brave, self-reliant, and capable of confronting any peril with an equal mind. His father had been raised in the same school, and had developed at a very early age remarkable capacity for naval warfare. To this capacity he added a handsome pres- ence, courtly manners, and such political virtue as was not incom- patible with regarding his own advancement as the principal duty of his life. At twenty-one he was a captain in the English navy, at thirty-one he was vice-admiral of England, at thirty-four he was a member of Parliament, at forty-three he was captain-com- mander under the duke of York, and died shortly after his retire- ment from the naval board, before he had attained fifty years of age. The rapidity of his promotion to great offices is very re- The Character of Penn. 101 markable when it is remembered that he served the Parliament, Charles I., the Lord Protector, and Charles II., and continued to rise steadily notwithstanding the civil war and the frequent changes of administration it produced. He was quite evidently a worldly-minded man, but he was also wise with the wisdom of the world, and by adding to his great services the favor of his sovereign he laid the foundation of a noble house, needing only for its security that his son should follow in his footsteps and with filial piety accept the wealth and rank and fame which were proffered him. The son had been born near the Tower of Lon- don while his father was sailing down the Thames to join Lord Warwick in the Irish seas, and had passed his childhood with his mother, Margaret Jasper of Rotterdam, at their country-house at Wamstead in Essex. He was only eleven years of age when his father returned from the fruitless attack upon Hispaniola and was consigned to the Tower by Cromwell. But at that early age he was profoundly impressed by his father’s misfortune. When about sixteen years of age he was sent to Oxford, and was matric- ulated as a gentleman commoner at Christ Church. At that time the world certainly appeared to be opening before his youthful vision in undimmed radiance and beauty. The son of a great admiral, who was also a great favorite of the king and of his royal brother, he entered upon his academical career under the most brilliant auspices. Fond of study and athletic sports, a diligent reader and good boatman, he easily won his way to the esteem of his teachers and the regard of his fellows, and for a time he satisfied all expectations ; but for students of high intel- ligence and sensitive conscience venerable and beautiful Oxford, “ spreading her gardens to the moonlight, and whispering from her towers the last enchantments of the Middle Ages,” possesses a charm which may be a danger. Walking in the spacious mea- dows of his college or meditating beneath her noble elms, Wil- liam Penn became possessed by the genius of the place, for the chief university of the world has always been “ the home of lost causes, and forsaken beliefs, and unpopular names, and impos- sible loyalties.” It was while under the influence of this spirit that he was attracted by the doctrines of George Fox, and for his stubborn loyalty to what he was then pleased to call his con- victions he was finally expelled. To withdraw him as much as possible from the thoughts upon which he was at that time intent, his father sent him to the Continent, and at Paris he was pre- sented at the court of the Grand Monarch and heartily welcomed. He entered with becoming spirit into the enjoyments of the French capital, and proved his title to its citizenship by fighting a duel in its streets. Thence he went to the famous College of Saumur, where he finished those liberal studies which made him not only an accomplished linguist, but a man of most varied and generous culture. He afterward travelled through France ano 9 * 102 Annals of Philadelphia. Italy, and returned to England to dance attendance at Whitehall for a brief period, and to share in the perils of a naval engage- ment on board the flagship of his father. He afterward devoted some attention to the law as a student at Lincoln’s Inn, but he soon joined the staff of the duke of Ormond, then viceroy of Ire- land. While acting in this capacity he saw some military service, and apparently contracted a strong desire to devote himself to the career of a soldier. Indeed, he earnestly and repeatedly sought his father’s permission to enter the British army, but the permis- sion was steadily refused. It was at this interesting period of his life that the authentic portrait of him now in possession of our Historical Society was painted — a portrait which dispels many of the mistaken opinions of his person and his character generally entertained. It presents him to us clad in armor, of frank coun- tenance and features delicate and beautiful, but resolute, with his hair “ long and parted in the centre of his forehead,” “ falling over his shoulders in massive natural ringlets.” This portrait bears the date of his twenty-second birthday and the martial motto, “ Pax quceritus belloP It is to William Penn, as presented by this portrait, that I es- pecially desire to attract your attention this evening — to William Penn as an accomplished cavalier, a ripe scholar, a brave soldier, and in the full glow of his youthful beauty, the product of the quiet years of motherly companionship at Wamstead, of the rest- less, aspiring, combative years at Christ Church, of the gay society of Paris, of the studious vigils at Saumur, of Italian air and sky, of the depraved court at Whitehall, of the chambers of Lincoln’s Inn, of the vice-regal staff at Dublin, of the joy of battle on the deck beside his father in the Channel, or joining as a volunteer in the attack at Carrickfergus. This portrait fitly represents him in mail, for his life thencefor- ward was one long battle, relieved only by the brief repose of his courtship and his honeymoon in the attractive and historic circle in which he found his wife — a circle which included Isaac Pen- nington, Thomas Ellwood, and John Milton. It is not my pur- pose, as it is not my privilege, to detain you upon this occasion with any elaborate statement of his subsequent life or any elabo- rate estimate of his character. Ample opportunity will be afforded in the recurrence of this anniversary and the celebration of it for the diligent historical students who honor us with their presence to-night to arrange the details of that life in lucid order and to praise his character with discriminating eulogy. Its main outlines only concern us now, but those outlines ai’e full of instruction and of interest for us all. We know, and we are glad to know, that his desire to be useful to his fellow-men could not exhaust itself even by preaching the gospel as he understood it, in season and out of season, but that to this great labor of love he added other like labors scarcely less great. He defended the rights of con- The Character of Penn. 103 science. He defended the liberties of Englishmen. He defended the privileges of jurymen. His first plea for toleration was in behalf of the sect with which he had the least sympathy. In obedience to his convictions of the truth of the creed he professed he endured the anger of his father, the loss of a peerage, separa- tion from home, opprobrium and contumely from men, and fre- quent and prolonged imprisonment. While his spirit was being purified by suffering, his mind was being widened by high con- verse with John Locke and Algernon Sidney; and at last, when all obstacles to the trial of the experiment of his principles of gov- ernment upon a virgin soil were overcome, he could truthfully exclaim, as he received the royal charter for his Province : “God hath given it to me in the face of the world He will bless and make it the seed of a nation.” It was therefore very pre- cious freight which the good ship “Welcome” brought to these shores the day whose anniversary we celebrate, for it carried the sublime religious and political principles of William Penn and the illimitable influences of his wise and beneficent government, whose corner-stone was civic peace, born of justice, and whose cap-stone was religious liberty, born of toleration. There was doubtless much in his life which was inconsistent with the highest standards of the religion he professed, but this inconsistency he shared with every man who professes the Christian faith, and the contradictions in his career are easily reconciled in the light of his youth and early manhood ; but his virtue and his glory are his alone, for in the seventeenth century he discovered and proclaimed the political utility of liberty, of justice, of peace, of a free press, and a liberal system of education — the principles on which rest the blessings of the present and the hopes of the future of the human race. Whenever, therefore, we are pained with the perusal of the sad record of his later years, the ingratitude he experienced, the embarrassments he suffered, the injustice he endured, as we follow his declining steps to the undistinguished grave where he lies buried, we may see as in retrospect the long pathway by which he travelled thither, learn the secret of the divine inspiration by which the young soldier at its beginning was transformed before its close into an immortal benefactor of mankind, friend of liberty, friend of justice, friend of peace, apostle of God. “ Live and take comfort. Thou hast left behind Powers which will work for thee. .... Thou hast great allies ; Thy friends are exultations, agonies, and love, And man’s unconquerable mind.” P. 128. For a short sketch ot Caleb Pusey see Proud, vol. i. p. 337, note, and see Reg. Penna., vol. vii. p. 83. He came over with William Penn 1682. He lived in Chester county, 104 Annals of Philadelphia. and died 12th month, 1725 [February], aged seventy- six. In 1687 he petitions (as keeper of the mill on Chester Creek, so that he may have built this afterward) the Commissioners of Property to prevent Thomas Coburn from setting up a mill on Chester Creek “ above his,” “ which would be to his great dam- age.” His petition was granted. (See “No. 17 Minutes of Property, Book C, 1687,” p. 6-12, at Harrisbui’g.) His mill was built before this time, and the date on vane, “ 1699,” cannot be that of its erection ; and as it was “ the first mill ” in the county, it was pi’obably soon after his arrival. The question of the first mill in Pennsylvania was discussed in the Germantown Telegraph and the Evening Journal in October, 1858. (See Vol. II., Watson, p. 27.) Richard Townsend once dwelt, p. 128. — It appears that Richard Townsend was only one of ten partners in this mill. (See some particulars in History of Delaware County, by Dr. Smith, p. 147.) State of Society once possessing Chester, p. 129. — Chester, about 1840, was famed for its good public-houses, which made it a fashionable drive from Philadelphia for many. Edward Drinker, p. 133. — Should be John. (See p. 513.) PENN’S TREATY AT ELM TREE. P. 134. Fairman’s House and Treaty Tree my father fre- quently had seen. The limbs of the tree were so large that goats ran upon its branches. — W. P. H. P. 137. See Hazard’s Annals, p. 634, also Memoirs Hist. Soc. Penna., vol. iii., pt. 2, p. 143, for report of a committee (P. S. Duponceau and J. Francis Fisher) on the subject of the Treaty. The testimony produced in this report, which contains nearly all that has been written about the subject, we think tends to prove that such a conference or treaty did take place, probably in November, 1682, at Shackamaxon, under the Elm Tree which was blown down in 1810. The treaty was probably made with the Lenni Lenape or Delaware tribes and some of the Susque- hannas ; it was probably “ a treaty of amity and friendship,” and perhaps confirmatory of one made previously by Markham. In 1690, Penn issued proposals for a new town on the Susque- hanna, offering the lots “clear of all Indian Pretensions, for it has been my way from the first to purchase their title from them, and so settle with their consent.” In September, 1700, in a treaty made by the Susquehannas, they allude to “ the former much greater costs and charges the said William Penn hath been at in treating about and pui’chasing the same,” and confirm to him the lands on both sides of the river. (See Reg. Penna., i. 444.) Penn’s Treaty with the Indians. 105 In Clarkson’s Life of Penn, vol. i., lie enters largely into the subject of the Elm Tree Treaty, and gives the speeches made and a description of Penn’s dress. Roberts Vaux in Memoirs Hist. Socy., vol. i. p. 79, and Proud’s and Gordon’s Histories Penna., should be consulted. In 1857, Granville Penn presented the Historical Society the belt of warn pun delivered to Penn at the Elm Treaty Tree, showing the family had some tradition con- nected with it. This matter of a treaty by Penn has been fully discussed by Westcott in his able and full History of Philadelphia. His con- clusions are: “There is no contemporary evidence of such a treaty ever having been made. Penn never spoke of it in any of his numerous letters which have been preserved, nor do any of his correspondents mention it. There is no evidence of any kind to show that there was a treaty of amity at Shackamaxon between the Indians and Penn — nothing but tradition. The story has its origin in the fact that William Markham had a conference with the Indians before Penn’s arrival. The Founder sent over by him a letter declaring that he would deal with them in peace and friendship. We have seen a letter from Markham to Penn iD which he says that the conference was held ; and it was probably at Shackamaxon, because when he first came he boarded with Thomas Fairman, who lived there, and in front of whose house was the tree afterward called the ‘ Treaty Tree.’ It would be natural to assemble the Indians there as the most convenient place.” P. 137. “ While some workmen were yesterday engaged in preparing to build a wharf near the Penn mansion at Kensing- ton, they dug up a part of the Treaty Tree ” [Penna. Inquirer, Dec. 29, 1846.) This certainly appears to have been the earliest land treaty, p. 143.’ — This is a mistake, for Markham purchased land in 1682 below the falls. (See Hazard’s Annals, p. 581.) 106 Annals of Philadelphia. SWEDES’ CHURCH AND THE SWEDES. In 1700 the present brick church, p. 147. — “ 1700, July 2. The church was dedicated, being first Sunday after Trinity, by Rev. Mr. Biork ; text, 2 Sam. v. 29. It cost about twenty thousand Swedish dollars.” (See Clay’s Annals Swedes, pp. 80-82.) The parsonage-house, now standing, was built in 1737, p. 148. — In 1733 the parsonage was built, which was pulled down in 1832, and a new one erected on or near the same spot, and occu- pied by the pastor, Rev. Dr. Clay of the Episcopal Church, with which Wicaco is now united. He published a small volume en- titled Annals of that church. Four years after the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock, in 1620, the famous Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden conceived the idea of planting a colony on the shores of the Delaware. He did not live to witness the fulfilment of his hopes, but in 1638, during the reign of his daughter, Queen Christina, and nearly fifty years before Penn reached New Castle, a band of Swedish colonists found a home on the Delaware, erecting a block-house at Wicaco (the Indian name for the region) for defence against the Indians. They were a God-fearing, industrious race, and as early as 1646 their first church was consecrated on Tinicum Island. The result, however, was far from agreeable, for it is related that Governor Printz’s daughter, living on the island, “ did much abuse ye honest Swedes, selling the church-bell, and committing other like outrages.” In 1667 the Swedes erected a church at Crane Hook, about one and a half miles from Fort Christina, on the south side of the creek, in which both the Dutch and Swedes assembled for worship. The church early built in the fort had served them for about twelve years. The church now erected was a wooden one ; no vestige of it or the graveyard remains ; an orchard occupies their place. About 1669 a block-house with loopholes was erected. In 1677 a parish was organized, and this block-house on the main land was used as a church until the present edifice was erected. At the time of William Penn’s arrival, who is said to have landed near this spot when he came from Chester, the site of the block-house was a beautiful shaded knoll, sloping gradu- ally down to the river. North of it, where Christian street is, was a little inlet, and on the north side of the inlet was another knoll on which was situated the log cabin of three Swedish brothers, Swenson or Swanson, who sold to William Penn the site of Philadelphia, and who were, besides, at one time the owners of Southwark, Moyamensing, and Passyunk. Old Swedes’ Church (Gloria Dei), erected on the site of this block-house, is now one of the oldest landmarks of Philadelphia, and on Sunday, May 27, 1877, within its historic walls was cele- brated the two hundredth anniversary of the formation of the Old Swedes’ Church. 107 parish. The previous year the one hundred and seventy-sixth anniversary of the dedication of the present building was cele- brated. At that time the rector, Rev. Snyder B. Simes, said in reference to this anniversary : “ But I cannot stop here, nor can I at this time enlarge on that exceedingly interesting portion of our history embraced between the first arrival of the colonists, in 1636 or 1637, and the dedi- cation of this church in 1700. For, as many of you are aware, venerable as this church is, still it is not the original building which stood on this spot, for as early as Trinity Sunday, 1677, the first sermon was preached by the Rev. Mr. Fabritius in the ‘ Old Block Church/ as it was called, though as far back as 1646 the Swedes consecrated their first church on Tinicum Island. Its distance from Wicaco rendered it so inconvenient that the block- house was converted into a place of worship, as I have already said, in 1677, and this was afterward used for divine service till this present church was erected. As, therefore, Trinity Sunday, 1877, will mark the two hundredth anniversary of the dedica- tion of this site to the worship of the Almighty and the organ- ization of this parish, I, for my part, do not think it should pass by unnoticed ; and, believe me, whoever may be appointed to preach the sermon on that day will find a rich fund of material from which to draw, so interesting and fascinating that it is hard now to pass it all by in a single sentence.” The church records commence abruptly in the year 1750; not a scrap of paper in the shape of parish records is to be found here which was written prior to that year. It is supposed that these early records were taken back to Sweden, and correspond- ence is now in progress to secure their return if they can be found.* Five years after his first sermon Rev. Mr. Fabritius was stricken with blindness, but continued in the discharge of his duty for a number of years to 1691, when his infirmity com- pelled him to resign. From that time up to 1697 the parish was without a pastor. In the year named three missionaries were sent from Sweden by King Charles XI., who appropriated three thousand dollars and a great number of Bibles, primers, catechisms, and other books, which were eagerly received, and the Rev. Andrew Rudtnan was placed in charge. It is related that the members of the society regarded him “ as an angel sent from heaven.” It was during the pastorate of Mr. Rudman that the congregation decided to * These records are stated to have been in the possession of the clergy con- nected with this ancient church as late as 1830, at which time they mysteriously disappeared. Parties have been actively engaged in searching for them, and have worked out every clew or theory which has been advanced as to their dis- posal, and they now think that they were surreptitiously carried away by parties who may have been interested in their disappearance. The late Joseph J Mickley said that copies might be in Sweden, as he had been informed that there were a number of reports of the churches in America, but that he did, no- tee them. 108 Annals of Philadelphia. build the present church. A dispute arose as to its location, a number of members being in favor of a site on the Schuylkill. To end the difficulty, the whole matter was given into the hands of the clergy, with the stipulation that there should be a “fine of ten pounds imposed on any who should find fault with what was done therein.” This was decisive, and in 1700 the church was completed. The communion service still used in the Old Swedes - Church was presented by Magdalene Robeson, eldest daughter of Rev. Andreas Rudman, the first pastor, and Elizabeth Vander- spiegle, his granddaughter, in 1773. The old bell in use for so many years was cast in 1643, and contained the inscription — “ I to the church the living call, And to the grave do summons all.” It was recast and enlarged in 1806 by G. Hedderly. Beneath the chancel lie the remains of the first pastor of the church, a tablet to his memory contains the inscription : “ This monument covers the remains of the Rev. Andreas Rud- man ; being sent hither from Sweden, he first founded and built this church, was a constant and faithful preacher in the English, Swedish, and Dutch churches ; eleven years in this country, where he advanced true piety by sound doctrine and good example. He died September 17, A. D. 1708, aged 40 years.” The building is thirty feet in width by sixty feet in depth, and stands on the west side of Swanson street, near the Delaware. Since 1700 some changes have been made, a vestry added and some supports for strengthening the walls. In 1846 side-gal- leries were erected inside to accommodate the increasing member- ship, a new organ purchased, and the old pulpit and pews re- placed by those of a more modern style. But the same carved cherubs that gazed down on the Swedes one hundred and seventy- seven years ago still decorate the organ-loft, and the baptismal font at the left of the altar is the original one brought from Sweden. On the walls are two tablets — one to the memory of Rev. John Curtis Clay, and one to the Rev. Nicholas Collin, who was the last missionary sent to this country by the Swedish gov- ernment. In the chancel, and also in the quaint cld graveyard outside, repose the remains of many of the first pastors and their wives and other great-hearted men and women. The oldest tombstones in the churchyard, being a serpentine stone, have withstood the ravages of time and are in excellent condition, while those of a more recent date, being of soft marble, have so crumbled away that the inscriptions on them have become scarcely legible. One of the oldest — the oldest to be found with a legible epitaph — has this inscription : “Mrs. Margaret Boone — 1708. “ She lived a widow two and twenty years. Five children Old Swedes’ Church. 109 had, and by one husband dear. Two of y e same in y® ground lies interred here.” About the same date is a tablet to the memory of Pastor San- ders children. It bears date “ April y® 21st, 1708,” and “August y® 13th, 1711.” Mr. Sandel returned to Sweden in 1719. Hang- ing in the vestry is the naturalization paper of Rev. Andrew Rudman, signed by William Penn and dated 1701, 6th month and 12th day. The first parsonage was erected 1733, mainly through the efforts of one Peter Johnson, who was afterward arrested and thrown in prison for debts contracted during the building. As far back as the year 1700 and earlier, numerous land-grants were made it, and at one time the society owned nearly all the land in the neighborhood. Portions of the land were occupied by settlers without leave or license, and in one way or another the possessions of the society were frittered away, with the excep- tion of a few lands of but little value. Point Breeze Park, where the parsonage of the first pastor was located, before its sale by the church brought the magnificent rental of three dollars and thirty- three cents yearly ! From the organization of the parish to the present time the whole number of pastors has been sixteen, of whom Rudman, Lidman, Dylander, Von Wrangel, Collin, and Clay are the most noted. The tenets of the original worshippers of this church were Lutheran. Rev. Jonas Lidman was recalled in 1730, and took home some presents of peltry from the congregation to the king and Bishop Swedburg. Rev. J. Ensberg (or Eneberg), pastor of the church at Christina, officiated until the arrival of Rev. Gabriel Falck in 1733, who only remained one year, going to St. Gabriel’s at Morlatton. Rev. John Dylander arrived No- vember 2d, 1737, and officiated as pastor for four years with great zeal. He died November 2, 1741 ; his monument in the church says in 1742. He was succeeded by Rev. Gabriel Nes- man, who arrived in 1743, October 20th. He served faithfully until his recall in 1750, when he was succeeded by Rev. Olof Parvin, who arrived on the Speedwell July 5th. Other Swedish ministers about this time were Rev. Petrus Tranberg and Rev. Eric Unander, pastors at Racoon and Pennsneck, N. J., ; Rev. John Ensberg of Christina and Provost Rev. Israel Acrelius of Christina, and who must have occasionally filled the pulpit of Wicaco during vacancies. In 1733 the parsonage was built. The glebe in Passyunk was rented, and the two lots also at Wicaco. Previous to 1845 the society was known as the Swedish Episco- pal, but in that year it joined itself to a convention of the present diocese and became Protestant Episcopal. Under the manage- ment of the present rector, the Rev. Snyder B. Simes, the church xo 110 Annals of Philadelphia. has had unwonted prosperity. There is not a single unrentea pew, while the Sabbath-school numbers nearly seven hundred scholars. On Sunday, May 27, 1877, Mr. Simes delivered a sermon on the history of the society anterior to 1700, from which many of the foregoing facts have been extracted. His text was from 1 Kings viii. 57 : “ The Lord our God be with us, as He was with our fathers ; may He never leave us or forsake us.” The seating capacity of the cozy little building is only four hundred and eighty / and long before the time service was to commence every available seat and all the standing-room was taken by a cultivated and lefined audience. In the afternoon another large audience assembled to listen to a discourse by the Rev. Jesse Y. Burk of Trinity Church, Catharine street. Mr. Burk treated in an ex- tended manner of the times in Sweden previous to the founding of the first colony on the Delaware. The parish of St. Gabriel at Morlatton in Montgomery co., now Douglassville, was vacated by Rev. Samuel Hesselius in 1731, and occupied by Rev. Gabriel Falck in 1735, and from then until 1745, and after that occasionally by the Lutheran minister at the Trappe, Rev. Henry M. Muhlenberg. The church was erected in 1735, and was replaced by the present one in 1801. A VENERABLE CHURCH. OISE HUNDRED AND SEVENTEENTH ANNIVERSARY OF OLD SWEDES’ (CHRIST’S) CHURCH, UPPER MERION— HISTORICAL SKETCH. The one hundred and seventeenth anniversary of Old Swedes’ (Christ’s) Church, Upper Merion, was celebrated June 24, 1877, in the presence of a large congregation. The venerable edifice was decorated with flags sent from Sweden, and the altar and bap- tismal font were beautifully adorned with flowers. In the year 1700, Gloria Dei Church, Swanson street near Christian, Phila- delphia, was organized by the Swedes who settled along the river. Out of this, the mother-church, grew Christ’s Church, Upper Merion, and St. James’s Church, Kingsessing. These three churches were for some time associated together under one rector, who was stationed at Gloria Dei Church. His assistants, however, were principally from the Protestant Episcopal Church. Christ’s Church, Upper Merion, was erected in 1760, and dedi- cated June 25th of that year by the Rev. Charles Magnus M ran- ge 1, D. D., a Swedish nobleman sent over by the king of Sweden. Dr. Wrangel remained there eight years, and was much beloved by the people. A number of Swedish missionaries were then sent over ; among whom were the Rev. Mr. Goerinsen, Rev. Matthias Hultgren, and Rev. Nicholas Collin. The latter was in Ill Swedes’ Church, Upper Merion. charge over forty years, and was held in the highest esteem by his congregation. His remains are interred in Gloria Dei churchyard. At his death Rev. Jehu C. Clay, D. D., was chosen rector in 1831 of the united parishes ; he continued until 1843, and in that year, on application to the Legislature, an act of Assembly was passed dissolving the association, when the three churches became independent. Gloria Dei and St. James’s Church, Kingsessing, united with the Protestant Episcopal Convention of the diocese, but Christ Church, Upper Merion, still retains its primitive cha- racter. At the time of the separation Rev. Dr. Clay became rector of Gloria Dei Church, and Rev. Edward N. Lightner of Lancaster took charge of Christ’s Church, Upper Merion, where he remained from 1844 to 1855, when failing health compelled him to resign. He was succeeded by Rev. William Henry Rees, D. D., of Staten Island, who continued there about six years, and was suc- ceeded by Rev. Thomas S. Yocum, of Swedish descent, who re- mained until 1870. He was followed in July, 1870, by Rev. Octavius Perinchief. He remained until the autumn of 1873, when he resigned, and on his recommendation Rev. E. A. War- riner of Montrose was chosen rector, and continued until the spring of 1875, when he tendered his resignation. The congre- gation desired to have Mr. Perinchief back, and a call was ex- tended to him, which he accepted. He took charge April 20, 1876, and remained until his death, April 29, 1877. Mr. Perin- chief was held in the highest esteem, and the congregation deeply feel his loss, and have erected a granite monument to his memory. In 1837 an addition was built to Christ Church, Upper Merion, making it cruciform. It is eighty-five feet in length to the chan- cel-window, and the width of the front is twenty-five feet, of the rear part forty-five feet. The church has a seating capacity for four hundred and fifty persons, and the number of communicants is one hundred. The oldest tombstone in the graveyard bears date 1744, and is that of “Diana Rambo, aged thirty-six years.” On Sunday, June 24, 1877, the morning service was read by Rev. Henry C. Mayer, after which the sermon was preached by him from the text: “And when He was entered into a ship His disciples followed Him. And behold there arose a great tempest in the sea, insomuch that the ship was covered with the waves ; but He was asleep, and His disciples came to Him and awoke Him, saying, ‘ Lord, we perish ; ’ and He saith unto them, ‘ Why are ye fearful, O ye of little faith ?’ Then He arose and rebuked the winds and the sea, and there was a great calm.” — Matt. viii. 23-27. Here is represented one of the most interesting and impressive miracles. It is one of those which test whether we believe in the miraculous or not. We notice it was the presence of Jesus Chris! in that boat which constituted the sole pledge of their safety. As 112 Annals of Philadelphia. under the old dispensation His flood bore safely the ark, so in the new dispensation, though the waves of persecution rage around that sacred vessel the Church, she can never be destroyed. Con- stantine, the great emperor, was converted by that remarkable cross bearing on it “ In hoc signo vinces.” During the lifetime of Luther and his colaborers the clash of arms was heard through- out Christendom. In the Thirty Years’ War was Gustavus Adol- phus the captain-general of the Protestant League. It was he himself who first conceived the idea of planting in this land the Swedish colony to whom this church owes its origin. Slaves, said this great king, cost a great sum and labor with reluctance. Before this colony could be established, Gustavus Adolphus returned to the battle-field which proved fatal to him. His plan was, however, carried out in 1628 by his chancellor, Oxen- stiern. In 1699 the attention of the Swedish king was called to the great destitution of the colony, and he despatched two ministers to it. In the year 1702 a settlement was made by the Swedes in this immediate locality. In 1733 a school-house was estab- lished. Dr. Wrangel, who dedicated Christ Church in 1760, brought with him substantial aid from the king of Sweden. By degrees the Swedish service came into disuse, and that of the Protestant Episcopal Church was substituted. Swamon street, p. 149. — “ Singular Discovery. — In digging in the cellar of an old house in Swanson street above Shippen, known as the 1 Washington Hotel,’ a vault was discovered which extends to a considerable distance, and seems to have been used as a place of confinement. A large leaden pipe was found running along it of four or five inches in diameter, the use of which it is difficult to conjecture. In the wall was a large iron ring with a chain attached, and the bones of a human skeleton were found along- side of this.” — Bulletin and Inquirer, April 18, 1855. Samuel Hazard and others visited the place, and they saw nothing to warrant such a conclusion, but many things to lead to a belief that it was a hoax. Afterward, the Evening Bulletin, in which the above first appeared, came out with a considerable article leading to the same conclusion — i. e., “ bogus.” (See that paper of April 28, 1855.) Swedish Settlements on the Delaware . 113 PROVOST STILLE’S ADDRESS. Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, p. 153. — A meeting of the Historical Society was held April 16, 1877, to receive from the trustees of the Publication Fund a portrait of Christina, queen of the Swedes, the Goths, and the Vends, copied by Miss Elise Arn- berg of Stockholm from the original by David Beek, a pupil of Vandyke, in the National Museum at Stockholm. The cere- monies were very interesting; President Wallace and Vice-Pres- ident Jones made short addresses, and the venerable member Richard S. Smith presented the painting. The Swedish Quar- tette also sang several of their charming Swedish songs. The president then continued : “ The name of Stille is found among those of our early Swedish settlers, and is one of the not very many names of them which come down to us, and come down in form unchanged. For some have, by a very slight modification of a vowel or consonant, passed, I think, into forms not distin- guishable from those of our British colonists ; and some, through female lines or failure of issue, have in the course of near three centuries disappeared altogether. That of Stille, as I say, re- mains, and in this day has received new honor in the person of the accomplished provost of the University of Pennsylvania. “ No man among us is at all so capable to speak about these ancient colonists who came here under Queen Christina as the provost Stille ; and, if he will allow me, I will ask him to say something to us on this interesting occasion, where, with heredi- tary right, he is so naturally present.” Mr. Provost Stills then addressed the meeting : “ Me. President, Ladies, and Gentlemen: I think that the Historical Society is to be congratulated upon the acquisition of a portrait of Queen Christina. It will serve not merely to re- call an important epoch in our own local history, but also to em- phatically mark the period when the principles of European colon- ization on this continent, then quite novel, were established. It is true that the Swedish colony settled here in 1638 under the queen Christina was not the one projected on so magnificent a scale by her father, Gustavus Adolphus. The colony remained a dependency of the Swedish crown for only seventeen years ; its members were merely a few Swedish peasants, not exceeding, even sixty years after its settlement, a thousand in number ; it held within its bosom the germ of some of our characteristic American ideas, but it had little to do with their growth ; its in- habitants were a God-fearing, simple-hearted, law-abiding race, who, while they had, like all adventurers, dreams of a brighter home beyond the seas (for they named the first land they saw on Delaware Bay, Paradise Point), yet knew well that an earthly paradise can only be found by dint of hard work and self-deny- ing virtue. VOL. III.— II 10 * 114 Annals of Philadelphia. “ Yet in the general history of American colonization the sim- ple annals of these people are not without interest. It is not uninstructive, for instance, to find them at that early day, in op- position to the notions of public law then current in Europe, firmly holding that a true title to lands here should be based upon a purchase from the natives, followed up at once by the occupancy of Europeans ; it is pleasant to think of them, patient, contented, prosperous, never suffering from that restlessness of spirit which has in this country violated so many rights of neigh- borhood ; above all, they are to be honored for their persistent devotion to their religion and their Church — that Church which they and their children were able to preserve, in its complete organization, for more than one hundred and twenty years after the crown of Sweden had lost all power here, and which decayed only when the language of her ministrations became a strange tongue to her children. “ The early Swedes, unlike the early settlers from other coun- tries, did not dwell in towns. They were simple farmers, living on the shores of the Delaware and of its many affluents on both sides of the river. Their labors soon made the wilderness to blossom as the rose, and although they found not, as they had been promised, whales in Delaware Bay, nor a climate suited for the cultivation of the vine or the production of silk,* yet they gathered the abundant fruits of their toil in thankfulness, living in peace and quietness, serving God after the manner of their fathers, and, while jealous of the honor and dignity of the royal crown of Sweden, full of kindness and forbearance toward those who denied their claim to the lands upon which they dwelt. There is, indeed, a pastoral simplicity in the lives of these rugged chil- dren of the North when transplanted to the shores of the Del- aware which, to say the least, is not a common feature in our American colonization. Their ideal of life seems to have been a sort of modern Arcadia, where, ‘ Far from the madding crowd’s ignoble strife, Their sober wishes never learned to stray ; Along the cool, sequestered vale of life They kept the noiseless tenor of their way.’ u It is, I think, to be regretted that while we possess the por- trait of Queen Christina, we have not those of her great father, Gustavus Adolphus, and of their illustrious chancellor, Oxen- stiern. I firmly believe that these two men, in their scheme for colonizing the shores of the Delaware, are entitled to the credit * Of course whale-fishing as a pursuit is meant. At that time whales were not uncommon, and even now an occasional one is seen. A right whale of the lar- gest size was not long ago caught in Delaware Bay, and its fine skeleton is among the rich collections of the Academy of Natural Sciences. The vine can be culti- vated and silk produced, but whether with profit is yet to be determined. Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 115 of the first attempt in modern times to govern colonies for some higher purpose than that of enriching the commercial and manu- facturing classes of the mother-country. “ The gloomiest chapter in modern history, it has always seemed to me, is that which shows the result of the policy adopted by near- ly all the European nations toward those of their subjects who emigrated to this continent. It was based upon a desire to grat- ify the insatiable cupidity of the commercial spirit which had been evoked by the discovery of America. It was carried out persistently, with an utter disregard of the rights of the inhab- itants or subjects, or their interests as colonists. “ Far different was the policy which led to the Swedish colon- ization of the shores of the Delaware. The colony was projected by a king with all the resources of a powerful state at his disposal, and his wish was to establish here an empire upon a new basis, and not merely to provide another home beyond the seas for a few hundred Swedish peasants. It must be remembered that the Swedish emigrants were not fugitives from the persecution and oppression of their rulers at home, but that they were, on the contrary, favored subjects of their sovereign, proposed to be sent out under his express protection as the vanguard of an army to found a free state, where they and those who might join them, from whatever nation they might come, might be secure in the enjoyment of the fruits of their labor, and especially of their rights of conscience. No doubt the expectation of extending Swedish commerce was one of the motives which led to the founding of the colony, but it seems always to have been a subordinate one. If we wish to understand the real significance of the scheme, its paramount and controlling impulse, we must look upon the colony as the outgrowth of the Thirty Years’ War, and its establishment as a remedy for some of the mani- fold evils of that war which had suggested itself to the capa- cious and statesmanlike minds of Gustavus Adolphus and Ox- enstiern. It seems true that it was designed not so much as a place of settlement for Swedish freemen as a refuge where Ger- mans and Danes, who had been persecuted for conscience’ sake, might live in peace under the protection of the champion of Protestantism and Swedish law. “ It is true that this grand conception of the king and Oxen- stiern was never fully carried out. This was due to causes which neither of them could have foreseen or controlled, and it in no wise lessens the claim which the memory of both these great men has upon the gratitude of posterity. “ A glance at contemporaneous history will serve to show how novel and comprehensive were the views of colonization held by the great Gustavus. We are told that in 1626, Usselinx ob- tained from the king a charter for a commercial company with the privilege of founding colonies. The charter provided that 116 Annals of Philadelphia. the capital might be subscribed for by persons from an) country, and colonists were invited to join the expedition from every part of Europe. In this invitation the proposed colony was described as a benefit to the persecuted, a security to the honor of the wives and daughters of those whom war and bigotry had made fugi- tives, a blessing to the 1 common man ’ and to the whole Protest- ant world. “ What, then, was the condition of the Protestant world in 1626 that it needed such a refuge beyond the seas? I need only remind you of the gathering of the storm in England which three years later drove the Puritans across the ocean to found the colony of Massachusetts Bay. The Protestants in Germany and Denmark were at that time in the midst of that storm, exposed to all its pitiless fury. The Thirty Years’ War — a war unexampled in history for the cruel sufferings which it inflicted upon non-combatants — was at its height. The Protest- ants were yielding everywhere ; nothing could resist the military power of Wallenstein, who, supporting his army upon the pillage of the miserable inhabitants of the country, pressed forward to the shores of the Baltic, with the avowed intention of making that sea an Austrian lake. The great Protestant leaders, Mans- feld, Christian of Brunswick, the king of Denmark, were dead, anil their followers and their families were a mass of dispersed fugitives fleeing toward the North and imploring succor. Gus- tavus had not then embarked in the German war, but his heart was full of sympathy for the cause in which these poor people were suffering as martyrs, and I think it cannot be doubted that this scheme of colonization occurred to him as a practical method of reducing the horrors which he was forced to witness. “The faith of the king in the wisdom of this scheme seems never to have wavered. In the hour of his complete triumph over their enemies he begged the German princes whom he had rescued from ruin to permit their subjects to come here and live under the protection of his powerful arm. He spoke to them just before the battle of Liitzen of the proposed colony as ‘ the jewel of his crown,’ and after he had fallen a martyr to the cause of Protestantism on that field his chancellor, acting, as he says, at the express desire of the late king, renewed the patent for the colony, extended its benefits more fully to Germany, and secured the official confirmation of its provisions by the Diet at Frankfort. “ The colony which came to these shores in 1 638 was not the colony planned by the great Gustavus. The commanding genius which could forecast the permanent settlement of a free state here, based upon the principle of religious toleration — the same principle in the defence of which Swedish blood was poured out like water upon the plains of Germany — bad been removed from this world. With him had gone, not perhaps the zeal for his Poole’s Bridge — Penn’s Cottage. 117 grand and noble design, but the power of carrying it out. It has been said that the principle of religious toleration which was agreed to at the peace of Westphalia in 1648, which closed the Thirty Years’ War, and soon after became part of the public law of Europe, is the corner-stone of our modern civilization, and that it has been worth more to the world than all the blood that was shed to establish it. With this conflict and this victory the fame of Gustavus Adolphus is inseparably associated, but we ought not to forget that when, during the long struggle, he some- times feared that liberty of conscience could never be established upon an enduring basis in Europe, his thoughts turned to the shores of the Delaware as the spot where his cherished ideal of human society, so far in advance of the civilization of the age in which he lived, might become a glorious reality.” Poole’s Bridge, p. 156. — See Hazard’s Colonial Records, vol. ii. p. 561, where a petition from Philadelphia asks for “an alteration of a new road lately laid out from the river Delaware in the county of Bucks, opposite John Reading’s landing, to Philadelphia, and that in lieu thereof the road formerly laid out from Nathaniel Poole’ s to William Coates’s corner, and so over the Governor’s Mill Creek to the said mill’s landing-place, and from thence in a direct course to the end of the lane between the lands of Isaac Norris and Job Good- son, may be made the public road from this city to join said new road at the lane aforesaid.” Commissioners were appointed to lay it out accordingly — viz. R. Hill, Jonathan Dickinson, Thomas Mas- ters, Job Goodson, Richard Wain, and William Coates, or “some four of them,” Oct. 16, 1712. (See their report and record of it Jan. 14, 1712— 13, Col. Rees., vol. ii. p. 562.) LETITIA COTTAGE. Penn’s Cottage — “ Penn’s gate over against Friends’ Meeting,” etc., p. 158. — This is not the language used in Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 132. It is ordered to be read “before the governor’s gate in the town of Philadelphia.” (See it correctly quoted in I. p. 161.) “The new laws from their originals, under His Ex- cellency’s hand,” etc., are to be published by the sheriff and con- stables “at the market-place ” in Philadelphia. (Col. Rees., vol. i. p. 376.) And on p. 153 of same volume it is ordered that a “notice” (of a meeting of Council) be “Sett up at y® Gate.” “Friends’ Meeting,” moreover, was not built till 1695. (See further notes to p. 159.) Doyle’s inn resembled the engraving opposite p. 158 very much. P. 1 59. This old house or inn “ at the head of the court ” was removed about 1855, and the whole street opened to its width 118 Annals of Philadelphia. with the ten feet (?) passage over and beyond Black Horse alley (formerly Ewer’s alley). The old stables on the south of the alley were also removed, and a row of several fine brick stores running north and south built thereon, fronting upon the street or court formerly occupied by the stables. The street was after this extended through to Chestnut street, purchased by holders of property on each side, and fine stores were erected on it in 1856. See Hazard’s Col. Records , vol. i. p. 317, afterward repeated on p. 328, where the Proprietary says in a letter to his commissioners read 2d 11th mo., 1689-90: “If the Province will build me a house in the city for my reception, upon my lot, leaving me to make additions thereto if there be occasion, I hope to be there as soon as that is finished. I have sent Col. Markham my model.” There is a plan of this court and the neighborhood of Market and Second streets on record in Book M, No. 14, Recorder’s office, which places the Letitia or some other house at the head of the court in 1698; it is the only building on the court, none being then on the west side. This would seem to fix the question as to the “ Letitia House,” and that Penn had then no other house in the court. But this plan places the court nearer to Front street than the present court seems to be, though the shape of it appears to be the same. The plan was surveyed and drawn by Edward Pen- ington, surveyor-general.* On the site of the old “Jersey mar- ket,” standing in 1855, is placed “the prison;” twenty-four feet east of it “ the prison-yard,” and farther east “ plot designed for court-house.” The “ Cage ” and the “ Bell ” are placed at the intersection of Second and High streets, and the “Meeting- house” (Quaker) is at the south-west corner of Second and High, and Arthur Cook’s lot is at the north-west corner. The lot west of the court to Second street, and south upon it one hun- dred and twenty feet, and east to Front, is called “ Letitia Penn’s lot.” The plan is “ drawn this 23d day of the 12th month, 1698,” by Edward Penington, S. G. (See Bulletin or Inquirer of May 24, 1855.) “ Fishey court, Market street,” is mentioned in the Penna. Archives, vol. ix. p. 364. Was this Letitia court? and was the fish-market ever held there? Upon reviewing the testimony as to the location of Penn’s Cot- tage, we are inclined to believe, with Mr. Watson, the Rising Sun Hotel on the west side of the court to have been the original house constructed in 1682 or ’3 for William Penn, and afterward the property of his daughter, though in all our younger days we heard the house at the head of the court spoken of as the spot. * Edward Penington is called by Penn “ my brother-in-law.” He was the son of Isaac Penington, husband of the widow Lady Springett, the mother of Penn’s first wife, Gulielma Springett. It was therefore only courtesy in Penn calling Edward Penington his brother-in-law, he being only a half-brother to Gulielma Penn. He was appointed surveyor after the death of Thomas Holme. He died in 1701. The Slate-Roof House. 119 Yet it is very hard to get over the testimony we give of Pening- ton’s plan and survey. What other house could have stood there ? and if another house, why did he not put two houses down in his plan of 1698 ? If the house stood at the head of the court, it might have faced the river and yet been at the end of the court. This house of Penn’s might have afterward been torn down and a new one built on its site facing Market street, as the one torn down when the court was opened through did. About 1760 a house was built across the head of Letitia court, which was first occupied by Benjamin Jackson, then by William Brad- ford, and afterward by John Doyle, who changed the name from Leopard Tavern to Penn Hall. Gottlieb Zimmerman established after 1830 a “ free-and-easy,” the first of its kind, to which he charged a “ fip ” (or six and a quarter cents) admission, giving as a ticket a copper token on which his initials, “ G. Z.,” were stamped. As above stated, this inn was torn down in 1855. William Penn gave his daughter the house and lot on which it stood, and on her marriage to William Aubrey he agreed to in- crease the value up to two thousand pounds. The lots not sell- ing very rapidly, she and her husband became very urgent for her agent here to sell the lots into which the estate was cut up, and he even charged her father interest on whatever balance there was due of the two thousand pounds, until Penn himself became angered at their importunities and his grasping character. Her husband died before her, and she died in 1746. The house has for perhaps a hundred years been used as a tavern ; it was known as the Rising Sun Inn, and now as the Woolpack Hotel. P. 161. Penn’s instructions are dated Sept. 30th, 1681. (See Hazard’s Annals.) SLATE-ROOF HOUSE. P. 165. The Slate-Roof House, south-east corner of Second and Norris’s alley (now called Gothic street), was built by Sam- uel Carpenter about 1699. It is not exactly known who occu- pied it during the Revolution. The house was occupied as a boarding-house by somebody during the Revolution, and Baron Steuben and his aide, Major Peter S. Duponceau, put up there immediately after the British evacuation, in June, 1778. Isaac Norris removed from this house to his country estate of Fairhill in 1717. During Mrs. Graydon’s occupancy, besides many British officers and other distinguished persons, a number of distinguished ladigs boarded there, many of them belonging to the nobility. After Mrs. Graydon’s time Hancock and Washington stayed here in 1775. In after years it came to be occupied by various trades- men — tailors, engravers, silversmiths, jewellers, and a variety of 120 Annals of Philadelphia. others. The space between the bastions was filled and made into two stores. The property got to look very dilapidated and an- tique, and its tenants sunk to lower grades, and in my time I remember it a second-hand clothing shop, a fruit-store, shell- and curiosity-shop, etc. Elliott Cresson had left ten thousand dollars to purchase it for the Historical Society, but it was nothing like its value, and it was not bought. It was sold to the Commercial Exchange in 1868 by the Norris family heirs, and the present Commercial Exchange’s fine building stands upon its site. It was finished in March, 1869, burnt in the following December, and soon rebuilt. The eccentric General Charles Lee, etc., p. 166. — He died Octo- ber 2, 1782, at the sign of the Conestoga Wagon, in Market street, second story, almost unattended except by his two faithful dogs. He was buried in Christ’s Church yard, and it may have been from the Slate House. (See Shallcross’s Tables, vol. ii. p. 259 ; Letter from Dr. Clarkson to Rev. Dr. Belknap in Life of Dr. B., pp. 94, 95 ; and Cymry of 1776, by Dr. Alex. Jones, p. 24, but which contains several errors.) Others have stated that General Lee died at the City Tavern, which was at the south-west corner of Second street and the street now called Gold street. Act November 12, 1861. A portion of Christ Church yard having been sold to the city to widen the street through to Third street, the wall on the north side of the small alley was moved back to a line with the stores, which made it necessary to remove General Lee’s and other remains farther inward toward the church. A paper of the 26th April, etc., p. 167. — See it at length in Lowber’s edition of the city ordinances and acts of Assembly, published for Councils by Moses Thomas, 1812, p. 280; also, Penn’s answer to remonstrance, etc., dated 3d 6 mo., 1684. P. 170. The Crooked Billet store extended nearly to the water, leaving only a footway along its south side ; it was a blockmaker’s shop of frame, with a dock running up near to the stores below it. Before 1850 the building was removed and the dock filled up, so that now there is a passage and stores built all along the wharf. It stood at the north-east corner of the first alley north of Chestnut, just above Jones’s iron stores. (See p. 47 for the story of the cave at the Crooked Billet.) The Caves, p. 171. — See Hazard’s Col. Rees., vol. vii. pp. 160, 163, 167, 199, 201. On the 17th of 9th mo., p. 171. — It was the 5th of 9th mo. (See Col. Rees., pp. 161, 163.) P. 171. William Frampton’s petition for the removal of the caves before his door ; owners allowed a fortnight. (Pp. 167, 1 99.) P. 171. 13th 2d mo., 1687, to be removed by 20th 3d mo. (P. 201.) P. 171. The letter received from Governor Penn was dated 26th 5th mo., 1685. (See Col. Rees., vol. i. p. 163.) This letter was published in the Philadelphia Lnquirer at length in 1861. The Wardrobe of Franklin. 121 P. 173. Tennant’s church was the Second Presbyterian ChurcK corner of Third and Arch streets, which had a steeple. P. 173. A contemporary, speaking of Rev. George Whitefield’s preaching in Philadelphia, says : “ So loud was his voice that it was distinctly heard on the Jersey shore. So distinct was his speech that every word he said was understood on board a shallop at Market street wharf, a distance of upward of four hundred feet from the court-house on Market street — the place of preaching.” Dr. Franklin says that to try the capacity of Whitefield’s voice, when he was speaking from the balcony of the court-house at Second and Market streets, he walked toward the river Delaware, and he could hear, and he understood what he said, almost as far east as Front street. This, of course, implies that his words were undistinguishable at Front street; and if so, there would have been less ability to understand them by persons on the deck of a vessel moored in the river opposite Market street wharf. Of course the sound of his voice might be heard there, and even, with a westerly wind, upon the Jersey shore — the city being at the time very quiet, and there not being any distracting noises. P. 182. For the articles by “ Lang Syne” see Hazard’s Reg. Penna., vol. ii. pp. 175, 261, 286, 325, 346, 365, 366, 375; and vol. iii. pp. 21, 22, 41. THE WARDROBE OF FRANKLIN. The Wardrobe of Benjamin Franklin, p. 191. — We copy the whole of the advertisement relating to his clothing, alluded to by Watson in Vol. I. p. 191: The thief had carried off “a half- worn sagathee coat, lined with silk ; four fine homespun shirts ; a fine Holland shirt, ruffled at the hands and bosom ; a pair of black broadcloth breeches, new seated and lined with leather ; two pair of good worsted stockings, one dark color, the other light blue ; a coarse cambric handkerchief marked F in red silk ; a new pair of calfskin shoes ; a boy’s new castor hat, and sundry other things.” And the thief was stated to be a schoolmaster, who wore “a lightish-color great-coat, red jacket, black silk breeches; an old felt hat, too little for him, and sewed in the side of the crown with white thread, and an old dark-color wig.” In 1750, Franklin again met with a similar loss, and advertised for “ a woman’s long scarlet cloak, with double cape ; a woman’s gown of printed cotton, of the sort called brocade, very remark- able, the ground dark, with large red roses and other large red and yellow flowers, with blue in some of the flowers, and smaller blue and white flowers, with many green leaves ; a pair of woman’s stays, covered with white tabby before and dove-colored tabby behind, with two large steel hooks.” Imagine Franklin redivivus at the present day walking down li 122 Annals of Philadelphia. Chestnut street with his wife. They would probably excite some attention. He with his bushy and curly wig, huge spectacles, red flapped waistcoat, frilled bosom and sleeves, repaired breeches coming to the knee, and finished off with light blue stockings and large buckled shoes ; and his wife with her flat gypsy bonnet, enormous hoops, short petticoat, and gown glorious with red roses and yellow and blue flowers, the whole surmounted with a scarlet cloak with double cape ! Watson does not exhaust the list of long-forgotten and now unknown articles of wear, as the following advertisement of Peter Turner in 1738 will show: “ Broadcloth, kerseys, grograms, taf- fetas, harabines, sooloots, poplins, chinus, fox curtains, belladine silks;” also “ cotton romals, penascas, double and single sleetas, broad and narrow cadis, damask florells, wove worsted patterns for breeches, watered barrogans, striped ducapes, mantuas, cherry- derries, silk dumadars, shaggyareen, seletius, chex, bunts, chelloes satin-quilted petticoats,” etc. Many of these things, it will be seen, declared their origin, for many of the largest merchants at that time were engaged in the India trade and imported goods made there. The elegant and expensive styles of dress common in England in the times of Queen Anne and George I. were imitated here as much as the purses of the gentry would allow. But where every- thing was costly and not plenty, clothing was made to do duty as long as possible. The proverbial carefulness and economy of the Quakers also were strong elements to keep down expenditure, and it was no uncommon thing to read of clothing, wigs etc. devised by will. WATCHES. It was so rare to find watches in common use, p. 194. — In 1738, John Webb, a member of the Junto and friend of Franklin, ad- vertised for his watch stolen from him as a silver watch, with an outside case of fish-skin, studded and hooped with silver. It had a calfskin string, with four steel springs and a swivel, and two steel seals and a key hanging to the string. Perhaps the oldest clock in the city is the one to be seen in the collection of the Historical Society at their rooms on Spruce street above Eighth ; it was deposited there some years ago. Of it Dr. R. S. Mackenzie wrote the following: “This ancient clock, belong- ing to a gentleman in this city, was made by A. Fromantell, Am- sterdam, before he removed to London, where he introduced the art of clockmaking. This was about 1659, two years after the cele- brated Huyghens von Zuylichem, the natural philosopher, follow- ing up a hint thrown out by Galileo, constructed the pendulum clock, of which a full description is to be found in his great work Watches. 123 published at the Hague in 1658, and entitled Horologium Oscilla- torium, sive de Motu Pendulorum. Dr. Hooke, ten years later, removed the reproach that ‘ Huyghens ’ clock governed the pen- dulum, whereas the pendulum ought to govern the clock,’ by inventing an escapement, which enables a less maintaining powei to carry a pendulum. This (the crutch or anchor escapement) is the governing power in the old clock in the Philadelphia Library, whereas the clock in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania has the Huyghens pendulum. The Library clock was made, not at Amsterdam by the elder Fromantell, but by his son at London ; consequently, it could not have belonged to Oliver Cromwell, as sometimes stated, seeing that the Protector died in 1658, the year before any clock had been made in England. To the clock in the Historical Society a striking apparatus is appended ; it occu- pies a place on the top of the clock, and is singularly clear in tone. The clock, as far as we can judge by comparing it with a print, much resembles the horologe presented by Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. It stands about eight inches high, is richly carved, and is strongly gilt outside. The works are in excellent order, though two centuries have elapsed since they were made.” This brought out the following article : “ Dr. Shelton Mac- kenzie adopts a very prevalent erroneous opinion in reference to the date of the invention of the pendulum. This is a subject to which I have devoted considerable attention, having consulted every available authority in the English language ; and the irre- sistible conclusion to which I have been driven is that, along with the invention of gunpowder, the mariner’s compass — nay, even the art of printing itself — the precise date of the invention, as well as the name of the inventor, of the pendulum, is involved in inextricable doubt and obscurity. I am aware that popular belief is divided between Galileo and Huyghens as to introducing the pendulum, but, whoever was the inventor, I can furnish ocu- lar demonstration that neither of them is entitled to that credit. I have in my possession a portable brass clock, with pendulum movement, made in 1566; and Galileo was born in 1564, and Huyghens not till 1629. My clock is very similar in appearance to the ‘Anne Boleyn clock,’ as represented under the head of Horology in Chambers’ s Oyclopcedia ; and it is a remarkable fact that, with the exception of the engraving, these usually volumi- nous authors dismiss that clock without a single comment as to its maker or the date of its construction. The history of my clock is exceedingly romantic, but is far too lengthy to be pre- sented at present. Suffice it to say that it originally belonged to Mary Queen of Scots ; and as the subject of ancient clocks seems lately to have attracted considerable public attention, I purpose depositing mine, at no distant period, in some public place where it can be seen and examined by the curious in such matters.” Remarkable Watch that Strikes the Quarter Hour . — An ex- 124 Annals of Philadelphia. tremely fine imported watch, made by the celebrated maker L. Audemar, took the first prize at the Centennial. In external ap- pearance it is like an ordinary fine watch, with heavy hunting cases, but a glance at the works and movement shows its rare value. It strikes the hours like a clock, and after the quarter- strike repeats the hour-stroke. It is also a minute repeater at pleasure. There is but another watch of the kind in the country, and that was owned by the late Matthew Baird. It cost thirteen hundred dollars, but the one above referred to, a later make than that of Mr. Baird and with added improvements, could probably be had for three or four hundred dollars less. FASHIONS. Fashions, p. 195. — My father, when he was at Princeton Col- lege in 1798 and ’9, in common with all the students, wore white- top boots and short breeches; the boots had toes very sharp pointed, and sometimes they were made so long as to be turned up and fastened to the tops with chains, mostly of silver ; va- rious liquid washes were used to give the white tops a proper color and polish. They wore the hair tucked up behind with a small tortoise-shell comb, or queued. Boots were also worn over pants, which were then made as tight as the skin, frequently of elastic web. Swallow-tails ceased to be worn as street coats about 1844 or 1845. P. 202. Some years ago, in going along our streets and read- ing the signs, frequently, in the case of tailors of the first class — such as Charles Watson, Robb & Winebrenner, and other well-known firms — they put upon their signs that they were “ mercers and tailors.” At the present time many of these fabricators of garments call themselves “merchant tailors,” while the ready-made clothing people call themselves “ clo- thiers.” The word “tailor” is descriptive of one w r ho makes clothes for men, as “ mantuamaker ” refers to one who makes clothes for women. A “mercer” is one who deals in silks and woollen commodities. A “ draper ” is one who sells cloth. A draper might therefore be a cloth or silk merchant, neither of whom made up garments. At one time, when silk in breeches, waistcoats, and even in coats, was an ordinary material of men’s wear, the mercer might very well be considered as of more than ordinary importance if he were also a tailor. But as silk has gone almost entirely out of fashion in men’s costumes, there comes in the draper, who deals in cloth ; and the draper and tailor may very well be used together. As for the term “ mer- chant tailor,” it seems to have been employed to designate a person in the trade who considered himself above the slop-shop Carpets, Oil- Cloths, and Paper-hangings. 125 beeper. The “ clothier ” of the present day is the successor of the slop-shop keeper of the past. The latter had a small estab- lishment which, when full, might hold three or four hundred garments. The clothier turns out coats, vests, and pants by thousands, and being therefore in his own estimation a more important man than the slop-shop keeper, he is entitled to an- other appellation. The Ole Bull Hat . — Ole Bull first made his appearance in this city in December, 1843, and performed here in that month and afterward, and went to Europe in December, 1845. He wore a sealskin cap about half the size of a lady’s muff at the present day — in shape quite common of late years on the heads of boys and young men. Being a novelty, and considered ugly by the rabble of the town, the wearers of “ Ole Bull ” caps were ridi- culed and hooted at, and on a few occasions when the streets were full — notably on a Christmas Eve — the wearers were at- tacked and maltreated. The cap suddenly went out of fashion after that, to be revived again of late years, perhaps on account of the plenty and cheapness of seal’s skin, until even the ladies adopted it. It is most convenient for gentlemen to wear to evening-parties, the opera, or theatre ; it can readily be put into the overcoat pocket. CARPETS, OIL-CLOTHS, AND PAPERHANGINGS. They then had no carpets, p. 204. — The carpet industry is cen- turies old in England, and its origin in the East is lost in the ob- scurity of time. The manufacture of carpet was not introduced into this country, with the exception of the home-made rag-car- pet, until some time after the Revolutionary War. The first regular establishment in the United States was that of William P. Sprague in Philadelphia, founded in 1791. The census of 1810, less than twenty years after, reported the whole product of the United States in this class of goods at 10,000 yards, of which 7500 yards were made in Philadelphia. The census of 1870 shows that there were then 689 carpet-factories in the United States, employing 13,000 persons and $13,000,000 capital, paying annually $4,700,000 in wages, and producing an- nually goods to the value of $22,000,000. A canvass of the carpet manufacturing business of Philadel- phia made in July, 1876, shows that there were then 180 carpet factories in this city, employing 7325 hands and 1572 horse- power of steam, and producing for the year then ending 22,901,825 yards, valued at $13,929,392. The number of power-looms was 592, and of hand-looms 3517. The produc- tion was divided as follows : li * 126 Annals of Philadelphia. Brussels, yards 370,400 Tapestry 900,000 All-wool ingrain and three-ply .... 6,018,909 Cotton and wool ingrain 12,135,404 Venetian 1,582,276 Damask 1,894,836 22,901,825 Since these statistics were collected, McCallum, Crease & Sloan have added to their business the manufacture of Brussels, and Horner Brothers and Robert Cameron have commenced the manufacture of Axminster. In addition to the above figures, it is estimated that there were made carpets not included in the above list of — Dutch wool, valued at Wool and rag, valued at Hemp and jute, valued at Messrs. John & James Dobson, who are the largest makers of all the grades, making nearly $2,000,000 a year, also made rugs and mats valued at, say . . Which added to the product as stated above — viz 13,929,392 gives a total value of products of . $15,199,392 Mr. Lorin Blodget, the well-known statistician, in considering these figures, in order to arrive as near as possible to what he deems the true production, adds to the Product stated — viz $15,199,392 10 per cent, for under- valuation . . . . 1,519,939 And for probable omissions 500,000 giving a total of $17,219,331 The founder of the manufacture of oil-cloths in the United States was Isaac Macauley, who began the business in Phila- delphia about the year 1816 at the corner of Broad and Filbert streets. About the year 1820 he purchased the Hamilton coun- try-seat, called “ Bush Hill,” upon which a mansion had been built in 1740 for Andrew Hamilton, and used in 1793 as a yel- low-fever hospital. He converted the mansion into an oil-cloth factory, and erected in addition thereto large buildings on Eigh- teenth street and on Morris street, now Spring Garden street. The land included in this purchase extended southward from Spring Garden street to Pennsylvania avenue, and Mr. Macauley erected a fine mansion fronting on Hamilton street, with grounds extending from Seventeenth to Eighteenth streets, which were beautifully improved. His success as an oil-cloth manufacturer induced liim to become a carpet manufacturer also, and the old $250,000 200,000 800,000 20,000 127 Carpets, Oil- Cloths, and Paperhangings. Hamilton mansion was fitted up under the supervision of skilled workmen from Kidderminster, who were brought over from England by Mr. Maeauley, and who wove in this establishment the first Brussels carpet made in the United States. Mr. Ma- cauley spun his own yarn for carpets, and also spun the yarn and wove the canvas twenty-one feet wide to make his heavy floor oil-cloths upon. He was a man of great energy and enter- prise, and had stores in Philadelphia and Kew Orleans for the sale of his productions. In the financial crash of 1837, Mr. Macaulev fell, and his woollen and carpet mills and oil-cloth factory were sold and passed out of his hands and those of his family. In 1848, Mr. Thomas Potter bought the oil-cloth manufactory at Eighteenth and Spring Garden streets from Mr. Charles Henry Fisher, the then owner. Mr. Potter had learned the business of making oil-cloths with Isaac Maeauley, and had been engaged in that business in a factory erected in 1840 by Potter & Carmichael on Third street above Beaver, on the lot now occupied by St. John’s Baptist Church. The firm of Potter & Carmichael was dissolved in 1853, Mr. Potter continuing the business at Bush Hill, where he enlarged the buildings, intro- duced new and improved machinery, and applied heat to the drying of the oil-cloths, thus greatly increasing the producing capacity of the factory. Mr. James Carmichael established an oil-cloth factory at Second street and Erie avenue, or Cooper- ville. In 1867 he died, and his factory was purchased by Mr. Potter in 1868. The widening of Spring Garden street in 1871 forced Mr. Potter to remove his whole business to the Second street and Erie avenue site, and the property at Eighteenth and Spring Garden was sold to Mr. Isaac Budd, who built thereon the beautiful private residences on Spring Garden, Eighteenth, and Buttonwood streets. There are now but two oil-cloth manufactories in Philadelphia — that of Thomas Potter & Sons, at Second street and Erie avenue, and that of George TV. Blabon & Co., at Kicetown Station on the Reading Railroad. The establishment of Thomas Potter & Sons covers nearly four acres of ground, and is the largest and most complete establishment in the United States, and probably in the world. It has a capacity equal to the production of 1,500,000 yards of furniture and carriage cloth, and 1,000,000 square yards of floor oil-cloth, annually, employing 250 hands and 50 horse- power of steam, burning five tons of coal daily for power and drying, and the actual product having a value of $800,000 per annum. The factory of Messrs. George TV. Blabon & Co. is of recent establishment. It occupies six large buildings, employs 100 hands and 150 horse-power of steam, principally for heating and drying, no fires being used in the establishment except in the boiler-house All the kinds of floor, table, stair and carriage oil- 128 Annals of Philadelphia. cloth, enamelled cloths, etc. are produced. The capacity foi making floor oil-cloth is about 500,000 square yards annually, worth about $200,000, and for the other kinds about 2500 yards per day, of 750,000 yards per year of 300 working days, and valued at about $100,000. This firm are also the largest pro- ducers of painted window shades in the State of Pennsylvania, and perhaps in this country, having a capacity for making 50,000 pairs a month, in addition to their oil-cloth trade. The shades are made of muslin, saturated with oil paint, and having a border or other design on them. The oil-cloth manufactories of Philadelphia excited much in- terest from the foreign commissioners visiting the Exhibition, and the result promises to be that the American goods will largely supersede the English in the continental markets. A visit of the Austrian commission to the Messrs. Potters’ factory, resulted in an order for 1700 pieces of the furniture oil-cloth, so well known as a covering for desks, cushions, etc., to be sent to Leipsic. This class of goods was originated, and is yet almost exclusively made, in this country, and is known in Europe as “American leather cloth.” The heavy jute canvas or burlaps of which floor oil-cloth is made is nearly, if not quite all, im- ported from Scotland. Papering of the Walls, p. 205. — Eyves and Montgomery com- menced the manufacture of paperhangings during the Revolu- tionary War. Anthony Chard on very early introduced paper hangings into Philadelphia. WASHINGTON’S CARRIAGE. The carriage of Washington, p. 209 and p. 582. — I have seen this carriage. It was brought from New Orleans, and exhibited on Chestnut street as a curiosity. Every one who was desirous of sitting where Washington had sat paid twenty-five cents for the privilege. It was then stored away in the lumber-room of a coach -factory, and was again exhibited in 1876, at the Centennial Exhibition. It is now at the Permanent Exhibition. There were two coaches of Washington, as, although Wat- son and Lossing apparently describe the same coach, they give different statements of its origin and its end. Watson says it was either presented to him by Louis XVI. or was imported for Gov- ernor Richard Penn ; while Lossing, in Mount Vernon and its Associations, says Washington, “soon after his arrival in New York to assume the duties of the Presidency, imported a fine coach from England, in which, toward the close of the time of his resi- dence there, and while in Philadelphia, he often rode with his family, attended by outriders. On these occasions it was generally Washington's Carriage. 129 drawn by four, and sometimes by six, fine bay horses. The first mention of a coach in his diary, in which he evidently refers to this imported one, is under date December 12, 1789 : ‘Exercised in the coach with Mrs. Washington and the two children (Master and Miss Custis) between breakfast and dinner — went the fourteen miles round.’ Previous to this he mentions exercising in ‘ a coach ’ (probably a hired one) and in ‘ the post-chaise,’ the vehicle in which he travelled from Mount Vernon to New York.” Watson says it was sold after Washington’s death, and as early after as 1804-5 he saw it in New Orleans, where it lay neglected, and was finally destroyed in the British invasion, and part of the iron was reserved for Mr. Watson, and the remainder was used around a grave ; while Mr. Lossing says : “ This English coach w r as purchased by the late Mr. Custis of Arlington when the ef- fects of the general were sold after Mrs. Washington’s death, and it finally became the property of the Right Rev. William Meade, bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia. Of this vehicle the bishop thus writes : ‘ His old English coach, in which himself and Mrs. Washington not only rode in Fairfax county, but travelled through the entire length and breadth of the land, was so faithfully executed that at the conclusion of that long jour- ney its builder, who came over with it and settled in Alexandria, was proud to be told by the general that not a nail or screw had failed. It so happened, in a way I need not state, that this coach came into my hands about fifteen years after the death of General Washington. In the course of time, from disuse, it being too heavy for these latter days, it began to decay and give way. Be- coming an object of desire to those who delight in relics, I caused it to be taken to pieces and distributed among the admiring friends of Washington who visited my house, and also among a number of female associations for benevolent and religious objects; which associations and their fairs and other occasions made a large profit by converting the fragments into walking-sticks, picture-frames, and snuff-boxes. About two-thirds of one of the wheels thus pro- duced one hundred and forty dollars. There can be no doubt that at its dissolution it yielded more to the cause of charity than it cost its builder at its first erection. Besides other mementos of it, I have in my study, in the form of a sofa, the hind seat, on which the general and his lady were wont to sit.’ ” Lossing further says : “ This coach was one of the best of its kind, heavy and substantial. The body and wheels were a cream- color, with gilt mouldings, and the former was suspended upon heavy leathern straps which rested upon iron springs. Portions of the sides of the upper part, as well as the front and rear, were furnished with neat green Venetian blinds, and the remainder was enclosed with black leather curtains. The latter might be raised so as to make the coach quite open in fine weather. The blinds afforded shelter from the storm while allowing ventilation. The VOL. III.— i ISO Annate of Philadelphia. coach was lined with bright black leather, and the driver’s seat was trimmed with the same. The axles were wood, and the curved reaches iron.” “ In a letter to Mr. Lear soon after arriving at Mount Vernon, Washington mentions the fact that lie had left his coach and har- ness with Mr. Clarke, a coachmaker in Philadelphia, for repairs, and requests him to see that they are well done when he shall reach that city, Mr. Lear being then in New York. David Clarke was an Englishman, and came over to Philadelphia about the year 1783. He constructed a travelling-coach for the first President, and was sometimes called ‘Washington’s coach-maker.’” Washington had three vehicles — one a post-chaise for travel- ling and the country; one a family coach, in which he went to church ; and another a chariot for state purposes. All were cream-colored, with three figures on the panels. His servants wore white liveries trimmed with scarlet or orange. Formerly, livery- stables and hacks, etc., p. 210. — Since then om- nibuses have had their day, and were the vehicles almost exclu- sively used on various routes through the city. The fare was cheap, and they were comfortable at that time ; but now, since the smooth-gliding and non-jolting passenger railway car, either by steam or horse-power, has so universally taken their place, it is almost painful to ride in an omnibus over the rough stones. The time will come when an omnibus will be a curiosity. GAS, WATCHMEN, ETC. The first gas made in Philadelphia, or in the United States, was manufactured by M. Ambroise & Co., Italian fire-workers and artists, and was exhibited in burning lights of fanciful fig- ures, temples, Masonic devices, etc., at their amphitheatre, Arch street, between Eighth and Ninth, in August, 1796. In 1817, Dr. Charles Kugler made illuminating gas, with which Peale’s Museum, in the State House, was lighted. The second Masonic Hall, on Chestnut street, was lighted with gas in 1820, and for many years afterward. The Gaslight Tavern, Second street, near Walnut, was also illuminated with gas for some years. The Philadelphia Gas Comj^any was chartered in 1835, and commenced operations February 8th, 1836. The city of Phila- delphia bought out the rights of the company in July, 1841. Lighting the city with gas was very vigorously urged in the spring of 1833, and Councils sent Mr. Merrick, the superintend- ent, to Europe to ascertain the most important means of accom- plishing the object. I can well remember when our churches were first illuminated with it. Among the earliest was the church at Tenth and Filbert streets, built for the late Dr. Be- Gas, Watchmen, etc. 131 thune in the summer of 1837 ; afterward the church in Seventh street, below Arch, built for the late Dr. Cuyler, was thus light- ed a few weeks later, and then the Unitarian Church at Tenth and Locust streets. We are not able to say in what dwelling- house gas was first introduced into the city ; among the earliest was the residence of the late William F. Fotterall, north-west cor- ner of Thirteenth and Chestnut streets. The Gaslight Tavern, on Second street, near Walnut, was illuminated with gas manufactured on the premises for several years before the city gas-works were established. According to our memory, William Neill was the first to introduce gas into a public tavern after the establishment of the city gas-works ; he kept the “ Old Star ” at the corner of Exchange place and Dock street. There was a rivalry as to who should be first to introduce it. Watchmen, lamps, etc., p. 211. — Feb. 8, 1836, gas first made at the gas-works; to the end of the year 6,481,300 cubic feet were consumed, and in 1837,17,078,700 feet; number of con- sumers, 670, and burners 6814 ; public lamps supplied 301 ; 4 gasometers, contents equal to 140,000 cubic feet. In 1855 all the lamps of the city and districts were supplied with gas. The introduction of gas met with much opposition, many fearing the city and houses would be blown up, others that the gas when ignited would carry the flames back into the houses. Wstch-boxes for the watchmen, in our day, stood at nearly every corner, and as a boy we have watched the “ Charley ” clean up his little house, his lanterns, etc. At night the watch- men hourly started from their stations, carrying a lantern, a rattle, and club, and perambulated their allotted district, calling out the hour thus : “ Ten-o-clock-and-all’s-well,” or “ Past twelve-o-clock-and-a-starry-night.” At any alarm, if assistance was needed, they would spring their rattles, and it was very ex- citing to hear the various rattles answer and repeat as they gath- ered together at the place of the first alarm or pursued the male- factors. Pavements, p. 213. — Kalm in 1748 said: “All the streets ex- cept two which are nearest to the river run in a straight line, and make right angles at the intersections. Some are paved, others are not, and it seems less necessary, since the ground is sandy, and therefore soon absorbs the wet. But in most of the streets is a pavement of flags, a fathom or more broad, laid before the houses, and posts put on the outside, three or four fathoms asunder. Under the roofs are gutters, which are carefully con- nected with pipes, and by this means those who walk under them when it rains or when the snow melts need not fear being wetted by the dropping from the roofs. The houses make a good appearance, are frequently several stories high, and built either of bricks or of stone ; but the former are more commonly used, since bricks are made before the town and are well burnt. 132 Annals of Philadelphia. The stone which has been employed in the building of other houses is a mixture of black or gray glimmer. V ery good lime is burnt everywhere hereabouts for masonry The houses are covered with shingles. The wood for this purpose is taken from the Cupressus thyoides, Linn. — a tree which the Swedes here call the white juniper tree, and the English the white cedar. The wood is very light, rots less than any other, and for that reason is good for roofs, for it is not too heavy for the walls, and will serve for forty or fifty years together.” STOVES. Stoves, p. 218. — But few improvements were made in the art of heating houses until near the middle of the eighteenth cen- tury. The stoves most in use were the jamb and German stoves, made by Christopher Sauer of Germantown. They were square or box form, set in the side or jamb of the kitchen fireplace, pass- ing through the wall, so as to present the back end in the adjoin- ing room ; even though kept up to a red heat, they imperfectly warmed the room. The invention, therefore, of so practical a mind as Franklin’s rapidly worked its way into use, backed up as it was by his pamphlet explaining its advantages for health, comfort, and economy, based upon scientific principles of venti- lation. He called it the “ new Pennsylvania fireplace.” He gave a model of it to his friend Robert Grace, who had castings made of it. This fireplace was made out of plates with pas- sages between them through which the air circulated and became heated, and added much to the comfort of the room. It was claimed “ that there was no draft on the back as before, where- by a person was scorched before and frozen behind. The stove gives out more heat than the old-fashioned fireplace, and saves it from going up the chimney.” On the front of it was the device of the sun, with the motto, “ Alter Idem ” — “Another sun, ’tis true, but not the same; Alike, I own, in warmth and genial flame ; But, more obliging than his elder brother, This will not scorch in summer like the other ; Nor when sharp Boreas chills our shivering limbs Will this sun leave us for more southern climes, Or in cold winter nights forsake us here To cheer new friends in t’other hemisphere; But, faithful still to us, this new sun’s fire Warms when we please and just as we desire.” It would perhaps be difficult to trace the first maker of cook- stoves for the use of coal. In April, 1828, the United States Ga- zette of this city described an invention which had recently been perfected by Williamson & Paynter, stove manufacturers, south- Stoves. 133 west corner of Ninth and Market streets, Philadelphia. It consisted of “ a cast-iron box, fifteen to thirty inches in length, eight to ten inches wide, and six or seven inches deep. It has a grated bottom, and is calculated to burn anthracite coal as readily as charcoal. Upon one edge is placed a common tin- kitchen, or roaster, in front of which, on the opposite edge, is a sheet-iron fixture of the same length, which reflects the heat upon the contents of the tin-kitchen. Through the top of the reflector may be placed boilers for meats and vegetables. By means of false jambs the size of the fire is reduced at will. By displacing the reflector and the tin-kitchen the box or furnace may be used to heat water, roast coffee,” etc. The contrivance was fixed on four iron wheels, and the cost of it, according to the Gazette, would not exceed nine dollars. This was undoubt- edly the first improvement of the kind. Such an adaptation could not have been made until after anthracite coal came into common use. It was certainly a great addition to household economy, and was one of the most important improvements in stoves since Franklin invented the “ Pennsylvania fireplace.” Clement Letourno, stove and grate manufacturer, who in 1832 was at No. 76 North Sixth street, was among the first in this city to make cook-stoves, and they were also probably made by Jacob F. Pleis, in Second street above Arch, about the same time. The Fuel Savings Society, 8th month 5th, 1831, adopted the following resolution : “ Whereas, the time has arrived when, in the opinion of this board, the article of anthracite coal ought to be introduced as a common fuel amongst the poorer classes of our citizens, and as it appears there is at present nothing re- quired to effect this desirable object but the invention of a cheap, simple , and convenient movable apparatus for burning coal, not only for the purpose of warming the apartment, but for doing the necessary cooking, etc. for a family,” the committee invited mechanics to invent a stove or grate, to be delivered at a price not exceeding six dollars and within two months. On Oct. 7th the committee reported that Steinhaur & Kisterbock had patented a stove which for cheapness and peculiar simplicity of construc- tion answered all the purposes contemplated. With one peck of coal, costing four cents per day, it would warm the room, boil a wash-kettle of ten or thirteen gallons, and accomplish all the baking and other culinary purposes required in a family of five or six persons. The cost by the quantity to the society was $5.50 each, including pipe, pans, poker, and other fixtures. They es- timated a poor family would use in the cold season of sis months — 2 J cords wood, and carting, sawing twice . .$15.00 2 tons egg coal, nearly 1J pecks per day . . . 9.00 Leaving a balance in favor of coal-fuel of . $6.00 12 134 Annals of Philadelphia. Enough to pay the cost of the stove in the first season. The society at once ordered one hundred stoves. Kisterbock stoves are celebrated to this day as inexpensive and useful stoves. Public Stages, p. 219. — In March, 1738, a stage-wagon started to run twice a week and back again from Trenton to Brunswick; it had benches and was covered over ; fare, 2s. Qd. This line was successful, and stimulated others. In 1740 a line was rui from Bordentown to Amboy once a week on Monday, and thence by boat to New York, except in the winter. In 1750 a line of stages started from the Crooked Billet in Philadelphia every Tuesday to Bordentown, thence on Wednesday and Thursday to Amboy, thence by boat to New York. These latter two were rival lines to the New Brunswick route. The oldest stage-road to New York was the road through Frankford and along the bank of the river to Bristol, and usually to Coryell’s Ferry, below Morrisvi lie, where the Delaware was crossed; thence the route was through New Jersey by way of Trenton and Prince- ton. What was afterward called “ the old York road,” or New Fourth street, was not opened until after the Revolution. It ran into the old road in the upper part of the county. Of course there have been innumerable instances of persons driving from New York to Philadelphia, and vice versd, ever since the foun- dation of Pennsylvania. At certain times of the year, when the Delaware was frozen, there were regular stage-routes through ; but in summer-time the route was by stage-boat up the river to Bordentown and Trenton, across New Jersey by coach to New Brunswick, and thence by boat to New York. When steam- boats came into use — about the year 1809 — the transportation was by steamboat from Philadelphia to Bordentown. When the railroad was finished between Camden and Amboy, stage- coach travel between Philadelphia and New York ceased, ex- cept for a year or two when the stage-lines fought against the railroads. The regular stage-coach routes between Philadelphia and New York ceased entirely about 1836. Houses Altered, p. 220. — C. P. Wayne’s house, Fourth and High streets, was pulled down about 1850. Stiles’s two houses on Walnut street have long since been pulled down. The large house of Gibbs, Fourth and Arch streets, still stands, though much altered. The houses of John Rhea were altered into Rhea’s Ho- tel, afterward the United States Hotel ; and now the Farmers’ and Mechanics’ Bank, the Philadelphia Bank, and the Philadel- phia Trust Company, stand on their site. The fine woodwork panelling alluded to by Watson can still De seen in its perfection in some of the fine old mansions on the Main street in Germantown, notably that of Elliston P. Morris, Esq., formerly the head-quarters of Washington and of Howe; also the building near it formerly used by Congress, and now The Poplar- Worm — Tomatoes. 13a adapted as a reading-room for the workmen. The superiority of the workmen of that day, who made everything by hand, is readily seen, the fine old woodwork being perfect to this day, with hardly a crack or w r arp to it. How long would such woodwork done by our mechanics last, to be in good order? James Stokes, p. 222. — He made a fortune at the hardware business, and, retiring from business, removed and lived in Ger- mantown, where I believe he died, at the corner of Market Square. The Fassitts, Earps, and Bird, and his sons-in-law, Charles Biddle and C. P. Wayne, succeeded him in that business ; some of them were brought up by him. Segur’s Ice-creams, p. 222. — They were very good ; he served them at his shop in Market street between Third and Fourth. His successor was a remarkably ugly man, with a very large nose, and a Dutchman by the name of Schrawder (?). Ice-Houses, p. 222. — Ice was first introduced to families by Henry Moliere, who first supplied it in carts. The Poplar- Worm, p. 223. — The newspapers of the day contain many wonderful accounts of their supposed dangerous bites. The trees were cut down on account of them, so that the Lombardy is now a rarity. The linden trees took its place, and they have now in their turn shared the same fate, in consequence of cater- pillars destroying their leaves and annoying persons walking under them while spinning their threads. It was a species of measuring- worm, and offensive in appearance. The introduction of late years of the English sparrows has, together with the extinction of the tree, almost exterminated them. Another objection to the Lombardy was that the roots, running very superficially, tore up the pavements. They also fell into a state of decay in portions of the tree, and became very unsightly ; they were not really suited to this climate. The lindens had also another objection besides the worms — that of decaying internally, till they would break off, having no external appearance of decay. The trees next in vogue were the maples, the ailanthus, and the horse-chestnut, and some buttonwoods. The one now most likely to take the places of these, which have all pretty much disap- peared, is the silver maple, though tree-planting on the streets is not so much in vogue as formerly, the trees not generally thriving well ; some suppose the escape of gas from the pipes to be the cause. Tomatoes, p. 223. — (See Historical Mag., New York, vol. vi.) They were raised in Boston between 1815 and 1822, and I think in Philadelphia before the first date, say as early as 1810. They were common in New York in 1830, when the first edition of this work was printed. I remember to have seen them growing in pots in druggists’ windows as ornamental and medicinal plants. They were slow in coming into general use as a vegetable. The} were also called “ love-apples,” and cultivated in garden as cu 136 Annals of Philadelphia. riosities, and were by some reputed to be poisonous, and by nearly every one detested as a vegetable. For years almost every variety ef pill and panacea was extract of tomato. It now occupies as great a surface of ground as cabbage, and is cultivated throughout the length and breadth of the country. A native of Philadelphia informs us that he first ate tomatoes at New Orleans, about the year 1817 or 1818. They seem to have been first used in this country by the French Louisianians, who were acquainted with their uses on the continent of Europe. They were introduced into the Philadelphia market about 1829-30, and in five years the sale of them had become very extensive. The grapes mentioned by Watson have almost entirely given way to the Concord, the Clinton, the Delaware, and others. Cali- fornia now ships East tons of the most delicious grapes of the largest size; she is also making and shipping great quantities of raisins. The growth of the berry and peach trade is enormous, Dela- ware now far outstripping any other of the States. The berry trade of Delaware increased from 20 carloads in 1868 to 882 car- loads in 1876. The largest yield was in 1875, when 905 carloads were shipped. The increase in the peach trade has been even more rapid. In 1868 but 23 carloads were shipped, and in 1875 there were marketed 9072 carloads. The crop is very uncertain, however; in 1876 it fell off to 2117 carloads. From 1867 to 1876, inclusive, the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore Railroad, and its branches, transported 33,208 carloads of peaches and 4551 carloads of berries — 319,474 tons in all — and collected as freights from these two items alone $1,783,921.83. CEMETERIES. Cemeteries, p. 224. — The custom introduced into this country Dy our forefathers of having burial-grounds surrounding the churches had its origin probably in the Roman Catholic Church, as its grounds are always blessed and made consecrated ; it was introduced into England by Cuthbert, archbishop of Canterbury, in 758. As ground became valuable in the city, this plan was changed, and churches purchased lots throughout the city for the especial purpose of burying the dead. The first burying-ground was the Weccacoe or Swedes’ Church ; the next, the Friends’, Fourth and Arch streets ; then Christ Church, in Second street, and afterward at Fifth and Arch streets. When the law was passed against burials in the city limits on sanitary accounts, a great impetus was given to the more attractive style of cemeteries on the Grecian and Roman plan of being outside the city. A number were started, however, in the city tv those who asso- Cemeteries. 137 ciated together and bought lots for the purpose. The Friends were an exception to the first plan, as their burial-lots at first were always separate from their meeting-houses ; as, for instance, the lot at the corner of Fourth and Arch streets, which had nearly ceased being a receptacle of their dead, or more than a century after it was started, before the meeting-house was built there. The first burial in this lot was that of T. Lloyd’s wife, in 1683; William Penn spoke at her grave. For many years this was a general burying-ground, strangers and the friendless finding here a resting-place. In 1825 a number of persons united under the name of the Mutual Association and bought ground on Washington (formerly Prime) street, between Ninth and Tenth streets. In the two following years four other companies adopted the association principle — the Machpelah, Washington avenue from Tenth to Eleventh ; the Philanthropic, Passyunk avenue below Cross street; the Union, South Sixth, from Washington avenue to Federal street; the La Fayette, from Ninth to Tenth and from Federal to Wharton street. In 1827, James Eonaldson, a Scotchman and an eminent type- founder, improved the plan by starting a cemetery Ninth and Tenth streets from Bainbridge to Fitzwater, which should make the burial-place attractive by trees, shrubbery, handsome orna- mental tombstones, walks, etc. Though he met with opposition from the sanctimonious and those opposed to new ideas, it was in keeping with the feeling of the times, and was successful. He commenced preparing the lot in the fall of 1826, and the first interment took place June 2d, 1827, of a lady who died in the hospital under Dr. Physick. Many tombstones in the ground bear dates of 1828 and 1829. Before Mr. Eonaldson made it into a cemetery it was a celebrated skating-lot in the winter season. At the corner of Tenth and South streets was the old Lebanon Garden, where a barbecue in honor of Gen. Jackson took place. (See p. 402 of this volume.) The next cemetery that was established was that of Laurel Hill, on the banks of the Schuylkill, extending to Eidge avenue and from Huntingdon street to Allegheny avenue, and now acces- sible by cars or steamboat. It is now known as North, Central, and South Laurel Hill, as it was purchased at three separate times as the demand increased for more space. In 1835 the topic of non-sectarian cemeteries had been brought before the public by the foundation near Boston of the first burial- place on an extensive scale. Judge Story’s beautiful address had been printed, exciting general interest in a greatly neglected topic of civilization. Very soon after this well-considercd and ex- haustive oration had been published the attention of one of our prominent citizens (John Jay Smith) was called to the subject by the loss of a favorite young daughter. Little other oreparation 12 * 138 Annals of Philadelphia. bad been made for the dead than that around churches, and this was rapidly becoming insufficient for the increasing population of Philadelphia, then little more than two hundred thousand. Seeing his child interred in the “Friends’ Ground” on Cherry street — which, like the rest of the city soil, was of clay, retaining water as does a cup — the moment was used to declare that Phila- delphia should have a rural cemetery in dry ground, where feel- ings should not be harrowed by viewing the bodies of beloved relatives plunged into mud and water. The problem was to find a situation sufficiently near to the population, and yet of a cha- racter so beautiful in contrast with the usual sites devoted to the dead. For nearly a year no such place was found, when Laurel Hill — its original name — long the country-seat of the great mer- chant Joseph Sims, was offered for sale. It had been chartered and used as a boarding-school, the principal of which was a Catholic priest ; but not succeeding in his project, the place was sold for fifteen thousand dollars, and an attempt to form a union of citizens for the general good was urged with great energy, without results. Three other gentlemen, however (Nathan Dunn, Benjamin W. Richards, and Frederick Brown), finally agreed to see the enterprise through ; but as much money would be requi- site and the returns uncertain, the four formed a company, obtained a charter from the State, and began the attempt to make a rural cemetery, without much knowledge of the wants of such an institution. The place was purchased in February, 1836, and the first inter- ment was made in October; it was enclosed, but little public sympathy was visible ; and after an expenditure of more than one hundred thousand dollars the panic of 1837 came, and the pro- jectors were greatly discouraged. The clergy, as a rule, were unfavorable to the project, believing the time for attendance was too long to suit their other duties. The panic subsiding, the best members of the most extensive churches, seeing no provision made by their pastors and the officers, as by common consent came to be, of necessity as well as choice, willing patrons. In ten years all the expenses incurred had been paid, and a small profit ensued. This, the public saw, and willingly paid, was due to the repayment of the risks in- curred, and success was no longer doubtful. Two church gov- ernments purchased large plots and removed their dead. All opposition was thoroughly conquered ; the public gave credit to the original party and his friends ; the clergy themselves sought admission, and were encouraged to inter there either by gifts of lots or ultimately by reducing current prices ; it is said there are more than a hundred interred of this respected class. It was a great conquest over weak opinion — one to be recorded. Successive purchases on the north and south were soon made, and even then the nearly one hundred acres in thirty or forty Cemeteries. 139 years were found insufficient, and another plot of forty acres on the south and nearer the city was bought and under improve- ment, when the city authorities, under their charter, with the right of “ eminent domain,” declared this ground necessary to the completion of the Park, and by law took it. The entrance is imposing, two hundred and sixteen feet in length, of brown sandstone, with Doric columns. Inside this entrance is a fine piece of sculpture, by Thom of Edinburgh, of Scott’s figure and Old Mortality and his pony, from Scott’s novel. A long list of notables lie here, and there are monuments to others, including General Mercer, Charles Thomson, Commodore Hull, Godfrey, Justice McKean, Rush, Drayton, Commodore Murray, Commodore Lavallette, Joseph C. Neal, Graff, Kane, Ridgway, and many others of distinguished reputations. There was no future provision made for respectable and orna- mental burial-places for the wealthy citizens, and Mr. Smith, the first projector of the original cemetery, with an eye to the city’s prosperity and great needs, succeeded again in purchasing the more beautiful ground now called “West Laurel Hill Cemetery,” at Pen- coyd Station ; bv the time-table of the Reading Railroad only four minutes from Laurel Hill, but in the adjoining county, near the city line, of Montgomery. It lies higher than any other ground in the vicinity of the city, is admirably adapted in every respect to the needs of cemetery purposes, and promises to be the pride of the city. Situated between two deep ravines, there is no pos- sibility of invasion by streets ; a little below Manayunk and on the west side of the river, its views are unsurpassed, no site in the Park being entitled to rival it in scenery. The experience derived from a long connection with Laurel Hill has enabled the president (Mr. Smith) to give new and valu- able features to the newer enterprise, and it is in the most promis- ing condition of popular appreciation. It has one hundred and ten acres, and was established in 1869 as a chartered company. Monument Cemetery was established in 1836-7, and has a fine monument to La Fayette. There are many others, of which the most beautiful and most noted for its antecedents is Woodlands, eighty acres on the Schuyl- kill, near Gray’s Ferry, in which stands the original mansion of William Hamilton. Among the notables who lie here and have fine monuments are Lieutenant Greble, Admiral Stewart, Com- modore Porter, Drexel, Greble, Birney, Saunders, Moore, Javne, and others. Potters’ Fields or Public Burying -grounds . — There have been several enclosures for free burials in this city, commonly called “ Potters’ Fields.” The first was the South-east Square — now called Washington Square. The second was the North-west Square — now called Logan Square. After that, the ground on Lombard street from Tenth to Eleventh, south side, was appro- 140 Annals of Philadelphia. priated for a city burying-ground. After that, a lot west of Ridge road, north of Coates street — about where Twentieth and Parrish now runs through. The latest is that on the Lamb Tavern road. Fifty years ago the North-west Square was generally used for this purpose. The old graveyard on the west side of the Schuylkill above Market street, which was demolished by the Pennsylvania Rail- road Company, was assigned for use as a burying-ground to the Centre Square Friends’ Meeting-House, about 1682. The latter not being maintained very long, the ground came to be con- sidered a public one — a sort of potters’ field — and was used with- out obstruction for many years. Afterward it was, with the ap- proval and consent of the Society of Friends, assigned to the Guardians of the Poor as a free burying-place for the indigent poor. It was sold some years ago by virtue of an act of Assem- bly, about the constitutionality of which there may be considerable doubt. Previous to the Revolution the dead were, for the most part, carried to the grave on a bier, according to the ancient custom. This, together with unpaved streets, rendered it a matter of no small difficulty to go with a funeral farther than Fifth or Sixth street, especially during inclement weather ; consequently, we find most of the religious societies establishing their burying- grounds within those limits, without due consideration for the natural increase of the population. One belonged to the Second Presbyterian Church, and extended from Arch to Cherry street above Fifth, on the north side, from which the dead have all been removed. Trujjies at u Laurel Hill .” — The mansion-house in East Fair- mount Park, with the peculiar octagonal extension, situate on the Schuylkill River a short distance below the Edgeley Concourse, belonged during the latter part of the last century to the Rawle family of Philadelphia, and was called “ Laurel Hill” many years before the cemetery of the same name was laid out a mile or so above it. The house and grounds covered about thirty-one acres, and was left by the will of Francis Rawle in 1761 to his widow, who subsequently married Samuel Shoemaker, a prominent mer- chant of Philadelphia, who filled many offices in the city gov- ernment, as well as sitting in the Provincial Assembly. Mr. Shoemaker was a pronounced loyalist, and in consequence of his distinguished zeal on the side of the Crown he became one of the many objects of enmity to the members of the Revolutionary city government, in consequence of which he was attainted of treason and his estates confiscated. His own property, as well as his life interest in his wife’s, was accordingly sold at public sale. Has life estate in Laurel Hill was sold on the 20th February, 1782, to one James Parr, who a few days afterward leased the property to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the French minister, for the term Auction Sales. 141 of five years. The latter went into occupation, and resided there during the balance of his stay in this country. The chevalier of course had his French cook, and the French cook had his truffle-dog, which, in the pursuit of his vocation in life, discovered truffles in the grounds around the house, much to the astonishment and delight of his master. This is one of the few instances — and it is believed the first — of the finding of the article in its natural state in this country. Houses on Water street, p. 225. — Girard was one of the last to leave there — by death, on Water street above Market. His dwell- ing has been pulled down and stores erected by the city, which in- herited his property. Blacksmith-shops, p. 228. — Godfrey Gebler’s shop was on Dock street, on the present site of the Merchant’s Exchange. AUCTION SALES. In continuation of the account of the rivalry between the as- piring auctioneers of the time of 1783 and after (as given in Vol. I. 228), we give the following petition, against himself, of Robert Bell, which deserves reprinting for his liberal sentiments : “ To the Honorable the Representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met : “ The Memorial and Petition of Robert Bell, of the city of Philadelphia, Printer, Book-Seller, and Book-Auctionier, “ Respectfully sheweth, “ That your Petitioner being informed the Honorable House of Assembly have resolved to appoint an Auctionier of Books for the city of Philadelphia, your Petitioner having resided in, and continually employed a very considerable number of valu- able Manufacturers, Paper-Makers, Printers, and Bookbinders in the Propagation of useful Literature, in said city, for the Space of Fifteen Years, may probably point him out as eligible for the department of Book-Auctionier, for the city of Phila- delphia. “That during the War, your Manufacturing Petitioner carried over-Land, at a very great Expence, several Tons of Books Man- ufactured in Pennsylvania, and sold them by Auction in the State of Massachusetts, to enable him to pay his Taxes to the State of Pennsylvania. “Your Petitioner during the whole of the War, having paid all the Taxes, to a very great amount ; and particularly, in the beginning of the year 1782 he paid above Thirty-Six Pounds, for that year only, will according to Probability give him some Pretensions to expect that Appointment. 142 Annals of Philadelphia. “ Liberal Governments, are so clearly convinced, that Monop- olies, Embargoes, and Restrictions, cripple and destroy their own Manufactures, that they not only carefully guard against them; but to encourage diligence in Manufacturing, have frequently given large Premiums to industrious Manufacturers, towards the promotion and extension of the Trade of their Country. “ That your Petitioner still carries on a very considerable Manufacture of Books, and very frequently exports, transports, and circulates the Manufactures of Pennsylvania, throughout the most distant parts of the 13 United States, to the increase of Literature, and the emolument of the Manufacturers of Pennsylvania. “ Your Petitioner is persuaded that the most certain method to advance the interest of learning, which he is well informed, the Legislators of Pennsylvania are much in earnest to promote, is to leave the sale of Books by Auction, clear from every species of trammeling, free, entirely free, unrestrained, and unconfined as the circumambient Air, then Literature will flourish and abound, to the illumination of every benevolent Mind, who wishes for the attainment, and improvement of the rational Powers of Sentimentalism. “Therefore, your Petitioner once more lifts up his Petition, to this most Honorable House, to beseech that no Man, nor number of Men, may be appointed, but in particular he most fervently prays, that Robert Bell, may not be appointed to the Office of Book-Auctioneer, notwithstanding his apparent pretensions to a preference. “ Because he is firmly determined, never to encourage so illegal, unreasonable, and injurious an encroachment, upon the general Liberty of every individual Citizen, and Manufacturer, of the State of Pennsylvania, whose Birth-right it is, to sell their Manufactures, either by Auction, or otherwise, without lett or hindrance, when and where they please, agreeable to the original and inherent rights of Free-Men, confirmed by the Constitution of the State of Pennsylvania, and by a resolve of the Honorable the American Congress, “ 1 That Men still have a right, to Life, Liberty, and Property.’ “Your Petitioner humbly hopes, that your Honors will take the Premises into Consideration, and that your Honorable House, will be pleased to determine this great affair, consistent with the enjoyment of Universal Liberty, which always ought to be pre- served, and secured to every individual of the Community. “ And your Petitioner as in Duty bound, will ever Pray. “Robert Bell. “Philadelphia, 1 February 28th, 1784.” / It is believed that Robert Bell, an Englishman or a Scotch Auction Sales. 143 man, who came to Philadelphia about 1772 or 1773, was the first person who kept a circulating library in this city. He had his place of business in Third street, below Walnut. He was also one of the. first to establish book-auctions here, in which ef- fort he met very serious opposition from the booksellers. He published several works prior to the Revolutionary War, but during that struggle he seems to have left the city. He died in Richmond, Virginia, September 16th, 1784. William Prichard succeeded Bell in the circulating library business. This trade was never very prosperous in Philadelphia, in consequence of the establishment of the Philadelphia Library, the Union Li- brary, the Loganian, the Mercantile, and others. Of the same name was Bell, the second-hand bookseller in Market street above Eleventh, whose sons, Thomas F. and Frederick, were both auctioneers. The former is pleasantly remembered by many of our readers who attend Thomas & Sons’ sales. He was the best book-auctioneer ever in this city ; he knew the value of books, and gained the esteem of his cus- tomers by his fairness and freedom from any of the usual “ tricks of the trade.” The following pleasant sketch of early auctions is from the pen of “ Lang Syne “ Auctions . — Looking over, the other day, the list of names of the twelve auctioneers now in commission in the city, and of the duties annexed, amounting to nearly one hundred and twenty thousand dollars, paid by them annually into the treasury of the state, the mind involuntarily glanced back to the time when neither Connelly, Footman, Fox, nor Yorke had been seen, as yet, wielding the auction-hammer; when the whole auction business of the city of Philadelphia, now so populous, was transacted by Colonel John Patton in a one-story brick house, Vo. 78 South Front street, assisted by his two clerks, Charles Patton and J. B. ; also by Mr. Mitchell, ‘ crier,’ salesman, and bell-ringer. It was a ‘day of small things’ comparatively, but of great importance at the time, and probably a few reminiscences relative to auctions in the olden time may not be unacceptable. Colonel John Patton, in his personal appearance from the stage, was a very fine, military-looking man, with red and powdered hair, and of middle age. He had the credit among the pur- chasers of being thought very dignified in his manner, yet very affable and civil in business or in superintending the stage dur- ing the sales. Charles Patton was a young Irish gentleman of fair complexion, with fine white teeth — all civility, gayety, and good-humor. J. B. was a fine, portly young English gentleman with dark red hair ; he was spoken of as being very adroit and active in business, showing a hearty civility to every one, without flummery, but with a penetrating, interrogating eye. As was then the fashion for gentlemen, the colonel and His two aides wore 144 Annals of Philadelphia. clubbed hair/ deeply powdered every morning by the barber —that is to say, the hair had been first cultivated until it had become of extreme length, then separated into three parts, then powdered, twisted, and twined together into a kind of three- strand small cable, then doubled up and fastened by a riband. When looking to the right, the knot and club of hair rolled gradually toward the left shoulder, and vice versd when looking to the left, leaving the cape and all between the shoulders one complete mass of powdered grease. Possibly it may be ascribed to first impressions when it is asserted that these powdered ‘clubs’ of hair conferred a certain dignified appearance upon the owners not observable in the French Revolutionary ‘Brutus crop.’ Good handwriters being scarce, J. B. was celebrated for his writing rapidly in an elegant flowing hand. Though now they be as ‘plenty as blackberries,’ there was (as remembered) but one ornamental writer spoken of in the city — namely, William Kinnear. ’Twas he who executed those holiday no- tices, framed no one knows where, but preserved carefully for antiquity’s sake, and regularly suspended for a week before each holiday on the pillar within the Old Congress Bank. “ Mr. Mitchell, the ‘ crier ’ or salesman, was celebrated for his unparalleled despatch in sales, the brilliant finale of his ‘ once, twice, going — gone,’ and the neat tap of his hammer. At that time catalogue sales of goods from England were unknown, being about the time of the arrival here of the ‘ Old Alliance,’ after her first American voyage to Canton, amid the firing of cannon and huzzas from the citizens lining the wharves. There being but one ‘ City Auction/ and the hour of sale known to every one, the purchasers used to assemble early, as at a funeral, near the door. The ‘ crier ’ then came out with bell in hand, which he rung for a minute or so; then giving what he called one ‘ hard ring/ he proclaimed in his loudest tone of voice, ‘ We are just going to begin.’ They did not hire a bell-man to keep the im- mediate neighborhood in irremediable distress by his intermi- nable jingling, deafening din for an half hour together, without considering for a moment whether or no there might be in the vicinity some sick prostrated being with imploring eye and hand beseeching some one, in faint accents, to go and ‘ stop that dread- ful bell.’ The ‘Northern Liberties Vendue/ by Christian Febi- ger, was held at No. 204 North Second street, above Vine; the vendue in Southwark by John Mease, at the south-east corner of Front and South streets. Trifling sales were sometimes made at Billy Cooper’s in Jersey, and at the sign of the Fish over Schuylkill, beyond the High street ‘floating bridge.’ At the vendues in the Liberties sometimes one Breneise acted as ‘ crier/ and sometimes Charles Smith. Breneise was remarkable for his cogniac redness of face, his patient and smiling looks, his bell- metal tone of voice, and his untiring lungs during a long sale. Auction Sales. 145 Charles Smith was a tall, muscular, square-built man, with a fashionable profusion of dark red hair, which he wore ‘ clubbed,' but without powder. A ‘ cowlick’ in front caused the hair to stand erect from above his narrow forehead. He had a blemish in one eye, a nose rounded at the point, a square, broad face, a German accent with a lisp, an extended mouth, with a smirk upon it at all times, as though in possession at the moment of some merry thought. He occasionally exhibited a most quizzical grin, more especially after having, during the time of sale and from the stage, discharged one of his keenest shafts of satire at some broad mark among the crowd below. At such times his mouth extended, rounding upward from ear to ear, not unlike a very new moon or ‘ Wilkes ’ by Hogarth. The most remote coruer of the auction-room was no security from his biting and sarcastic wit, and none could hinder or avoid his missives. He used to be pointedly severe upon those loungers who haunt the auction-room to kill time, but who never buy, not sparing even the best purchasers themselves at times, producing anger in some and laughter in others at this incorrigible (stage) Grimaldi. “ About this period the dry-goods business consisted in regular spring and fall importations of such English goods as had been ordered out by the regular importing merchants, and sold by them to the retailers of the city and to the country ‘ storekeep- ers/ who came in to buy. Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee mer- chants were as yet unknown in the business. They were spoken of as places or settlements away off in the ‘ backwoods/ beyond the Alleghany Mountains ! A trader from thence would be more gazed after and talked to than one now arriving from Santa Fe in New Mexico or the mouth of Columbia River. Now and then the spectacle of a travelling wagon was to be seen passing through the city, guided by some restless spirit from the neigh- borhood of Cape Cod ; his wife and children, pots, kettles, and pans stowed away under cover ; his faithful dog in company, occasionally vexed and nosed by the city curs while walking, with drooping head and ears, between the head wheels ; the man singing (in dismal merriment) some chorus of a song about the merry banks of the Ohi — o, where, at that period of time, ‘The Indian’s tread Stole noiseless and cold as statued lead ; With eyes of flame and painted head, ’Midst shout and yell their blood to shed.’ “ The importing merchants and others who wished to close sales or get rid of some of their ‘ old shopkeepers ’ used to send their goods to auction privately or under cover of the night. (What would Mrs. Grundy say ?) The present auction system — be it right or be it wrong — the auction stores, strewed thick as the autumnal leaves with multitudinous bales of English merchan- Vol. III .— K 13 146 Annals of Philadelphia. dise, and the sales superintended by agents sent out for the very purpose, operating in its course to the detriment and final over- throw of the American importing merchant, were as yet unknown The only English mercantile agents known as such in this city could be named at once, as Ralph Mather, Arthur Collins, J A , and John Mucklethwaite. “ From the floating recollections (of a boy) and the concurring testimony of others who had knowledge in the business of those times, every satellite to the dry-goods system must have moved in their proper orbits. Every rivulet, stream, and river had its proper boundary and flow toward the great ocean of regular commerce. The frequent elevated eyebrow and uplifted hand in astonishment at another and another tremendous crash in the city was at that time a rare occurrence, — as rare as a Fast Day proclamation by the then governor, Mifflin. “ Such being the state of things, it is presumable these agents, instead of haunting the auctions as now-a-days, had little more to do than exhibit patterns and receive orders, watch like hover- ing hawks over the interest of their different houses, give an oc- casional fee to ‘ Lawyer Lewis ’ (that great gun of the law), or purchase for remittance the first water-bills on London. “ Books being scarce, there existed but one book-auction in the city, and that a miserable one. ’Twas held by one Delap, in what had been a dancing-school room in Church alley. As an auction it used to be lighted by some tallow candles, sufficiently so as to render the surrounding darkness visible. It was no un- common thing to hear, during a pending bid, and just as the ‘ crier ’ was going to tap with his hammer, the rattle and descent upon the stage and floor of handfuls of bird-shot which had been thrown against the ceiling by some of the ‘young repro- bates ’ in the background. One night, by one of them shak- ing a gauze bag filled with Scotch snuff (’twas said) against the wall, the whole company was seized with a violent fit of sneez- ing, which put an end to the evening’s sale, notwithstanding the entreaties for them to stay by old Delap, and the maledictions of his clerk Partridge against the young scoundrels, as he called them, while seeking hastily around for his cowskin. •“Lang Syne.” MEETING AGAINST AUCTION SALES. Meeting against Auction Sales . — On June 27th, 1828, a very numerous and respectable meeting of merchants was held at Clements’ Hotel, and adjourned, to hear the report of the com- mittee, to the 7th of July at the District Court room. The com- mittee reported : “ That the system of sales by auction is a great and increasing evil, and highly injurious to the interests of every class and a committee was appointed to prepare a memorial to Congress. This memorial stated the objections : A few persons Meetings against Auction Sales. 147 with wealth or influence could purchase fne privilege ; the system was a monopoly ; the secrecy by which the vender is concealed, and the rapidity with which he can realize, encourage fraud and stealing by fraudulent debtors, thieves, heedless and guilty clerks, smugglers, and others ; foreign speculators and manufacturers, selling through the auctions, undermine and ruin the importing trade; incessant fluctuations thus created are injurious to com- merce, public morals, and individuals ; the prices of merchandise are increased, etc. In January 1829, the Committee of Ways and Means of Con- gress, in answer to the petition of “several merchants of great respectability and intelligence, delegates from New York, Phil- adelphia, Baltimore, and Alexandria,” said: “Whatever may be the frauds and impositions, the committee are of the opinion that the application of the remedy belongs exclusively to the State Legislatures.” . . . . “ If, however, sales at auction are the means by which frauds are committed upon the revenue,” or foreigners could enter goods at lower rates than American merchants, “ there can scarcely be a question either as to the power or the duty of Congress to interpose its authority. This remedy, however, should have an appropriate and exclusive reference to the evil it is de- signed to correct.” A tax upon sales would not effect either of the above, and a bill is reported “ to preserve the revenue laws from violation.” It provided : “ In all sales by auction of foreign goods the invoice shall be produced, and a schedule of the goods, with all the marks and particulars of importation, shall be pub- lished.” We append a list of the principal firms of auctioneers in exist- ence from 1828 to 1850, many of them before the first date, and some after the last date. Those first given were in business in 1828 — though the firms were not just then as here printed : Benjamin Tevis. Mahlon Gillingham, afterward Gillingham, Mitchell & Co. (produced J. B. Myers, after- ward Myers, Claghorn &Co.). John F. Lewis. Joshua Lippencott, afterward Lippencott, Richards & Co. John Jennings, afterward Jen- nings, Thomas, Gill & Co. (1836). John B. Grant. Peter Graham, afterward Gra- ham & Mandeville. Samuel Wagner. Michael Nisbit. Richard F. Allen & Co. Samuel C. Ford, afterward Gill, Ford & Co. Moses Thomas & Sons (1836). Henry F. Bo’wen, afterward Bowen & Richards. George W. Richards, afterward Richards & Bispham (1836). Tristram B. Freeman & Son (1836). Jacob Hanson. George Riter. Isaac Billings. William Anderson. Charles J. Wolbert. John D. Goodwin. 148 Annals of Philadelphia. John Ash mead. James B. Oliver. George P. Bonnin. S. D. Sager & Co. Patrick McKenna. James Clark. H. C. Corbit & Co. T. Birch, Jr., & Co. (1836). George W. Lord & Son. Doolittle & West. James Burk. Alfred M. Herkness. George W. Smith. H. Cowperthwait & Lord (1836). William Folwell, Jr. (1836). George Thomas. Archibald Murphy. Stephen Poulterer. Henry Erwin. Wm. Baker (now C. C. Mackey). H. Johnson. David Lynch. J. Thomas. Joseph Gatchel, Jr. Joseph Aitken. Besides commissions, rating from $4000 to $100,000, each auc- tioneer was obliged to pay, quarterly, duties upon all dutiable goods sold ; these amounted in the years 1830 to 1833 as follows : 1830. — $124,937.31 1832.— $93,552.40 1831. — 139,361.22 1833.— 78,063.60 thus showing a rapid decline in the business, that for 1833 being $60,000 less than for 1831. Indeed, with the exception of lead- ing firms, many of the names in the above list figure but for one or two years only. 1847, A. M. Herkness started at the present site, “ The Ba- zaar,” which had formerly been occupied as an exhibition build- ing for a diorama of Jerusalem. OLD HOUSES. The row of good houses on the south side of Arch street, p. 235. — These were opposite to mv grandfather’s house, No. 145 Arch street. They were George Bringhurst’s ; his dwelling was next to the burying-ground, a red frame dwelling, two stories, with gable to the street, a grass-plot in front, with a paled fence. There were no other houses between it and the large house at the corner of Fourth street in 1792. This row was built in 1796. The western house has been converted into a four-story store. On the north side of Arch street my grandfather built a large house in 1792. It was a spacious family mansion in the best style of the day, and had a large sideyard. It stood until 1856, when it and the house west of it (formerly John Cook’s) were both torn down to make room for fine stores. Changes in streets, p. 237. — Locust street was widened to 50 feet from Eighth street to Washington Square (or street, as it was then called), on the petition of Evans Rogers and Nathan Bunker, Ready-made Garments. 149 in 1831. The latter wanted then to build a house “somewhat varying from the usual style of building dwellings,” yet “ its neatness of appearance and the comfort of its arrangements will aid the general improvement of that fanciful part of our city.” It was to take the place of frame buildings then there. Bunker could not have built his peculiar house. The reason why many of the old farmhouses are not built at right angles with modern streets is, they were built before the streets were laid out, and are generally at right angles with the roads near which they were erected. The old roads — Frankford, Moyamensing, Passyunk, Darby, Ridge, Gray’s Ferry — did not run north and south, nor east and west, and houses were con- structed to front those highways, without reference to their being laid out east and west and north and south. READY-MADE GARMENTS. Selling Ready-made Garments, p. 240. — Watson is not correct in stating Burk was the first to sell ready-made clothes. In 1794, William Smiley kept a ready-made clothing store, south- east corner of Water and Market streets; also Thomas Dobbins, Front and Market streets. A year or two later John Culin kept a similar establishment in Market street, near Water, and a few years after (say 1805) John Ashton kept a ready-made clothing store in Market street, above Front; and Charles Collins in Front street, above Chestnut; and about this period Alexander Dougherty, Front street, near Chestnut; Enoch Allen, Chestnut and Water streets ; Henry Hugg, Market street, below Second ; Silas W. Sexton and Jacob Painter, Market street, above Front; Charles Harkness, same locality ; Charles Hill, south-west corner Water and Arch streets; James Wilson, north-west corner Water and Arch streets; Lawrence, near Water and Market streets; James Boyd, Water street, near Race. Also, in those days there were Samuel Owens, Auley Brown, S. C. & B. C. Cooper, and others. Some eighty-five years ago Mr. Smiley was a highly- esteemed citizen, popular with some of the best citizens as a tailor, and noted for his handsome styles and superior military suits of clothing, made to order. He lies buried in the old Pine Street Presbyterian graveyard, Fourth and Pine streets. The first clothing establishments upon Market street were those of Ashton, Harkness, Sexton, and Collins, all between Front and Second streets. The last-named continued in business nearly fifty years ; all named above have passed away. In those days the clothing business was carried on exclusively east of Second street, and chiefly opposite to that which was so long known as the Jersey Market-house, and contiguous to the old court-house. Mr. Burk was in business sixty years ago at the corner of Sixth 150 Annals of Philadelphia. and Chestnut streets. In 1799, W. &. S. Weyman, of ISTo. 39 Maiden lane, New York, who were the pioneers of ready-made clothing in that city, opened a branch of their establishment here, at No. 43 North Second street, near Coombs’s alley. The firm was A. Weyman & Son. This house was in business here for only two or three years. The Weymans kept a fashionable ready-made clothing establishment. The late Josiah W. Leeds (who came from Massachusetts) commenced the ready-made clothing business about the same time. Mr. Leeds’s store was on the west side of Seventh street, a few doors above Market street. On Market street, about the year 1830, there was not one “ready- made clothing store ” on the south side, west of Second street, as far as Sixth street. There was one well known in those days at the south-west corner of Market and Decatur streets; the old firm of James & Cook. They were well-known clothiers, and were patronized by the fashionable gentlemen of that time. Page & Watkinson, some years after, kept ready-made clothing, and also Robb & Winebrenner, William Wilkinson, and others. Many can remember that to wear a suit of clothes coming from “ Watson’s ” would make a gentleman’s toilet to be admired, etc. But those days have passed away, and the ready-made clothing business has become quite an established thing in our city. It would be a very difficult thing to say who first introduced ready-made clothing in this city. Ready-made articles of apparel for the use of seamen must have been sold in this city ever since it had anything like a respectable amount of commerce. “ Slop- shops” existed in Water street sixty or seventy years ago. Manufactures, p. 244. — George C. Osborne was the first manu- facturer of “water colors” in the United States. He came from London, England, in the year 1808, and started the business in company with another man in New York. A few years after that he came to Philadelphia, and started the same business again, in company with Mr. D. B. Smith, at the north-east corner of Sixth and Arch streets, in 1824, and remained with that gentle- man until 1837, when he died on September 1 of that year. His son, George W. Osborne, succeeded him in manufacturing water colors in this city. Publishing Interests in Philadelphia. — We have in Philadelphia forty-five newspaper offices, whose annual product is $4,300,000 ; we have one hundred and three job printing-offices, the value of whose product is $2,176,000 ; of books the product is $4,193,000 ; of paper and paperhangings, $4,049,000 ; product of paper-mills, nearly $4,000,000 ; type, $686,000 ; ink, $241,000 ; steel pens, $30,000: total, $19,675,000. To this must be added about $1,500,000 for stereotype, electrotype, steel and wood engravers, etc., making an aggregate of about $21,500,000. The total num- ber of the men employed directly and indirectly exceeds five thousand. Music and Pianos. 151 Music. — Blake & Willig were among the earliest music-pub- lishers in Philadelphia. Mr. Blake died nearly one hundred years of age, at No. 13 South Fifth street. Mr. Blake stated that Messrs. Carr and Shetkey were publishing music previous to 1800, and that John Aitken was their predecessor for several years, at No. 3 or 5 South Third street. It will be remembered by many — a queer-looking building at the south-east corner of Third and Market streets. Many of the plain people at that time named the building “Jones’s Folly.” Mr. Blake, it seems, came over from England in the vear 1793. The vellow fever was raging badly. Our city was truly desolate. He said every one seemed “ frightened out of their wits.” The year following he began teaching the flute and clarionet over Aitken’s music-store, on South Third street. He related that one day he was called upon by a committee of Friends, threatening him, to stop teaching the clario- net to their boys, or “ we will have thee put in prison.” Taws was making pianofortes then, near the corner of Third and Union streets. The improvement in style of pianos in the past fifty years is wonderful, but not so in music-printing. The first manufacturer of pianos Avas John Belmont in 1775, followed by James Juliann in 1785. Charles Taws commenced their manufacture about the year 1789 or ’90. Mr. Taws, who was somewhat of an original in his way, was a self-taught mech- anician, and came to this country from Scotland about 1785. The Avriter of this has seen one of Mr. Taws’s instruments bearing date 1795, and which, in comparison AA'ith the productions of the Stein ways and Chickerings, Avould seem a \ r ery diminutive affair. Mr. Taws at one time was connected with the elder Astor in the business of importing pianos, and also AA'as of some note as a builder of organs, Avhich business, like the piano manufacture, he was amongst the earliest to introduce into the United States. One or tAvo of Mr. TaAvs’s sons inherited their father’s musical ability, and became, for their day, professors of some standing. About the first organ built in this country was built for the Salem Epis- copal Church by Thomas Johnston of Boston in 1754. The light trail of the red men is effaced by the road of iron, p. 255. — A race on the Delaware between Indians and whites occurred in August, 1845, betAveen four Indians selected from a party then encamped for the summer at Cake’s Garden, at the foot of Federal street, Camden, and a four-oared barge from the reccUing-ship, then lying off the Navy Yard. The Indians used a bark canoe, which they brought with them. They placed one of their women in the centre for ballast. The paddlers ranged themselves two on each side. The start was at high water, so that there would be no current to cross or to stem. The course was from the foot of Fed- eral street, Camden, around the receiving-ship, and return. The Indians won, beating their competitors more than a quarter of the return distance. The race was witnessed by a large crowd of people 152 Annals of Philadelphia. The first railroad was laid and the first steam locomotive run in the United States in 1809 — from the stone-quarries of Thomas Leiper, on Crum Creek, to the landing at Ridley Creek, one mile distant. Oliver Evans ran the first carriage ever propelled by steam in the world in this city — from his foundry to the river Schuylkill, a mile and a half, in 1804. A steam-carriage, built by Nicholas and James Johnson in Kensington, was run upon the streets of Kensington in 1827-28. The first locomotive run in this country was an English one, called the Lion, upon the Dela- ware and Hudson Railroad in the fall of 1829. The first Ameri- can locomotive was built by Colonel Stephen H. Long at Phil- adelphia in 1830, and was placed upon the New Castle and Frenchtown Railroad, where it made its first trial July 4th, 1831. On the 25th of April of the same year M. W. Baldwin had run an experimental locomotive in the Philadelphia Museum, Arcade, Chestnut street, which afterward was exhibited upon a track in Smith’s Labyrinth Garden, north side of Arch street, between Schuylkill Seventh and Schuylkill Eighth [Fifteenth and Six- teenth] streets. (See p. 485.) The Philadelphia and Lancaster Turnpike Company, with authority to build an artificial road from Philadelphia to Lan- caster, was incorporated April 10th, 1791, and the turnpike — which was the first in the United States — was opened in 1795. The First Philadelphia Directory, p. 258. — See Pennsylvania Archives, vol. x. p. 271, for account of the first Directories. 1812. None. PHILADELPHIA DIRECTORIES. 1813. John Adams Paxton. 1814. B. & T. Kite. 1791. Clement Biddle. 1792. None. 1815. None. JL I Y Y 1 ) 1795. Edmond Hogan. 1796. Thomas Stephens, map. 1797. \ Corn. Wm. Stafford, 1798. J with map. 1799. James Robinson. 1811. Census, 16mo. j 1825. Thomas Wilson. } Directories. 153 182G. \ Wni 1827. }^° e * 1828 1 to > Robert Desilver. 1831. J 1832. None. 1833. R. Desilver. 1834. None. 1835. 1 1836. >R. Desilver. I 1837. J V 2. 1837. A. McElroy. J 1838. None. 1839 to 1867. 1868 to 1878. I A. McElroy. > James Gopsill. Most of the above Directories can be seen in the Philadelphia Library. White, in Bradford’s Pennsylvania Journal of Nov. 30, 1785, gives notice that his Directory is just published ; price, half a dollar. In his Directory the names are put down thus: “ Jones Nathan, Shopkeeper, Second between Walnut and Spruce streets. “Franklin Benjamin, His Excellency, President of Penn- sylvania, Market street. “Bradford Thomas, Printer and Stationer, Front between Market and Chestnut streets.” It contains 83 pages of names, averaging about 43 names to each page, making about 3569 names in all. Macpherson, in Oswald’s Independent Gazetteer of 18th June, 1785, announces that his Directory will soon be published, etc. ; and in Bailey’s Freeman’s Journal of Nov. 16, 1785, he gives notice that it is just published, “extending from Prime street southward to Maiden street northward, and from the river Del- aware to Tenth street westward.” The houses were not numbered until 1790. Clement Biddle, Esq., who was the United States marshal, seems to have given numbers to the houses while engaged in taking the census, and at the same time to have collected the names for a Directory. In Hogan’s Directory of 1795, and in Stafford’s of 1801, the names are inserted in their order on the respective streets, and not alphabetically ; they have at the end an alphabetical index of the names, with reference to the pages on which the several names are to be found. Two Directories were published in the years 1785, 1794, 1799, 1811, 1817, 1821 and 1822, and 1837. In New York the first Directory was published in 1786. One was published in 1792; a copy of it is in possession of John A. Hamersley, 55 Murray street, and the New York Society Li- brary has Directories from 1793 to the present time. Haunted Houses, p. 272. — The Wharton House (once called Walnut Grove), down Fifth street above Wharton, was at one time celebrated as being haunted, as it had formerly been used ftr the “ Meschianza.” (See p. 470.) 154 Annuls of Philadelphia. SPORTS AND AMUSEMENTS. The Dances of Polite Society, p. 276. — In addition to the names of Bolton and Mrs. Ball (mentioned in Vol. I. 276), we find one Theobald Hackett advertising in the Pennsylvania Mercury of Aug. 31, 1738, that he has “opened a Dancing- School at the house wherein Mr. Brownell lately lived, in Second street, where he will give due attendance and teach all sorts of fashionable English and French dances,” etc. This shows that the accomplishments were rapidly advancing, for before 1740 a dancing assembly-room was opened under the patronage of some of the best people, as also an association for musical purposes was formed. Their room for holding these parties and balls was endeavored to be closed by Mr. Seward, a friend of Whitefield’s, during the excitement caused by the preaching of the latter. In 1749, John Beals, music-master from London, at his house in Fourth street near to Chestnut, taught the violin, hautboy, German flute, common flute, and dulcimer, and furnished music for balls and entertainments. In 1742 the “art of defence of the small-sword” was taught by Bichard Ivyenall in Second street; and in 1746 the small- sword and dancing are taught by one Kennit, though these arts are publicly denounced by Samuel Foulk as “detestable vices” and “ that they are diabolical.” Graydon, in his Memoirs, says he was taught dancing at the old Slate-Boof House by Godwin, the assistant of Tioli, and by the latter. This was probably about 1770 or 1772. The teachers of dancing then were generally found in the theatrical corps that itinerized through the various Provinces and subse- quent States. In 1785, in the Byan & Wells corps, there was a Mr. Patterson who danced on the stage and taught the art. There was also in this corps a Mons. Bussell, a fine dancer; his French hornpipe, composed of ground shuffling and elevated operatic volte steps, was very popular. He was the first dancer that introduced the well-known “pigeon- wing” step that for many years after was executed in a ludicrous way in our bail- room dancing, but not deemed by the educated dancer a legiti- mate step. John Durang succeeded this Bussell as a teacher. In 1796, Mons. Quesnet, from France, was brought out as ballet-master by Hallam & Henry, at the South Street Theatre. He was an artist of merit, and soon after opened an academy of dancing. He died about the year 1819. Mons. Lege was also a member of this corps, and became a teacher of dancing at Charleston, South Carolina. Mr. Byrne, an eminent English dancer, came out with the first Chestnut Street corps of come- dians (1793), He opened a school at O’Eller’s hotel, where he taught our fashionables the poetry of motion. After a season he Racing — Ballooning . 155 returned to London, where he lived to a great age. Mr. William Francis, the comedian, at the same period taught dancing here. In 1804—6, ’7 and ’8, Francis & Durang held their dancing academy at the hall in Harmony court where amateur theatricals were then exhibited. From this date, up to 1819-20, the teach- ers of dancing were Messieurs Auriol, Guillou, Labbe, August, Bonnaffon, the H. Whale family, and others whom we cannot remember. Those who followed are well known to the present generation. The Friends in 1716 advised against “ going to or being in any way concerned in plays, games, lotteries, music, and dan- cing and later, that “ such be dealt with as run races, either on horseback or on foot, laying wagers, or using any gaming or needless and vain sports and pastimes.” Billiard-playing does not seem to have been much in vogue, though “ a new billiard-table ” was advertised for sale by Mat- thew Garrigues at the sign of the Pi’ince Eugene, in Second street, as early as 1726. Horse-Racing, p. 277. — In the celebrated race between Eclipse and Sir Henry, on the Long Island course, May 27th, 1823, Eclipse beat Sir Henry — four-mile heats ; purse, twenty thousand dollars. At the time of the race between Fashion and Peytona, on the Camden course, May 13th, 1845, an accident took place by the falling of the spectators’ stand. Many were hurt, and quite a sensation was made by the afternoon papers. Perry O’Daniel, a watchmaker, then doing business on Market street near Seventh, was badly hurt, but afterward recovered. The stakes were twenty thousand dollars. Ballooning . — In August, 1856, at six p. M., a Frenchman by the name of E. Godard made an ascension from Parkinson’s Garden, on Chestnut street above Tenth, carrying up a live donkey. As the beast arose from the ground he drew up his legs and spread them out, as if grasping for something. Godard came from out the basket on a rope-ladder, sat himself upon the donkey’s back, and waved a flag. Next door, at Rogers’s carriage repository — which was not then finished — the following incident occurred upon the roof of that building : All the workmen went up to the roof — among them two Irish hod-carriers. One of them had a pipe lit in his mouth. Stuffing the tobacco in with his finger, between the puffs he made the quaint remark that “ The donkey would go a good ways before he would want shoe- ing.” The other Irishman, with a knife, tobacco, and pipe in his hand, said : “ He will go farther before he will come to a blacksmith-shop.” There were thirty or more persons on the roof at the time, and all were breathlessly quiet. But the last remark “ brought the house down,” and such a roar as it created ! The people assembled in the garden below laughed also, but not 156 Annals of Philadelphia. at the remarks, for they could not hear them. Godard landed the donkey in a field back of the Odd Fellows’ Cemetery, near the township line. His wife was in the car of the balloon at the time. They then detached the donkey, and John S. Keyser, being present, got in the car and they ascended again, and landed at Lancaster at nine o’clock that evening. The donkey belonged to George Grace, living at that time in Brown street above Eleventh. He afterward figured on the stage of the Walnut Street Theatre in the Black Raven of the Tombs. He was the “ star ” donkey, and died as all donkeys must die. Mons. E. Godard made several ascensions from Parkinson’s Garden. He went back to France, and was very conspicuous in the balloon- service during the siege of Paris, when the only means of com- munication between the government inside the city and the French forces outside was by balloons sent up from the city, which landed in other parts of France. Joshua Pusey made an ascension the same year astride of an eagle made of rattan. He had the wings made to flap like those of a live eagle. He landed above the Wire Bridge, near the Schuylkill. He intended on one occasion to ascend from the old droveyard, Callowhill between Sixth and Seventh streets, on a manufactured horse composed of rattan and cowhide, which he exhibited to the public. The ascension did not take place — ow- ing, perhaps, to the balloon or the stuffed horse or Pusey’s head being overbalanced. Some say that a person in the crowd, opposed to his going up, fired a pistol into the balloon and pre- vented the ascent. FOX-HUNTING. Fox-Hunting, p. 277. — This hunting club used to visit occa- sionally Woodbury, N. J., when my father was at school there in 1793-94. He has often seen S. Morris and the hounds. The latter were lodged in a stable back of the academy, where they made a terrible yelling on being let out for the chase. The Gloucester Fox-Hunting Club, p. 277. — This pleasant association was composed of many highly respectable gentlemen, resident chiefly in Philadelphia, and partly in Gloucester count}-, New Jersey. It originated from accidental causes. The reci- procities of social intercourse between the hospitable gentlemen of landed property in the blessed retirement of a country life and the less secluded, liberal-minded Friends over the river, confined to their respective vocations in the rising city of Penn, laid the foundation of an association of the most delightful character. Elegant society was then comparatively limited ; while the city Friend could give a delightful repast, the country Friend could promise good sport from horses, dogs, and a fox. Fox-Hunting. 157 A number of sportsmen convened a meeting at the Philadelphia Coffee-House, south-west corner of Front and Market streets, in 1766, to organize a regular club to provide and keep a kennel of fox-hounds. Their names were — Benjamin Chew, John Dickinson, Thomas Lawrence, Moor Furman, Enoch Story, Charles Willing, Thomas Willing, Levi Hollingsworth, James Wharton, Thomas Mifflin, William Parr, Israel Morris, Jr., Tench Francis, David Rhea, Robert Morris, John White, John Cadwallader, Samuel Mor- ris, Jr., Anthony Morris, Jr., Turbot Francis, Zebulon Rudulph, Richard Bache, Isaac Wikoff, Joseph Wood, David Potts, Sam- uel Nicholas, Audrew Hamilton, David Beveridge. It was agreed there should be two hunting-days in each week, with intermediate days if ordered, but in the course of a year one day a week sufficed. In 1769 the club prevailed on Mr. Morris to permit his negro man Natt (who was well known in after times by the name of Old Natty by every urchin in town and country) to be enlisted in their service ; his powerful aid was obtained for the interest of the purchase-money of his time and for his apparel. Faithful bandy-legged Natt was re-engaged year after year on like terms until he became a free agent, and was then regularly installed as Knight of the Whip, and became master and commander of a noble family of canines. This venerable gray-pated African sportsman was allowed fifty pounds per annum, a house, and a horse, with Jack Still as assistant. The established hunting uniform in 1774 was a dark-brown cloth coatee, with lapelled dragoon pockets, white buttons, and frock sleeves, buff waistcoat and breeches, and a black velvet cap. The pack consisted of about sixteen couple of fleet hounds. A period of war intervened, and superseded all affairs of the chase until October, 1780, when a slender meeting was obtained at the City Coffee-House, and the president, Mr. Morris, produced his accounts for the last two years, when a balance was found due him of £3553, which was paid by collecting £187 from nineteen members, amongst whom were Sharp Delaney, Thomas Leiper, William Turnbull, and Blair McClenachan ; the country gentle- men — viz. John Boyle, Col. Thomas Robinson, Joseph Ellis of Burlington, George Noarth, Jonathan Potts, Mark Bird, and Col. Benjamin Flower — being only registered as privileged hunters, were not regularly assessed. But a contribution was assessed of $500 on each of these gentlemen to pay off all the existing old debts. These sums were in Continental currency. Six pounds specie was then equivalent to £187 10s. The following gentlemen were admitted members after the organization and before the club’s meetings were suspended by the events of the war of Independence : In 1768. — Jeremiah Warder, Joseph Penrose, Joseph Budden, Edward Cottrrell, Thomas Foxcroft, John Mitchell, Joseph Jones. In 1769. — William Parr, James White, George Morris, Wil- 14 158 Annals of Philadelphia. liam Hiorn, Nathaniel Lewis, Joseph Bullock, Samuel Wallace, Joseph Pemberton, William Jones, Austin Tollman. In 1770. — G. Bonnin, Alvaro d’Ornellas, Turbot Francis, Jas. Bochannan, Thomas Murgatroyd, Stephen Moylan, Tench Tilghman, Samuel Caldwell. In 1771. — John Boyle, Mark Freeman, Matthew Mease, Stacy Sepburn. In 1772. — George Graff, Thomas Williams, John White. In 1773. — James Mease, James Moylan, Robert Glen, Richard Imith, Joseph Wilson, Samuel Howell, Jr., John Mease. In 1774. — Bertles Shee, William Straker, William Price. In 1775. — William Druit Smith, Lieut.-Col. John Patton, Alexander Nesbitt, Thomas Rowan, Jonathan Penrose, John Gardner, Lieut.-Col. Thos. Robinson. In 1776-77 the regular meetings appear to have been wholly suspended. September 18th, 1778, Samuel Caldwell, Samuel Howell, Jr., Samuel Morris, Jr., John Boyle, John Lardner, and Alexander Nesbitt — all from campaign duty — convened, and hon- orably resolved to pay off all debts incurred in the maintenance of the establishment since they had the pleasure of hunting to- gether. They then elected as members Isaac Cox, John Dunlap, Thomas Leiper, James Caldwell, Thomas Peters, Joseph Ellis, General Wilkinson, Isaac Melchior, and Thomas Bond, Jr. The meetings of business were usually called in the city, but the rendezvous for hunting was established at William Hugg’s inn, Gloucester Point Ferry, New Jersey, or at the company’s kennel, erected on the banks of the Delaware near the Point, which in l77S contained a select pack of twenty-two excellent dogs, besides ten six-month old pups. The war ended, the club flourished, and Samuel Morris, Jr., governor of the old Schuylkill Fishing Company, was chosen first president, and continued to be annually rechosen until he died, in 1812. In 1800 there were about forty members, and it flour- ished until 1818, when Captain Charles Ross, the last master- spirit, died, and with him the club ceased to exist, its ranks hav- ing become thinned and its adherents disheartened. President Wharton, the former mayor of Philadelphia, and his few remain- ing associates, at once resolved on the dissolution of the club. The pack was unkennelled and dispersed, and the further ser- vices of old Jonas Cattell, the guide and whipper-in, and Cupid, the faithful jet-complexioned huntsman, were dispensed with. The distribution of the hounds, chiefly among the sporting farmers of West Jersey, has left its mark to this day in their numerous progeny roaming in New Jersey. The hunts took place principally at Cooper’s Creek, about four miles from the city, at the Horseheads, seven miles, at Chew’s Landing, nine miles, at Blackwood Town, twelve miles, at Hes- ton’s Glass-works, twenty miles distant, and sometimes at Thomp- Dancing. 159 son’s Point on the Delaware, many miles to the south. The hunts usually lasted from one to five or six hours, and sometimes even for eight or ten hours. In 1798 one of them carried the pack in full cry to Salem, forty miles distant. In olden times good hunts were made to view on the sea-beach at Egg Harbor. This change of position had the advantage of novelty, and afforded fine shooting in variety and abundance. The increase of Reynard in Gloucester afforded plenty of sport, and the farmers welcomed the huntsmen as friends, frequently hurriedly joining the throng ; and of use too, serving as guides or as diggers-out. Usually about one-half of the club were habitual or efficient hunters. Among the most enterprising and leading members were — Mr. Morris, president, and Messrs. Wharton, C. Ross, J. S. Lewis, Morrell, Clay, Davies, Price, Denman, R. M. Lewis, W. W. Fisher, Humphreys, Harrison, S. Meeker, R. Irwin, S. Allen, J. and A. Hamilton, R. Davis, B. Tilghman, A. Stocker, J. Caldwell, W. Milnor, Jr., T. F. Gamble, J. R. Tunis, J. C. Smith, William Smith, J. Cuthbert, J. Wheeler, W. R. Stockton, J. Jackson, J. Wistar, and Solomon Park, a veteran of seventy, an intrepid horseman — all residents of the city. Of Hew Jersey- men there were Gen. F. Davenport, John Lawrence, Capt. James B. Cooper, Capt. Samuel Whitall, Col. Heston, and Col. Joshua Howell of Fancy Hill, N. J., Samuel Harrison, and Jesse Smith, the high sheriff of Gloucester county. Old Carlisle, p. 283. — This man usually dressed in a black velvet suit. DANCING. A List of Subscribers, p. 284. — In addition to this list we give the names of others, members in 1748: Charles Willing, James Hamilton, Robert Macknet, Thomas Hopkinson, Andrew Elliott, Hinian Wiseheart, Abram Taylor, Richard Hill, Jr., William Peters, James Polyceen, John Hewston, David Bolles, John Cot- tenham, John Moland, William Cozzens. Gh’eat Balls, p. 286. — On the 15th of February, 1808, for some wise purpose, the Legislature passed an act “to declare masquerades and masked balls to be common nuisances,” and punishing offenders, housekeepers, participants, and promoters. The act as passed was as follows : “ Sec. 1 . — Masquerades and masked balls are hereby declared to be common nuisances ; and every housekeeper within this Commonwealth who shall know- ingly permit and suffer a masquerade or masked ball to be given in his or her house, and every person who shall set on foot, pro- mote, or encourage any masquerade or masked ball, and every person who shall knowingly attend or be present at any mas- querade or masked ball in mask or otherwise, being thereof 160 Annals of Philadelphia. legally convicted, .... shall for each and every offence be sen- tenced to an imprisonment not exceeding three months, and to pay a fine not exceeding one thousand nor less than fifty dollars, and to give security in such sum as the court may direct to keep the peace and be of good behavior for one year/’ Then follows Sec. 2, the form of the indictment, Act of Feb. 15, 1808, P. L., 49; Purdon’s Digest (Stroud & Brightly, 1700-1853), p. 573. In 1860 an act was passed, No. 374, entitled “An act to con- solidate, revise, and amend the penal laws of this Common- wealth.” (Act of March 31, 1860, P. L., 382.) This subject of masquerades is not to be found in the code enacted. At the same time an act was passed, No. 375, entitled “An Act to con- solidate, revise, and amend the laws of this Commonwealth relat- ing to penal proceedings.” Section 79 of that act reads : “The following-named acts of Assembly, and parts thereof, and all other parts of the criminal laws of this State, and forms' of pro- cedure relative thereto, so far as the same are altered and sup- plied by the act to consolidate, revise, and amend the penal laws of this Commonwealth, and by this act, be and the same are hereby repealed.” Then follows a list of the acts ; and on page 453, P. L. 1860, is found: “1808, Feb. 15. An act to declare masquerades and masked balls common nuisances, and to punish those who promote and encourage them.” (Act of March 31, 1860, P. L., p. 427.) It is asserted, on one side, that as the new penal code does not prohibit masked balls, the act of 1808 is re- pealed. On the other hand, we have heard it positively asserted, by good legal authority, that the act of 1808 has not been re- pealed. The matter is a question of law which may yet have to be decided by the courts. EDUCATION. The Friends' School, p. 287. — William Penn wrote to Thomas Lloyd in 1689, instructing him to set up a public grammar school. George Keith was appointed at a salary of fifty pounds, with a house to live in, a school-house provided, and the profits of the school for the first year. For two years more one hundred and twenty pounds per annum were to be ensured to him if he remained and taught the poor gratis. This was the first insti- tution of the kind in Philadelphia intended to facilitate the acquisition of the generally used parts of learning among all ranks and to promote a virtuous and learned education. The rich paid for their tuition. This was the “Quaker School,” after- ward celebrated as the place where many of the leading citizens were educated. It was in Fourth street below Chestnut, east side, on the lot where now stand three Pictou-front stores. George Keith was one of the most influential Friends of his Education. 161 day, but being unsuccessful in bis efforts to confine Quakerism in America with the fetters of a written creed, he apostatized, returned to England, and subsequently travelled much as a mis- sionary of the “ Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.” It is said that he founded the first Episcopal church in New Jersey, and that through his instrumentality many Friends embraced the doctrines of the Church of England. Keith was a surveyor, and settled the boundary-line between East and West Jersey. He came from Freehold, Monmouth county, East Jersey. He was a man distinguished for his learn- ing and talents, but fierce and contentious in his disposition, in- tolerant in his faith, rude in his manners, and abusive in his language. About 1690 he gave up the school and devoted him- self to preaching, in which he denounced many of the tenets of the Friends which he had formerly advocated, contemned the government and the magistrates, and through himself and his partisans created considerable feeling in the community. He was disowned by the Friends, at which he raised the cry of persecu- tion and issued a number of publications. He went so far in his denunciation of his late associates as to declare them incon- sistent in assisting in carrying out the laws, in arresting criminals, or even in taking part in the administration of government. Keith’s successors as teachers were Benjamin Makins, D. J. Dove, Robert Proud, William Wanney, Jeremiah Todd, and Charles Thomson. In 1697, Samuel Carpenter, Edward Shippen, Anthony Mor- ris, James Fox, David Lloyd, William Southby, and John Jones applied to Deputy Governor Markham for a charter for this school, which was granted. On October 25, 1701, Penn con- firmed this charter, and again in 1708, when he directed that the corporation was “ for ever thereafter to consist of fifteen discreet and religious persons of the people called Quakers, by the name of the ‘ Overseers of the Public School.’ ” In 1711 he confirmed all previous charters, and appointed as overseers Samuel Carpen- ter the elder, Edward Shippen, Griffith Owen, Thomas Story, An- thony Morris, Richard Hill, Isaac Norris, Samuel Preston, Jon- athan Dickinson, Nathan Stanbury, Thomas Masters, Nicholas Wain, Caleb Pusey, Rowland Ellis, and James Logan, wit! authority in the corporation thereafter to elect the overseers. Third mo. 7th, 1699, George Fox leaves five pounds for main- tenance of a public school in Philadelphia. Seventh mo. 4th, 1699, James Fox leaves forty pounds for an intended school to be erected by the people called Quakers. Sixth mo. 5th, 1702, Prudence West left for the use of the free school belonging to the people of God called Quakers, — pounds. Thomas Mahin, p. 287. — See Col. Records, vol. i. p. 383, where he is notified “ that he must not keep school without license ;” he promised “to take a license,” August 1, 1693. Vol. III. — L 14 * 162 Annals of Philadelphia. The Log College, p. 288. — Dr. A. A. Alexander of Princeton published an account of the Log College ; generally correct, but contained some errors. Andrew Brown, p. 290. — His whole house and family were burnt in Chestnut street, between Second and Front streets, north side. j Education in Pennsylvania within the Last Half Century, p. 296. — About half a century ago the people of Pennsylvania, through their representatives, passed a law for the education of all children in the State whose parents were too poor to educate them. The township assessor’s duty, in addition to his other duties, was to return to the county commissioners annually the names of the children between certain ages — say six and four- teen — whose parents were too poor to pay for their schooling. The children were permitted to attend the nearest school, the teacher to keep an account of their time, and present his bill to the county commissioners, properly certified by the school com- mittee or others who sent children to said school that the rate charged was the same as charged for other schools. However liberal this might be on the part of the State, it did not give satisfaction. It was thrown up to these children by those of their richer neighbors that they were paupers. “ The county pays for your schooling ; my papa pays for mine.” The children’s talk was carried home to the parents, and caused un- pleasant feelings. There was another class of selfish people dis- satisfied. They said : “ These poor children are getting a better education than ours ; they have nothing else to do but to go to school every day, while ours have to stay at home and work.” However mean and selfish this complaint may appear at this day, it found ready listeners and sympathizers. Another class of com- plainers was the large taxpayers. They said: “We have to pay for schooling our own children, and the taxes to pay for these poor children, whose parents are too lazy to earn money for that purpose.” The only parties satisfied were those who were pleased to know that every child had an opportunity of acquiring the rudiments of an education ; but there was a drawback even here. There were some parties too poor to pay for their children’s schooling, and too proud to let the assessor return them to be paid for by the county ; these were kept at home ; and this cir- cumstance, more than any other, caused the people to think of a general school law that would educate all the children of the State on the same footing, whether rich or poor, by a general tax. This was strongly opposed by those who had already schooled their children. At last the Legislature assumed sufficient courage to pass a general school law, making each township and borough an inde- pendent school district, which decided every three years by ballot at the spring election whether or not they would accept the school law ; and if they did so, a bribe was held out to them by paying Punishments. 163 their allotted portion out of an appropriation for that purpose. This appropriation was made from money they had already paid into the State treasury, so that it was actually bribing them with their own money. To the great joy of the friends of popular education, a very respectable number of districts voted to accept, and received their quota of the appropriation. The quota of those districts not accepting was still held in reserve, and after a few years the bait became too tempting, and all accepted. Each district managed its own way under the management of six directors, who either examined the teachers or took them without examination, until a law was enacted for the election of a county superintendent. Cost of Education in the City . — The Committees on Schools and Finance of Councils reduced the school estimate for the year 1878 from $1,712,007.20 to $1,517,983.20 — a total reduction of $194,024. P. 305. Patrick Robinson died in 1701. He was a mem- ber of Council, Clerk of the Court, and Register of Wills, and a very useful man. In 1703 , p. 305 . — John Bowling should read John Bewly. John Sargent (p. 307) should be John Sergeant. PUNISHMENTS. 1735, p. 309. — Frances Hamilton was punished for picking pockets in the market, by being exposed on the court-house steps, with her hands bound to the rails and her face turned toward the whipping-post and pillory for two hours. She was then re- leased and publicly whipped. 1816 , p. 310. — Captain Carson was murdered by Richard Smith and his paramour, Carson’s wife, about 1814 or 1815. Smith was hung for the crime on the 10th of August, 1816. 1823 , p. 310. — William Gross, who was hanged February 17th, 1823, was convicted of the murder of Keziah Stow, a young woman, a native of New Jersey, who led a life of shame. 1829, p. 310. — The Reading mail was robbed by Porter, Wilson, and Poteet on a Sunday morning, December, 1829, near the intersection of Ridge road and Turner’s lane, about the present Twenty-first and Oxford streets. A milkman, com- ing into town on the Ridge road, saw the passengers tied to the trees, and he unloosed some of them. On the trial it came to light that the three robbers had it in contemplation to enter the Northern Liberty Bank when they saw their chance good in daytime, tie the officers, clerks, etc. very expeditiously, and then ransack the vaults, money-drawers, etc., and decamp with their plunder ; but that part of their programme was never put into 164 Annals of Philadelphia. execution. Porter and Wilson were both tried for the robbery of the mail, convicted, and sentenced to death, the other, Poteet, turning “State’s evidence.” Wilson, a few days before the ex- ecution, was pardoned by President Jackson. The mail rob- bery was dramatized at the Walnut Street Theatre in the spring of 1830, Mr. Samuel H. Chapman representing Porter, the par- ticulars of which were described by Charles Durang in his History of the Philadelphia Stage. But the affair of the mail robbery and the incidents connected with it have passed away and been forgotten, few of the present generation remembering it. James Porter was executed on Friday, July 2d, 1830, in a field north of Bush Hill, and near the junction of Schuylkill Sixth and Francis’s lane, corresponding to what is now the neighborhood of Seventeenth and Coates streets. The day was very warm. The procession left the Arch Street Prison about eleven o’clock, went out Broad street, and turned off over the open lots to the place of execution. The Rev. Drs. Hawkes and Kemper attended Porter on the scaffold. President Jackson was much censured for pardoning Wilson and allowing Porter to be hung. The Irish were so much exasperated that they got up quite an enthusiastic indignation meeting to denounce his con- duct for pardoning an American and hanging an Irishman, which they considered an insult to their race. The places used for execution in this city have been as follows : Centre Square for criminals hanged before the Revolution ; Windmill Island for pirates and offenders against the United States; Logan Square for criminals executed after the Revolu- tion and up to the time when Gross was hung, in 1823 ; Bush Hill for public executions of persons convicted of crimes against the United States, including Porter the mail-robber and Moran the pirate. Since the passage of the law of Pennsylvania pro- hibiting public executions, offenders convicted of capital crimes have been hanged in the yard of the Moyamensing Prison. THE BAR, COURTS, ETC. The Philadelphia Bar , p. 315. — Hon. Horace Binney printed for private distribution in 1859-60 a pamphlet containing biog- raphies of Edward Tilghman, William Lewis, and Jared Inger soli, three celebrated lawyers. It was favorably noticed in the English reviews, and reprinted in The Inquirer of May, 1860. In the early days of the courts they were presided over by those who were not lawyers, but leading men of the Province, who were styled justices, and were generally those prominent for zeal and intelligence in public affairs and men of property. Only professional lawyers were allowed to plead. In addition to those mentioned in Vol. I. 315-322, we add the The Bar, Courts, etc. 165 following, who were all in practice before 1750: John Kinsey, James Parnell, Ralph Asheton, Jos. Alexander, James Graeme, Joseph Growden, Jr., Peter Evans, George Lowther, John G’uest, Thos. McNemara, Sami. Hassel, Tench Francis, Edward Shippen. In an old book published at Philadelphia in 1767 are the following names : Thompson, Meredith, Wharton, Clymer, Mor- ris, Chew, Mifflin, Biddle, Peters, Wilcocks, Logan, Pemberton, Norris, Worrell, Emlen, Bullock, Fishbourne, Marshall, Francis, Harding. From the names of lawyers that have been preserved in the published lists of members of the bar, there W’ere no per- sons bearing the names above enumerated who were practitioners of law in this city before the Revolution except Benjamin Chew, Tench Francis, Edward Biddle, and Richard Peters. The other persons bearing the surnames which have been quoted were gen- erally engaged in trade. There was no Meredith at the bar pre- vious to the admission of William Meredith, who was admitted in the year 1795. There was no Thompson before Ross Thomp- son, admitted in 1782. Richard Wharton was the first of that name at the bar, being admitted in 1786. The first Clymer (John M.) who was a lawyer was admitted in 1793. Gouverneur Morris was admitted in 1781 ; John F. Mifflin in 1779; Alex- ander Wilcocks in 1778. James Logan, although he was chief- justice, was not a professional lawyer. The first Logan at the bar was Robert M., who was admitted in 1838. No person bearing the name of Pemberton has ever been a member of the Philadelphia bar. The members of the Norris family before the Revolution were all merchants, although one of them was chief- justice. William Norris, the first lawyer of that name admitted, came to the bar in 1806. The first of the Worrells at the bar was admitted a few years ago. George Emlen, Jr., the first of that name, came to the bar in 1835. The name of Bullock does not appear in the bar lists, nor does that of any Fishbourne. Isaac R. Marshall — the first of the name — was admitted in 1811. George Harding — the first of that name — was admitted in 1849. The brevity of the dockets shows how little business was done in the early days of the courts ; those of the orphans’ court be tween 1719 and 1731 occupied only sixty-nine pages of foolscap — about five pages to the year. The word “ regrating ” appears a number of times in connection with hucksters forestalling the market and buying up produce, it being an indictable offence. Disloyalty against the king brought down punishment on the offender. The punishments were severe and various. Heavy fines, whipping on the bare back at the cart’s tail around the town, burning in the hand or on the body, standing in the pil- lory or the stocks, etc., are to be seen in the records. In 1706, Governor Evans submitted a bill for the organization of the courts to those practising. He disputed with the Assembly about the bill for appointing judges and magistrates, with their 166 Annals of Philadelphia . compensation, also the creation of a court of equity. As the As- sembly had not much confidence in Governor Evans, they re- sisted the latter clause vigorously. He pressed upon them the appointment of Judge Mompesson, a judge of admiralty, who came over in 1704 and who was appointed chief-justice in April, 1706. Evans insisted upon having only men skilled in the law and at sufficient compensation. But the Assembly thought good lawyers were so scarce that the keeping of them would be costly and uncertain ; therefore twenty years’ experience showed them there were men of knowledge sufficient to judge of matters aris- ing in so young a colony. These court disputes were constant, arising from the frequent repeal of the Provincial laws and the contests for superiority between the governors and the Assembly, the former claiming power as a Proprietary right, and the latter as inherent in the people. Evans tried to have created a court of chancery, and himself, as the king’s representative, chancellor. His efforts failed from want of confidence in him. Governor Keith was more successful, and the court was established August 10, 1720. THE CHEW FAMILY. Benjamin Chew, p. 318. — Colonel Samuel Chew emigrated to this country in 1671 with Lord Baltimore and many other gen- tlemen, with their retinue, who settled in Maryland. He came from Chewton, in Somersetshire, England, and located on West River in Anne Arundel county. Samuel Chew, a member of the Society of Friends, was a physician, but had also acquired so ex- tensive a knowledge of the law, and consequent reputation, that he was appointed chief-justice of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex counties, afterward constituting the State of Delaware. Friend as he was, he was public-spirited enough to enforce from the bench the propriety of lawful war or defence of one’s country ; this charge was reprinted in the Philadelphia journals, to the scandal of the Friends, who opposed voting supplies to the king when in 1745 the colonies were threatened by the French. Cliveden, which has such historic interest connected with the battle of Germantown, consisted of about sixty acres. The house, a large stone mansion, weather-stained and venerable now, and built after the solid and picturesque fashion of the old time, was built by Benjamin Chew for his country-seat. Benjamin Chew, born in the family mansion on West River in 1722, in early life exhibited a fondness for intellectual pursuits. He was a student in the office of Andrew Hamilton in Philadelphia ; was much esteemed aud trusted by him, because of his talents and assiduity ; and after the death of that distinguished lawyer com- pleted his professional studies in the Middle Temple, London, in 167 The Chew Family. 1744. On Ills return his ability and attainments speedily ac- quired for him extensive practice and reputation, both at the bai and in public affairs. He became successively attorney-general of the Province, member of the governor’s Council, recorder of the city, registrar of wills, and chief-justice of the Supreme Court, before the Revolution. At that period Mr. Chew was a Tory, so far as that word implies — not indifference to the rights of his country or approval of the tyrannical measures of the Crown, but — loyalty to his government, reluctance to sever old ties, and dissent from what he and many other honest men at the time thought the premature measure of independence. Notwithstanding the courtesies he had paid to Washington, Adams, and the prominent members of the Continental Congress of 1774 at his sumptuous table and elegant house in Third street below Walnut, Congress passed a resolution to arrest those “ disaffected or dangerous to the publick liberty,” amongst whom were Judge Chew and John Penn and a number of influential Friends. They were sent to Burlington, N. J., where they remained as prisoners for about a year, being released in 1778. That Chew’s rectitude and hon- orable character were recognized, notwithstanding his political views, the friendship of Washington both before and after the war, and his appointment by Governor Mifflin to the office of president-judge of the High Court of Errors and Appeals, are sufficient proof. Mr. Chew was distinguished not only for his legal attainments, for purity and ability as a judge, but for gen- eral literary culture, private worth, and the accomplishments of a gentleman. He died Jan. 20, 1810, aged eighty-seven years. One of his daughters married Alexander Wilcocks in 1768; Harriet married Charles Carroll of Carrollton ; Sophia, one of the belles of the “ Meschianza,” married Henry Phillips of Maryland ; and Peggy, another of the belles, married John Eager Howard of Baltimore in 1787. Washington was at the wedding of the latter, and must have felt the contrast between that period and ten years before. Benjamin, junior, succeeded to the estate of Cliveden. Born in Philadelphia September 30, 1758, he studied law and per- fected his studies in London at the Middle Temple. He prac- tised only a few years. He married a wealthy lady, Catharine Banning, in 1788. He entertained La Fayette in 1825 with great splendor; the occasion was commemorated by a large painting now in the possession of the family. He died at Cliveden April 30, 1844, aged eighty-six. Two of his sons, Benjamin Chew, Jr., and Samuel Chew, took up the hereditary practice of the law, and occupied prominent positions. The property is still in the hands of their descendants. Jared Ingerso/l, p. 322. — Afterward in Chestnut street, oppo- site the State House. Joseph Moylan (p. 322) should be Jasper Moylan. 168 Annals of Philadelphia. P. S. Duponeeau, p. 322. — Afterward N. E. corner of Chest- nut and Sixth streets. His house was a large one, and stood back from the street. It was torn down to give place to the large structure formerly known as “Hart’s Buildings.” Edward Tilghman, p. 322. — Afterward Chestnut and Carpen- ter’s court. P. 322. The dress of Judges McKean, Bryan, Atlee, and Rush in 1785 consisted of scarlet robes, and they sat with their hats on while administering justice. In the Minutes of Council, p. 323. — (See Col. Rees., vol. i.) It is manifest, etc. p. 324. — (See Col. Rees., vol. ii., p. 259 ; “ Records of Com. Council,” Ibid., pp. 249, 251, 252.) THE MILITARY. The Association Regiments, p. 326. — Early in January, 1748, the Associators met and elected as officers of the companies — Captains. Charles Willing, Thomas Bond, John Inglis, James Polegreen, Peacock Bigger, Thomas Bourne, William Cuzzins, Septimus Robinson, James Coultas, John Ross, Richard Nixon, Lieutenants. Atwood Shute, Richard Farmer, Lynford Lardner, William Bradford, Joseph Redman, Robert Owen, George Spafford, William Clemm, George Gray, Jr., Richard Swan, Richard Renshaw, Ensigns. James Claypoole. Plunkett Fleeson. T. Lawrence, Jr. William Bingham. Joseph Wood. Peter Etter. Abraham Mason. William Rush. Abraham Jones. Philip Benezet. Francis Garrigues. They then marched to the State House, where the president and Council were in session. The officers elected as colonel Abraham Taylor, as lieutenant-colonel Thomas Lawrence, and as major Samuel McCall. The companies averaged one hundred men. The companies of the county chose — Captains. John Hughes, Samuel Shaw, Henry Pawling, Thomas York, Jacob Hall, Edward Jones, Abraham Dehaven, Christopher Robbins, John Hall, Lieutenants. Matthias Holstein, Isaac Ashton, Robert Dunn, Jacob Leech, Joseph Levis, Griffith Griffiths, William Coats, Roger North, Peter Knight, Joshua Thomas, Ensigns. Frederick Holstein John Roberts. Hugh Hamilton. John Barge. William Finney. James Richey. John Pauling. Benjamin Davis. Philip Wvnkoop. The Military. 169 Edward Jones was colonel, Thomas York lieutenant-colonel, and Samuel Shaw major of this regiment. By April nearly one thousand Associators were enrolled and under arms. They immediately proceeded to construct batteries — the first at the wharf of Anthony Attwood, under Society Hill, between Pine and Cedar streets. The breastwork w r as about eight feet thick, made of timber and plank, with earth rammed in, constructed for thirteen guns. It was built by the carpenters furnishing their part of the work gratuitously, and was finished in two days. The largest battery, “ The Association,” was con- structed below Swedes’ Church, upon the site lately occupied by the Navy Yard, and presented a pentagonal front to the river, with embrasures for twenty-seven cannon. The cannon were diligently hunted up from various sources. A number were gathered from the wharves, where they had been lying ; some were purchased in Boston ; others were borrowed from Clinton, governor of New York, through the intervention of Franklin and others ; some were imported from England ; and fourteen were received from the Proprietaries. From these sources the armament on Association Battery was increased to fifty cannon, eighteen-, twenty-four-, and thirty-two-pounders ; one of the latter was presented by the Schuylkill Fishing Com- pany. The brave defenders mounted guard. every night, suffer- ing no vessels to pass between dark and daylight. A company of artillery to work the guns was formed under an old priva- teersman, Captain John Sibbald, and a guard placed over the powder-house. But all of the preparations were for naught. Though French and Spanish cruisers captured vessels at the mouth of the river, none of them ascended to test the bravery of the batteiy-men. The citizens met at the new meeting-house, p. 326. — This is a mistake. The “ new-meeting-house,” at the north-west corner of Third and Arch streets, was not erected till 1750. It was in the “New Building” in Fourth street below Arch, afterward “ the Old Academy,” where Gilbert Tennent then preached. (See Penna. Archives, vol. sii. p. 440.) Gideon of Philadelphia, p. 331. — Jacob Gideon was a tenant of my grandfather in a two-storied house in Arch street above Fourth. He made and sold shoe-blacking, and was more re- markable as a “ trumpeter ” than for good deeds. Gen. John Macpherson, p. 331. — He was afterward naval officer of Philadelphia — a fine-looking man, till in his later years he was afflicted with a huge wen or tumor on his neck, which be- came so large as to require to be supported by a handkerchief or bandage. From its situation it could not be removed without endangering his life ; it ultimately caused his death. He married a daughter of Bishop White. The City Troop, p. 333. — This, the oldest military organization 15 170 Annals of Philadelphia . in the United States, was organized November 17th, 1774. Tht cavalry attached to the Philadelphia brigade during the Western expedition (“ Whiskey War”) in 1794 were the First City Troop, Captain John Dunlap, and Captains Abraham Singer’s and Mc- Connell’s troops, the two latter being together about one hundred and sixty strong. A list of the officers and men of the City Troop will be found in the by-laws, muster-roll, and papers published by the Troop in 1856, and in the History of the Troop , published in 4to in 1876. They left the city on the 8th of August, and returned on the 28th of December. Philadelphia Blues. — There is in this city an old book of 1812, in manuscript, containing the “Rules and By-laws of the Philadelphia Blues,” Captain Lewis Rush, who resided at that time at No. 125 Race street. The book also contains the signa- tures of the members, with their places of residence. This com- pany was attached to the first battalion of the Fiftieth Regiment, Philadelphia militia. The “ Philadelphia Blues” was a company which was in existence before the war of 1812. Lewis Rush, its captain, was made colonel of the first detachment of militia, which in 1813 was quartered at Staunton, Shellpot Hill, and Oak Hill. This detachment marched from the city May 13th, and returned to the city July 27th. During that campaign the company was under the command of Henry Myers, captain ; William Cole, first lieutenant; George Geyer, second lieuten- ant; Michael Sager, third lieutenant; and John Suter, ensign. In the campaign of 1814 this company did not serve. It prob- ably went out of existence or was united with some other. Our Military Commanders. — For the first time in over eighty years the militia force of Philadelphia consists of only one bri- gade. Recent orders of the governor have abolished the Second Brigade, and consolidated the regiments belonging to it "with the First, so that what is called the First Division is nothing more than one brigade. In 1793 the volunteers of the city and county of Philadelphia were marshalled into one division and two brigades, which were called the “City Brigade” and the “ County Brigade.” The City Brigade, afterward called the “ First Brigade,” had between 1793 and 1876 as brigadier-gene- rals — Thomas Proctor, William Macpherson, Francis Gurney, John Shee, John Barker, Michael Bright, Robert Wharton, George Bartram, Thomas Cadwalader, Robert Patterson, An- drew M. Prevost, George Cadwalader, John P. Bankson, Henry Muirheid, and Robert Brinton. The County Brigade in the same period had as generals — Jacob Morgan, Isaac Worrell, Michael Leib, William Duncan, Thomas Snyder, Samuel Castor, John D. Goodwin, Augustus L. Rouiufort, William F. Small, John Tyler, Jr., John Bennett, John D. Miles, J. William Hoffman, and Russell Thayer. About 1842 a Third Brigade was formed, and Horatio Hubbell was appointed brigadier-general. He was The Military. 171 succeeded by John Sidney Jones, William M. Reilly, and De Witt C. Baxter. During the war of the Rebellion the Fourth Brigade was formed, and William B. Thomas was its first and only brigadier-general. The Fifth Brigade, embracing colored troops, was also formed during the war, and Louis Wagner was brigadier-general. There was also a Reserve Brigade, which General Frank E. Patterson commanded, and a Home-Guard Brigade under General Pleasanton. The major-generals com- manding these brigades have been eleven — James Irvine, Walter Stewart, Thomas Proctor, Thomas Mifflin (who was appointed January 1st, 1800, and died twenty days afterward), Thomas Proctor again, John Shee, John Barker, Isaac Worrell, Thomas Cadwalader, Robert Patterson, Charles M. Prevost, and John P. Bankson. The longest term of service was that of General Robert Patterson — from 1828 to 1865, thirty-seven years. The longest term of a brigadier-general was that of George Cadwala- der — from 1842 to 1865, twenty-three years. Major-General Isaac Worrell and Brigadier-Generals Robert Wharton, George Bartram, and Thomas Cadwalader of the City Brigade, and William Duncan and Thomas Snyder of the County Brigade, commanded during the war of 1812. We had some eminent officers of the United States in com- mand at Philadelphia during certain contingencies — among them General Israel Putnam, 1775-76; General Schuyler and the Marquis de la Fayette in the early part of 1777 ; Benedict Arnold and John Armstrong in 1778. William Macpherson commanded during the Hot- Water War; and in the war with Great Britain, 1813-14, Generals Joseph Bloomfield and Ed- mund P. Gaines w r ere commanders of the military district in which Philadelphia was situated. It will therefore be some- what of a novelty to have but one brigade in Philadelphia, although the city is much larger and has a greater population than when there were five brigades. But there are some changes in the militia laws which should be taken into consideration. Formerly, when every male between the age of eighteen and forty-five years was liable to militia duty, there was a consider- able establishment of regiments with their colonels and other officers, the privates of which turned out once a year and toed the curbstone in order to save their fines. Such a militia system was a farce. In time it was abolished ; and since the establish- ment of the National Guard, which consists entirely of uniformed and disciplined volunteers, there is no reason for continuing bri- gade organizations if there are not enough troops to fill up the ranks. This seems to be the trouble with the military estab- lishment just now. A few years ago we had a very handsome force of volunteer soldiers, but for some reason the military spirit is declining and the companies and regiments are falling off in number. It is rather absurd to witness the parade of 172 Annals of Philadelphia. what is called “ a brigade ” which turns out no more than a thousand or fifteen hundred men. Yet as meagre a show as this has been made on some recent occasions. As Philadelphia will have but one brigade, it cannot properly have, under such ci -cu instances, a major-general to command that one brigade. T here ought to be two or three brigades in a division ; and that i? the reason of the rumor which obtained to the effect that the g >vernor intended to consolidate the brigades of Philadelphia, Chester, and Lancaster counties into one division. The rumor was somewhat premature, but it is probable that it will be carried out by a plan shaped on the model reported. The resignations of Major-General Brinton, First Division, Major-General Pearson, Sixth Division, and Brigadier-General Loud, Second Brigade, have been accepted by Governor Hart- ranft. General Pearson’s and General Brinton’s staff officers also resigned at the same time, and their resignations have all been accepted. Colonel Maxwell of the Sixth Regiment has been placed in command of the First Division, and Colonel Guthrie of the Eighteenth Regiment has been assigned to the command of the Sixth Division. The resignations of these general officers were all tendered with a view to the further- ance of the effort to reorganize the National Guard, which will reduce the major-generals to one and the brigadier-generals to five. P. 333. In the British colonial army for the Province of Pennsylvania, 1757-58, and afterward, according to the Penn- sylvania Archives, the officers of a company were captain, lieu- tenant, and ensign. Bailey’s Dictionary, published in 1736, de- fines an “ ensign ” to be “ an officer in a company of foot-soldiers who carries the flag or colors.” An ensign, therefore, was not a lieutenant, but in authority he was more like the color-sergeant of modern military establishments. The forts at Grafs Ferry, on the line of the Schuylkill River, p. 333. — The militia had nothing to do with building the forts in the neighborhood of Philadelphia during the war of 1812. Those works were built according to the plans and by the au- thority of the Committee of Defence appointed at a meeting of citizens of Philadelphia, held in the State House Yard on the 26th of July, 1814, of which Charles Biddle was chairman. The fortifications were built bv citizens of Philadelphia — not as militiamen, but as volunteer workmen. The fortifications were erected by different bodies of men on different days. .There was a brilliant parade of the Free Masons. The Irish had their day, the clergy a day, and the colored men a day. Besides the forti- fication at the intersection of the road to Darby and the road from Gray’s Ferry, there was one on Fairmount and one on the south side of Chestnut street, very near to the Schuylkill River. For many years after the conclusion of the war the young of both The Military. 173 sexes were in the habit of repairing to this last fortification oe Easter Monday and rolling Easter eggs down the slope toward the river. About ten years ago the Historical Society published a volume containing the minutes of the Committee of De- fence. (See p. 491.) Col. Pluck, p. 333. — Colonel John Pluck was prominent in the affairs of our local militia from about 1828 to 1830-31. He was hostler in a market-tavern in the Northern Liberties, and was elected colonel of the Eighty-fourth Regiment of Penn- sylvania militia in order to bring discredit upon the militia sys- tem. Members of his regiment paraded in fantastical dress, and the organization was known as the “ Bloody Eighty-fourth.” The Grays . — The Artillery Corps of Washington Grays, organ- ized in 1823, first attracted attention in the La Fayette reception in 1824. The appearance of the corps was particularly noticed by La Fayette ; and in honor of that compliment the Grays appear in the background of the portrait of La Fayette painted for the city of Philadelphia. The Washington Grays’ monument at Broad street and Girard avenue was erected April 19th, 1872. The Philadelphia Grays were organized about the year 1828- 29. The first commander was Captain John Miles. They visited New York on the 4th of July, 1828. Afterward George Cadwalader was the commander, and the company then became one of the first in standing among the military. At one time it was organized as flying artillery, and there were frequent exercises of the men with the guns on the hill back of Harding’s tavern, near Fairmount, on the Schuylkill. On the breaking out of the war in 1861, the company volunteered “ for the first call of troops,” and after its return the corps was disbanded. Our townsman, the Hon. John K. Findlay, who commanded the Lan- caster Fencibles, became captain of the Grays after Cadwalader. Several of the original members are still living. Lieutenant Hastings was the first officer under Cadwalader, and he fre- quently had the company on parade. It always made a fine ap- pearance. James Hanna, the lawyer — on Walnut street at that time — was a lieutenant; also Mr. Budd, a Third street broker. For some years the Washington Grays and the Philadelphia Grays had their armories in the Union Building, at the north- east corner of Eighth and Chestnut streets — one company being located in the part of the building fronting on Chestnut street, and the other company in the northern part. Their uniforms were very much alike, and they frequently paraded together. Soldiers in the Mexican War . — There are no means of ascer- taining how many soldiers Philadelphia furnished for the Mex- ican War. The First and Second Pennsylvania regiments were partly made up of Philadelphia soldiers. The companies that went from Philadelphia were those of Captains Binder, Bennett, Hill Morehead, Scott, Small, and Navlor — probably six hundred men 15 * 174 Annals of Philadelphia. The “ Scott Legion ” is composed of the survivors of those whc served in the war. French Spoliation Claims . — During the difficulties between Great Britain and France, before the commencement of the present century, American commerce suffered from botli bellig- erents, particularly by the Berlin and Milan decrees, etc. Dur- ing that time many American vessels were detained and their cargoes confiscated by France. Claims were made against the French government for remuneration by American merchants, and the United States prepared for war with France and took retaliatory measures. Something like a peace was patched up in 1800. In 1803, Jefferson bought Louisiana from France for fifteen million dollars, of which four million dollars were as- sumed to be paid by the United States government to citizens who had suffered by French spoliations. That was the last of it, so far as practical results are concerned. The claims for spo- liation were estimated at four million dollars, and the United States government undertook to pay them, releasing France from responsibility. This act of justice has never been per- formed. Bills for the spoliation claims have frequently been before Congress, with favorable reports, and have been passed in one chamber and defeated in the other. On one occasion a bill for the settlement of the claims was passed by both Houses, and vetoed by the President. The United States government has never paid them, and this swindle is to be added to the rank dishonesty of the repudiation of the Continental money, and the latest disgrace of falsifying the public money and decree- ing that ninety cents’ worth of silver shall pass for one hun- dred cents’ worth. The original challenge, p. 334. — This is now in possession of the Historical Society. The Boston News-letter, published at Boston Oct. 24, 1715, says: “Our governor had a letter from the bishop of London to suspend Mr. Phillips; which is done; and on Sunday last all our parishioners met at the church as formerly, and Mr. Talbot preached forenoon and afternoon to them.” Talbot was the travelling companion of George Keith, the celebrated Quaker and afterward Churchman. The Pennsylvania Gazette of February 10, 1730, says: “Two young Hibernian gentlemen met on Society Hill and fought a gallant duel before a number of spectators — not very usual on such occasions.” .... “As they were parted without much difficulty, and neither of them received much hurt, it is gene- rally looked upon to be only a piece of theatrical representa- tion.” This low sandy beach (p. 336) is now built upon by city stores and wharves. Long within my father’s recollection and time did it remain a convenient place for washing and swimming horses, and for shallops loaded with hay, the carts backing in tc The Blue Anchor. 175 wliere the vessels lay at a distance from the street. These stores ha v e since been sold by the city. Maj.-Gen. George Cadwalader died Feb. 3d, 1879, aged 72 years. His brother, Judge John Cadwalader, died Jan. 26. When eigh- teen he joined the First City Troop; in 1832 was captain of the Philadelphia Grays; in 1842 brigadier-general of the First Brig- ade; served as such in the Mexican War, and was made major- general for his services. He served bravely through the rebellion. THE BLUE ANCHOR. As early as the year 1691, p. 336. — See Hazard’s Colonial Records, vol. ii. p. 9, seq., for the following: “ 18th of 10br., 1700. Griffith Jones, and Henry Elfreth, mean purchaser under him, complain that part of a Bank Lot in the ffront street before the Blue Anchor, granted by the Pro- prietors Commrs. by patent to the s d Griffith Jones, and by him sold to John Townsend, who sold it to the said Elfreth, was by public order of Govr. Lloyd, attended by the Justices, taken for the use of the public, the said Elfreth’s building hindered and stop’t to their great damage, by the ground-rents not being paid to Griffith Jones, and by Henry Elfreth’s being molested, and thereupon his materials for building in a great measure lost.” “ Henry fflower and other evidences appeared and certified that the justices stopt Elfreth’s building about the year 1691, and would not suffer him to proceed therein.” (P. 9.) “19th of 10br., 1700. The business of Henry Elfreth and Griffith Jones, being adjourned yesterday to this morning, was again brought on.” . . . . “ Ordered, that David Lloyd, in whose hands several papers relating to that affair are said to be lodged, should be called, and accordingly he came and produced a peti- tion signed by several Housekeepers and Inhabitants requesting that there being the greatest conveniency of a landing-place and harbor at that place of the bank where the Blue Anchor stood, it should be ordered by the Govr. and Council, who have the power thereof, to be laid out for a Public landing-place and harbor, that being the inducing reason at first to settle the town where it now is.” . ... u There was also produced an order of Council held at Philadelphia, y e 4th of 6th mo., 1691, in the rough draught, that there should the place be reserved for a landing-place,” etc. “ Resolved, That there shall be measures taken by next Coun- cil day, that the Town of Philadelphia shall make satisfaction to the said Elfreth for the losses he has sustained.” (P. 10.) “15th 12mo., 1700. The business about the free landing- place at the Blue Anchor, debated before this board on the 19th day of the 10th mo. last, was again considered. “ Ordered, that it be still recommended to the persons to whom it was before recommended, further to continue their care and 176 Annals of Philadelphia. consult some of the most considerable inhabitants in Town, who may chiefly have the benefit, and see what can be done therein.’' (P. 12.) “ 15th 12mo., 1700. The business about the free landing-place (at the Blue Anchor) moved to this Board on the 15th of last month, was this day again moved, and inquired how far those persons to whose care it was committed, had proceeded and what they had effected therein ; who answered, That upon Trial made with several inhabitants, they found no inclination towards com- pliance with what was proposed, where upon it was ordered, that about a score of the most considerable inhabitants in the lower ends of the front and second street, should be summoned to meet the Gov r at 4 in the afternoon. Ordered that the secretary should send a summons.” (P. 14.) “ Post meridiem quodem die. Pursuant to the summons or- dered in the morning, seventeen of the inhabitants appeared, and the subject matter was proposed and fully discoursed of, but they showed no inclination to comply with what the Gov r thought might reasonably be expected of them, and they were thereupon dismissed.” (P. 14.) “19th 3d mo., 1701. Application being again made to this Board in behalf of H. Elfreth to have that affair of the public Landing-place concluded, on which Samuel Carpenter proposing to lay down £100 to satisfy Griffith Jones for his ground rent, and the said Elfreth for his damages, on condition that the town will give him the public wharf at the end of Walnut street in Exchange.” “ Recommended to the further consideration of the Council at the next setting.” (P. 19.) “20th 7th mo., 1701. Assembly ask of Gov r that Public Landing-places at the Blue Anchor and Penny Pothouse be con- firmed to be free to Inhabitants of this town, no infringing any man’s property.” (P. 39.) “29th 7th mo., 1701. Gov r replies, ‘I am willing to grant the ends of the streets where and when improved — and the othe' according to your request .’ ” (P. 42.) “24th Oct., 1701. The case of Henry Elfreth is referrei to the Council of the Gov r , and they to recommend it to the Town that some care may be taken therein.” (P. 54.) Upon the subject of a harbor for shipping, p. 337. — (See a trial between the Northern Liberties and the City, Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, July term, 1850, No. 133 ; also the facts of the case may be seen in a pamphlet published by F. C. Brightly.) Anthony Morris’s brew-house, p. 339. — Other brew-houses were — “ To be sold, all that large and commodious Brewery and Dis- tillery situated on Wharton’s wharf, next to Swedes’ Church, belonging to the estate of Edward Crosson, dec’d.” ( Penna . Journal, July 14, 1763.) Prisons. 177 “ All the materials and stock on hand of the Brewery in Sixth street between Market and Chestnut streets occupied by Robt. Henderson & Co., together with a lease of the brew-house and distillery-house for six years.” (Ibid., Oct. 27, 1763.) This must be the brewery at present (1879) at the same place, for- merly Gray’s brewery. Clarke & Moore are in tenure of brew-house, etc. in Sixth be- tween Arch and Market. (Ibid., April 25, 1765.) This must have been Larer’s late brewery, there about 1857. 1667, p. 342. — This should be 1767. The statement is prob- ably also an error, as in Du Simitiere’s MSS. in the Philadelphia Library is the following sentence : “ The place where the Dock was to be continued from Walnut street in a diagonal line to Third street has been vaulted over and filled up, and is intended to be a market-place by the name of Exchange Market.” (Du Simitilre’s MSS., No. — , p. 9.) In the year 1781, P- 342. — (See the law for this in Smith’s laws, vol. ii. p. 101.) P. 347. A sewer was constructed in 1849 from Dock street down Walnut street to the wharf. From Dock street to Second it was dug out and the sewer built ; but from Second below to the wharf it was tunnelled without opening the street, except at about midway between Second and Front, where an opening was made and the work all done under ground; below Front they had to employ a steam-engine to raise the water, which was ex- ceedingly troublesome to the workmen. Some ancient logs and bottles were dug out, supposed to have belonged to the first settlers. P. 349. Dock street is frequently mentioned in early patents. It was a street laid out thirty feet wide on each side of Dock Creek, and that is the reason why the present Dock street is broad. It is much wider than the original width of the creek. The street called “ Little Dock street ” was called “ the New Cut.” PRISONS. The ■ Old Court-house, p. 350. — Gabriel Thomas states in 1698 : “ There is lately built a noble Towne House, or Guild Hall, also a handsome Market House, and a convenient Prison.” This would appear to refer to the court-house, though Mr. Westcott and other reliable authorities do not believe that it was erected for eight or nine years after, or about the date of the Charter of Privileges to Philadelphia as a city, October 28, 1701. The building was appropriated to general city and county purposes, including the City Council. Kalm in his Travels (i. 45) says: “The Court-house stands in the middle of Market street, to the west of the market. It is a Vol. III.— M 178 Annals of Philadelphia. fine building, with a little tower in which there is a bell. Below and round about this building the market is properly kept every week.” Etting, in his History of Independence Hall, says : “ The Gen- eral Assembly and the governor's Council never held their sessions herein, as some have imagined,” and as Watson so fully states. The place of holding the county elections was changed from the County Court-house to the State House in 1766, and the first election there took place on the 6th of October. The city election always took place naxt day, unless it happened on Sunday. Year 1682, p. 356. — (See Col. Rees., vol. i. p. 92 ; it is there 11 mo., 1683.) This prison and cage are laid down in the mid- dle of Market street on a MS. survey of it by Edward Pening- ton, surveyor, in 1698; as well as Letitia court, in Recorder’s office. (See Vol. I., and p. 118 of this volume.) By a minute of Council, July 10, 1700, it had already become a nuisance, and a lot had been purchased at Third Street for a new prison. “ Wm. Clayton of Chichester producing an acc‘ of £11 11s. 0 d. due his father, Wm. C., deceased, for building a cage for male- factors in the town of Philadelphia at the first settling of the Province,” . . . . “ ordered that the Provincial treasurer discharge the s d acc‘.” July 26, 1701. (Col. Rees., vol. ii. p. 26.) In 1722, p. 359. — It was ordered to be sold April 1, 1723. It is reported June 3 as sold to Alderman Fishbourne, treasurer, for seventy-five pounds, which he is to carry to the credit of the corporation, and have the walls pulled down and streets cleared of it. (See Min. Com. Council, 1704-1776, pp. 227, 230.) The law for building a new one was that it should be erected within three years from March 25, 1718. In October, 1729, the keeping of a tavern in the prison was presented by the board as a great nuisance, and its removal recommended. The Stone Prison, p. 360. — Feb. 28th, 1780, an act was passed by which the Supreme Executive Council “ may and shall sell and convey the said old gaol and workhouse in the City of Philadelphia ( i . e. fronting on the south side of High street and extending along Third street from Delaware, as the same was holden by Joshua Carpenter in trust for the use of the city and county of Philadelphia) to the private use of the purchaser by deed or deeds under the great seal, signed by the Pres* and V. Pres 1 of said Council for the sole benefit and advantage notwith- standing of the said city and co.” (See Smith’s Laws, vol. i. p. 486.) In 1785 the lot on which this prison stood was sold, and those adjoining on Third and on Market street. The purchasers were — deeds dated Nov. 23, 1785 — John Fries, corner lot, 22 X 80, for . . . Martin Baisch, High street, 22 X 80 . . . £1215 1000 Prisons. 179 Jacob Barge, High street, 22 X 80 . . . . £935 Thomas Goucher, Third street, 20 X 66 . . John Britton, “ “ . . 640 John Hubley, “ “ . . 675 Samuel McLane, “ “ . . 635 John Steinmetz, “ “ . . 535 Thomas Poultney, “ “ 535 (Col. Rees., vol. xiv. p. 583.) It contained in breadth 16 feet and length 240 feet, bounded north by High, east by Third street, south by back lots, and west by a lot formerly belonging to Thomas Rowland. (See sect. 4 of act passed Feb. 26, 1773, for erecting a new gaol, etc. in Smith’s Laws, vol. i. p. 402.) The Walnut Street Prison, p. 361. — Dec. 16th, 1775, “part of new gaol is now in order for reception of prisoners ; they are to be removed from the gaol and workhouse.” (Col. Rees., vol. x. p. 429.) A series of articles on the Walnut Street Prison were pub- lished in the Sunday Dispatch, commencing Oct. 16, 1859. Just before the Revolution this building was projected, and was finished in 1773, about the commencement of hostilities, but was not immediately used for county purposes. The Americans used it for confining their prisoners of war, and the British while they held Philadelphia did the same with their captures. (For an account of their atrocious behavior to their prisoners see Vol. II. p. 300.) It was at this time dubbed “the British Provost.” The building came into its proper use as a county prison in 1784, when the prison at the south-west corner of Third and Market streets was demolished, and the prisoners were removed to it. It stood on the south side of Walnut street opposite the State House Yard, occupying nearly half the block, and extend- ing to the corner of Sixth street and running back to Prune street. It was built of stone, was two stories high, with a base- ment, and surmounted by a bell-tower. The centre portion pro- jected a few feet, and was finished with a gable rising above the roof and breaking the long line of the cornice. The doorway was reached by a high flight of stone steps, which were flanked on either side by a one-storied structure, where were the offices or residences of the jailers’ families. The northern portion — that is, the front on Walnut street — was occupied as the prison- house and prison-yard of criminals and convicts ; and the south- ern, or Prune street portion, was used for the safe-keeping of persons imprisoned for debt or other civil delinquencies. Crime and poverty, then, were the tenants of the two apartments, sepa- rated by a courtyard, of the gloomy tenement which then occu- pied this space. Crime either languished in what W'as called solitary confinement, dark, idle, and uninstructed, or was set to 180 Annals of Philadelphia. labor in a common and noisy workshop, the chief business of’ which was sawing stone — the most frequent, because the simplest, of employments. Poverty dragged through the day, without occupation or resources, until the regular return of the insolvent court operated as a general jail delivery, clearing the tenants for the time being, whose places were soon supplied by a fresh swarm, to be in their turn swept away. Imprisonment for debt, properly speaking, is now wholly abolished with us. For some time previous to the total abandonment of the system the num- ber of inmates in the “ Debtors’ Apartment ” had been gradually diminishing by the operation of successive acts of the Legislature, which first prohibited the arrest of females for debt ; next, the imprisonment of men for debts under five dollars ; and then authorized debtors arrested in any case to give bond, with surety, for their appearance at the next insolvent court, instead of await- ing its return in actual confinement. The Walnut Street Prison was sold at the Exchange in the spring of 1835, John Moss being the purchaser for some New York brokers and bankers — said to be the Messrs. Joseph — for the purpose of erecting a hotel; but the project was abandoned. The price paid was two hundred and twenty thousand dollars. The removal of the prisoners to the Moyamensing Prison took place in the fall of 1835, and the building was taken down in the ensuing year. Many incidents occurred in this prison which would be inter- esting. Smith (the murderer of Carson), Gross, and other mur- derers were confined there. Robert Morris the financier, Wil- liam B. Wood, and others were prisoners for debt. There was an outbreak in the Walnut Street Prison on the 22d of Septem- ber, 1795, when a body of convicts escaped through the Sixth street gate. Five prisoners made their escape in 1817 by forcing the lock of the door of the vestibule leading to the Sixth street gate and by burrowing under the gate into the street. On the 29th of July, 1819, Jock Smith, Mcllhenny, and other prisoners attempted to saw through the bars. Failing in that, they made a rush into the hall and attempted to batter down the iron doors leading into Walnut street. In this attempt they were foiled, principally through the efforts of a black prisoner named Powell. On the 20th of' January, 1820, Powell was attacked by the convicts and killed. The prisoners generally were in a state of mutiny, and ranged furiously through the yard and corridors. An attempt was made to get out at the Sixth street gate by bat- tering it down. Citizen soldiers were called in, and fired upon the rioters from the wall. One prisoner — John Runner — was killed by this fire. The prisoners were then subdued, princi- pally through the efforts of Colonel John Swift, and thirteen or fourteen of them were subsequently tried for the murder of Powell, but they were not convicted, for want of suffieienl Prisons. 181 evidence. Several attempts were made to break out between 1820 and 1829, and at one time six prisoners got over the wall and escaped. On the 26th of February, 1829, Jock Smith and nine others escaped from a room on the Walnut street front by sawing off the window-bars and letting themselves down. The marks of their boots on the front of the building were visible until it was torn down. These were the principal insurrections at the prison, but in none of them does it appear that any of the convicts escaped by means of false keys. In 1807, the Arch Street Prison, a fine large building, was built on the south side of Arch street, from Broad to Schuylkill Eighth [now Fifteenth] street. It was intended to be used for State prisoners, but, some difficulties arising, it was apportioned for untried prisoners and debtors. When the Moyamensing Prison was finished this Arch Street Prison was demolished and sold, in the spring of 1835. David Winebrenner — then a tailor on Chestnut street — was the purchaser, the price paid being one hundred thousand dollars. He afterward sold the ground to various parties for building purposes. It was for- merly used for the debtors’ apartment — for those who were im- prisoned in those days for debt until relieved by taking the ben- efit of the insolvent laws. Porter the mail-robber was incarce- rated there previous to his execution, July 2d, 1830. It was there that the cholera made snch havoc on the memorable Sun- day in July, 1832, and it was in that prison that our late towns- man and ex-mayor, John Swift, Esq., rendered such efficient aid. The Moyamensing Prison was commenced in April, 1832, and finished in 1835. The “Debtors’ Department,” in the Egyptian style, adjoining the main building, was finished at the same time. In 1843 the late Joseph C. Neal wrote a story for Godey’s Lady’s Book with the title, “The Prison Van; or, The Black Maria.” In this story Mr. Neal says : “ In Philadelphia the prisons are remote from the courts of justice, and carriages — which, for obvious reasons, are of peculiar construction — are used to convey prisoners to and fro. The popular voice applies the name of ‘Black Maria’ to each of these melancholy vehicles; and, by general consent, this is their distinguishing title.” As long as the convicts and untried prisoners were accommodated at the Walnut Street Prison there was no difficulty about bring- ing them to and from the courts, the distance being very short. When the Arch Street Prison w r as built, it was used principally for untried cases. How the prisoners were conveyed between the courts and that prison is somewhat a matter of conjecture. Sometimes they were walked between those points in the charge of constables or sheriffs. In particular cases they were conveyed in private carriages. But when the Moyamensing Prison was 16 182 Annals of Philadelphia. finished, and the Arch Street and Walnut Street Prisons were torn down, some better and safer plan for the transportation of prisoners was necessary ; and this led to the establishment of a regular coach for prison service. The Moyamensing Prison was finished in 1835, and the prisoners were removed to it in 1835- 36. Consequently, it may be assumed that the coach called “ Black Maria” first made its appearance on our streets in 1836. In size, shape, and appearance it differed very little from the present prison-vans, which are painted in brighter colors. It was paint- ed a gloomy black. Why it was called “ Black Maria,” any more than “ Black Sam ” or “ Black Nancy,” is one of those things which no fellow can find out. The nickname “Black Maria ” was given to it soon after the conveyance made its appearance by somebody, until the appellation became common, significant, and w T ell understood. Whipping-post, pillory, and stocks, p. 361. — Sept. 23d, 1726, the governor complains of “ frequent riots and disorderly prac- tices ” “ within this city, an instance of which appeared in burn- ing down in the open market-place the pillory and stocks on the evening of the 1st inst.” A proclamation was to be issued. (Col. Rees., vol. iii. p. 260.) “ It appears from a letter from V. B. Bryan, dated Mar. 1 7, 1779, that the pillory and whipping-post had at some period been removed to retired places, and not in or near the market,” “ contrary to the common usages of the countries where the Eng- lish common law is received.” “As punishments of this sort are rather influential on others than on the criminal himself, much of the usefulness of public punishment by this circum- stance is lost. I have it therefore in charge (of Council) to call upon you to replace the pillory and whipping-post in the public market of this city, referring you to the county commissioners for the expense.” (See letter to James Claypoole, high sheriff of Philadelphia county, in Penna. Archives, vol. vii. 252.) These barbarous measures, p. 361. — For instance see Col. Rees., vol. ii. p. 406, Feb. 25, 1707. MARKET-HOUSES. Market-houses, p. 362. — There was pulled down in August, 1852, an old building standing in the rear of the stores built by John Sharp on the site of the old Indian Queen Hotel, on Fourth street between Market and Chestnut, which tradition said was a market-house. It had a cupola. No account has been found of when it was built. The Philadelphia Courier and Inquirer of Aug. 19, 1848, said: “In the rear of the buildings fronting on Franklin place, and extending some sixty or eighty feet Market-Houses. 183 north and south, stands an edifice known as the first market- house in Philadelphia. To this point the settlers along the Delaware were accustomed twice a week to bring the products of their ‘ clearings ’ in boats and arks, to sell to the inhabitants of the infant colony, and the antique spire, towering above the creek, served as a guide to them and to the tawny sons of the then not distant forest on their way to exchange their furs for the products of civilized life. The placid creek has given place to spacious mansions and well-thronged streets ; the three hun- dred inhabitants of Philadelphia have gone to their rest.” Franklin place alluded to above extends from Chestnut north to Market, and between Third and Fourth streets. It was so called from its having been the residence of Dr. Franklin, whose house in my father’s time stood at the head of and across the court, which latter then only extended perhaps midway between Market and Chestnut. It was taken down, and the present street cut through to Chestnut street. The court was entered through the arched way on Market street. (See Vol. I. p. 206, for Mrs. Franklin’s description of this house and its furniture. See also p. 434 of Vol. I.) Something like a similar excitement, etc., p. 363. — These ad- dresses of Marvell and these facts relate to 1773, I think, and not to 1749; they are in the Philadelphia Library — handbills put into a file of newspapers. (Vol. 992 F.) In 1693, on the 8th of August, Councils, discussing the regu- lations of the market, put it to vote “ whether the markett should remain in the place where it now stands, on the west side of Del- aware Front street, within the High street,” or “held at Market hill, in Delaware Front street,” or “ be placed where the Second street crosses the High street.” The two former were negatived, and the latter carried in the affirmative, and it was resolved “ the markett and stalls be for the present removed to Market hill,” and remain there only till the place at Second and High streets “be staked outt for the markett-place, and till a bell-house be built and erected, and the bell hung in the said place.” The markets were to be held on two days — Wednesdays and Satur- days; all sorts of provisions, etc. were to be sold there, and there only ; the market was to be opened by ringing of the bell from April to September between six and seven, and from Sep- tember to April from eight to nine ; no provisions were to be sold before those hours, or cheapened on their way to market; and no hucksters to buy until two hours after ringing of the bell. Dr. James Mease, in his Picture of Philadelphia states that the first markets were held at the corner of Front and High (or Market) streets, and that a bell hung on the shed was rung when any one brought provisions there from the country for sale. The earliest notice we have of them in the minutes of the Common 184 Annals of Philadelphia. Council of this city is dated December, 1704, ivhen “ Alderman John Jones and Edward Smout were appointed collectors of rent for stalls and standings in the market.” From this time we have various incidental notices of them, such as of charges for repairs, trouble in collecting dues, etc., until November 22, 1708, it was “ ordered that a new market-house be built where the stalls now stand, by this corporation, to be let out by the cor- poration for y® use and benefit thereof.” It was easy to make this resolution, but how was the money to be raised ? The old corporation had no power to lay taxes. After due consideration of the knotty question, it was voted, eight months after, that the members of the corporation should advance the money, and that “the seven aldermen shall contribute and pay double what the Common Councilmen should do.” Ten months after this it was voted that “ the members of this board have now unanimously agreed that a new market-house shall be built with all ex- pedition.” Was it opposition to the stalls then which hindered their movements so much? It was agreed that the sums ad- vanced, which were ordered to be paid in within ten days, “ one half in money and the other half in goods,” should be repaid with interest out of the rents of the stalls, “share and share alike.” Other inhabitants of the city, not members of the Coun- cil, were invited to contribute on the same terms. The minutes do not show when these buildings were erected. Dr. Mease says the first market house on High street was a range of wooden stalls from Front to Second. But the prison (which was several times presented as a nuisance, and finally removed as such in 1722) occupied some part of this site. Mr. Watson says this market was from the old court-house in Market street, west side of Second, halfway up to Third. But this does not seem to accord with what follows. In November, 1718, it appeared that “ Divers psons Renters of Markett Stalls Let out the same at three or ffour or ffive times more Rent than they pay ;” and consequently, the want of additional accommodations being evident, a committee of Councils was appointed to prepare a scheme for new markets. It was at length agreed, July 4, 1720, that “the building be the width of the court-house, in height ten ffoot to the joice, the length of the stalls joining to be eighteen ffoot, to have an alley of ffour ffoot betwixt them and the next two stalls. The shelter at the back of the stalls three ffoot and a half on the outside, the Breadth of the stall three ffoot and a half within, the clear Walk ffourteen ffoot, and the stalls to be eight ffoot Distance from the court-house, but the Roof to join to the court-house. That the whole be paved with Brick at the Heighth of the court-house ffloor in the Middle, and to be posted without on both sides.” Four aldermen, An- thony Morris, Jonathan Dickinson, Isaac Norris, and James Logan, offered at this time to advance £100 each for building Market- Houses. 185 forty-eight new stalls. Six months were spent in discussion, when Alderman Redman contracted to build thirty stalls for £400. The money advanced, with interest, was agreed to be repaid in four annual payments of £29 in 1722, £31 in 1723 and 1724, and £33 in 1725. In 1722 the old stalls to the west of the new ones were ordered to be taken down. (Were these the ones built in 1710?) In 1729 twenty new stalls were agreed to be erected east of Second street, “ for the accom- modation of such as bring provisions from Jerseys, as well as our own Inhabitants having occasion to buy.” Several private per- sons having put up stalls, which they rented at a considerable profit, to the east of the court-house, it was resolved, in 1736, by the Councils, that the city corporation ought to have the ad- vantage of all such arrangements. It being reported to them that to erect stalls in front of the court-house, paving the same, setting posts, making new movable stalls, and covering them with painted canvas, would cost two hundred pounds, it was ordered that the two stalls in front of the court-house be built at once. The rest lay over four years, when it was determined to have the stalls as far down as Letitia court, and the street was ordered to be posted and gravelled the breadth of twenty feet. Since “ the winter season was so far advanced (October 13th), the same could not be paved.” In 1742 chains were ordered to be set up on market-days, between sunrise and ten o’clock in summer, eleven in winter, to prevent the passage of carts and carriages through the market-place. The stalls last mentioned were, in 1743, leased to John Bard for seven years, at £60 per annum. About 1745 the population of the southern part of the city, finding the High street mai'kets inconveniently distant, and having to cross Dock Creek, petitioned to have market-houses built in that section. Second street being too narrow, the Pi'o- prietaries granted three lots and the owners of adjacent lands granted seven more ; thus the land being vacated, Second street was widened, and the market-houses were built by Edward Ship- pen and Joseph Wharton advancing the money for building six- teen stalls, eight north and eight south of Lombard street. The amount was to be repaid them, principal and interest, less the amount received for rent of said stalls. But no report was .made of their being repaid. In 1759 (not 1749, as stated in Watson, Vol. I. p. 363) the market-house on High street was extended to Third street. Four years later, it being understood that the stalls in the Jersey market-house were in a ruinous condition, it was resolved to build instead of them a market-house with brick pillars, extend- ing from forty feet east of Second street to near Front, at which end a green market and exchange were to be put up. The plan of building an exchange was, however, not carried out at thal time. 16 * 186 Annals of Philadelphia. In 1768 the sixty-six stalls west of the court-house rented for 66s. each, producing £198, and east of the court-house twenty six at 80s. and twenty at 60s., netting £164. In 1773, a committee of Assembly was appointed to meet with the city corporation in reference to the urgent need of new market accommodation, and the Assembly considering the want a public grievance, it was resolved by the corporation to set up another market at once at their own expense. This time money was more abundant than before, so that the principal thing to consider was where the market should be placed. It was decided by a great majority of the Council that it should be placed in Market street, between Third and Fourth. But though the Council had so little difficulty in coming to this determination, the people were not to be satisfied so easily. On the very day that the plan for the buildings was laid before the Council a remonstrance was pre- sented from some of those residing; in the neighborhood of the proposed site, complaining that a market in that place would be an additional encumbrance to the street, and would greatly in- commode them. They requested at the same time that another more suitable place might be chosen. Yet this was not all, for at the same time a counter-memorial was presented from many citizens, chiefly residing “ in the upper end of Market street,” urging the proposed measure. The Council were now in a dilemma, but, after serious consideration, it was resolved “that the board was satisfied of their right to build the said market in the middle of the street called High street, leaving a proper space on each side for the passage of carriages.” The next resolve, to proceed in their operations, followed as a matter of course. A few days later a request was made by residents of Market street that the board would delay for a short time, and “ consent to the entering an amicable suit at law to try the right of the corporation to erect those stalls.” The petitioners declared that they had consulted able counsel respecting the measure, “who have given to us their opinion that the mayor and commonalty have no legal right to erect stalls in any of the streets of the city.” The rejection of the petition and the preparation for commencing work gave the signal for open yet orderly opposition. Michael Hillegas, whose manuscript memoranda on certain interesting broadsides and pamphlets bearing on the subject are preserved in the Philadelphia Library, informs us that at four o’clock on the morning of the 15th of June some of the residents of Market street between Third and Fourth began to haul away stones pre- pared for the foundations of the market-house pillars, and de- posited them in a vacant lot, the mayor and some of the aldermen being present, endeavoring to prevent ; at the same time the work- men were taking up and removing the paving-stones of the street. No blows were struck on either side. On the 17th the people took away the lime and destroyed the lime-house. The building Market-Houses. 187 committee was thereupon ordered, on the 22d, to desist from the work, but on the 24th it was again resolved to proceed with it. But on the 29th an address of certain Friends was presented, requesting the Council that they would, for the present, suspend the carrying into execution their resolution of building an addi- tional number of stalls to the market in High street, representing that the minds of the people were much agitated, and that such a suspension would be the means of restoring peace to the city. It was accordingly agreed to stop the work. A proposal was made in one of the papers of the day that the market, which all admitted was needed, should be erected in the centre of the square between Third and Fourth and Market and Chestnut, the build- ings running east and west, and leaving the lots fronting on Mar- ket and Chestnut sufficiently deep and increased in value by the double frontage thus given. How similar the plan executed on the adjacent square in 1859 ! During the Revolution, while the British occupied the city, the market-houses were made into stables for the cavalry horses. In 1786 an act of Assembly was obtained giving the wardens of the city power to extend the markets from Third to Fourth street, and farther from time to time as was required — stating, also, that “ custom and long usage have fixed High street as the most eligible and central place for the market-place to be con- tinued.” There seems to have been no opposition now, partly perhaps because the people had a voice in the measure, while under the old city charter the mayor and Council were a close corporation and irresponsible to the people. In 1810 the sheds were continued to Sixth street, and finally market-houses were continued on to Eighth street; from there to the present Fifteenth street, then called Schuylkill Eighth street, the farmers stood with their wagons at the street-curb and on the pavements around Centre Square at Broad street. From Fifteenth to Seventeenth street was another series of market-houses; these were demolished in April, 1859. Those at the lower part of Market street, from Third to Eighth street, were built of brick pillars with wooden crosspieces, on which were hooks for hang- ing meats, etc. One of Birch’s views gives an excellent repre- sentation of them. These gave way in later years to those of a more elegant and lighter pattern made of iron. These, again, were finally ordered to be taken down, after a long and bitter controversy among the citizens. In 1859 the subject of the en- tire removal of the markets from Market street, to make room for business, was warmly agitated for some time. Memorials pro and con. were sent to Councils, and a long report was made by a special committee recommending the measure, accompanied by an ordinance on which final action in Select Council was postponed till October. The stalls from Front to Eighth street were com- menced to be removed November 25th, 1859. The principal 188 Annals of Philadelphia. “power behind the throne” was the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, which wanted it as an avenue to the Delaware River, and they ran their tracks alongside of the market-houses and turned down Third street, then vid Dock street to the river. About 1851-52 the Pennsylvania Railroad was completed to the Market street bridge, and the railroad west of Broad street was established, and the freight-cars stopped running down Dock street. They had their principal d£pot for freight at Thirteenth and Market streets until 1874, when, the city having decided to erect the Public Buildings on Centre Squares, at the intersection of Broad and Market streets, the railroad-tracks were taken up below Fifteenth street, and the freight depot removed to the square between Fifteenth and Sixteenth streets, and the old d6pot sold in 1875 to John Wanamaker, who altered it in 1876 into a mammoth shop for clothing and dry goods and articles of apparel. The style of market-houses formerly on Market street may be yet seen in those belonging to the city on Second street, Callow- hill street, Spring Garden street, Girard avenue, Bainbridge street, and Moyamensing avenue. The plan of large and sepa- rate buildings for market-houses, suggested by Faneuil Hall in Boston, was first started here in 1854, when those on Broad street below Race, now the City Armory, and on Race, corner of Juniper street, now the head-quarters of the Fire Department, were erected. Not being in convenient places for the people, they were unsuccessful, but others were erected in 1859 upon the prospect of the old market-sheds being torn down. Being under the management of individual corporations, most of the members are farmers, ensuring a success by occupying the stalls and stock- ing the market. Among these were — the Western, north-east corner of Sixteenth and Market streets, under charge of the Butchers’ Association, who afterward sold their building to the Pennsylvania Railroad Company and moved higher up, between Sixteenth and Seventeenth streets ; their house was opened April 19, 1859; the Eastern, south-east corner of Fifth and Merchant streets, below Market, opened November 26, 1859 ; the Farmers’, north side of Market, between Eleventh and Twelfth ; the Frank- lin, at the corner of Twelfth street, adjoining the above ; this was originally built in Tenth street below Market, on ground till then occupied by old frame buildings ; at their opening they sent some fine beef to Rev. Dr. Ducachet, pastor of St. Stephen’s Church, opposite, who caused the chimes to be rung; they after- ward sold the building to the Mercantile Library Company; the South-western, south-east corner of Nineteenth and Market streets. Besides these there are numerous others, and all main- tain the unexcelled reputation of Philadelphia for its markets. The superior neatness and convenience of display over the old style of farmers’ wagons is alone a sufficient recommendation. I have seen the farmers dug out after a severe snow-storm ; many Arch Street Bridge — Benezet. 189 of them would sleep over-night in their wagons, and the snow would drift and overwhelm them so much as to necessitate theii either digging out or being dug out of the deep snow in the morn- ing. Now 7 , comparatively few come to the city in their wagons, special trains on the railroads bringing their produce and carrying back the empty vessels. The Arch Street Bridge, p. 364. — The following extracts will perhaps more clearly prove the nature of the arch which gave the name to the street, and its early origin, as it seems to have been first proposed in 1685 : “ The petition of Benjamin Chambers, Thomas Peart, and Francis Rawle was read, requesting for themselves and others that a Bridge might be built over, and a wharf made against Mulberry street. Resolved, that when the Petitioners shall bring in their proposals, they shall have a hearing.” (Col. Rees., vol. i. p. 330, 8th 2d mo., 1690.) 9th 2d mo., 1690: “Benjamin Chambers and Francis Rawle, according to the answer to their petition, brought in their methods (viz.) : Mulberry street being not less than 60 feet in breadth in the midst of the same, and about twenty perches back from the River, we intend to cut out a cart road of 20 feet in breadth, from thence to extend with a gradual descent to low- water mark, and to have the said passage paved and walled up with stones on both sides, and to have a bridge over the said passage in the midst of the front street, and that part which re- mains uncovered to be fenced with rails; and at the river-end of the said passage, to make a free and public wharf of 20 foot in breadth on each side thereof ; whereunto the Council did assent.” . (Ibid., p. 330.) The arch in Arch street was pulled down in 1720, and caused much excitement. Benezet' s House, p. 371. — See Sunday Dispatch of September 26, 1858. Anthony Benezet was a Frenchman, but he knew very little of his native country. He w r as born at St. Quentin, France, in January, 1713, of opulent parents, but his father, being a Prot- estant, was forced to leave France, and his estate was confiscated in 1715. Anthony, then but two years of age, was taken to Eng- land, where he was educated. At fourteen years of age he be- came a member of the Society of Friends, and he came to Phil- adelphia with his parents when but nineteen years of age. His efforts in behalf of the negroes commenced about 1750. In 1763 he interested himself in favor of the Indians and against the wrongs inflicted upon them. He died at Philadelphia, May 5, 1784, aged seventy-one years. Benezet, by his labors, became celebrated far beyond the limits of his own country. Eminent men on both sides of the Atlantic corresponded wfith him, and 190 Annals of Philadelphia. by his efforts he justified the title of philanthropist which was awarded him. Clarke’s Hall, etc., p. 374. — May 8, 1707, ‘‘Ordered that Samuel Carpenter desire of Wni. Clark the use of his two large Rooms, being the most convenient for that purpose.” (Trial of Secry. Logan : Col. Rees., vol. ii. 364.) May 12, 1707, “The Council, according to appointment, met first at the usual place, the secretary’s office, and then adjourned to Wm. Clark’s House, being prepared for the purpose.” ( Ibid ., p. 365.) THE ARCADE. The Present Marble Arcade, p. 376. — This is an allusion to a building which must yet be remembered by many. It was built upon the site formerly occupied by Carpenter’s mansion and grounds, known to some now living as the “Tilghman mansion.” Joshua Carpenter bought the ground from Sixth to Seventh street September 27, 1701, and a lot on High street bounded east by Robert Turner’s lot and south by a part of his Chestnut street lot. He died in 1722. North of this lot a street was laid out called Carpenter street (now Jayne street), and extending north from this street to High street was Turner’s alley (now Decatur street.) The Arcade was projected by Peter A. Browne, and from the start was a failure; it was erected in 1826-27, and fin- ished in 1828. It was a two-storied building, and stood on Chest- nut above Sixth, on the north side, and extended through to the present Jayne street, with a rear facade similar to the front open- ing on Decatur street, and thus through to Market street. Both fronts were of marble, leading by several steps to two avenues of stores ; each avenue was paved with marble, and, being open at each end and enclosed above with a glass roof, the arcades were attractive. The centre portion consisted of stores with two fronts — one on each arcade — so that as the visitor passed through he had a store on either hand ; and as they were thoroughly glazed and the goods well displayed in the shops, it was at one time a bustling place. Up stairs was a similar arrangement reached by flights of steps at each end of the central portion, and galleries all round from which to enter the shops. As the shops were small, and after a time became out of the walks of fashion and convenience, they degenerated into shops of very petty trades- men, and became unprofitable to both tenants and landlord. Various places of amusement occupied the upper portion of the central building; among the most noted was Charles Wilson Peale’s Museum, which was removed from the State House in 1828-29, and remained there for many years. The Ledger first The Arcade. 191 opened its office there in 1836. Many remember the lottery drawings on Saturday afternoons about the year 1827-28. What crowds would be collected on those occasions ! The building was finally sold, and Dr. David Jayne tore it down, and in 1860 erected three fine white marble-front stores upon the site. Probably no square in the city has changed more than this one from Sixth to Seventh street. On the northern side stood the Chestnut Street Theatre, its site now occupied by Rockhill & Wilson’s and the Bulletin building ; and next to that Harmer’s Hotel, its site occupied by tw r o brick stores built by Dr. Jayne, was long a noted eating-place and political resort ; then the Ar- cade ; then the Columbia House. On the opposite side, at the corner of Seventh, stood a mansion where now stand Dr. Swaim’s fine stores; next below was Harrison’s mansion; then Jones’s Hotel, long the most fashionable hotel and principal resort for Southerners ; it was purchased by George W. Simons and altered into an artisan building ; and below that the old building of the American Sunday-School Union, now occupied by the German Democn'at building ; and there were other famous shops between these and Sixth street, the sites of which are occupied by the elegant buildings of the Ledge r establishment, erected by A. J. Drexel, Esq., and opened June 20, 1867. The south-west cor- ner of Chestnut and Sixth was Durand’s drug store. Then came on Sixth street a store occupied at one time by Hope & Co., tobacconists, and subsequently by Thomas B. Florence, hatter. Then came Alderman John Binns’s office, which in 1841 was at No. 36. His house, we should think, was about where Mr. George W. Childs’s private office is now. The next house would have been No. 38 — which was an office — then No. 40 and then No. 42, which was probably about where the offset of Yates’ Chestnut street store opens on Sixth street. No. 42 was what is called a “ three-quarter house,” and was inhabited about the year 1815 by Mr. Hall of the firm of Brown & Hall, the latter the father of the Rev. John Hall, at present living in Trenton. City Directories for 1807 and 1808 show that John Welsh, merchant, lived at No. 42 South Sixth street, which was a little below the corner of Chestnut. It was more than a quar- ter of a square from the corner. Here the late William Welsh was born. Doctor Grceme, p. 376. — See Vol. II. p. 375. Carpenter’s Mansion , p. 376. — Fountain Low was also a name given to this place. 192 Annals of Philadelphia. GRAEME park. G'rceme Park (p. 316), originally a tract of twelve hundred acres, appears to have been given by patent from commissioners May 26, 1706, to Samuel Carpenter, and conveyed by Hannah Carpenter as executrix Feb. 3, 1718. (. Patent Book A, vol. vi. P- 40 -) Sir William Keith built the fine large house, still standing, in Grseme Park, at Horsham, Montgomery county, in 1722. Dr. Thomas Grseme came to America with Sir William, Lady Keith, and her daughter Ann Diggs by a former husband, Robert Diggs. Dr. Grseme married Miss Diggs in 1719 in Christ Church. Dr. Grseme was a man of very pleasing manners and a very popular physician. He was a member of Council, port physician, judge of the Supreme Court, surgeon at the Pennsylvania Hospital, and collector of the port. He lived in the house built by Joshua Carpenter. Besides Mrs. Ferguson, he had another daughter, Jane, who married James Young and had three children, one of whom married Dr. William Smith. Sir William Keith went to England in 1728, where he pub- lished An Account of the North American Colonies. He never returned to America, and died in the Old Bailey in London Nov. 18, 1749. Lady Keith lived retired in Philadelphia until her death July 31, 1740, at the age of sixty-five, and was buried in Christ Church burying-ground. Sir William in his Account spoke highly of the prosperity of the colonies, suggesting a plan of taxation for their defence against the French and Indians — a plan which probably led to the one against which the Revolution was fought. Grseme Park House, still standing in 1855, was the object of an excursion made by my father and other members of the His- torical Society. The house is on the farm occupied by Mr. Penrose, about six miles from Gwynedd Station on the North Pennsylvania Railroad, and on County-line road between Mont- gomery and Bucks, about three miles from Hart’s Corner. It is a two-story stone double house, sixty feet by twenty-five feet, rooms wainscoted ; an iron chimney-back in the south room sec- ond story has a date of 1728 on it; very heavy banisters, and stairs of oak ; rooms not very large, but finely finished, with ceiling mouldings, etc. It has been a very fine house in its day. It was used by General Lacey as head-quarters during the Revo- lution. It was uninhabited in 1855, except by a miserable in- sane old woman, who could not speak intelligibly, and who locked herself in an upper corner room, and went to Mr. Pen- rose’s house for her victuals. In front of the house are two very large trees — one on each side of the gate leading to the front door; the back of the house appears toward Mr. Penrose’s. There is Christ Church. 193 between them a considerable pond fed by the spring which emp- ties into Park Run. The park is about one-fourth of a mile from the house, and is now a pretty piece of woods. The United States Hotel, which was vis-d-vis the Bank of the United States, p. 377, was pulled down in 1856 to make room for the present granite building of the Philadelphia Bank, which cor- poration bought it from the Bank of Pennsylvania at its failure, and finished it. The Tilghman Mansion, p. 377. — The old mansion of the late Chief-Justice Tilghman, which stood on the site of the late Ar- cade building, was an old-fashioned, double two-story house, looking very antiquated, with a low brick wall, a wooden paling on the top, and an entrance in the centre. It stood back from the street about fifty feet, with a lawn in front. After Judge Tilghman bought it he built a fine addition in front of the old house about the year 1809. It was a conspicuous ornament to Chestnut street. It was taken down to make way for the Arcade in 1826. Judge Tilghman moved into Walnut street above Ninth, where he died in the spring of 1827, and lies buried in Christ Church graveyard at Fifth and Arch streets. John Welsh, father of the minister to England, and other well-known merchants and lawyers of that day, lived in Sixth street below Chestnut. William Tilghman was the chief-justice of Pennsylvania and president of the Athenaeum at the time of his death, April 30th, 1827, having for more than twenty years presided over the ad- ministration of justice with a measure of wisdom and learning, purity of purpose and dignity of demeanor, talents, taste, and temper, which have seldom been united in one individual. Ap- pointed to office without application from any quarter, his judi- cial ermine was as unblemished as his judicial life was fruitful of blessings and benefits for his profession and the Common- wealth. Soundness and steadiness of decision, integrity and im- partiality, the gentle demeanor of a man of education and refine- ment, a deep conviction of the solemn importance of his official duties, — these were the characteristics of that eminent magistrate. CHRIST CHURCH. Christ Church, p. 379. — (See the History of Christ Church, by Rev. Dr. Dorr, printed in 1841.) Humphreys, on p. 146 of his History of the Society for Prop- agating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, says : “ The English had no minister till 1700, when Rev. Mr. Evans was sent over to Phil- adelphia by Bishop Compton.” But probably the Rev. Mr. Clayton was the first minister — or rather missionary — sent out by Vol. ill.— N 17 194 Annals of Philadelphia. the society — or before it was established, as it was not established till 1700 — as it is a settled fact that the first building of wood and brick was built in 1695-97, when the parish was organized, twelve years after the laying out of the city by Penn and during the reign of William III. It was enlarged in 1711 and in 1720. Dr. Sprague, in vol. v. of his Annals of the American Pulpit, p. 22, article “ Evan Evans,” says : “ He was probably sent to Philadelphia by Bishop Compton.” “ On his arrival he found that a church had been built there in the year 1695, and had then a congregation of about fifty, who were said to have left the Quakers under the preaching of George Keith, who also had separated from them a few years before. About a year after the church was built the Rev. Mr. Clayton, through the influence of the Rev. Dr. Bray, who was about that time made the bishop of London’s commissary for Maryland, was sent over to minister there. In about two years, under Mr. Clayton’s ministry, the congregation increased to seven hundred, and just at that time he was called away by death.” He died in 1699 at Sassafras, Md. He was succeeded by Rev. Evan Evans in 1700; who officiated, with the omission of several years, until 1718, when he removed to Maryland. While on a visit to, and officiating in, Christ Church, he had an apoplectic fit in the pulpit, and died the fol- lowing Wednesday. He had been assisted by Mr. Talbot and Rev. John Hughes at various times, and by Rev. Dr. Rudman, formerly of Swedes’ Church, until his death in 1708. After Dr. Evans’s death the pulpit was filled at different times by Rev. Messrs. Talbot, Humphrey, Ross, Sandel, and by Rev. Thomas Hughes of Virginia from September, 1718, until the arrival of Rev. John Vicary in September, 1719, who was sent out by the bishop of London. Ill-health caused him to relin- quish the pulpit in 1722. It was then occasionally filled by Rev. Mr. Weyman until 1723, and by Rev. John Urmston. The bishop of London not having sent any one to minister, the church called Rev. Dr. Richard Welton in July, 1724, who officiated until his departure to Portugal in January, 1726. The pulpit was filled by Rev. Robert Weyman, Rev. Jonas Lidman, and Rev. Mr. Holbrook until the arrival of Rev. Archibald Cum- mings in September, 1726. He was sent out by the bishop, and was active and successful. Under his pastorate, the nest year was commenced an addition of thirty-three feet to the west end and the foundation for a steeple. In September, 1728, it was resolved to buy an organ, imported by Lodowick Sprogell, for two hundred pounds. This one was superseded in 1766 by a new one at a cost of five hundred pounds, built in this city by William Firing; this served for seventy years, or until 1837, when a very fine instrument with sixteen hundred pipes, built by Henry Erben of New York, was placed there. In 1735, Rev. Richard Peters came from London. He had Christ Church. 195 studied law for seven years in the Temple, and two years of the civil law. But “ his honesty and candor ” made the law un- pleasant to him, and induced him to assume the clergyman’s gown. He had been unfortunate in his first marriage at the early age of fourteen, and had left his first wife, who was un- worthy of him. Upon her supposed decease he had married again, but, hearing that she was still living, he left for this country. He assisted Rev. Mr. Cummings for six months, but on account of disagreements he resigned in May, 1736. He be- came secretary of the governor’s Council, and was employed in several offices of trust under the Proprietaries. He is alluded to several times in this work as Secretary Peters. In September, 1762, he resigned his civil offices and again became rector of Christ Church, and so continued until his resignation in 1775. He died July 10th, 1776. Rev. Archibald Cummings died in April, 1741, and was suc- ceeded by Rev. Eneas Ross, who had been invited by the church to officiate. He gave such satisfaction that the vestry requested the bishop of London to send him a license. In the mean while the bishop had licensed Rev. Robert Jennings of Hempstead, N. Y., who, hearing of the favor with which Mr. Ross was held, declined to accept, but finally did, with Mr. Ross as assistant ; the latter remained until July, 1743. In 1747, Rev. William Sturgeon was made an assistant for teaching the negroes and as catechist. Jacob Duch6 was licensed in 1759, and became assistant min- ister under Dr. Jennings, finally having charge of St. Peter’s Church when Richard Peters was again rector of Christ Church, and whom he succeeded in 1775. He opened the Continental Congress in 1774 with a remarkable prayer, and was appointed chaplain to Congress July 9th, 1776 ; which position he resigned in about three months. On the occupation of the city by the British in September, 1777, he showed his Tory proclivities, and wrote a letter in October to Washington urging him to give up the cause; which angered the general exceedingly. Before the evacuation he went to England ; his house was confiscated and sold to Thomas McKean, afterward chief-justice. On his return after the peace he received no employment, and died Jan- uary 3, 1798. His wife died a year before him; she was sister to Francis Hopkinson. Rev. Thomas Coombe had charge of the churches during the occupation of the city by the British, and went to England in 1778. Rev. William White, who had been appointed assistant min- ister in November, 1772, was made rector in 1779, and so re- mained until his death, July 17, 1836, in his eighty-ninth year — a service of sixty-five years. He was a firm patriot, and was chaplain of Congress during the Revolution, and afterward of 196 Annals of Philadelphia. the United States Senate. He was consecrated as bishop of Pennsylvania at the same time as Rev. Samuel Provoost was consecrated bishop of New York — in England, Feb. 4, 1787, by the archbishops of Canterbury and York. Bishop White’s only sister, Mary, married Robert Morris. Rev. John Waller James succeeded him, but died in four weeks. Dr. Benjamin Dorr was elected in 1837, and officiated thirty-two years, until his death, September 18, 1869. Rev. E. A. Foggo, the present rector, suc- ceeded him. The present church was commenced in 1727, and was nine years in being completed. It was built of brick, some of which were brought from the old country. Franklin was one of the managers of the lottery in 1753 for raising funds for the steeple and bells. Dr. Kearsley assumed the superintendence of the architeeture of the church. The corner-stone was laid April 27, 1727, and the alterations were completed by July, 1737, and it was deter- mined to remove the eastern wooden end. Subscriptions came in slowly, but a determined effort was made in 1739, and the names of two hundred subscribers were obtained with various efforts, and after moving the pulpit twice, enlarging the gallery, altering the seats, and hanging the chandelier of twenty-four branches, the body of the church was completed in 1744. The accounts of Dr. Kearsley were audited, a balance paid him, and a vote of thanks and a piece of plate of the value of forty pounds ordered for him as a lasting memorial of his services in rebuild- ing and ornamenting the church. The tower and steeple were completed in 1753-54, and a chime of eight bells, costing five hundred pounds, was imported. Upon the eastern end, above the great arched window, at the time of the Revolution was a profile bust in relief of George II., carved in wood, and on the steeple a crown. The Eng- lish arms had also been placed over the governor’s pew in colo- nial days. These remained in place until after peace was de- clared, when an excited state of public feeling compelled their removal. They are now to be seen in the vestry-room. The figure-head of the king and the crown became the property of the Library Company of Philadelphia. The date of these being taken down, and whether it was exactly at the behest of ex- cited citizens, are not quite certain. If Cobbett (who lived op- posite Christ Church) is to be believed, the figure-head of the king, in a mutilated condition, was in front of the church as late as 1796. “Peter Porcupine” (William Cobbett) published in the Scarecrow for 1796 the following: “To return to the print indicative of British prowess, have I not as good a right to ex- hibit a proof of this prowess at my window as the Democrats have to exhibit proofs of theirs on the front of the church op- posite? The half-destroyed bust of George II. remains is a Christ Church. 197 monument of their valor, and why should I not be permitted to expose a picture to perpetuate the valor of Earl Howe and his gallant fleet?” In 1794 the retention of the medallion portrait of George II. upon the eastern front of Christ Church was com- plaiued of in Bache’s paper. There was published an address to the vestry, stating that if they would not take down the head it would be taken down for them. A week or two afterward a regular address to the vestry was published, in which it was said in regard to the head : “ It has nothing to do with the worship of the Most High God nor the government under which we exist. It has a tendency to cause that church to be disliked whilst bearing the mark of infamy. It has a tendency, to the knowledge of many, to keep young and virtuous men from at- tending worship. It is therefore a public nuisance.” It appears from Cobbett’s reference that the profile still remained in 1796. The late Thomas Harrison White (a son of Bishop White) in February, 1857, mentioned that the figure-head of the king was removed from the front of the church by order of John Wil- cocks, one of the vestry. It was thrown into the gutter, where it was found by Zaccheus Collins, and taken to his residence, directly opposite the church, on Second street, near the dwelling of William Cobbett. As the vestry had ordered the removal of this emblem of royalty, Mr. C. did not, of course, offer to return it to the church ; but, being desirous that the relic should be pre- served, he gave it to the Library Company of Philadelphia. There is nothing in Dr. Dorr’s History of Christ Church which sheds any light on the matter. In the Independent Gazetteer of August 18, 1787, is this an- ecdote : “ On taking down the crown of Christ Church steeple, which some time since had been much injured by lightning, one of the bystanders asked what they were going to do with it. He was told it was to be repaired and put up immediately. ‘I guess/ says an arch boy, who had been very attentive to the query and answer, ‘ they had better wait till the Convention breaks up, and know first what they recommend.’ ” After the adjournment of the Convention it was no doubt considered inexpedient to replace the crown on the spire, for soon after a mitre was substituted. The mitre had on it thirteen stars, the number of the original States, and the inscription, “The Right Rev. William White, D. D., consecrated bishop of the Episcopal Church of Pennsyl- vania February 4, 1787.” The size of the church is sixty-one feet in width by ninety feet in length. The interior was altered in 1836, the year of Bishop White’s death, by removing the old pews, taking down the sounding-board, etc., according to the plans of Thomas U. Walter, architect. The sounding-board (which had graced the chancel since the church was built) was taken down and present- ed to a merchant of this city who had his country-sea f at Mount 198 Annals of Philadelphia. Peace, neai Laurel Hill. At Mount Peace this sacred relic (un- der which Bishop White and Rev. Dr. Duch6 had so often preached) was used as a roof for a summer house. Mount Peace was afterward changed from a country residence to a cemetery. The old pulpit of 1770 remains; the prayer-desks are made from the original high desk, and the old communion- table is under the present altar. The font, in which Bishop White, Francis Hopkinson, and a long list of worthies were bap- tized, was in 1865 brought from the resting-place into which for over seventy years it had been thrust to give way for a new one presented in 1789 by Jonathan Gostelowe. The beautiful silver bowl, weighing over sixty-three ounces, presented in 1712 by Colonel Robert Quarry of the British army, is still used. The old chandelier of twenty-four branches, purchased in London and brought by Captain Seymour in 1744, was brought from the steeple, where it had lain since 1836, was repaired, and hung in its old place in 1870. A new chandelier, made by Cornelius