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 ATLANTA REGISTER 
 
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 Confederate Stales. 
 
 Fki.low Couxtrymkx : We are indeed 
 fellow-countrymen iu a now and most 
 impressive sense. The riinal of sorrow 
 in which all ^reat 11 'Vointions chaunt 
 to human hearts their deepest mean- 
 ings, has conrttx'vated uis afresh to one 
 another in the cifioes of patriotic fellow- 
 ship. Folio w-c.iuntrymen, by virtue of 
 birth and blood ; united through those 
 cnmmoii trwditions and sentiments 
 which, ut the period of our ancestral 
 aire, funned an era iu the career of 
 Modern '''ivilizatiou, and in our day, 
 have re-produced themselves with a 
 broader sig-niGc ince ; sharing', too, the 
 game inst'ucts, the same aims, the same 
 heroic iui^pirations; we have been made 
 fellow-conntryuieu in a larger measure 
 of affection by means of those sacrifi- 
 ces and suiTerinf^s, which Providence 
 has ordained, and, in ordaining*, has 
 anointed us to endure. A holier sanc- 
 tity, breathrd from Heaven, has been 
 imparted to our civil and social rela- 
 tions. The strono^ fibres that three 
 years since bound us to father.'^, broth- 
 ers, sons, now bind us to the soil, in | 
 which their martyred dust reposes, j 
 We are Fellow-countrymen as we I 
 never were before. If we riejhtly ap- ! 
 predate this fact, it may lead us into 
 those wide realms of thouurht which 
 involve the raomontous future. Sub' 
 
 lime and impassioned feelings are t!ie 
 highest achievement of Revolutions ; 
 and be assured, if this gigantic confl-ct 
 draw you closer together, there will 
 spring from it that profounder convie- 
 tionof human brotherhood which Anx-- 
 rican civilization has hitlierto violated, 
 and thereby incurred a guilt, for which 
 it stands arraigned at God's unst 
 rigliteous bar. 
 
 Repeat it. then, to your hearts, that 
 we aie Fellow-countrymen in this tcr.. 
 rific struggle, and that these words, 
 always a voico of hisioric and pro- 
 phetic import, have to-day an emphasis 
 past computation. The decree of Pri>- 
 vidence has transfigured us into a 
 oneness such as no people ever exhibit- 
 ed. Heroic qualities, once regarded 
 aa the attributes of the few, have, 
 during this strife, immortalized the 
 many. The whole population has been 
 condensed into one mighty incarnation 
 of valor, and, for the first time in the 
 annals of hnmanfty, men, women, chil- 
 dren, have been joint-participants in 
 a granil conflict, and joint heirs of its 
 illustrious renown. Towards one an-* 
 other, towards our political institutions 
 we are all republicans — the same re« 
 publicans as when in 1789, we shaped 
 the American Constitution to be the 
 embodiment of the popular will. Civ 
 
 1>12 D r,^ 
 
2 
 
 ADDBKSS TO THE PEOPLE 
 
 ilization never outgrows a g^reat pn'n- 
 c pie ; cii^^umstances never lessen its 
 value ; time, ruthless io all else, never 
 dooms it to decay. A great principle 
 is not an invention, not a discovery, 
 not a creation. It is a revelation — the 
 thought of Ood communicated to man ; 
 and as He pleases, at different inter- 
 vals, page after page, chapter after 
 chapter, are add<*d to those Providen- 
 tial Scriptures, wliich, like the Bible tt) 
 the Christian, form the text-book for 
 eartlily faith and practice. The nature 
 of such a principle renders it supreme. 
 Invested with suprt-macy, it subordi- 
 nates all otlier principles to itself, 
 infuses into then) its vitality, and 
 reigns as sovereign in the wt>i Id of 
 tliought Rule it will, rule it must, 
 because Almighty God is in it. 
 
 Such a principle is the sovereignty 
 of the people, l^it, while we are 
 Republicans, hereditary, organic Re- 
 publicans, let your enemies understand, 
 my countrymen, that you are towards 
 them and their barbarian l)(>mocracy, 
 an ■ aristocracy in arms. The true 
 cavalier blood flows in your veins, the 
 true cavalier spirit throbs in your 
 arteries, and as long as veins and ar- 
 teries reciprocate each other's oflBce, so 
 long will you show the majestic bear- 
 ing that now confronts y(jur adversa- 
 ries. This blood, this spirit, maket* 
 you an unit. Nor can you t)e otherwise 
 than you are. Brutes lose their in- 
 stincts ; men, never. It is this instinct 
 that your savage enemies are fighting. 
 They know its power. "Pcjwer, did I 
 Bay I" 'Tis not a power, but a force. 
 Your enemies remember its history, its 
 j »alousy of F'ederal autiiority, its sac- 
 ramental fidelity to conviction. Saga- 
 cious enough to foresee how this in- 
 stinct, embodying itself in the only true 
 conception of American Liberty, must 
 permeate this continent — how propa- 
 gative its intense vitality — how resist 
 I -88 its subtle and electric sympathy, 
 they have deemed no expenditure of 
 treasure too costly, no volume of life 
 too large, no energy too titanic, no 
 carnival of death too horrible, if they 
 can but crush its mighty strength. But' 
 ia conformity with the victorioCis pur- 
 
 I poses of thia» revolution, Providence 
 , has long been preparing you by a series 
 of events stretching from the lamee- 
 ' town of 1607 to the Richmond of 1864, 
 , for that unity of sentiment, will and 
 prowess, wiich y(m now display. Such 
 a sublime spectacle the world never 
 beheld. Eight millions of people stand 
 ready to be eight millions of martyrs. 
 : P'rance in the days .of the great Revo. 
 I lution had her La Vendee. The dynas- 
 j ty of Cromwell had Charles the Second 
 I in waitii^ for the hour of reaction ; 
 ': while in tlie Revolution of 1688, such 
 was the division of (jpinion and feeling 
 in England, and at) e;igerly was it foa- 
 tered by France, that William C"uld 
 not rel)' upon his own subjects to furn- 
 ish means for supporting his Govern- 
 ment. Not 80 with us. The unity 
 evinced in this Revolution is more re- 
 markable than the Revolution itself ; 
 nor should we regard it an a mere fea- 
 ture, but as an internal principle of 
 life, which, called long since into beiijg 
 •and constantly nourished by the re- 
 sources of accumulating energy, has 
 entered finally on its magnificent work. 
 Do not overlook this cardinal fact. 
 Do not misapprehend its nature aiid 
 bearings. It is not a fortunate acci- 
 dent, njr a lucky circumstance, but a 
 genuine historical result. To compre- 
 hend the import of this unity, you must 
 not simply study the political and so- 
 cial events, which, during two centu- 
 ries, have transpired on this hemis- 
 phere. These events themselves were 
 historic results, links in that chain of 
 unity which now binds you so firmly 
 together. The original charters under 
 which the American colonies were set- 
 tled • the physical geography of our 
 section of the continent ; the peculiari- 
 ties of blood, temperament and habits ; 
 tlKJse are the sources to which this unity 
 must be traced. Nor must you fail to 
 notice that Southern unity has been a 
 fundamental fact in the entire career 
 of American civilization. But for its 
 energetic activity, the incipient policy 
 of the thirteen colonies would never 
 have shaped itself in the particular 
 form of freedom which it secured. It 
 gave the tipecitic aim to the Revolution 
 
A PROVIDENTIAL RACE. 
 
 of me. It wrote the Declaration of 
 ludependence. It made Otis and 
 Adarn«, the Patrick Henrys of New 
 Enf?Iand. Had its presence as an in., 
 spi ration, been wanting in 1812, the 
 memorable war that determim-d our 
 Foreign Policy, and introduced Ameri- 
 can ideas into International Law would 
 not have been foutrht. Strengthened 
 l>y these conquests of principle much 
 more than by material acquisitions, 
 this same unity of the South opened the 
 Valley of the Mississippi, added the 
 Empire of Texas, and »nriched the 
 wealth of the whole country with tlie 
 ij^old of California. Such is its past. 
 but its present is still more significant; 
 and today, January 1st, 1804, after 
 accomplishing its providential purpose 
 in the Union, it has been detached from 
 its long-cherished connections, that it 
 may enter upon a sphere wi([er, nobler. 
 and far more momentous to the welfare 
 of the Atnorican continent, to the inte- 
 rests of universal brotherhood, and to 
 the destinies of future ages, than it has 
 hitherto occupied. 
 
 A PROVIDENTIAL RACE. 
 
 First of all, then, my countrymen^ 
 you should realize that you are a Pro<« 
 vidential Race. The idea of races, 
 separated from the economy of Provi- 
 dence, has no logical or moral value. 
 It is a poxl mortem, illuminated by the 
 lamp ot ii»e sepulchre. Worthless as a 
 speculation, it becomes one of the moet 
 pernicious of errors, when statesman- 
 ship undertakes to deal with its great 
 facts on the mere ground of selfish and 
 sordid interests. The philosophical and 
 practical problems of the age, which 
 now engage so much attention, are 
 mainly resolvable into the relations of 
 races to one another, and to the race 
 as a whole. The "one blood," out of 
 which, in its containing fulness, God 
 hath made 'all nations," could never 
 have unity unless it had variety ; there 
 could not exist a race except in the 
 forfn of races ; and hence to attain a 
 perfect civiliz ition as the patrimony of 
 man, these disti ibution^ of brain and 
 heart, those direct instincts that hug 
 
 the sands of the desert in the Arab, 
 cling to the sea in the Scandinavian, 
 keep down Mongolians on the same 
 fixed level with their remote ancestry, 
 but convert Norse pirates into EnglL-h 
 Lords. These are the forces dividing 
 the race into present ineqnal'ties for 
 future wholeness^ Usages, arU, ii - 
 stitutions, politics, are matters nf 
 races ; nor can we have political 
 economy or international law worthy 
 of their ideal functions until this fact • 
 is seen as fundamental. Each of these 
 races has its providential offices, its 
 allotted limits, individuality of endow* 
 nients, its divine tasks, its ultimate 
 ends. Agreeably to this truth, we 
 shall make little progress in a rati^)iial 
 system of international industry, or in 
 the establishment of a basis for the- 
 pacification of the conflicting inter* st« 
 of the world, unless we comurelieiid the 
 economy of Providence in the organi- 
 zation of races. 
 
 You belong to the Anglo-Sax^'n Rhco 
 In politics, its race-feature is repre- 
 sentation ; in science, induction ; in 
 art,~ utility, .and tlien beauty ; in soci- 
 ety, domesticity • ii^ trade, cosniopoli- 
 tantism ; in religion, Protestantism. So 
 thoroughly ingrained are these in-- 
 stincts, that they assert themselves 
 everywl>ere, nnder all circumstances, 
 with overmastering energy. For the. 
 fusion of other elements into them- 
 selves, these instincts have an nub win- 
 ded capacity. For the maintenance of 
 their cliosen ground, they ouiwjrk and 
 outfiglit the world. Such are the quili- 
 ties, my countrymen, that designate 
 your Providential position. Apply any 
 tjst of Providence to tne settlenient of 
 your ancestors in these land.? ; to tiie 
 Anglo-Saxon instincts and aspirations 
 which made them the pioneeis ot a new 
 continent no less than the proph-ts of 
 a new age ; to the Scotch, Irish, and 
 Huguenot sentiments, which, on the 
 one hand, gave such an emphasis to^ 
 their political doctrines, ami, on the 
 other, such impassioned intensity to 
 their feelinc^, to the physical laws of 
 soil and climate which th<'y were cuni- 
 pelled to ol>ey ; to the imperial s»:ise 
 of persomvl individuality which t ir 
 
ADDRESS TO THB PEOPLE. 
 
 plantation life created; to tlic thorough 
 consistency with which they remained 
 Englishmen until England, in a swoon 
 of her pijlitical intellect, ceased to be 
 Ent,'land to them ; to their transforma- 
 tion into American!! by the outgrowth 
 of ideas from within, so tiiat their new 
 political civilization represented them- 
 selves, not their:, industry and trade, as 
 it did at the North ; and then study 
 the wide historic unfoldings of these 
 ■ facts, and you will need no furtlicr 
 proof that Providenee has stamped its 
 seal upon your race. But while the 
 argument requires no confirmatory 
 evidence, it cannot bo expletive to fur- 
 nish illustrations of its truth. 
 
 Look, lellow-countrymen, at the fact, 
 that your statesmen conceived the the- 
 ory of the American iJonstitution, and 
 that they, always more devoted to the 
 service of the Federal Government than 
 to domestic and local statesmanship, 
 furnitihed the leaders under whose gui- 
 dance the Union grew into continental 
 magnitude. Look, too, how theiy guar- 
 ded the doctrine of State Sovereignty, 
 the providential principle of American 
 ■civilization, and tlifi germ of all the in- 
 ^lustrial and social s^randeur of this 
 hemisphere. Look at the Airican, com- 
 initted to your hands as a solenm trust 
 irom God, that by means of servitude 
 .you might remove the curse from his 
 original condition, and put him under 
 ■A system of remedial advancement. 
 Europe never could have used Afr'ca 
 for any purpose connected with the 
 world's progress. Fixed laws forbade 
 it. The vast continent, disowned and 
 degraded, swung from Asia-Europe as 
 a world of <lead sand. But you have 
 made it a living world. It has un- 
 loosed' itself from Asia-Europe, and, 
 binding itself to your magnificent do- 
 main, it has become a fruitful tropic. 
 Such facts are Providence in flesh and 
 blood. Through their instrumentality 
 Providence incarnates itself so that we 
 may see it, h(!ar it, handle it, walk with 
 it. The highest dignity of a race, its 
 genuine power, its capjR;ity for en- 
 largement by absorption f'om without 
 as well as by growth from within, its 
 abilitv to serve the world, these all 
 
 proceed from a sense of that Providen' 
 tial ministry which it executes. The 
 true life of a nation can be nothing 
 else than a working out o( its Provi- 
 dential ordinations. Depend upon it, 
 fellow-countrymen, till you see this, 
 3'ou see nothing. If your statcaman- 
 ship fail to comprehend it, 1 warn yon 
 that it will be a profane and atheistic 
 statesmanship ; aiid nothing will re- 
 main for your political probation, but 
 to agonize on amid a wilder turbulancc 
 and a larger outpouring of blood. Be- 
 lieve me when I tell you that this war, 
 cruel, tyrannical, brutal as it is on the 
 part ot your enemies, and subjeeting 
 you to the endurance of superhuman 
 wrongs, has an incalculable value for 
 yourselves, and for the Anglo-Saxon 
 race wn this hemisphere. But the re- 
 alization of this immense benefit will 
 be determined by the clearness with 
 which you see, and the fidelity with 
 which you embrace, the Providential 
 principle of American civilization. 
 
 THE PROVIDENTIAL PRINCIPLE OF AMERICAN 
 CIVILIZATION. 
 
 This principle is Local Sovereignty. 
 I call it a Providential principle be-" 
 cause its nature, history, results, indi- 
 cate its origin. Looking at its nature, 
 we see that it is analogoas in politics 
 to that seutiraent of personal agency 
 and responsibility, on which Christian- 
 ity founds its entire influence over 
 character and conduct. Its history, 
 whether traced in Europe or upon this 
 continent, evinces an energy, an ex- 
 pansibility, no other ])rinciple has dis- 
 played. In its results, we find every- 
 thing that allies a principle with the 
 happier fortunes of mankind. 
 
 Had the celouization of this conti- 
 nent followed immediately after its 
 discovery, it is not difficult to see that 
 this germ with its capacity for growth 
 would not, at that time, have been 
 planted in our soil. The sixteenth 
 century had no such principle to give 
 this new world of the West, and hence, 
 every effort tc occupy its territory, 
 although imagination, ambition, and 
 adventure stimulated the work, signal- 
 
PRINCIPLE OF AMERICAN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 g 
 
 ly failed. Neither the influence of the 
 " good and brave Coli^jny," nor the 
 splendid .xbililies of Sir Walter Raleigh 
 could Bullice to accomplish an object 
 so dear to their all'ections, and so in- 
 spiriting to their iio^es. Even then, 
 England had tiie resources, the means, 
 the population, with which, logically 
 speaking, the process of colonizing 
 could have been commenced. But she 
 was not England. Not yet liberated 
 from her prejudices, and from tlie ser- 
 vile pulicy which she had blindly in- 
 herited from a darker age, she, had to 
 wait fur the century of Milton, when 
 her own constitution shaped itself to 
 the ideal of freedom before any marked 
 progress could be made in colonizing 
 these lands. Uuder the charters gran- 
 ted. Local Sovereignty grew, by de- 
 grees, to be tlie leading fact in colo- 
 nial history. Where the internal strug- 
 gle was stvi're, as in the case of Virgi- 
 nia, the triuQiph of the principle was 
 most signal. Where it was repress- 
 ed, as in the colony of New Nether- 
 lands;, through the mercantile aristoc- 
 racy of the m(»ther country, no pros- 
 perity was enjoyed. New Amstevdatu 
 became New York when the. Dutch 
 colony passed into the hands of. the 
 English, and then, "for the first time 
 the voice of the people was heard in 
 its legislation ; it began thenceforth to 
 advance rapidly in population, and, 
 notwithstanding occasional seasons of 
 trial and depression, gave early prom- 
 ise of what it was one day to become." 
 
 Thus early did this principle acquire 
 a firm hold on American soil as the 
 tap-root of the Tree of li^'berty, which 
 should determine the height of its lofty 
 trunk, and the outreach of its broad 
 branches. Without doubt, it was an 
 abridged principle.. But still it was a 
 principle, vital, aggressive, elastic. 
 And had this bingle principle been 
 wanting, the colonies could never have 
 been reared to +hat Ktreugth of manhood 
 which enabled them to confront so 
 .sturdily the arms of England. 
 
 The principle (jf Local Sovereignty, 
 as practically applied during the colo- 
 nial era was often perverted. But 
 even its abases were overruled for 
 
 good. To develop a great political 
 and morai principle, it is Uf^cessary to 
 subject it to int'^stine conflict, no less 
 than to outward strife. Precisely in 
 this two-fold manner, was this doctrine 
 purified from its corruptions, and fitted 
 lor its perfect work. Jealous of its 
 claims, Englan^l resisted its progress 
 and thus intensified its strength, while 
 the.intolerance exhibited towards Roger 
 Williams in Massachusetts, and to- 
 wards the Quakers in \irginia, pre-:, 
 pared the way for that sentiment of 
 religious liberty which was subse- 
 quently established. Step by step tiiis 
 doctrine of Local Sovereignty advanced 
 until it brought on a collision between 
 tlie mother country and the colonies. 
 Only one thing remained for it to ac 
 complish, viz : to change Englishmen 
 into Americans, and this result, aided 
 by revohrtionai-y agencies, was speedi- 
 ly attained. Viewing this subject, 
 then, in the light of facts, we see that 
 this principle of Local Sovereignty 
 passed through its colonial stage of 
 development not merely as a political 
 doctrine, but as a great social and 
 moral fact. Every house that was 
 built, every plantation opened, every 
 article introduced into trade, every 
 religious interest, assisted in itt» growth 
 and maturity, so that it entered into 
 social order, and demons trated itself 
 as a law of civilized humanity before 
 it became a necessary political prin- 
 ciple. "^ 
 
 Its incipient stage of existence com- 
 pleted. Local Sovereignty expanded 
 into State Sovereignty. Speaking of 
 colonies, Mc 'Bulloch remarks that, "if 
 we except the restraints on their com- 
 merce, the monopoly of which was 
 jealously guarded by the mother coun- 
 try, the inhabitants of Virginia, Penn- 
 sylvania, and New England ei)j"yed 
 nearly the same degree of freedom, 
 when colonists of England, that they 
 now enjoy as citizens of the powerful 
 republic of the United States." But 
 these restraints were removed and 
 State Sovereignty perfected. After- 
 wards it formed, or rather undertook to 
 form, a "more perfect Unions Rigid 
 restraints were imposed on that ''more 
 
6 
 
 AJ)t)ftES8 To THE PEoPtE. 
 
 perfect Vnion;^' checks and balances 
 provided ; a JSca ate of State Severe ig'n- 
 ties orj^anizcd ; but despite of all, the 
 one distinctive, paramount, providen- 
 tial idea of American thoup^ht and pro- 
 gress was near being^ crushed by de- 
 parting from the type of European 
 civilization, vi:^ : Local Covcreignt]! and 
 Balance of Paicer ; and, in its stead, 
 adopting the type of Asiatic civil iza- 
 tioii, viz : ^tofiiiitude of Empire, an:l 
 Consolit/atiun <>/ Fuxoer. But the slow 
 process i»f a return to original ami 
 philosophical principles soon com- 
 menced. First came the "Missouri 
 Compromise," laying a solid bar, stron- 
 ger than iron, between the two con- 
 tending sections with their inherited co- 
 lonial peeuliarities, and engraving on it, 
 that the United States were two peo- 
 ples, moving in diverging directions. 
 Then came "Internal Improveau'nts," 
 widening yet more the breach. Tiien 
 followed the destruction of the United 
 Staces Bank, a most vital step in pre- 
 paring the way for the separation of 
 the States. And thus, by degrees, the 
 wo;k of disintegration went on. Sec- 
 tional iiuiustr}' perfected itself. Sec- 
 tional censciences, in morals and reli- 
 gion, were formed. Roused to his ut- 
 most fury, the Puritan determined to 
 develop tiie perfect ideal of himself, 
 and einliuilyit in flesh and blood. That 
 uchievenicnt had never before been 
 attempted. I'uritanism had presented 
 numerous foi'ms of character. Webster 
 and Adams were thoroughly unlike. 
 Choate and Hale wert* ftjreigners to 
 each other. Yale and Harvard were 
 separated by one abyss. But the true 
 type of character at last emerged be- 
 fore th« world. It incarnated itself in 
 John Brown. Not qwite content with 
 him, it reproduced itself in President 
 Lincoln. A "more per/ect Union'^ had 
 now culminated in Abraham Lincoln. 
 The work was done ; North and South 
 parted. 
 
 PROVIDENTIAL LAWS. 
 
 Every nation is a scheme of Provi- 
 dence to its own people. The immedi- 
 ate end of this scheme is to feed, clothe, 
 
 shelter and promote the well being of 
 its subjects, not by undertaking the 
 (tfficea of a paternal government, nor 
 by artificial legislation in behalf of 
 trade, but by respecting Providential 
 Laws, as ordained iji soil, climate and 
 physical relations, and leaving indus- 
 try ajid commerce to their own in- 
 stincts. Whenever this end is consul- 
 ted in the policy of a nation, the end 
 itself beconjes a means to another and 
 wider end, the temporal welfare of 
 mankind. Agreeably to this law, na- 
 tions 'AVfi local systems of Provid<!nce, 
 subordinate to that economy of Provi- 
 dence which embraces the world and 
 its inhabitants. 
 
 Statesmanship is the interpreter of 
 these Proviiiential Laws. It is the 
 organ through which Providence makes 
 known its will. Not unfrequeutly it 
 falls far short of its divine purpose, 
 substituting its factitious plans for the 
 indications of a higher wisdom, perver- 
 ting the freedom of nature by narrow 
 restrictions, exhausting its affluence to 
 feed the exchequer of sordidness, and 
 thus degrading its high office into a 
 selfii^h art. But its ideal is that of a 
 Providential Ministry which executes, 
 without fear or distrust, those cardinal 
 laws that God himself has ordained. 
 Tliese laws it cannot make nor unmake. 
 Its sole utility consists in administer- 
 ing them, subject to those considera- 
 tions of expediency which respect time 
 and circumstance in all legislative 
 measures. Political economj' is noth- 
 ing more thaii a codification of these 
 laws — a science that teaches what 
 Providence means in the facts of soil, 
 climate and products ; in the divisions 
 of the globe as apartments of one vast 
 mansion for the occupancy of different 
 nations ; in the organization of difler- 
 eiit forms of industry as related to 
 their own ends and co-related to one 
 another. 
 
 A thoughtful mind, contemplating 
 these laws, cannot fail to be impressed 
 by their extent, variety and soveieign 
 sway. Over all things, they are en- 
 throned as supreme forces, lo which, 
 the pride of intellect, the exclusiveness 
 of national vanity, the sensuality of 
 
PROVIDENTIAL LAWS. 
 
 selfish commerce, must submit. Be- ' 
 neficent beyond computation, these i 
 myriad forces, near and remote, palpa- 
 ble and subtle, copious and restricted, 
 are everywhere working with serene, 
 omnipotent energy to improve the earth 
 as man's habitation, and to improve 
 man himself for closer compan'onship 
 with God. No miracles are here. But 
 the miracle is, that society can be 
 sustained without the direct interven- 
 tion of Jehovah. A daily table is 
 spread around the .globe ; every hour 
 threads are spun for clothing that 
 would reach thousands of miles ; every 
 year, cotton and woolen aild another 
 skin to the human body, and recipro- 
 cate the functions of animal lif^; the 
 vast volumes of heat which nature 
 stored up ages since in her magazines 
 are liberated ; the sunbeams that never 
 shone on mort il eye, but silently de- 
 scended with ancient forests into their 
 awaiting receptacles, are set free from 
 their subterranean confinement and 
 gladden the homes of millions ; iron, 
 copper, lead, bring back eras past to 
 enrich the present age ; steam multi- 
 plies and expands human power till it 
 strikes the verge of omnipotence ; de- 
 fects in one climate are compensated 
 by superabundant advantages in an- 
 other ; Europe finds its counterpart in 
 America, and America its complement 
 in Asia ; all co-operating, all combi- 
 ning, so that tlie race as one vast hu- 
 man being may be fed, clothed, warm- 
 ed, sheltered, trained, educated, civil- 
 ized, chrietianized. 
 
 But, furthermore, these Providential 
 Laws are as solemn as sublime, as 
 stern ae truthful. Merciful when obey- 
 ed, jnelding their munificent blessings 
 on easy terms, they are agencies of 
 wrath and wretchedness, if nations set 
 themselves in array against them. Pen- 
 alties, sure and certain, hedge them all 
 around and no profane feet may tram- 
 ple upon them. They tolerate no com- 
 promises. They forgive no infractions. 
 They accept no atonements. If na- 
 tions violate these laws, tliey incur the 
 anger of Providence, and are either 
 doomed to ruin or punished until theij 
 learn wisdom. 
 
 Viewed in the light of these truths 
 j'our position, fellow-countrymen, is a 
 stewardship of immeasurable responsi- 
 bility. It is a stewardship of political 
 doctrines which, bequeathed by the 
 past, lays the sanctity of venerable 
 3'ears upon your hearts. In these doc- 
 trines you profess the sovereignty of 
 man as man, and the essential brother- 
 hood of the human family. Aside from 
 this fact, you have a stewardship of 
 industry and trade which unite you to 
 the rest of the world. The great str. 
 pie which you pro«luce, is one of the 
 w. iide-rs of m<jdern labor, and it has 
 do:ie more to revolutionize the rela- 
 tions of labor and capital, to establish 
 new and snlutary connections between 
 agriculture and commerce than any 
 other single agency in our age. Nor 
 is this all. To give full efficiency to 
 your political principles ; to put your 
 cherished creed of Republicanisfn in 
 completer practice ; to command your 
 own energies so long cramped and 
 confined ; to elevate your industry by 
 fraternizing more freely with mankind; 
 you wisely separated fronj that scheme 
 of Union which your statesmanship 
 had illustrated, your valor ennobled, 
 your patriotism hallowed. By this act 
 you did not rebel against the United 
 States. Sovereignty is incapable of 
 rebellion. Subjects rebel ; sovereigns 
 never. But, nevertheless, it was an 
 act of momentous significance, and, 
 hear me when I tell yot that in this 
 measure, you consecrated yourselves, 
 fellow-countrymen, to the sublime wortc 
 which Providence had committed to 
 your hands. The midnight sacrament 
 of blood witnesses the presence of 
 Jehovah in your midst, and, hour by 
 hour, as He distributes amid your 
 thinning ranks, the solemn emblems 
 that symbolize your faith and rever- 
 ence and love, you are called to con- 
 front those holy vows, which, in dis- 
 rupting a magnificent empire, and as- 
 suming an attitude of lofty independ- 
 ence, brought j^ou into nearer alliance 
 with Providence, and dedicated you 
 anew to liberty and humanity. The 
 sad ritual still proceeds ; the search- 
 ing inquisition into the character of 
 
ADBRXSa TO THB PEOPLE. 
 
 elect disciplesbip yet continaea : 
 an 1 the deepeninjif gloom shuts ua more 
 closely, in iiiiwhispered awe, within 
 the shadows of tho iu6nite. But^very 
 sacrament Lasita .Iiid.i&. Nut, perhaps, 
 s\ Judas in flesh and blood, a cynic to 
 scMw! upon the scntimt-nt that breaks 
 it)j box of precious ointment, a traitor 
 to sell . his Ciirist for thirty piecet* of 
 silver. The open, deliberate, avari- 
 cious Judas is unt tho m-m to be 
 feared. But the in.sidlou8 Judas that 
 Rtoalthily treads hi.s way into all nur 
 hearts when l.^ist suspected — tho un- 
 conscious Jndas that strips a cause of 
 its hii^h sacredness, and sensualizes it 
 to nuworthy ends — the Judas that 
 looks upon a praiid revolution in the 
 sordid aspect of dollars and cents, and 
 is bl'nd to its divinest aims /^ tliis is 
 the Jndas that every great Providen- 
 tial movement has to dread. Never 
 %vas there a revolution that, at some 
 staire of its progress, was not perver- 
 ted ; and, let me impress upon you 
 that it is by resisting these tendencies 
 to abuse, far more than by their origi- 
 nal energy, that revolutions achieve 
 their most enduring results. 
 
 Our withdrawal from the Unicm was 
 the effect of Providential causes that 
 no human agency was competent to 
 resist. Sagacity (.'xpected it. Sagacity 
 did its utmost to prevent it. Sagacity 
 warned, pleaded, remons*^rated, com- 
 promised, preached, prayed, fasted, 
 wept, to arrest the event. It uttered 
 its majestic voice in the farewell ad- 
 dress of Washington. It repeated its 
 tones of pathos in the language of 
 Webster, Clay, and Calhoun. Clianning, 
 Thornwell, Bn-ckinridge, Adams, Hop- 
 kins, Fuller, Pierce, leading divines in 
 their respective churches, foresaw the 
 danger, and interceded to avert it. 
 Never were so many arts of states- 
 manship, logic, interest, employed for 
 any end as the perj)etuation of the 
 Union. But the course of events rolled 
 on ; every year the tide grew fuller, 
 broader, darker ; every j'ear added 
 fresli tributaries to its sweeping, surg- 
 ing, swollen momentum ; until at last 
 all barriers gave way, all boundaries 
 yielded, and the highest .A.lps went 
 
 down beneath the victorious deluge. 
 It was a Pnjvidential decree. None 
 could withstand it. Provideuco gave 
 us t!air w^arning that it would come. 
 Few heeded tiio warning. A magnifi- 
 cent empire, stretching from Atlantic 
 Ui Pacitic, and covering the length ot 
 the continent ; an empire that should 
 be a world in itself, and still more, a 
 world by itself ; an empire that should 
 multiply the original diversities of soil, 
 climate, productiim«, and intensify the 
 essential dissimilarjty between races, 
 temperaments and local institutions, 
 while it reconciled all inherent antago- 
 nisms ; such an empire was the dream 
 of our statesmanship. But our states- 
 manship forgot that the laws of civili- 
 zation are stronger than the laws of 
 Government. The former dictate the 
 policy of the latter ; the former are 
 elemental forces, the latter executive 
 powers ; the one proceeds from God, 
 the other from men ; the one like God 
 are mighty and eternal, the other like 
 men, short-lived and transient. Such 
 a dream was in conllict with all the 
 historic and traditi<;nal wisdom of the 
 past. No logic of principles, no analy- 
 sis of the philosophy of Government, 
 no parallelisms of facts, none of the in- 
 stinctive tendencies of industry and 
 commerce, none of the international 
 relations of the Western hemisplierc 
 could have inspired such a dream. 
 Could this dream bave been realized, 
 it would have been realized by the de- 
 velopment of a homogeneonsness that 
 would have proved fatal to all freedom 
 of growth, catholicity of sentiment and 
 fraternity of industry, politics, society, 
 religion. 
 
 But this ideality of empire was a 
 splendid conception, and, like all great 
 •ideals, had most beneficent uses. It 
 held us together until the fulness of 
 time had come, and the principle of 
 local sovereignty, sxibjeoted to long 
 and instructive discipline, had been 
 fitted to enter xipon its work of rear- 
 ing a series of nationalities that should 
 embody the diversified civilizations of 
 
PROVIDENTIAL LAWS. 
 
 the coDtiBent. The diversities had 
 uecessarily to assume shape, distiuct- 
 ne68 and vij^or, before the process of 
 disiutegration coulc^ safely corumence. 
 A premature governn^ent, assuming to 
 put itself iu tbe van of civilization, 
 is always a miscarriage. The womb 
 of time has its fixed periods of gesta- 
 tion, and men cannot hurry them. Hap- 
 pily for the welfare of the hemisphere, 
 the act of separation was delayed until 
 the whole question of secession had 
 passed from the uncertain ground of 
 arguments to the solid ground of pal- 
 pable facts. If we had left the Union 
 on a logical deduction, on a govern- 
 mental theory, on a prospective hypo- 
 thesis, there would have been room to 
 fear that the conclusions might not 
 sustain the premises. Logic is the 
 worst of revolutionizers. Heaven never 
 entrusts a great cause to processes of 
 reasoning. Facts are the only author- 
 ized reformers. Luther', Hampden, 
 Cromwell, Washington, Napoleon, are 
 fimply otiier names for facts. 
 
 The wisdom of Providence in post- 
 poning this separation until certain 
 interests in the Union had divided and 
 made the experiment of sectional inde- 
 pendence is a striking point in the 
 history of this struggle. The prepara- 
 tory trial of the safety, utility and pro- 
 priety of disintegration was ordained 
 of God, so that in the clear light of its 
 results, we might advance to our po- 
 litical future witliout apprehensions. 
 Several illustrations are at command, 
 but we select only one, which, from the 
 magnitude of the issues involved, will 
 place the argument "fully before the 
 reader. We allude to the division in 
 the Baptist and Methodist Episcopal 
 Churches. In the case of the Baptist 
 Church, it was a rupture of general 
 relations which existed for benevolent 
 objects in the form of convention. In 
 the case of the M. E. Church it was 
 a rupture in the- highest legislative 
 body of the Church, aud hence was or- 
 ganic. Tlie separation proved of in- 
 calculable benefit to both these parties. 
 The increase of their membership ; the 
 quickening impulse given to publish- 
 ing interests, to education, to mission- i 
 
 ary work ; the augmentation of mone- 
 tary receipts f:jr benevolent objects j 
 opened a new and wonderful era iu 
 their operations. The divine blessing 
 followed the separation ; and thus the 
 finger of Providence, pointing to that 
 result, showed us the futurity which 
 political separation would secure. 
 
 Looking, then, at the Unioii as an 
 initial system for the organization of 
 American society, it was most admira- 
 bly adapted to accomplish its end. It 
 created a safeguard for liberty. It 
 checked the tendencies to excessive 
 individualism, aud generated a specific 
 style of character, which, however 
 rude and gross in certain aspects, yet 
 all'orded the energetic materials for a 
 subsequent process of refinement. Im- 
 pulse and imaginative activity are 
 essential to the first stages of national 
 life ; but, as we had no feudiilism, no 
 chivalry, no crusades, no El Doradoes, 
 to furnish tiiis pabulum of lusty growth 
 and exuberant vigor, the enthusiasm 
 of a grand empire, holding half a hem- 
 isphere in its grasp, supplied the need- 
 ed nectar to this modern Jupiter. Its 
 work perfected, its vulcanic muscle 
 embodied in iron, its finer ideals sculp- 
 tured in marule, the great Union 
 passed away But, in no sense was it 
 a failure. It did precisely and com- 
 pletely all it was designed to do. It 
 lived its three-score and ten, and then 
 expired by the divine statute of limita- 
 tion. Had it attained ''four-ncore yars" 
 its "strength" would have been "labor 
 and sorrow." And hence, when it ter- 
 minated its existence, it had prepared 
 the way for a more noble and perma- 
 nent economy of political society. Un- 
 consciously to itself, through all the 
 periods of its wonderful existence, in 
 all its phases of fortune, in its acquisi- 
 tions of territory, in its internal eou- 
 tiicts, in its triumphs, in its dekats, i,t 
 had been slowly but steadily working 
 out for the North, for the Soutii, for 
 Indiana, for Texas, for California, a 
 .simpler and dronger principle of Ajneri- 
 can government and civilization. We 
 say, unconsciously. The sublimest 
 workers are always unconscious of 
 their work. If they knew what they 
 
10 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 jjid, lo^Jc would enervate inspiration 
 while gfodlike energies would expire 
 in mortal imbecility. 
 
 E PIXRIBUS VVVK. 
 
 One of the necessary effoots of the 
 Federal Union was to afford tin' respec- 
 tive States a full opportunity for self- 
 development. If tiie coranicu trust- 
 agent superintended their foreign 
 affairs, and performed other offices of 
 general utility, it must be obvious that 
 under such a system, local sovereignty 
 would have ample room to expand in 
 the sphi^re, reserved to its own activi- 
 ty. Union, therefore, was the logical 
 antecedent to Disunion. Bu* no sane 
 man can regard disunion as an end in 
 itself Therefore, we urge that Disun- 
 ion is the antecf'den* to Lmity. Unity 
 is essentially different from union 
 The one is inward ; the other outward. 
 The former springs from con)mon sen 
 timents and aims ; the latter from 
 common relations to the same objects. 
 The one rests on the sympathy which 
 flows from individuality ; the other 
 from society. Unity is consistent with 
 the largest diversity ; Union inconsis- 
 tent. Unity adjusts and recoi ciles 
 dissimiUir elements; union antagonizes 
 them. Unity is the principle of vital 
 association ; union is the law of formal 
 connection. If this analysis is correct 
 it is easy to perceive that the disrup- 
 tion ot the American Union was an 
 important step in the advancing march 
 of Western civilization. Their term of 
 childhood ended, their age of manhood 
 dawning, the States have commenced 
 the vast work of distributing them- 
 selves into empires, according to geo- 
 graphical position, industrial affinities, 
 and social identity. Had there been 
 no Missouri Compromise, no Texas 
 annexation, no Kansas Bill, no John 
 Brown, no President Lincoln, this pro- 
 cess of dismemberment C(juld not have 
 been long deferred. Nor can any hu- 
 man power arrest its progress. Noth- 
 ing but an intellectual blindness, 
 amounting to idiotcy, would undertake 
 to arrest this outworking of inherent 
 and instinctive destiny. A single oak 
 
 matures its acorns by the same laws 
 that it matures itself, then scatters 
 them over the earth, and, in following 
 years sees a contiAient of oaks, like it 
 in prolific vitality ; like it in majentic 
 si/e, its welcome coiiip'uiions, its genial 
 fellows, its proud descendants. Such 
 an oak was the American Union, and 
 such a destiny is reserved for its ap- 
 proaching years. 
 
 "K PiARiBCs Unum" must now be 
 re-written. It is no more "One of 
 Many," but "Many of One.'* The ^ame 
 causes that made the South outgrow 
 the limitations of the Union ; the same 
 imperative discipline of sectional cir- 
 cumstances ; the same awakening of 
 intellect and energy, are at work, and 
 cannot be repressed. Like continental 
 forces that upheave a world from the 
 deep, they will exert their might and 
 crush all resistance. Whoever plants 
 a hostile front in their way, arrays 
 himself against the onward march of 
 civilization. Whoever grapples with 
 them grapples with Almighty God. 
 "Many of One?' is the inaugural of 
 the new dispensation. Federalism on 
 a vast scale is an obsolete thing. In- 
 congruous with the spirit of the nine- 
 teenth century, adverse to the law of 
 progress, the creed of au expired con- 
 servatism, it cannot interpose its puny 
 power in the conflict which to-day 
 wages with y(vsterday in behalf of to- 
 morrow. Suppose that Federalism 
 obliterate all State lines. Can it ob- 
 literate the stubborn facts that State 
 lines represent ? Can it crush the wild 
 energy of the Northwest ? Can it turn 
 the face of California from Asia ? In- 
 stincts are sovereign. Men will obey 
 them just as the globe obeys gravita- 
 tion. 
 
 But in 'this distribution of political 
 power under new and varied nationali- 
 ties, or under confederacies, a princi- 
 ple of pacification and prosperity must 
 be found. Such a prin'^-iple, acknowl- 
 edging the rights of each party as 
 distinct and independent, must present 
 a common ground on which all can 
 meet. And this common ground is the 
 free interchange of their industrial 
 ' products. Any restrictions on the 
 
E PLURIBUS UNUM. 
 
 11 
 
 trade of this continent will be down- 
 rififht political madness. The unity of 
 the continent, of its respective sections 
 of its complementary interests, are 
 stern facta which nature has settled 
 once and forever. Bear in mind, that 
 the labor and capital of this country 
 are already organized \ji accommoda- 
 tion to the laws of physical jreoij^raphy 
 and the demands of est^iblished mar- 
 kets. And, moreover, remember that 
 all political legislation, if it have any 
 claim to statesmanship must conform 
 to facts and circumstances as thej' 
 exist. All such facts and circumstan- 
 ces are the indices of Providence, 
 pointing out the course for statesman 
 skip to follow. Looking at this North 
 American continent, its peculiar con- 
 tour, its simplicity of form, its remark- 
 able inter-relation of parts, its diversi- 
 ties as tributary to unity, its capacity 
 for localization and its massive com- 
 pleteness, any stat<?sraan must be 
 singularly blind who would advocate 
 any other scheme of trade than one 
 based on perfect reciprocity of inters 
 est, and the most liberal interpretation 
 of the claims of mutual brotherhood. 
 
 Diversity and unity are the two 
 pillars of all continental civilization. 
 You have divorced diversity and union, 
 and high Ilcaveu is ratifying the act 
 as final by sealing it with blood. The 
 great problem now is to adjust the 
 claims <if diversity and unity. I repeat 
 it to you, these are the pillars of 
 continental civilization. Without them 
 Europe would not be Europe. With 
 them, America can be America, a far 
 wiser, better, more peaceful and pros- 
 perous America than ever before. The 
 principle which I advocate lies back of 
 all governmental policy ; nor indeed 
 can governments be considered other 
 than empirical if they neglect to con- 
 sult its supreme obligations. It is a 
 principle of catholicity, of strength, 
 security and peace. It has cost the 
 world more treasure, more wretched- 
 ness, more blood, in reaching its 
 present degree of development, than 
 any other doctrine of governmental 
 science ; and now that the new era of 
 the Western Hemisphere, struggling 
 
 in the throes of its birth, is about to 
 offer you this principle of conciliation 
 and fraternity, let me warn you that it 
 only can give a determinate shape to 
 the prospective and conjoint civiliza- 
 tion of our continent. 
 
 Standing at the mouth of the Ohio, 
 let us survey the far-reaching land- 
 scape, which is now occupied by the 
 United States and the Confederate 
 States. The mountain chain, running 
 nearly through its length, and shaping 
 itself so as to repeat the coast line of 
 the Atlantic, 'eaves the country open 
 from North to South. Like a huge 
 back^bone, it braces the ribs of nume- 
 rous States, through which it passes. 
 All along its slopes it contains metalic 
 and mineral treasures, which are sus- 
 ceptible of easy distribution. Placed 
 between the Atlantic and the Missis- 
 ,sippi, it extends its advantages v-ith 
 equal liberality to the industry and 
 trade which border the ocean or follow 
 the great river. Our first line of 
 colonization was the Atlantic coast ; 
 our second, the Mississippi, each foK 
 lowing the same continental direction 
 and branching to these mountains as 
 their common junction. In Asia the 
 mountain ranges insulate one people 
 from another. China and India are 
 rendered foreigners to each other by 
 one of those immense ridges which 
 separate sections of the East by im- 
 passable barriers. But on this hemis- 
 phere, an opposite law prevails. The 
 mountains unite and bind together the 
 physical and industrial interests which 
 belong to the Eastern and Western 
 divisions, while they sufficiently dit-er- 
 sify them for reciprocal benefit. But 
 while the Atlantic slopes, and the 
 West are thus intimately connected. 
 North and South are made likewise 
 dependent. The vast region drained 
 by the Mississippi is perfectly co- 
 related in all its parts, nor does the 
 world present as striking an instance 
 of divereity as the condition of unity. 
 
 Wiioever will look at this subject 
 calmly and carefully will discover three 
 facts of great importance The first . 
 is the occupancy of the entire Atlantic 
 line as the base of our original civili- 
 
\% 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE PfiOPLE. 
 
 /.ation, and the inseparable connection i 
 tlius cRtablisheJ belweeu the industry i 
 of all ltd sections. The second is the 
 repetition of this Northein and South'* 
 era couaectiou on the Mississippi and : 
 its tributaries. The third is the lines ! 
 of trade extending from the Mississippi , 
 Valley to the Atlantic coast. Whether, ; 
 then, wo trac»i the arteries of civilizas I 
 tion in the direction of latitude or , 
 longitude, the same fact meets us, viz: 
 Unity. 
 
 Certain it is, inflexibly and inexora- 
 bly certain, that some substitute must 
 be had for the Federal schomo of 
 Union. Tiie proces!-; of dismember>nent 
 must continue until the constilueut 
 parts of tlie United States, liberated 
 from the destructive agencies which 
 Mr. Linc'dn, not our secession, has 
 developed among thum, shall be driven, 
 as a measure, of self-protection, to 
 organize tiiemselves either in national.' 
 ities or in confederacies. Whether we 
 contemplate Federalism in its capacity 
 during peace for unjust legitslatiou, 
 corrupt patronage, and the terrible 
 sway of numerical mujorities, or in its 
 capacity duriny war for coi-solidation, 
 tyranny and brutality, our miuds can- 
 not evade, cannot suspend, cannot 
 even palliate the conchisic^n that it is 
 irreconcileable with local liberty and 
 local institutions, whenever they ex* 
 pand themselves over a broad and 
 diversified surface. The practical re'^ 
 alization of this truth is only a matter 
 of time. But, meanwhile, all sections 
 of the country ought to see that a plan 
 of contitioutal unity, such as shall 
 acknowledge the independence of each 
 nationality or confederacy, and secure 
 the free intercommunity of trade and 
 commerce, will give the beneflts with- 
 out the evils of union. Passion and 
 prejudice may obscure for tlie present 
 tliis truth, but its final triumph depends 
 no more than the revolution of the 
 globe OQ any human contingencies. 
 
 PBIXCU'X-KS AND POLICY. 
 
 Whpf.evsr a. revolutionary movement propo- 
 ses to ctiang • tb« instituiioo- of a coiniunniiy, 
 itB i Iwas ar.d nn-asurfis are amenable, no less 
 tbau ius means and instrameuU^, to those laws 
 
 which are organic in the schemi of Providence 
 as applied U\ human socI^ty. Ours i» uot, 
 -•■■■-•'• r ':»k'n>:. a revfilutixn. No element 
 (lifiiurbiDtr e.vi<ted in the act of 
 li Irum tbe L'nioa. L ke a partner 
 reiiriug trum a meicantile firm, whose business 
 .still continue'^, we simply re.sumed our origiual 
 sovereignty, leaving tbe United Stales to main- 
 tain tbe cfiices ut governmeni wiibin lis own 
 limits, and agreeably to it« apt c<iic functioua 
 Tlio revolutionary stuiinient whicb has to vi- 
 tally affecftd the prop-ess of thi.< movprn>-nt. ori- 
 ginated with oar ^nem)ep, who. in their mrange 
 hallucination!^, made seceseion the occasion tor 
 revolution. Tukwn in all its conaec ions pre- 
 seut and prospective - thid lact is a political 
 anomaly thai, no 8taU"'inan'cau explain on any 
 ucceptt'd piinciple of human government. Dm 
 t hilt aside. The great fact' with which we are 
 dealing is, (hat we have asseited our iudepeod- 
 eiice. By this acv we severed our reiatioua to 
 a political sys'Pm which hud proved adverse 
 to our best iiiierests. By this act we, present- 
 ed ourselves before the world as a candidate 
 for admitisiun into the family ot nationi:. B7 
 this act we pie Iged onrselvea to tbe wel:ar" of 
 mankind, bringing our distinctive ideas. indiiS:- 
 try. resourcep. usages tuid iustitnt'ons into tbe 
 common Ptock of hiimaniiy. By this act we 
 declared that whatever wi*.- local should uot be 
 exag;ierated iatu an inteinalional injury ; that 
 whatever was peculiar to us as a peii|de should 
 work no serious detriment- to the oiher braiich- 
 e-*. of the World's vast household ; and that 
 while we employed out own agencies in the 
 deveUpm^-ni of our resources, and held our 
 own convictions without any control but tiuih 
 and any res^trictiftus iMit a moral sense of expe 
 diency, we would advanee to the extent of our 
 nbility, the peace and prospuuty ol all peoul**. 
 Let us see how tur these promise's, made i.i our 
 covenant with Providence, and procnimed. 
 furthermore, to the world, have been redeemed. . 
 or raiher. how lar we have given indicatious of 
 their redem|Hio». 
 
 Fellow-couinrymen, the hours that now dar- , 
 ken for us the diaUplale ol time with their 
 infinite shadosTs are too lull of sadness and 
 porrow for any iiidulgeace in carping criticism. 
 Heartless . must th.il mm b •■ who, amid tho 
 sanctities of grief now resting upou our dear 
 land, could profane the te.-ideruesj of such an 
 occision by harsh censures and sharp de- 
 uunciatioiia. The hallowing breath ot God is 
 in thai Wail of mourning whicii cow rises over 
 thousands of grav-'s. and from homes sadder 
 th in t!fr;ives, and whicli recites-, in the litany of 
 breaking hearts, three ye.irs of carnage and 
 anuuish. Apart from this, the struggles of our 
 great and go^d men in the offices of stiatesman- 
 ship their lldelity to sacred trusts— their con- 
 stancy o: heroism under auperJiuraan prej-juro, 
 demand an u|»preciati()U at onr bands, th>it no 
 words ot mine c:iu tiily expre.-^s. Yet truth is 
 consistent with kindness and cl-arity, nor is it 
 < ver so tt-uihful as when the alT-'Ctious of the 
 heart strengthen, and sanctify the logical de- 
 ductions of the undeisianding. No man of 
 detective sensibilities can ever see a great 
 
PRINCIPLES AND POLICY. 
 
 i; 
 
 trnlh in it« entire scope"; and hence, if we 
 would reach juijt and abiding conclusions, we 
 must attain tliem quite as mucb through the 
 emotions as ihroup;li the intellect. 
 
 First, let me say. that our style of thitik'ng 
 during the pendency of this struggle has-been 
 too low, too sordid, too. sensual, for th« graad 
 iseueu involved. So far from our thoughts and 
 impulses being commen.surale with the sublim- 
 ity ot our pomiion as the coaservaiors of 
 American liberty, ?iud the sUmdard bearers of 
 a new and mors potent civilization, we have 
 been content to consider th» stru gle as a mere 
 coriHict with the Federal arras. Foreretting that 
 high conceptitns of our mission to the nations 
 are necessary precursors to deed? of splendid 
 valor, forgetting that the aebievini,' brain i.s the 
 herald of the achieving hand, forg-tting that a 
 people's acts never exceed the measure ot 
 their ideas ; still more, forgetting that I'rovi^ 
 dence siffniils ii.s Urst pre.sence .-^mong a com- 
 munity by the sentiments and conesponding 
 impulses which it couimnnicates ere it forms 
 their exploits to lofry id-al.s ; forgetting all 
 these, we have degraded our cause by regard- 
 ing it mainly or altogeiht-r in the light of a 
 resistance to the avaricous lust and ferocious 
 hate of ourenenjit's. I would not have you to 
 contemplate it chittiy in that aspect, ijuch an 
 aspect, solema beyond description, it has but 
 not that onl , . I would not have you lower 
 yourselves by ])laciug your manbond in con- 
 trast with the fanatics who hunger and thirst 
 lor your ruin. 
 
 Nor should you imagine that the paramout 
 issue in this cot.fliti. is property. That is an isisuf 
 but not the greatesi. The real qnestion involv- 
 ed is your maabood, and the chieftainship of 
 that manhood in piotecling Americau libt-rty. 
 Oq you «nd your arms, habg the destinies of 
 tuis ccniinent, and no inferior aim can confer 
 upon your'achievements that resplendent hfrs'c 
 lit wb'ch they are entitled. Property nev^r 
 made a graud revolution. It never umleriooi? 
 one that it did not sensualize its spirit, and 
 cnrse lis subjects. Already it has deb!uich(:d 
 scores of our brethren, who once followed the 
 eagle ia his flight, but now attend the buzzard 
 iq his search. Step by step, year by year, 
 causes beyond bumun control have been stead- 
 ily advancing this revolution to that high 
 ground whion it was destined to occupy. Step 
 by step, year by year, all secondary elements 
 have been more or less eliminated Irom the san- 
 guinary debate, until at las* the naked alterna- 
 tive ot manhood or extermination is only offer- 
 ed. Believing that the Federal despotism must 
 trample on the liberties of its own people just 
 in the sime ratio that it advances on ours, I 
 look for the time to arrive when the downcast 
 and downtrodden of the United States will 
 bail you as their benefactors and allies in 
 crushing a tyranny that is hastening to its 
 overthrow. You cannot fight this battle for 
 yourself alone. Providence shapes the issne 
 for itself. Despite of our immediate purposes, 
 (in themselves honorable and noble.) its ora- 
 ni8ci*"nce is guiding our *8 eps into something 
 grander than a sectional triumph. Oure, there- 
 
 fore, is a sublime attitude. It is the attitude of 
 men who should be raised infinitely ubove all 
 mercenary considerations ; who should sink 
 self and selQ-^hness in a caus^ so transcendent- 
 ly glorious ; and who. discharging from their 
 minds all other inipre^tiimis. should think of 
 nothing but fighting or T*5'ina-. Conscious of 
 girding on the sword of the Almighty lor no 
 ambitious ends : claiming nothing but what his 
 title has conveyed as your inheritance ; your 
 sacred po.sition is at the side of that Supreme 
 Presence, whence you m»y survey the fearlul 
 magnitude of that ministry which has been con- 
 fided to your hands. You are not merely 
 Southern heroes but American heroes ; and as 
 in the olden tim*^. the Ark was removed from 
 the Tabernacle into the temple, so, by your 
 agency, if laithfully executed, the true ark of 
 American freedom will pass from the tHinpor..- 
 ry tabernacle which it occupird, and find a 
 pennanetu. resting place in that temple of 
 which you are called to be the fircbitecls. 
 
 But have, we this spirit, my. countrymen V 
 Forgive me if I wrong you. Forgive me it 1 
 fifcm to wrong you. But it would seem that; 
 our policy ha•^ aimed at repeating a civilizHiIoU 
 that has ended its Career and d"partpd, r iih-T 
 than initiating a new, bn.ader, bettev svsiem. 
 Vain, absurdly vain is it. for us to end'eavoi 
 to be a Southern United Slates. We cannot 
 reproduce xtinct ideas. Bui we must devel- 
 ope sentiments out of our own h!i:ti instincts — 
 sentirapnfx which catching the spirit of the age. 
 and reflecting upon the world the true mtf'uinff 
 of o\ir wonderlul position, shall be wjffrcfisive 
 'ipon Ihe mind of ihc whole American peoph. I 
 'K> not mean, aggressive arms. I mean ihat we 
 are to stand IVir that political philosophy which 
 is dictated by the peculiar circuBistances ot 
 this struggle, and enforced as great truths 
 never were upon our assent and acceptance, 
 ixeconstruction is banished from the arena of 
 discussion »s an odious thing. Ir, is with Bene- 
 d ct Arnold in his grave; but while this is trn*>. 
 I(H us not forgHt that reproduction is next akiu 
 to reconstruction. We want no Washington 
 city docfrines or dogmas. We want men who. 
 like Sir Robert Peel, will undo what bad legis- 
 lation had previously done. A thorough re- 
 form in ideas is the consumraation to ue de- 
 sired. Men who like Ricardo can regenerate 
 ideas— men lik^ Andrew Jackson, who can re- 
 store a fact to the place wliere it Delongs— men 
 who can put the Confederacy abreast with the 
 age and iLfliime its mighty heart with the im- 
 p -Ises rushing towards its (resh, young blood — 
 these are the men we need for such momen- 
 tous times. 
 
 Our statesmanship has not yet expanded 
 itself to the measure of its opportuuiues. It 
 has not raised itself to the "height ot this great 
 argument." Again and again, it has confessed 
 its surprise at the magnitude this struggle has 
 assumed, but a statesman, like a general, should 
 never be surprised. It b« lacks sagacity he 
 lacks the sum and substance of statesmanship. 
 Anybody can see ; to foresee is statesmanship 
 The demagogue is the ephemeral insect of the 
 hour ; the politician is the creature of the pass 
 
14 
 
 ADDEESS TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 Inn day ; the ptatwman is the prepbet of the 
 future. Edmund Buike was soch a prophet. 
 So were Luiher Mirtio. Patrick HeDry. aod 
 MbUKiu. To read contingeooied. as common 
 mind- read the uniform 1 -ws of nature; to 
 combiDe cii>ince« with the regularity of e-iiat)- 
 liebed Bequences ;*^ see where exceptional 
 Bjteuci**8 lutersecl the lines aloni; wbich ordi- 
 nary eventu travel ; to calculate the cleflectious 
 of tlie compa?«, and pilot the ehip ot State 
 accordingly ; this, and this only, is true siates- 
 maOMhip. But the scroll of 'coming events 
 which our old prophets were woal to rend is 
 uov» a modern i,ewspaper. Nor is this strange. 
 Our fttHiesmen ar« not to blame for it, because 
 the people will not have it otherwise. Seeing 
 is af» much a mtnier ot the atmosphere as of 
 the Bunshiie. Our American polit'cal almos- 
 phi're is full of popular exhiUations, and as 
 togjfj as the banks of Newrouodlaud. If" a 
 great light emerge above the common horizon 
 of intellect, the dusty, sooty a^r straijfhiway 
 disputes passage, and the red ray oniy reaches 
 tb-^ earth. The people, I repeat, are to blame 
 for it. A great people uevk-r tail to produce 
 great statesmen. A vast continent must have 
 Vast mountains, and by a paralellism of law, a 
 coble comiaouwealth embodies its intuitions, 
 ymruiiig.s, aspirations, in nobie statesmen. But 
 we, in imitation of cheap art, mould our figures 
 in plaster when the marble invites ihe sculpiu- 
 ring chisel. Our method of torraing sfate.smeii 
 is altogether peculiar to ourselves. We inanu 
 fac;il»e tnem too often out of politicians. We 
 call the manufactured product a statesman. 
 Doul-iiess, a rose would smell as sweet if 
 called by any other Uiime, but the politician is 
 not a rose. 
 
 One ol the earliest indications ot this revola- 
 t'OQ was that it would insirumentally eflfect a 
 Bubwlaniiil change in iniHriiaiioual law. Again 
 and a(!;aMi, the gross defeots ii that high-ouad- 
 ing system had made themselves apparent to 
 the eyt-8 of christenuoir. Again and again its^ 
 onenidednegs its fragmentary traditions, its 
 veiBHiile maxims, its fiagraii', wrongs, had been 
 displayed. Nothii'g seem'^d wantii g but a stri- 
 king Mccasion, one adtquite to eiiusc ttie sym 
 p.»i,r u-s ol the werld, lo accomplish a rnd cal 
 te t>vin in this important code. It was not iu 
 c>>olorumy with the spirit of the age -not iden- 
 tical With the nnwiiiten creed of universal 
 biim>ia.iy -nut based ob principles broad as 
 tliv surface of the globe, and sacred as the 
 be'ua oi philanthropic brotherhood. Nor could 
 th.s htute of things be avoided. Within a lew 
 y»^airi nations bavt made unprecedented advan- 
 ces in I'je variety. Extent and intimicy of their 
 inter relations. New problems have offered 
 tht mstdves lor solution. The capacity of brl- 
 ligereuts to injure each other has been vastly 
 augmented, and the liability of neutrals to 
 sufff-r from war -a liability toiinded on defer- 
 ence to combatants -has been likewise ii- 
 crea^ed. Almost the whale surtace of society 
 has changed wiuiu the ninete^inlh century ; 
 and cons'^qu'-nliy an inteiiiatioual .system 
 adapted lo lie past, ne«-.led adjustment to the 
 preoeut. fSo far as caa be seen, this occasiou 
 
 has been los^ or, at least, suspended, and W0 
 have ourselves to censure for it. 
 
 Free tra .e is destined to reconstruct iflierna- 
 tional law The freedom of the seaii, wbic^ is 
 one of the cardinal facts la international law, 
 is uo truer' or grandt'r a principle ib-in the 
 freedom of the continent*. Nations as such 
 have jurisdiction ov r their own soil, while the 
 oceans are common property. The right of 
 the sea inheres in man as mm. but viewed in a 
 broad moral light, there is no more nationality 
 in pro luction aod distnbutioH than nationality 
 in 1 he sea. If France trade with Eigi.uid by 
 theexvh^nge of certaii article.-^, e-vch wiches to 
 obtain trom the other, the real tealu e o( the 
 transaction is one seclioa of the earth supply- 
 ing another. If an Americas buy of a German, 
 it IS not as Amerlcaa and oerman that they 
 transact business, but as one citiz-n of the 
 globe purchasing of another. Naiionality has 
 no natural connection with trade and com- 
 merce, as it regurils prescribing conditions, 
 under which they may occur. Moreover, no 
 nations can assume a more arrogant and j'erni- 
 cioiis power than to determine the term-^ tfiat 
 shall govern interchange of commodities. If 
 let nlone, the commodities will internarionalize 
 themselves. But nations are slow to discero 
 that a liberal and enlightened policy is equally 
 a tribute to their own sag>icity and the wi.^d ^m 
 of others ; and the last folly wbicb they yieul la 
 the folly of dreaming that they can thriv.i by 
 injuring their neigboors. The ohjec of com- • 
 m^rce IS to equalize the products of the earth } 
 its lunction is compensa'ive ; it completes one 
 civilizition by availing itself of the sources of 
 another civilizitio" ; but just in proportion as 
 trade is restricted these objects are thwarted. 
 Had not lalse legislation en this subject ;iene- 
 rally outwitted itself, it would h:ive arrested, 
 long since, the progress ol humanity. 
 
 VVe held a great power in our grasp in the 
 shape of cotton, and we turned the power 
 against ourselves. Such fatuity would ordina- 
 rily require, like the deposits ol mud at the 
 mouth of tne Missi<sipr>i. some centuries for its 
 development, but we eff *cted it with incredible 
 dispatch. The leading staple of our indu-*lry, 
 cotton, internationaliz*id our trade. It pur, us 
 iu alliance with Eirope. No other article, 
 known to commerce, had so tullv, so closely, 
 intertwined itself with foreigt interests. T'le 
 baud of the bumlile African, who toiled in a 
 Southern plantation, w is the initial of a series 
 of fellowship*, industna!, mechanical, u ercan- 
 tile, comm^rc al, mauuiacluring, that teimiiia- 
 ted in a Victoria, a Napoleon. I'-s wide range, 
 from the commonest osiiaburg to the finest lace, 
 covered an immense surlace of productive ac- 
 tivity, while inventive genius, working through 
 liargreaves, Arkwright, Grompton, and Wtut- 
 ney, bad probably attained it^s utmost limits ia 
 periecling mac*»iuery to cheapen its products, 
 and fit them for universal u<e. A man must 
 have an atheistic intellect who cmm-t recog- 
 nize the speciil besf wmeni ot Providence tn 
 tLiis mutuficeut gift to the Souih. Nor cm I 
 doubt, that one of the divine purp ises ol this 
 revoluliou was lo test our capac;ty to employ 
 
PRINCIPLES AND POLICY, 
 
 15 
 
 wbicb God had been pleai^ed to confer it upon 
 onr pt-oplp. The test waa applied, and wt* 
 failed 'o sustain it. 
 
 !■ there is a single article in the woild that 
 contains in itselt all the niHxims, principles 
 deductioBs, of political economy, that article is 
 cotton. If there is i>ne that presents an uaan 
 pwerable argument for free trndf. it is cotton. 
 Hut we perverted it .rom iis u^es. W" shut it 
 up to the service ot our 6elfiphne.>(S. We pur it 
 under the ban of the restrictive systi-m. We 
 undertook to convert it from a commercial 
 power into a politic il power. It was to be out 
 Tallyrand pr«ciisinj; the arts of a cunninir Di 
 plomncy. By its ae^'ncy we were to acct^nd 
 the Throne of God. seize bis sceptre, and oidaiu 
 a cotton famine in E .gland. Provideuce is 
 sternly retribtitive. '•VViih what mea-ure ye 
 mete it sfiall be me^stirt-d to you again. ' Meai>' 
 ure for mei:fiire ! The pt)lioy hurt us worse 
 lhn'i !t hurl England. 
 
 Probe any social phenomenon to its heart, 
 and you strike a moral l;toi. The Koral (act in 
 this insiiince is simply this, via : w*- hive been 
 untaithtui to our political siewardship. False 
 to our position, w*- have sacrificed our princi- 
 ples to caprice ; our vows ale unn.Qlled, auU 
 our covenant with the bnnherbood <>! hiuuaaity 
 brok'^n. TUe proud Piiarisee thanked God thai 
 he wiis not an •'exioitioner," bul bis meagre 
 ■ complacency !S denied us. Acba.i i»iiid lii* lite 
 for lue wt-djre of Gold, but our Achans revel 
 in un(*hHl^■D^ed respeciHbility. The eloquence 
 of Poriia p!f*deJ against Shylock, but our 
 Portia?, lilting holy bands to Heaven, find no 
 re.-^pi""** to their tiesf'eottinL' tear.s. 
 
 Looking at the facts that have thus passed 
 in conspcutive reviewtl, you c n hard'y fail 
 to see f llow-countrymen, that p I tical econ 
 omy is a nicely balanced syst m ot compensa- 
 tions, of which Providence is the stern and 
 unrele.nting t-xecutive. Like the machinery 
 of a vast clock-woik, whoso wheels, "weights 
 pendulum, are so united as to feel in all in 
 
 this grpat trust in accorf^ance with tie ends for i already begins to appear. We are realizing 
 "'""'"'" ' " ' through the ministry of afflict on that w^ 
 
 cannot stand isolated and alone. We are 
 learning that African slavery, entrusted to 
 our hands as a divine institution, is an Euro- 
 pean fact as well as an American fact. We 
 are learning that nations canaot convirt 
 themselves into Icebergs, floating n their 
 wayward channels over the ocean. We are 
 learninfr that nations are links in a chain — 
 each welded by mightier strokes than the arm 
 of statfsmansnip can strike — and that along 
 that chain girding the gU>be, the thoughts of 
 Providt'ute flash in electric light, their mo> 
 mentous meanings. Arrayed -gainst u? are 
 all the agencies that our enemies can sum- 
 mon to their aid. But the.se afjenoies are 
 achieving an end which they have not fore- 
 seen. Tbey are driving new wedges of tt{.»« 
 ration through the remaining portions of tl.e 
 old Union. The foremost secessionist of the 
 day is President Li icolo, aud, all unawares 
 to himself and bis fanatical party, hi; i.- rap- 
 idly disiueranering his coiiutry. Xbe elfort 
 to turn the waters of the Mississippi into the 
 Erie Canal will bring a deluge ove the North 
 i I due time. Outrages on private rights 
 consolidation and tyranny; will bring their 
 recompense; and these laborious efforts to 
 twist cables out of sand, and make water 
 fl w up hill will provoke their reward. Yea 
 jes: 
 
 "Tlie milla of God do slowly wiod. 
 But they at last topowder grind.'' 
 
 We are entering, fellow-countrymen, on an 
 tventful year. The moral of this gipantic 
 conflict, presenting hitherto its parliil and 
 detached aspects now begins to emerge in 
 completeness, into the profounder conscious- 
 ness of bo;h sections. Ages are but the out- 
 growth of those special -easons when God 
 confronts the nations of the earth with the* 
 stern decisions of His sovereignty. Not unfre- 
 
 motio:.- the disturbance of a sing e part, thi.s , ^^^^^ j^^e those awful occasions, marked as 
 
 wonderful schemn of checks and balances is 
 prompt to repel by means of its complicated 
 forces, any inte rupti n of its legitimate ac- 
 tivity. A terrible Nemesis is hidden beneath 
 its agencies ^nd from quirters least expected, 
 punishment advances to meet our offences 
 Sooner or later, we learn that Providence 
 cannot be cheated — that for every wrong 
 done a penalty must be paid down, while on 
 the other side of its inflexible constancy, we 
 read the great t tith uttered ty St. Bernard, 
 "Nothi' g can work me damage except myself; 
 the harm that I sustain I carr, about with 
 mc, and never am a real sufferer but by my 
 own fault." 
 
 If we view the phenomena of this war in a 
 broad light we cannot escape the conviction 
 »hat Providence is overruling the issues for 
 much wider results than have been ex|)ected. 
 It has chastised our errors with signal deci^ 
 sion, but the mercy oftLt^e seveie iutlictiotis 
 
 judgment days in the calendar of time, on 
 which, eternal justice,- long robbed of its 
 hallowed rights in the humanity it has re- 
 deemed, suddenly appears through the part- 
 ing firmnment on its great while throne, anij^ 
 summons rulers and people to give an ac. 
 count of their stewardship. Sue*! an occasion 
 has been pending for these three years, and 
 indicatians are not wanting that the final 
 hearing in 'his majestic court is now about 
 to occur. Our dea i, our enemies' dead, hove 
 risen from tbeir graves to act as witnesses 
 in this searching inquisition, and, crowding 
 the rd horizon that surrounds th" scene of 
 trial, they stretch their bloody bands towards 
 the judge as mut« tokens of remember d an- 
 guish. But the arch-angel has. not been 
 commissioned to place one foot upon the sea, 
 and swear that for us, time shall be no 
 longer. No such fate awaits us, if we gird 
 ourselves for the final crisis now impendiog. 
 
16 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 Gird ourselves w? will, and bravely meet the 
 last Onset of the foe. One more manly resist- 
 ance and this accnmulating sug'', pathetiug 
 its waters from two hemispheres r.ill befrin 
 to roll back upon Xorthtrn shores, its muddj 
 foam, and its b acker filth. 
 
 I have written these word?, fellow-count.y- 
 men, plainly and earnestly, hut with the feel- 
 tog that no utter .nee of rrwth is worth any- 
 Ihing that is not aliKe tender and bold. The 
 i'aalts of our policy ; the errors of principlr 
 which we have coranutted ; the occasional 
 blunders into which we have fiillcu, are due 
 to ourselves, not to our threat leaucrs. I have 
 no other than fi'elinirs of esteem and admira- ! 
 lion for the statesman who is our Chief Execn- i 
 tive, and for the other illustrious men who I 
 nre connected with this revolntion. But j 
 \vhite I feel tins niDst profoundly, I foel aho | 
 th:it ProTiiii?ncie liii? not allowed us hithTto 
 <o j).it forth our full strength in this 'struggle. 
 Our genius for statesmanship, tlv most 
 marked fact in the history of the colonial and 
 Federal -eras, has not sustained itself. Its 
 prestige has not been vindicated ; its splendid 
 abilities have been put u ider urrost, denied 
 their foresight, denied their easy adequacy to 
 tho demands of the occasion ; and, amid 
 those evils which always descend upon a 
 people when Providence withdraws its illu- 
 minations from their Btate^men, we have been 
 left to undergo that stern discipline of 
 thought and virtue which this revolution 
 required ns the most vital pre-requisite to 
 succeFs. Signs are not wanting that a vast 
 change for tho better is approaching its cou- 
 summation. Had we disrupted- ourselves 
 from poliilcal falsehoods and pernicious 
 heresies when we severed our connections 
 with the Union ; had ou ■ statesmen dispens-'d 
 with the necessity of a transition period, and 
 passed at once from worn out creeds of politi- 
 cal economy into the earnest appreciation of 
 those paramount doctrines which are founded 
 in internittional comity; we should to-day 
 have witnessed another state of things in our 
 midst. But the severe training is perfecting 
 its glad results. Our statesmanship is awak- 
 ipg to a sense of its true position. The future 
 is opening its blessedness, and never did a 
 year dawn upon a people with more promise 
 than 18C4 dawns on the citizens of these 
 Confederate States. 
 
 We shall fight this year as we have never 
 fought; and, if Providence so ordain, we 
 shall fight on, year after year, until our pur- 
 poses are accomplished. In arms we have 
 
 I not been uniformly successful, but onr cause 
 ! has always been victorious. It has lost 
 nothing. It has gained every day. Stronger 
 this hour than ever, it only waits for us to 
 put away our political selfishness, our social 
 selfishness, our Confederacy selfis'nest — one 
 and all inimical to truth, ju^t ce and charity ; 
 one and all hateful to God ; it only waits for 
 this result to crown itself with completest 
 glory. 
 
 Through the Atlantic ocean, there is h 
 majestic river called the gulf streniu. Start- 
 ing from the fountain-head of the Gulf of 
 Mexico, warm »vith the life blood of the equa- 
 tor, a balmy summer of the sea, it pursues ici^ 
 course towards the Arctic oceau. No citiiv 
 adorn its bunks ; no variegated landscapr-i- 
 streich down to its sides ; no busy hum of 
 industry is h^ard up 'n it- shores; no church- 
 bslls cliime with its runnirig wafers; no poe- 
 try tunes its menburis to its blue wavea. 
 Within the ocean it is not of the ocean, biic 
 holds its distinctiveness as though conscious 
 of itj own appointed tarks. No such cutrent 
 is known in the world. "Its current,' says 
 Lieutenant Maury, "is more rapid than the 
 Mississippi, or the Amazon, and its volonie 
 more than a thousand times greater."' Ofl' 
 Cape Hatterus, olT the Grand Hanks, it stil! 
 holds its victorious way. hastening ns no 
 river hastens, to perfoim its de«!tined work. 
 And then fir away in .Vonhern latitudes its 
 vast freight of heat is distributed to the Brit- 
 ish Isiauds and Wesi'Tn Eui'ope, relieving 
 France anJ England of the effects of their 
 geographical position.*, and adapting theii 
 climates to the seat of magnidcent civiliza- 
 tions. But this grand ag.^ucy of compen.-t- 
 tion is only symbolic of the spUere, which wi- 
 as Pv people are being trained to fill. Our 
 sectionalism, our local prejudices.our dogma- 
 tisms, are undergoing the sure proc^^ss of 
 liberalization, and Providence is preparing 
 us to bless tho nations. Let us be patient 
 and hopeful. Transitiou periods are alwaj's 
 convulsive. Periods of preparation are dark 
 and gloomy. But a splendid future is ours 
 if we will be co-workers with Providence. 
 Our political creed is written for us by the 
 hand of Heaven, and our p"rt is to accept its 
 principles aa final. If like Niagara, this 
 stream of blood pours over its precipice, like 
 Niagara, its white cloul of incense rises to- 
 wards the heave^s of God, wreathed with the 
 rainbows that prophecy the advent of a most 
 blessed peace. Cincinnati's. 
 
 N 
 
ATLAMTA DULY REGISTER. 
 
 THIS JOIXBKAL IB THB SUOCaSSOB OW THB 
 
 jl "KMUiiEii;. ;VMiT.ii)AMr.«irBi]iw\\Eiim" 
 
 |{ 111 i^olitics, it is opposed to tlie 
 solida^tioix of tlie States, 
 
 con- 
 
 XVD 
 
 ll 
 
 Maintains the Political Opinions embodied in the within Address. 
 
 The Editors of the Hegistkr, witli no little experioDce in jonrnftlisaa, ftnd the 
 
 Jj facilities t'l -nisbed by ilie couibinatioQ of two publijliiog eotubliahmeita, htva 
 BBcceoded in giviug to tbeir rcaoers hs ^reat » variety, und as judiciouily ielected 
 reading matter us auy paper of tue Suuili. Our succeis thus far has been unex*' 
 •mplcd. We now publisli more leading. matter than any paper iu the Soith, 
 
 We have engu^co ifae Kerviccs ot Mr. Keid, who attends the Army of Ten- 
 
 fj neesee in all ua iii(n-ciueiit«. JJe was lonuerly the Aniiy conespoudent of the 
 I Intellijrcncey uiid <j1 ''tlie Alobilb l^eas, iu which he vt;\» kuuvvn as "29o" and 
 il' " Ura". Mr. lieid will fumieili us with upeciul Telegraiiid and also with detail- 
 ed accounts of ciiv xrxjvemeutjs and fortunes of that nrmy, ou which depends 
 S the fate of Georgia aud of the (Joiifederalion, Besides Mr Kcid, we hare 
 I "MarBliall" aud 'Jiir.d" aud other special cjrrespondcms ui almost erery bri- 
 
 Igade of the Army of |Teuuessee. There i» hardly a family in the Gulf States, 
 a member of .wUoie liauseiiold ia not with Gen. John-ton. The Registtr be- 
 tcorno.'s .a medium of ciiiniuuincation between the abseub und those at home. 
 From liichuioud w^! have a regular cou^ributoiyaud "Johu Halifax Gent" 
 Bead.j us luimiiable s^:.Letclies ;lroin the Army of Virginia, while "Cousin NoUr- 
 lua" and "(Jaiiiin" " i^lobh aniufid" everywhere. ' 
 r JCerTEiiMs :~ror .lUoiiih, SC) 00 
 
 I .!• -A.. »JPJi:JRX^Y & CO. . 
 
 t) Atlanta, Ga. ^