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 To the Congress 
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 [From the Sentinel.] 
 
 TO THE CONGKRESS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CONFEDERATE STATES. 
 
 I. 
 
 What are the elements of the high prices ? 
 
 1. Want of faith in the Government. 
 
 2. Redundant currency. 
 
 3. Short supplies. 
 
 What are the remedies ? Inspire confidence in the integrity of the 
 Government, and reduce the volume of the currency by heavy taxation. 
 
 What is the bill the Finance Committee of the Senate has 
 reported ? Rumor says it is a forced funding of three dollars for one. 
 What is that but repudiation of two dollars in every three ? How is it 
 defended? That the one dollar will buy as much as the three; that 
 the holders of the currency will be worth as much in fact, and the 
 nation relieved of two~thirds of its floating debt. What is the one 
 dollar left ? A promise to pay. Of whom ? Of the same party who 
 promised to pay the three, and afterwards repudiated two. How will 
 plain, common sense people view this ? As the sophistry of a shift- 
 ing and swindling debtor. Will they have more faith that the 
 Government will pay the one dollar than the three ? No, not so much. 
 When they took the three they supposed the Government honest, and 
 had confidence it would pay ; but, since it has proven faithless, all 
 confidence will be lost, and they will not touch a dollar which they 
 can prevent. What a discovery in finance has this committee made ! 
 
How easy to reduce a debt, nay discharge the whole. At one stroke^ 
 ■without paying a cent, wipe out two-thirds. Next session wipe out 
 two-thirds of the remainder, and, by this legerdemain, in a short time 
 the people will be "disenthralled" by the " irresistible genius" of 
 repudiation. For certainly, if by this magic power the currency is 
 wiped out, who will have faith in the bonds ; and how long will they 
 stand ? Upon what do they rest? Upon the promise to pay of the 
 same party. The highway robber, who demands my purse, I should 
 respect about as much as him who takes two-thirds, with the intima- 
 tion I may retain the balance until his necessities require it. Upon 
 whom will this confiscation fall ? Upon the bankers, speculators, 
 capitalists, members of Congress ? No. They are too keen ; .they 
 have, or will, shift off the currency upon honest, confiding people, 
 and upon this class your legislation will fall with as crushing an 
 effect as the defeat of Lee or Johnston. 
 
 Who is responsible for the condition of the currency ? Congress 
 and the Government. .Not a dollar has been issued but by your 
 authority. Whose debt is it ? The people's debt. Who should pay 
 it ? The people. The people's debt should be paid by the people's 
 property. How do you propose to pay it ? By confiscating two thirds 
 of the property of one class, and letting the other classes go free. 
 No, legislators, "justice is a jewel." She cries aloud that all pro- 
 perty, money, bonds, lands, negroes, should be equally taxed to 
 reduce the currency. Let it be ten, fifteen, twenty, twenty-jive per 
 cent. ; but let it be equal. Better one-half than lose all. The people 
 are anxious for heavy taxation. They know the necessity. The 
 confiscation of two-thirds of the currency would not affect me 
 directly, for what I have is in land, negroes and bonds ; but my sense 
 of moral justice revolts at the injustice of saddling on a cla^s a 
 burthen which should rest equally on all. I embarked in this revo- 
 lution heart and soul ; have lost much ; had rather lose all than be 
 subjugated — the slave of Yankee masters. I want to bear my portion 
 of the burthens of war for independence, and not fasten them upon 
 the backs of others. 
 
 Your policy of confiscating the currency would spread dismay 
 among the people — distract and divide when we want union, which is 
 strength. There never was. a time when a heavy tax could so easily 
 be paid as at present. Say to the people, by your legislation, it must 
 be done for the safety of the nation, and there will be cheerful 
 acquiescence. A tax of twenty per cent, in currency would not be 
 more than two per cent, in ordinary times. Would they not freely 
 submit to this to save their homes, liberties, and, many like you, their 
 necks? By a timid and unjust policy you hazard all, strengthen the 
 enemy and dispirit the people. Be bold and just, and with a united 
 nation and our brave armies we can defy the enemy. W r e are engaged 
 in a great war — a life struggle. The people have confided in you — 
 prove yourselves equal to the occasion. The nation looks to you in 
 anxious suspense. The fate of this revolution may hinge upon the 
 wisdom of your action Be self-sacrificing, bold and just', and the 
 God of nations will smile upon your labors. Hug to your bosom the 
 
delusion that all your land and negroes can be saved, and we are 
 ruined. You lore all, and deserve to lose all; but G-od pitv us, 
 
 THE PEOPLE. 
 
 IT. 
 
 All wisdom is not in Congress. The people have some. I shall be 
 "brief, that you may read. The debt of the Confederate States is the 
 people's debt, and the people should pay it. They are able and will- 
 ing, if not demoralized by the public councils and the press. 
 
 Suppose the currency is seven hundred millions. That amount did 
 not purchase more than a fourth, a fifth, and iu some instances a tenth, 
 of what good money would. Will it be wise to consolidate thi3 into 
 a permanent debt, as a legacy to posterity ? No ; but better that than 
 repudiation. No necessity for either. A tax cf twenty per cent, on 
 ail property, money, bonds, lands and negroes, &c, would pay it. 
 Distribute it over two or more years. The former is preferable. Offer 
 a tempting premium to such as will anticipate their taxes. Twenty 
 per cent, to be paid in present currency, would not be as much as 
 two per ant. in peace times, in gold. Such as have not the money, 
 can sell property at two, three, and four prices, if necessary, or borrow 
 with ease on long time. When there is distress in the money market. 
 it arises from many borrowers and few Ijiders. Now it is exactly the 
 reverse. 
 
 I will now, in few words, respectfully suggest such measures %t 
 will preserve the public faith, restore confidence, animate our own, 
 people, and whip the enemy. 
 
 1st. Pass a separate bill, entitled " a bill to pay off the present cur- 
 rency,'' with provisions as above indicated. Demonetise the present 
 issue after the first of July, except for the above tax. 
 
 2d. Issue, gradually, up to the first of July, two hundred and fifty 
 
 millions of treasury and legal tender notes, payable in gold in 
 
 years after the war. I have no doubt of the constitutionality of such 
 notes, but such as have, ought to yield them to save the constitution 
 and the country. 
 
 3d. Authorize the issue of seven hundred and fifty millions of five 
 per cent, coupon bonds, payable in years. 
 
 4th. Raise by export and import duties forty millions, and pledge it 
 to the payment of the principal and interest of the ab^ove bonds. In- 
 terest $37,500,000. Dedicate the two and a half million to a sink- 
 ing fund. 
 
 . Until the end of the war, raise by taxation forty millions for 
 the above object, payable in g .dd. Legal tender notes and the coupons, 
 receivable as the equivalent for gold. 
 
 „ 6th. Authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to dispose of the said 
 coupon bonds to the highest bidder, as the necessities of the Govern- 
 ment may require. +Qj j? j* j -j_ 
 
 8th. Authorize the present Kolo^r^i(7oniederate bonds to exchange 
 
them for the five per cent, bonds — the eight per cent, at par, and the six 
 and seven in proportion. The five per cent, coupon bonds, with the 
 specific tax pledged, would be more valuable in market than the eight 
 percent., without such pledge. Hence, I suppose, all the present 
 bonds, with the exception of the fifteen million loan, would be merged 
 in the five per cent. One year will close the war, if you are bold 
 and wise. Suppose it should continue two : how will we probably 
 stand, under the above series of measures ? The present redundant 
 currency, will be paid by the twenty per cent, tax, not equal to two 
 per cent, in peace times, andwith a restored and good currency prices 
 will be reasonable. The tithe tax ought, and probably will, feed the 
 army. If not, increase it. 
 
 By five per cent, coupon bonds, - - - $750,000,000 
 
 By legal tender notes, ..... 250,000,000 
 
 To eight per cent, &c, merged in the five 
 
 per cents, - - - 400,000,000 
 
 Pay of army, ordnance department, 
 transportation, &c, ought not to ex- 
 ceed two hundred and fifty millions, 
 but say - - - 270,000,000 
 
 Interest on debt, s^ - - 30,000,000 
 
 $1,000,000,000 
 
 ,000,000,000 
 
 Balance to the credit of the Government at the end 
 
 of the year, - - - ... $300,000,000 
 
 If the war should continue one more year, we shall emerge from it 
 as an independent people, with a debt of about seven hundred mil- 
 lions ; if it should last two years, with a debt of not over a thousand 
 millions. Carry these measures out, the faith of the nation will be 
 preserved, the credit of the Confederacy will loom up to the astonish- 
 ment and wonder of the world, and they who bear the burthens will 
 .bless you. We, THE PEOPLE. 
 
 HI. 
 
 "In my first number, I showed how you would dishonor the people 
 •by confiscating two-thirds of the money in the hands of the honest 
 •and confiding, whilst bankers, capitalists, speculators, and members of 
 Congress, would be free. 
 
 In my second number, I showed there was no necessity for such 
 an outrage, but by adopting a series of measures, therein suggested, 
 instead of repudiating two-thirds of the currency, the whole could be 
 absorbed by taxation, in two years, not as heavy as two per cent, in peace 
 times. I further showed that this great war could be carried on for 
 
one more year, and if it then closed, leave a debt of but seven hundred 
 millions; if it lasted two more years, and then ended, leaving a debt 
 of about a thousand millions. 
 
 Be not too wise to listen to the people. Be not too proud to adopt 
 any saving measures, though they may come from the people. I am 
 sincere. I plead that I may be taxed. I repeat, the confiscation 
 would not affect me directly, for my means are in lands, negroes, and 
 bonds. I scorn to save them by confiscating the property of others, 
 which should be touched only with even handed justice. It would affect 
 me indirectly, for the moral effect upon our own people would be bad, 
 very bad. It will sow dissensions among them. The suffering party 
 will be bitter against such partial legislation. They will charge : 
 You have sacrificed them, to save ynur land and / egroes. And if your 
 own folly should bring ruin on the country, in the bitterness of their 
 souls, they will find a morsel of comfort, in your agony, when your 
 homes are desolated, your slaves freed, your lands parceled out to 
 your negroes and a hired soldiery, your wivas and children scattered, 
 without cover to shelter them from the "pelting of the pitiless storm," 
 and you hung as traitors. No, legislators, stand up like men ; be 
 the true representatives of a noble people. They have "drawn the 
 sword and thrown away the scabbard.'' 'Tis with them "death or 
 victory." We can never be conquered, if* true to ourselves. Who 
 are you ? Many, the foremost in bringing on this war — all the trusted 
 .representatives of the people. 
 
 Be not week-kneed. Think of Washington and Henry. How they 
 acted in such a crisis. Show an elevated, self-sacrificing spirit. Be 
 bold and wise. Impose heavy, but equal taxation. Let the people 
 know you suffer with them, and they will cheerfully bear any bur- 
 thens necessary to defend our soil from the polluting foot-prints of 
 the Yankee vandals. For they know subjugation is a loss of all 
 property, and worse than that, the loss of liberty. 
 
 Adopt the measures suggested in my second number, and what a 
 spectacle will be presented to to the world: A people, in the midst 
 of a great struggle, after three years of desolating w r ar, taxing them- 
 selves to sink seven hundred millions of currency, and providing 
 ample means for its continuance. The faith, of the nation preserved, 
 and the night-mare of "repudiation" buried so deep "that the hand 
 of resurrection" will never reach it. 
 
 What will be the moral effect in Europe ? Better than any of 
 the great victories we have obtained. It will satisfy them, that a 
 people so just, honest, and self-sacrificing, can never be conquered. 
 It well do more to introduce us into the family of nations than the 
 diplomacy of all our ministers. It will elevate our credit to a point 
 higher than any nation struggling for independence which has ever 
 appeared "in the tide of time." What will be the moral effect in 
 Yankee land ? Greater than the rout of Grant and his army, or 
 the defeat of Meade and his hosts. Wall street will be panic- - 
 stricken, and the nation paralized. They looked, with confidence, 
 to our currency doing what their armies could not — crushing us — and,, 
 behold, ire have shaken it off, "as the dew-drop from the lion's mane.'* 
 
6 
 
 What will be the moral effect on our people and army ? The peo- 
 ple will feel proud they have a Congress and Government equal to- 
 the occasion — just to all ; oppressive to none. The army will go forth 
 to battle with "the sword of the Lord arid of Gideon," and win vic- 
 tories for home, country, and 
 
 THE PEOPLE. 
 
 IV. 
 
 I condense that vou may read. I sympathize in the great duties 
 you have to discharge, the harrassments incident to your position. 
 
 Of your body, how many are lawyers? Overwhelming majority. 
 The training of the mind, for years, " to make the worse appear the 
 better cause," warps the judgment. In cases of murder, able counsel 
 rarely fail to convince themselves of the innocence of the prisoner, 
 whilst the jury pronounce "'guilty." How else can it be accounted- 
 for, that sensible and lionorabh men can, by sophistical reasoning, satisfy 
 themselves that the confiscation of two dollars in three is not repudiation ? 
 I beseech jou, legislators, to sink pride of opinion. None but noblo 
 minds are equal to this ; the little never. What news from the army ? 
 That our brave boys are re enlisting, for the war, by regiments, bri- 
 gades, divisions. 
 
 What do we want? A united and buoyant people. Give this, and 
 all difficulties will vanish "as the dew before the morning's sun." 
 Another campaign will end the war. How can this be effected ? By 
 heavy taxation — bold, but just legislation. We, the people, are willing 
 to do our part, if you will yours. What is the confiscation of a part of 
 the currency but class legislation ? Class legislation can never be 
 defended — no justice in it. Your wealth is chiefly in land find 
 negroes Suppose it were possible, by an edict of legislation, that 
 two-thirds of both were annihilated, whilst money and bonds were 
 untouched, would you be comforted by the assurance of capitalists, 
 that the remaining third was as valuable as the whole ? No. Your 
 indignant response would be, " prepare, ye Gods, with all your thun- 
 derbolts, and dash them to pieces," 
 
 The negro is, more than any other kind of property, the cause of 
 this war. Suppose you were to direct that every master should sur- 
 render to the Government two out of th'-ee whilst money and other 
 moptrty were exempted. Would not this be infamous class legislation ? 
 Would you not invoke on your heads the curses of the owners ? 
 .'Human nature answers yes. Legislators, can you suppose the 
 owners of your "promises to pay," which, in some cases, may be 
 -their all, are moulded of milder clay? No; the same sense of justice 
 swells their bosoms, and a wrong and outrage on them, as a class, will 
 be as indignantly felt and resented as by any others. Class legisla- 
 tion will be productive of evil, unmixed evil. " Get behind me, 
 Satan." Invoke harmony. Discord will be fatal. 
 
If the ugly features of class legislation and repudiation are so hideous, 
 as a domestic question, how will they appear to the Yankees and 
 Europe? The opinion of a nation like the United States, made, by 
 its atrocities, a "hissing and by-word" throughout Christendom, 
 may be disregarded. Its in fain y is a shield against its moral censure. 
 But the Beast will regard it as an indication of approaching dissolu 
 and whet its teeth to devour its prey. As they think we weaken, they 
 will become brave. 
 
 Europe has looked indifferently upon this cruel war ; has witnessed, 
 without remonstrance, the violations of the laws of nations ; been 
 deaf to the calls of international justice, yet we cannot be, te 
 indifferent to her judgment, now and hereafter. 
 
 Since the repudiation by Mississippi, the tone of European e 
 ment has been adverse to the moral integrity of the South, and they 
 have ascribed it to our domestic institutions — associated repudiation 
 with slavery. This is the testimony of southern men who have 
 traveled in Europe. Confiscate the currency, indulge in ci i 
 lation, and that opinion will be deepened. Be equal to the occ:< 
 pay, as we are able, to the last farthing, and we shall be as a pillar of 
 light, on a high hill ; and, whilst unborn nations may emulate our 
 gallantry, they will never surpass the justice of us. 
 
 J THE PEOPLE. 
 
 To the "measures" suggested for our financial difficulties h 
 second number, I recur, to be more explicit, and consider difficulties. 
 1st. Pass a separate bill, entitled ".a bill to pay off the pr >nt 
 
 a rrency" by a direct and uniform tax on all property, money, bo 
 land, negroes/' ccc, of twenty per cent, on its value in Confederate 
 money, payable in present currency. This would amount to not less 
 than eight hundred' millions. Spread this over two ywts % and provide, 
 that such as pay their full portion by the first day of July, shall 
 have a discount of twenty per cent. ; those who pay in full by the first 
 of Januanj, 1SG5, shall have a discount of ten per cent. Deinona- i 
 the present issue after the first of July. 
 
 The tempting premiums for anticipated payments would bring into 
 the treasury by the first of July two-thirds of the currency, (say f 
 hundred and sixty- six millions,) by the first of January, 1865, nine- 
 tenths, (say six hundred and thirty millions, ) and during the 
 1865, the whole. Thus, we and posterity, will be relieved i 
 mighty weight, by a tax, not more than two per cent, in peac 
 and which may be the means of saving our whole estates, our li 
 and liberties; for he is a craven spirit who would wish to sur 
 Yankee subjugation. If you are not equal to this the people are. 
 
 The Yankees have taken from me, not less than thirty-thr' 
 cent, of my whole estate. I begrudge it to the thiev:s ; but how 
 
8 
 
 gladly will I surrender two per cent, to my country; nay, any per cent., so 
 it is uniform, to save its honor, redeem its credit, and ride victoriously 
 over the enemy. But it is objected, it w>uld be a violation of the 
 Constitution, which declares, " no capitation or other direct tax shall 
 be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration, herein 
 directed to be taken." In a previous clause it is declared : The actual 
 enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting 
 of the Congress of the Confederate States." No such enumeration 
 has been made. These objectors, I refer to the satisfactory arguments 
 of the presidential message and Secretary Memminger's report without 
 repetition. Also, to their confiding constituency, should such qualms 
 of conscience sacrifice them, Constitution and all, to Northern 
 despotism. 
 
 "2d. Issue gradually, by the first of July, tvo hundred and fifty 
 millions of Treasury and legal tender notes, payable in gold at the end 
 of the war." Another constitutional difficulty. What does the Con- 
 Btitution say ? " No States shall make anything but gold and silver 
 coin, a tender in the payment of debts." Article I, section X. It is a 
 prohibition, wise and necessary upon the States. Why? That a 
 uniform currency may pe preserved in a Confederated Union. Other- 
 wise, one State might make notes a legal tender and the rest refuse. 
 In the former, I might be compelled to receive my claim in notes, and 
 in the latter not be able to pay my debts with them. Congress has 
 power " to raise and support armies." Congress has power " to 
 regulate commerce." Congress has power " to make all laws, which 
 shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the fore- 
 going powers." Can armies be supported and paid without a good 
 currency ? Can " commerce " be regulated without a good currency ? 
 Are not legal tender notes " necessary and proper" to make a good 
 currency ? If so, are they not constitutional ? What justice in not 
 making them a legal tender? What hardship to the creditor more 
 than others ? You compel the soldiers, the farmers, the mechanics, 
 all to take them from the Government. Why should not the creditor 
 take them from his debtor? If it be a hardship to one class it is so 
 to all. It would add value to the notes, and none would seek to dis- 
 credit them, but all strive to sustain them. Suppose you are patriotic 
 and bold enough to impose the taxes for sinking the present currency 
 and forty million addition for the payment of the interest on the seven 
 hundred and fifty millions of coupons as indicated, confidence will be 
 inspired, the legal tender notes would be valued. They being the 
 only issue, creditors would willingly receive them. Pledge the faith 
 of the Government that the issue shall not exceed two hundred and 
 fifty millions. 
 
 The power must exist, somewhere, under every government. The 
 States are forbid to make a legal tender. The Confederate Govern- 
 ment must have it, under the necessity, which has forced its exercise 
 by every government in a great crisis. 
 
 The Confederate Government, has it, under the necessity, which 
 compels it to give "just compensation" for "private property" 
 taken for public use." The war cannot be carried on without, in 
 
9 
 
 many cases, impressing private property. Compensation to bo "just," 
 must have value, and the power to give value, to its issues, must exist 
 in the government, or no "just compensation" is possible. 
 
 The prohibition of the power to " States," was induced by the 
 fact, that, during the American revolution, the different States had 
 legal tender notes of different values. Is it not a just inference, 
 that the prohibition, to the States, was to invoke its exercise by th? 
 general government to secure one uniform value ? Certainly. 
 
 We are in the midst of a great struggle. It involves every thin^x 
 sacred to man — life, liberty, property, home, country. We must bring 
 it to a successful conclusion. To carry it on, a curnncy of son. b 
 kind is a necessity. We are blockaded from the world. "Coin" up 
 an impossibility. It does not exist with us, and cannot be had. This 
 currency must be created by the government. All admit this. A: : 
 the m/eans to give value to this denied the Government ? The chief 
 value of currency is, that it will pass current. To make it a legal 
 tender is one of the best means of accomplishing this. 
 
 Great Britain, from '97, under the direction of Pitt, made the note* 
 of the Bank of England legal tenders for upwards of twenty years. 
 The United States, with the srnnt provision in her Constitution as £n 
 ours, has made ive hundred millions of her notes legal tenders ; and 
 for what, to sustain her currency, and crush the rebellion. And here, 
 our statesmen, with the vandals in our "borders, desolating our home?, 
 burning our dwellings, handcuffing our wives and daughters, an 1 
 driving thern like cattle, before a negro soldiery — they are groping in 
 darkness to find a power in the Constitution to drive them back with 
 vengeance on their heads. Hannibal, thundering at the gates of the 
 capital, and statesmen unable to find a power the Yankees have exer- 
 cised, to crush us. " Tell it not in Gath ; publish it not in the streets 
 of Askelon." Legislators, away to the winds legal, technical refine ■ 
 ments. Let common sense reign. Lose not the substance, in grasping 
 at the shadow. 
 
 Under the operation of my two first propositions, as the depreciated 
 currency would be pouring into the treasury, the sound legal Under 
 notes would be, gradually going out. I put the amount at two hundred 
 and fifty millions, that after such a redundant currency, when it is 
 demonatised, the contraction may not be too severe. It is probable h 
 will require that amount for the great operations of the country. Th > 
 larger the amount, with safety to the currency, the les3 interest the 
 Government will have to pay. 
 
 I insert -balance of my second number, that all may be complete in 
 the present one. The other propositions seem explicit enough. I 
 will add, from the best information obtained, I incline to the opinion, 
 the allowance made, for pay, ordnance, transportation, &c, in my estU 
 mate, is largely over the mark, which, if so, would reduce the amount 
 of the debt at the end of the first and second year. 
 
 3d. Authorize the issue of seven hundred and fifty millions of fi 
 per cent, coupon bonds, payable in years. 
 
 4th. Raise, by export and import duties, forty millions, and pledge 
 it to the payment of the principal and interest of the above bond.s 
 
10 
 
 Interest thirty-seven million five hundred thousand dollars. Dedicate 
 the two and-a-half millions to a sinking fund. 
 
 5th. Until the end of the war, raise hy taxation forty millions for 
 the, above object, payable in gold. Legal tender notes and the coupons 
 receivable as the equivalent of gold. 
 
 6th. Authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to dispose of the said 
 coupon bonds, to the highest bidder, as the necessities of the Govern- 
 ment may require. 
 
 7th. Authorize the present holders of Confederate bonds to exchange 
 them for the five per cent, bonds; the eight per cent, at par, and the 
 six and seven in proportion. The five per cent, coupon bonds, with a 
 specific tax pledged, would be more valuable in market than the eight 
 per cent, without such pledge. Hence, I suppose, all the present 
 bonds, with the exception, of the fifteen million loan, would be merged 
 in the five per cent. One year will close the war, if you are bold and 
 wise. Suppose it should continue two. How will we probably stand 
 under the above series of measures ? The present redundant cur- 
 rency will be paid by the twenty per cent, tax, not equal to two per 
 cent, in* peace times, and, with a restored and good currency, prices 
 will be reasonable. The t ; the tax c light, and probably will, feed the 
 army, if not increase it. 
 
 By five per cent, coupon bonus, $750,000,000 
 
 By legal tender notes, 250,000,000 
 
 To eight per cents, &c, merged in the five 
 
 per cents, 400,000,000 
 
 Pay of army, ordnance department, trans- 
 portation, &c, ought not to exceed 
 250,000, 001), but say 270,000,000 
 
 Interest on debt, say 80,000,000 
 
 Si ,000,000,000 
 
 '00,000,000 
 
 Balance to the credit of the Government at the end of 
 
 the year, ^ $300,000,000 
 
 If the war should continue one more year, we shall emerge from it, 
 as an independent people, with a debt of about seven hundred millions. 
 If it should last two years, with a debt of not over a thousand millions. 
 Carry these measures out, the faith of the nation will be preserved, 
 the credit of the Confederacy will loom up to the astonishment and 
 wonder of the world, and they who bear the burthens will bless you. 
 
 Legislators, centuries will look to the deeds of this day ! The his- 
 toric pen of Tacitus record them. Jackson, Lee, and other heroes, 
 now cherished in the hearts of their countrymen, will be lights on the 
 cliffs of time. Our noble armies rank with Roman legions and the 
 men of Leonidas. How will you stand on that recorded page? Do 
 you pant for a place on its honored roll ? Then rise to The great 
 occasion. ■ Think not of self, but your country. Do your whole duty, 
 boldly, manfully. Fear neither the press nor your constituents. 
 
11 
 
 The latter will sustain you. The sires of brave sons, wbo bare 
 their breasts to Yankee bullets, should not be intimidated by the fires 
 of the former. Your great mission is to save your country. Are you 
 equal to this asks 
 
 THE PEOPLE. 
 
 VI 
 
 I know the value of the few days left to you. In my last number, 
 I touched upon two great constitutional question?. In the first, 
 referred to President Davis* message and Secretary Memmh 
 report, as satisfactory arguments for the imposition of " a direct tax," 
 before " enumeration." Some may not have duly weighed them, and 
 on the heel of the session have no leisure to look them up. May I, 
 in kindness, condense them to save your precious time? 
 
 " The general power of taxation, vested in Congress by the provi- 
 sional Constitution, wa3 not restricted by any other condition than 
 that ' all duties, imposts and excises, should be uniform throughout 
 the States of the Cofederacy.' The permanent Constitution, sanction- 
 ing the principle, that taxation and representation ought to rest on the 
 same basis, provides, that ' representatives and direct taxes shall be 
 apportioned among the States according to their respective num- 
 bers, ' &c. 
 
 " In a previous section, it directed a census should be made within 
 three years after the meeting of the first Congress, and that 'no 
 tation or othc^r direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the 
 census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken.' 
 
 '• Under these provisions, capitation and direct taxes must be levied 
 in proportion to the census when made, conceded that taxes on land 
 and negroes are direct taxes. It is contended that the provision which 
 declares that no direct or capitation tax shall be laid unless in con- 
 formity with an enumeration,, prevents the imposition of any tax on 
 laud and negroes until the enumeration shall be made. The land and 
 negroes in the Confederate States constitute two- thirds of taxable 
 values; and if this objection prevail, it would establish the surprising 
 conclusion that all the States which ratified the Constitution, while 
 engaged in war, which put at hazard the lives and fortunes of all their 
 citizens and their own independence, excepted from the contribution to 
 maintain that war the very property for which they are contending. 
 Such a construction is manifestly erroneous, and could never have 
 been intended. The more consistent interpretation i^, that a principle 
 was established which should operate as soon as the basis of its action 
 was obtained. As soon as the enumeration could be taken, there was 
 to be an apportionment. But if an enumeration became impossible, 
 then the tax must be laid according to the other rule of uniformity 
 declared by the Constitution. There is a general power to lay taxes, 
 which becomes subject to special limitation as soon as an enumeration 
 can be had. That enumeration is directed to be taken within three 
 
12 
 
 years, but is prevented from being taken by the presence of the public 
 enemy. ^ Under such a state of things the limitation must be consid- 
 ered as in suspense, and the general power may be exercised. It 
 seems, therefore, that the ad valorem tax is no infringement of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 " There are many duties imposed by the Constitution which depend 
 for their fulfillment on the undisturbed possession of the territory 
 within which they are to be performed. The same instrument which 
 orders a census to be made in alhthe States imposes the duty on the 
 Confederacy " to guarantee to every State a republican Government." 
 It enjoins on us " to protect each State from invasion," and whilst 
 declaring that its great objects and purposes are " to establish justice, 
 ensure domestic tranquility and secure the blessings of liberty to 
 ourselves and our posterity," it confers the means and thereby imposes 
 on us the paramount duty of effecting its intent, " by laying and col- 
 lecting taxes, duties, imposts and excises, necessary to pay the debts, 
 provide for the common defence and carry on the Government of the 
 Confederate States." 
 
 " None would preten dthat the Constitution is violated because, by 
 the presence of hostile armies, we are unable to guarantee a republi- 
 can form of Government to those States or portions of States now 
 temporarily held by the enemy ; and as little justice would there be 
 in imputing blame for the failure to make the census, when that 
 failure is attributable to causes not foreseen by the authors of the 
 Constitution and beyond our control. The general intent of our con- 
 stitutional charter is, unquestionably, that the property of the country 
 is to be taxed, in order to raise revenue for the common defence, and 
 the special mode provided for laying this tax is impracticable from 
 unforeseen causes. Our primary duty is to execute the general intent 
 expressed by the terms of the Constitution, and cannot be excused 
 for failure to fulfill this obligation on the ground of inability to per- 
 form it in the precise way pointed out. 
 
 " The above considerations are greatly enforced by the reflection 
 that any attempt to apportion taxes among the States, some of which 
 are wholly or partially in the occupation of hostile forces, would sub- 
 vert the whole intent of. the Constitution and be productive of the 
 most revolting injustice, instead of that relation between taxation 
 and representation which it was their purpose to secure. With large 
 portions of some of the States occupied by the enemy, what justice 
 would there be in imposing on the remainder the whole amount of the 
 taxation of the entire State ? 
 
 " What else would this be, in effect, than to increase the burthens of 
 those who are the heaviest sufferers, and to make our own inability to 
 protect them from invasion, as we are required to do by the Constitu- 
 tion, the ground for adding to their losses, by an attempted adherence 
 to the letter, in violation of the spirit of that instrument. No such 
 purpose could have been entertained, and no such result contem- 
 plated, by the framers of the Constitution." Trust you^Ul consider 
 above views satisfactory, as docs 
 
 TT-Ttt PTCfYPT.T?. 
 
13 
 VII. 
 
 You have a great work to perform. In several bills recently passed 
 you have given earnest of a manly determination to do your whole 
 duty I honor you for it. Let the few remaining days of your 
 existence be still more marked by decisive wisdom. « The peonte » 
 has striven, with honest zeal, to aid you in your deliberations The 
 preceding numbers have urged a series of measure, which, the writer 
 behoves won d remedy the evils. They have been urged with the 
 zeal of honest conviction. ° 
 
 In this I present another which commands the approbation of men 
 of talent and fine fiscal ability. Pray read and inwardly digest 
 
 1. Impose an ad valorem tax of twenty -five per cent, on all property 
 The valuation of 860 to be taken as a 'bans, except lands andTther 
 property where sold nnce, and then the price at which the vendee holds 
 them One-half of said tax payable on the 1 st day of January, 1365 
 and the other half on the 1st day of July, 1866 The notes when 
 paid m, to be cancelled and burnt. Offer a discount of Sy per 
 cent to such as shall pay in full by the 1st day of August, 1884 
 
 ?M n arch?i P 86 r 5. Cent ' * ** ^ W ** fU " b * the ' st <"»/ 3 
 
 2 Provide that such as choose may execute their bonds to the 
 Confederate Government, secured by mortgage on their lands, payable 
 in thirty years, bearing an interest of six per cent., payable semi! 
 annually. The obligors to have the privilege of paying ^them off at 
 cSffZZl?** t0 th6 date ° f ^^Present <£ S 
 3. Authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to issue as many mil- 
 hons of six per cent, coupon bonds, payable in thirty. three year 
 interest payable sem. annually, as may be" necessary to prosecutTthe 
 war; and pledge the faith of the Government to impose a to suffi! 
 cent to pay the interest and to establish a sinking fund for their 
 redemption at maturity. 6 TO,r 
 
 4 Make the banks and saving banks the fiscal agents of the Govern 
 ment. Let the above bonds, as the wants of the Government require 
 
 Place 'to the " , Sa ' d f banks and bankerS > and dcma * d that the/sha i 
 place to he credit of the Secretary of the Treasury the amount of 
 said bonds in their own issues. The issues of the said banks no to 
 exceed the amount of bonds deposited by the Secretary 
 
 5 Provide that when the holders of the notes of the said banks 
 Said notes G ° Vernment bonds ' ^7 shall P^ont them at par 
 
 m .l'«^ Mp taxatioi \ t0a P° int that the circulation of the banks 
 
 Zl i, u t eCd tW ° h , Uadred and fift y mil,ions Provide that their 
 
 wt/ , bC , reCeiVe , d '" ^ ment of taxes - Th * *«« in cities col. 
 lected quarterly; m the country semi-annually 
 
 A ^ e , qulre ' ^ a bonus from the banks, that they shall lend to 
 
 fav?t°h t erate ^TT* a!1 th6ir C ° in > "P° n itS P led ged A 
 pay it back, m gold and silver, in two years after the war 
 
14 
 
 I will be laconic, in remarks, on these propositions that you may 
 read. 
 
 Proposition first. — This will, probably, absorb three-fourths of the 
 present currency by thedst of August, 1864, and nine-tenths by the 
 1st of March, I860. 
 
 Proposition second. — This will prevent pressure, distress, or sacrifice 
 of property, to such as may not have the money. It gives a credit of 
 thirty years by paying six per cent, interest, with the privilege of 
 paving off the mortgage, at any time before, in present treasury notes. 
 
 Proposition third. — No amount of bonds fixed, because that will be 
 regulated by the appropriations of Congress. Only pledge the faith 
 of the Government, to taxes as indicated, for their redemption. 
 
 Proposition fourth.— The advantages of this proposition are many. 
 It stops, at once, " the Government mill." The banks become the 
 fiscal agents. Their notes become the currency, but based on the 
 bonds of the Government. If the Secretary of the Treasury, requires 
 a million of dollars, he deposits that amount of bonds with the Vir- 
 ginia bank, and she furnishes him with a million of her notes. And so 
 on with every other bank, when funds may be required. Instead of 
 millions of dollars being in the hands of quartermasters, a suject of 
 anxiety to the honest, and a temptation to the weak, the most transac- 
 tions will be by checks and drafts, which it will be the interest and 
 pleasure of the banks to facilitate. It would facilitate the operations 
 of the Secretary of the Treasury, and still leave a weight under 
 which a Hercules might stagger. The banks have good, experienced 
 and efficient officers and clerks. The accounts would be plainly and 
 correctly kept, and monthly returns made to the Treasury Department, 
 where they would be audited. Thousands, perhaps millions, would 
 be saved by this change. 
 
 Proposition fifth.— -It would facilitate the investment in bonds. The 
 banks alone would have the disposition of them. Dispersed through 
 every State, they would be convenient to all. 
 
 Proposition sixth. — The tithe tax will support the army. In ordi- 
 nary times, the taxes are collected annually, because the farmers' crops 
 aie annual. But now they are selling at all times — a ready market 
 for every thing. It will be convenient to them to pay semi-annually, 
 and better too. The men of cities could conveniently pay quarterly. 
 By thus collecting, and the rapid circulation of money, less will per- 
 form all the functions of government and society. With the agency 
 of banks, one hundred and eighty, or two hundred, or two hundred 
 and fifty millions would suffice ; the latter sum should be the maxi- 
 mum. 
 
 Proposition seventh. — The banks could well afford to lend to the 
 Government their gold and, silver. It brings them no interest now, 
 and is dead capital, whilst the country is suffering for it. The Govern- 
 ment to return it with interest in coin in two years after the war. 
 What the benefit to the banks, by making them the fiscal agents ? For 
 every dollar they issue the Government would pay them six per cent, 
 whilst their notes would carry no interest. The Government furnish- 
 ing the basis of their issues, and responsible for it all. The coin of 
 
f 15 
 
 f 
 
 the banks, I suppose, twenty millions. This is dead capital, whilst 
 the country requires all its resources to be active. Twenty millions 
 in specio funds in Europe, might sot afloat forty war steamers. What 
 a sensation ihey would make in Yankee land. What a panic in 
 street. What " a hand writing on the wall." How would the guilty 
 Belshazzar tremble — " his knees smite one against the other." 
 
 This plan is free from two objections to the former. 1st. None of 
 the present currency is demonetised. 2d. No legal-tender notes are 
 authorised. 
 
 If neither scheme should meet with your approval, perhaps, a 
 block out of one, and a brick out of the other, may aid the construc- 
 tion of your building; if so, my labour will not be in vain. 
 
 Let faction be hushed and the country united. If you fail in wise 
 legislation, it will be too late for your successors to remedy it. " The 
 Philistines" are upon us. Patriotism should prompt every man to 
 lend his whole influence in repelling the enemy. What 1 preach. I 
 intend to practice. Should your action fall short of my conviction?, 
 I mean to rally to their support — distrust my own judgment arid 
 carry out yours. We must respect the constituted authorities and 
 in their great labours, " hold up their hands." In union and har- 
 mony of council, is safety and a glorious future. Set an example to 
 the people. Cordial concert of action between the departments of 
 government will animate their hearts. Do all you can to promote it. 
 He is a madman who now would seek to scatter discord. 
 
 In a few days you will lay aside your armour. 'Twill be inglorious 
 to rest. Other fields are before you. Some under the battle flag of 
 your country — others as tribunes of the people, exhorting, entreat- 
 ing, and inspiiing their hearts with the fires of patriotism. Trample 
 mammon in the dust. A country lost, or a country saved, should bo the 
 great theme. Walk humbly before God, invoke his aid, and He will 
 crown our arms with victory and our country with freedom. Mav 
 God save THE PEOPLE, * 
 
5 \ 
 
Hoilinger Corp, 
 P H8.5