DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/aboriginalraceso01drak THE ABORIGINAL RACES NORTH AMERICA; COMPRISING BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF EMINENT INDIVIDUALS, AND AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OR THE DIFFERENT TRIBES. FROM THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE CONTINENT THE PRESENT PER TON WITH A DISSERTATION ON dDrigin, fnfiqmfifg, Monnra utib (Customs, ILLUSTRATIVE NARRATIVES AND ANECDOTES, AND A COPIOUS ANALYTICAL INDEX BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE. FIFTEENTH EDITION, “EVISED, WITH VALUABLE ADDITIONS, BY PROF. H. L. WILLIAMS. They waste us; ay, like the April snow In the warm noon we shrink away And fast they follow as we go Toward the setting day; Till they shall fill the land, ana we Are driven into the western sea. — Bi vtajtt. New Tobk. HURST & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. Copyright 1880, by HURST & GOi ^ gz PREFACE ^ 10.1 The history of the aboriginal races of the American Continent is an interesting study, not only to the people of this Union, but also to those of other lands, who regard them as the congeners of the nomadic hordes, which in times long past swarmed over the plains of now civilized Europe. In many respects there is a very close resemblance between the characters and final fate of all the primitive tribes and nations of the world — their mode of government, habits, customs, &c., being somewhat similar — and their recession before the onward march of civilization, as well as their final absorption or disappearance, following an inexorable natural law, which decrees the submission of the animal to intellectual development. From the study of past events alone can an opinion be formed of the causes which gave origrfi to them, and for this reason should every American citizen, who desires to understand the true history of his country, peruse with attention the records of the former owners of that soil, which ere long will no more give sustenance to any of their descendants. No ordinary task is it for the faithful chronicler to trace the history of a people who have no written annals, and no written language; whose only records are of a pietographic character ; and whose traditions are so vague and unconnected as to be very unreliable. \ Such arc the difficulties he has to encounter anterior to the discovery of America by Columbus; and even subsequent to that period, owing to the unsettled condition of the country until within the last half century, years of research and comparison are rendered necessary in order to reconcile confiicting statements, and unravel the tangled web of confused narra- tives. Believing, however, that the end to be attained, — -that of giving to the world a reliable history of the Indians of the North American ( 3 ) 4 PREFACE. Continent — was one which justified the author in making any sacrifice of time and labor in its accomplishment, he, for many years, toiled unremittingly to accomplish this purpose; sparing neither trouble noi expense in the collection of facts and their sectional arrangement Whether he has succeeded in accordance with his hopes he docs not pretend to say; leaving to the judgment of the intelligent reader the decision of the question, after a thorough and attentive perusal of the work. The Indian has been traced through all his misfortunes, wanderings, and forced transmigrations, to his present home on the western shores of the Mississippi, where there is every prospect of his speedy absorp- tion in the Anglo-Saxon current which is so ste'adily flowing toward the setting sun ; and the last remnant of tho race will soon in spirit, if not in words, echo the language of a poetic writer, who thus portrays the sole survivor as apostrophizing the Deity : “Where is my home — my forest home? the proud land of my sires? Where stands the wigwam of my pride? where gleam the council fires? Where are my fathers’ hallowed graves ? my friends so light and free ? Gone, gene, — forever from my view! Great Spirit ! can it. be?” CONTENTS An Alphabetical Enumeration of the Indian Tribes and Nations, 9 BOOK I. Origin, Antiquities, Manners and Customs, &c., of the American In- dians. Chap. [. Origin of the name Indian — Why applied to the people found in America — Ancient authors supposed to have referred to America in their writings — Theopoinpus — Voyage of Hanno — Di- odorus Siculus — Plato — Aristotle — Seneca, .19 Chap. II. Modern theorists upon the first peo- pling of America, 22 Chap. III. Anecdotes and Narratives, illustra- tive of the Manners, Customs, Traditions, and Antiquities of the Indians, 34 Chap. IV. American antiquities — Few Indian antiquities — Of mounds and their contents — Aeeount of those in Cincinnati — In the Miami country — Works supposed to have been built for defences or fortifications — Some at Piqua — Near Hamilton — Milford — Deerfield — Six miles above Lebanon — On Paint Creek — At Marietta — At Circleville — Then age uncertain — Works on Licking River — Ancient excavations or wells near Newark — Various other works, 55 BOOK II. Biography and History of the Northern or New England In- dians. Chap. I. Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians — Some account of the individuals, 67 Chap. II. Arrival and first proceedings of the English who settle at Plimouth — Their first discovery of Indians — Their first battle with them — Samoset — Squanto — Massasoit and others, 75 Chap. III. Some account of the Massachusetts Indians — Geography of their country — Its chiefs — Chikataubut — Wampatuck — His war with the Mohawks, 106 Chap. IV. Of the great nation of the Narragan- setts — Geography of their country — Canonicus — Miantunnomoh — His relations — Aids the Eng- lish in destroying the Pequots — Sells Rhode Island — His difficulties with the English — Vis- its Boston — His magnanimity and independence — His capture and death — Circumstances of his execution — Participation of the whites therein — Impartial view of that affair — Traditions — Ninigret — Mexam — Cuttaquin — Ascassassotick — Ninigret — Present condition of his descend- ants — Pessacus — Killed by the Mohawks,.. . 117 Chap. V. Uncas — His character — Connections — Geography of the Mohegan country — Pequots — Uncas — Visits Boston — His speech to Gov- ernor Winthrop — Specimen of the Mohegan language — Minor chiefs, 149 Chap. VI. Of the Pequot nation — Geography of their country — Sassacus, their first chief, known to the English — War — The cause of it, 165 Chap. VII. Of the Praying or Christian Indians in New England — Labors of John Eliot — Wau- ban the first Christian sagamore — Indian laws — Uncas protests against the attempt to convert his people — Ninigret refuses to receive mission- aries — The Indian Bible — Wattassacomponum — Hiacoomes — Miohqsoo — Occum, 175 book in. Biography and History of the New England Indians, continued. Chat. I. Wampanoag chiefs — Alexander — Events which led to the war with Philip — Ninigret — Death of Alexander — Sussamon, 187 1 * Chap. II. Life of King Philip— His real name- • The name of his wife — Makes frequent sales of his lands — Account of them — His first treaty ai Plimouth — Expedition to Nantucket — Events of 1671 — Begins the war of 1675 — First acts of hostility — Fights the English under Mosely — — The great Fight at Narraganset — Flies his country — Visits the Mohawks — Ill-devised stratagem — Events of 1676— Is hunted by Cap- tain Church — Akkompoin — His wife and son fall into the hands of Church — Flies to Po- kanoket — Is surprised and slain — Specimen of the Wampanoag Language, 197 Chap. III. Live3 of Philip’s chief Cap- tains — N anuntenoo — Reasons for his aiding Philip — His former name — Meets the English and Indians under Captain Peirse — Fights and destroys his whole company at Pawtucket — Surprised and taken — His magnanimity — Speech to his captors — Is executed and his body burnt — Cassassinnamon — Cutapa/.et — Mono- poide — Annawon is put to death — Quinnapin — His connections and marriage — At the cap- ture of Lancaster — Account of his wives — Wetamoo — He is taken and shot — Tuspnquin — His operations in Philip’s war — Surrenders himself, and is put to death — Tutoson — Captures a garrison in Plimouth — Tyasks — Other chiefs and incidents, 230 Chap. IV. Chief women conspicuous in Philip’s war — Mttgnus — Her country and relations — Her capture and death — Awashonks — Her men dis- armed — Philip endeavors to engage her against the English — Is finally in the power oF l > hilip) — Reclaimed by Church — Some particulars of hci family, 248 Chap. V. A further account of chiefs conspicu- ous in Philip’s war — Pumham — Taken and slain — His son Q,uaqualh — Chiekon — Socononoco — Potock — Complaint against Wildbow — Delivers himself up — Put to death — Stone-wall-Joim — A great captain — His men greatly annoy the English army in Narraganset — Kills several of them — They burn a garrison, and kill fifteen persons — A traffic in Indian prisoners — The burning of Rehoboth and Providence — John’s discourse with Roger Williams — Is killed Sagamore John — Fate of Matoonas — Put to death on Boston Common — His son hanged for murder — Monoco — David — Andrew — James- the-printer — Old Jethero — Sagamorc-Sam — Visited by Eliot in 1652 — Anecdote — Peter Je- tliero, 257 Chap. VI. Fricndiy Indians — Captain Amos — Escapes the slaughter at Pawtucket — Com- mands a company in the eastern war — Captain Lightfoot — His services in Philip’s war — In the eastern war — Kettenanit — Qaiannapohit — Mau- tamp — Monoco — Nepanet — Employed to treat with the enemy-^Brings letters from them — Effects an exchange of prisoners — Peter Con- way — Peter Ephraim,, 269 Chap. VII. Of the Indians in New Hampshire and Maine previous to their wars with the whites — Dominions of the bashaba — Perishes in war — Passaconaway — His dominions — His last speech to his people — Petitions the court of Massachusetts — Lands allotted to him — English sends a force to disarm him — Their fears of his enmity unfounded — They seize and ill treat his son — He escapes — Traditions concerning liim- Wannalancet — His situation in Philip’s war — Messengers and letters sent him by the English — He again retires into the wilderness — Mosely destroys his village — Imprisoned for debt — Fa- vors Christianity — A speech — Wehanownowit, sachem of New Hampshire — Robinhood — His sales of land in Maine — Monquine — Kennebis — Assiminasqua — Abhigadasset — Their residen- ces and sales of land — Melancholy fate of Chocorua, 277 Chap. VIII. Squando sachem of Saco— Attacks 6 CONTENTS, the town of Saco — Singular account of him by a Contemporary — The ill treatment of his wife a cause of war — His humanity in restoring a cap- tive — Madokawajido — Causes of his hostility — Assiminasqua — His speech — Speech of Tarum- kin — Alugg — Is carried to Boston to execute a treaty — Is Madokawando’s ambassador — Re- lease of Thomas Cobbet — Madokawando’s kind- - ness to prisoners — Moxus attacks Wells and is beaten off— Attacked the next year by the In- dians undor Madokawando and a company of Frenchmen — Are repulsed with great loss — In- cidents of the siege — Mons. Castiens — A further account of Moxus — Wanungonet — Assacambuit — Further account of Mugg — His death — Sy- mon, Andrew, Jeoffrey, Peter, and Joseph — Ac- count of their depredations — Life of Kankama- gus — Treated with neglect — Flies his country — Becomes an enemy — Surprise of Dover and murder of Major Waldron — Masandowet — Wo- rombo — His fort captured by Church — Kankam- agus’s wife and children taken — Hopehood — Conspicuous in the massacre at Salmon Falls — His death — Mattahando — Megunneway, . . . .286 Chap. IX. Bomazcen — Treachery of the whites towards him — Is imprisoned at Boston — Saves the lifo of a female captive — Captures Saco — Is killed — Arruhawikwabemt — His capture and death — Egeremet — Seized at Pemmaquid — Bar- barously murdered — Treachery of Chubb — Its requital — Captain Tom — Surprises Hampton — Dony — His fort captured by Colonel Church — Events of Church’s expedition -Captain Simmo — Treats with the English at Casco — His speech — Wattanummon — Captain Samuel — His fight at Damaris Cove — Hegan — One of the name bar- barously destroyed by the whites — Mogg — Westbrook burns Nerigwok — Some account of the Jesuit Rasle — Moulton’s expedition to Ner- igwok — Death of Mogg — Death of Father Rasle — Notice of Moulton — Charlevoix’s account of this affair — Paugus — Bounty offered for Indian scalps — Captain John Lovewell’s first expedi- tion — His second hunt for Indians — Falls in with Paugus — Fights him and is slain — Incidents — Songs composed on the event, 303 Jhap. X. The St. Francis Indians — Rogers’s ex- pedition against them — Philip — Sabatis — Ar- nold’s expedition — Natanis — The modern Pe- nobscots — Aitteon — Neptune — Capt. Francis — Susup murders an Englishman — Specimen of the Penobscot language — Rowles — His prophecy — Blind Will — Killed by the Mohawks — Assacam- buit — Visits France and is knighted by the king — Attacks and burns Haverhill — His death, .318 Chap. XI. Destruction of Deerfield, and captiv- ity of Reverend John Williams and family, in 1704, . 325 Chap. XII. Various incidents in the history of the New England Indians, embr icing several important events, with a sequel to some pre- vious memoirs, 328 BOOK IV. Biography and History of the Southern Indians. Chap. 1. Preliminary observations respecting the country of the southern Indians — Win^ina, the first Virginia chief known to the English — De- stroys the first colony settled there — Menatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second colony abandons the country — Tobacco first carried to England — Granganemeo— His kindnesses — His family — His death — Powhatan — Boundaries of his coun- try — Surprises the Payankatanks — Captain Smith fights his people — Opekankanough takes Smith prisoner — Takes him to Powhatan, who condemns him to be put to death — Smith’s life saved at the intercession of Pocahontas — Inso- lence of Powhatan increased by Newport’s folly — Smith brings him to terms — A crown sent over to Powhatan from England — Is crowned em- peror — Speech — Uses stratagems to kill Smith -Is baffled in every attempt— Smith visits him -Speeches — Pocahontas again saves Smith anc his comrades from being murdered by her father — T omocomo, 343 Chap. II. Reflection upon the character of Pow- hatan— Pocahontas — She singularly entertains Captain Smith — Disaster of a boat’s crew — Smith’s attempt to surprise Powhatan frus- trated in consequence — Pocahontas saves the life of Wyffin — Betrayed into the hands of the English — Japazaws — Mr. Rolfe marries Poca hontas— Opachisco — Pocahontas visits England — Her interview with Smith — Dies at Gravesend — Her son — Opekankanough — Made prisoner by Smith — Is set at liberty — Conducts the mas- sacre of 1622 — Plots the extirpation of the English — Conducts the horrid massacre of 1644 — Is taken prisoner — His conduct upon the oc- casion — Barbarously wounded by the guard — Last speech, and magnanimity in deaih — Re- flections — Nickotawance — Totopotomoi — Joins the English against the Rechahecrians — Is de- feated and slain, 350 Chap. III. Of the Creek Indians — Muskogees — Prohibit the use of ardent spirits — Their rise and importance — Their origin — Catawbas — Chikasaus — Cherokees — A mode of flattening their heads — Complexion lighter than other Indians — Seminoles — Ruins at Oakmulgee Fields — Expedition of Soto— He kills 2000 In- dians — Laudonniere — Gourges’ expedition — Grijalva — Moytoy made emperor of the Cher- okees — Sir Alexander Cumming — His travels among the Cherokees — Seven chiefs accompany him to England — Attakullakulla — Skijagustah — His speech to the king — His death, 363 Chap. IV. Settlement of Carolina and Georgia — Tomochichi receives the English — Goes to England with General Oglethorpe — Makes a speech to the king — His death — War with the Spaniards — Outacitie — Malachty — Attakulla- kulla — Indians murdered — Attakullakulla pre- vents retaliation upon whites in his power — Cherokee war begins — Governor Littleton’s expedition — Imprisons their Ambassadors — They are massacred — Colonel Montgomery sent against them — Battle near Keowee — Chero- kees take Fort London — Siloue — Saves the life of Colonel Byrd — Colonel Grant subdues the Cherokees, and they make peace with the Whites — Chlucco, 369 Chap. V. Moncachtape, the Yazoo — Narrative of his adventures to the Pacific Ocean — Grand sun, chief of the Natchez — Receives great in- justice from the French — Concerts their de- struction — 700 French are cut off — War with them — The Natchez destroyed in their turn — Great-Mortar — M’Gillivray — His birth and edu- cation — Visits New York — Troubles of his na- tion — His death — Tame-king — Mad-dog, ...380 Chap. VI. W’eatherford — His character and country — The corner-stone of the Creek confed- eracy — Favors the designs of Tecumseh — Cap- tures Fort Mimms — Dreadful massacre — Sub- jection of the Creeks — Weatherford surrenders himself — His speeches — M’Intosh — Aids the Americans — Battle of Autossee — Great slaugh- ter of the Indians — Battle of the Horse-shoe- bend — Late troubles in the Creek nation — M’Intosh makes illegal sale of lands — Exe- cuted for breaking the laws of his country — Menawway — Tustenugge — Hawkins — Chilly M’Intosh, son of William — Marriage of his sis- ter — Lovett, .388 Chap. VII. Creek war continued — View of the Creek country — General Jackson ordered out against them — Relieves Chinnaby — Shelokta— Path-killer — Capture of Littafutche — The Tal- lushatches destroyed by General Coffee — Battle of Talladega — Anecdote — Massacre of the Hallibees — Further account of Autossee battle — Battle of Camp Defiance — Timpoochie — Battle of Eekanakaka — Pushamata— Weath- erford — Jim Fife — Battle of Emukfau — A sec- ond battle — Fife’s intrepidity — Battle of Enot*- chopko — Tohopoka — Epi of the Creek war- CONTENTS. 7 Death of three Prophets — Monohoe — M’&ueen — Colbert, alias Piomingo— His exploits — Anec- dote — Murder of John Morris — Mushalatubee — lushamata — Speech of Mushalatubee and of Pushamata to Lafayette at Washington — Pu- shamata dies there — Hillishago visits England — ^Excites the Seminoles to war — A modern PocaLontas — Hornotlimed — Massacres a boat’s crew in Apalachicola River — Is captured with Hillishago, and hanged — Neamathla — Removal of the Florida Indians — Their wretched condi- tion — M’Q,ueen — Rich in lands and slaves — Flies to Florida, and loses his effects, 394 Chap. VIII. Grounds of the Seminole war — Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood — Unjustness of the war — Neamathla deposed — Treaties — Of Moultrie Creek — Payne’s Land- ing — Council at Camp King — Is broken up by Osceola — It is renewed, and a party agrees to emigrate — Osceola’s opposition — Is seized and put in irons — Feigns a submission, and is re- leased — Executes an agreement to comply with the demands of the whites — The physical con- dition of the Indians, 410 Chap. IX. The Indians prepare for war — Affair of Hogtown — A mail carrier killed — Sales of the Indians’ cattle and horses advertised by the Indian agent, but none takes place — Burnings and murders are committed — Settlement at New River destroyed — Remarkable preserva- tion of a Mr. Godfrey’s family — Colonel War- ren’s defeat — Swamp fight — Destruction ofNew Smyrna — Defeat and death of Major Dade, with the destruction of nearly his whole party — Visit to his battle-ground, 414 Chap. X. Of the principal chiefs and war lead- ers of the Seminoles — Osceola — Micanopy — Jumper — Massacre of General Thompson and others at Fort King — Battle of the Ouithle- coochee — Fight near Wetumka — Great distress of the country — Action of Congress upon it — Battle at Musquito — Many Creeks join the Seminoles — Fight on the Suanee River,. . . .420 Chap. XL Congress makes an appropriation for carrying on the war — Remarks in the Senate of the United States on the war with the Semi- noles — Debate in the House of Representatives on the bill for the relief of the inhabitants of Florida — Attack on some Creeks at Bryant’s Ferry — General Gaines’s campaign in Florida — Fights the Indians on the Ouithlecoocbee — His conference with Osceola — Resigns his com- mand, and leaves the country — Captain Alli- son’s skirmish — The chief Ouchee Billy killed — Siege of Camp McLcmore — Great sufferings of its garrison — Delivered by Captain Read — The chief Mad Wolf slain, 426 Chap. XII. Creek War — Murders and devasta- tions begin — Eleven per^ns killed near Colum- bus — Mail routes in possession of the Indians — A steamboat attacked and men killed — Chiefs of the war parties — Mail stages destroyed — The town of Roanoke burnt — Colonel Lindsay’s Florida affair — Excessive dismay of the people of Georgia — Murder of families — Fight on the Chattahoochie — Capture of Jim Henry and Ne- amathla — Account of the chiefs — Surrender of the Indians, 433 Chap. XIII. History of the expatriation of the Cherokees. 437 Chap. XIV. Expatriation of the Cherokees , con- tinued, 443 Chap. XV. History of the Cherokees , contin- ued , 449 Chap. XVI. History of the Cherokees , conclud- ed , 454 Chap. XVII. The Seminole war resumed — Further account of the causes of the war — Nu- merous cases of gross imposition — Bad conduct of government officers — A new treaty of remo- val urged — A deputation visits the west — Their report — Another treaty — Speeches oi the chiefs — Examination of the policy of tne government relative to a removal of the Indians — Character of borderers — Review of the manner treaties of sale were procured — The president angry at the Indians’ presumption — Barbarous treatment of three Mickasaukies, 461 Chap. XVIII. Carrying the events of the war to the close of the year 1636 — Review of early diffi- culties — The Hogtown murder — The insult to Osceola — Micanopy — King Payne — General Clinch’s expedition — Gen. Scott attacked — Massacre at Charlotte Harbor — Fort Micanopy besieged — Death of officers — Lighthouse aft'air — Battle of Welika — Creeks and Cherokee affairs — Indians surpriseu — Murders — Battle of San Felasco — Col. Lane’s expedition — Hia melancholy death — Gov. Call in command — Battles of the Wahoo Swamp — Gen. Jesup resumes command — His expedition to the Wa- hoo, .470 Chap. XIX. Events of the war during the year 1837 — Expedition to Ahapopka — Osuchee killed — Jesup parleys with the chiefs — Col. Hender- son’s expedition — Battle of Lake Monroe — Treaty of Fort Dade — Unobserved — Osceola at Fort Mellon — Numbers of the Seminoles — Sudden abduction of emigrants — Jesup requests to be relieved from command — Western Indians applied to — Gen. Hernandez’s expedition — Cap- ture of King Philip — Surprise of the Uchees — Surrender of chiefs — Mediation of Ross — Cap- ture of Osceola and others — View of the affair — Wild Cat’s escape — Battle of Okechobee, 177 Chap. XX. Embracing the events of 1838 and 1839 — Battle of Wacasa Swamp — Defeat of Lieut. Powell — Battle of Lucha Hatcha — Gen. Jesup wounded — Death of Osceola — His char- acter — Gen. Jesup desires to give up the war, and allow the Indians to live in Florida — Not allowed by the government — His talk with Tos- kegee — Indians seized at Fort Jupiter — Gen. Jesup leaves Florida — Death of Philip and Jumper — Capt. Ellis’s exploit — Indians surprise Capt. Beall — Families murdered — Crews of vessels murdered — Death of Mushalatubee — Camp Forbes attacked — Numerous murders — Capt. Russell and Maj. Noel killed — Capt. Rowell defeated — Gen. Macomb takes command in Florida. — Endeavors to make a treaty — Lieut. Hulbert killed — Reward for Indians — Massacre at Colooshatchie — Indians surprised at Fort Mellon — Murders on the Waculla — Blood- hounds to be employed against the Seminoles — Depredations continue, 484 Chap. XXL Events of the year 1840 — A train of wagons taken — Lieut. Whedan killed — Dog exploits — Families destroyed — Defeat of Capt. Rains — Lieut. Sanderson’s defeat — Col. Riley’s exploit — Col. Green’s — Col. Harney’s — A com- pany of players attacked — Cow Creek skirmish — Indian Key destroyed — Lieut. Arthur’s ex- ploit — Eleven families destroyed — Capt. Beall’s fight — Lieut. Hanson’s battle — Indian hanged — Pacification attempted through a deputation of Seminoles from Arkansas — It fails — Whites taken in aiding Indians — Wild Cat’s exploit — Sad accident — Lieut. Judd ambushed — Fort Hanson burnt — Col. Harney’s voyage to the Everglades — Hangs nine Indians — The chief Chiakika killed — Fort Walker attacked — Capt. Davidson dies — Lieut. Sherwood’s ambush, and death of Mrs. Montgomery, ....491 BOOK y. Biography and History op the Iro- quois or Five Nations, and other NEIGHBORING TRIBES OF THE WEST. Chap. I. Particulars in the history of the Iro- quois or Five Nations — Extent of their domin- ions — Antiquities and traditions — Destroy the Eries — War with the Adirondaks — Specimen of their language — Account of the chiefs — Grangula — Black-kettle — His bloody wars with tfie French — Adario — His singular stratagem to unite his countrymen against the French — De- stroys Montreal and near a thousand inhabitants — Dies in peace with the French — Dekanisora a renowned orator— Peiskaret — The miraculouf 8 CONTENTS. stories concerning him — History of the journey of five Iroquois cfhiefs to England, 499 Chap II. Tamany, a famous ancient Delaware — His history — Sliikellimus — Favors the Mora- vian Brethren — His reception of Count Zinzin- dorf— His death — Canassatego— Visits Phila- delphia — Kis spoech to the Delawares — Anec- dotes of him — Glikhikan — His speech to Half- King — His attachment to the Christian Indians — Meets with much trouble from Captain Pipe — Conduct of Half-king — Of Pipe — Glikhikan per- ishes in the massacre at Gnadenhuetten — Pa- kanke — His history — Netawatwees — Becomes a Christian — His speech to Pakankc — His death — Paxnous — Tadeuskund — His history and death -—White-eyes — His transactions with the mis- sionaries — Skenando — His celebrated speech — Curious anecdote of him — His death, 512 Chap. III. Washington’s embassy to the French on the Ohio — Battle near Great Meadows, and death of Jumonville — Chiefs met with by Washington — Shingis — Monacatoocha — Halt- king — Juskakaka — White-thunder — Alliquipa — Capt. Jacobs — Hendrick — His history — Cu- rious anecdote of Logan — Cresap’s war — Bat- tle of Point Pleasant — Logan’s famous speech —■Cornstalk — His history — Red-hawk — Ellinip- sico — The barbarous murder of these three — Melancholy death of Logan — Pontiac — A re- nowned warrior — Colonel Roger’s account of him — His policy — Fall of Michilimakinak — Me- nehwehna — Siege of Detroit — Pontiac’s strata- gem to surprise it — Is discovered — Official ac- count of the affair at Bloody Bridge — Pontiac abandons the siege — Becomes the friend of the English — Is assassinated, 530 Chap. IV. Capt. Pipe — Situation of affairs on the frontiers at the period of the revolution — Sad condition of the Moravian Indians at this period — Half-king engages to take them to Can- ada — His speech to them — They remonstrate — Half-king inclines not to molest them, but Capt. Pipe’s counsel prevails, and they are seized — Pipe’s conduct thereupon — Missionaries taken to Detroit and examined — Pipe goes to accuse them — Changes his conduct towards them, and they are acquitted — Remarkable deliverance — Captain White-eyes opposes the conduct of Pipe — His speech to his people — Colonel Broad- head’s expedition — Brutal massacre of a chief — Gelelemend — Buokongahclas — Reproves the murder of Major Trueman and others — In the battle of Presq’Isle — His death — His intre- pidity — Further particulars of Captain Pipe — His famous speech — Expedition and defeat of Colonel Crawford, who is burnt at the stake — Chiktommo — King-crane — Little-turtle — De- feats General St. Clair’s army — Incidents in that affair — Little-turtle’s opinion ofGeneral Wayne — Visits Philadelphia — His interview with C. F. Volney — Anecdotes — Blue-jacket — Defeated by Gen. Wayne in the battle of Presq’Isle,. .554 Chap. V. Life of Thayandaneca, called by the whites' Brant — His education — Visits England — Commissioned there — His sister a companion to Sir Wm. Johnson — His letter to the Oneidas — Affair with Herkimer at Unadilla — Cuts off Herkimer and 200 men at Oriskana — Anecdote of Herkimer — Burns Springfield — Horrid affair of Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys Cherry Val- ley — Barbarities of the tories — Sullivan’s dep- redations among the Five Nations — Brant de- feated by the Americans at Newtown — De- struction of Minisink, and slaughter of 100 peo- ple — Destruction of Harpersfield — Brant’s letter to M’Causland — Marriage of his daughter — Her iUisband killed — Brant becomes the friond of peace — Visits Philadelphia — His marriage — Lands granted him by the king — His death — His son John — Traits of character — One of his sons killed by him, in an attempt to kill his father — Account of Brant’s arrival in England — Some account of his children, 577 Ckap. VI. Facts in the history of the Seneca nation — Sagoyewatha, or Red-jacket — His fa- mous speech to a missionary — Hia interview with Colonel Snelling — British invade his coon try — Resolves to repel them — His speech upon the event — Governor Clinton’s account of him — Witchcraft affair — Complains of encroach- ments — One of his people put to death for being a witch — He defends the executioner — His in- terview with Lafayette — Council at Canandai- gua — Farmers-brother — Red-jacket visits Phil- adelphia — His speech to the governor of Penn- sylvania — Speech of Agwelondongwas, or Good- peter — Narrative of his capture during the rev- olutionary war — Farmers-brother, or Honaya- wus — Visits Philadelphia — Peter-jaquette — Visits France — Account of his death — Memo- rable speech of Farmers-brother — His letter to the secretary of war — Notice of several other Seneca chiefs — Koyingquatah, or Young-king — Juskakaka, or Little-billy — Achiout, or Half- town — Kiandogewa, or Big-tree — Gyantwaia, or Corn-plant — Address of the three latter to President Washington — Grant of land to Big- tree — His visit to Philadelphia, and death — Further account of Corn-plant — His own ac- count of himself — interesting events in his life —His sons, 593 Chap. Vil. Tecumseh — His great exertions to prevent the whites from overrunning his coun- try — His expedition on Hacker’s Creek — Co- operation of his brother, the Prophet — Rise of the difficulties between Tecumseh and Gover- nor Harrison — Speech of the former in a coun- cil at Vincennes — Fearful occurrence in that council — Winnemak — Tecumseh visited by Governor Harrison at his camp — Determination of war the result oflhe interview on both sides — Characteristic anecdote of the chief— Deter- mines, in the event of war, to prevent barbar- ities — Battle of Tippecanoe — Battle of the Thames, and death of Tecumseh — Description of his person — Important events in his life — Pukeesheno, father of Tecumseh — His death — Battle of Magaugo — Specimen of the Shawanee language — Particular account of Ellskwatawa, or the Prophet — Account of Round-head — Cap- ture and massacre of General Winchester’s army at the River Raisin — Myeerah, or the Crane, commonly called Walk-in-the-Water — Black-bird — Wawnahton — Black-thunder — Ongpatonga, 616 Chap. VI II. Black-hawk’s war — Historical ac- count of the tribes engaged in it — Treaty be- tween them — Murders among the Sioux and Chippewas — Red-bird — Black-hawk — Indians insulted — Their country sold without their con sent — This occasions the war, 637 Chap. IX. March of Major Stillman — Kills some of Black-hawk’s men — Stillman’s defeat — Menomonies join the whites — Settlement de- stroyed — Captivity of two young women — Con- gress orders out troops — Indians cut off by Gen- eral Dodge — Snider’s defeat — Stevenson’s de- feat — Deleat of Major Dement — Battle of the Ouisconsin — Battle of the 2d of August, and end of the war, 644 Chap. X. History of the chiefs under Black- hawk — Neapope — Surrender of Black-hawk — Wabokieskie— Indians at Washington, 654 Chap. XI. Observations on the causes of the war — Indians visit the Atlantic States, 661 Chap. XII. From the time Black-hawk was set at liberty in his own country, in 1833, to his death, on October 3d, 1838, wi .h other :mj©r- tant matters connected with the Indians in the west, 672 Chap. XIII. Some further particulars of early events on the borders of Pennsylvania,.. . .678 Chap. XIV. Early western history — Incvdent9 of battles — Skirmishes and defeat9,........689 Chap. XV. Events of the Indian war of 1763 and 1764, on the Ohio> 689 .697—716 ,717-736 Appendix, Index, .... AN ALPHABETICAL ENUMERATION OF THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS An attempt is made, in the following Table, to locate the various bands of Aborigines, ancient and modern, and to convey the best information respect- ing their numbers our multifarious sources will warrant. Modern writers have been, for several years, endeavoring to divide North America into cer- tain districts, each of which should include all the Indians speaking the same, or dialects of the same, language ; but whoever has paid any attention to tht subject, must undoubtedly have been convinced that it can never be done with any degree of accuracy. This has been undertaken in reference to an approximation of the great question of the origin of this people, from a com- parison of the various languages used among them. An unwritten language is easily varied, and there can be no barrier to innovation. A continual in- termixing of tribes has gone on from the period of their origin to the present time, judging from what we have daily seen ; and when any two tribes unite, speaking different languages, or dialects of the same, a new dialect is pro- duced by such amalgamation. Hence the accumulation of vocabularies would be like the pursuit of an infinite series in mathematics ; with this difference, however — in the one we recede from the object in pursuit, while in the other we approach it. But I would not be understood to speak dispar- agingly of this attempt at classification ; for, if it be unimportant in the main design, it will be of considerable service to the student in Indian history on other accounts. Thus, the Uchees are said to speak a primitive language, and they were districted in a small territory south of the Cherokees ; but, some 200 years ago, — if they then existed as a tribe, and their tradition be true, — they were bounded on the north by one of the great lakes. And they are said to be descended from the Shawanees by some of themselves. We know an important community of them is still in existence in Florida. Have they created a new language in the course of their wanderings? or have those from whom they separated done so ? Such are the difficulties we meet with at every'step of a classification. But a dissertation upon these matters cannot now be attempted. In the following analysis, the names of the tribes have been generally given in the singular number, for the sake of brevity ; and the word Indians , after such names, is omitted from the same cause. Few abbreviations have been used: — W. R., west of the Rocky Mountains ; m., miles ; r., river; 1., lake; and perhaps a few others. In some instances, reference is made to the body of the work, where a more extended account of a tribe isAo be found. Such references are to the Book and Page, the same as in the Index. Abekas, probably Muskogees, under tbe French at Tombeckbee in 1750. Abenakies, over Maine till 1754, then went to Canada ; 200 in 1689 ; 150 in 1780. Absoroka, (Minetare,) S. branch Yellowstone; lat. 46°, Ion. 105°; 45,000 in 1834 Ac cokesaw, "W. side Colorado, about 200 m. S. W. Nacogdoches, in 1805. Acomak, one of the six tribes in Virginia when settled by the English in 1607. Adaize, 4 m. from Nachitoches, on Lake Macdon ; 40 men in 1805. An iron daks, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence ; 100 in 1786. (0 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Affagoula, small clan in 1783, on Mississippi r., 8 m. above Point Coupd. Agawom, ( Wampanoags,) at Sandwich, Mass.; others at Ipswich, in 1620, &c. Ahwahaway, (Minetare,) S. W. Missouri 1820, 3 m. above Mandans ; 200 in 1806. Ajoues, S. of the Missouri, and N. of the Padoucas ; 1,100 in 1700. Al, ansar, (Fall,) head branches S. fork Saskashawan ; 2,500 in 1804. Algonkin, over Canada ; from low down the St. Lawrence to Lake of the Woods. Aliatan, three tribes in 1805 among the Rocky Mountains, on heads Platte. Aliche, near Nacogdoches in 1805, then nearly extinct ; spoke Caddo. Allakaweah, (Paunch,) both sides Yellowstone, heads Big Horn r. ; 2,300 in 1805. Allibama, (Creeks.) formerly on that r., but removed to Red River in 1764. Amalistes, (Algonkins,) once on St. Lawrence ; 500 in 1760. Anasaguntakook, (Abenaki,) on sources Androscoggin, in Maine, till 1750. Andastes, once on S. shore Lake Erie, S. W. Senecas, who destroyed them in 1672. Apaches, (Lapane,) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaces r. ; 3,500 in 1817 Apalachicola, once on that r. in W. Florida ; removed to Red River in 1764. Appalousa, aboriginal in the country of their name ; but 40 men in 1805. Aguanuschioni, the name by which the Iroquois knew themselves. Arapahas, S. side main Canada River ; 4,000 in 1836, on Kanzas River. Akjiouchiquois, or Marachite, (Abenaki,) on River St. John, New Brunswick. Arren amuse, on St. Antonio River, near its mouth, in Texas ; 120 in 1818. Assinnaboin, (Sioux,) between Assinn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1836 Atenas, in a village with the Faculli in 1836, west of the Rocky Mountains. Athapascow, about the shores of the great lake of their name. Atnas, (Gjibewas,) next S. of the Athapascow, about lat. 57° N., in 1790. Attacapas, in a district of their name in Louisiana ; but 50 men in 1805. Attapulgas, (Seminoles,) on Little r., a branch of Oloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls. Attikamigues, in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1670. Aucosisco, (Abenaki,) between the Saco and Androscoggin River in 1630, &c. Aughquaga. on E. branch Susquehannah River ; 150 in 1768 ; since extinct. Ayauais, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, S. E. side ; 800 in 1805. Ayutans, 8,000 in 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains. Bayagoula, W. bank Mississippi, opposite the Colipasa ; important in 1699 Bedies, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches ; 100 in 1805. Big-devils, (Yonktons,) 2,500 in 1836 ; about the heads of Red River. Biloxi, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 1699 ; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed Blackfeet, sources Missouri; 30,000 in 1834; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838. Blanche, (Bearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri in 1820. Blue-mud, W., and in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains in 1820. Brotherton, near Oneida Lake ; composed of various tribes ; 350 in 1836. Caddo, on Red River in 1717, powerful ; on Sodo Bay in 1800 ; in 1804, 100 men. Cadodaciie, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. above the Nechez ; 60 in 1820. Caiwas, or Kaiwa, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830. Calasthocle, N. Columbia, on the Pacific, next N. the Chillates ; 200 in 1820. Callimix, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. N. Columbia River; 1,200 in 1820. Camanches, (Shoshone,) warlike and numerous; in interior of Texas. Canarsee, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica. Cances, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Grand r., toward Vera Crux. Canibas, (Abenaki,) numerous in 1607, and after ; on both sides Kennebeck River. Carankoua, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana ; 1,500 in 1805. Caree, on the coast between the Nuaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817. Carriers, (Nateotetains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders. Castahana, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone; 5,000 in 1805. Cataka, between N. and S. forks of Chien River ; about 3,000 in 1804. Catawba, till late, on their river in S. Carolina ; 1,500 in 1743, and 450 in 1764. Cathlacumups, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i. ; 450 in 1820. Cathlakahik.it, at the rapids of the Columbia, 160 m. up ; 900 in 1820. Cathlakamaps, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820. Cathlamat, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River ; 600 in 1820. Cathlanamenamen, on an island in mouth of Wallaumut River ; 400 in 1820. Cathlanaguiah, (Wappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island ; 400 in 1820. Cathlapootle, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakamaps ; 1,100 in 1820. Cathlapooya, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. Cathlasko, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Chippanchikchiks. Cathlathla, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakahikits. Cathlath, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. Cattanahaw, between the Saskas'hawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805. Caughnewaga, places where Christians lived were so called. Chactoo, on Red River ; in 1805, but 100 ; indigenous ; always lived ttieie. Chaouanons, the French so called the Shawanese ; (Chowans ?) Cheegee, (Cherokees,) 50 to 80 m. S. of them ; called also Mid. Settlement, 1780 Chehaws, small tribe on Flint River, destroyed by Georgia militia in 1817- Chepeyan, claim from lat. 60° to 65°, Ion. l0O° to 110° W. ; 7,500 in 1812. Cherokee, in Georgia, S. Carolina, &c., till 1836; then forced beyond the Itesiss. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 11 *3hesxitalowa, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, W. side Chattahoochee. Chien, (Dog,) near the sources Chien River; 300 in 1805 ; 200 in 1820. Chiheeleesh, 40 m. N. of Columbia River ; 1,400 in 1820. Chickasaw, between heads of Mobile River in 1780 ; once 10,000; now in Arka^c**. Chippanchikchiks, 60 in 1820, N. side Columbia River, 220 m. from its mouth. Chikahomini, on Matapony River, Va., in 1661 ; but 3 or 4 in 1790; now extinct. Chikamaugas, on Tennessee River, 90 rn. below the Cherokees, in 1790. Chillates, 150 in 1820, on the Pacific, N. Columbia River, beyond the Quieetsos. Chillukittequau, on the Columbia, next below the Narrows ; 1,400 in 1820. Chiltz, N. of Columbia River, on the Pacific, next N. of the Killaxthocles. Chimnahpum, on Lewis River, N. TV. side of the Columbia; 1,800 in 1820. Chinnook, on N. side Columbia River ; in 1820, about 400 in 28 lodges. Chippewas, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the N., very numerous. Chitimicha, on W. bank Miss. River in 1722; once powerful, then slaves. Choktaw, S. of the Creeks ; 15,000 in 1812 ; in 1848 in Arkansas. Chopunnibh, on Kooskooskee River ; 4,300 in 1806, in 73 lodges. Chowanok, (Shawanese ?) in N. Carolina, on Bepnet’s Creek, in 1708; 3,000 in 1630. Chowans, E. of the Tuscaroras in N. Carolina ; 60 join the Tuscaroras in 1720. Christenaux, only another spelling of Knistenaux, which see. Clahclellah, 700 in 1820, on the Columbia River, below the rapids. Clakstar, W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia at Wappatoo Island. Clamoctomich, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chiltz ; 260 in 1820. Clanimatas, on the S. TV. side of Wappatoo Island ; 200 in 1820, W. R. Clannarminimuns, S. TV. side of Wappatoo Island ; 280 in 1820, TV. R. Clatsops, about 2 m. N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 1,300 in 1820. Clarkames, on a river of their name flowing into the TVallaumut ; 1,800 in 1820. Cneis, on a river flowing into Sabine Lake, 1690; the Coenis of Hennepin, probably. Cohakies, nearly destroyed in Pontiak’s time; in 1800, a few near Lake Winnebago. Colapissas, on E. bank Mississippi in 1720, opposite head of Lake Pontchartrain. Conchattas came to Appaiousas in 1794, from E. the Mississ. ; in 1801, on Sabine. Congarees, a small tribe on Congaree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since gone. Conoys, perhaps Kanhawas, being once on that river ; (Canais, and variations.) Cookkoo-oose, 1,500 in 1806, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., and S. of Killawats Coopspellar, on a river falling into the Columbia, N. of Clark’s ; 1,600 in 1806. CoosadaS, (Creeks,) once resided near the River Tallapoosie. Copper, so called from their copper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north. Corees, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus River, N. Carolina, in 1700, and subsequently. Coronkawa, on St. Jacintho River, between Trinity and Brazos ; 350 in 1820. Cowlitsick, on Columbia River, 62 m. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820. Creeks, (Muscogees,) Savannah r. to St. Augustine, thence to Flint r., 1730. Crees, (Lynx, or Cat,) another name of the Knistenaux, or a part of them. Crows, (Absorokas,) S. branches of the Yellowstone River; 45,000 in 1834. Cutsahniji, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820. Dahcota, or Docota, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. Delaware, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay; 500 in 1750. Dinondadies, (Hurons,) same called by the French Tionontaties. Doegs, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1675. Dogribs, (Blackfeet,) but speak a different language. Dogs, the Chiens of the French. See Chien. Dotame, 120 in 1805 ; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country. Eamuses. See Emusas. Echemins, (Canoe-men,) on R. St. Johns ; include Passamaquoddies and St. Johns. Edistoes, in S. Carolina in 1670 ; a place still bears their name there. Emusas, (Seminoles,) TV. side Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the TVekisas ; 20 in 1820. Eneshures, at the great Narrows of the Columbia; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges. Eries, along E. side Of Lake Erie, destroyed by the Iroquois about 1654. Esaws, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably. Eskeloots, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia. Esuuimaux, all along the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of 60° N. lat. Etohussewakkes, (Semin.,) on Chattahoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Gaines ; 100 in 1820. Facullies, 100 in 1820; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. 54°, Ion. 125° W. Fall, so called from their residence at the falls of the Kooskooskee. See Alansars Five Nations, Mohawks, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, qnd Oneidas ; which see. Flat-Heads, (Tutseewas,) on a large river W. R. ; on S. fork Columbia r. Folles Avoines, the French so called the Menominies. Fond du Lac, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes. Fowl-towns, (Seminoles,) 12 m. E. Fort Scott; about 300 in 1820. Foxes, (Ottagamies,) called Renards by the French ; dispossessed by B. Hawk’s war Ganawese, on the heads of Potomac River ; same as Kanhaways, probably. Gayhead, Martha’s Vineyard ; 200 in 1800 ; in 1820, 340. Grand River, on Grand r., N. side L. Ontario ; Mohawks, Senecas, and oth. ; 2,000. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 12 Guos Ventu.es, W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 1806 ; in 1834, 3,000. Hare-foot, next S. of the Esquimaux, and in perpetual war with them. Hallibees, a tribe of Creeks, destroyed in 1813. Hannakallal, 600 in 1820, on Pacific, S. Columbia, next beyond the Luckkaiso HaSS A Names its, a tribe of Nipmuks, embraced Christianity in 1660. Kihighev.im.uo, 1,300 in 1820, from mouth of Lastaw River, up it to the forks. Heli.WITS, 100 m. along the Columbia, from the falls upward, on the N. side. Herring Pond, a remnant of Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass. ; about 40. Hietans, (Camanehes,) erratic bands ; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red River. Hini, (Cadodache,) 200 in 1820, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte. 1 1 itch ITT ees, once on Chattahoochee r. ; 600 now in Arkansas ; speak Muskogee. Hokilpos, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1820, above great falls on Clark’s River. IIumas, (Oumas,) “ Red nation,” in Ixsussees Parish, La., in 1805, below Manchak. Hurons, (Wyandots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and N. gt. lakes ; subd. by Iroq., 1650. Illinois, “ the lake of men,” both sides Illinois r. ; 12,000 in 1670; 60 towns in 170® Inies, or Tachies, [Texas ?] branch Sabine ; 80 men in 1806; speak Caddo. _ low ays, on Ioway River before Black Hawk’s war; 1,100 beyond the Mississippi, luoiiuois, 1606, on St. Lawrence, below Quebec ; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Miss. Isatis, sometimes a name of the Sioux before 1755. Ithkyemamits, 600 in 1820, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskos. Jelan, one of the three tribes of Camanehes, on sources Brazos, Del Norte, &c. Kadapaus, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707. Kahunkles, 400 in 1820, W. Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. Kaloosas, a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct. Kanenavish, on the Padoucas’ fork of the Platte ; 400 in 1805. Kanhawas, Ganawese or Canhaways ; on the River Kanhawa, formerly. Kansas, on the Arkansas River; about 1,000 in 1836 ; in 1820, 1,850. Kaskaskias, (111 in. ) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 250 in r797. Kaskayas, between sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains ; 3,000 in 1836. Katteka, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See Padoucas. Keekatsa, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Big Horn r. ; 3,500 iu 1805 Keyche, E. branch Trinity River in 1806; once on the Sabine; 260 in 1820. Kiawas, on Padouca River, beyond the Kites ; 1,000 in 1806. Kigene, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1821, under the chief Skittegates. Kikapoo, formerly in Illinois ; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mississippi. Killamuk, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean; about 1,000 Killawat, in a large town on the coast of the Pacific, E. of the Luktons. Killaxthocles, 100 in 1820, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N. side. Kimoenims, a band of the Chopunnisli, on Lewis’s River ; 800 in 1820, in 33 clans. Kinai, about Cook’s Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. Kites, (Staetans,) between sources Platte and Rocky Mountains ; about 500 in 182(1. Kiskakuns inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680 ; a Huron tribe. Knistenaux, on Assinnaboin River ; 5,000 in 1812; numerous ; women comely. Konagens, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58°, Ion. 152° W. Kook-koo-oose, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats ; 1,500 in 1835. Kuskaravvaoks, one of six tribes on E. shore of Chesapeak in 1607 ; (Tuscaroras ?) Lahanna, 2,000 in 1820, both sides Columbia, above the mouth of Clark’s River. Lapanne. See Apaches. Lartielo, 6(10 in 1820, at the falls of Lastaw River, below Wavton Lake. Leaf, (Sioux,) 600 in 1820, on the Missouri, above Prairie du Chien. Leech River, about 350 in 1820, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46° 9' N. Lenka Lenape, once from Hudson to Delaware River ; now scattered in the West. Lipanis, 800 in 1816, from Rio Grande to the interior of Texas ; light hair. Loucheux, next N. of the Esquimaux, or S. of lat. 67° 15' N. Luxawis, 800 in 1820, ~W. of the Rocky Mountains; abode unknown. Lukkarso, 1,200 in 1820, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., beyond the Shallalah. Luktons, 20 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. Machapungas, in N. Carolina in 1700; practised circumcision. Mandans, 1,250 in 1805, 1200 m. fm. mouth of Misso. ; 1838, reduced to 21 by sm. pox Mangoags, or Tuteloes, (Iroquois,) Nottoway River, formerly; now extinct. Manhattans, (Mohicans,) once on the island where New York city now stands. Mannaiioaks, once on the upper waters of the Rappahannock r. ; extinct long ago Marachites, (Abenakies,) on the St. John’s ; a remnant remains. Marsapeagues, once on Long Island, S. side of Oyster Bay ; extinct. Marshpees, (Wampanoags,) 315 in 1832; Barnstable Co., Mass.; mixed with blacks. Mascoutins, or Fire Ind., betw. Mississ. and L. Michigan, 1665; (Sacs and Foxes?) Massachusetts, the state perpetuates their name. Massavvomes, (Iroquois,) once spread over Kentucky. Mathlanobs, 500 in 1820, on an island in the mouth of Wallaumut River W. R. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 13 Mates, 600 in 1805, St. Gabriel Creek, mouth of Guadaloupe River, Louisiana. Menominies, (Algonkins,) once on Illinois r. ; now 300 W. Mississippi. Messassagnes, 2,000 in 1764, N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior. Miamis, (Algonkins,) once on the r. of their name ; now 1,500, beyond the Missis*. Mikasaukies, (Seminoles,) about 1,000 in 1821 ; very warlike. Mikmaks, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 1760, in Nova Scotia ; the Suriquois of the French. Miksuksealton, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1820, Clark’s River, above great falls, W. K. Minetares, 2,500 in 1805, 5 m. above the Mandans, on both sides Knife Riven. Mindayvarcarton, in 1805, on both sides Mississippi, from St. Peter’s upward. Mingoes, once such of the Iroquois were so called as resided upon the Scioto River Minsi, Wolf tribe of the Lenna Lenape, once over New Jersey and part of Penn. Missouries, once on that part of the River just below Grand r., in 1820. Mitchigamies, one of the five tribes of the Illinois ; location uncertain. Mohawks, head of Five Nations ; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now in Canada. Mohegans, or Moheakunnuks, in 1610, Hudson r. from Esopus to Albany. Monacans, (Tusearoras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is. Mongotjlatches, on the W. side of the Mississippi. See Bayagoulas. Montagnes, (Algonkins,) N. side St. Law., betw. Saguenay and Tadousac, in 1609. Montauks, on E. end of Long Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that island. Moratoks, 80 in 1607 ; 40 in 1669, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia. Mosquitos, once a numerous race on the E. side of the Isthmus of Darien. Multnomahs, (Wappatoo,) 800 in 1820, mouth of Multnomah River, W. R. Munseys, (Delawares,) in 1780, N. branch Susquehannah r. ; to the Wabash in 1808. Muskogees, 17,000 in 1775, on Alabama and Apalachicola Rivers. See B. iv. Nabedaches, (Caddo,) on branch Sabine, 15 m. above the Inies ; 400 in 1805. Nabijos, between N. Mexico and the Pacific ; live in stone houses, and manufacture. Nandakoes, 120 in 1805, on Sabine, 60 m. W. of the Yattassees ; (Caddo.) Nantikokes, 1711, on Nantikoke River; 17 55, at Wyoming; same year went west. Narcotah, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. Narragansets, S. side of the bay which perpetuates their name ; nearly extinct Nashuats, (Nipmuks,) on that river from its mouth, in Massachusetts. Natchez, at Natchez; discovered, 1701 ; chiefly destroyed by French, 1720. Natchitoches, once at that place ; 100 in 1804 ; now upon Red River. Nateotetains, 200 in 1820, W. R., on a river of their name, W. of the Faculties. Natiks, (Nipmuks,) in MassachuseKs, in a town now' called after them. Nechagoke, (Wappatoo,) 100 in 1820, S. side Columbia, near Quicksand r., W. R. Neekeetoo, 700 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. of the Columbia, beyond the Youicone. Nemalquinner, (Wappatoo,) 200 in 1820, N. side Wallaumut River, 3 m. up. Niantiks, a tribe of the Narragansets, and in alliance with them, p. 131. Nicariagas, once about MicLilimakinak ; joined Iroquois in 1723, as seventh nation Nipissins, (original Algonkins,) 400 in 1764, near the source of Ottoway River. Nipmuks, eastern interior of Mass. ; 1,500 in 1775 ; extinct. See p. 82, 104, 164, 276. Norridgewoks, (Abenakies,) on Penobscot River. See Book iii. 303, 311. Nottoways, on Nottoway River, in Virginia; but 2 of clear blood in 1817. Nyacks, (Mohicans,) or Manhattans, once about the Narrows, in New York. Oakmulges, (Muskogees,) to the E. of Flint River; about 200 in 1834. Ocameches, in Virginia in 1607 ; had before been powerful ; then reduced. Ochees. See Uchees. — Perhaps Ochesos ; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Och^e Bluff. Oconas, (Creeks.) See Book iv. 369. Ojibwas, (Chippeways,) 30,000 in 1836, about the great lakes, and N. of them. Okatiokinans, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, near Fort Gaines, E. side Mississippi. Ohahas, 2,200 in 1820, on Elkhorn River, 80 m. from Council Bluffs. Oneidas, one of the Five Nations ; chief seat near Oneida Lake, New York. Onondagas, one of the Five Nations ; formerly in New York ; 300 in 1840. Ootlashoots, (Tushepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark’s River, W. Rocky Mountains. Osages, 4,000 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers ; many tribes. Otagamies, (Winnebagoes,) 300 in 1780, betw. Lake of the Woods and the Missis*. Otoes, 1,500 in 1820 ; in 1805, 500 ; 15 leagues up the River Platte, on S. side. Ottayvas, 1670, removed from L. Superior to Michilimakinak ; 2,800 in 1820. Ouiatanons, or Waas, (Kikapoos,) mouth of Eel r., Ind., 1791, in a village 3 m. long Oumas, E. bank Mississippi in 1722, in 2 villages, quarter of a mile from the river. Owassissas, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on E. waters of St. Mark’s River. Ozas, 2,000 in 1750 ; on Ozaw River in 1780, which flows into the Mississippi. Ozimies, one of the six tribes on E. shore of Maryland and Virginia in 1607. Pacanas, on Quelqueehose River, La. ; 30 men in 1805 ; 40 m. S. W. Natchitoches Pauoucas, 2,000 warriors in 1724, on the Kansas ; dispersed before 1805. Padoyyagas, by some the Senecas were so called ; uncertain. Pailsh, 200 in 1820, on coast of the Pacific, N. Columbia r., beyond the Poto&she. Palaches, a tribe found early in Florida, but long since extinct. Pamlico, but 15 in 1708, about Pamlico Sound, in N. Carolina ; extinct. Pancas, once on Red River, of Winnipec 1. ; afterwards joined the Omaha*. Pahib, (Tonicas,) 4© villages in 1750, S. br. Missouri; 70 villages on Redr., 1755 14 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Panneh. See Allakaweah, 2,300 in 1805, on heads Big Horn River. Pascataways, once a considerable tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River. Pascagoulas, 25 men in 1805, on Red r., 60 m. below Natchitoches ; from Florida. Passamaquoddie, on Schoodak r., Me., in Perry Pleasant Point, a small number. Paunee, 10,000 in 1820, on the Platte and Kansas ; Republicans, Loupes, and Piet*. Pawjstutjienemuk, 500 in 1820 ; small, brave tribe, in the prairies of Missouri. Pawtuckets, (Nipmuks,) on Merrimac River, where Chelmsford now is ; extinct. Pegans, (Nipmuks,) 10 in 1793, in Dudley, Mass., on a reservation of 200 acres. Pelloatpallah, (Chopunnish,) 1,600 in 1820, on Kooskooskee r., above forks, W. JB Pexobscots, (Abenakies,) 330, on an island in Penobscot r., 12 m. above Bangor. Pennakooks, (Nipmuks,) along Merrimac r., where is now Concord, N. H., &c. Peorias, 97 in 1820, on Current River ; one of the five tribes of the Illinois. Pequakets, (Abenakies,) on sources Saco River ; destroyed by English in 1725. Pequots, about the mouth of Connecticut River ; subdued in 1637. Phillimees, (Seminoles,) on or near the Suane River, Florida, in 1817. Piankashaws, 3,000 once, on the Wabash ; in 1780, but 950 ; since driven west. Piankatank, a tribe in Virginia when first settled ; unlocated. Pineshow, (Sioux.) 150 in 1820, on the St. Peter’s, 15 m. from its mouth. Pishquitpah, 2,600 in 1815, N. side Columbia River, at Muscleshell Rapids, W. tv Potoash, 200 in 1820, coast Pacific, N. mouth Columbia, beyond Clamoctomichs. Potto wattomie, 1671, on Noquet i., L. Michigan ; 1681, at Chicago. Powhatans, 32 tribes spread over Virginia when first discovered by the English. Puans, the Winnebagoes were so called by the French at one period. Quabaogs, (Nipmuks,) at a place of the same name, now Brookfield, Mass. Quapavv, 700 in 1820, on Arkansas r., opp. Little Rock ; reduced by sm. pox in 1720. Quathlahpohtles, on S. W. side Columbia, above mouth Tahwahnahiook River. Quatoghie, (Wyandots,) once S. side L. Michigan ; sold their lands to Eng. in 1707 Quesadas. See Coosadas. Quieetsos, on the Pacific ; 250 in 1820 ; N. Columbia r., next N. of the Quiniilts. Quiniilts, on coast of the Pacific, N. of Columbia r. ; 250 in 1820 ; next the Pailshs. Quinnechart, coast Pacific, next N. Calasthocles, N. Columbia r. ; 2,000 in 1820. Quinnipissa are those called Bayagoulas by the Chevalier Tonti. Quoddies. See Passamaquoddie. — 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 181. Rapids. See Pawistucienemuks. Redoround, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on Chattahoochie r., 12 m. above Florida line. Redknife, so called from their copper knives ; roam in the region of Slave Lake. Red-stick, (Seminoles,) the Baton Rouge of the French. Red-wing, (Sioux,) on Lake Pepin, under a chief of their name ; 100 in 1820. Ricaree, (Paunees,) before 1805, 10 large vill. on Missouri r. ; reduced by small pox. River, (Mohegans,) S. of the Iroquois, down the N. side of Hudson r. Round-heads, (Hurons,) E. side Lake Superior; 2,500 in 1764. Ryawas, on the Padouca fork of the Missouri ; 900 in 1820. Sachdagughs, (Powhatans,) perhaps the true name of the Powhatans. Sankhikans, the Delawares knew the Mohawks by that name. Santees, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701, on a river perpetuating their name. Saponies, (Wanamies,) Sapona River, Carolina, in 1700 ; joined Tuscaroras, 1720 Satanas, a name, it is said, given the Shawanees by the Iroquois. Sauke, or Sac, united with Fox before 1805 ; then on Mississ., above Illinois. Sauteurs, or Fall Indians of the French, about the falls of St. Mary. Savannahs, so called from the river, or the river from them ; perhaps Yamasees Scattakooks, upper part of Tro.y, N. Y. ; went from New England about 1672. Seminoles have been established in Florida a hundred years. Senecas, one of the Five Nations ; “ ranged many thousand miles ” in 1700. Sepones, in Virginia in 1775, but a remnant. See Saponies. 8erranna, (Savannahs ?) in Georgia; nearly destroyed by the Westoes about ib. Wahpatone, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter’s River. Wahpacoota, (Sioux ?) in the country S'. W. St. Peter’s in 1805 ; never stationary. Wamesits, (Nipmuks,) once on Mei-rimac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is. Wampanoag, perhaps the 3d nation in importance in N. E. when settled by the Eng Wappings, at and about Esopus in 1758 ; also across the Hudson to the Minsi. Warananconguins, supposed to be the same as the Wappings. Washaws, on Barrataria Island in 1680, considerable ; 1805, at Bay St. Fosh, 5 only. Watanons, or Weas. See Ouiatinons. Waterees, once on the river of that name in S. Carolina, but long since extinct. Watepaneto, on the Padouca fork of the Platte, near Rocky Mts. ; 900 in 1820. 16 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Watoom, (Abenakies,) once from Sagadahock to St. George River, in Maine. Waxsaw, once in S. Carolina, 45 m. above Camden ; name st’ill continues. Weas, or Waas, (Kikapoos.) See Ouiatanons. Wekisa, (Semin.,) 250 in 1820, W. side Chattahoochee, 4 m. above the Cheskitaloae. Welch, said to be on a southern branch of the Missouri. Westoes, in 1670, on Ashley and Edisto Rivers, in S. Carolina. Wetefahato, with the Kiawas, in 70 lodges in 1805, Padouca fork of Platte River. Wheelpo, on Clark’s River, from the mouth of the Lastaw ; 2,500 in 1820 ; W. R. Whirlpools, (Chikamaugas,) so called from the place of their residence. White, W. of Mississippi River ; mentioned by many travellers. Wighcomocos, one of the six tribes in Virginia in 1607, mentioned by Smith. Willewahs, (Chopunnish,) 500 in 1820, on Willewah r., which falls into Lewis’s. Winnebago, on S. side Lake Michigan until 1832; Ottagamies, &c. Wolf, Loups of the French; several nations had tribes so called. Wokkon, 2 leagues from the Tuscaroras in 1701 ; long since extinct. Wollawalla, on Columbia r., from above Muscleshell Rapids, W. Rocky Mts. Wyandots, (Hurons,) a great seat at Sandusky in 1780 ; warlike. Wycomes, on the Susquehannah in 1648, with some Oneidas, 250. Wyniaws, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701. Yamacraw, at the bluff of their name in 1732, near Savannah, about 140 men. Yamasee, S. border of S. Carolina ; nearly destroyed in 1715 by English. Yamperack, (Camanches,) 3 tribes about sources Brazos, del Norte, &c. ; 1817,30,00ft Yanktons, in the plane country adjacent to E. side of the Rocky Mountains. Yattassee, in Louisiana, 50 m. from Natchitoches, on a creek falling into Red r. Yazoos, formerly upon the river of their name ; extinct in 1770. Yeahtentanee, on banks St. Joseph’s r., which flows into L. Michigan, in 1760. Yehah, above the rapids of the Columbia in 1820 ; 2,800, with some others. Ybletpoo, (Chopunnish,) 250 in 1820, on Weancum r., under S. W. Mountain. Yociconb, on the Pacific, next N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 700 in 1830. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA BOOK I BOOK 1 ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS &c. OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. O could their ancient Incas rise again, How would they take up Israel’s taunting strain I Art thou too fallen, Iberia? Do we see The robber and the murderer weak as we ? Thou, that hast wasted earth, and dared despise Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies, Thy pomp is in the grave, thy glory laid Low in the pits thine avarice has made. We coine with joy from our eternal rest, To see the oppressor in his turn oppressed. Art thou the God, the thunder of whose hand Rolled over all our desolated land, Shook principalities and kingdoms down, And made the mountains tremble at his frown? The sword shall light upon thy boasted powers, And waste them as they wasted oucs *Tis thus Omnipotence his law fulfils, And vengeance executes what justice wills.— Cowpki CHAPTER I. Origin of the name Indian . — JVhy applied to the people found in America. — Ancient cuthors supposed to have referred to America in their writings — Theopompus Voyage of Hanno — Diodorus Siculus — Plato — Aristotle — Seneca. The name Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America* by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the East Indies by sailing west, caused the discovery of the islands and continent of America. When they were at first discovered, Columbus, and many after him, supposed they had arrived at the eastern shore of the continent of India, and hence the peo- ple they found there were called Indians. The error was not discovered until the name had so obtained, that it could not well be changed. It is true, that it matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known, and especially those of America, in as far as the name is seldom used among ns but in application to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people of Europe it was not so unimportant. Situated between the two countries, India and America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a Zealander was meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Therefore, in a historical point of view, the error is, at least, as much to be de-plored as that the name of the continent itself should have been derived from Americas instead of Columbus. * So named from Vesputius Americus, a Florentine, who made a discover)' of some part of the coast of South America in 1499, two years after Cabot had explored the coast of Norto America; but Americus had the fortune to confer his name upon both 20 ON T1IE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS [Book I It has been the practice of almost every writer, who has written about the primitive inhabitants of a country, to give some wild theories of others, con cerning their origin, and to close the account with his own ; which generally aas been more visionary, if possible, than those of his predecessors. Long, laborious, and, we may add, useless disquisitions have been daily laid before the world, from the discovery of America by Columbus to the present time, to endeavor to explain by what means the inhabitants got from the old to the new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many of our predecessors, we wifi begin as fai back as they have done, and so shall commence with Tlito- pompus and others, from intimations in whose writings it is alleged the an- cients had knowledge of America, and therefore peopled it. Theopompus, a learned historian and orator, who flourished in the time of .Alexander the Great, in a hook entitled Thaumasia, gives a sort of dialogue between Midas the Phrygian and Silenus. The book itself is lost, but Slrubo refers to it, and JElianus has given us the substance of the dialogue which fol- lows. After much conversation, Silenus said to Midas, that Europe, Asia and Africa were but islands surrounded on all sides by the sea; but that there was a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even without limits; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of prodi gioits magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and that they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more than a million of inhabitants ; that gold and silver were there in vast quanti- ties.! This is but an abstract from JElianus's extract, but contains all of it that can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa.! JElian or JEli- anus lived about A. D. 200. Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity, but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, arid others 140, years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before our era.S He was an officer of great enterprise, having sailed around and ex- plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Herctdes, now called the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 days. Hence it is inferred by many, that he must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a book, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyages, which was translated and published about 1533, in Greek. || Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or con- tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared afterwards. " Bujfon and Rnyrutl either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have been America ; for they taught that all animals degenerated here. Many of the first adventurers to the coasts of unknown countries reported them inhabited by giants. Swift wrote Gulliver’s Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well he succeeded is evident from a comparison of books of voyages and travels before and after his time. Dubartas has this passage : — Our fearless sailors, in far voyages (More led by gain’s hope than their compasses), On th’ Indian shore have sometime noted some Whose bodies covered two broad acres room ; And in the South Sea they have also seen Some like high-topped and huge-armed treen ; And other some, whose monstrous backs did bear Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were Much like the winged and wide-spreading sails Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales. lHvine Weeks, p. 117, ed. 4to, 1613. t ADIian Variar. Historiar. fib. iii. chap. viii. f Since the text was written, there has come into my hands a copy of ^ translation of xEli- an’s work, “ in Englishe (as well according to the truth of the Greeke texte, as of the Eatine), by Abraham Fleming." London, 1576, 4-to. It differs not materially from the above, which is given from a French version of it. n Encyclopaedia Perthensis. || The best account of Hanno and his voyages, witn which we are acquainted, is to be found in Mariana’s Hist, of Spain, vol. i. 93, 109, 119, 122, 133, and 150, ed. Paris, 1725, 5 vols. 4to. Chap. I.j ON THE OIUGIN OF THE INDIANS 21 Diodorus Sicuhs says that some “Phoenicians were cast upon a most fertile island opposite to Africa.” Of this, he says, they kept the most studied secrecy, which was doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of the advantage the discov- ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which they wished to secure wholly to themselves. Diodorus Siculus lived about 100 years before Christ Islands lying west of Europe and Africa are certainly mentioned by Homer and Horace. They were called Atlantides, and were supposed to be about 10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the poets’ fabled Elysian fields. But to be more particular with Diodorus, we will let him speak for himself “ After having' passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days’ sail from L.vbia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated with mountains and valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields are well cultivated ; delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees.” He finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants have spacious dwellings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the least of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with that given of the Mexicans when first known to the Spaniards, but perhaps it will compare as well with the Canaries. Plato's account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A part of his account is as follows : — “ In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kiugs in it, who, with joint forces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe: And so a most grievous war was carried on ; in which the Athenians, with the common consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they became the conquerors But that Atlantic island, by a flood and earthquake, was indeed suddenly destroyed, and so that warlike people were swallowed up.” He adds, in an- other place, “ An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, Killed the Pillars of Hercules, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger titan Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passage over to othei islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that region.” * “ JVeptune settled in this island, from whose son, Atlas, its name was derived, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the extremity of the islaud, called Gadir, which, in the language of the country, signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of Neptune reigned here, from father to son, for a great number of generations in the order of primogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They also possessed several other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as far as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under water; and for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of rocks and shelves.” f This account, although mixed with fable, cannot, we think, be entirely rejected; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any passage of history of that period. Aristotle, or the author of a book which is generally attributed to him,] speaks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savors something of hearsay, and is as follows: — “ Some say that, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the Carthaginians have found a very fertile island, but without inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is several days’ voyage from the main land. Some Carthaginians, charmed by the fertility of the country, thought to marry and settle there; but some say that the government of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of deatfi, from the fear that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother- muntry of her possessions there.” If Aristotle had uttered this as a prediction, * America known to the Ancients, 10, 8vo. Boston, 1773. t Encyclopaedia Perthensis, art. Atlantis. £ De mirabil. auscuhat. Opera, vol. i. Voltaire says of this book, “ On eD fesait honnetu ai x Carthaginois, et on citait un livre d’Aristote qu 'it n’a pas compose.” Essai sur let Maeurs et V esprit dies nations, chap. cxlv. p. 703. vol iv of his works. Edit. Paris, 181’ 7 , m 8vo. 22 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Cook t that such a flung would take place in regard to some future nation, no one, perhaps, would have called him a false prophet, for the American revolution would have been its fulfilment. This philosopher lived about 384 years before Christ. Seneca lived about the commencement of the vulgar era. He wrote trage dies, and in one of them occurs this passage: — “ Venient annis Stecula seris, quibus oceanus Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos Detegat orbes ; nee sit terris Ultima Thule.” Medea, Act 3. v. 375. This is nearer prophecy, and may be rendered in English thus : — “ The time will come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we shall behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds: Thule shall no longer be considered the last country of the known world.” Not only these passages from the ancient authors have been cited and re- cited by moderns, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in some way or other, America must have been peopled from some of the eastern continents. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its first discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. But since the recent discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little about getting over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or A frica, through the difficult way of the Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much easier to pass them over the narrow chan- nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. Grotius, C. Mather, Hubbard, and after them Robertson, are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving a question which they consider as having puzzled their predecessors so much. CHAPTER H. Of modem theorists upon the peopling oj America — St. Gregory — Herrera — T. Morton — Williamson — Wood — Jossclyn — Tltorowgood — Adair — R. Williams — C. Mather — Hubbard — Robertson — Smith — Voltaire — Mitchill — M’ Culloch — Lo-d Kaim — Swinton — Cabrera. St. Gregory, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. Clement, said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the ancients; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept it hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that, in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been pleased to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca’s prediction (if so it may be considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world would be dis- covered in the north, and that it was found in the west.f Herrera wrote about 1598, j before which time little knowledge was obtained of North America. This may account for his impeachment of Seneca's prophecy. Thomas Morton, who came to New England in 1622, published in 1637 an account of its natural history, with much other curious matter. In speaking upon the peopling of America, he thinks it altogether out of the question to j * “ S. Gregoire sur l’epistre de S. Clement, dit que pass6 l’ocean, il y a vn autre mond." ( Herrera , I Decade, 2.) This is the whole passage. f Ibid. 3. 1 He died 27 March, 1625, at the age of about 66 years. His name was Tordesillas Antonia dt Herrera— one of the best Spanish historians. His history of the voyages to, and settlement of America is very minute, and very valuable. The original in Spanish is very rare. Acos la’s translation (into French) 3 v. 4to., 1660, is also scarce and valuable. It is this we cite. Chap. II ] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 23 suppose that it was peopled by the Tartars from the north, because “a people once settled, must be removed by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in hopes of better fortunes, upon commendations of the place unto which they should be drawn to remove. And if it may bo thought that these people came over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then by whom, or when P Or what part of this main continent may be thought to border upon the country of the Tartars? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that a people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel ovei a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with. As, 1st, whaiR^- there be anv land at the end of their unknown way, no land being in view; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night from freezing to death ? which will not be had in such a place. But it may perhaps be granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered Trojans ; for after that Brutus, who was the fourth from Eneas, left Latium upon the conflict held with the Latins (where although he gave them a great overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and many others of the heroes of Latium, yet he held it more safely to depart unto some other place and people, than, by staying, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtful conquest; which, as history maketh mention, he performed.) This people was dispersed, there is no question, but the people that lived with him, by reason of their conversation with the Grecians and Latins, had a mixed lan- guage, that participated of both.”* This is the main ground of Morton, but lie says much more upon the subject; as that the similarity of the languages of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great. From the examples he gives, we presume he knew as little about the Indian languages as Dr. Mather Jldav, and Boudinot, who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew. Though Morion thinks it very improbable that the Tartars came over hy the north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds no difficulty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he allows them no compass. That the Indians have a Latin origin he thinks evident, because he fancied he heard among their words Pasco-pan, and hence thinks, w‘ hout doubt, their ancestors were acquainted with the god Pan.f Dr. Williamson\ says, “It can hardly be questioned that the Indians of South America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the southern parts of Asia.” That they could not have come from the Dorth, because the South American Indians are unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with the more rational views of Father Venegas .§ He writes as follows: “Of all the parts of America hitherto discovered, the Californians lie nearest to Asia. We are acquainted with the mode of writing in all the eastern nations. We can distinguish between the characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the Chinese Tartars, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the Bay of Kamschathka ; and learned dissertations on them, by Mr. Boyer, are to be found in the acts of the imperial academy of sciences at Petersburg. What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia ! But as to the Cali- fornians, if eve:' they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate their me- moirs, they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among them, amounts to no more than some obscure oral traditions, probably more and more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as retained any knowledge of the particular country from which they emi- grated.” This is the account of one who lived many years among the Indians of California. Mr. William Wood, || who left New England in 1633,11 after a short stay, says, “ Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves not inclining to any of the refined tongues : Some have thought they might be of the dispersed * New Canaan, book i, pages 17 and 18. t Ibid. 18. { In his Hist. N. Carolina, i. 216. ft Hist. California, i. 60. His work was published at Madrid, in 1708. || The author of a work entitled New England's Prospect, published if London, 16$4, iu ito. It is a very rare, and, in some respects, a curious and valuable work. 11 Prospect, 51. 24 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE tNDIANS. (Took l. Jews, because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew but by the sain rule, they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, be- cause they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and othci tongues.”* Mr. John Josselyn, who resided some time in New England, from the year 1638, says, “The Mohawks are about 500: their speech a dialect of the Tar- tars (as also is the Turkish tongue).”} In another work,} he says, “ N. Eng- land is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north with the River of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the south with the River Mon- liegan or Hudson’s River, so called because he was the first that discovered it. Some will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be, if there be a north-east passage found out into the South Sea. It contains 1,152,400,000 acres. The discovery of the north-west passage (which lies with- in the River of Canada) was undertaken with the help of some Protestant Frenchmen, which left Canada, and retired to Boston about the year 1669. The north-east people of America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be Tartars, called Satnoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and man- ners.” We have given here a larger extract that) the immediate subject re- quired, because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as we ours, in seeing how people understood tilings in that day. Barlow, looking bi*i a small distance beyond those times, with great elegance says, — “ In those blank periods, where no man can trace The gleams of thought that first illumed his race, His errors, twined with science, took their birth, And forged their fetters for this child of earth, And when, as oft, he dared expand his view, And work with nature on the line she drew, Some monster, gendered in his fears, unmanned His opening soul, and marred the works he planned. Fear, the first passion of his helpless slate, Redoubles all the woes that round him wait, Blocks nature’s path, and sends him wandering wide, Without a guardian, and without a guide.” Columbiad, ix. 137, &c. Reverend Thomas Thoroivgood published a small quarto, in 1652, § to prove that the inoiatis were the Jews, who bad been “lost in the world for the space of near 2060 years.” But whoever has read Adair or Boudinot, has, beside a good deal that is irrational, read all that in Thoroivgood can be termed rational. Reverend Roger Williams was ? at one time, as appears from Thormvgood's work, || of flte same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of the natives, “ he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 20th of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in hac verba.” That they did not come into America from the north-east, as some had imagined, he thought evident for these reasons: 1. their ancestors affirm they came from the south- west, and return thence when they die : 2. because they “separate their wo- men In a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons:” and 3. “be- side their god Kuttand to the S. West, they hold that JYanawitnaivitM (a goa over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some tast of affinity with the Hebrew I have found.” Doctor Cotton Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom wo wouM in no wise part ; and if sometimes we appear not serious in cur intro- duction of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so \nd we are persuaded that we should not be pardoned did we not allow hina to speak upon the matter before us. • Ibid. 11?. ed. 1764. t His account of tw voyaj.es to New England, printed London, 1673, page 124. X Vew England Rarit'-ea 4, IS, printed London, 1672. 4 Its title commences, Digitus Dei : New Discoveries, with sure Arguments to prove," j Pages 5 and 6. T Getannitowit is %od n {\.'vwaj*+—Heckewetder ON THE ORIGIN OF TI1E INDIANS. Chap. II. j 25 He says, “ It should not pass without remark, that three most me norable things which have home a very great aspect upon human affairs, did, near the same time, namely, at the conclusion of the Jifleentk, and the beginning of tin sixteenth, century, arise unto the world : the first was the Resurrection of Literature ; the second was the opening of America ; the third was the Reformation of Religion." Thus far we have an instructive view of the sub ject, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dark ages, when literature was 'neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have been also, and hence the knowledge of America lost for a time. The reader must now summon his gravity. “But,” this author continues, “as probably the Devil, seducing the first inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at t ject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold up the idea still that all must have sprung from the same source, {Adam,) only reminds us of ou- - grandmothers, ivho to this day laugh at us when we tell them that the eartn is a globe. Who, we ask, will argue that the negro changes his color by living among us, or by changing his latitude? Who have ever become negroes by living in .their country, or among them ? Has the Indian ever changed his complexion by living in London? Do those change which adopt our manners and customs, and are surrounded by us? Until these questions can be answered in the affirmative, we discard altogether that Unitarian system of peopling the world. We would indeed prefer Cud's method : — “ Ponere duritiem eoepere, suuinque rigorem Mollirique mora, mollitaque ducere formam Mox ubi creverunt, natuiaque mitioT illis Contigit,” &c. &c. Metamor. lib i. fab. xi. * Hist. New England, 27. t Hist. America, book iv. [ Why talk of a theory’s clashing with holy writ, and say nothing of the certainty of the icieuces of geography, astronomy, geology, &c. ? Chap. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 27 That is, Deucalion and Pyrrha performed the office by travelling over the country and picking up stones, which, as they cast them over then - heads, became young people as they struck the earth. We mean not to be understood that the exterior of the skin of people is not changed by climate, for this is very evident; but that the children of persons .voulil be any lighter or darker, whose residence is in a climate different front that in which they were bom, is what we deny, as in the former case. As astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less true, that Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith has put forth an octavo book of more than 400 pages to prove the unity , as he expresses it, * * * § of the human race,’ that is, that all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenor' “ The American and European sailor reside equally at the pole, and under the equator.” Then, in a triumphant air, he demands — “ Why then should we, without necessity, assume the hypothesis that originally there existed different species of the human kind ?”* What kind of argument is contained here we leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would prove that all the human family are of the same tribe, he says that negro slaves at the south, who live in white families, are gradually found to conform in features to the whites with whom they live If Astonishing! and we wonder who, if any, knew this, beside the author. Again, and we have done with our extraordi- nary philosopher. He is positive that deformed or disfigured persons will, in process of time, produce offspring marked in the same way. That is, if a man practise flattening his nose, his offspring will have a flatter nose than he would have had, had his progenitor not flattened his ; and so, if this offspring repeat the process, his offspring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on, until the nose be driven entirely off the face! In this, certainly, our author has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We wish he could tell us how many ages or generations it would take to make this formidable conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary, It would be a much less tedious business to cut off a member at once, and thus accomplish the object in a short period ; for to wait seven 1 generations for a fashion seems absurd in the extreme. A man must be n lonstrously blind to his prejudices, to maintain a doctrine like this. As well might he argue that colts would be tailless because it has long been the pt ictice to shorten the tails of horses, of both sexes ; but we have never heard tl at colts’ tails are in the least affected by this practice which has been perforn ed on the horse so long, j Certainly, if ever, we should think it time to dis over something of it ! Nor have we ever heard that a female child has ever been born with its ears bored, although its ancestors have endured the paint il operation fot many generations — and here we shall close our examination of Mr. Smith's 400 pages. § People delight in new theories, and often hazard a tolerablt reputation for the sake of exhibiting their abilities upon a subject on which they have very vague, or no clear conceptions. Had Dr. Smith read the v\ ritings of Sir Thomas Brown, he could hardly have advanced such absurd c unions as we have before noticed ; if, indeed, he were possessed of a san : mind. Dr. Brown was of the age previous to that in which Bvffon lived. In speaking of complexion, he says, “If the fervor of the sun were the sole tause hereof, in Ethiopia, or any land of negroes, it were also reasonable tha, inhabitants of the same latitude, subjected unto the same vicinity of the son, the same diurnal arch and direction of its rays, should also partake of ti e same hue and complexion, which, notwithstanding, they do not. For the inhabitants of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion, as are rlv; inhabit- ants of Cambogia ar.d Java; insomuch that some conceive the negro is properly a native of Africa ; and that those places in Asia, inhabit', d now by * Smith on Complexion, N. Brunswick, N. J. 1810, p. 11. \ Ibid. DO, 171. ] The author pleads not guilty to the charge of plagiarism ; for it was not until some months after the text was written, that he knew that even this idea had occurred to any one. He has since read an extract very similar, in Dr. Lawrence’s valuable Lectures on Zoology, &e. § On reflection, we have thought our remarks rather pointed, as Mr. Smith is not a living author ; but what called them forth must be their apology. 23 ON THE ORIGIN DF THE INDIANS. [Boot L Moors, are but the intrusions of negroes, arriving first from Africa, as we generally cc nceive of Madagascar, and the adjoining islands, who retain the same complexion unto this day. But this defect [of latitude upon complex- ion] is more remarkable in America, which, although subjected unto both the tropics, yet are not the inhabitants black between, or near, or under either : neither to the southward in Brazil, Chili, or Peru ; nor yet to the northward in Hispaniola, Castilia, del Oro, or Nicaragua. And although in many parts thereof, there be at present, swarms of negroes, serving under the Spaniard, yet were they all transported from Africa, since the discovery of Columbus, and are not indigenous, or proper natives of America.” * Hence it is evident, that 200 years before Dr. Smith wrote, the notion that situation of place affected materially the color of the human species, was very justly set down among the “vulgar and common errors” of the times. Another theory, almost as wild, and quite as ridiculous, respecting the animals of America, as that advanced by Dr. S. S. Smith, seems here to pre- sent itself. We have reference to the well-known assertions of Buffon and Raynal, f two philosophers, who were an honor to the times of Franklin, which are, that man and other animals in America degenerate. J This has been met in such a masterly manner by Mr. Jefferson, § that to repeat any thing here would be entirely out of place, since it has been so often copied into works on both sides of the Atlantic. It may even be found in some of the best English Encyclopaedias. || Smiths do s not deal fairly with a passage of Voltaire, relating to the peo- pling of America ; as he takes only a part of a sentence to comment upon. Perhaps he thought it as much as he was capable of managing*. ** The com- plete sentence to which we refer we translate as follows: — “ There are found men anti animals all over the habitable earth: who has put them upon it? We have already said, it is he who has made the grass grow in the fields ; and we should be no more surprised to find in America men, than we should to find flies.” jf We can discover no contradiction between this passage and another in a distant part of the same work ; and which seems more like the passage Mr. Smith has cited: — “ Some do not wish to believe that the cater- pillars and the snails of one part of the world should be originally from an other part: wherefore be astonished, then, that there should be in America some kinds of animals, and some races of men like our own?”]:]: Voltaire has written upon the subject in a manner that will always be attracting, however much or little credence may be allowed to what he has written. We will, thereiore, extract an entire article wherein he engages more professedly upon the question than in other parts of his works, in which he has rather incidentally spoken upon it. The chapter is as follows : §§ — “Since many fail not to make systems upon the manner in which America has been peopled, it is left only for us to say, that he who created flies in those regions, created man there also. However pleasant it may be to dis- pute, it cannot be denied that the. Supreme Being, who lives in all nature, |||| has created about the 48° two-legged animals without feathers, the color of whose skin is a mixture of white and carnation, with long beards approaching to red ; about the line, in Africa and its islands, negroes without beards ; and * “ Ps''idodo.iia Vpidemica : or Inquiries into very many Received Tenenls, and oommon- b receive! Truths; together with the Religio Medici. By 7'homas Brown, Kt. M. IV’ Page 373, 6 edition, 4tc London, 1672. f After speaking of the effect of the climate of the old world in producing man and other animals in perfection, he adds, “ Combien, au contraire, la nature paroit avoir iicgligf nouveau mond ! I.es hommes y sont moins forts, moins eourageux ; sans liarhe et sans po.i &c . — Hisloire Philos, des deux hides, viii. 210. Ed. Geneva. 1781. 12 vols. 8vo. I Voltaire does not say quite as much hut says this: — “I.a nature enfin avail dunn* ni x Americanes beaueoup moins d’industrie qu'aux hommes de I’ancien monde. Tonies ccs causes ensemble ont pu noire beaueoup a la population.” — [CEnnres, iv. HI.] This is, however, only in reference to the Indians. $ In his Notes on Virginia, Quer. vii. fl Perthensis, i. 637. (Art. Aimer. § 33.) 1! Samuel Smith, who published a history of New Jersey, in 1765, printed at Burlington. ** See Hist. N. J. 8. +t Essai sur les Moenrs et 1’Esprit des Nations. (GRuvres, iv. 18.) R Ibi !. 708. §5 CEuvres, t. vii. 107, 198. |||| YVi! the reader of this t all Voltaire an atheist ? ON THE ORIGIM OF THE INDIANS. Chxp. 11 .] in the same latitude, other negroes with beards, some of them hat ing wool and some hair on their heads ; and among them other animals quite white, having neither hair nor wool, but a kind of white silk. It does not very clearly appear what should have prevented God from placing on another continent animals of the same species, of a copper color, in the same latitude in which, in Africa and Asia, they are found black ; or even from making them without beards in the very same latitude in which others possess them. To what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny of prejudice! We see these animals; it is agreed that God has had the power to place them where they are ; yet it is not agreed that he has so oiaced them. The same persons who readily admit that the beavers of Canada are of Canadian origin, assert that the men must have come there in boats, and that Mexico must have been peopled by some of the descendants of Magog. As well might it be said, that, if there be men in the moon, they must have been taken there by Astolpho on his hippogriff, when he went to fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe system- atic enough to have advanced, with the Jesuit Lafitau * that the Caribbees descended from the inhabitants of Caria, and the Hurons from the Jews, he would have done well to have brought back the bottle containing the wits of these reasoners, which he would doubtless have found in the moon, along with those of Angelica's lover. The first thing done when an inhabited island is discovered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Sea, is to inquire, Whence came these people P but as for the trees and the tortoises, they are, without any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous ; as if it were more difficult for nature to make men than to make tortoises. One thing, however, which seems to countenance this system, is, that there is scarcely an island in the eastern or western ocean, which does not contain jugglers, quacks, knaves, smd fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to the opinion, that these animals are of the same race with ourselves.” Some account of what the Indians themselves have said upon the subject of their origin may be very naturally looked for in this place. Their notions in this respect can no more be relied upon than the fabled stories of the gods in ancient mythology. Indeed, their accounts of primitive inhabitants do not agree beyond their own neighborhood, and often disagree with themselves at different times. Some say their ancestors came from the north, others from the north-west, others from the east and others from the west; some from the regions of the air, and some fro under the earth. Hence to raise any theory upon any thhig coming from them upon the subject, would show only that the theorist himself was as ignorant as his informants. We might as well ask the forest trees how they came planted upon tne soil in which they grow. Not that the Indians are unintelligent in other affairs, any further than the necessary consequence growing out of their situation implies; nor are they less so than many who have written upon their history. u In one grave maxim let us all agree — Nature ne’er meant her secrets should be found, And man’s a riddle, which man canH expound ! ” Paine's Ruling Passion. The different notions of the Indians will be best gathered from their lives in their proper places in the following work. Dr. S. L. MitchilL of New York, a man who wrote learnedly, if not wisely, on almost every subject, has, in his opinion, like hundreds before him, set the great question, How was America peopled ? at rest. He has no doubt but the Indians, in the first place, are of the same color originally as the north-eastern nations of Asia, and hence sprung from them. What time he settles them in the country he does not tell us, but gets them into Greenland about the year 8 or 900. Thinks he saw the Scandinavians as far as the shores of the St. Lawrence, but what time this was he does not say. He must of course make * He wrote a history of the savages of America, and maintained that the Garibbee Ian guage was radically Hebrew. 30 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS [Boo/t. I these people the builders of the mounds scattered all over the western coun- try. After all, we apprehend the doctor would have short time for his emi- grants to do all that nature and art have done touching these matters. In the first place, it is evident that many ages passed away from the time these tumuli were begun until they were finished: 2d, a multitude of ages must have passed since the use for which they were reared has been known ; for trees of the age of 200 years grow from the ruins of others which must have had as great age: and, 3d, no Indian nation or tribe has the least tradition concerning them.* This could not have happened had the ancestors of the present Indians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things, f The observation of an author in Dr. Rees's Encyclopedia, J although saying no more than has been already said in otir synopsis, is, nevertheless, so happy, that we should not feel clear to omit it: — “As to those who pretend that the human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the sea at Kamschatka, or the Straits of Tschutski, either upon the fields of ice or in canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is extremely difficult of comprehension, has not the least tendency to diminish the prodi- gy ; for it would be surprising indeed that one half of our planet should have remained without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half was peopled. What renders this opinion less probable is, that America is supposed in it to have had animals, since we cannot bring those species of animals from the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the glama, and the tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of matter for the western hemisphere; because, independently of the accumu- lated difficulties in this hypothesis, and which can by no means he solved, we shall observe, that the fossil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri- ca, and at such small depths, prove that certain species of animals, so far from aving been recently organized, have been annihilated a long while ago.” Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of philosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we felt a hesitancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment. Hut, after all, as it is only matter of honest opinion, no one should he intoler- ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and even his friends merry at our expense. When, in the days of Chrysostom, some ventured to assert their opinions of the rotundity of the earth, that learned father “did laugh at them.” § And, when science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to set- tle this question, there is a possibility that the Chrysostoms of these days will not have the same excuse for their infidelity. Hut as it is a day of prodigies, there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly absurd con- jectures. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con- siderable hardihood to laugh even at the theory of the late Mr. Symmes. When we lately took up a hook entitled “ Researches , Philosophical and Anti- quarian, concerning the Aboriginal History of America, by J. H. M’Culloh, Jr M. D.” || we did think, from the imposing appearance of it, that some new matters on the subject had been discovered; and more particularly when we read in the preface, that “his first object was to explain the origin of the men and animals of America, so far as that question is involved with the apparent physical impediments that have so long kept the subject in total obscurity.” Now, with what success this has been done, to do the author justice, he shall speak for himself, and the reader then may judge for himself. “ Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if possible, the circumstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential particular olite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order; and how different from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never suffered to finish it!” — Instead of being better since the days of Franklin, we apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming often find it exceeding difficult to gttin a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insufferable degree, in breaking in upon the conversations of others. Some of these, like a ship * The story of the beautiful woman, who descended to the earth, and was fed by the Indians, Black-Hawk is made to tell, in his life. page 78. It is the same often told, and alluded to by Franklin, in the text. To reward the Indians for their kindness, she caused corn to grow where her right hand touched the earth, beans where the left rested, and tcoace* where she was seated Chap. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS 43 driven by a north-wester, bearing down the small craft in her course, come upon us by surprise, and if we attempt to proceed by raising our voices u little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation on then - part. It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person whose eye this may meet, will uot be guilty of through life. There is great oppor- tunity for many of mature years to prolit by it. Lost Confidence. — An Indian runner, arriving in a village of his countrymen) requested the immediate attendance of its inhabitants in council, as he wanted their answer to important information. The people accordingly' assembled, but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered his message, and ■waited for an answer, none was given, and he soon observed that he was like- ly to be left alone in his place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the meaning of this strange proceeding, who gave this answer, “ He once told us a lie.” Comic. — An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of his countrymen was convened to determine by what means he came to such a death Their verdict was, “Death from the freezing of a great quantity of water inside of him, which they were of opinion he had drunken for rum.” A serious Question. — About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with a medal, on one side of which President Washington was represented as armed with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the hatchet. The chief at once saw the wrong done his countrymen, and very wisely asked, “ Why does not the President bury his sword too ? ” # Self-esteem. — A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The red man, with a great expression of meaning in his countenance, inquired how they came to be brothers ; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I suppose. The Indian added, “ Me thank him Great Spirit we no nearer brothers.” A Preacher taken at his Word. — A certain clergyman had for his text on a time, “ Vow and pay unto the Lord thy vows.” An Indian happened to be present, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had finished, and said to him, “Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister.” The priest, having no language of evasion at command, said, “ You must go then.” When he had arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed again, saying, “Now me vow me have supper.” When this was finished he said, “Me vow me stay all night.” The priest, by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, re- plied, “It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning.” The Indian, judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed in the morning sans cerhnonie. A case of signal Barbarity. — It is related by Black Hawk, in his life, that some time before the war of 1312, one of the Indians had killed a French- man at Prairie des Chiens. “The British soon after took him prisoner, and said they would shoot him next day ! His family' were encamped a short dis- tance below' the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He begged permission to go and see them that night, as he was to die the next day ! They permitted him to go after promising to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his family, w'hich consisted of a wife and six children. 1 cannot describe their meeting and parting, to be understood by the whites ; as it appears that their feelings are acted upon by certain rules laid down by their preachers! — whilst ours are governed only by the monitor within us. lie parted from his wife and chil- dren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, and arrived in time! The sol- diers were ready', and immediately marched out and shot him down'.!” — If this were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on the part of the whites, 1 have no conception of what constitutes that crime. What were the circumstances jf the murder we are not informed ; but whatever they may have been, they cannot excuse a still greater barbarity. 1 would not by any means be under- stood to advocate the cause of a murderer; but I will ask, whether crime it to be prevented by crime : murder for murder is only a brutal retaliation, ex cept where the safety of a community requires the sacrifice. * El ol’s Works 178. 44 NARRATIVES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [Book I Mourning much in a short Time. — “ A young widow, whose husband had been dead about eight (lays, was hastening to finish her grief, in order that she might be married to a young warrior : she was determined, therefore, to grieve much in a short time ; to this end she tore her hair, drank spirits, and heat Iter breast, to make the tears flow abundantly, by which means, on the evening of the eighth day, she was ready again to marry, having grieved suf- ficiently.” * How to evade a hard Question . — “ When Mr. Gist went over the Alleganies, in Feb. 1751, on a tour of discovery for the Ohio Company, ‘an Indian, who spoke good English, came to him, and said that their great man, the Beaver, f and Captain Oppamyluah, (two chiefs of the Delawares,) desired to know where the Indians’ land lay; for the French claimed all the land on one side of the Ohio River, and the English on the other.’ This question Mr. Gist found it hal'd to answer, and he evaded it by saying, that the Indians and white men wei'e all subjects to the same king, and all had an equal privilege of taking up and possessing the land in conformity with the conditions prescribed by the king.”j Credulity its own Punishment. — The traveller Wansey, according to his own account, would not enter into conversation with an eminent chief) because he had heard that it had been said of him, that he had, in his time, “shed blood enough to swim in.” He had a gi'eat desire to become acquainted with the Indian character, but his credulity debarred him effectually from the gratifi- cation. The chief was a' Creek, named Flamingo, who, in company with another called Double-head, visited Philadelphia as ambassadors, in the sum- mer of 1794. Few travellers discover such scrupulousness, especially those who come to America. That Flamingo was more bloody than other Indian wan'iors, is in no wise probable; but a mere report of his being a gi'eat shed- der of blood kept Mr. (Varney from saying any more about him. Just Indignation. — Hatuay, a powerful chief of Hispaniola, having fled ii'oin thence to avoid slavery or death when that island was ravaged by the Spaniards, was taken in 1511, when they conquered Cuba, and burnt at the stake. After being bound to the stake, a Franciscan friar labored to convert him to the Catholic faith, by promises of immediate and eternal bliss in the world to come if he would believe ; and that, if he would not, eternal tor- ments were his only portion. The cazique, with seeming composure, asked if there were any Spaniards in those regions of bliss. On being answered that there wei'e, he replied, “ Then I will not go to a place where 1 may meet with one of that accursed race.” Harmless Deception. — In a time of Indian troubles, an Indian visited the house of Governor Jenks, of Rhode Island, when the governor took occasion to request him, that, if any strange Indian should come to his wigwam, to let him know it, which the Indian promised to do; but to secure his fidelity, the governor told him that when he should give him such information, he would give him a mug of flip. Some time after the Indian came again : “ Well, Mr. Gubenor, strange Indian come my house last night! ” “Ah,” says the govern- or, “ and what did he say?” “He no speak,” replied the Indian. “What, no speak at all ?” added the governor. “ No, he no speak at all.” “That certainly looks suspicious,” said his excellency, and inquired if he were still there, and being told that he was, ordered the promised mug of flip. When this was disposed of) and the Indian was about to depart, he mildly said, “ Mr. Gube- nor, my squaw have child last night;” and thus the governor’s alarm was suddenly changed into disappointment, and the strange Indian into a new- born pappoose. Mai. moth Bones. — The following very interesting tradition concerning these bones, among the Indians, will always be read with interest. The ani- mal to which they once belonged, they called the Big Buffalo ; and on the * Account of the UFted States by Mr. Isaac Holmes, 36. t Probably the same "e have noticed in Book V. as King Beaver t Sparks's Washington ii, 15. Chap, ill.] EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. 45 early maps of the country of the Ohio, we see marked, “ Elepnants’ bones said to be found here.” They were, for some time, by many supposed to have been the bones of that animal ; but they are pretty generally now believed to have belonged to a species of animal long since extinct They have been found in various parts of the country ; but in the greatest abundance about the salt licks or springs in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never been an entire skeleton found, although the one in Peale’s museum, in Philadelphia, was so near perfect, that, by a little ingenuity in supplying its defects with wood- work, it passes extremely well for such. The tradition of the Indians concerning this animal is, that he was carniv- orous, and existed, as late as 1780, in the northern parts of America. Some Delawares, in the time of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of Vir- ginia on business, which having been finished, some questions were put to them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had heard respecting the animals whose bones had been found about the salt licks on the Ohio River. “The chief speaker,” continues our author, Mr. Jefferson, “immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and, with a pomp suited to what he conceived the elevation of his subject,” began and repeated as follows : — “ In ancient times, a herd of these tremendous animals came to the Big -bone Licks, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks, buffa- loes, and other animals, which had been created for the use of the Indians : the great man above, looking down and seeing this, ivas so enraged, that he seized his lightning, descended to the earth, and seated himself on a neighboring mountain, on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled his bolts among them till the ivhole were slaughtered, except the big bull, who, presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them off as they fell ; but missing one at length, it wounded him in the side ; whereon, springing round, he bounded over the Ohio, over the Wabash, the llliiwis, and, finally, over the great lakes, where he is living at this day." Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their ancestors, and they could furnish no other information. Narrative of the Captivity and bold 'Exploit of Hannah Duston. — The rela- tion of this affair forms the XXV. article in the Decennium Luctuosuin of the Magnalia Christi Americana, by Dr. Cotton Mather, anti is one of the best- written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi- cant sentence — Dux Faemina Facti. On the 15 March, 1697, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly upon Haverhill, in Massachusetts ; and, as their numbers were small, they made their attack with the swiftness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap- peared. The war, of which this irruption was a part, had continued nearly ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a close. The house which this party of Indians had singled out as their object of attack, belonged to one Mr. Thomas * Duston or Dunstan, j in the outskirts of the town. I Mr. Duston was at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, or other cause, we are not informed; but be seems to have arrived there time enough before the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva- tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had been confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her agonized husband. No time was to be lost ; Mr. Duston had only time to direct his children’s flight, (seven in number,) the extremes of whose ages were rwo and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, the distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the children, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house His first intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with it. He had no sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue either to the exclusion of the rest, was worse than death itself to him. He therefore faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired * Mr. Myrick’s Hist. Haverhill, 86. f Hutchinson. i Eight houses were destroyed at this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away capliv* In Mr. B. L Myrick’s History of Haverhill are the names of the slain &,c 4G EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. {Book . upon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retreating party were hurt. The Indians did not pursue long, from fear of raising the neighboring English before they could complete their object, and hence this part of the family escaped to a place of safety. We are now to enter fully into the relation of this very tragedy. There was living in the house of Mr. Duston, as nurse, Mrs. Mary Neff* a widow, whose heroic conduct in sharing the fate of her mistress, when escape was in liei power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were now in the undisturbed possession of the house, and having driven the sick woman from her bed, compelled her to sit quietly in the corner of the fire-place, while they completed the pillage of the house. This business being finished, it was set on fire, and Mrs. Duston, who before considered herself unable to walk, was, at the approach of night, obliged to march into the wilderness, and take her bed upon the cold ground. Sirs. Neff too late attempted to escape with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apple-tree, while its nurse was compelled to accompany her new and frightful masters also The captives amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Although it was near night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles before encamping ; “ and then,” says Dr. Mather, “ kept up with their new masters in a long travel of an hundred and fifty miles, more or less, within a few days ensuing.” f After journeying awhile, according to their custom, the Indians divided their prisoners. Mrs. Duston, Mrs. Neff, and a boy named Samuel Leonardson , J who had been captivated at Worcester, about 18 months before, fell to the lot of an Indian family, consisting of twelve persons, — two men, three women, and seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were very kind to their prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony which they could not avoid, and to which they would be subjected when they should arrive at their place of destination, which was to run the gantlet. The place where this was to be performed, was at an Indian village, 250 miles from Haverhill, according to the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering course, they at length arrived at an island in the mouth of Contookook River, about six miles above Concord, in New Hampshire. Here one of the Indian men resided. It had been determined by the captives, before their arrival, that an effort should be made to free themselves from their wretched captivity ; and noi only to gain their liberty, but, as we shall presently see, something by way o, remuneration from those who held them in bondage. The heroine, Duston had resolved, upon the first opportunity that offered any chance of success, to kill her captors and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies as would clearly establish her reputation for heroism, as well as insure her a bounty from the public. She therefore communicated s her design to Mrs. Neff and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it. To the art of killing and scalping she was a stranger ; and, that there should be no failure in the business, Mrs. Duston instructed the boy, who, from his long residence with them, had become as one of the Indians, to inquire of one of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with- out miSiTusting the origin of the inquiry. It was now March the 31, and in the dead of the night following this bloody tragedy was acted. WTien the Indians were in the most sound sleep, these three captives arose, and softly arming themselves with the tomahawks of their masters, allotted the number each should kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that but one escaped that they designed to kill. This was a woman, whom they badly wounded, and one boy, for some reason they did not wish to harm, and accordingly he was allowed to escape unhurt. Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Leonard- son killed the man who had so freely told him, but one day before, where to deal a deadly blow, and how to take off a scalp. * She was a daughter of George Corliss, and married William Neff, who went after the army, and died at Pemmaquid, Feb. 1688. Myriclc, Hist. Havl. 87. t Their course was probably very indirect, to elude pursuit f Hist. Haverhill, 89 '>UP. Ill] DESTRUCTION OF SCHEINECTADV. 47 All was over before the dawn of day, and all things were go; r ady for leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scuttled, to prevent t'eing pursued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian camp afforded, diey embarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the course of lie Merrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with- out accident The whole country w'as astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of .vhich was never tor a motrtent doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave hem fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered jpon them. Colonel Nicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac- lon, sent them a generous present also. Eight other houses were attacked besides Duston’s, the owners of which, i/ays the historian of that town, Mr. Mynck, in every case, were slain while defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sill. Narrative of the Destruction of Schenectady .* — This was an event of great distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has never before been published. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov- ernor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley, of Plimouth, dated about a month after the affair. They are as follow: — “ Tho’ you cannot but have heard of the horrid massacre committed by the French and Indians at Senectada, a fortified and well compacted town 20 miles above Albany (which we had an account of by an express,) yet we think we have not discharged our duty till you hear of it from us. ’Twas upon the Eighth of February [1689-90] at midnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by the enemy. Their gates were open, no watch kept, and hardly any order observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in the place ; of whom Lieut. Talmage and four more were of Capt. Bull’s com- pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French nave given us to understand what we may expect from them as to the fron- tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted what number of convenient Havens you have in your colony, besides those of Plimouth and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you to take such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at either of those or any such like place.” f We now proceed to give such other facts as can be gathered from the numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, against various important points of the English frontier, — as much to gain the warriors of the Five Nations to their interest, as to distress the English. Governor De Non- ville had sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where, as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter- tain the highest opinions of the glory and greatness of the French nation. Among them was Taweraket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears that, during their absence in France, the great war between their countrymen and the French had ended in the destruction of Montreal, and other places, as will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count Frontenac arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1689, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest of New York, he found himself obliged to set about a reconciliation of them. He therefore wisely despatched Taweraket, and the two others, upon that design. The Five Nations, on being called upon by these chiefs, would take ni step without first notifying the English at Albany that a council was to be tailed. The blows which had been so lately given the French of Canada, had lulled the English into a fatal security, and they lex this council pass with too little attention to its proceedings. On the other hand, the French were * This was the German name of a pine barren, such as stretches itself between Albany and Schenectady, over vhich is now a rail-road. t French ships, v ith land forces and munitions, had but a short tiro* heforc, havered upafl the coasL 48 DESTRUCTION of Schenectady [Hook 1 fully and ably represented ; and the result was, the existing breach was set in a fair way to be closed up. This great council was begun 22 January, l(i!IO and consisted of eighty sachems. It was opened by Sadekanaghtie,* a great Oneida chief. Meanwhile, to give employment to the Indians who yet remained their friends, the expedition was begun which ended in the destruction of Schenec- tady. Chief Justice Smith f wrote his account of that affair from a manuscript letter left by Colonel Schuyler, at that time mayor of Albany ; and it is the most particular of any account yet published. It is as follows, and bears date 15 February, 1689: — After two-and- twenty days’ march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, February 8. There were about 200 French, and perhaps 50 Caughnewaga Mohawks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany; but their march had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attempting any thing offensive, they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English they should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a camp of snow, but a few miles from the devoted settlement. The Indians, however, saved them from the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their party, who entered Schenectady without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they had staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their fellows. Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into the French, and they came upon it as above related. The bloody tragedy commenced between 11 and 12 o’clock, on Saturday night ; and, that every house might be surprised at nearly the same time, the enemy divided them- selves into parties of six or seven men each. Although the town was impaled, no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the severity of the season was a sufficient security ; hence the first news of the approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which doors were broken as soon as the profound slumbers of those they were intended to guard The same inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated upon the wretched inhabitants of Montreal.! “No tongue,” said Colonel Schuyler, “ can express the cruelties that were committed.” Sixty-three houses, and the church, § were immediately in a blaze. Enciente women, in their expiring agonies, saw their infants cast into the flames, being first delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin! Sixty-three || persons were put to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity. A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night- clothes; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall of snow ; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was in dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such occasions, supposed the enemy to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About noon, the next day, the enemy set off’ from Schenectady, taking all the plunder they cotdd carry with them, among which were forty of the best horses. Tht rest, with all the cattle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtered in the streets. One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain Alexander Glen. IT He lived on the opposite side of the river, and was suffered to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners from torture and slavery, who had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken the alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. Before leaving the village, a French officer summoned him to a council, upon the shore of the river, with the tender of personal salety. He at length adventured down, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends and relatives delivered to him ; and the enemy departed, keeping good then promise that no injury should be done him. || * SadageenaglUie in Pownal on the Colonies, I. 398. t Hist. N. Y ork { See Book V. § Spafford. || Colden. Ho. 1! Charlevoix calls him The Sieur Coudre. tTHAP. 111.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 49 The great Mohawk castle was about 17 miles from Schenectady, and they did not hear of the massacre until two days after, owing to the state of travelling. On receiving the news, they immediately joined a party of men from Albany, and pursued the enemy. After a tedious pursuit, they fell upon their rear, killed and took 25 of them, and did them some other damage. Sev- eral chief sachems soon assembled at Albany, to condole with the people, and animate them against leaving the place, which, it seems, they were about to do. From a speech of one of the chiefs on this occasion, the following extract is preserved : — “ Brethren, we do not think that what the French have done can be called a victory ; it is ouly a further proof of their cruel deceit. The governor of Canada sent to Ouondago, and talks to us of peace with our whole house; but war was in his heart, as you now see by woful experience. He did the same formerly at Cadaracqui, * and in the Senecas’ country. This is the third time he has acted so deceitfully. lie has broken open our house at both ends; formerly in he Senecas’ country, and now here. We hope to be revenged on them.” Accordingly, when messengers came to renew and conclude the treaty which had been begun by Taweraket, before mentioned, they were seized and handed over to the English. They also kept out scouts, and harassed the French in every direction. We will now proceed to draw from Charlevoix ’ account of this affair, which is very minute, as it respects the operations of the French and Indians. Not- withstanding its great importance in a correct history of the sacking of Sche- nectady, none of our historians seem to have given themselves the trouble of laying it before their readers. Governor Frontenac, having determined upon an expedition, gave notice to M. de la Durantaye, who then commanded at Michilimakinak, that he might assure the Hurons and Ottawas, that in a short time they would see a great change in affairs for the better. He prepared at the same time a large convoy to reinforce that post, and he took measures also to raise three war parties, who should enter by three different routes the country of the English. The first assembled at Montreal, and consisted of about 110 men, French and Indians, and was put under the command of MM. d'Jlillebout de Mantet, and le Moine de St. Helene, two lieutenants, under whom MM. de Repentigny, d'Iberville, de Boxrepos, de la Brosse, and de Montigni, requested permis- sion to serve as volunteers. This party marched out before they had determined against what part of the English frontier they would carry their arms, though some part of New York was understood. Count Frontenac had left that to the two commanders. After they had marched five or six days, they called a council to determine upon what place they would attempt. In this council, it was debated, on the part of the French, that Albany would be the smallest place they ought to undertake ; but the Indians would not agree to it. They contended that, with their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian chief asked them “how long it was since they had so much courage.” To this severe rebuke it was answered, that, if by some past actions they had discovered cowardice, they should see that now they would retrieve their character ; they would take Albany or die in the attempt. The Indians, how- ever, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any thing but to proceed on. They continued their march until they came to a place where their path divided into two ; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady: here Mantet gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoni- ously for the former village. The weather was very severe, and for the nine following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. The men were often obliged to wade through water up to then- kuees, breaking its ice al every step. * See Book V. D 50 DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY [Book At 4 o’clock in the morning, the beginning of February, they .arrived wit hit. two leagues of Schenectady. Here they halted, and the Great Agnier, chief of the Iroquois of the Falls of St. Louis, made a speech to them. He exhorted every one to forget the hardships they had endured, in the hope of avenging the wrongs they had for a long time suffered from the perfidious English, who were the authors of them; and in the close added, that they could not doubt of the assistance of Heaven against the enemies of God, in a cause so just. Hardly had they taken tip their line of march, when they met 40 Indian women, who gave them all the necessary information for approaching the place in safety. A Canadian, named Giguiere, was detached immediately with nine Indians upon discovery, who acquitted himself to the entire satisfaction of his officers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, and then rejoined his comrades. It had been determined by the party to put off the attack one day longer ; but on the arrival of the scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed without delay. Schenectady was then in form like that of a long square, and entered by two gates, one at each end. One opened towards Albany, the other upon the great road leading into the back country, and which was now possessed by the French and Indians. Mantet and St. Helene charged at the second gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had assured them was always open, and they found it so. D'Iberville and Repentigni passed to the left, in order to enter by the other gate, but, after losing some time in vainly endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return and enter with their comrades. The gate was not only open but unguarded, and the whole party entered without being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they waylaid every portal, and then the war-whoop was raised. Mantet formed and attacked a garrison, where the only resistance of any account was made. The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in his arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him hors du combat ; but St. Helene being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the wounds of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had shut themselves up in it. Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in every place. At the end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, and the rest of the •fight was spent in refreshing themselves. Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared, whom he had intended for his own prisoner; but he was found among the promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killed, and all his papers "'ere burned. After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicat- ing liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getting drunk. They next set all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which Montigni had been carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre : they were in num- ber about 40, all well built and furnished ; no booty hut that which could be easily transported was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared * chiefly women, children, and old men, who had escaped the fury of the onset, and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the Indians were spared that they might carry the news of what had happened to their countrymen, whom they were requested to inform, that it was not against them that they intended any harm, but to the English only, whom they had now despoiled of property to the amount of four hundred thousand pounds. They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and they decamped about noon. The plunder — Montigni, whom it was necessary to carry — the prisoners, who were to the number of 40 — an-d the want of provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to provide them- selves — retarded much their retreat. Many would have even died of famine, had they not had 50 horses, of which there remained but six when they Chap. III.] MURDER OF MISS M’CREA 51 arrived at Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions obliged them to separate, and in an attack which was made upon one party, three Indians and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for w;int of proper caution, cost the army more lives than the capture of Sche- nectady ; in which they lost but two men, a Frenchman and an Indian. Murder of Miss Jane McCrea. — This young lady “ was the second daughter of James McCrea , minister of Lamington, New Jersey, who died before the revolution. After his death, she resided with her brother, Colonel John McCrea of Albany, who removed in 1773 to the neighborhood of Fort Edward. His house was in what is now Northumberland, on the west side of the Hudson, three miles north of Fort Miller Falls. In July or August, 1777, being on a visit to the family ofMrs. McjYeil , near Fort Edward, at the close of the week, she was asked to remain until Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came to the house, she concealed herself in the cellar; but they dragged her out by the hair, and, her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy Hill. Iney soo oh; another party of Indians, returning from Argyle, where .hey had killed the family of Mr. Bains ; these Indians disapproved the pur- pose of taking the captive to the British camp, and one of them struck her with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her nephew. The account of Mrs. McJYeil is, that her lover, anxious for her safety, employed two Indians, with the promise of a barrel of rum, to bring her to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of conduct- ing her, one of them murdered her. Gen. Gates, in his letter to Gen. Burqoyne of 2 September, says, ‘she was dressed to receive her promised husband.’ “ Her brother, on hearing of her fate, sent his family the next day to Albany, and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant Van Vecliten, three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance. It is said, anti was believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain David Jones, of the British army, a loyalist, who survived her only a few years, and died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel James McCrea, lived at Saratoga, iu 1823.” f Under the name of Lucinda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows: — “One deed shall tell what fame great Albion draws From these auxiliars in her barb’rous cause, — Lucinda’s fate. The tale, ye nations, hear ; Eternal ages, trace it with a tear.” The poet then makes Lucinda, during a battle, wander from her home to watch her lover, whom ha calls Heartly. She distinguishes him in the con- flict, and, when his squadron is routed by the Americans, she proceeds to the contested ground, fancying she had seen him full at a certain point. But “ He hurries to his tent ; — oh, rage ! despair ! No glimpse, no tidings, of the frantic fair; Save that some carmen, as a-eamp they drove. Had seen her coursing for the western grove. Faint with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst, Forth from his friends, with bounding leap, he burst. Vaults o’er the palisade, with eyes on flame. And fills the welkin with Lucinda’s name.” “ The fair one, too, of every aid forlorn, Had raved and wandered, till officious morn Awaked the Mohawks from their short repose, To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose. Two Mohawks met the maid historian, hold ! ” — “ She starts — with eyes upturned and fleeting breath, In their raised axes views her instant death. Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she passed, Rolls, in loose tangles, round her lovely waist ; Her kerchief torn betrays the globes of snow, That heave responsive to her weight of woe. * There is no doubt but that they were obliged to subsist chiefly upon their horses, f President Allen’s American Biographical Dictionary, 574. HEROISM OF MRS. MERRIL.— WHITE INDIANS. [B'lOX 1 52 Willi calculating pause and demon grin They seize her hands, and, through her face divine, Drive the descending axe ! — the shriek she sent Attained her lover’s ear; he thither bent With all the speed his wearied limbs could yield, Whirled his keen blade, and stretched upon the field The yelling fiends, who there disputing stood Her gory scalp, their horrid prize of blood! He sunk, delirious, on her lifeless clay, And passed, in starts of sense, the dreadful day.” In a note to the above passages, Mr. Barlow says tliis tragical story of Miss Mc.Crea is detailed almost literally. “ Extraordinary instance of female heroism, extracted from a letter imitten by Col. James Perry to the Rev. Jordan Dodge, dated JVelson Co., Ky., 20 April, 1788.” — “On the first of April inst., a number of Indians surrounded the house of one John Merril, which was discovered by tbe barking of a dog. Merril stepped to the door to see what he could discover, and received three musket-balls, which caused him to fall back into the house with a bioken leg and arm. Tbe Indians rushed on to the door ; but it being instantly fastened by bis wife, who, with a girl of about 15 years of age, stood against it, tbe savages could not immediately enter. They broke one part of the door, and one of them crowded partly through. The heroic mother, in the midst of her screaming children and groaning husband, seized an axe, and gave a fatal blow to the savage ; and he falling headlong into the house, the others, sup- posing they had gained their end, rushed after him, until four of them fell in like manner before they discovered their mistake. The rest retreated, which gave opportunity again to secure the door. The conquerors rejoiced in their victory, hoping they had killed the whole company; but their expectations were soon dashed, by finding the door again attacked, which the bold mother endeavored once more to secure, with the assistance of the young woman. Their fears now came on them like a flood ; and they soon heard a noise on the top of the house, and then found the Indians were coming down the chimney. All hopes of deliverance seemed now at an end ; but the wounded man ordered his little child to tumble a couch, that was filled with hair and feathers, on the fire, which made such a smoke that two stout Indians came tumbling down into it. The wounded man, at this critical moment, seized a billet of wood, wounded as he was, and with it succeeded in despatching the half-smothered Indians. At the same moment, the door was attempted by another; but the heroine’s arm had become too enfeebled by her over-exertions to deal a deadly blow. She however caused him to retreat wounded. They then again set to work to make their house more secure, not knowing but another attack would be made ; but they were not further disturbed. This affair happened in the evening, and the victors carefully watched with their new family until morning. A prisoner, that escaped immediately after, said the Indian last mentioned was the only one that escaped. He, on returning to his friends, was asked, ‘What news?’ said, ‘ Plaguy bad news, lor the squaws fight worse than the long-knives.’ This affair happened at Newbardstown, about 15 miles from Sandy Creek, and may be depended upon, as I had the pleasure to assist in tumbling them into a bole, after they were stripped of their head-dresses, and about 20 dollars’ worth of silver furniture.” Welsh or White Indians. “ Narrative of Capt. Isaac Stuart, of the Provincial Cavalrii of Soidh Carolina, taken from his oum moidh, by I. C., Esq., March, 1782. “I was taken prisoner, about 50 miles to the westward of Fort Pitt, about 18 years ago, by the Indians, and carried to the Wabash, with other white men. They were executed, with circumstances of horrid barbarity ; but it was my good fortune to call forth the sympathy of a good woman of the village, who was permitted to redeem me from those who held me prisoner, by giving them a horse as a ransrm. After remaining two years in bondage, a Spaniard came to the nation, ha ‘ng been sent from Mexico on discoveries Chap. III.] WHITE INDIANS. 53 He made application to the chiefs of the Indians for hiring me, and another white man who was in the like situation, a native of Wales, and named John Davey, which was complied with. We took our dej art u re and travelled to the westward, crossing the Mississippi near Red Rivei, up which we travelled upwards of 700 miles. Here we came to a nation of Indians remarkably white, and whose hair was of a reddish color, at least, mostly so. They lived on a small river which emptied itself into Red River, which they called the River Post; and in the morning, the day after our arrival, the Welshman informed me that he was determined to remain with the nation of Indians, giving as a reason that he understood their language, it being very little dif- ferent from the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much by this informa- tion, and I went with my companion to the chief men of the town, who in- formed him, in a language that I had no knowledge of, and which had no affin- ity with that of any other Indian tongue that I ever heard, that the forefathers of this nation came from a foreign country, and landed on the east side of the Mississippi (describing particularly the country now called West Florida); and that, on the Spaniards taking possession of the country, they fled to their then abode ; and, as a proof of what they advanced, they brought out rolls of parch- ment wrote with blue ink, at least it had a bluish cast The characters I did not understand, and the Welshman being unacquainted with letters of any language, I was not able to know what the meaning of the writing was. They were a bold, hardy, intrepid people, very warlike, and their women were beau- tiful, compared with other Indians.” Thus we have given so much of Captain Stuart's narrative as relates to the White Indians. The remainder of it is taken up in details of several ex- cursions, of many hundred miles, in the interior of the continent, without any extraordinary occurrence, except the finding of a gold mine. He returned by way of the Mississippi, and was considered a man of veracity by the late Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, of South Carolina, who recommended him to the gentleman who communicated his narrative. I had determined formerly to devote a chapter to the examination of the subject of the White Indians; but, on reference to all the sources of informa- tion in my possession, I found that the whole rested upon no other authority than such as we have given above, and therefore concluded to give the most interesting parts ef the accounts without comment, and let the reader draw his own conclusions. There seem to have been a good many accounts con- cerning the White Indians in circulation about the same period, and the next we shall notice is found in Mr. Charles Beatty's journal, the substance of which is as follows : — At the foot of the Alleghany Mountains, in Pennsylvania, Mr. Beaity stopped at the house of a Mr. John Miller, where he “met with one Benjamin Sutton, who had been taken captive by the Indians, and had been in different nations, and lived many years among them. When he was with the Choctaws, at the Mississippi River, he went to an Indian town, a very considerable distance from New Orleans, whose inhabitants were of different complexions, not so tawny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh. He saw a book among them, which he supposed was a Welsh Bible, which they carefully kept wrapped up in a skin, but they could not read it ; and he heard some of those Indians afterwards, in the lower Shawanee town, speak Welsh with one Lewis, a Welshman, captive there. This Welsh tribe now live on the west side of the Mississippi, a great way above New Orleans.” At Tuscarora valley he met with another man, named Levi Hicks, who had been a captive from his youth with the Indians. He said he was once attend- ing an embassy at an Indiai “own, on the west side of the Mississippi, where the inhabitants spoke Welsh, as he was told, for he did not understand them himself. An Indian, named Joseph Peepy, Mr. Beatty's interpreter, said he once saw some Indians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who talked Welsh. He was sure th°y talked Welsh, for he had been acquainted with Welsh people, and knew some words they used. To the above Mr. Beatty adds: “I have been informed, tnat many years ago, a clergyman went from Britain to Virginia, and having lived some time there, went from thence to S. Carolina; but after some time, for some reason 54 WHITE INDIANS. [Book I he resolved to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom- panied with some other persons. In travelling through the back parts of the coantry, which was then very thinly inhabited, he fell in with a party of In- dian warriors, going to attack the inhabitants of Virginia. Upon examining the clergyman, and finding he was going to Virginia, they looked upon him and his companions as belonging to that province, and took them all prisoners, and told them they must die. The clergyman, in preparation for another world, went to prayer, and, being a Welshman, prayed in the Welsh language. One or more of the Indians. was much surprised to hear him pray in their own language. Upon this they spoke to him, and finding he could understand them, got the sentence of death reversed, and his life was saved. They took him with them into their country, where he found a tribe whose native language was Welsh, though the dialect was a little different from his own, which he soon came to understand. They showed him a book, which he found to be the Bible, but which they could not read ; and on his reading and explaining it, their regard for him was much heightened.” After some time, the minister proposed to these people to return to his own country, and prom- ised to return again to them with others of his friends, who would instruct them in Christianity ; but not long after his return to England, he died, which put an end to his design. It is very natural to inquire how these Indians, though descended from the Welsh, came by books; for it is well known that the period at which the Welsh must have come to America, was long before printing was discovered, or that any writings assumed the form of books as we now have them. It should be here noted that Mr. Beatty travelled in the autumn of 1766. Major Rogers, in his “Concise Account of North America,” published in 1765, notices the White Indians ; but the geography of their country he leaves any where on the west of the Mississippi ; probably never having visited them himself, although he tells us he had travelled very extensively in the interior. “This fruitful country,” he says, “ is at present inhabited by a nation of Indi- ans, called by the others the White Indians, on account of their complexion ; they being much the fairest Indians on the continent. They have, however, Indian eyes, and a certain guilty Jewish cast with them. This nation is very numerous, being able to raise between 20 and 30,000 fighting men. They have no weapons but bows and arrows, tomahawks, and a kind of wooden pikes, for which reason they often suffer greatly from the eastern Indians, who have the use of fire-arms, and frequently visit the White Indians on the banks of the easterly branch, [of Muddy River?] and kill or captivate them in great numbers. Such as fall alive into their hands, they generally sell for slaves. These Indians live in large towns, and have commodious houses ; they raise corn, tame the wild cows, and use both their milk and flesh ; they keep great numbers of dogs, and are very dexterous in hunting; they have little or no commerce with any nation that we at present are acquainted with.” In the account of Kentucky, written in 1784, by an excellent writer, Mr. John Filson, we find as follows: — After noticing the voyage of Modoc, whe- with his ten ships with emigrants sailed west about 1170, and who were, ac- cording to the Welsh historians, never heard of after, he proceeds: — “This account has at several times drawn the attention of the world; but as no ves- tiges of them had then been found, it was concluded, perhaps too rashly, to be a fable, or at least that no remains of the colony existed. Of late years, how- ever, the western settlers have received frequent accounts of a nation, inhab- iting at a great distance up the Missouri, in manners and appearance resem- bling the other Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies of the Christian worship; and at length this is universally believed there to be a fact. Capt. Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veracity may be entirely depended upon, assured the author that in the late war [revo- lution] being with his company in garrison, at Kaskaskia, some Indians came there, and, speaking the Welsh dialect, were perfectly understood and con- versed with by two Welshmen in his company, and that they informed them of the situation of their nation as mentioned above.” Henry Ker, who travelled among 13 tribes of Indians in 1810, &c., names one near a great mountain which he calls Mnacedeus. He said Dr. SibUf AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 55 Chap. IV.] had told him, when at Natchitoches, that a number of travellers Dad assured him, that there was a strong similarity between the Indian language and many words of the Welsh. Mr. Ker found nothing among any of the Indians to indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedeus. Here he found many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, md he adds; “I did not understand the Welsh language, or I should have been enabled to have thrown more light upon so interesting a subject,” as they had “printed books among them which were preserved with great care, they having a tradition that they were brought there by their forefathers.” Upon this, in another place, he observes, “ The books appeared very old, and were evidently printed at a time when there had been very little improvement made in the casting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefs, sufficient to have thrown light on the subject; but in my subsequent disputes with the Indians, I lost them, and all my endeavors to obtain more were inef- fectual.” How or at what time these Indians obtained “ printed books,” Mr. Ker does not give us his opinion ; although he says much more about them. There are a great number of others who have n-o.xed those Indians; hut after an examination of them all, I am unable to add much to the above stock of information concerning them. Upon the whole, we think it may be pretty safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of the Missouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduced to establish the existence of the sea-serpent. Should any one, however, choose to investigate the subject further, he will find pretty ample references to au- thors in which the subject has been noticed, in a note to the life of Madoka- wando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the authorities of Moulton, as pointed out in his history of New York CHAPTER IV. American Antiquities — Few Indian Antiquities — Of Mounds and their con- tents — Account of those in Cincinnati — In the Miami country — Works sup- posed to have been built for defences or fortifications — Some at Piqua — Near Hamilton — Milford — Deerfield — Six miles above Lebanon — On Paint Creek — At Marietta — At Circleville — Their age uncertain — Works on Licking River Ancient excavations or wells near Newark — Various other works. To describe the antiquities of America would not require a very great amount of time or space, if we consider only those which are in reality such. And as to Indian antiquities, they consist in nothing like monuments, says Mr. Jefferson ; “ for,” he observes, “ I would not honor with that name, arrow- points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labor on the large scale, I think there is no remain as respectable as would be a common ditch for the draining of lands, unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of which many are to be found all over in this country. These are of differ- ent sizes, some of f#iem constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That they were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all ; but on what par- ticular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have thougb.t they covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of interment. Some ascribe them to the custom, said to prevail among the In- dians, of collecting at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever deposited at the time of death. Others again suppose them the general sepul- chres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds ; and this opinion was supported by the quality of the lands in which they are found, ’.those constructed of earth being generally in the softest and most fertile meadow-grounds on river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be handed down from the aboriginal Indians, that when they settled in a town, the first person who died was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support him; and that when another died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the 56 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book J second remmeu against mm, and the cover of earth replaced, and so on. There being one of these in my neighborhood, I wished to satisfy myself whether any, and which of 'hese opinions were just. For this purpose, I determined to open and examine it thoroughly. It was situated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles above its principal fork, and opposite to some hills, on which had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidal form, of about 40 feet diameter at the base, and had been of about 12 feet altitude, though now reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultivation about a dozen years. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inches diameter, and round the base was an excavation of five feet depth and width, from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed.” In this mound my author found abundance of human bones, which, from their position, it was evident had been thrown or piled promiscuously there together ; bones of the head and feet being in contact ; “ some vertical, some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass.” These bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to dust. Some of the skulls, jaw- bones, and teeth, were taken out nearly in a perfect state, but would fall to pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was made up from persons of all ages, and at different periods of time. The mound was composed of alternate strata of bones, stones, and earth. Hence it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the bones of their de- ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner. “ But,” Mr. Jefferson observes, “ on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians: for a party pass- ing, about 30 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquiry, and having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey.” In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as appear to have been used for superstitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of the latter kind, no more formidable weapons have been discovered than toma- hawks, spears and arrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been deposited before the arrival of Europeans in America. What Mr. Jefferson found in the barrow he dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does not inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, which Dr. Daniel Drake examined, numerous utensils were found. He has given a most accurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no less a phi losopher than antiquary. He divides them into two classes, ancient and mod- ern, or ancient and more ancient. “ Among the latter,” he says, ^ there is not a single edifice, nor any ruins which prove the existence, in former ages, of a building composed of imperishable materials. No fragment of a column, no bricks, nor a single hewn stone large enough to have been incorporated into a wall, has been discovered.” There were several of these mounds or tumuli, 20 years ago, within a short space in and about Cincinnati; but it is a remarkable fact, that the plains on the opposite side of the River Ohio have no vestiges of the kind. The largest of those in Cincinnati was, in 1794, about 35 feet in height ; but at this time it was cut down to 27 by order of General Wayne , to make it serve as a watch- tower for a sentinel. It was about 440 feet in circumference. Almost every traveller of late years has said something upon the mounds, or fortifications, scattered over the south and west, from Florida to the lakes, and from the Hudson to Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. By some they are reckoned at several thousands. Mr. Brackenridge supposes there may bo 3000; but it would not outrage probability, I presume, to set them down at twice that number. Indeed no one can form any just estimate in respect to the number of mounds and fortifications which have been built, any more than of the period of time which has passed since they were originally erected, for several obvious reasons; one or two of which may be mentioned: — the plough, excavations and levellings for towns, roads, and var ous other works, have entirely destroyed hundreds of them, which had nevtu been described AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. CHOP. IV.] 57 and whose sites cannot now be ascertained. Another great destruction of them has been effected by the changing of the course of rivers. There are various opinions about the uses for which these ancient remains were constructed : while some of them are too much like modern fortifications to admit of a doubt of their having Deen used for defences, others, nearly sim- ilar in design, from their situation entirely exclude the adoption of such an opinion. Hence we find four kinds of remains formed of earth : two kinds of mounds or barrows, and two which have been viewed as fortifications The barrows or burial piles are distinguished by such as contain articles which were inhumed with the dead, and those which do not contain them. From what cause they differ in this respect it is difficult to determine. Some have supposed the former to contain bones only of warriors, but in such mounds the bones of infants are found, and hence that hypothesis is over- thrown ; and indeed an hypothesis can scarcely be raised upon any one matter concerning them without almost a positive assurance that it has been created to be destroyed. As a specimen of the contents of the mounds generally, the following may be taken; being such as Dr. Drake found in those he examined: — 1. Cylin- drical stones, such as jasper, rock-crystal, and granite; with a groove near one end. 2. A circular piece of cannel coal, with a large opening in the centre, as though made for the reception of an axis ; and a deep groove in the circum- ference, suitable for a band. 3. A smaller article of the same shape, but composed of polished argillaceous earth. 4. A bone, ornamented with several carved lines, supposed by some to be hieroglyphics. 5. A sculptural repre- sentation of the head and beak of some rapacious bird. 6. Lumps of lead ore. 7. Isinglass (mica membranacea). This article is very common in mounds, and seems to have been held in high estimation among the people that con- structed them ; but we know not that modern Indians have any particular atiachment to it. A superior article, though much like it, was also in great esteem among the ancient Mexicans. 8. Small pieces of sheet copper, with perforations. 9. Larger oblong pieces of the same metal, with longitudinal grooves and ridges. 10. Beads, or sections of small hollow cylinders, appar- ently of bone or shell. 11. Teeth of carnivorous animals. 12. Large marine shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus buccinum ; cut in such a manner as to serve for domestic utensils. These, and also the teeth of animals, are generally found almost entirely decomposed, or in a state resembling chalk. 13. Earthern ware. This seems to have been made of the same material as that employed by the Indians of Louisiana within our recollection, viz. pounded muscle and other river shells, and earth. Some perfect articles have been found, but they are rare. Pieces, or fragments, are very common. Upon most of them, confused lines are traced, which doubtless had some meaning ; but no specimen has yet been found having glazing upon it like modern pot- tery. Some entire vases, of most uncouth appearance, have been found. Mr. Atwater of Ohio, who has pretty fully described the western antiquities, gives an account of a vessel, which seems to have been used as a jug. It was found in an ancient work on Cany Fork of Cumberland River, about four feet below the surface. The body of the vessel is made by three heads, all joined to- gether at their backs. From these places of contact a neck is formed, which rises about three inches above the heads. The orifice of this neck is near two inches in diameter, and the three necks of the heads form the legs of tire ves- sel on which it stands when upright. The heads are all of a size, being about four inches from the top to the chin. The faces at the eyes are about three inches broad, which increase in breadth all the way to the chin. Of the works called fortifications, though already mentioned in general verms, their importance demands a further consideration. At Piqua, on the western side of the Great Miami, there is a circular wall of earth inclosing a space of about 100 feet in diameter, with an opening on the side most remote from the river. “ The adjacent hill, at the distance of tialf a mile, and at the greater elevation of about 100 feet, is the site of a stone wall, nearly circular, and inclosing perhaps 20 acres. The valley of the river on one side, and a deep ravine on the other, render the access to three fourths of this fortification extremely difficult. The wail was carried generally along 58 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book 1 the blow of the hill, in one place descending' a short distance so as to include a spring. The silicious limestone of which it was built, must have been trans- ported from the bed of the river, which, for two miles opposite these works, does not at present afford one of 10 pounds weight. They exhibit no marks of the hammer, or any other tool. The wall was laid up without mortar, and is now in ruins. “ Lower down the same river, near the mouth of Hole’s Creek, on the plain, .here are remains of great extent. The principal wall or bank, which is of jarth, incloses about 160 acres, and is in some parts nearly 12 feet high. 4l1so below Hamilton, there is a fortification upon the top of a high hill, out of view from the river, of very difficult approach. This incloses about 50 acres. Adjacent to this work is a mound 25 feet in diameter at its base, and about 6even feet perpendicular altitude. “ On the elevated point of land above the confluence of the Great Miami and Ohio, there are extensive and complicated traces, which, in the opinion of military men, eminently qualified to judge, are the remains of very strong de- fensive works.” In the vicinity of Milford, on the Little Miami, are fortifications, the largest of which are upon the top of the first hill above the confluence of the East Fork with the Miami. “On the opposite side of the Miami River, above Round Bottom, are similar antiquities of considerable extent On the East Fork, at its head waters, other remains have been discovered, of which the principal bears a striking resemblance to those above mentioned ; but within, it differs from any which have yet been examined in this quarter, in having nine parallel banks or long parapets united at one end, exhibiting very exactly the figure of a gridiron. “Further up the Little Miami, at Deerfield, are other interesting remains; but those which have attracted more attention than any others in the Miami country, are situated six miles from Lebanon, above the mouth of Todd’s Fork, an eastern branch of the Miami. On the summit of a ridge at least 200 feet above the valley of the river, there are two irregular trapezoidal figures, connected at a point where the ridge is very much narrowed by a ravine. The wall, which is entirely of earth, is generally eight or ten feet high ; but in one place, where it is conducted over level ground for a short distance, it rises to 18. Its situation is accurately adjusted to the brow of the hill ; and as there .s, in addition to the Miami on the west, deep ravines on the north, the south- east, and south, it is a position of great strength. The angles in this wall, both retreating and salient, are numerous, and generally acute. The openings or gateways are not less than 80 ! They are rarely at equal distances, and are sometimes within two or three rods of one another. They are not opposite to, or connected with any existing artificial objects or topographical peculiarities, and present, therefore, a p iradox of some difficulty.” These works inclose almost 100 acres, and one of the state roads from Cincinnati to Chillicothe passes over its northern part. On Paint Creek, 10 miles from Chillicothe, are also very extensive as well as wonderful works. “ The wall, which had been conducted along the verge of the hill, is by estimation about a mile and a half in length. It was formed en- tirely of undressed freestone, brought chiefly from the streams 250 feet below, and laid up without mortar or cement of any sort. It is now, like all the walls of a similar kind which have been discovered in the western country, in a state of ruins. It exhibits the appearance of having been shaken down by an earthquake, not a single stone being found upon another in such a manner as to indicate that to have been its situation in the wall. In several places there are openings, immediately opposite which, inside, lie piles of stone.” Dr. Harris , in 1803, very accurately described the remains at Marietta, at the confluence of the Muskingum and Ohio Rivers. “The largest square fort,” he observes, “ by some called the town, contains 40 acres, encompassed by a wall of earth from 6 to 10 feet high, and from 25 to 36 in breadth at the base. On each side are three openings at equal distances, resembling 12 gate- ways. The entrances at the middle are the largest, particularly that on th«j Bide next the Muskingum. From this outlet is a covert wat, formed of two parallel walls of earth, 231 feet distant from each other, measuring from ceo- AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 59 Chap. IV.] tre to centre. The walls at the most elevated part on the inside are 21 feet in height, and 42 in breadth at the base, but on the outside average only of five feet high. This forms a passage of about 360 feet in length, leading by a gradual descent to the low grounds, where it, probably, at the time of its con- struction, reached the margin of the river. Its walls commenoe at 60 feet from the ramparts of the fort, and increase in elevation as the way descends tawards the river: and the bottom is crowned in the centre, in the manner of a well-formed turnpike road. Within the walls of the fort, at the north-west corner, is an oblong, elevated square, 188 feet long, 132 broad, and nine feet high; level on the summit, and nearly perpendicular at the sides. At the centre of each of the sides the earth is projected, forming gradual ascents to the top, equally regular, and about six feet in width. Near the south wall is another elevated square, 150 feet by 120, and eight feet high. At the south- east corner is the third elevated square, 108 by 54 feet, with ascents at the ends. At the south' east corner of tire fort is a semicircular parapet, crowned with a mound, which guards the opening in the wall. Towards the south-east is a similar fort, containing 20 acres, with a gateway in the centre of each side and at each corner. These openings are defended with circular mounds.” There are also other works at Marietta, but a mere description of them can- not interest, as there is so much of sameness about them. And to describe all that maybe met with Mould fill a volume of no moderate size: for Dr. Harris says, “You cannot ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some of the mounds, or vestiges of the ramparts.” We shall, therefore, only notice the most prominent. Of first importance are doubtless the works upon the Scioto. The most magnificent is situated 26 miles south from Columbus, and consists of two nearly exact figures, a circle and a square, which are contiguous to each other. A town, having been built within the former, appropriately received the name of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. Jltwater, who has surveyed these works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi- nally 113SA feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the square was 907£ feet upon a side ; giving an area to the latter of 3025 square rods, and to the circle 3739 nearly ; both making almost 44 acres. The rampart of the circular fort consists of two parallel walls, and were, at least in the opinion of my author, 20 feet in height, measuring from the bottom of the ditch between the circumvallations, before the town of Circleville was built. “ The inner wall was of clay, taken up probably in the northern part of the fort, where was a low place, and is still considerably lower than any other part of the work. The outside wall was taken from the ditch which is be- tween these walls, and is alluvial, consisting of pebbles worn smooth in water and sand, to a very considerable depth, more than 50 feet at least.” At the time Mr. Jltwater wrote his account, (about 1819,) the outside of the walls was but about five or six feet high, and the ditch not more than 15 feet deep. The walls of the square fort were, at the same time, about 10 feet high. This fort had eight gateways or openings, about 20 feet broad, each of which was de- fended by a mound four or five feet high, all within the fort, arranged in the most exact manner ; equidistant and parallel. The circular fort had but one gateway, which was at its south-east point, and at the place of contact with the square. In the centre of the square was a remarkable mound, with a semicircular pavement adjacent to its eastern half, and nearly facing the pas- sage way into the square fort. Just without the square fort, upon the north side, and to the east of the centre gateway, rises a large mound. In the op- posite point of the compass, without the circular one, is another. These, probably, were the places of burial. As the walls of the square fort lie pretty nearly in a line with the cardinal points of the horizon, some have supposed they were originally projected in strict regard to them; their variation not being more than that of the compass; but a single fact of this kind can estab- lish nothing, as mere accident may have given them such direction. “ What surprised me,” says my authority, “ on measuring these forts, was the exact manner in which they had laid down their circle and square ; so that after every effort, by the most careful survey, to detect some error in their measure- ment, we found that it was impossible.” 60 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Boo* I. As it is not. my design to waste time in conjectures upon the authors of these antiquities, or the remoteness of the period in which they were con- structed, I will continue my account of them, after an observation upon a single circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found growing upon the mounds and other ancient works. Their having existed for a thou- sand years, or at least some of them, can scarcely be questioned, when we know from unerring data that trees have been cut upon them of the age of near 500 years ; and from the vegetable mould out of which they spring, there is every appearance of several generations of decayed trees of the same kind ; and no forest trees of the present day appear older than those upon the very works under consideration. There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to be as much so as any in the west. Here, as at Circleville, the same singular fact is observa- ble, respecting the openings into the forts; the square ones having several, but the round ones only one, with a single exception. Not far belosv Newark, on the south side of the Licking, are found numer- ous wells or holes in the earth. “ There are,” says Mr. Atwater , “ at least a thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deep.” Though called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. They have the appearance of being of the same age as the mounds, and were doubtless made by the same people ; but for what purpose they could have been made, few seem willing to hazard a conjecture. Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in the county of Perry, and southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing about 40 acres. Its shape is that of a heart, though bounded by straight lines. In or near its centre is a circular stone mound, which rises like a sugar-loaf from 12 to 15 feet. Near this large work is another small fort, whose walls are of earth, inclosing but about half an acre. I give these the name of forts, al- though Mr. Atwater says he does not believe they were ever constructed for defence. There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite the mouth of the Scioto. Those on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the most extensive, and those on the other side, directly opposite Alexandria, are the most regular. They are not more remarkable than many already de- scribed. What the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu- tion, even were the space of time given ; but there can be no doubt that most of them are much diminished from the action of tempests which have swept over them for ages. That they were the works of a different race from the present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is en- tirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some European articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works ; but few persons of intelligence pronounce them older than others of the same kind belonging to the period of the French wars. As it respects inscriptions upon stones, about which much has been said and written, I am of the opinion, that such are purely Indian, if they were not made by some white maniac, as some of them most unquestionably have been, or other persons who deserve to be classed among such ; but I would not be understood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants evidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among the inscriptions upon stone in New England, the “ Inscribed Rock,” ac it is called, at Dighton, Mass., is doubtless the most remarkable. It is in Taunton River, about six miles below the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If this inscription was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt whether any of them, except such as happened to know what it was done for, knew any thing of its import. The divers faces, figures of half-formed animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about 20 square feet. The whim- sical conjectures of many persons about the origin of the inscription might amuse, but could not instruct; and it would be a waste of time to give aa account of them. Chap. IV. | AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 61 A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit- ed a feiv years since in the Antiquarian Hall, at Worcester, Mass. ; and it was with some surprise, that, on examining it, I found nothing but a few lines of quartz upon one of its surfaces. The stone was singular in no respect beyond what may be found in half the farmers’ fields and stone fences in New Eng- land. In a cave on the bank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth of the Wabash, called Wilson’s or Murderer’s Cave, are figures engraven upon stone, which have attracted great attention. It was very early possessed by one Wilson, who lived in it with his family. He at length turned robber, and, collecting about 40 other wretches like himself about him, took all the boats which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the crews. He was himself murdered by one of his own gang, to get the reward which was offered for his apprehension. Never having had any drawings of the hieroglyphics in this cave, we cannot form any very conclusive opinion upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among those unknown characters are many figures of animals not known now to be in existence ; but in my opinion, this is in no wise a conclusive argument of their antiquity ; for the same may be said of the uncouth figures of the Indian manitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of Powhatan. At Harmony, on the Mississippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed- ded in hard limestone. The celebrated Rappe conveyed the stone containing them from St. Louis, and kept it upon his premises to show to travellers. They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, unac- customed to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity. They may, or may not be: there are arguments for and against such conclu- sion ; but on which side the weight of argument lies is a matter not easily to be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it was changed into fossil stone, we should not expect to find impressions , but a formation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in which the impressions were made ; for thus do organic remains discover them- selves, and not by their absence. A review of the theories and opinions concerning the race or races anterior to the present race of Indians would perhaps be interesting to many, and it would be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated, my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time in com- mentaries; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leaving the subject more obscure than it would evidently be without them. Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon a subject that cannot be settled. It is time enough to argue a subject of the nature of this we are upon when all the facts are collected. To write volumes about Shem, Ham, and Japhet, in connection with a few isolated facts, is a most ludicrous and worse than useless business. Some have said, it is an argument that the first population came from the north, because the works of which we have been speaking increase in importance as we proceed south ; but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar- rived within 40 u of the equator, (for this seems to be their boundary north,) it is not stated. Perhaps this people came in by way of the St. Lawrence, and did not need any works to defend them before arriving at the 40° of north latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, perhaps, For what purpose could fortifications have been built by the first people ? To defend themselves from wild beasts, or from one another? With this matter, however, we have nothing to do, but were led to these remarks, preparatory to a comparison be. tween the antiquities of the north with those of the south. On the other hand, it is said the original people of North America must have come from the south, and that their progress northward is evident from the same works ; with this difference, that as the people advanced, they dwindled into insignificance ; and hence the remains which they left are proportionate to their ability to make them. But there is nothing artificial among the ancient ruins of North America that will compare with the artificial mountain of Ana- huac, called Cholula, or Chloluia, which to this day is about 164 feet in perpen- dicular height, whose base occupies a square, the sides of which measure 1450 62 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BOOK I feel. Upon this the Mexicans had an immense wooden temple when Cortez overrun their empire. A city now bears the name of Cholula, in Puebla, 60 miles east of Mexico. Yet it appears from Dr. Beck's Gazetteer of Illinois, that there is standing between Belleville and St. Louis, a mound 000 yards in circumference at its base, and 90 feet in height. Mount Joliet, so named from the Sieur Joliet, a Frenchman, who travelled upon the Mississippi in 1673, is a most distinguished mound. It is on a plain about 600 yards west of the River Des Plaines, and 150 miles above Fort Clark. Mr. Schoolcraft computed its height at 60 feet, its length about 450 yards, and its width 75. Its sides are so steep that they are ascended with difficulty. Its top is a beautiful plain, from which a most delightful prospect is had of the surrounding country. It seems to have been composed of the earth of the plain on which it stands. Lake Joliet is situated in front of it ; being a small body of water about a mile in length. Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of South America differ considerably from those of North America, yet I have no doubt but that the people are of the same race. The condition even of savages changes. No nation remains stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the lakes do not make pottery at the present day, but earthen utensils are still in use among the remote tribes of the west, which is similar to that dug up in Ohio, and both are similar to that found in South America. In speaking of ancient pottery, Mr. Schoolcraft observes, “ It is common, in digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to find fragments of antique pottery, and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the sur- face. One of these pots, which was, until a very recent period, preserved by a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at a depth of 80 feet, and was of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons.” We see announced from time to time, in the various newspapers and other periodicals, discoveries of wonderful things in various places ; but on examina- tion it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are led to ex- pect from the descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in the banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron utensils found at great depths below the surface, and in situations indicating that they must have been de- posited there for three, four, or five hundred years ! Dr. McMurtrie relates, in his “ Sketches of Louisville,” that an iron hatchet was found beneath the roots of a tree at Shippingsport, upwards of 200 years old. He said he had no doubt that the tree had grown over the hatchet after it was deposited there, because “ no human power could have placed it in the particular position in which it was found.” Upon some other matters about which we have already remarked, the same author says, “ That walls, constructed of bricks and hewn stones, have beer discovered in the western country, is a fact as clear as that the sun shines when he is in his meridian splendor ; the dogmatical assertion of writers to the contrary notwithstanding.” My author, however, had not seen such remains himself, but was well assured of their existence by a gentleman of undoubted veracity. Unfortunately for the case he relates, the persons who discovered the ruins came upon them in digging, at about 18 feet below the surface of the ground, and when about to make investigation, water broke in upon them, and they were obliged to make a hasty retreat. “ A fortified town of considerable extent, near the River St. Francis,” upon the Mississippi, was said to have been discovered by a Mr. Savage, of Louis- ville. He found its walls standing in some places, and “ part of the walls of a citadel, built of briclcs, cemented by mortar." Upon some of these ruins were trees growing whose annual rings numbered 300. Some of the bricks, says Dr. McMurtrie, were at Louisville when he wrote his Sketches ; and they were “composed of clay, mixed with chopped and twisted straw, of regular figures, hardened by the action of fire or the sun.” Mr. Priest, in his “ American Antiquities,” mentions the ruins of two cities within a few miles of each other, nearly opposite St. Louis; but from what he says of them I am unable to determine what those ruins are composed of. After pointing out the sight of them, he continues, “Here is situated one of those pyramids, which is 150 rods in circumference at its base, and 100 feet Chap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 63 mo-h.” He speaks of “ cities,” but describes pyramids and mounds. If there be any thing like the works of men, at the places he points out, different from what is common in the west, it is very singular that they should not have at- tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who have for 50 years passed by them. Mr. Brackenridge speaks of the antiquities at this place, but does not say any thing about cities. He observes, “The most re- markable appearances are two groups of .mounds or pyramids, the one about 10 miles above Cahokia, the other nearly the same distance below it, which, in all, exceed 150, of various sizes. The western side also contains a considera- ble number. “ A more minute description of those about Cahokia, which I visited in the fall of 1811, will give a tolerable idea of them all. I crossed the Mississippi at St. Louis, and after passing through the wood which borders the river, about half a mile in width, entered an extensive open plain. In 15 minutes I found myself in the midst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and at a distance resembling enormous haystacks scattered through a meadow. One of the largest which I ascended was about 200 paces in circumference at the bottom, the form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone considerable alteration from the washing of the rains. The top was level, with an area suf- ficient to contain several hundred men.” When Mr. Bartram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be tween the years 1773 and 1776, he saw many interesting antiquities. At the Cherokee town of Cowe, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about 100 houses, he noticed that “ The council or town-house was a large rotunda, eapable of accommodating several hundred people : it stands on the top of an ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet perpendicular, and the ro- tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives the whole fabric an elevation of about 60 feet from the common surface of the ground. But,” Mr. Bartram continues, “ it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which the rotunda stands, is of a much ancienter date than the building, and perhaps was raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as ignorant as we are, by what people or for what purpose these artificial hills were raised ; they have various stories concerning them, the best of which amount to no more than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they have a tra- dition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found them in much the same condition as they now appear, when their forefathers arrived from the west and possessed themselves of the country, after vanquishing the nations of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves found these mounts when they took possession of the country, the former possessors delivering the same story concerning them.” Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in the south are not only the same as those in the north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the same also. At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob- long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only from two to three feet thick at its base, and tapered gradually from the ground to its top. What is very remarkable about this pillar is, that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for what purpose it was erected ; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartram made of the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned about the mounds ; viz., that their ancestors found it therew*tnd the people that those ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular when reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is given con- cerning perishable material, the shade, at least, of a suspicion is seen lurking in the back ground. As another singular circumstance, it is observed that no trees of the kind of which this column was made (pin. palustris) were to be found at that time nearer than 12 or 15 miles. In the great council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars and walls, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglyphics of his- torical legends, and political and sacerdotal affairs. “ They are,” observes Mr. Bartram, “ extremely picturesque or caricature, as men in a variety of at 64 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book i titudes, some ludicrous enough, others having the head of some kind of ezJi* mal, as those of a duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf, buck, &c., and again tbase kind of creatures are represented having the human head. These designs are not ill executed ; the outlines bold, free and well proportioned. The pillars supporting the front or piazza of the council-house of the square are ingenious- ly formed in the likeness of vast speckled serpents, ascending upwards ; the Ottasses being of the Snake tribe.” In the fourth book of this work mention has been made of the great high- ways in Florida. Mr. Bartram mentions them, but not in a very particular manner, upon the St. John’s River. As his sentiments seem to be those of a mar. of intelligence, I will offer here his concluding remarks upon the Indian antiquities of the country he visited. “I deem it necessary to observe, as my opinion, that none of them that I have seen discover the least signs of the arts, sciences, or architecture of the Europeans or other inhabitants of the old world, yet evidently betray every sign or mark of the most distant antiquity.” The above remark is cited to show how different different people make up their minds upon the same subject ; it shows how futile it is for us to spend time in speculating upon such matters. And, as I have before observed, it is time enough to build theories after facts have been collected. It can add noth- ing to our stock of knowledge respecting our antiquities, to talk or write forever about Nebuchadnezzar and the lost tribes of Jews ; but if the time which has been spent in this manner had been devoted to some useful pursuit, some use- ful object would have been attained. As the matter now stands, one object, nevertheless, is clearly attained, namely, that of misleading or confounding the understandings of many uninformed people. I am led to make these observa- tions to put the unwary upon their guard. In the preceding chapter I have given various accounts of, or accounts from various authors, who imagine that a colony of Welsh came to America 7 or 800 yeans ago. It is as truly astonishing as any thing we meet with to observe how many persons had found proofs of the existence of tribes of Welsh In- dians, about the same period. As a case exactly in point with that mentioned at the beginning of the last paragraph, I offer what Mr. Brackenridge says upon this matter. “That no Welsh nation exists,” he observes, “ at present, on this continent, is beyond a doubt. Dr. Barton has taken great pains to ascertain the languages spoken by those tribes east of the Mississippi, and the Welsh finds no place amongst them ; since the cession of Louisiana, the tribes west of the Mississippi have been sufficiently known ; we have had intercourse with them all, but no Welsh are yet found. In the year 1798, a young Welshman of the name of Evans ascended the Missouri, in company with Makey, and remained two years in that country; he spoke both the ancient and modern Welsh, and addressed himself to every nation between that river and New Spain, but found no Welshmen.” This, it would seem, is conclusive enough. Mr. Peck, in his “ Gazetteer of Illinois,” has aimed so happy a stroke at the writers on our antiquity, that, had I met with his rod before I had made the previous remarks, I should most certainly have made use of it. I shall never- theless use it. After saying something upon the antiquities of Illinois, he pro- ceeds : “ Of one thing the writer is satisfied, that very imperfect and incorrect data have been relied upon, and very erroneous conclusions drawn, upon west- ern antiquities. Whoever has time and patience, and is in other respects qual- ified to explore tins field of science, and will use his spade and eyes together, and restrain his imagination from running riot amongst mounds, fortifications, horseshoes, medals, and whole cabinets of relics of the ‘olden time,’ will find very little more than the indications of rude savages, the ancestors of tire present race of Indians.* KICD OF BOOK FIftST. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK II BOOK II BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. “ ’Tig good to muse on nations passed away Forever from the land we call our own.” Yamovdew CHAPTER L Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians — Some account of the individ- uals Donacona — Agonu — Tasquantum, or Squanto — Dehamda — Sketlwarroes — Assacumet — Manida — Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Salcaweston — Epanow — Manaicet — IVanape — Coneconam. The first voyagers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth of their accounts, and therefore took from their newly-discovered lands whatever seemed best suited to that object The inhabitants of America carried off by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away by voyagers merely for this object, but that they might, in time, learn from them the value of .the country from whence they took them. Besides those forcibly carried away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and ignorance both of the distance and usage they should meet with in a land of strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and hence such as were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, were prepared to be revenged on any strangers of the same color, that chanced to come among them. . V In the first voyage of Columbus to America, he took along with him, on bin p 01 ? \ return to Spain, a considerable number of Indians ; how many we do not know ; but several died on their passage, and seven were presented to the king. Vincente Yanez Pinzon, a captain under Columbus, kidnapped four natives, whom he intended to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from him, and restored them to their friends. In this first voyage to the islands of the new world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of the Spaniards.* There were three natives presented to Henry VII. by Sebastian Cabot, in 1502, which he had taken from Newfoundland. What were their names, or what became of them, we are not informed ; but from the notice of historians, we learn that, when found, “they were clothed with the skins of beasts, and lived on raw flesh ; but after two years, [residence in England,] were seen in the king’s court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from Englishmen.” f These were the first Indians ever seen in England.]; They * My present concern not being with the Indians of South America, I beg leave to refer the reader to a little work lately published, entitled The Old Indian Chiionicle, in which all the prominent facts concerning the atrocities of the Spaniards towards them will be found stated. f- Rapin’s Hist. England, i. 685. ed. fol. See also Purchas, 738. + This is upon the authority of Berkely. Instead of England, however, he says Eu- rope ; but, by saying the six, which Columbus had before taken from St. Salvador, made their escape, he shows his superficial knowledge of those affairs. Hear Herrera: — “ En suitte de cela, [ that is, after Columbus had replied to the king’s letter about a sec- ond voyage ,J il \Columbus\ partitpour alter h Barcelone auec sept lndiens, parce que les autres estment morts en chemin. II jit porter aueque luy des perroquets verds, et d* 68 CONDUCT OF EARLY YO\ AGERS [Book II were brought to the English court “ in their country habit,” and “ spoke a lan guage never heard before out of their own country.” * * The French discovered the river St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain of the ship who made the discovery, carried several natives to Paris, which were the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many they were in number, is not set down in the accounts of this voyage. The name of this captain was Thomas Jlubert . f John Verazzini, in the service of Francis I., in 1524, sailed along the Amer- ican coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to be some part of the coast of Connecticut, “20 of his men landed, and went about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled before them, but they caught an old woman who had hid herself in the high grass, with a young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The young woman, too, carried three children of her own sex. Seeing themselves discovered, they began to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the men were fled to the woods. They offered her something to eat, which she accepted, but the maiden refused it. This girl, who was tall and well shaped, they were desirous of taking along with them, but as she made a violent outcry, they contented themselves with taking a boy away with them.” j The name of New France was given to North America in this voyage. In another voyage here, Verazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the Indians. In the year 1576, Capt. Martin, afterwards Sir Martin, Frobisher sailed from England for the discovery of a north-west passage; “ the only thing of the world,” says a writer of his voyage, “ that was left yet vndone.” After the usual vicissitudes attending such an undertaking, at this early period of Eng lish navigation, he discovered a strait which has ever since borne his name. About 60 miles within that strait, he went on shore to make discovery of the country, and was suddenly attacked by the natives, “ who had stolen secretly behinde the rockes and though he “bent himselfe to his halberd,” he narrowly escaped with his life. Hence there was a well-grounded suspicion in all future communications with the Indians in this region ; yet, after considerable intercourse, Frobisher’s men became less wary, and five of them, going on shore from a boat, were sur- prised and carried off, and never heard of again. After this “the subtile trai- tours were so wary, as they would after that never come within our men’s danger.” Notwithstanding, Frobisher found means to entice some of them alongside of his ship, and after considerable manucevering, one of them had his fears so far overcome by the alluring sound of a cow-bell, that he came so near in his canoe, to obtain one of them, that “ the captain, being ready pro- vided, let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with maine force, boat and all,” into his ship. Whereupon this savage finding himself in captivity, “ for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within his mouth: notwithstanding he died not thereof, but liued vntil he came in Eng- land, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea.” The next year (1577) Frobisher made another voyage to the same coasts of America, and on some excursion on land he was attacked and wounded by the Indians. In York Sound he attacked a party, and killed five or six of them, and shortly after took two women prisoners. Such were the impressions given and received between the Europeans and Indians in that early day of American history. This was indeed a comparatively barbarous age. Few of the early voyagers were better than demi-savages ; for they measured the conduct of the Indians by their own scale of justice ; in which might was too often taken for right. But we of this age — what will be said of us by generations to come, — by rouges, et d'autres choses digues d’ admiration qui n’auoient iamais este veuts era Espagne.” Hist, dea Indes Occident, i. 102. Ed. 1660, 3 tomes, 4to. See also Harris, Voyages, ii. 15. ed. 1764. 2 v. fol. ; Robertson, America, i. 94. ed. 1773, 4to. * Berkely’s Naval Hist. Brit. 268. ed. 1756, fol. and Harris, Voyages, ii. 191. t Forster, 432. J Ibid. 434, 435. TOWARDS THE INDIANS. Chj p. I.] 69 the enlightened of distant ages, — when they inquire for the canses and reasons for cur conduct in our wars with the Indians in our own times: The next early voyager we shall Dotice is Capt. Hendrick Hudson. From Robert Juefs journal of his voyage it appears that Hudson discovered the river which bears his name, Sept 6, 1609, and explored it probably as high up at least as the present site of West Point, before he left it. During his stay in the river Manna-hata, as it was called by the natives, the conduct of his men towards those people was most unjust, savage, and cruel. We are told that their first interviews with the natives were friendly , but we are not told how they became immediately otherwise. The same da v Hudson entered the river, he sent out John Colrnan to make soundings, in wnich service he was shot in hia throat with an arrow and killed ; and the next day he was buried on a point of land which has ever since borne his name. What provocation, if any, led to this misfortune, is not mentioned, nor does it appear that there was any sus- pension of intercourse, though a few days after several Indians were taken captive by the ship’s crew as they came to trade, and were confined on board. They escaped soon after, however, by jumping overboard. By the 15th of September, Hudson had reached considerably above West Point, and on the 1st of October he began to descend, but came to an anchor “ seven miles below the mountains.” An Indian in a canoe, while many others were around the ship, came under the stern, climbed up by the rudder, entered the cabin window, which had been left open, and stole some trifling articles. Being discovered, he was pursued and killed by the mate, “ by a shot through his breast.” By this rash act several were so frightened that they jumped into the river. As a boat from the ship was pursuing them, one in the water caught hold of the side of the boat; whereupon the cook cutoff his hands with a sword, and he was drowned. The next day two canoes approached the ship, and shot at it with their bows and arrows ; 11 in recompense whereof,” says Juet, “ we discharged six muskets, and killed two or three of them.” Soon after, about 100 Indians appeared on a point of land, “to shoot at us;” then “ I shot a falcon at them,” says this author, whom I take to have been the gunner of the ship, “and killed two of them. Yet they manned off another canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us ; so I shot at it also a fal- con, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men -with their muskets killed three or four more of them.” This must truly ever be looked upon as a sad beginning of an acquaintance between the Indians and white people on the southern boundary of New Eng- land. The former could not view the latter in any other light than a race far more barbarous than themselves; inasmuch as they had seen a score of their people, one after another, sacrificed, while they had killed but a single white man, probably in a quarrel. We now turn to the northern boundary for another example or two of early intercourse. Donacona, a chief upon the River St Croix, was met with, in 1535, by the voyager James Cartier, who was well received and kindly treated by him and his people ; to repay which, Cartier, “ partly by stratagem and partly by force.” carried him to France, where he soon after died.* Notwithstanding, Cartier was in the country five years after, where he found Agona, the successor of Donacona, and exchanged presents with him, probably reconciling him by some plausible account of the absence of Donacona. Tasquantum, or Tisquantum , was one of the five natives carried from the coast of New England, in 1605, by Capt George IVaymouth, who had been sent out to discover a north-west passage. This Indian was known after- wards to the settlers of Plimouth, by whom he was generally called ’ Squanto , or ’ Squantum , by abbreviation. The names of the other four were Manida, Skettwarroes, Dehamda and Assacumet. Although Gorges does not say Dehamda was one brought over at this time, it is evident that he was, because, so far as we can discover, there were no othe • natives at that time in England, but these five. Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, Waymouth, “ falling short of his course, [in seek- ing the N. W. passage,] happened into a river on the coast of America, called Pemmaquid, from whence he brought five of the natives.” “ And it so pleased • Foster, 440 — 443. 70 CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [Book IK our great God that” Waymouth, on his return to England, “ came into the harbor of Plymouth, where I then commanded.” Three* * * § of whose natives, namely, Manilla, Skettwarroes and Tasquantum, “ I seized upon. They were all of one na- tion, but of several parts, and several families. This accident must he acknowl- edged the means, under God, of putting on foot and giving life to ail our plan- tations.” Paying great attention to these natives, he soon understood enough by them about the country from whence they came to establish a belief that it was of great value; not perhaps making due allowance for its being their home. And Sir Ferdinando adds, “ After I had those people sometimes in my custody, I ob- served in them an inclination to follow the example of the better sort ; and in all their carriages, manifest shows of great civility, far from the rudeness of our common people. And the longer I conversed with them, the better hope they gave me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our useo ; especially when I found what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors, those parts abounded with, being the special marks I leveled at as the only want our nation met with in all their navigations along that coast. And hav- ing kept them full three years, I made them able to set me down what great rivers run up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power they were of, how allied, what enemies they had,” &c. Thus having gained a knowledge of the country, Sir Ferdinando got ready “ a ship furnished with men and all necessaries” for a voyage to America, and sent as her captain Mr. Henry Clialloung ,f with whom he also sent two of his Indians. The names of these were Assacumet and Manida. Chalons, having been taken sick in the beginning of the voyage, altered his course, and lost some time in the West Indies. After being able to proceed northward, he departed from Porto Rico, and was soon after taken by a Spanish fleet, and carried into Spain, “ where their ship and goods were confiscate, themselves made prisoners, the voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost” One, however, Assacumet, was afterwards recovered, if not the other. This voyage of Chalons was in 1806. It appears that the Lord Chief Justice Popham\ had agreed to send a vessel to the aid of Chalons, which was accordingly done before'the news of his bein'* taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, “It pleased the lord chief justice, according to his promise, to despatch Capt. [ Martin ] Frin from Bristol, with hope to have found Capt. Challounge ; ” “but not hear- ing by any means what became of him, after he had made a perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors,” “ brings with him the most exact discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since, and, indeed, he was the best able to perform it of any I met withal to this present [time,] which, with his relation of the country, wrought such an impression in the lord chief justice, and us all that were his associates, that (notwithstanding our first disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it with effect.” Dehamda and Skettwarroes were with Prin § in this voyage, and were, with- out doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast. It appears from Gorges, that Dehamda was sent by the .chief justice, who we suppose had con- sidered him his property, || and Skettwarroes by himself. They returned again to England with Prin. * It seems, from this part of his narrative, that he had but three of them, but from subsequent passages, it appears he had them all. Set also America painted to the Life. •f Challons, by some. Gorges has sometimes, Chdlovms, Chalon, &c X The same who presided at the trial of Sir \V. Ralegh and his associates, in 1003. See Prince’s Worthies of Devon, 672, 673. Fuller, in his Worthies of England, ii. 284, 6ay.s, “ Travelers owed their safety to this judge’s severity many years after his death, which happened Anno Domini 16**,” thinking, no doubt, he had much enlightened his reader by definitely stating that Sir John Popham died some time within a hundred years. The severity referred to has reference to his importuning King James not to pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render the judges con- temptible, and “ which made him more sparing afterward.” § Gorges, one of the main springs of these transactions, who wrote the account we give, makes no mention of any other captain accompanying him; yet Dr .Holmes's authorities, Annals, i. 125, led him to record Thomas Ilanam as the performer of this voyage. And a writer of 1622 says, Hanam, or, as he calls him, Daman, went com- mander, and Prinne master. See 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 3. This agrees with the account of Gorges the younger. |] He had probably been given to him by Sir Ferdinando. I. TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 71 The next year, 1607, these two natives piloted the first New England colony to the mouth of Sagadahock River, since the Kennebeck. They left England 30 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August following. “ As soon as the president had taken notice of the place, and given order for landing the pro- visions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Skitwarres his guide, for the thorough discovery of the rivers and habitations of the natives, by whom he was brought to several of them, where he found civil entertainment, and kind respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so as they suddenly became famil- iar friends, especially by the means of Dehamda and Skitwarrers .” “ So as tiro president was earnestly intreated by Sassenow, Aberemet, and others, the princi pal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the Bashabas, who it seems was their king.” They were prevented, however, by adverse weather, from that ^ourney, and thus the promise to do so was unintentionally broken, “ much to the grief of those Sagamores that were to attend him. The Bashe- bas, notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit him, and to beat a trade with him for furs.” Several sad and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this first colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store-house, contain- ing most of their supplies, by fire, in the winter following, and another was the death of Lord Popham. It consisted of 100 men, and its beginning was auspi- cious ; but these calamities, together with the death of their president, broke down their resolutions. So many discouragements, notwithstanding a ship with supplies had arrived, determined them to abandon the country, which they did in the spring.* What became of Dehamda and Skettwarroes there is no mention, but they probably remained in the country with their friends, un- less the passage which we shall hereafter extract be construed to mean differ- ently.! To return to Tisquantum. There is some disagreement in the narratives of the contemporary writers in respect to this chief, which shows, either that some of them are in error, or that there were two of the same name — one carried away by Waymouth, and the other by Hunt. From a critical examination of the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and that he was carried away by Waymouth, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges relates, whose account we have given above.! It is impossible that Sir Ferdinando should have been mistaken in the names of those he received from Waymouth. The names of those carried off by Hunt are not given, or but few of them, nor were they kidnapped until nine years after WaymoutVs voyage. It is, therefore, possible that Squantum , having returned home from the service of Gorges, went again to England with some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt. But we are inclined to think there was but one of the name, and his being carried away an error of inad- vertence. Patuxa;, afterward called Plimouth, was the place of residence of Squantum, who, it is said, was the only person that escaped the great plague of which we shall particularly speak in the life of Massasoit ; where, at the same time, we shall take up again the life of Squantum, whose history is so intimately con- nected with it It was in 1611 that Captain Edward Harlow§ was sent “ to discover an lie supposed about Cape Cod,” who “ falling with Monahigan, they found onely Cape Cod no lie but the maine ; there [at Monhigon Island] they detained three Saluages aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but Pechmo leapt ouerboard, and got away ; and not long after, with his consorts, cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the English lost her.”|| This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To have got * They had “ seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at the mouth of this river, [Sagadahock,] where they built a fortress to defend themselves from their enemies, which they named St. George.” America Painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. p. 19. t See life Massasoit. 1 It is plain, from Prince Chron. 134, that his authors had confounded the names ol these Indians one with another. { Sir Fred. Gorges is probably wrong in calling him Henry Harley. Capt. Smith’s Gen. Hist. N. Eng., ii. 174. 72 HUNT’S VOYAGE. [Book 1 under the stern of a ship, in the face of armed men, and at the same time to have succeeded in his design of cutting away and carrying off the boat, was an act as bold and daring, to say the least, as that performed in the harbor of Tripoli by our countryman Decatur. From Monhigon Harlow , proceeding southward, fell in with* an island called then by the Indians JYbhono. From this place “ they tooke SaJcawes- ton, that after he had lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wars of Bohemia.”* Whether he ever returned we are not told. From this island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capoge, [Martha’s Vineyard.] Here “ they tooke Coneconam and Epenow ,” and “ so, with fine Saluages, they returned for England.” Eperww, or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a character as Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdlnando Gorges is evidently erroneous in part of his statement about this native, in as far as it relates to his having been brought away by Hunt. For Harlow’s voyage was in 1611, and Epanow was sent over to Cape Cod with Captain Hobson, in 1614, some months before Hunt left. As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable writers as Smith, Gorges, &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not pardon him were he to withhold what the intimate acquaintance of the interesting Epanow says of him. Hear, then, Sir Ferdinando : — “ While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in my languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Harley f unto me, bringing with him a native of the Island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, strong and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force] with some 29 J others by a ship of London that endeavored to sell them for slaves in Spaine, out being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unapt for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this being one of them they refused, wherein they exprest more worth than those that brought them to the market, who could not but known that our nation was at that time in travel for eetling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tending to our prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as it shall further appear. How Capt. Harley came to be possessed of this savage, I know not, but I understood by others how he had been shown in London for a wonder. It is true, (as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English as to bid those that wondered at him, Welcome, welcome ; this being the last and best use they could make of him, that was now grown out of the people’s wonder. The captain, falling further into his familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance and friendship with those subject to the Bashaba, whom the captain well knew, being himself one of the plantation, sent over by the lord chief justice, [ Popham ,] and by that means understood much of his language, found out the place of his birth,” &c. Before proceeding with the history of Epanow, the account of Capt. Thomas Hunt’s voyage should be related ; because it is said that it was chiefly owing to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to the voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we have already said) Hunt did not commit his depredations until after Epanow had escaped out of the hands of the English. Capt. John Smith was in company with Hunt, and we will hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating that they arrived at Mon- higon in April, 1614, § spent a long time in trying to catch whales without success ; and as “ for gold, it was rather the master’s device to get a voyage, that projected it;” that for trifles they got “near 11000 beaver skins, 100 * Capt. Smith’s Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ii. 174. ■j- Perhaps not the Capt. Harlow before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorge » means him. J If in this he refers to those taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets the number higher than others. His grandson, F. Gorges, in America Painted, &c., says 24 was the number seized by Hunt. $ Smith had an Indian named Tantum with him in this voyage, whom he set on shore at Cape Cod. EPANOW. CHiP. 1 ] 73 martin, and as many otters, the most of them within the distance of 20 leagues,” and his own departure for Europe, Capt. Smith proceeds: — “ The other ship staid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which was sold at Malaga at 4 rials the quintal, each hundred weight two quintals and a half. — But one Thomas Hunt , the master of this ship, (when I was gone,) thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plantation, thereby to keep this abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer- chants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this country, betrayed four and twenty of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these silly salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him ever after from any more employment to those parts.” F. Gorges, the younger, is rather confused in his account of Hunt's voyage, as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of Hunt's selling the Indians he took as slaves, the news of which having got into Eng- land before Epanow was sent out, caused this Indian to make his escape, and consequently the overthrow of the vogage ; whereas the latter, Sir Ferdinando , does not attribute it to that. We will now hear him again upon this interest- ing subject: — “ The reasons of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capawick. “ At the time this new savage [ Epanow ] came unto me, I had recovered Assacumet, one of the natives I sent with Capt. Chalownes in his unhappy em- oloyment, with whom I lodged Epenaw, who at the first hardly understood one the other’s speech, till after a while ; I perceived the difference was no more than that as ours is between the northern and southern people, so that 1 was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give account of what he learned by conference between themselves, and he aa faithfully performed it.” There seems but little doubt that Epanow and Assacumet had contrived a plan of escape before they left England, and also, by finding out what the Eng- lish most valued, and assuring them that it was in abundance to be had at a certain place in their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended discovery were the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which we are now to speak. Still, as will be seen, Sir Ferdinando does not speak as though he had been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the woods. Gold, it has been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to pilot the English. Gorges proceeds : — “They [Capt. Hobson and' those who accompanied him] set sail in Jurfe, in Anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and JVanape,* another native of those parts sent me out of the Isle of Wight,] for iny better information in the parts of the country of his knowledge: when as it pleased God that they were arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place, by the natives themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make good his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine, no doubt,] the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard; some of them being his brothers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,] who, after they had communed together, and were kindly entertained by the captain, departed in their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again, and bring some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted with his friends, how he might make his escape without performing what he had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was to do though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it were found that he had dis- * Doubtless the same called by others Manawet, who, it would seem from Mr. Hub- bard, (Hist. N. Eng. 39,) died before Epanow escaped, “ soon after the ship’s arrival.” ■f How he came there, we are at a loss to determine, unless natives were carried off, of whom no mention is made. This was unquestionably the case, for when it came to De a common thing for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of course, would b# made of them, especially if they went voluntarily, as, no doubt, many did. 74 EPANOW. [Book fl covered the secrets of his country,* he was sure to have his brains knockl out as soon as he came ashore ; f for that cause I gave the captain strict charge to endeavor by all means to prevent his escaping from them. And for the more surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever at hand with him ; clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if occasion should require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance with their bows ready, the captain calls to them to come aboard ; but they not mov- ing, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him, where he was in the forecastle of the ship, he being then in the waste of the ship, between the two gentle- men that had him in guard ; starts suddenly from them, and coming to the cap- tain, calls to his friends in English to come aboard, in the interim slips himself overboard: And although he were taken hold of by one of the company, yet, being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the water, but the natives, [his friends in the boats,] sent such a shower of arrows, and came withal desperately so near the ship, that they carried him away in despight of all the musquetteers aboard, who were, for the number, as good as our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particular [voy- age] made void and frustrate.” From the whole of- this narration it is evident that Epanow was forcibly retained, if not forcibly carried off, by English. And some relate]: that he attacked Capt Derrner and his men, supposing they had come to seize and carry him back to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian custom, resolved that the first whites should atone for it, either with their life or liberty. Gorges does not tell us what his brave “musquetteers” did when Epanow escaped, but from other sources we learn that they fired upon his liberators, killing and wounding some, but how many, they could only conjecture. But there is no room for conjecture about the damage sustained on the part of the ship’s crew, for it is distinctly stated that when they received the “ shower of arrows,” Capt Hobson and many of his men were wounded.§ And Smith |j says, “ So well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported he intended to have surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking, before them all he leaped ouer boord.” We next meet with Epanow in 1619. Capt. Thomas Dormer, or Derrner, in the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Capoge, the place where, five years before, he made his escape from Capt. jlobson. Gorges writes, “ This savage, speaking some English, laughed at his owne escape, and re- ported the story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of my servants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to be forced to steal away. This savage was so cunning, that, after he had ques- tioned him about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he was come on purpose to betray him ; and [so] conspired with some of his fellows to take the captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon him. But he being a brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not without 14 wounds. This disaster forced him to make ail possible haste to Virginia to be cured of his wounds. At the second return [he having just come from there] he had the misfortune to fall sick and die, of the infirmity many of our nation are subject unto at their first coming into those parts.” The ship’s crew being at the same time on shore, a fight ensued, in which some of Epanow' s company were slain. “ This is the last time,” says e writer in the Historical Collections, “ that the soil of Martha’s Vineyard was siained with human blood ; for from that day to the present [1807] no Indian has been Killed by a white man, nor white man by an Indian.” Ic relation to the fight which Derrner and his men had with the Indians at the Vineyard, Morton H relates that the English went on shore to trade with them, when they were assaulted and all the men slain but one that kept the * The secrets of the sandy island Capoge, or the neighboring shores of Cape Cod, whatever they are now, existed only in faith of such sanguine minds as Sir Ferdinando and his adherents. •f We need no better display of the craft of Epanow, or proof of his cunning in deep plots. t Belknap, Amer. Biog. i. 362. 6 Smith's N. England, ii. 178. | Ibid. 11 N. Eng. Memorial, 68, 69. Chap. II.] FIRST SETTLEMENT AT PLIMOUTH. 7A boat “ But the [captain] himself got on board very sore wounded, and they had cut off his head upon the cuddy of the boat, had not his man rescued him with a sword, and so they got him away.” Sqiuinto was with Capt. Demur at this time, as will be seen in the life of MassasoiU CHAPTER II. Arrival and first Proceedings of the English who settle at Plimouth — Their first discovery of Indians — Their first battle with them — Samoset — Squanto — Massa- soit — Iyanough — Aspinet — Cauneconam — Caunbitant — Wittuwamet — Pek- suot — Hobomok — Tokamaliamon — Obbatinewat — Nanepashamet — Squaw- Sa - chem of Massachusetts — Webcowet. In 1620 some determined white people, with the most astonishing and in- _ vincible firmness, undertook to wander 3000 miles from the land of their birth, and, in the most hazardous manner, to take up a permanent abode upon the borders of a boundless wilderness, — a wilderness as great, or far greater, for aught they knew, than the expanse of ocean which they were to pass. But all dangers and difficulties, there to be encountered, weighed nothing in com- parison with the liberty of conscience which they might enjoy when once beyond the control of their bigoted persecutors. These singular people had liberty from their oppressor, James I., to go anu settle in this wilderness, and to possess themselves of some of the lands of the Indians, provided they paid him or some of his friends for them. No one seems then to have questioned how this king came by the right and title to lands here, any more than how he came by his crown. They were less scru- pulous, perhaps, in this matter, as the king told them, in a charter * which he granted them, though not till after they had sailed for America, “that he hah BEEN GIVEN CERTAINLY TO KNOWE, THAT WITHIN THESE LATE YEARES THERE HATH, BY GOd’s VISITATION, RAIGNED A WONDERFUL PLAGUE, TO- GETHER WITH MANY HORRIBLE SLAUGHTERS AND MURTHERS, COMMITTED AMOUNGST THE SAUAGES AND BRUTISH PEOPLE THERE HEERTOFORE INHABIT- ING, IN A MANNER TO THE UTTER DESTRUCTION, DEVASTACION AND DEPOP- ULACION OF THAT WHOLE TERRITORYE, SO THAT THERE IS NOT LEFT, FOR MANY LEAGUES TOGETHER IN A MANNER, ANY THAT DOE CLAIME OR CHAL- LENGE any kind of interests THEREIN.”] This was, doubtless, as wel known, if not better, to the Pilgrims (as they were aptly called) as to King James After numerous delays and disappointments, the Pilgrims, to the number of 41, with their wives,] children, and servants, sailed from Plimouth, in England, in one small ship, called the Mayflower, on Wednesday, the 6th of September. Their passage was attended with great peril ; but they safely arrived at Cape Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the loss of any of their number. They now proceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the barren coast One of the first things they found necessary to do, to preserve ordei among themselves, was, to form a kind of constitution, or general outline of government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after their arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The same day, 15 or 16 of their number, covered with armor, proceeded to the land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did not show themselves to the English until the 15th, and then they would have nothing to say to them. About 5 or 6 at first only appeared, who fled into the woods as soon as they had discovered themselves. The Englishmen followed them many miles, but could not overtake them. First Battle with the Indians. — This was upon 8 Dec. 1620, and we will give the account of it in the language of one that was an actor in it. “We went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out * This charter bears date 3 Nov. 1620. Chalmers, Polit. Annals, 81. + Hazard’s Hist. Collections, I, 105, where the entire charter may be seen. It was afterwards called The Grand Plimouth Patent. Chalmers, ib X There were, in all, 28 females. 76 FIRST BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS.— SAMOSET. [Book 1L of the woods that we might come to our shallop. By that time we had done, and our shallop come to us, it was within night [7 Dec.], and we betook us to our rest, after we had set our watch. “ About midnight we heard a great and hideous crj, and cur Sentinell caned Arm, arm. So we bestirred ourselues, and shot off a couple of Muskets, and [the] noyse ceased. We concluded that it was • _ompany of Wolues and Foxes, for one [of our company] told vs he had heart such a noyse in New-found-land. About hue a clocke in the morning [8 Dec.] wee began to be stirring. Vpon a sudden we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, came running in and cryed, They are men, Indians, Indians ; and withall their urrowes came flying amongst vs. Our men ran out with all speed to recovet their armes. The cry of our enemies was dreadfull, especially when our men ran out to recover their Armes. Their note was after this manner, JVoatli, woach, lia ha hack woach. Our men were no sooner come to their Armes, but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit lesse valiant, who was thought to bee their Captain, stood behind a tree, within half a musket shot of vs, and there let his arrawes fly at vs. Hee stood three shots of a musket. At length one of vs, as he said, taking full ayme at him, he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all.” It is not certain that any blood was shed in this battle ; but it was pretty strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was wounded. The Indians having retreated, the conquerors were left in possession of the battle- ground, and they proceeded to gather together the trophies of this their first victory. They picked up 18 arrows, which they sent to their friends in Eng- land by the return of the Mayflower. Some of these were curiously “ headed with brasse, some with Harts’ home, and others with Eagles’ clawes.” * It appeared afterwards that this attack was made by the Nauset Indians, whose chief’s name was Aspinet. Whether he was the leader in this fight, is not known ; but he probably was. The place where the affair happened was called by the Indians Namskeket ; but the English now called it The First Encounter. The ELEVENTH OF DECEMBER, ever memorable in the history of New England, was now come, and this was the day of the LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS. A place upon the inhospitable shore had been fixed upon, and was this day taken possession of, and never again deserted. The ship until then had been their permanent abode, which now they gladly exchanged for the sandy shore of the bay of Cape Cod. Welcome, Englishmen ! Welcome, Englishmen! are words so inseparably associated with the name of Samoset, that we can never hear the one without the pleasing recollection of the other. These were the first accents our pil- grim fathers heard, on the American strand, from any native. We mean intel- ligible accents, for when they were attacked at Namskeket, on their first arrival, they heard only the frightful war-whoop. The first time Indians were seen by the pilgrims, was upon 15th Nov. 1620. “ They espied flue or sixe people, with a Dogge, coming towards them, who were Savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the Wood, and whistled the Dogge after them.”f And though the English ran towards them, when the Indians perceived it “ they ran away might and main,” and the English “could not come near them.” Soon after this, Morton says the Indians “ got all the powaws in the country, who, for three days together, in a horid and devilish manner did curse and execrate them with their conjurations, which assembly * Mourt’s Relation , in 1 Mass. Hist. Col. VIII, 218, 219 ; or, original ed. p. 19 & 20. f Relation or Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth, in N. E. usually cited Mourt’s Relation. It was, no doubt, written by several of the company, or the writer was assisted by several. Mourt seems to have been the publisher. He appears not to have written any part of it but the “ To the Reader,” and I am inclined to believe that this G. Mourt, being zealous in the cause of the Pilgrims, may have published the work his own expense. He published, at least, one other kindred work. I have no scru- ple but that Richard Gardner was the principal author. About the early settlement of any country, there never was a more important document. It was printed in 1622, and is now reprinted in the Mass. Hist. Col., and we hope soon to see it printed in a volume by itself in a style worthy of its importance. As it stands in the Hist. Collections, it is very difficult tc consult, a part of it being contained in one volume, and the remain dei in another. THE PLAGUE. — NEW INTERVIEW Chap. ll.J 77 and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp. Behold how Satan labor ed to hinder the gospel from coming into New England!” It was on Friday, 16th March, 1621, that Samoset suddenly appeared at Plimouth, and, says Mourt, “He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of liis boldness.” He was naked, “ only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long.” The weather was very cold, and this author adds, “We cast a horseman’s coat about him.” To reward them for their hospitality, Samoset gave them whatever information they desired. “ He had, say they, learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Mouhiggon, and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of seemly car- riage. We questioned him of many things : he was the first savage we could meet withal. He said he was not of those parts, but of Moratiggon, and one of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 months in these parts, it lying hence [to the eastward] a day’s sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of every province, and of their sag- amores, and their number of men, and strength.” “ He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, strait man; the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a mallard ; all which he iiked well.” “ He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that about 4 years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our possession, or lay claim unto it. All the afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on ship-board, wherewith he was well content, and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged [’with him] that night at Stephen Hopkins’ house, and watched him.” Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence happily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning to return to Massasoit. who, he said, was a sachem having under him 60 men. The English having left some tools exposed in the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly judged the Indians had taken them. They complained of this to Samoset in rather a threatening air. “We willed him (say they) that they should be brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves.” When he left them “ he promised within a night or two to come again,” and bring some of Massasoit' & men to trade with them in beaver skins. As good as his word, Samoset came the next Sunday, “ and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer’s skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild cat’s skin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to theij groins, close made ; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather they were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like om English gipsies ; no hair, or very little, on their faces ; on their heads long hail to their shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather broadwise like a fan ; another a fox-tail hanging out.” The English had charged Samoset not to let any who came with bun bring their arms ; these therefore, left “their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals,” and appeared very friendly ; “ sang and danced after their manner, like auticks.” “Some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad : others after other fashions, as they liked. They brought three or four skins, but we would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all ; which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should ; and they brought all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our absence. So, because of the day [Sunday], we dismiss ed them so soon as we 78 CAPT HUNT.— IYANOUGH OF CUMMAQUID. [Book II could. But Samoset , our first acquaiutance, either was sick, or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words ; anti we gave him a hat, a pan- of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist.” Samoset returned again, the next day, bringing with him Squanto, mentioned in the last chapter. He was “the only native (says Mookt’s Relation) of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of the 20 [or 24] captives, that by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England, and dwelt in Comhill with master John Slaine, a merchant, and could speak a little English, with three others.” They brought a few articles for trade, but the more important news “that their great sagamore, Massasoyt, was hard by,” whose introduc- tion to them accordingly followed. In June, 1621, a boy, John Billington, having been lost in the woods, several English, with Squanto and Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to Nauset in search for him. Squanto was their interpreter ; “ the other, Tokamahamon, a special friend.” The weather was fan - when they set out, “but ere they had been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning and thunder, insomuch that a [water] spout arose not far from them.” How- ever, they escaped danger, and arrived at night at Cummaquid. Here they met with some Indians, who informed them that the boy was at Nauset. These Indians treated them with great kindness, inviting them on shore to eat with them. Iyanough was sachem of this place, and these were his men. “ They brought us to then- sachim (says Mourt) or governor, whom they call Iyanough? ’ who then appeared about 26 years of age, “ but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair-conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter- tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various.” Tims is portrayed the amiable character, Iyanough, by tjiose who knew him, We can add but little of him except his wretched fate. The severity executed upon Wittuwamet and Peksuot caused such consternation and dread of the English among many, that they forsook their wonted habitations, fled into swamps, and lived in unhealthy places, in a state of starvation, until many died with diseases which they had thus contracted. Among such victims were Iyanough, Aspinet, Coneconam, and many more. Hence the English supposed they were in PeksuoVs conspiracy, as will be more particularly related here- after. While the English were with Iyanough, at Cummaquid, they relate that there was an old woman, whom they judged to be no less than 100 years old, who came to see them, because she had never seen English ; “ yet (say they) [she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively.” They inquired the reason of it, and were told that she had three sons, “ who, when master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard nis ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain.” Squanto being present, who was carried away at the same time, was acquainted with the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a bad man, but that all the other Eng- lish were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a few trinkets, which considerably appeased her. Our voyagers now proceed to Nauset, accompanied by Iyanough and two of his men. Aspinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent, Iyanough and his men having gone before. Squanto having informed Aspinet that his English friends had come for the boy, he “came (they relate) with a great train, and brought the boy with him,” one carrying him through the water. This being at or near the place where an attack was made on the English, on their first arrival in the country, as has been related, caused them to be on their guard at this time. At this time, Aspinet had in his company “not less than an hundred;” half of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest “stood aloof,” with their bows and arrows, looking on. Aspinet delivered up the boy in a formal man- ner, “ behung with beads, and made peace with us ; we bestowing a knife on him, and likewise on another, that first entertained the boy, and brought him thither.” 79 Chap II.] IYANOUGH. — ASPINET. — DEATH OF SQUANTO. Iyanough did not accompany the expedition in their return from Nauset, but went home by land, and was ready to entertain the company on their return. From contrary winds and a want of fresh water, the voyagers were obliged to touch again at Cummaquid. “ There (say they) we met again with Iyanough, and the most of his town.” “He, being still willing to gratify us, took a rund- et, and led our men hi the dark a great way for water, but could find none good, yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the meantime the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop ;* the men also showing all the kindness they could, Iyanough himself taking a bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it ahout one of us.” They were not able to get out of the harbor of Cummaquid from baffling winds and tides, which Iyanough seeing, the next morning he ran along the shore after them, and they took him into their shallop, and returned with him to his town, where he entertained them in a manner not inferior to what he had done before. They now succeeded in getting water, and shortly after returned aome in safety. While at Nauset, the English heard that Massasoit had been attacked and carried off by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of Standish and Allerton against Caunbitant, as will be found related in his life. About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselves to King James , as will be found, also, in that life. But to return again to Aspinet, and other sachems of Cape Cod. By the improvidence of a company settled at Wessaguscus, under the direc- tion of Mr. Thomas Weston, in 1622, they had been brought to the very brink of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth people were but very little better off ; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of consequences might have ensued to both these infant colonies. As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy com, and whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanto was pilot in this expedition ; but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of. his death stands thus in Winslow’s Relation : — “ But here [at Manamoyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to make a second essay [to pass within the shoals of Cape Cod] ; yet God had otherwise disposed, who struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the master’s sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them.” His disorder, according to Prince, was a fever, “bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom.” He desired the governor would pray for him, that he might go to the Englishmen’s God, “ bequeathing his things to sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we have a great loss.” Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tasquantum, in December, 1622. To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme folly and shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great deal of trouble, as in the life of Massasoit and Hohomok will appear. Thus, at the commencement of the voyage, the pilot w.as taken away by death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, before Squanto died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of Mana- moick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner that would do honor to any people in any age. It is the more worthy of remark, as none of the English had ever been there before, and were utter strangers to them. After they had refreshed them “with store of venison and other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance,” they sold them “ 8 hogsheads of com and beans, though the people were but few.” From Manamoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do nothing * It was a custom with most Indian nations to dance when strangers came among them. Baron Lahontan says it was the manner of the Iroquois to dance “ lorsque les Strangers B orient dans leur pals, ou que leurs ennemis envoient aes xmbassadeurs pour faire des prop *- tit 1 • is dt paixp — Memoi res dt L’Amerique, ii. 110. 80 SQUANTO. [Hook II there, as Mr. Weston's men had ruined the market by giving “ as much for a quart of com, as we used to do for a beaver’s skin.” Therefore they returned again to Cape Cod, to Nauset, “ where the sachem Aspinet used the governor very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn and beans . aleo at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kind entertainment and com also.” While here, a violent storm drove on shore and so damaged their pinnace, that they could not get their com on board the ship : so they made a stack of it, and secured it from the weather, by covering it with mats and sedge. Aspinet was desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroying it, until they could send for it ; also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with. All this he faithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, “receiving great kindness from the Indians by the way.” At this time there was a great sick- ness among the Massachusetts Indians, “ not unlike the plague, if not the same ;” but no particulars of it are recorded. Some time after, Standish went to bring the com left at Nauset, and, as usual, gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One of Aspinet's men happening to come to one of Standish's boats, which being left entirely without guard, he took out a few trinkets, such as “beads, scissors, and other trifles,” which when the English captain found out, “he took certain of his company with him, and went to the sachem, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that stole them,” “ or else he would revenge it on them before his departure , and so departed for the night, “ refusing whatsoever kindness they offered .” However, the next morning, Aspinet, attended by many of his men, went to the English, “ in a stately manner, and restored all the “ trifles ;” for the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehension as the man for taking them. Squanto being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet, inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near as we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penob- scot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it, saying that they died so fast “that the living were not able to bury the dead.” When the Eng- lish arrived in the country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many places. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had destroyed “ multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen people of God.” “ Some had expired in fight, — the brands Still rusted in their bony hands,— In plague and famine some.” — Campbell All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by soma strange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or phenomenon; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, was considered by some the precursor of this pestilence.* We will give here, from a curious work,f in the language of the author, an interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the people of Massasoit, in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of a French ship’s crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Mas sasoit, in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus: “But contrary wise, [the Indians having said “they were so many that God could not kill them,’* when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for their “wickedness,” telling them God would destroy them,] in short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above tne ground * The year 1618 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, “as therein no less than four were observed.” I. Mather’s Discourse concerning Comets, 108. Boston, 12mo. 1683. There may be seen a curious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Bushworth’s Hist* Col. of that year. t New English Canaan, 23, by Thomas Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637. Chap. II. J SQUANTO. — MASSASOIT. 81 without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been hut one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; tie living being (as it seems) not able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the severall places of their habitations, made such a spectacle, after my comming into those parts,* that, as I travailed in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha.” Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that lie sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company under one Vines, f to remain and trade in the country. These were his own servants, and he ordered “them to leave the ship and ship’s company, for to follow their business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to seek by any means,) by these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over, I come to be truly informed of so' much as gave me assurance that in time I should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, for that the war): had consumed the Bashaba, and tire most of the great sagamores, with such men of action as followed them, and those that remained were sore afflicted with the plague ; for that the country was in a manner left void of inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Vines, and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be God for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed there.” Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most impor- tant facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particulars — I mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data as to the time or continuance of diis plague among the Indians ; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the above, “ and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private profit,” &c. In Capt. Smith's account of New England, published in 1631, he has a passage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them, their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his people about it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he had done this, he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about, had so many men, and whether they could kill all those. On his assuring the king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the plague carried off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the disease was the plague. Capt. Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore begs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars. We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian history. Massasoit, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket or Pawkuunawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bris- tol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than war, and was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwithstanding they committed repeated usurpations upon his lands and liberties. This chief’s name has been written with great variation, as Woosamequin, Asuh- mequin, Oosamequen, Osamekin, Oivsamequin,Owsamequine,Ussamequen, JVasam- egin, &c. ; but the name by which he is generally known in history, is that with which we commence his life.§ Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name, * Mr. Morton first came over in 1622. He settled near Weymouth. After great trouble and losses from those of a different religion, he was banished out of the country, and had his property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Me., 1646. If it be pretended 'hat Morton had no religion, we say, “ Judge not.” He professed to have. fMr. Richard Vines. America -painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. Lond. 165„ I A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but >he particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been between the Tarratines and tribes to the west of Pascataqua. Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not to be heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Reger Williams did. F 82 MASSASOIT. [Book II “ the printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit; Gov. Bradford writee him Massasoyt , and Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient people, from their fathers in Plimouth colony, pronounced his name Ma-sas-so-it.” Still we find no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerable, and which has been so long established ; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, he knows not where to stop, and we pronounce him no antiquary. It has often been thought strange, that so mild a sachem as Massasoit should have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been increased when we consider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and great personal courage. We know of none who could boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and children. Powhatan, Pontiac, Little-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we could name, have swayed many tribes, hut theirs was a temporary union, in an emergency of war. That Massasoit should be able to hold so many tribes together, without constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That he was not a warrior no one will allow, when the testimony of Jlnnawon is so direct to the point. For that great chief gave Capt. Church “an account of what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations of Indians, when lie served Asuhmequin, Philip's father.” The limits of his country towards the Nipmuks, or inland Indians, are not precise, but upon the east and west we are sure. It is evident, however, from the following extract, that, in 1647, the Nipmuks were rather uncertain about their sachem, and probably belonged at one time to Mass»6oit, and at another to the Narragansets, or others, as circumstances impelled. “The Nopnat (Nipnet, or Nipmuk) Indians having noe sachem of their own are at liberty; part of them, by their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem, and parte to the Mohegens.” # And certainly, in 1660, those of Quabaog belonged to Massasoit or JVassamegin, as he was then called {if he be the same), as will be evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncas. He owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island between Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending inland between Pawtucket and Charles rivers, a distance not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before, together with all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all looking up to him, to sanction all their expeditions, and settle all their difficulties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the Nipmuks, that at one time they were his tributaries. And this seems the more probable, for in Philip's war there was a constant intercourse between them, and when any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the country of the Nipmuks. No such intercourse subsisted between the Narra- gansets and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messenger from the Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmuks, with the heads of some of the English, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at first fired upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were brought, he was received with them. Massasoit had several places of residence, but the principal was Mount Hope, or Pokanoket. The English early gave it the name of Mount Hope, but from what circumstance we have not learned. Some suppose the words Mount Hope corrupted from the Indian words Mon-top, \ but with what reason we are not informed. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, be- fore proceeding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a description of it. It appears to the best advantage from the village of Fall River, in the town of Troy, Massachusetts, from which it is distant about four miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the state- He learned from the Indian themselves, “ that the Massachusetts were called so from the Blue Hills.” In the vocabulary of Indian words, by Rev. John Cotton, the definition of Massa- chusett is, “ an hill in the form of an arrow’s head.” * Records of the U. Col. in Hazard, ii. 92. t Al den’s Collection of Epitaphs, iv. 685. President Stiles, in his notes to the second edition of Church’s Hist. Philip’s War, p. 7, spells it Mont-lvmp : but it is not so in the text of either edition. Moreover, we have not been able to discover that Mon-top is derived from Indian word or words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of the two English words commonly used in naming it. Chap. II.] MASSASOIT. 83 house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles distance. Its height by admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet.* It is very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is very regular To its natural appearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add materially, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts state-house. This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not appear as in the days of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, IVinslow and Hamden. It was sufficiently picturesque without such addition, as an innnense stone originally formed its summit, and completed its domelike appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed upon this, completes the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Warren, Bristol, and, indeed, the whole surrounding country, is very beautiful. This eminence was known among the Narragansets by the name Pokanoket, which signified in then - language the wood or land on the other side of the water , and to die Wampanoags by the name Sowwams. And it is worthy remark here that Kuequenaku was the name of the place where Philadelphia now stands. Mr. Heckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There was a place in Middleborough, and another in Raynham, where he spent some part of particular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in Raynham was near Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others. Sir Francis Drake is the first, of whom we have any account, that set foot upon the shores of New England. This was in 1586, about seven years after he had taken possession, and named the same country New England or New Albion, upon the western side of the continent. It is an error of long standing, that Prince Charles named the country New England, and it even now so stands upon the pages of history. But it is very clear that Sir Francis is justly entitled to the credit of it. American historians seem to have looked no fur- ther than Prince and Robertson, and hence assert that Capt. Smith named the country New England. We will now hear Smith f on this matter. “New England is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, opposite to JS/oua Albion, in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in liis voyage about the world, in regard whereof, this is stiled New England.” Capt. Smith, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng- land, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is the same, New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt. Smith neither takes to him- self the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, lior does he give it to King Charles, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying him, have done. The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike Americas, would not permit or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of any honor due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name New England in 1614. It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed. He was visited by the “ kmg of the country,” who submitted his territories to him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of mutual trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became greatly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whether the “king of the country ” here mentioned were Massasoit, we have not the means of knowing, as our accounts do not give any name ; but it was upon his domin- ions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it proper to be thus particular, and which, we venture to predict, will not be unaccepta- ble to our readers.]: * Yamoyden, 259. t See his “ Description of N. England,” and the error may henceforth be dispensed with. f The first authority which we found for these interesting facts, (interesting to every son of New England,) is a work entitled “ Naval Biography,” &c. of Great Britain, 2 vols. Cvo. London, 1805, and is in these words : — “ The first attempt towards a regular colonization of N England, occurs in the year 1606. It will easily be recollected, that this part of the Amer- ican continent was first distinguished by the captains Barlow and Amidas ; that Sir Francis Drake, when he touched here on his return from the West Indies, in 1586, was the first Eng- lishman who landed in these parts, and to whom one of the Indian kings submitted ins territory ; 84 MASSASOIT. [Book II. Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massasoit's dominions, one of which places he named Plimouth, which happened to be the same which now hears that name. Our accounts make Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold the next visitor to the shores of Massasoit, after Sir Francis Drake. His voyage was in 1602, and he was the first who came hi a direct course from Old to New England. He landed in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years before. The route had hith- erto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from New England took up nearly a year. We can know nothing of the early times of Massasoit. Our next visitor to his country, that we shafl here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer. This was in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon ; thence, in that month, for Virginia, in an open pinnace ; consequently was obliged to keep close in shore. He found places which had been inhabited, but at that time contained no people ; and farther onward nearly all were dead, of a great sickness, which was then prevailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plimouth, all were dead. From thence he traveled a day’s journey into the country westward, to Na- rnasket, now Middlehorough. From this place he sent a messenger to visit Massasoit. In this expedition, he redeemed two Frenchmen from Massasoit’s people, who had been cast away on the coast three years before. But to he more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchas , the compiler of the Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1619. “ When I arrived at my savage’s [Squanto's] native country, (finding al! dead,) I travelled alongst a day’s journey, to a place called JYummastaqxiyt, where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day’s journey farther west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea ; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Massta- and that Capt. Gosnoll, who made a little stay in the same place, gave such a report of N. England as to attract the attention of his adventurous countrymen, some of whom immediately procured a charter,” &c. — Vol. I. p.337, 338 If we could know from whence the above w as taken (that is, the authority the writer of that work made use of), it might at once, perhaps, settle the question. Oldmixon, I. 25, has the same fact, though not quite so circumstantially related. Mr. Bancroft, in his I. Vol. of the Hist. United States, supposes Oldmixon, through carelessness, mistakes Drake’s landing in California, in 1579, for that in N. England, in 1586, because, as we suppose, he had not seen the fact elsewhere stated. But Drake was 40 days from Virginia to Plymouth, which would give him time enough to have visited N. England. See “The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Sir Francis Drake,” See., small 12mo., London, (without date), page 133. See also Stith’s Virginia, p. 16. What is said in Blome’s account of America, p. 210, is not very conclusive. His words are, “ The year following (1585), Sir Richard Greenvile conveyed an English colony thither [this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, in a wretched manner], under the government of Mr. Ralph Lane, who continued there [yet he is speaking of N. Eng.] till the next year (1586), but, upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francis Drake, into England, being accounted by some the first discoverer thereof.” Blome’s work was printed m 1687, and may have been Oldmixon’s authority. In the Gent. Mag., Vol. XXV., p. 291 , it is said, “ Sir Francis Drake, who made a discent on the coast, continued there but a very short time, so that whatever had been known of this country was so much forgotten in 1602, that Gosnold fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design.” Forster’s error about Sir Francis’s being on the coast in 1585, is surprising; but it is still more surpris- ing that any one, pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Forster, 295, and Anspacli, Newfoundland, 74. In Prince's Worthies of Devon, an account of Sir Bernard Drake's expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen ; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen Elizabeth sent over Sir Bernard, w'ith a naval force, to dispossess any Portuguese, or others, that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of which he captured, and dispersed the rest, and returned to England with several Portuguese prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Elizabeth had instructed Sir Francis to coast up into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there were any vessels of other nations usurping the rights of her citizens ; and hence inattentive writers have confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being both distin- guished admirals at that time, and both having the same surname, and originally of the same family. The expedition of Sir Bernard was the year before that of So Francis, and hence arose the anach'onism. Several English navigators had been on this coast before 1600. Capt George Drake t lade a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593 ; but whether any of them landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown. MASSASOIT Chap. II ] 85 chusit, who three years since escaped shipwretk at the north-east of Cape Cod.” We have mentioned his interview with Massasoit, whom we suppose was one of the kings mentioned in the letter, and Quadequina was no doubt the other. In another letter, Mr. Denner says the Indians would have killed him at Namasket, had not Squanto entreated hard for him. “ Their desire of revenge (he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on board, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when (as they say) they offered no injury on their parts.” Mr. Thomas Morton* the author who made himself so merry at the expense of the Pilgrims of Plimouth, has the following passage concerning these Frenchmen : — “ It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit at new Plimmouth in New England, that, upon some distast given in die Massachussets Bay, by Frenchmen, then trading there with the natives for beaver, they set upon the men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of them, burned their shipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called Peddock's Island, in memory of Leonard Peddock that landed there, (where many wilde anckiesf haunted that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) dis- tributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the several 1 territories adjoyning, they did keep diem so long as they lived, only to sport themselves at them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is the generall worke they require of a servant. One of diese five men outliving the rest, had learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede : saying that God would be angry with them for it ; and that he would in his displeasure destroy them •, but the salvages (it seems, boasting of dieir strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that God could not kill diem.” This seems to be the same story, only differendy told from diat related above from Smith- Dec. 11, O. S-4 1620, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed themselves of a portion of Massasoit's country. With the nature of their proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his men to observe their strange morions. Very few of these Indians, however, were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who had been some time with die English fishing vessels about the country of the Kenne- Oeck, and had learned a little of their language, to observe more strictly what was progressing among the strangers at his place of Patuxet, which these ntruders now called Plimouth. This was in March, 1621. * In his “ New Canaan 22, 23. t Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with this animal ! t The length of a year was axed by Julius Caesar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 365} days. This \ of a day being omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then added to the 365 in the month of February, which 4th year was called leap year, because it leaped forward one day. But by this supputation it was perceived that the year was loo long, and consequently the seasons were getting out of place. Pope Gregory found, in 1582, that the vernal equinox, which at the time of the Nicene council, A. D. 325, fell on 21 March, fell now 10 days beyond it ; therefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582 ; and to prevent the recurrence of the difficulty in future, decreed that 3 days should be abated in every 400 years, by restoring leap years to common years at the end ol 3 successive centuries, and making leap year again at the close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, &c. though divisible by 4, are common years, but 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. This method of keep.ng the year is called New Style, and that before the reformation by G regory, Old Style. Even this correction does not set the year exactly right ; but the error is so small that it amounts to scarce a day and a half in 5000 years, and we need not trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation. Because this correction had a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the English Parliament enacted, that the 3d of Sept, of that year should be called the 14th, thereby striking out 11 days, which their calendar at that late period required, to reduce it to the Gregorian. And hence the reason of our calling the 11 Dec. O. 8., the 22 N. S. The reason also of our adding 11 days instead of 10 is obvious, because, in adopting the Catholic method 170 years after it had be*n introduced *y Gregory, mother d»vwos gained, and therefore 1 0-f-l =1 1 . 86 MASSASOiT. [Book II We have, in speaking of Samoset and Squanto, observed , fat it was through the agency of the former that a knowledge was gained by the pilgrims of Mas- sasoit. It was upon 22 March, 1021, that they brought the welcome news to Plimouth, that their chief was near at hand ;* “ and they brought with them say the Pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and signified unto us, that their great sagamore, Massasoit, was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother. They could not well express in English what they would; but after an hour the king came to the top of an hill [supposed to be that now called Watson's, on the south side of Town-brook] over against us, and had in his train GO men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor to them, and they unwilling to come to us: so Squanto went again unto him, who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edward Winslow, to know his mind, and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly accepted.” The Englishman then made a speech to him about his king’s love and good- ness to him and his people, and that ho accepted of him as his friend and ally “ lie liked well of the speech, (say the English, )and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself] and given the rest to his company; he looked upon our messenger’s sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it; but, on the other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the end he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the brook, and some 20 men following him. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger.” As Massasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all led their bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was partly finished, and a green rug was spread upon the floor, and several cush- ions for Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English governor, followed by a drummer and trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the governor drank to Massasoit, who in his turn “ drank a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after.” They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipulated, that neither Massa- soit nor any of his people should do lufrt to the English, and that if they did they should be given up to be punished by them ; and that if the English did any harm to him or any of his people, they (the English) would do the like to them. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid him, and lie was to do the same in his turn, and by so doing King James would esteem him his friend and ally. “All which (they say) the king seemed to like well, and it was applauded of his followers.” And they add, “All the while he sat by the governor, he trembled for fear.” At this time he is described as “a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only' in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank, and gave us to drink.f His face was painted with a sad red * JlJourt’s narrative is here continued from the last extract in p. 10, without any omission. 1 1 presume that by “ drinking tobacco,” smoking is meant. The pilgrims were probably not acquainted with the practice of smoking at all, and hence this sort of misnomer is not strange, though it may be thought a little odd. How long smolring went by the name ol drinking at Plimouth I do not learn ; but in 1646 this entry is found in the Plimouth records i — “ Anthony Thacher and George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an order con- cerning disorderly drinking of Tobacco.” Roger Wuaairai says, aa i.is Key, “ Generally all the men throughout the country have * tobacco-bag, with a pipe in it, hanging at flieir back.” Dr. Thacher says, that an aged man in Pnmoutly who was a great smoker, used to term Chap. II.] MASSASOIT. 87 like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise were, in then - faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white ; some with crosses and other attic works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in ap- pearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife, lie marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as they could. Sai.wset and Squanto stayed all night with us.” Massasoit retired into the woods, about half a mile from the English, and there encamped at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 22d, 1621. During his first visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, and during the treaty could not refrain from trembling.* * Thus it is easy to see how much hand he had in making it, but would that there had never been worse ones made. It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a few days, and live there all summer. “That night we kept good watch, but there was no appearance of danger. The next morning divers of their people came over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us come to see him. Capt. Standisli and Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their man- ner. He gave them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the Woods at work and fowling, when as they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done ; and especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrohigansets,f that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 10 or 11 of the clock; and our governor bid them send the king’s kettle, and filled it with peas, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way.” Thus ended the first visit of Massasoit to the pilgrims. We should here note that he ever after treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded was undisturbed for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his heart. The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragansets. But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small skirmishing. Meanwhile Squanto and Samoset remained with the English, instructing them how to live in their countiy ; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe’s man Friday, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story from their history as he did from that of Alexander Selkirk. — “ Squanto went to fish [a day or two after Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. They were fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument.” it drinking tobacco. Hist. P/im. 34. This we infer was within the recollection of the au- thor. The notion that tobacco is so called from the island Tobago, is erroneously entertained by many. When Sir Francis Drake discovered the country to the north of California, in 1579, the writer of the account of his voyage says, the Indians presented the admiral with a small basket made of rushes, filled with an herb they called tabah. From another passage it appears, that the Indians of that region, like those of New England, had bags in which tobacco was carried. Burney’s Voyages, I. 344—7. * Ana with this fact before him, the author of “ Tales of the Indians” says, the treaty was made with deliberation and cheerfulness on the part of Massasoit! tFew Indian names have been spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the Indian language, it is evident that no r should be used in it. Nahigonsik and Nantigansick, R. Williams. — Nechegansitt, Gookin. — Nantyggansiks, Callender . — Nanohigganset, Winslow’s Good News from N. Eng. — Nanhyganset, lodge Johnson’s Life of Gen. Greene. — These are out few of tne permutations without the r, and those with it are still more numerous. The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal, 22 and 23, says, at a place where she happened to put up for a night in that country, she heard some of the “ town topers ” disputing about the origin of the word Narraganset. “ One said it was so named by Indians, because there grew a brier there of a prodigious height and bigness, who quoted an Indian of so barbarous a name for his author that she could not write it.” Another said it meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in summer, and “ as hot as could b« imagined in the winter.” 88 MASSASOIT [Hook II This Squanto became afterwards an important personage in Indi; n polities, and some of his manoeuvres remind us of some managing politick ns of oui own times. In 1622, he forfeited his life by plotting to destroy that of Massa- soit, its will be found related in the life of Hobmnok. On that occasion, Massasoit went himself to Plimouth, “ being much offended and enraged against Tisquan- tum;” but the governor succeeded in allaying his wrath for that time. Soon after, he sent a messenger to entreat the governor to consent to his being put tc death ; the governor said he deserved death, but as he knew not how to get along without him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare him. Determined in his purpose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger again, accompanied by many others, who offered many beaver skins that Tisquanlum might be given up to them. They demanded him in the name of Massasoit, as being one of his subjects, whom, (says Winsloiv,) by our first articles of peace, vve could not retain. But out of respect to the English, they would not seize him without their consent. Massasoit had sent his own knife to be used in cutting off his head and hands, which were to be brought to him. Meantime Squanto came and delivered himself up to the governor, charging Hobomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or net to the mes- sengers of Massasoit, as he thought fit. It seems from the narrative that, as the governor was about to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, and went off’ in a rage. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a boat in the harbor, which the governor pretended might be that of an enemy, as there had been a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that Massasoit should for some time after “ seem to frown ” on the English, as they complain, is certainly no wonder. The next summer, in June or July, Massasoit was visited by several of the English, among whom was Mr. Edward fVinslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Squanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi- dence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance ; to keep good the friendly correspondence commenced at Plimouth ; and especially to cause him to prevent his men from hanging about them, and living upon them, which was then considered very burdensome, as they had begun to grow short of provisions. That their visit might be acceptable, they took along, for a present, a trooper’s red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain ; with these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might not be imposed upon by strangers. When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was absent, but was immediately sent for. Being informed that he was coming, the English begaD to prepare to shoot off their guns ; this so frightened the women and children, that mey ran away, and would not return until the interpreter assured them that they need not fear ; and when Massasoit arrived, they saluted him by a discharge, at which he was very much elated ; and “who, after their manner, (says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, and having put the coat on his back, and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely attired.” * A new treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to all that was desired. He then made a speech to his men, many of them being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn its meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in regard to the English. Among other things, he said, “Am I not Massasoit, commander of the country about us ? Is not such and such places mine, and the people of them ? They shall take their skins to the English. This his people applauded. In his speech, “ he named at least thirty places,” over which he had control. “ This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng- land and ol the king’s majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife.’ He seems to have been embittered against the F rench, and wished “ us not to suffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James's country, and h« * Mourl’s Relation, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc Chap. II.] MASSASOIT S9 was King James's man.” He had no victuals at this time to git e to the Eng- lish, and night coming on, they retired to rest supperless. He had but one bed, if so it might be called, “ being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them.” * “He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife, they at the one end, and we at the other. Two more of his men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey.” “ The next day, many of their sachims or petty governors came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for skins and knives.” It is amusing to learn that the English tried to get s chance in this gambling affair. They say, “There we challenged them to shoot with them for skins,” but they were too cunning foi them, “ only they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark ; who shooting v ith hail shot, they wondered to see the mark so full of holes.” The next day, about one o’clock, Massasoit brought two large fishes and boiled them ; but the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very small, as “there were at least forty looking for a share in them but scanty as it was, it came very timely, as they had fasted two nights and a day. The English now left him, at which he was very sorrowful. “Very importunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodging, the sav- ages’ barbarous singing, (for they used to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there ; we much fearing, that if we should stay any longer, we sho'ild not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that, on Friday morn- ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed, that he could no better entertain us. And retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all occasions.” This faithful servant, Tokamahamon , was in the famous “voyage to the kingdom of Nau«et,” and was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition against Cauribitarit. In 1623, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, the gov- ernor despatched Mr. Winslow again, with some medicines and cordials, and Hobbomok as interpreter ; “ having one Master John Hamden , a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort.” f In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on such occasions. “ When we came thither (says Mr. Winslow) we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and, therefore, unlike to ease him that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end of then- charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, who was come. They told him Winsnow, (for they cannot pronounce the letter l, * La Salle says ( Expedition in America, p. 11.) of the Indians’ beds in general, that “ they are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which drey l&j skins lull of wool or straw, buL for their covering, they use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely wrought.” t Winslow’s Relation The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is supposed, by some, to be the celebrated John Hamden, famous in the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound recei/ed in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the parliament. See Rapin’s England, ii. 477, and Kennet, iii. 137. It would be highly gratifying, could the certainty of this matter be known ; but, as yet, we must acknowledge that all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased to meet with tne names of such valued martyrs of liberty upon any page, and even though they' should sometimes seen rather mal apropos to the case in hand. We cannot learn that any of Hamden’s biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a pres imptlac il&t be WcLS H The village Hampden, that, with dauntless breast. The little tyrant of his fields withstood Gut’s Elbst 8 * 90 MASSASOIT. [Book II but ordinarily n in the place thereof.)* He desired to speak with nte. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly, Keen Winsnow ? which is to say, Art thou Winslow? I answered, Alike, that is, Fes. Then he doubled these words : Matta neen wonckanet nainen, Winsnow ! — that is to say, 0 JVins- low, I shall never see thee again!” But contrary to his own expectations, as well as all his friends, by the kind exertions of Mr. Winslow , he in a short time entirely recovered. This being a passage of great interest in the life of the great Massasoit , we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had become able to speak, lie desired Mr. }Vinslow to provide him a broth from some kind of fowl : “ so (says he) 1 took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some sixscore paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered : so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he much desired ; never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did cat it ; this he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weak- ness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health.” As Winslow had said, it made him veiy sick, and he vomited with such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. This bleeding caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceased bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. Winsloiv washed his face “and supplied his beard and nose with a linnen cloth,” when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely eject- ing it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could not recover, but, to them great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and lie gained strength rapidly. For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed that his preservation at this time was owing to the benefit he received from Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, Mr. Winslow broke a bottle containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem’s recov- ery, wrote a letter to the governor of Pliinouth for another, and some chickens in which he gave him an account of his success thus far. The intention was no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his men was sent off, at two o’clock at night, for Pliinouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, being better would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them with the idea of rais- ing more. While at Massasoit's residence, and just as they were about to depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of cutting off the two English plantations, which he charged him to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massasoit stated that lie had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had always refused, and used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in the history of Wtttuwamet. At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of Massa- soit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winslow himself expresses it, “ He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] requesting me to wash their mouths also, [many of his people being sick at that time,] and give to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk ” * Every people, and consequently every language, have their peculiarities. Baron Lahon- tan, Memoires de la Amerique, ii. 236, 237, says, “ Je dirai de la langue des Hurons cl des Iroquois une chose assez curieuse, qui est qu’il ne s’y trouve -point de lettres labiales ; e’est a dire, de b, f, m, p. Cependant, celte langue des Hurons paroit Hire fort belle et de un son tout a fad beau; quoi qu’ilsne ferment jamais leurs levres en parlanl.” And 11 Sal passe quatre jours a couloir faire prononcer a des Hurons les lettres labiales, rnaisje n’ai pd y r ells sir, et je crois qu’en dix ans ils ne pourrout dire ces mots, bon, fils. Monsieur, Pontchartrain ; car au lieu dt dire bon, ils diroient ouon, au lieu de fils, ils prononceroient rils ; au lieu de monsieur, caoun- sieur, au lieu de Pontchartrain, Conchartrain.” Hence it seems their languages are aaalo gou*. Chap. II.] MASSASOIT. 91 An account of his character as given by Hobomok will be founa in the life of ihat chief or paniese. “ Many whilst we were there (says Winslow) came to see him ; some, by their report, from a place not less than 100 miles from thence.” In 1632, a short war was carried on between Massasoit and Canonicus, the sachem of the Narragansets, but the English interfering with a force unde/ the spirited Captain Standish , ended it with very little bloodshed. Massasoit expected a serious contest ; and, as usual on such occasions, changed his name, and was ever after known by the name of Oiosamequin, or Ousamequin. Our historical records furnish no particulars of his war with the Narragansets, fur tiler than we have stated. We may infer from a letter written by Roger TVilliams, that some of Plimouth instigated Massasoit, or Ousamequin, as we should now call him, to lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, because, in that case, his lands were considered as belonging to Plimouth, in whose juris- diction he was not suffered to reside ; and, moreover, he had bought and paid for all he possessed, of the Narraganset sachems. It was in 1635 that Mr. Williams fled to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England. He found that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh were at bitter enmity with Ousame- quin, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not have been secure, in a border of the dominion of either. Ousamequin was well acquainted with Mr. Williams, whom he had often seen during his two years’ residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he listened readily to his benevolent instructions ; giving up the land in dispute between himself and the Narraganset sachems, which was the island now called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with Providence. “And (says Mr. Williams) I never denied him, nor Meantinomy, whatever they desired of me.” Hence then - love and attachment for him, for this is their own mode of living. It appears that, before Miantunnomoh’ s reverses of fortune, he had, by some means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousamequin. For at the meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in the autumn of 1643, they order, “ That Plymouth labor by all due means to restore Woosamequin to his full liberties, in respect of any encroachments by the Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives ; that so the properties of the Indians may be preserved to themselves, and that no one sagamore encroach upon the rest as of late : and that Woosamequin be reduced to those former terms and agreements between Plymouth and him.” * Under date 1638, Gov. Winthrop says, “ Owsamekin, the sachem of Acoome- meck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a present of 18 skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mohegan beyond Connecticut and Pakoutuckett.” They having heard that the English were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this present. The governor accepted it, and told Ousamequin, that if they had not wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear ; and, giving him a letter to the governor of Connecticut, dismissed him well satisfied.! In 1649, Ousamequin sold to Miles Standish, and the other inhabitants of Duxbury, “ a tract of land usually called Saughtucket,” seven miles square. This was Bridgewater. It had been before granted to them, only, however, in preemption. They agreed to pay Ousamequin seven coats, of a yard and a half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten and a half yards of cotton cloth. By a deed bearing date 9th March, 1653, Ousemaquin and his son Wamsitto, [Wamsutta,] afterwards called Alexander, sold to the English of Plimouth “all those severall parcells of land lyeing on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke, alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called Moskituash westerly, and soe railing by a dead swamp eastward, and soe by marked trees as Ousa- mequin and Wamsitto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow about * Records of the U. Colonies. t Journal, i. 264. 92 MASSASOil [Book If the sides of both, and about the neck called Chachacust, also Papasquash neck, also the meadow from the bay to Keecomewett,” &c. For this the considera- tion was “£35 sterling.” By a writing bearing date “ this twenty-one of September, 1657,” Ousame- quiii says, “ I Vsaamequen do by these presents ratify and allow the sale of a certain island called Chesewanocke, or Hogg Island, which my son Wamsitta sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth in R. I., with my consent, which deed of sale or bargain made the 7th of February in the year 1653, 1 do ratify, own and confirm.” In 1656, Roger Williams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachems, “ was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lordship of Warwick ; ” and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that any thing serious took place. This is the year in which it has been generally supposed that Ousamequin died, but it is an error of Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard’s work into his own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the “History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay,” is no wonder; but it is a wonder that the “accurate Hutchinson” should set down that date, from that passage of the Indian Wars, which was evidently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence. That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records between 1657 and 1661, a space of only about three years, as we have shown, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given up to them. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instruments. And, besides this consideration, another sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who seems to have acted as Ousamequin’s representative. He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as September.* Several months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a defence- less town within the dominions of Ousainequin, killing three persons, and car- rying away six others captive. He complained to the General Court of Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and the matter was soon settled, f From the “Relation” of Dr. I. Mather, it is clear that he lived until 1662. His words are, “ Alexander being dead, [having died in 1662,] his brother Philip, of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled sachem, but immediately, in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English.” \ Hence, as we do not hear of Alexander as sachem until 1662, which is also the year of his death, it is fair to conclude that he could not have been long in office at the time of his death ; nor could he have been styled “ chief sachem ” until after the death of his father. Whether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is confidently believed that he had. It is probable that his family was large. A company of soldiers from Bridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his sister, and killed a brother of Ousamequin, whose name was Unkompoen, § or Akkompoin. || That he had another brother, called Quadequina, has been mentioned. Gov. Winthrop gives the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Ed- ward Winslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left his vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stopped with his old friend Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him the rest oi the way. In the mean time, Ousamequin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the people with the news of Mr. Winslow’s death. By his manner of relating it, and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its ti ith, ami every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But * Some records which Mr. Daggett consulted in preparing his History of Attleborough, led him to conclude that Massasoit died previous to June, 1GG0. t Original manuscript documents. The particulars of these matters will be given at large when we come to treat of the life of Uncas. [ Relation, 72. $ I. Mather, 44. || Church, 38, edit 4t«, Chap. ILJ EXPEDITION AGAINST CAUNBITANT. 93 presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coming in tompt ny with Ousarxtquin. When it was known among the people that the sachem had sent this news to them, they demanded why he should thus deceive them. He replied that it was to make him the more welcome when he did return, and that this was a custom of his people. One of the most renowned captains within the dominions of Massasoit was Caunbitant,* whose residence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in the present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that of the famous Metacoinet. The English were always viewed by him as intruders and enemies of his race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wrest the country out of their hands on the first opportunity. In August, 1621, Caunbitant was supposed to be in the interest of the Nar- ragansets, and plotting with them to overthrow Massasoit ; and, being at Namasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, “ to draw the hearts of Massasoyt’s sub- jects from him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace be- tween Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon, and one Hobomok , (two Indians or Lemes, one of which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special and trusty man of Massasoyt’s,) Tokamahamon went to him, blit the other two would not ; yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see if they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namaschet, were dicovered to Coubaiant , who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum, (for he had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue.) Hobbamok see- ing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held [holding] a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New Pli- mouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain.” Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standish , of 14 men,] “ and Hobbamok lor their guide, to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum on Coubatant our Litter enemy, and to retain JYepeof, another sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt .” Alter much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find Caunbitant. “ Before we came to the town (says the narrator) we sat down and eat such as our knapsacks afforded ; that being done, we threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the house, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, demanded if Coubatant were not there ; but fear had here It the savages of speech. We charged them not to stir, for if Coubaiant were not there, we would not med die with them ; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tisquantum, and other matters: but howso- ever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door, and escaped, but with some wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant was returned [home] with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living, and in the town ; [then] offering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they had to eat.” In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired “ at random,” to the great terror of all but Squanto and Tokamahamon, “ who, though they knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of our honesty, [and] that we would not hurt them.” The Indian boys, seeing the squaws protected, cried out, JVeensquaes ! JYeensquaes ! that is, lam a squaw! I am a squaw ! and the women tried to screen themselves in Hobomolc's presence, reminding him that he was their friend. This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and must have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, bad ever heard before. The relator proceeds : “ But to be short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we might see to search the house ; in the meantime, * Corbitan i, Coubatant, and Conbitant, were ways of writing his name also, by his eoi temporaries. t Ten, sajs the Relation. 94 TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. [Book n Hobbamik gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- hamon .” They soon came, with some others with them, some armed and others naked. The English took away the bows and arrows from those that were armed, but promised to return them as soon as it was day, which they probably did. They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, when they re'eased their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they call it) of the Namaskets. Here, it appears, Squanto had a house, to which they went, and t jok breakfast, and held a court afterward, from which they issued forth the following decree against Caunbitant : — “ Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Couba- tani's faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that, although Coubitant had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. Moreover, \f Massasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- roliigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobomok , or any of Massasoyfs subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were wounoed, [how many is not mentioned,] we were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our command : yet, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them. At this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, Tisquantur, and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that by God’s good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth.” # Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunbitant became in appearance reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Sept, following (1621) went to Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of Massasoit thajt he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or submission was in these words : — “ Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King James, king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. hi witness whereof] and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or marks, as followeth : — Ohquamehdd, Nattawahunt, Quadaqcina, Cawnacome, Caunbatant, Huttmoidf.n, Obbatinnua, Chikkatabak, Apannow.” Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and of others very little. Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawmut, where Boston now stands. Caumacome and Apannow may be the same before spoken of as Coneconam and Epanow, though I am rather of opinion that Apannow means Aspinet of Nauset.f Nattawahunt we shall again meet with, under the name Nashoonon. Coneconam was sachem of Manomet, on Cape Cod. When, in the winter of 1623, the English traversed the country to trade with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs; who, they say, “ it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the Indians. For whilst the governor was there, within night, in bitter cold weather, came two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows * From Mourt, ut supra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which is supposed to Hand for Isaac Allerton, who accompanied Standish perhaps. From the use of the pronoun in the first person, the writer, whoever he was. must have been present * See chapter i. of b. ii. Chap. II.] CAUNBITANT. 95 and quivers, accord mg to their manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum ; and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him, from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech to him,” the meaning of which Hobonwk said was, that two of their men fell out in a game, “ for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, even their skin from their backs, yea then - wive’s skins also,” and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, “ one of special note amongst them,” and one whom they did not like to part with ; yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That, therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam was first obtained. After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these messen- gers desired Hobomok's judgment upon the matter. With some deference he replied, that “ he thought it was better that one should die than many, since he had deserved it ; ” “ whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him.” We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its projectors. When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hamden went to visit Massasoit in his sickness, in 1623, they heard by some Indians, wfien near Caunbit ant’s residence, that Massasoit was really dead : they, therefore, though with much hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might treat with him, he being then thought the successor of Massasoit. But he was not at home. The squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with great kindness, and learning here that Massasoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they returned, they staid all night with Caunbitant, at his house, who accompanied them there from Massasoit s. Mr. TFinslow gives the account in these words : — “ That night, through the earnest request of Conbatant, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, vet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massasoit had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet, for maskiest,* [that is, physic,] whether their master governor would send it ; and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful Shanks.” He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad- venture so far alone into then' country, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. Winsloio said, “where was true love, there was no fear.” “But,” said Caunbitant, “ if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how comeih it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the mouth of your pieces presented towards us ?” Mr. Winslow told him that was a mark of respect, ana that they received their best friends in that manner ; but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such salu tations. f When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and .eiurn thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant. “Hereupon 1 took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God’s works of creation and preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten command merits.” They found no particular fault with the commandments, except the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned a good while. When Mr. Winslow explained the goodness of God in bestowing on them all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed h'm. * In Williams’s Key, Maskit is translated, “ Give m« 6ome physic.” f Good News from N. England, Coll. Mass Hist Sot. 96 WITTUWAMET. — PEKSUOT. [Book IT. “this all of them concluded to be very well; and said they believed almost all the same things, and that the same power that we call God they called Kichtan .” “ Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter tainment amongst any of them.” What became of this chief is unknown. His name appearing no more in our records, leads us to suppose that he either fled his country on the mur der of Wittuwamet, Peksuot, and others, or that he died about that time. Wittuwamet was a Massachusetts chief, as was his companion Peksuot , but their particular residence has not been assigned. Wittuwamet was a des- perate and bold fellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in shedding the blood of his enemies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper- ated against the English from the many abuses some of them had practised upon his countrymen. This will account, perhaps, for all the severity and malignity portrayed by the forefathers in his character. He was one of those, they say, who murdered some of the crew of the French ship, cast away upon Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned. That Wittuwamet, Peksuot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed their country of intruders in the year 1623, there can be no doubt, and in re lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to effect this object we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to the record. We have before, in speaking of Caunecum, or Coneconam, mentioned the voyage of the governor of Plimouth to that sachem’s country to trade for corn ; that was in January, 1623. Not being able to bring away all he ob- tained, Captain Miles Standish was sent the next month to take it to Plimouth, also to .purchase more at the same place, but he did not meet with very good reception, which led him to apprehend there was mischief at hand. And immediately after, while at Coneconam’s house with two or three of his com- pany, “ in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief of them was called Wittuivamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbi tied his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own valor, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Weston’s people, and presented it to the sachem, [Coneconam, } and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the captain, though he be the best linguist among us, could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Massachu- seucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Weston’s colony; and thought themselves, being about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execute the same- yet they durst not aueihpt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth; concluding that if we remained, though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we would n< v«t leave the death of our countrymen unre venged ; and therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, as also the other, called lanough, and many others, to assist them ; and now again came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an opportu nity offered by the captain’s presence, they thought best to make sure of him and his company.” Coneconam, after this speech, treated Standish with neglect, and was very partial to Wittuwamet, which much increased the jealousy of the former. These Indians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having employed a “lusty Indian of Paomet” to execute the plan. The weather was severely cold, and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to have been killed. But the extreme coldness of the night kept him from sleeping, and thus he avoided assassination. We have had occasion, in the life of Massasoit , to mention that that chief had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charging Hobomok to warn the English of it. The people of the places named at that time by Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nauset, Paomet, Succonet, Mattachiest, Mano- met, Agowaywam, and the Island of Capawack. “Therefore, (says Mr Winslow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of our countrymen and Chap. II.] WITTUWAMET — WESTON'S COLONY. 9? our own safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began, Ifj said he, [Massasoit to Hobomok ,] upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tb 1 them, when their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they not being able to defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives,” and it would be with difficulty that they preserved their own; “and therefore he coun- selled, without delay, to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease.” Meanwhile Weston's men had fallen into a miserable and wretched condi- tion ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the Indians, “ fetching them wood and water, &c., and all for a meal’s meat.” Those who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had abandoned themselves to riot and dissipation, but whose conduct had affected the well being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these wretches, in their ex- tremities, had stolen corn from the Indians, on whose complaint they had been put in the stocks and whipped. This not giving the Indians satisfac- tion, one was hanged. This was in February, 1623. About this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting tlie fact that any one was hanged, others that it was the real offender, &c. But in our opinion the facts are incontestable that one was hanged ; but whether the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. The fact that one was hanged for another appears to have been of common notoriety, both in Old and New England, from shortly after the affair until the beginning of the next century.* Mr. Hubbard f has this passage upon the affair: — “Certain it is, they [the Indians] w^e so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they threat- ened them, as the Philistines did Samson’s father-in-law, after the loss of their corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report, pretended, in way of satis- faction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, de- crepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, [an old bed-rid weaver,]] and burdensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the story with which the merry gentleman, that wrote the poem called Hudibras, did, in his poetical fancy, make so much sport.” And from the same author it ap- pears that the circumstance was well known at Plimouth, but they pretended that the right person was hanged, or, in our author’s own words, “ as if the person hanged was really guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and if they were driven by necessity to content the Indians, at that time, to do justice, there being some of Mr. Weston's company living, it is possible it might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could he best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been let alone.” It will now be expected that we produce the passage of Hudibras. Here it is : — “Though nice and dark the point appear, (Quoth Ralph,) it may hold up, and clear. That Sinners may supply the place Of suffering Saints, is a plain Case. Justice gives Sentence, many times, On one Man for another’s crimes. Our Brethren of New England use Choice Malefactors to excuse. And hang the Guiltless in their stead, Of whom the Churches have less need : As lately ’t happened : In a town There lived a Cobbler, and but one, That out of Doctrine could cut Use, And mend Men’s Lives, as well as Shoes. This precious Brother having slain, In times of Peace, an Indian, (Not out of Malice, but mere Zeal, Because he was an infidel,) The mighty Tottipottymoy , Sent to our Elders an Envoy, Complaining sorely of the Breach Of League, held forth by Brother Patch, Against the Articles in force, Between both churches, his and ours, For which he craved the Saints to render Into his Hands, or hang th’ Offender: But they, maturely having weighed, They had no more but him o’ th’ Trade, (A Man that served them in a double Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,) Resolved to spare him ; yet to do The Indian Hoghan Moghgan, too, Impartial Justice, in his stead, did Hang an old Weaver that was Bed-rid. Then wherefore may not you be skipp’d. And in your Room another Whipp’d ? ” * See Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148. and b. i. chap. iii. ante. t lLst. N. Log. 77. J Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148 G 9 98 WIT TU WAMET.— WESTON’S COLONY. [Book II. The following note was early printed to this passage : — “ The history of the cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who were upon the place when it was done.” Mr. Butler wrote this part of his Hudibras before lti03. Thomas Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaps absent at the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insinuates that the Plimoutheans caused all the trouble, and that their rashness caused the Indians to massacre some of then - men, as we shall presently relate from a book which Mr. Morton published.* “Master Weston's plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servants, many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavor to take the benefit of the country, some of them fell sick and died. “ One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to see what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barn, and from thence did take a cap full of corn. The salvage owner of it, finding by the foot [track] some English had been there, came to the plantation, and made com- plaint after this manner. The chief commander of the company, on this occasion, called a Parliament of all his people, but those that were sick and iil at ease.f And wisely now they must consult, upon this huge complaint, that a privy [paltry] knife or string of beads would well enough have quali- fied: And Edward Iohnson was a special judge of this business. The fact was there in repetition, construction made, that it was fellony, and by the laws of England punished with death, and this in execution must be put for an example, and likewise to appease the salvage ; when straightways one arose*, moved as it were with some compassion, and said he could not well gainsay the former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass of his brain, an embrio, that was of special consequence to be delivered, and cherished, he said ; that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage’s complaint, and save the life of one that might (if need should be) stand them in some good stead ; being young and strong, fit for resistance against an enemy, which might come unexpectedly, for any thing they knew. “ The oration made was lilted of every one, and he intreated to show the means how this may be performed. Says he, you all agree that one must die, .and one shall die. This young man’s clothes we will take off, and put upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death ; such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young man’s clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other’s stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have proved then - final sentence; and being there confirmed by act of Parliament to after ages for a precedent. But that one, with a ravenous voice, begun to croak and bellow for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion ; alleging such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com- plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their zeal to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, never- theless, a scruple was made ; now to countermand this act did represent itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to get the man’s good will : this was indeed a special obstacle : for without that (they all agreed) it would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mis- chief should befall them every man. He was a person that, in his wrath, did seem to be a second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw- bone of an ass: therefore they called the man, and by persuasion got him fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this Parliament to a pittiful non plus, (as it bath been credibly reported,) and made the chief judge of them all buckle to him.” This is an entire chapter of the New Canaan, which, on account of its great rarity, we have given in full. In his next chapter Mr. Morton proceeds to narrate the circumstances of the “ massacre ” of Wittuwamet , Peksuot, and other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall now * Entitled New English Canaan, 4to. Amsterdam, Id 37. t Against this sentence, in the margin, is— “ A poor complaint." Chap. II.] WASSAPINEWAT.— MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. 99 draw from the Plimouth historian, and afterwards tte Morton's chapter aa w r e find occasion. Mr. Winslow says that Mr. Weston's men “ knew not of this conspiracy of the Indians before his [John Sanders, their ‘overseer ’] going; neither was it known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or Puckanokick: at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinewal, brother to Obtakiest, the sacliim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the sam rv thing,” [as Massasoit had done.] It was now the 23d March, 1623, “ a yearly court day ” at Plimouth, cn which war was proclaimed, “ in public court,” against the Massachusetts Indians. “We came to this conclusion, (says Winslow,) that Captain Standish should take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay ; and as because, as all men know that have to do with them in that kind, it is impossible to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others : therefore he should pretend trade as at other times : but first go to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of their own coming, that, comparing it with them own carriages towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbare, if it were possible, till such time as he could make sure Wittuwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken of ; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition.” We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this trans- action. “After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging of orie, # ] some of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live with Checatawback and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the former quarrel with the Plimouth planters.] They are not like Will Soni- mtrs, l to take one for another. There they purposed to stay until Master Weston's arrival : but the Plimouth men intendin-g no good to him, (as. appeared by the consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and there pretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them pork, and things for the purpose, which they set before the salvages. They eat thereof without suspicion of any mischief, [and] who were taken upon a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks) were, liy the Plimmith planters, stabbed and slain. One of which was hanged up there, after the slaughter.”^ When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut's people, they murdered the three English who had taken up their residence with them, as they lay asleep, in revenge for the murder of their countrymen. || After Standish was ready to proceed against JWttuicamet, but before he set out, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished, II and gave the people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows ; that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians, 4 whose boldness increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they got, * As mentioned in our last extract from’ this author. f Referring, it is supposed, to the quarrel with Caunbitant t The person who proposed hanging a sick man instead of the real offender. § New English Canaan, 111. || Ibid. H His name was Phinehas Prat. An Indian followed him to kill him, but, by losing the direct path, the Indian missed him. In 1662, the general court of Massachusetts, in answer to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was accompanied “ with a nar- rative of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony underwent in their endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, whereof he was one ; the court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, not hir dering a plantation.’' ~ll S. among the files in our State-house. I have not been able to discover the narrative of Prat, after long search. Mr. Hubbard probablv used it in compiling his Hist, of New England. At the court, 3 May, 1665, land was ordered to be laid out for Prat, “in the wilderness or the east of ihe Merrimack R/-er, near the upper end of Nacook Brook, on the south-east of it. ' Court Files, nt supra. Prat married, in Plimouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson, in 1630. See 2 Col. Hist Soc vii. 122. 100 MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. [Book II they [the Indians] would take it out of their pots, and eat [itl before their faces,” and that if they tried to prevent them, they would hold a knife at their breasts: and to satisfy them, they had hanged one of then- company: “ That they had sold then - clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get victuals by reason of their nakedness.” This truly was a wretched picture of this second colony of Massachusetts, the knowledge of which (says Winslow) “ gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intendments.” Accordingly, the next day, Standish, with Hobomok and eight Englishmen, set out upon the expedition. His taking so few men shows how a few English guns were yet feared by the Indians. Nevertheless, the historians would have us understand that Standish would take no more, because he would not have the Indians mistrust that he came to fight them ; and they would insinuate that it was owing to his great valor. When Standish arrived at Wessaguscus, he found the people scattered about, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary affairs. When he told them of the danger they were in from the Indians, they said “ they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suffered them to lodge with them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same.” Standish now in- formed them of the plot, which was the first intimation, it appears, they had of it. He ordered them to call in their men, and enjoined secrecy of his intended massacre. But it seems from Winsloiv’s Relation, that the Indians got word of it, or mistrusted his design ; probably some of the Wessagus- cus men warned them of it, who did not believe there was any plot. Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and afterwards went away in friend- ship. Standish, more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treachery in his .eye, and suspected his end in coming there was discovered. Shortly after, Peksuot, “who was a paniese,* being a man of a notable spirit,” came to Hobomok, and told him, He understood the captain was come to kill him and the rest of the Indians there. “ Tell him, (said Peksuot ,) we know it, but fear him not, neither will we shun him ; but let him begin when he dare [s], he wiR not take us unawares.” The Indians now, as we might expect, began to prepare to meet the danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their presence, and “ would whet and sharpen the point of their knives,” “and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wittu- icamat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there was pictured a woman’s face ; but, said he, I have another at home, wherewith 1 have killed both French and English, and that hath a man’s face on it ; and by and by these two must marry.” To this he added, Hinnaim namen, hinnaim mi- chen, matta ccts : that is, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat, but not speak. “Also PecIcsuot„ (continues Winslow,) being a man of greater stature than the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet lie was but a little man : and, said he, though I be no sachem, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with pa- tience for the present.” It will be seen, in what we have related, as well as what we are about to add, that Thomas Morion’s account, in some of the main facts, agrees with that of Winsloiv. From the latter it appears that Standish, after considerable nanceuvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At length naving got Peksuot and Wittuwamat “ both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wittuwamat, and, villain like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weakei sort of men, and iiaving about as many of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, and, the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and, snatching his oion knife from his neck, though with much * " The Pameses are men of great courage and wised jme, and to these also the Detail appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as wee coneeiue, maketh couenant with them to preserue them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c.” Wins/oic’s Rela- tion. In speaking of the origin of calumet, Charlevoix says, some Indians told him that was given by the sun to t'-'nis, a nation upon the Missouri. Voyage dans l’ Amaiqtie. Cha t. II.] OBTAKIEST. — HOBOMOK. 10J ■truggling, and killed him thereioith — the point whereof he had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wittuwamet and the other man the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the captain caused to be hanged.” We could now wish this bloody tale were finished, but we have promised to keep close to the record. Mr. Winsloiv continues, “ But it is incredible how many wounds these two panieses received before they died, not making any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons, and striving to the last. “ Hobbamock stood by all this time, # and meddled not, observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action.” After the affray was ended, he said to Standish, “Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his own strength and stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but a little maj but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground.” Standish was now sent to a company of Weston's men, who ordered them to kill the Indians that were among them. They killed two. Himself with some of his men killed another, at another place. As they were pursuing this business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, “ through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and crossed their proceedings.” Joined by some of Mr. Weston's men, Standish discovered a few Indiana and pursued them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to occupy, and who, after shooting a few arrows, fled. “ Whereupon Hobba- mock cast off his coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now killed, Phased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him.” One who made a stand to shoot Standish had his arm broken by a shot, which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got into a swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated. After assisting tha settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English returned to Plimouth, taking along the head of Wittuwamet, which they set up in their fort Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was there seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamet, said he did, and “looked piteously” upon it “Then he confessed the plot,” and said his sachem, Obtakiest, had been drawn into it by the impor- tunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and begged his life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a stranger among them. Hobomok “ also gave a good report of him, and be- sought for him ; but was bribed so to do it” They finally concluded to spare him, “ the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest." The message they charged him with was this, that they had never intended to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and, therefore, they might thank themselves for their own overthrow ; and as he had now began, if he persisted in his course, “ his country should not hold him : ” that he should forthwith send to Plimouth “ the three Englishmen he had, and not kiil them.” f The English heard nothing from Obtakiest for a long time ; at length he sent a woman to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them he was sony that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it. The English learned from this woman, that he was in great consternation, “ having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, ex- pecting when we would take further vengeance on him.” The tenor was now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through fear and want. To this dismal nanative Mr. Winslow adds, “ And certainly * This, we suppose, is the affair to which President Allen alludes, in his American Biog- raphy, (2d ed.) when he says, “he [ Hobomok ] fought bravely by his [ Standish’ s\ side, m 1623.” If standing and looking on be fighting, then did Hobomok fght bravely on this occasion. f Morton, in his New Canaan, 111, says, ihese three men went to reside with Chikatautrut hence Morton very reasonably suggests, that if the Plimouth people intended the men of Wessaguscus any good, why did they not first see that all of them were out < f danger, befo re Beginning war ? 9 * 102 HOBOMOK. — SQUANTO’S PERFIDY. [Book It it is strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them; neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and strength.” These affairs call for no commentary, that must accompany every mind through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as appears to us, to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their sufferings, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to appease the wrath of the English governor by presents. Four set out by water in a boat for Plimouth, but by accident were overset, and three of them were drowned ; the other returned back. When Mr. Robinson, the father of the Plimouth church, heard how his people had conducted in this affair -with the Indians, he wrote to them, to consider of the disposition of Captain Standisli, “ who was of a warm tem- per,” but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if they used him as they ought. “ He doubted,” he said, “ whether there was not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God’s image,” which was so necessary ; and above all, that “ it would have been happy if they had converted some before they had killed any.” The reader has now passed through a period of Indian history of much interest, wherein he will doubtless have found much to admire, and more that he could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will here remind him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Although we have had occasion to introduce Hobomok several times, yet there remain transactions of considerable interest in his life yet to be noticed. Hobomok, or Hobbamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the Wampanoags, as we have already had occasion to observe. He came to Plimouth about the end of July, 1621, and continued with the English as long as he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting friendship of Massasoit, which Morton says, he “ much furthered ; and that he was a proper lusty young man, and one that was in account among the Indians in those parts for his valor.” He was of the greatest service in learning them how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such as corn, beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoit, to learn the truth of a report that the Narragansets had made war upon him, and his interruption and trouble from Caunbitant are already related. Being a favorite of Massasoit, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrims found that they need not apprehend any treachery oil his part, as Hobomok was so completely in then- interest, and also in that of the great sachem, that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot against them. What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance. The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1622, they began to make ready for the voyage, Hobomok “told us, (says Winsloiv,) that he feared the Massachusetts, or Massachusetts, for they so called the people of that place, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganneuks, a people of Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut off Capt. Standish and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean- time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; as also that Tis- quantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians’ houses for their better advantage.” Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when they had turned the point called the Gurnet's Nose, a false messenger came running into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding from a wound in his face. He told them that Caunbitant, with many of the Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were coming to de- stroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the first thought of the people was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in the boat with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately discharged Chap. 11-1 HOBOMOK.— SQUANTO’S PERFIDY. 103 which, to their great joy, soon caused the boat to return, not having got out of hearing. They had no sooner arrived, than Hobomok told them there was no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Squanto, who was then with them, and even one of' those in the boat ; that he knew Massasoit would not undertake such an enterprise without consulting him. Hobomok was confi- dent, because he was himself a great chief, and one of Massasoit s counsel- lors. Squanto denied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the affair The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Squanto had laid this shal- low plot to set them against Massasoit, thinking they would destroy him, by which means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and fids seems the more probable, as Massasoit was for some time irreconcilable because they withheld him from him, when he had forfeited his life, as in our nar- ration has been set forth. But entirely to satisfy the English, Hobomok sent his wife to Pokanoket privately to gain exact intelligence, and her return only verified what her husband had said. “Thus by degrees (continues Winslow) we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he stood, hi general, his course was, to persuade them he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure ; and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word, in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them- selves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us ; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassoivat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leave him, and seek after Tisquantum. But when we understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear : and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars, and seekers of then - and our disturbance ; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.” “ For these and the like abuses, the governor sharply reproved him, yet was he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him.” To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of the English, Tisquantum told them the English kept the plague buried in their store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves stirred not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hobomok believe this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and being informed that it was not, it exploded like his other impostures. There is but little doubr^that Squanto was in the interest of Caunbitant, and lived among the English as a spy, while Hobomok was honestly, as he pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impos- sible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emu- lous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time satisfied ; for, Hobomok’s wife having told Massasoit what had happened, and that it was one of Squanto's men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that sagamore had caused it, and he therefore demanded him of the English, that he might put him to death, according to then - law, as has been related. But the English, regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with Massasoit, evaded the demand, and thus Squanto was permitted to escape. Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became a professed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion himself. It has been told in the life of the great Massasoit, how valuable was the agency of Hobomok , in faithfully revealing the mischievous plot of Caunbitant, which terminated in the death of Wittuwamet and Pekswot. He was the pilot of the English when they visited Massasoit in his sickness, whom before then- arrival they considered dead, which caused great mani- festations of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on their way, “Neen womasu Sagimus, men womasu Sagimus &c., which ie, 104 A VOYAGE. — NANEPASHEMET. — OBBATINEWAT. [Book II “My loving Sachem, my loving Sachem ! many have 4 known, but never any like thee.” Then, turning to Mr. Winslow , said, “While you live you wifi never see his like among the Indians ; that he was no liar, nor bloody and eruel like other Indians. In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ; that his reason was such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed his people better with few blows, than others did with many.” In the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Hobomok received a lot as his share, on which he resided after the English manner and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear but was previous to 1642. It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massa- chusetts in the autumn of 1621. It was in this voyage that they became acquainted with the fame of Nanepashemet. The English had heard that the Indians in the Massachusetts had tlireatened them, and they went (says Mourt) “partly to see the country, partly to make peace wim them, and partly to procure then- truck.” Squanto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the bay, and landed under a cliff which some * have supposed was what has been since called Copp’s Hill, f now the north part of Boston. This was on 20th Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time after they went ashore, nut found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they were proceeding on an excursion, “ they met a woman coming for her lobsters.” They told her what they had done, and-Jpaid her for them. She told them where to find Indians, and Squanto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the English. Obbatinewat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the same) had made peace with the English at Plimouth only seven days pre- vious, as we have had occasion to notice. He told them he was sachem of the place, and was subject to Massasoit ; and that he dared not remain long in any place, from fear of the Tarratines, who were “ wont to come at har- vest and take away their corn, and many times kill them.” Also that Squaw- Sachem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaw-Sachem, J as we be- lieye, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipnets, or Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English intended § to have visited her at this time, but found the distance too great to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indians they met with, and mentioned that of Obbatinewat in particular. And they say, “ We told him of divers sacliims that had acknowledged themselves to be King James his men, and if he also would submit himself, || we would be his eafeguard from his enemies, which he did.” At another place, “ having gone three miles, in arms, up in the country, we came (say they) to a place where com had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, in his life-time had lived.1T Ilis house was not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill. No* far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort,” built by Nanepashemet. It * Dr. Belknap appears t<' have been the first who suggested this. See his Biog. ii. 224. t We had supposed this eminence to have been so called from a copse or clump of trees, which for a longtime remained upon it, after it became known to the whites; but Shaw, <)escrip. Boston, 67, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snow, Hist. Boston, 105, says William Copp was the proprietor of “ a portion of the hill.” t “ Sachems or sagamores,— which are but one and the same title,— the first more usual with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath the chief command of a place or people.” Hist. N. E. 60. $ Shattuck (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by these voyagers, but I am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my pos- session. || It does not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimouth, at Mr. Prince supposes. V Mr. Shattuck in his Hist. Concord, says, this “ was in Medford, new Mystic Pond ” Chap II. J NANEPASHEMET. — HIS DEATH, &e 10.5 was made with “poles some 30 or 40 foot long, stuck in the ground, as thick as they could be set one by another, and with these they enclosed a ring some 40 or 50 foot over. A trench, breast high, was digged on each side.* One way there was to get into it with a bridge. In the midst of this pali- eado stood the frame of an house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried. About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top of an hill. Here Nonepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his death.” According to Mr. Lewis, Nanepashemet was killed about the year 1619, and his widow, who was Squaw- Sachem before named, continued the government.} He left five children,} four of whose names we gather from the interesting History of Lynn ; viz. 1. Montowampate , called by the English Sagamore James. He was sachem of Saugus. 2. Abigail , a daughter. 3. Wonohaqua- ham, called Sagamore John , sachem of Winnesimet. 4. Winnepurkitt, called Sagamore George, or George Rumneymarsh , the successor of Montowampate at Saugus. Of most of these we shall speak in detail hereafter. Squaw- Sachem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the spouse of Wappacowet or Webcowit, in 1635. She and her husband, four years after, 1639, deeded to Jotham Gibbones “the reversion of all that parcel of land which lies against the ponds of Mystic, together with the said ponds, all which we reserved from Charlestown and Cambridge, late called New- town, after the death of me, the said Squaw-Sachem.” The consideration was, “the many kindnesses and benefits we have received from the hands of Captain Edward Gibbones, of Boston.” 77te Squa-Sachem’s mark Webcowit’s mark -t — i- Webcowit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered next in importance to Nanepashemet among the subjects of that chief, after his death ; as a matter of course, Ins widow took him to her bed. It does xot appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of ; especial- ly by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed, no provision seems to have been made for him after her death, if he outlived her. At all events, we may conclude, without hazard we think, that if breeches had been in fashion am'ong Indians, the wife of Webcowit would have been ac- countable for the article in this case. In 1643, Massachusetts covenanted with “ Wassamequin, JVashoonon, Kutchr amaquin, Massaconomet, and Squaw- Sachem,” || to the end that mutual bene- fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far as they should be made to understand them. For this confidence and concession of their persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed to extend the same protection to them and their people as to their English subjects.il What had become of Webcowit at this time does not appear ; perhaps he tvas off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household. We hear of him, however, four years after, (1647,) “taking an active part” in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his countrymen. “ He asked the English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and never taught them to know God till then. Had you done it sooner, (said he,) we might have known much of God by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin.” * Might not, then, the western mounds have been formed by Indians ? t Hist. Lynn, 16. } SlioUluck, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord ; she, doubtless, had several places of residence. $ His name is spelt Webcowits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shattuck’t MSS Wibbacowitts, as appears from his History. i\ In the History of the Narraganset Country, these names are written Watsamegwt, Aashawanon, Cutshamackc, Massanomell, and S qua- Sachem. See 3 Col. Matt. Hitt. Sot i. 212. H See Gookin’s MS. Hitt. Praying Indiau. 106 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS. [Book IE. Tlie English said they repented of their neglect; but recollecting themselves answered, “ You were not willing to heare till now,” and that God had not turned their hearts till then.* * * § ** Of the sachems who made the covenant above named, the first we suppose to have been Massnsoit, on the part of the Wampanoags, who at this time was, perhaps, among the Niprnuks; Nashoonon, a Nipmuk chief, with whom Massasoit now resided. His residence was near what was since Magus Hill, in Worcester county. He was probably at Plimouth, 13 Sept., 1621, where he signed a treaty with eight others, as we have set down in the life of Caun- bitant His name is there spelt Nattawahunt. In Winthrop’s Journal, it is Nashacowam , and we suppose he was father of JYassowanno, mentioned by Whitney.] Kutchamaquin was sachem of Dorchester and vicinity, and Massaconomet was Mascononomo. CHAPTER HI. Some account of the Massachusetts — Geography of their country — Chikataubut — Wampatuck — his war with the Mohawks — Mascononomo — Canonicus — Mon- towampate — Snudl-pox distresses the Indians — Wonohaqcaham — Winnepur- KIT MANATAHQUA SclTTERY GUSSET NaTT AH ATTAW ANTS WaHGCMACUT- Jack-Straw — James. Not long before the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had been a numerous people, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from the great plague, of which we have already spoken, and subsequently from their wars with the Tarratines. Of this war none but the scanty records of the first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are preserved ; J therefore it will not he expected that ever a complete account of the territo- ries and power of the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they were at the time they became known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that their sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth people, were shifting for their lives — not daring to lodge a second night in the same place, from their fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ- ent tribe, their history was long since swept away “ in gloomy tempests,” and obscured in “ a night of clouds,” and nothing but a meagre tradition re- mained. For some time after the country was settled, they would fly for protection from the Tanatines to the houses of the English. It is said, by Mr. Gookin, that “ their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors ; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punka- paog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pokom- takuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts ; but held amity, for the most part, with the Pawkunnawkutts.”§ Near the mouth of Charles River “ used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the south and north side of the country .”|| Hutchinson IT says, “That circle which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charlestown, round by Mal- den, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, was the capital of a great sachem, ## much revered by all the plantations round about. The tradition is, that this sachem had his principal seat upon a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in the township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squantum.”ft Hence it will * Hist. Concord, 25. f Hist. Worcester Co. 174. f This war was caused, says Mr. Hubbard, “ upon the account of some treachery ” on the part of the western tribes, i. e. the tribes west of the Merrimack. Hist. Neiv. Eng. 30. § 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 148. || Hist. N. Eng. 32. IT From Neal’s Hist. N. Eng., probably, which see. ** It will be a good while before the present possessors of the country can boast of such a capital. ft Hist. Mass. i. 460. And here it was, I suppose, that the Plimouth people landed in their Chap. UL] CHIKATALBL 1'— VISITS BOSTON. 10? be observed, that among the accounts of the earliest writers, the dominions of the different sachems were considered as comprehended within very different limits ; a kind of general idea, therefore, can only be had of the extent of their possessions. It is evident that the Massachusetts were either subject to the Narragansetts, or in alliance with them ; for when the latter were at war with the Pequots, Chikataubut and Sagamore John both went with many men to aid Canonicns, who had sent for them. This war began hi 1632, and ended in 1635, to the advantage of the Pequots. We shall now proceed to speak of the chiefs agreeably to our plan. Chikataubut, or Chikkatabak , — in English, a house-a-Jire, — was a sachem of considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion ever ir e Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morton mentions him in his New Canaan, as sachem of Passonagesit, (about Weymouth,) and says his mother was buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn the reader concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every book, early and late, about New England; but shall relate the following from him. In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering about upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother of Chikataubut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and two bear-skins, sewed together, spread over it; these the English took away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he complained to his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were as- sembled, he thus harangued them: “When last the glorious light of all the sky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle, as my custom is, to take repose. Before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho’t f saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, ‘ Behold ! my son, whom I have cherished ; «ee the paps that gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee warm, and fed s hee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that hath cw ell’s Nar. of his Captivity among the Indians in 1677. 13 * 150 UNCAS ASSISTS IN DESTROYING THE PEQUOTS. [Book II. tioned.* Oneko was employed with his 60 men, and proceeded on an expe- dition, as will be found stated elsewhere. Uncas was originally a Pequot, and one of the 26 war captains of that famous, but ill-fated nation. Upon some intestine commotions, he revolted against his sachem, and set up for himself. This took place about the time that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1634 or 5 ; or, as, it would seem from some circumstances, in the beginning of the Pequot war. Peters , f an author of not much authority, says, that the “colonists declared him King of Mohegan, to reward him for deserting Sassacus." We are told, by the same author, that, after the death of Uncas , Oneko would not deed any lands to the colony; upon which he was deposed, and his natural brother, Abimileck , was, by the English, advanced to the office of chief sachem. Oneko, not acknowledging the validity of this procedure, sold, in process of time, all his lands to two individuals, named Mason and Harrison. But, meantime, Abimileck sold the same lands to the colony. A lawsuit followed, and was, at first, decided in favor of the colony ; but, on a second trial, Mason and Harrison got the case — but not the property ; for, as Peters tells us, “ the colony kept possession under Abimileck, their created King of Mohegan,” anil “ found means to confound the claim of those competitors without establishing their own.” By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that part called Moheag, or Mohegan, fell generally under his dominion, and extended from near the Connecticut River on the south, to a space of disputed country on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recurrence to our account of the dominions of the Pequots aud Narragansets, a pretty clear idea may be had of all three. This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the English, which, it is reasonable to suppose, was occasioned by the fear he was in from his potent and warlike neighbors, both ou the north and on the south. In May, 1637, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the Pequots. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, the English at first were nearly as afraid of Uncas and his men, as they were of the Pequots. But when, on the 15 of the same month, they had arrived at Saybrook fort, a circumstance happened that tended much to remove their suspicions, and is related by Dr. Mather as follows : “ Some of Uncas his men being then at Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espied seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one prison- er, and brought him to the English fort, which was great satisfaction and en- couragement to the English ; who, before that exploit, had many fears touch- ing the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took prisoner was a [ terfidious villain, one that could speak English well, having in times past ived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, had been at the slaughter- ing of all the English that were slaughtered thereabouts. He was a contin- ual spy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he could learn. When this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and burned to ashes. Some of the Indian executioners barbarously taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did eat it, withal singing about the fire.” J Notwithstanding, both Uncas and Miantunnomoh were accused of harboring fugitive Pequots, after the Mystic fight, as our accounts will abundantly prove. It is true they had agreed not to harbor them, but perhaps the philanthiopist will not judge them harder for erring on the score of mercy, than their Eng- lish friends for their strictly religious perseverance in revenge. A traditionary story of Uncas pursuing, overtaking, and executing a Pequot sachem, as given in the Historical Collections, may not be unqualifiedly true. It was after Mystic fight, and is as follows: Most of the English forces pur- sued the fugitives by water, westward, while some followed by land with Uncas and his Indians. At a point of land in Guilford, they came upon a great Pequot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they were pursued, * Old Indian Chronicle, 15. t In his Hist, of Connecticut. 1 Relation of the Troubles, &c. 46. Chap. V.l UNCAS. — MOHEGAN LANGUAGE. 151 they had gone into an adjacent peninsula, “hoping then - pursuers would have passed by them. But Uncas knew Indian’s craft, and ordered some ot his men to search that point. The Pequots perceiving that they were pur sued, swam over the mouth of the harbor, which is narrow. But they were waylaid, and taken as they landed. The sachem was sentenced to be shot to death. Uncas shot him with an arrow, cut oft' his head, and stuck it up in the crotch of a large oak-tree near the harbor, where the skull remained for a great many years.”* This was the origin of Sachem’s Head, by which name the harbor of Guilford is well-known to coasters. Dr. Mather records the expedition of the English, but makes no mention of Uncas. He says, they set out from Saybrook fort, and “sailed westward in pursuit of the Pequots, who were fled that way. Sailing along to the westward of Monouowuttuck, the wind not answering their desires, they cast anchor.” “ Some scattering Pequots were then taken and slain, as also the Pequot sachem, before expressed.! hail his head cut off', whence that place did bear the name of Sachem’s Head.”}: Uncas's fear of the Pequots was doubtless the cause of his hostility to them ; and when he saw them vanquished, he probably began to relent his unprovoked severity towards his countrymen, many of whom were his near relations ; and this may account for his endeavors to screen some of them from their more vindictive enemies. The next spring after the war, 5 March, 1038, “ Unkus, alias Okoco, the Monahegan sachem hi the twist of Pequod River, came to Boston with 37 men. He came from Connecticut with Mr. Haynes , and tendered the governor a present of 20 fathom of wampum. This was at court, and it was thought fit by the council to refuse it, till he had given satisfaction about the Pequots he kept, &c. Upon this he was much dejected, and made account we would have killed him ; but, two days after, having received good satisfaction of his innoceucy, &c. and ho promis- ing to submit to the order of the English, touching the Pequots he had, and the differences between the Narragansetts and him, we accepted his present And about half an hour after, he came to the governor,” and made the follow- ing speech. Laying his hand upon his breast, he said, “ This heart is not mine, but yours. I have no men : they are all yours. Com- mand me any difficult thing, I will do it. I- will not believe any Indians ’ words against the English. If any man shall kill an Englishman, 1 will put him to death, were he never so dear to me.” “ So the governor gave him a fair red coat, and defrayed his and his men’s diet, and gave them corn to relieve them homeward, and a letter of protection to all men, &.c. and he departed very joyful.” § For the gratification of the curious, we give, from Dr. Edwards's “ Observa- tions on the Muhkekaneew [Mohegan] Language,” the Lord’s prayer in that dialect. “ Nogh-nuh, ne spummuck oi-e-on, taugh mau-weh wneh ivtu-ko-se-auk ne-an-ne an-nu-woi-e-on. Taugh ne aun-chu-wut-am-mun wa-weh-tu-seek ma - iveh noh pum-meh. Ne ae-noi-hit-teeh mau-weh aw-au-neek noh hkey oie-cheek, ne aun-chu-wut-am-mun, ne au-noi-hit-teet neek spum-muk oie-cheek. Men-e nau-nuh noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tquogh null uh-huy-u-tam-auk ngum-mau-weh Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-ioe-nau-nuh au-neh mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh he anneh ohq-u-ut-a- mou-woi-e-auk num-peh neek mu-ma-cheh an-neh-o-quau-keet. Cheen hqu-uk- quau-chth-si-u-keh an-neh-e-henau-nuh. Pan-nee-weh Idou-we-nau-nuh neen maum-teh-keh. Ke-ah ng-weh-cheh kwi-ou-wau-weh mau-weh noh pum-meh; kt- an-woi ; es-tah aw-aun w-tin-noi-yu-wun ne au-noi-e-yon ; han-wee-weh nekl- in-noi-een." Such was the language of the Mohegans, the Pequots, the Narragansets and Nipmucks ; or so near did they approach one another, that each could under* stiuid the other thiough the united extent of their territories. Uncas was said to have been engaged in all the wars against his country- men, on the part of the English, during his life-time.|| He shielded some of tilt infant settlements of Connecticut in times of troubles, especially Norwich * Hist. Guilford, in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 100. t His name is not mentioned. { Relation, 49. $ Winthrop, Jour. i. 263-6 I] MS. communication of Rev. Mr. Ely. 1 52 UN CAS.— TREATMENT OF MIANTUNNOMOH. Book tl To the inhabitants of this town the Mohegans seemed more particularly attached probably from the circumstance of some of its settlers having relieved them when besieged by Ninigret, as will be found related in the ensuing history. The remnant of the Mohegans, in 1768, was settled in the north-east corner of New London, about five miles south of Norwich; at which place they had a reservation. The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Royal burying-ground, and this was set apart for the family of Uncos. It is close by the tails of the stream culled Yantic River, in Norwich city ; “ a beautiful and romantic spot.” The ground containing the grave of Uncas is at present owned by C. Goddard, Esq. of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an inclosure to he set about it.* When the commissioners of the United Colonies had met in 1643, com- plaint was made to them by Uncas, that Miantunnomoh had employed a Pequot to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his own subjects. He shot Uncas with an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accomplished his purpose, “ fled to the Nanohiggansets, or then- confederates,” and proclaimed that he had killed him. “ But when it was known Vncas was not dead, though wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncus had cut through his own arm with a flint, and hired the Pequot to say he had shot and killed him. Myantinomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought the Pequot with him : but when this disguise would not serve, and that the English out of his [the Pequot’s] own mouth found him guilty, and would have sent him to Uncus his sagamore to be proceeded against, Myantinomo desired he might not be taken out of his hands, promising [that] he would send [him] himself to Vncus to be examined and punished ; but, contrary to his promise, and fearing, as it appears, his own treachery might be discouered, he within a day or two cut off the Peacott’s head, that he might tell no tales. After this some attempts were made to poison Vncus, and, as is reported, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered, some of Sequasson's company, an Indian sagamore allied to, and an intimate confederate with Myantinomo, shot at Uncus as he was going down Conectacatt River with a arrow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid agreement,” which was, in case of difficulty between them, that the English should be applied to as umpires, complained to them. They endeavored to bring about a peace between Uncas anil Sequasson ; but Sequasson would hear to no over- tures of the kind, and intimated that he should be borne out in his resolution by Miantunnomoh. The result was the war of which we have given an account in die life of Miantunnomoh. We have also spoken there of the agency of the English in the affair of Miantunnomoh' s death ; but that no light may be withheld which can in any way reflect upon that important as well as melancholy event, we will give all that the conunissioners have recorded in ttic a^-ords concerning it. But firstly, we should notice, that, after Miantwi- nowon vhs taken prisoner, the Indians affirmed, (the adherents of Uncas doubtless,) mat Miantunnomoh had engaged the Mohawks to join him in his wars, and that they were then encamped only a day’s journey from the fron- tiers, waiting for him to attain his liberty. The record then proceeds: — “ These things being duly weighed and considered, the commissioners apparently see that Vncus cannot be safe while Myantenomo lives ; but that, either by secret treachery or open force, his life will be still in dangei Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and blood-thirsty enemy to death, but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English plantations. And advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed, contrary to the practice of the Indians who exercise tortures and cruelty. And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in this craving their advice; [therefore,] if the Nanohiggansitts Indians or others shall unjustly assault Vncus for this execution, upon notice and request the English promise to assist and protect him, as far as they may, against such violence.” We presume not to commentate upon this affair, but we would ask whether * 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 136. Chap. V.] UNCAS. 153 it does not appear as probable, that Uncas had concerted the plan with h's Pequot subject for the destruction of Miantunnomoh, as that tne latter had plotted for the destruction of the former. Else, why did Mian'unnomoh put the Pequot to death ? The commissioners do not say that the Pequot had by his confession any how implicated Miantunnomoh. Now, if this Pequot had been employed by him, it does not seem at all likely that he would have put him to death, especially as he had not accused him. And, on the other hand, if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attempting the life of his own sachem, that it might be charged upon others, it is to us a plain reason why Miantunnomoh should put him to death, being fully satisfied of his guilt upon his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against Uncas was of his own or his Pequot subject’s planning. The Pequot’s going over to Miantunnomoh for protection is no evidence of that chief’s participation in his plot. And it is highly probable that, after they had left the English court, his crime was aggravated, in Miantunnomoh' s view, by some new con- fession or discovery, which caused him to be forthwith executed. As though well assured that the justness of their interference would be called in question, the commissioners shortly after added another clause to their records, as much in exoneration of their conduct as they could find words in which to express themselves. They argue that, “ whereas Uncas was advised [by them] to take away the life of Miantunnomoh whose lawful captive he was, they [the Narragansets] may well understand that this is with- out violation of any covenant between them and us ; for Uncas being in con- federation with us, and one that hath diligently observed his covenants before mentioned, for aught we know, and requiring advice from us, upon serious consideration of the premises, viz. his treacherous and murderous disposition against Uncas , & c. and how great a disturber he hath been of the common peace of the whole country, we could not in respect of the justice of the case, safety of the country, and faithfulness of our friend, do otherwise than approve of the lawfulness of his death ; which agreeing so well with the Indians’ own manners, and concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we are acquainted ; we persuaded ourselves, however his death may be grievous at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not only matter of safety to tbe Indians, but profit to all that inhabit this continent.” It is believed that the reader is now put in possession of every thing that the English could say for themselves, upon the execution of Miantunnomoh. He will therefore be able to decide, whether, as we have stated, their judg- ment was made up of one kind of evidence ; and whether the Narragansets flad any lawyers to advocate their cause before the commissioners. After Miantunnomoh was executed, the Narragansets demanded satisfaction of Uncas for the money they had raised and paid for the redemption of their chief. This demand was through the English commissioners ; who, when they were met, in Sept. 1644, deputed Thomas Stanton to notify both parties to appear before them, that they might decide upon the case according to the evidence which should be produced. It appears that Kienemo ,* the Niantick sachem, immediately deputed JVeetourisse, a sachem, Pawpiamet and Pummumshe, captains, from the Narra- gansets, with two of their men, to maintain their action before the commis- sioners, and to complain of some insolences of Uncas besides/] On a full hearing, the commissioners say, that nothing was substantiated by them. “Though,” they say, “several discourses had passed from Uncas and his men, that for such quantities of wampum and such parcels of other goods to a great value, there might have been some probability of sparing his life.” Hence it appears that Uncas had actually entered upon a negotiation with the Narragansets, as in the life of Miantunnomoh has been stated ; and it does not, it is thought, require but a slight acquaintance with the general drift of these affairs, to discern, that Uncas had encouraged the Narragansets to send * The same afterwards called Ninigret. Junemo was doubtless the pronunciation, / being at that time pronounced ji ; therefore Jianemo might have been sometimes understood Kiane mo. Wintlirop writes the name Ayanemo in one instance. t The author of Tales of the Indians seems dismally confused in attempting to narrate inese affairs, but see Hazard, ii. 25 and 26. 154 uin»;as.— pessacus. [I5oor IL wampum, that is, their money, giving them to understand that lie would not De hai'd with them ; in so far, that they had trusted to his generosity, and sent him a considerable amount. The very lace of it shows clearly, that it was a trick of Uncas to leave the amount indefinitely stated, which gave him the chance, (that a knave will always seize upon,) to act according to the caprice of his own mind on any pretence afterwards. The commissioners say, that “no such parcels were brought,” though, in a few lines after, in their records, we read: “And for that wampums and goods sent, [to Uncas ,] as they were but small parcels, and scarce considerable for such a purpose,” namely, the redemption of their chief: and still, they add ; “ But Uncas denieth, and the Narraganset deputies did not alledge, much less prove that any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any treaty begun to redeem their imprisoned sachem.” Therefore it appears quite clear that Uncas had all the English in his favor, who, to preserve his friend- ship, caressed and called him their friend ; while, on the other hand, the agents from the Narragansets were frowned upon, and no doubt labored under the disadvantage of not being personally known to the English. As to the goods which Uncas had received, the commissioners say, “A part of them [were] disposed [of] by Miantunnomoh himself, to Uncas ’ coun- sellors and captains, for some favor, either past or hoped tor, and part were given and sent to Uncas, and to his squaw for preserving his life so long, and using him courteously during his imprisonment.” Here ended this matter; but before the Narraganset deputies left the court, the English made them sign an agreement, that they would not make war upon Uncas, “vntill after the next planting of corn.” And even then, that they should give 30 days’ notice to the English before commencing hostili- ties. Also that if “any of the Nayantick Pecotts should make any assault upon Uncas or any of his, they would deliver them up to the English to be punished according to their demerits. And that they would not use any means to procure the Mawhakes to come against Uncas during this truce.” At the same time the English took due care to notify the Narraganset com- missioners, by way of awing them into terms, that if they did molest the Mohegans, all the English would be upon them. The date of this agreement, if so we may call it, is, “ Hartford, the xviijth of September, 1644,” and was signed by four Indians ; one besides thosf named above, called Chimough. That no passage might be left open for excuse, in case of war, it was alsc mentioned, that “ proof of the ransom charged ” must be made satisfactory to the English before war was begun. The power of Pessacus and JYinigret at this time was much feared by tin English, and they were ready to believe any reports of the hostile doings ol the Narragansets, who, since the subjection of the Pequots, had made them selves masters of all their neighbors, except the English, as the Pequots had done before them. The Mohegans were also in great fear of them, as well after as before the death of Miantunnomoh ; but for whose misfortune in being made a prisoner by a stratagem of Uncas, or his captains, the English might have seen far greater troubles from them than they did, judging from the known abilities of that great chief. There was “a meeting extraordinary” of the commissioners of the United Colonies, in July, 1645, at Boston, “concerning the French business, and the wars between Pissicus and Vncus being begun.” Their first business was to despatch away messengers to request the appearance of the head men of the belligerents to appear themselves at Boston, or to send some of then - cliiel men, that the difficulties between them might be settled. These messengers, Sergeant John Dames, [Davis ?] Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smyth, on their first arrival at Narraganset, were welcomed by the sachems, who offered them guides to conduct them to Uncas ; but, eithei having understood their intentions, or judging from their appearance that the English messengers meant them no good, changed their deportment altogether, and in the mean time secretly despatched messengers to the Nianticks before them, giving them to understand what was going forward. After this, say the messengers, “ there was nothing but proud and insolent Chap. V.] UNCAS.— DEFENDED BY THE ENGLISH. 155 passages [from JVtnigret.] The Indian guides which they had brought with them from Pumham and Sokakanoco were, by frowns and threatening speeches, discouraged, and returned ; no other guides could be obtained.’ The sachems said they knew, by what was done at Hartford last year, that the English would urge peace, 11 bid they were resolved, they said, to have no peace without Uncas his head." As to who began the war, they cared not, but they were resolved to continue it ; that if the English did not withdraw their soldiers from Uncas, they should consider it a breach of former covenants, and would procure as many Mohawks as the English had soldiers to bring against them. They reviled Uncas for having wounded himself, and then charging it upon them, and said he was no friend of the English, but would now, if he durst, kill the English messengers, and lay that to them. There- fore, not being able to proceed, the English messengers returned to the Nar- ragansets, and acquainted Pessacus of what had passed, desiring he would furnish them with guides; “he, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered them an old Peacott squaw.” The messengers now thought themselves in danger of being mas- sacred ; “ three Indians with hatchets standing behind the interpreter in a suspicious manner, while he was speaking with Pessacus, and the rest, frowning and expressing much distemper in their countenance and carriage.” So, without much loss of time, they began to retrace their steps. On leaving P-essacus, they told him they should lodge at an English trading house not far off that night, and if he wanted to send any word to the English, he might send to them. In the morning, he invited them to return, and said he would furnish them with guides to visit Uncas , but he would not suspend hostilities. Not daring to risk the journey, the messengers returned home. Arnold, the interpreter, testified that this was a true relation of what had passed, which is necessary to be borne in mind, as something may appear, as we proceed, impeaching the veracity of Arnold. Meanwhile the commissioners set forth an armament to defend Uncas, at all hazards. To justify this movement, they declare, that, “ considering the great provocations offered, and the necessity we should be put unto of making war upon the Narrohiggin, &c. and being also careful in a matter of so great weight and general concernment to see the way cleared and to give satisfaction to all the colonists, did think fit to advise with such of the magistrates and elders of the Massachusetts as were then at hand, and also with some of the chief military commanders there, who being assembled, it was then agreed : First, that our engagement bound us to aid and defend the Mohegan sachem. Secondly, that this aid could not be intended only to defend him and his, in his fort or habitation, but, (according to the common acceptation of such covenants or engagements considered with the ground or occasion thereof,) so to aid him as hee might be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thirdly, that this aid must be speedy, least he might be swallowed up in the mean time, and so come too late.” “ According to the counsel and determination aforesaid, the commissioners, considering the present danger of Uncas the Mohegan sachem, (his fort having been divers times assaulted by a great army of the Narrohiggansets, &c.) agreed to have 40 soldiers sent with all expedition for his defense.” Lieu- tenant Atherton and Sergeant John Davis led this company, conducted by two of “ Cutchamakin's" Indians as guides. Atherton was ordered not to make an “attempt upon the town otherwise than in Uncas ’ defence.” Captain Mason of Connecticut was to join him, and take the chief command. Forty men were ordered also from Connecticut, and 30 from New Haven under Lieu- tenant Sealy. In their instructions to Mason, the commissioners say, “We so now aim at the protection of the Mohegans, that we would have no opportunity neglected to weaken the Narragansets and their confederates, in their number of men, their cane canoes, wigwams, wampum and goods. We look upon the Nianticks as the chief incendiaries and causes of the war, and should be glad they might first feel the smart of it.” The Nianticks, therefore, were particularly to be had in view by Mason, and he was informed at the same time that Massachusetts and Plimouth were forthwith to send “ another army to invade the Narragansets.” 156 UNCAS. — BESE1GED IN HIS FORT. [Book II The commissioners now proceeded to make choice of a commander in chief of the two armies. Major Edward Gibbons was unanimously elected. In his instructions is this passage: “Whereas the scope and cause of this expedition is not only to aid the Mohegans, but to offend the Narragansets, Nianticks, and other their confederates. He was directed also to conclude a peace with them, if they desired it, provided it were made with special reference to damages, &c. And they say, “But withal, according to our engagements, you are to provide for Uncos' future safety, that his plantations be not invaded, that his men and squaws may attend their planting and fishing and other occasions without fear or injury, and Vssamequine, Pomham, Sokakonoco, Cutchamakin, and other Indians, friends or subjects to the English, be not molested,” &c. Soon after the death of Mianirunnomoh , which was in September, 1643, his brother Pessacus, “the new sachem of Narraganset,” then “a young man about 20,” sent to Governor JVinthrop of Massachusetts, as a present, an otter coat, a girdle of wampum, and some of that article besides, in value about £15. The messenger, named Washose,* also a sachem, told the governor that his chief desired to continue in peace with the English; but that he was about to make war upon Uncas, to avenge the death of his brother, and hoped they wotdd not interfere, nor aid Uncas. The governor said they wished to be at peace with all Indians, and that all Indians would be at peace among themselves, and that they must agree to this, or they could not accept their present. Washose said he was instructed no further than to make known his mission and leave the present, which he did, and returned to his own country. This was in February, 1644, N. S. Within the same month, the same messenger appeared again at Boston ; and “ his errand was, (says Governor Winlhrop,) that, seeing they, at our request, had set still this year, that now this next year we would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with Onkus, with many arguments.” But he was answered, that the English would not allow such a proceeding, and if they persisted all the English would fall upon them. Planting time, and 30 days besides, had passed before the English sent an nrmy to invade the Narragansets. Pessacus and the other chiefs had done all they could do to cause the English to remain neutral, but now determined to wait no longer, and hostile acts were committed on both sides. The traditionary account of Uncas's being besieged in his fort by the Narragansets will very properly be looked for in this connection, as it has not only adorned some tales of the Indians, but has been seriously urged as truth in more imposing forms. What we are about to give is contained in a letter, dated at New Haven, 19 September, 1796, by JVm. Leffingwell, and di- rected Dr. Trumbull. “At the time the Mohegan tribe of Indians were besieged by the Narragan- set tribe, in a fort near the River Thames, between Norwich and New London, the provisions of the besieged being nearly exhausted, Uncas, their sachem, found means to inform the settlers at Saybroo'k of their distress, and the danger they would be in from the Narragansets, if the Mohegan tribe were cut off. Ensign Thomas Leffingwell , one of the first settlers there, loaded a canoe with beef, corn and peas, and in the night time paddled from Saybrook into the Thames, and had the address to get the whole into the fort of the besieged ; — received a deed from Uncas of the town of Norwich, and made his escape that very night. In consequence of which, the besiegers, finding Uncas had procured relief, raised the siege, and the Mohegan tribe were saved, and have ever proved strict friends to the N. England settlers.” f The above agrees very well with Mr. Hyde's account. “ When Uncas and tribe were attacked by a potent enemy, and blocked up in their fort on a hill, by the side of the great river, and almost starved to death, Lieut. Thos. Leffingwell, Capt. Ben j. Brewster, of said Norwich, and others, secretly carried * Perhaps the same as Awasliers. t Copied from the original, for the author, by Rev. Wm. Ely, who thus remarks upon it : “This tradition, from a highly respectable source, Trumbull states as history ; yet, in soma minor points, at least, it would seem obvious that the ti&dition could not have been strictly preserved for 150 years.” MS. letter. Chap. V ] INTERFERENCE OF THE ENGLISH. 15? their provision, in the night seasons, upon which the enemy raised the siege.”* In consideration of which, “ Uncas gave sundry donations of land,” &c.f At the congress of the commissioners at Boston, in 1645, above mentioned, it was ascertained that the present from Pcssacus still remained among them, and therefore he might think it was probable that the English had complied with their desires, as they had not returned it. Lest this should be so under- stood, Captain Harding, Mr. Welbome, and Benedict Arnold, were ordered and commissioned to repair to the Narraganset country, and to see, if possible, “ Piscus, Canownacus, Janemo ,” and other sachems, and to return the present before mentioned, and to inform them that the English were well aware of their beginning and prosecuting a war upon Uncas, and their “having wounded and slain divers of his men, seized many of his canoes, taken some prisoners, spoiled much of his corn,” refused to treat with him, and threaten- ed the English. Nevertheless, if they would come themselves forthwith to Boston, they should be heard and protected in their journey, but that none except themselves would be treated with, and if they refused to come, the English were prepared for war, and would proceed immediately against them. Harding and Welbome proceeded to Providence, where Arnold was to join them. But he was not there, and they were informed that he dared not venture among the Narragansets. Whether he had been acting the traitor with them, or something quite as much to merit condemnation, we will leave the reader to judge from the relation. The two former, therefore, made use of Reverend Mr. Williams as interpreter in their business, but were reprimanded by the commissioners for it on their return. On going to the Narraganset sachems, and opening their business, it appeared that all they were ordered to charge them with was not true; or, at least, denied by them. These charges, it appeal's, had been preferred by Arnold, and sworn to upon oath. The chiefs said “ that Ianemo, the Nyantick sachem, had been ill divers days, but had now sent six men to present his respects to the English, and to declare his assent and submission to what the Narrohiggenset sachems and the Eng- lish should agree upon.” It was in the end agreed, that the chiefs, Pessaeus , Mexam, and divers others, should proceed to Boston, agreeably to the desire of the English, which they did, in company with Harding and Welbome, who brought back the old present, and for which they also received the censure of the congress. They arrived at Boston just as the second levy of troops were marching out for their country, and thus the expedition was stayed until the result of a treaty should be made known. It appeared, on a conference with the commissioners, that the sachems did not fully understand the nature of all the charges against them before leaving then' country, and in justice to them it should be observed, that, so far as the record goes, their case appears to us the easiest to be defended of the three parties concerned. They told the commissioners of sundry charges they had against Uncas, but they said they could not hear them, for Uncas was not * Some very beautiful verses appeared several years since in the Connecticut Mirror, to which it seems the above had given rise. They were prefaced with the following among other observations : “ In the neighborhood of Mohegan is a rude recess, environed by rocks, which still retains the name of the ‘chair of Uncas;’ and that the people of Uncas were perishing with hunger when Lejfingwdl brought him relief. We give the following stanzas from it: — “ The monarch sat on his rocky throne, Before him the waters lay ; His guards were shapeless columns of stone, Their lofty helmets with moss o’ergrown, And their spears of the bracken gray “ His lamps were the fickle stars, that beamed Through the veil of their midnight shroud, And the reddening flashes that fitfully gleamed When the distant fires of the war-dance streamed Where his foes in frantic revel screamed ’Neath their canopy of cloud,” &c. t MS letter to Dr. Trumtull, before cited, and life of MiantunnomoK. 14 158 UNCAS.— TREATY MADE AT BOSTON. [Book II. there to spe,©.* for himself; and that they had hindered his being notified of their coining. As to a breach of covenant, they maintained, for some time, they had committed none, and that their treatment of the English had been misrepresented. “But, (says our record,) after a long debate and some priuate conferrence, they had with Serjeant Cullicutt, they acknowledged they had brooken promise or couenant in the afore menconed warrs, and ofterred to make another truce with Vncas, either till next planting tj'ine, as they had done last yeare at Hartford, or for a yeare, or a yeare and a quarter.” They had been induced to make this admission, no doubt, by the persua- sion of Cullicut, who, probably, was instructed to inform them that the safety of their country depended upon their compliance with the wishes of the Eng- lish at this time. An army of soldiers was at that moment parading the streets, in all the pomposity of a modern training, which must have reminded them of die horrible destruction of their kindred at Mystic eight years before. The proposition of a truce being objected to by the English, “one of the sachems offered a stick or a wand to the commissioners, expressing himself, that therewith they put the power and disposition of the war into their hands, and desired to know what the English would require of them” They were answered that the expenses and trouble they had caused the English were very great, “ besides the damage Vncas had sustained ; yet to show their moderacon, they would require of them but twoo thousand fathome of white wampon for their owne satisfaccon,” but that they should restore to Uncas all the captives and canoes taken from him, and make restitution for all the corn they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned offence, the sachems asserted there had been none such ; for it was not the manner of the Indians to de- stroy com. This most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small effect on those who heard it, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the advisers of the destruction of the Indians’ corn, previous to and during the Pequot war, were now present: Block Island, and the fertile fields upon the shores of the Connecticut, must have magnified before their imaginations. Considering, therefore, that this charge was merely imaginary, and that Vncas had taken and killed some of their people, the English consented that Uncas “ might ” restore such captives and canoes as he had taken from them. Finally, they agreed to pay the wampum, “crauing onely some ease in the manner and tyines of payment,” and on the evening of “ the xxvij th of the 6 month , (August,) 1G45,” articles to the following effect were signed by the principal Indians present : — 1. That the Narragansets and Nianticks had made war upon the Mohegans contrary to former treaties; that the English had sent messengers to them without success, which had made them prepare for war. 2. That chiefs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having acknowl- edged their breach of treaties, having “ thereby not only endamaged Vncas, hut had brought much charge and trouble vpon all the English colonies, which they confest were just they should satisfy.” 3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 2000 fathom “of good white wampum, or a third part of good black wampem- peago, in four payments, namely,” 500 fathom in 20 days, 500 in four months, 500 at or before next planting time, and 500 in two years, which the English agree to accept as full “ satisfaccon.” 4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all things taken, and where canoes were destroyed, others “in the rooine of them, full as good,” were to be given in return. The English obligated themselves for Uncas. 5. That as many matters cannot be treated of on account of the absence of Uncas, they are to be deferred until the next meeting of the commissioners at Hartford, in Sept. 1646, where both parties should be heard. 6. The Narraganset and Niantic sachems bind themselves to keep peace with the English and their successors, “and with Vncas the Mohegan sachem Chap. V.] UNCAS.— MEXAM. 159 and his men, with Vssamequin,* Pomham, Sokaknooco, Cutchamakin , Shoanan , f Passaconaway, and ail others. And that, in case difficulties occur, they arc to apply to the English. 7. They promise to deliver up to the English all fugitives who shall at any time be found among them ; to pay a yearly tribute, “ a month before Indian harvest, every year after this, at Boston,” “ for all such Pecotts as live amongst them,” according to the treaty of 1638 “namely, one fathom of white wampum for each Pequot man, and half a fathom for each Peacott youth, and one hand length of wampum for each Peacott man-child ; and if Week- wash Cake § refuse to pay this tribute for any Peacotts with him, the Narro- higganset sagamores promise to assist the English against him and to yield up to the English the whole Pequot country. 8. The sachems promise to deliver four of their children into the hands of the English, “viz 1 . Pissacus his eldest sonn, the sonn of Tassaquanawitt, brother to Pissacus, Awashanoe his sonn, and Eivangeso's sonn, a Nyantick, to be kept as pledges or hostages,” until the wampum should be all paid, and they had met Uncas at Hartford, and Janemo and Wypdock j| had signed these arti- cles. As the children were to be sent for, Witowash, Pomanise, Jawassoe, and Waughwamino offered their persons as security for their delivery, who were accepted. 9. Both the securities and hostages were to be supported at the charge of the English. 10. That if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a viola- tion thereof. 11. They agree not to sell any of their lands without the consent of the commissioners. 12. If any Pequots should be found among them who had murdered Eng- lish, they were to be delivered to the English. Here follow the names, with a mark to each. Pessecus, Aumsaaqcen, 11 deputy for the JVianticks , Abdas, POMMUSH, CUTCHAMAKINS, Weekesanno, WlTTOWASH. We do not see Mexam's or Mixanno's name among the signers, althougn he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied to him. There were four interpreters employed upon the occasion, namely, Sergeant Cutlicut and his Indian man, Cutchamakin and Josias.** From this time to the next meeting of the commissioners, the country seems not to have been much disturbed. In the mean time, however, Uncas, without any regard to the promise and obligations the English had laid them- selves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narraganset sachem for some alleged offence. On opening their congress, at New Haven, letters from Mr. Morton and Mr. Peters, at Pequot, were read by the commissioners, giving accounts of Uncas's perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and informed that Uncas was shortly to be there, and that they should bring their proof in order to a trial. Meanwhile Uncas came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accusers not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the English at Nameoke, since Saybrook, were the suffering party, as their neighborhood was the scene of Uncas’s depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowl- edged himself guilty, especially of fighting JVeckwash [Wequash] Cooke so near t: the plantation at Pequot ; although he alleged that some of the Eng- lish there had encouraged Wequash to hunt upon his lands. He was intbrrr td * Ousamequin. t Perhaps Shoshanim, or Sholan. t See page 61, ante § Wequasli Cook. || Wepiteamock. f Awasequin. ** Son of Chikataubut, probably 160 UNCAS.— NUMEROUS CHARGES AGAINST HIM. [Book II that his brother had also been guilty of some offence, but neither the accuser nor the accused were present, and, therefore, it could not be acted upon. So, after a kind of reprimand , Uncas was dismissed, as we have just mentioned. But before he had left the town, Mr. Wm. Morion arrived at court, with three Indians, to maintain the action against him ; he was, therefore, called in, and a hearing was had, “but the commissioners founde noe cause to alter the former writinge giuen him.” This was as regarded the affair with Wequash. Mr. Morton then produced a Pequot powwow, named Wampushet, who, he said, had charged Uncas with having hired him to do violence to another Indian, or to procure it to be done, which accordingly was effected, the Indian beiii< r wounded with a hatchet. This crime was at first laid to the charge of We- quash, as Uncas had intended. “But after [wards,] the Pequat’s powwow, troubled in conscience, could have no rest till he had discoured Vncus to be the author.” He first related his guilt to Robin,* an Indian servant of Mr. Winthrop ; but, to the surprise of the whole court, Wampushet, the only wit- ness, on being questioned through Mr. Stanton, the interpreter, told a story diametrically the reverse of what he had before stated. “ He cleared Vncus, and cast the plot and guilt vpon Neckwash Cooke and Robin;" “and though the other two Pequats, whereof the one was Robin’s brother, seemed much offended,” and said Uncas had hired him to alter his charge, “yet he persisted, and said Neckwash Cooke and Robin had giuen him a payre of breeches, and promised him 25 fadome of wampum, to cast the plot upon Vncus, and that the English plantacon and Pequats knew it. The commissioners abhorring this diuflish falshoode, and advisinge Vncus, if he expected any favoure and respect from the English, to haue no hand in any such desigties or vniust wayes.” Hence it appears that the court did not doubt much of the villany of Uncas , but, for reasons not required here to be named, he was treated as a fond parent often treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which such crimes lead ; and seem to threaten chastisement in their words, while their deportment holds out quite different language. At the congress of the United Colonies, at Boston, in July, 1647, Mr. John Winthrop of Connecticut presented a petition, “in the name of many Pequatts,” in the preamble of which Casmamon and Obechiquod are named, requesting that they might have liberty to dwell somewhere under the protection of the English, which they might appoint. They acknowledged that their sachems and people had done veiy ill against the English formerly, for which they had justly suffered and been rightfully conquered by the English ; but that they had had no hand, by consent or otherwise, in shedding the blood of the English, and that it was by the advice of Necquash f that they fled from their country, being promised by him that the English would not hurt them, if they did not join against them. The names of 62 craving pardon and protection were at the same time communicated. In answer the commissioners say, that while Wequash lived he had made no mention of “ such innocent Pequats, or from any other person since and on “ enquiry from Thomas Stanton, from Foxon, one of Uncus his men, and at last by confession of the Pequats present, found that some of the petitioners were in Mistick fort in fight against the English, and fled away in the smoke,” and that others were at other times in arms against the English and Mohegans, and, therefore, the ground of their petition was false and deceitful. It appears that they had taken refuge under Uncas, who had promised them good usage, which was probably on condition that they should jtay him a tribute. They resided at this time at Namyok. At the same court, Obechiquod complained that Uncas had forcibly taken away his wife, and criminally obliged her to live with him. “ Foxon being present, as Uncas's deputy, was questioned about this base and unsufferable outrage ; he denied that Uncas either took or kept away ObechiquocFs wife by force, and affirmed that [on] Obechiquod’s withdrawing, with other Pequots, * His Indian name was Casmamon, perhaps the same as Cassassinnamon, or Casasmemon , &c. t Wequash, the traitor. He became a noted praying Indian, after the Pequot war, and was supposed to have died by poi on. Frequent mention will be found of him elsewhere i® our work Chap. V.] UNCAS ACCUSED OF PERFIDY 161 From Uncas, his wife refused to go with him ; and that, among the Indians, it is usual when a wife so deserts her husband, another may take her. Obechiquod affirmed that Uncas had dealt criminally before, and still kept her against her will.” Though not satisfied in point of proof, the commissioners said, “Yet ab- horing that lustful adulterous carriage of Uncas, as it is acknowledged and mittigated by Foxon ,” and ordered that he should restore the wife, and that Obechiquod have liberty to settle under the protection of the English, where they should direct.* Complaints at this time were as thick upon the head of Uncas as can wel be conceived of, and still we do not imagine that half the crimes he was guilty of, are on record. Another Indian named Sanaps, at the same time, complain- ed that he had dealt in like manner with the wife of another chief, since dead ; that he had taken away his com and beans, and attempted his life also. The court say they found no proof, “ first or last, of these charges,” still, as to the com and beans, “ Foxon conceives Uncas seized it because Sannop, with a Pequot, in a disorderly manner withdrew himself from Uncas." Hence it seems not much evidence was required, as Uncas’s deputy uniformly pleaded guilty ; and the court could do no less than oi'der that, on investigation, he should make restitution. As to Sannop, who was “ no Pequot,” but a “ Con- necticut Indian,” he had liberty to live under the protection of the English also. To the charges of the Pequots against Uncas, of “ his vnjustice and tyranny, drawinge wampam from them vpon new pretences,” “they say they haue giuen him wampam 40 times since they came vnder him, and that they haue sent wampam by him to the English 25 times,” and had no account that he ever delivered it ; it was answered by Foxon, that Uncas had received wam- pum divers times as tribute, but denied that, in particulai - , any had been given him for the English, and that “he thinks the nomber of 25 times to be altogether false.” There were a long train of charges against Uncas for his oppression of the Pequots, which when the commissioners had heard through, they “ordered that Vncus be duly reproved, and seriously enformed that the English cannot owne or protect him in any vnlawful, much lesse trecherous and outrageous courses.” And notwithstanding the commissioners seem not to doubt of the rascality of their ally, yet nothing seems to have been done to relieve the distressed Pequots, because that “after the [Pequot] warre they spared the hues of such as had noe hand in the bloude of the English.” To say the least of which, it is a most extraordinary consideration, that because some innocent people had not been destroyed in war, they might be harassed according as the caprice of abandoned minds might dictate. Mr. John Winthrop next prefers a complaint against Uncas from another quarter : the Nipmuks had been attacked, in 1646, by 130 Mohegans, under JVowequa, a brother of Uncas. It does not appear that he killed any of them, but robbed them of effects to a gi-eat amount ; among which are enumerated 35 fathom of wampum, 10 copper kettles, 10 “ great hempen baskets,” many bear skins, deer skins, &c. Of this charge Foxon said Uncas was not guilty, for that he knew nothing of Nowequa's proceedings in it ; that at the time of it [September] Uncas, with his chief counsellors, was at New Haven with the commissioners of the United Colonies ; and that JVowequa had at the same time robbed some of Uncas’s own people. It was also urged by Winthrop, that not long before the meeting of the com- missioners in Septembei - , 1647, this same JVbwequa had been with 40 or 50 men to Fisher’s Island, where he had broken up a canoe belonging to him, and greatly alarmed his man and an Indian who were there at that time. That JVowequa next “hovered against the English plantation, in a suspicious manner, with 40 or 50 of his meD, many of them armed with gunns, to the affrightment not onely of the Indians on the shore (soe that some of them began to bi-ing their goods to the English houses) but divers of the English themselues.” * This chief is the same, we believe, called in a later part of the records (Hazard, ii. 413) AbbacKickwood. He was fined, with seven others, ten fathom of wampum for going to fight the Pocomptuck Indians with Uncas, in the summer of 1659. 14* L 162 UNCAS.— WAR WITH THE NIPMUKS. [Book H. These charges being admitted by Foxon, the commissioners “ordered that Vncus from them be fully informed, that he must either regulate and continue his brother in a righteous and peaceable frame for the future vnderstandinge, and providing that vpon due proof due restitution to be made to such as haue been wronged by him, or else wholy diseil and leaue him, that, the Narragen- sett and others may requere and recouer satisfaction as they can.” We pass now to the year 1651, omitting to notice some few events more or less connected with our subject, which, in another chapter, may properly pass under review. Last year, Thomas Stanton had been ordered “to get an account of the num- ber and names of the several Pequots living among tire Narragansets, Nianticks, or Mohegan Indians, &c. ; who, by an agreement made after the Pequot war, are justly tributaries to the English colonies, and to receive the tribute due for this fast year.” Stanton now appeared as interpreter, and with him came also Uncas and several of his men, Wequash Cook and some of' u JYinnacraJYs” men, “ Robert, a Pequot, sometimes a servant to Mr. Winthrop, and some with him, and some Pequots living on Long Island.” They at this time delivered 312 fathom of wampum. Of this Uncas brought 79, Ninigret's men 91, &c. “This wampum being laid down, Uncas and others of the Pequots demanded why this tribute was required, how long it was to continue, and whether the children to be bom hereafter were to pay it.” They were answered that the tribute had been due yearly from the Pequots since 1638, on account of their murders, wars, &c. upon the English. “ Wherefore the commissioners might have required both account and payment, as of a just debt, for time past, but are contented, if it be thankfully accepted, to remit what is past, accounting only from 1650, when Thomas Stanton's employment and salary began.” Also that the tribute should end in ten years more, and that children hereafter bom should be exempt. Hitherto all male childr en were taxed. The next matter with which we shall proceed, has, in the life of Ousame- quin, been merely glanced at, and reserved for this place, to which it more Droperly belongs. We have now arrived to the year 1661, and it was in the spring of this year that a war broke out between Uncas and the old sachem before named. It seems very clear that the Wampanoags had been friendly to the Narragansets, for a long time previous; being separated from them, were not often involved in their troubles. They saw how Uncas was favored by the English, and were, therefore, careful to have nothing to do with the Mohegans, from whom they were still farther removed. Of the rise, progress and termination of their war upon the Quabaogs, a tribe of Nipmuks belonging to Wasamagin , the reader may gather the most important facts from some documents,* which we shall in the next place lay before him. “Mercurius de Quabaconk, or a declaration of the dealings of Uncas and the Moliegin Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Quabaconk, 21, 3d mo. 1661. “ About ten weeks since Uncas' son, accompanied with 70 Indians, set upon the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away six pris- oners; among which were one squaw and her two children, whom when he had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the squaw, on conditions that she would go home and bring him £25 in peag, two guns and two blankets, for the release of herself and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being retained by the sagamore of Weshakeim, in hopes that their league with the English will free them. “ At the same time he carried away also, in stuff and money, to the value of £37, and at such time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the English in the Massachusetts by the worshipful Mr. Winthrop, he insolently laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had begun, and assay who dares to controll him. Moreover, four days since there came home a prisoner that escaped ; two yet remaining, whom Uncas In manuscript, and never before published. Chap. V.] REFLECTIONS— MESSAGE TO UNCAS. 163 threatens, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave, and still threatens to continue his war against them, notwithstanding any prohibi- tion whatsoever ; whose very threats are so terrible, that our Indians dare not wander far from the towns about the Indians for fear of surprise. From the relation of Pahbassua, and testimony of Wasamagin, QuAQUEQtnjNBET, and others.” From this narrative it is very plain that Uncas cared very little for the dis- pleasure of the English : it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they what kept them from dealing as severely with him as with the Narragansets, his neighbors. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a temper to aid in fighting their battles when called upon. Hence, when he had committed the grossest insults on other Indians, the wheels of justice often moved so slow, that they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another ^matter. It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly sit- uated — upon the very margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one side by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the Pequots, but this only added to their fears, for they knew that revenge lurked still in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportunity to gratify it ; therefore, so long as one of the most numerous tribes could possi- bly be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in safety. They had made many missteps in then - proceedings with the Indians, owing some- times to one cause and sometimes to another, for which now there was no remedy ; and it is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were to go into an unknown region and settle among wild men, that they would get along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which must be taken into account in estimating the “wrongs of the Indians.” They seem the more necessary in this place ; for, in the biography of Uncas, there is as much, perhaps, to censure regarding the acts of the English, as in any other article of Indian history. The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 June, reported, That letters should be sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible the court was of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quaba- conk, who lived under then - sagamore, Wassamagin, as set forth in the narrative. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to forbear for time to come all such ur^awful acts. That, if Wassamagin or his subjects had or should do him or nis subjects any wrong, the English would, upon due proof, cause recompense to be made. Also that Uncas be given to under- stand and assured, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were then resolved to right the injuries upon him and his, and for all costs they might be put to in the service. “That for the encouragement and safety of the sayd Wassamagin and his subjects, there be by order of Major Willard three or four armed men, well accomodate in all respects, with a proporcon of powder, bulletts and match sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the sayd Wassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoote of their mus- quets so often, and in such wise, as the major shall direct, to terrifie the enemies of Wassamagin, and so to return home again.” To inform Wassama- gin and his subjects, that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an acknowledgment of their regard, if they would permit them to nave the captives to be recovered from Uncas, to bring them up in a proper manner, that they might be serviceable to their friends, &c. Also, “aduice and re- quire Wassamagin and his men to be verie carefull of iniuring or any ways prouoking of Vncas, or any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure 164 UNCAS WAR WITH ALEXANDER. [Book 11, therein, and incurr due punishment for the same.” That if Uncos committed any other hostile acts, he must complain to them, &c. # Thus Wassamegin was as much threatened as Uncas. Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commission- ers in September following ; when, in due course, the business was called up, and acted upon as follows : — “ Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of the Massachusetts against Vnkas , this following message was sent to him : — “ Vncas, wee haue receiued information and complaint from the generall court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Wosamequin and the Indians of Quabakutt, whoe are and longe haue bine subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away others ; spoyling theire goods to the vallue of 331b. as they allege.” That he had done this contrary to his covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time since they had ordered him to deliver up the captives, make remuneration, &c. And to all he had returned no answer ; “ which,” continues the letter, “ seemes to bee an insolent and proud carriage of youers. We cannot but wonder att it, and must beare witness against it.” He was, as before, required to return the captives, &c. and give reasons for his operations; and if he neglected to do so, the Massachusetts were at liberty to right themselves. In the mean time, as we apprehend, a letter from Uncas was received, wnV- ten by Captain Mason , which was as follows : — “Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated Li my last to Vncas, sachem of Mohegen, wherin it was declared vpon the com- plaint of Wesamequen, f a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said Vncas had offered great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and taking others captiue ; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 daies before these presents, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the captiues, and £33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by force of armes, which to him was uery grieuous : professing he was altogether ignorant that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts ; and further said that they were none of JVesamequen’s men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemie, whoe was there borne ; one of the men then taken was his own cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person ; andyett sett him att libertie ; and further saith that all the captiues were sent home. Alsoe that Jiesamequin^s] son [ and diners of his men had fought against him diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his answare to the comissioners. “ Allexander allis Wamsutta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Plymouth, hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him ; and further said that hee did warr against Vncas this summer on that account. § Signed by John Mason.” * Here end our MSS. relating to this affair. t By this it would seem that Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons. There can scarce be a doubt that this refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph confirms it ; hence Massasoit. was alive in May, 1661, as we have before stated. And the above letter of Mason was probably written in September, or while the commissioners were in session. § It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged. Roger Williams says, in 1668, “ That all the Neepmucks were unquestionably subject to the Nan- higonset sachems, and, in a special manner, to Mejksah, the son of Caunounicus, and late husband to this old Squaw-Sachem, now only surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of it,” &c. MS. letter. See life Massasoit, b. ii. ch. ii. At one time, Kutshamalcin claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made a tool of by some of them, for some private end. But Mr. Pynchon said they would not own him as a sachem any longer “ than the sun shined upon him.” Had they belonged to him, Massa- chusetts must have owned them, which would have involved them in much difficulty in 164V by reason of several murders among them. Chap. VI.] UNCAS. — SASSACUS. 165 The particulars of the issue of these troubles were not recor< fed, and the presumption is, that Uncos complied with the reasonable requests i f the Eng- lish, and the old, peaceable Ousamequin, being unwilling to get into difficulty, put up with the result without avenging his wrongs. His son, Wamsidta, as will be seen, about this time found himself involved in difficulties nearer home, which probably prevented him from continuing the war against Uncas, had he been otherwise disposed. •^setee^ CHAPTER VL Of the Pequot nation — Geography of their country — Sassacos, their first chief, known to the English — Tassaquanott — IVar — The cause of it — Wequash — Canonicus and Miuntunnomoh accused of harboring fugitive Pequots — Sassamcn — Mononotto — Otasli — Cassassinnamon. “ But since I’ve mentioned Sassacus ’ great name, That day so much a terror where it came ; Let me, in prosecution of my story, Say something of his pride and kingdom’s glory.” — Wolcott It is said by Mr. Hubbard ,* that the Pequots, f “ being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors.” The time of their emigration is unknown. They made all the other tribes “stand in awe, though fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next upon them.” | Their country, according to Mr. Gookin,§ “the English of Connecticut jurisdiction, doth now, [1674,] for the most part, possess.” Their dominion, or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, “ over divers petty sagamores ; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, and over the sagamores of Quinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all the people that Iwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabit- ints of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag.” The principal seat of the sagamores was near the mouth of Pequot River, now called the Thames, where New London stands. “These Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in former times, raise 4000 men fit for war.” || The first great chief of this nation, known to the English, was Sassacus, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians. From the fruitful letters of the Reverend Roger Williams, we leam that he had a brother by the name of Puppompoges, whose residence was at Monahiganick, probably Mohegan. Although Sassacus’s principal residence was upon the Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had under him no less than 26 sachems, and his dominions were from Narraganset Bay to Hudson’s River, in the direction of the sea-coast. Long Island was also under him, and his authority was undisputed far into the countiy. A brother of Sassacus , named Tassaquanott, survived the Pequot war, and was one of those complained of by Uncas in 1647, for giving his countrymen “crooked counsell” about a present of wampum, which he had advised to be given to the English instead of him. It appears that on the death of a child of Uncas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum, IT which, when Tassaquanott knew, he disapproved of it, politicly urging, that if the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it mattered not much about Uncas. * Narrative, i. 11G. t We believe this name meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, or Pequots. f Hist. New England, 33. 6 See his Collections in 1 ColL Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 147 I Ibid IT Hazard, Hist. Col. ii. 90. 166 SASSACUS.— PLQUOT WARS. [Book II. We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at »ne time by the first white settlers, who found much of it cultivated and set- tled by its Indian inhabitants, although they endeavored that it shouid be onderstood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were “thousands, who had three kings, viz. Connedicote, Quinnipiog, and Sassa- •us.” Connedicote was “emperor,” or chief of chiefs, an elevation in which ne and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their tra- iitions. About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pe- •juots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, giving aim important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what . 19b. § This word, when applied to the education of the Indians among themselves, is to be uu derstood in an opposite sense from its common acceptation ' thus, to instruct in superstitions and idolatry, is what is not meant by education among us M 178 PRAYING INDIANS.— INDIAN BIBLE. [Book II done for their sachem the two last years, leaving him to judge whether their prince had any reason to complain.” They said they had given him 26 bushels of corn at one time, and six at another; that, in hunting for him two days, they had killed him 15 deers; broke up for him two acres of land; made him a great wigwam ; “ made him 20 rods of fence with a ditch and two rails about it ;” paid a debt for him of £3, 10s. “ One of them gave him a skin of beaver of two pounds, besides many days works in planting corn altogether; yea, they said they would willingly do more if he would govern them justly by the word of God. But the sachem swelling with indignation, at this unmannerly discourse of his vassals, turned his back upon the com- pany and went away in the greatest rage imaginable ; though upon better consideration, himself turned Christian not long after.” Mr. Experience May hero met with similar occurrences many years after. Upon a visit to the Narragansets, he sent for Ninigret, the sachem, and desired of him leave to preach to his people; but the sachem told him to go and make the English good first ; and observed, further, that some of the English kept Saturday, others Sunday, and others no day at all for worship ; so that if his people should have a mind to turn Christians, they could not tell what religion to be of. Ninigret further added, that Mr. Mayhew might try his skill first with the Pequots and Mohegans, and if they submitted to the Christian religion, possibly he and his people might, but they would not be the first.* In the meanwhile, Mr. Eliot had translated the whole Bible into Indian, f also Baxter’s Call, Mr. Shepherd’s Sincere Convert, and his Sound Be- liever, | besides some other performances, as a Grammar, Psalter, Primers, Catechisms, the Practice of Piety, &c. § It is amusing to hear what our old valued friend, Dr. C. Mather, says of Eliot’s Bible. “This Bible,” he says, “was printed here at our Cambridge; and it is the only Bible that ever was printed in all America, from the very foundation of the world.” || The same author observes, that “ the whole translation was writ with but one pen, which pen had it not been lost, would have certainly deserved a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with which Hollands writ his translation of Plutarch'" It was long since inquired, “ What benefit has all this toil and suffering produced? — Is there a vestige of it remaining? — Were the Indians in reality bettered by the great efforts of their friends?” “Mr. Eliot," says Dr. Doug- lass, “ with immense labor translated and printed our Bible into Indian. It was done with a good, pious design, but it must be reconed among the Otio- sorum hominum negotia: It was done in the Natick [Nipmuk] language. Of the Naticks, at present, there are not 20 families subsisting, and scarce any of these can read. — C’ui boni ! " ** By the accounts left us, it will be perceived, that for many year's after the exertions of Eliot, Gookin, Mayhew and others, had been put in operation, there was no inconsiderable progress made in the great undertaking of Christianizing the Indians. Natick, the oldest praying town, contained, in 1674, 29 families, in which perhaps were about 145 persons. The name Natick signified a place of hills. Waban was the chief man here, “ who,” says Mr. Gookin, “ is now about 70 years of age. He is a person of great prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian that excels him.” Pakemitt, or Punkapaog, (“ which takes its name from a spring, that risetb out of red earth,”) is the next town in order, and contained 12 families or * Neal’s N. England, i. 257 f See book ii. chap. iii. p. 67, ante. I Moore’s Life Eliot, 144. § Magnolia, b. iii. 197. || Ibid. IT Philemon Holland was called the translator-general of his age ; he wrote several of Li* translations with one pen, upon which he made the following verses: With one sole pen I writ this book, Made of a grey goose quill ; A pen it was, when I it took, And a pen I leave it still. Fuller’s Worthies of England. ** Douglass, Hist. America, i. 172, note See also Halket, Hist. Notes, 248, &c Doug* Uu wrote about 1745 Chap. VIL] PRAYING INDIANS.— WAUBAN. 179 about 60 persons. It was 14 miles south of Boston, and is njw included in Stoughton. The Indians here removed from the Neponset. Hassanamesit is the third town, and is now included in Grafton, and contained, like the second, 60 souls. Okommakamesit, now in Marlborough, contained about 50 people, and was the fourth town. Wamesit, since included in Tewks- buij, the fifth town, was upon a neck of land in Merrimack River, and contained about 75 souls, of live to a family. Nashobah, now Littleton, was the sixth, and contained but about 50 inhabitants. Magunkaquog, now Hop- kinton, signified a place of great trees. Here were about 55 persons, and this was the seventh town. There were, besides these, seven other towns, which were calu cl the new praying towns. These were among the Nipmuks. The first was Manchage. since Oxford, and contained about 60 inhabitants. The second was about six miles from the first, and its name was Chabanakongkomun, since Dudley, and contained about 45 persons. The third was Maanexit, in the north-east part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souls. The fourth was Q.uan- tisset, also in Woodstock, and containing 100 persons likewise. Wabquissit, the fifth town, also in Woodstock, (but now included in Connecticut,) con- tained 150 souls. Pakachoog, a sixth town, partly in Worcester and partly in Ward, also contained 100 people. Weshakim, or Nashaway, a seventh, contained about 75 persons. Waeuntug was also a praying town, included now by Uxbridge ; but the number of people there is not set down by Mr. Gookin, our chief authority. Hence it seems there were now supposed to be about 1150 praying Indians in the places enumerated above. There is, however, not the least probability, that even one fourth of these were ever sincere believers in Christianity. This calculation, or rather supposition, was made the year before Philip's war began; and how many do we find who adhered to their profession through that war P That event not only shook the faith of the common sort, but many that had been at the head of the praying towns, the Indian minis- ters themselves, were found in arms against their white Christian neighbors. At the close of Philip’s war, in 1677, Mr. Gookin enumerates “seven places where they met to worship God and keep the sabbath, viz. at Nonatum, at Pakeinit, or Punkapog; at Cowate, alias the Fall of Charles River, at Natik and Medfield, at Concord, at Namekeake, near Chelmsford.” There were, at each of these places, he says, “ a teacher, and schools for the youth.” But, notwithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring of 1676, on their return from imprisonment upon the bleak islands in Boston harbor, they were too feeble long to maintain so many. The appearance of some straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indians, and they were glad to come within the protection of the English ; and so the remote towns soon became abandoned. We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in the end of the year 1674, but not half this number could be found when it was proclaimed that all such must come out of their towns, and go by themselves to a place of safety. Mr. Gookin says, at one time there were about 500 upon the islands ; but when some had been employed in the army, and other ways, (generally such as were indifferent to religion,) there were but about 300 remaining. Six years after that disastrous war, Mr. Eliot could claim but four towns ! viz. “Natick, Punkapaog, Wamesit, and Chachaubunkkakowok.” Before we pass to notice other towns in Plimouth colony, we will give an account of some of the most noted of the praying Indians. Wauban we have several times introduced, and will now close our account of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Concord ; but, at the time Mr. Eliot began his labors, he resided at Nonantum. since Newton. At Natik, or Natick, he was one of the most efficient officers until his death. When a kind of civil community was established at Natik, Wauban was made a ruler of fifty, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The follow- ing is said to be a copy of a warrant which he issued against some of the 180 PRAYING INDIANS.— PIAMBO.— TUKAPEWILLllN. [Rook I) transgressors. “ You, you big constable, quick you catch urn Jeremiah Offscow strong you hold um, safe you bring um, afore me, Waban , justice peace .” # A young justice asked Wavhan what he would do when Indians got drunk and quarrelled; lie replied, “ Tie um all up, and whip um plaintiff ] and whip um fendant, and whip um witness.” We have not learned the precise time of Wauban's death, f but he was certainly alive in the end of the year 1076, and, we think, in 1677. For he was among those sent to Deer Island, 30 October, 1675, and was among the sick that returned in May, 1676; and it is particularly mentioned that he was one ihat recovered. Piamhox:hou\ was the next man to JFauban, and the next after him that received the gospel. At the second meeting at Nonantum, he brought a great many of his people. At Natik he was made ruler of ten. When tiie church at Hassanainesit was gathered, he was called to be a ruler in it. When that town was broken up in Philip's war, he returned again to Natik, where he died. He was one of those also confined to Deer Island ; hence, he lived until after the war. The ruling elder of Hassanainesit, called by some Piambow, was the same person. John Speen was another teacher, contemporary with Piambo, and, like him, was a “grave and pious man.” In 1661, Timothy Dwight, of Dedham, sued John Speen and his brother, Thomas, for the recovery of a debt of sixty pounds, and Mr. Eliot bailed them. This he probably did with safety, as John Speen and “ his kindred” owned nearly all the Natik lands, when the Christian commonwealth was established there. This valuable possession he gave up freely, to be used in common, in 1650. Notwithstanding “he was among the first that prayed to God ” at Nonantum, and “ was a diligent reader,” yet he died a drunkard ; having been some time before discarded from the church at Natik. Pennahannit, called Captain Josiah, was “Marshal General” over all the praying towns. He used to attend the courts at Natik; but his residence was at Nashobah. Tukapewillin was teacher at Hassanainesit, and his brother, Anaweakin, ruler. He was, according to Major Gookin, “a pious and able man, and apt to teach.” He suffered exceedingly in Philip's war; himself and his congregation, together with those of the two praying towns, “ Magunkog and Chobonekonhonom,” having been enticed away by Philip's followers. His father, Naoas, was deacon of his church, and among the number. They, however, tried to make their escape to the English soon after, agree- ably to a plan concerted with Job Kattenanit, when he was among Philip's people as a spy ; but, as it happened, in the attempt, they fell in with an English scout, under Captain Gibbs, who treated them as prisoners, and with not a little barbarity ; robbing them of every thing they had, even the minis ter of a pewter cup which he used at sacraments. At Marlborough, though under the protection of officers, they were so insulted and abused, “espe- cially by women,” that Tukapewillin' s wife, from fear of being murdered, escaped into the woods, leaving a sucking child to be taken care of by its father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The others, JYaoas and Tukapewillin, with six or seven children, were, soon after, sent to Deer Island. JYaoas was, at this time, about 80 years old. Oonamog was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the summer of 1674. His death “was a great blow to the place. He was a pious and discreet man, and the very soul, as it were, of the place.” The troubles of the war fell very heavily upon his family. A barn containing corn and hay was burnt at Chelmsford, by some of the war party, as it proved afterwards ; but some of the violent English of that place determined to make the Wamesits suffer for it. Accordingly, about 14 men armed * Allen’s Biog. Diet. art. Waban. t Dr. Homer, Hist. Newton, says he died in 1G74, but gives no authority. We have cite4 •everal authorities, showing that lie was alive a year later, (see b. iii. pp. 10 and 79.) X Piam Boohan, Gootcirrs Hist. Coll. 184. — Piambcno, his Hist. Praying Indians. Chap. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS.— WANNALANCET. LSI themselves, and, under a pretence of scouting, went to the wigwams of the Wamesits, and ordered them to come out. They obeyed without hesitation, being chiefly helpless women and children, and not conceiving any harm could be intended them ; but they were no sooner o Jt than fired upon, when five were wounded and one killed. Whethei the courage of the brave Eng- lish now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood was already shed, is not clear; but they did no mote ait this time. The one slain was a little sou of Tahatooner ; aud Oonamog’s widow was severely wounded, whose name was Sarah, “a woman of good report for religion.” She was daughter of Sagamore-John, who lived and died at the same place, before the war, “ a great friend to the English.” Sarah had had two husbands : the first was Oonamog, the second Tahatooner, who was son of Tahattawan, sachem of Musketaquid. This affair took place on the 15 November, 1675. JYumphmo was ruler of the praying Indians at Wamesit, and Samuel, his son, was teacher, “a young man of good parts,” says Mr. Gookin, “and can speak, read and write English and Indian competently ; ” being one of those taught at the expense of the corporation. JYumphow experienced wretched trials in the time of the war ; he with his people having fled away from their homes immediately after the horrid barbarity of which we have just spoken, fearing to be murdered if the}' should continue there. However, after wandering a while up and down in the woods, in the dismal month of December, they returned to Wamesit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the carriage of their neighbors would be such that they might continue there. It did not turn out so, for in February they again quitted their habitations, and went off towards Canada. Six or seven old persons remained behind, who were hindered from going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to death in their wigwams. This act, had it occurred by accident, would have called forth the deepest pity from the breast of every human creature to whose knowledge it should come. But horror, anguish and indignation take the place of pity, at being told that the flames which consumed them were lighted by the savage hands of white men ! ! It was so — and whites are only left to remember in sorrow this act of those of their own color ! But to return — During the wanderings of Numphoio and his friends, famine and sickness destroyed many of them. Himself and Mistic George, or George Mistic, a teacher, were numbered with the dead. The others, having joined Warm ala li- cet to avoid falling in with war parties ou both sides, at the close of the war, surrendered themselves to the English, at Dover, in August, 1676. New troubles now came upon them. Some English captives testified that some of them had been in arms against them, and such were either sold into slavery, or executed at Boston. Several shared the latter fate. JVumphow’s son Samuel barely escaped, and another son, named Jonathan George, was pardoned ; also Symon Betokam. JVumphou) was in some public business as early as 1656. On 8 June that vear, he, John Line and George Mistic, were, upon the part of the “ Indian court,” employed to run the line from Chelmsford to Wamesit.* And 23 years after he accompanied Captain Jonathan Danforth of Billerica in renew- ing the bounds of Brenton's Farm, now Litchfield, N. H.f Wannalancet, whose history will be found spoken upon at large in our next book, countenanced religion, and it was at his wigwam that Mr. Eliot and Mr. Gookin held a meeting on the 5 May, 1674. His house was near Pawtucket Falls, on the Merrimack. “He is,” said Major Gookin, “a sober and grave person, and of years, between 50 and 60.” John Ahataioance was ruler of Nashobah, a pious man, who died previous to 1674. After his decease, Pennahannii was chief. John Thomas was their teacher. “ His father was murdered by the Maquas in a secret manner, as he was fishing for eels at his wear, some yeans since, during the war” with them. Wattasacompanum, called also Captain Tom, is thus spoken of by Mr. Gookin, who was with him at Pakachoog, 17 September, 1674. “ My chief assistant was Wattasacompanum, ruler of the Nipmuk Indians, a grave and pious man, of the chief sachem’s blood of the Nipmuk country He resides at Hassana- * Allen’s Hist. Chelmsford. t MS. le ter of John Farmer, Esq. 16 182 PRAYING INDIANS.— HUCOOMES. [Book 1L mesit. ; but by former appointment, calleth here, together with some others.” Captain Tom was among Tukapewillin's company, that went off with the enemy, as in speaking of him we have made mention. In that company there were about 200, men, women and children. The enemy, being about 300 strong, obliged the praying Indians to go off with, or be killed by them. There were, however, many who doubdess preferred their company to that of their friends on Deer Island. This was about the beginning o.f December, 1075. Captain Tom afterwards fell into the hands of the English, and, being tried and condemned as a rebel, was, on 26 June, 1676, executed at Boston ; much to the grief of such excellent men as Gookin and Eliot. Although something had been done towards Christianizing the Indians in Plimouth colony, about a year before Mr. Eliot's first visit to Nonantum, yet for some years after, Massachusetts was considerably in advance in this respect. Sc me of the principal congregations or praying towns follow : — At Meeshawn, since Provincetown or Truro, and Punonakanit, since Bil- lingsgate, were 72 persons ; at Potanumaquut, or Nauset, in Eastham, 44 ; at Monamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattukett, in Harwich ; Nobsqassit, in Yarmouth ; at Matakees, in Barnstable and Yarmouth ; and Weequakut, in Barnstable, 122 ; at Satuit, Pawpoesit, Coatuit, in Barnstable, Mashpee, Wako- quet, near Masbpee, 95; at Codtanmut, in Mashpee, Ashimuit, on the west line of Mashpee, Weesquobs, in Sandwich, 22 ; Pispogutt, Wawayoutat, in Wareham, Sokones, in Falmouth, 36. In all these places were 462 souls; 142 of whom could read, and 72 write Indian, and 9 could read English. This account was furnished Major Gookin in 1674, by the Rev. Richard Bourne of Sandwich. Philip's war broke up many of these communities, but the work continued long after it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusetts. In 1685 there were 1439 considered as Christian Indians in Plimouth colony. Mr. Thomas Mayheio Jr. settled in Martha’s Vineyard, called by the Indians Yope, in 1642. He was accompanied by a few English families, who made him their minister; but not being satisfied with so limited usefulness, he learn- ed the Indian language, and began to preach to them. His first convert was Hiacoomes, in 1643, a man of small repute among his own people, whose residence was at Great Harbor, near where the English first settled. He was regularly ordained 22 August, 1670, but he began to preach in 1646. John Tokinosh was at the same time ordained teacher. His residence was at Num- pang, on the east end of the island. He died 22 January, 1684, and Hiacoomes preached his funeral sermon. For some years before his death Hiacoomes was unable to preach. He was supposed to have been about 80 years old at the time of his death, which happened about 1690. Pahkehpunnassoo, sachem of Chappequiddik, was a great opposer of the gospel, and at one time beat Hiacoomes for professing a belief of it. Not long after, as himself and another were at work upon a chimney of their cabin, they were both knocked down by lightning, and the latter killed. Pahkehpunnassoo fell partly in the fire, and but for his friends would have perished. Whether this escape awakened him, is not mentioned; but he soon after became a Christian, and Mr. Mayhew aptly observes that “ at last he was a brand plucked out of the fire.” Miolujsuo, or Myoxeo, was another noted Indian of Nope. He was a convert of Hiacoomes, whom he had sent for to inquire of him about his God. He asked Hiacoomes how many gods he had, and on being told but ONE, imme- diately reckoned up 37 of his, and desired to know whether he should throw them all away for one. On being told by Hiacoomes that he had thrown away all those and many more, and was better off by so doing, Miohqsoo said, he would forthwith throw away his, which he did, and became one of the most eminent of the Indian converts. One of his children, a son, sailed for England in 1657, with Mr. Thomas Mayheio Jr., in a ship commanded by Captain James Garrett, and was never heard of after. The time of the death of Miohqsoo is unknown, but he lived to a great age. Among the Mohegans and Narragansets nothing of any account was effect- ed, in the way of Christianizing them, for a long time. The chief sachems of those nations were determined and fixed against it, and though it was from time to time urged upon them, yet very little was ever done. Chav. VII. PRAYING INDIANS.— OCCUM. 183 Sampson Occum, or, as his name is spelt in a sermon * of his, Occam, was a IVIohegan, of the family of Benoni Occum, who resided near New London, in Connecticut. He was the first of that tribe who was conspicuous in religion, if not the only one. He was born in 1723, and becoming attached to the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock, the minister of Lebanon in Connecticut, in 1741 he became a Christian.f Possessing talents and great piety, Mr. Wheelock. entertained sanguine hopes that he would be able to effect much among his countrymen as a preacher of the gospel. He went to England in 1765 to procure aid for the keeping up of a school for the instruction of Indian children, which was begun by Mr. Wheelock, and furthered by a Mr. Moore, by a donation of a school house and land, about 1763. While in England he was introduced to Lord Dartmouth, and other eminent persons. He preached there to crowds of people, and returned to America in September, 1768, having landed at Boston on his return. J It is said he was the first Indian that preached in England. He was ordained, in 1759, a preacher to the Montauks on L. Island. About this time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among the Oneida Indians, with many of his Mohegan brethren, about 1768 ; they having been invited by the Oneidas. He died in July, 1792, at N. Stock- bridge, N. York, aged 69. Tituba is noticed in the annals of New England, from her participation in the witch tragedies acted here in 1691. In a valuable work giving a history of that horrible delusion, § mention is thus made of her. “It was the latter end of February, 1691, when divers young persons belonging to [Rev.] Mr. Parris' || family, and one more of the neighborhood, began to act after a strange and unusual manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping under chairs and stools, and to use other sundry odd postures, and antic gestures, uttering fool- ish, ridiculous speeches, which neither they themselves nor any others could make sense of.” “March the 11th, Mr. Parris invited several neighboring ministers to join with him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at his own house ; the time of the exercise those persons were, for the most part, silent, out after any one prayer was ended, they would act and speak strangely, and ridiculously, yet were such as had been well educated and of good behavior, the one a girl of 11 or 12 years old, would sometimes seem to be in a convul- sion fit, her limbs being twisted several ways, and very stiff, but presently her fit would be over. A few days before this solemn day of prayer, Mr. Parris' Indian man and woman, made a cake of rye meal, with the children’s water, and baked it in the ashes, and, as it is said, gave to the dog ; this was done as a means to discover witchcraft. Soon after which those ill-affected or afflicted persons named several that toey said they saw, wnen in their fits, afflicting of them. The first complained of, was the said Indian woman, named Tituba. She confessed that the devil urged her to sign a book, which he presented to her, and also to work mischief to the children, &c. She was afterwards com- mitted to prison, and lay there till sold for her fees. The account she since gives of it is, that her master did beat her, and otherwise abuse her, to make her confess and accuse (such as he called) her sister witches ; and that what- soever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of such usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, unless she would stand to what she had said.” We are able to add to our information of Tituba from another old and curious work, If as follows : — That when she was examined she “ confessed the making a cake, as is above mentioned, and said her mistress in her own country was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the discovery of a witch and for the prevention of being bewitched, &c., but said “that she herself was not a witch.” The children who accused her said “that she did pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and that they saw her here * At the execution of Moses Paul, for murder, at New Haven, 2 September, 1772. To his etter to Mr. Keen, his name is Occum. t Life Dr. Wheelock, 16. 1 His Letter to Mr. Keen, in Life Wheelock, 175. S Wonders of the Invisible World, by R. Calef, 90, 91, 4to. London, 1700. j “ Samuel Paris, pastor of the church in Salem-village.” Modest Enquiry into the Katun of Witchcraft, by John Hale, pastor of the church in Beverly, p. 23, 16mo. Boston, 1702. f Modest Enquiry, St*. 25. 184 TITUB A. —WITCHCRAFT. [Book II. and there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she was, and what she did, when out of their human sight.” Whether the author was a witness to this he does not say ; but probably he was nor. Go through the whole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witnessed such matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather is nearest to an exception.) But they generally preface such marvellous accounts by observing, “I am slow to believe rumors of this nature, nevertheless, some things I have had certain information of.” * The Rev. Mr. Felt f gives the following extract from the “Quarterly Court Papers.” “March 1st. Sarah Osborn, Sarah and Dorothy Good, Tituba, servant of Mr. Parris, Martha Cory, Rebecca Nurse, Sarah Cloyce, John Proctor and his wife Elizabt 1 of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of witchcraft.” The other servant of Mr. Parris was the husband of Tituba. whose name was John. It was a charge against them that they had tried means to discover witches. But there is little probability that these ignorant and simple Indians would ever have thought of “trying a project” for the detection of witches, had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious white persons. We have the very record to justify this stricture.! Take the words. “ Mary Sibly having confessed, that she innocently counselled John, the Indian, to attempt a discovery of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parris' church. She had been previously disciplined for such counsel and appeared well.” We are not told who disciplined her for the examination. Was it Mr. Parris ? This is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in white witchcraft * I. Mather’s Brief Hist. Philip’s War, 34. t In his valuable Annals of Salem, 303. j Danvers Records, published by the author last cited. am w both neon. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY os i r^B INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA, BOOK III. BOOK III BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG- LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. CHAPTER L Life of Alexander alias Wamsotta — Events which led to the war with Philip — Weetamoo his wife — Early events m her life — Petananoet, her second husband — Weetamoo' s latter career and death — Kinigret — Death of Alexander — John Sas- samon — His country and connections — Becomes a Christian — Schoolmaster — Min- ister — Settles at Assawomset — Felix marries his daughter — Sassamon discovers the plots of Philip — Is murdered — Proceedings against the murderers — They are condemned and executed Alexander was the English name of the elder son of Massasoit. His real name appears at first to have been Mooanam, and afterwards Wamsutta, and lastly Alexander. The name of Mooanam he bore as early as 1639 ; in 1641 we find him noticed under the name Wamsutta. About the year 1656, he and his younger brother, Metacomet, or rather Pometacom, were brought to the court of Plimouth, and being solicitous to receive English names, the gov- ernor called the elder Alexander, and the younger Philip, probably from the two Macedonian heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have flat- tered their vanities ; and which was probably the intention of the governor. Alexander appears pretty early to have set up for himself, as will be seen in the course of this chapter ; occasioned, perhaps, by his marrying a female sachem of very considerable authority, and in great esteem among her neighbors. Namumpum, afterwards called Weetamoo, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her “ as potent a prince as any round about her, and hath as much com, land, and men, at her command.” Alexander having, in 1653, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his wifi*, as has been related in the life of Massasoit, about six years after, Weetamoo came to Plimouth, and the following account of her business is contained in the records. “I, Namumpum, of Pokeesett, hauing, in open court, June last, fifty-nine, [1659, J before the govemour and majestrates, surrendered up all that right and title of such lands as Woosamequin and Wamsetta sould to the purchasers ; as appeeres by deeds giuen vnder theire hands, as alsoe the said Namumpum promise to remoue the Indians of from those lands ; and alsoe att the same court the said Wamsutta promised Namumpum the third part of the pay, as is Old Indian Chronicle, p. 6 188 ALEXANDER.— VVEETAMO. [Book III expressed in the deed of which payment Namumpum haue receiued of John Cooke , this 6 of Oct. 1659 : these particulars as followeth : item ; 20 yards bleu; trading cloth , 2 yards red cotton, 2 paire of shooes, 2 paire stockings, 6 broade hoes and 1 axe ; And doe acknowledge receiued by me, Namumpum.” Witnessed by Squabsen, Wahalunchquatt, and two English Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably settled ; but the same year of Alexanders death, whether before or after we are not assured, Namum- pum appeared at Plimouth, and complained that Wamsutta had sold some of her land without her consent. “The court agreed to doe what they could in conuenient time for her relief.” We apprehend there was some little difficulty between Alexander and his wife about this time, especially if her complaint were before his dentil, and we are rather of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her complaint was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death of her husband ; and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. On the 8 April, 1661, Wamsutta deeded the tract of country since called Rehoboth to Thomas Willet “ for a valuable consideration.”* What that was the deed does not inform us ; but we may venture to question the fact, for if the consideration had in truth been valuable, it would have appeared in the deed, arid not have been kept out of sight. What time JVamumpum deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer, we are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 1662. It was a deed of gift, and appears to have been only deeded to them to prevent her husband’s selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in violation of their promise ; however, being a woman of perseverance, she so managed the matter, that, in the year 1668, she found witnesses who deposed to the true meaning of the deed, and thus was, we presume, restored to her rightful possessions. Since we have been thus particular in acquainting the reader with the wife of Wamsutta, we will, before proceeding with our account of the husband, say all that we have to say of the interesting Weetamoo. Soon after the death of Alexander, we find Namumpum, or Weetamoo, asso- ciated with another husband, named Petonowowet. He was well known to the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless Peto-now- owet, or Pe-tan-a-nuet has been corrupted into Peter Nunnuit, we must allow her to have had a third husband in 1675. We, however, are well satis- fied that these two names are, as they appear to be, one and the same name. This husband of Weetamoo does not appear to have been of so much impor- tance as her first, Wamsutta; and as he only appears occasionally in the crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care in taking a second husband, and fixed upon one that she was better able to manage than she was the de- termined Wamsutta. On the 8 May, 1673, Tatamomock, Petonowowett, and William alias Ijasocke, sold to Nathaniel Paine of Rehoboth, and Hugh Cole of Swansey, a lot of land in Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Showamet neck, for £35 5s. Weetamoo Philip alias Wagusoke, and Steven alias Nucano, were the Indian witnesses. About the same time, one Piowant was intruded upon by some others claiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seems to have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this affair both Weetamoo and her hus- band appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land bounded y a small river or brook called Mastucksett, which compasseth said tract to Assonett River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many years been in the possession o i' Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton River was called Chippascuitt, which was a little south of Mastucksett. Pantauset, Quanowin , Nescanoo, and Panowwin, testified the same. It does not appear that Peta-nan-u-et was at all concerned in Philip's war against the English, but, on the contrary, forsook his wife and joined them against her. Under such a leader as Church, he must have been employed against his countrymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to See the Hist, of Attleborough, by John Daggett, Esq., p. 6, where the deed is preserved. Chap. l.J ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. 189 the English, he no doubt expected his wife would do the same, as she gave Chu-ch to understand as much. After the war he was honored with a com- mand over the prisoners, who were permitted to reside in the country be- tween Sepecan and Dartmouth. Numpus, or JYompash, and Isaac were also in the same office. After Mr. Church left Awashonks' council, a few days before the war broke out, he met with both Weetamoo and her husband at Pocasset. He first met with the husband, Petananuet , who had just arrived in a canoe from Philip's nead quarters at Mount Hope. He told Church there would certainly be war, for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeks, and had entertained the young men from all parts of the country. He said, also, that Philip ex- pected to be sent for to Plimouth, about Sassamon's death, knowing himself guilty of contriving that murder. Petananuet further said, that he saw Mr. James Broum of Swansey, and Mr. Samuel Gorton, who was an interpreter, and two other men that brought a letter from the governor of Plimouth to Philip. Philip's young warriors, he said, would have killed Mr. Brown, but Philip told them they must not, for his father had charged him to show kind- ness to him ; but to satisfy them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when the English had gone to meeting, they might plunder their houses, and after- wards kill then - cattle. Meanwhile Weetamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on the high hill a little to the north of what is now Howland’s ferry., and Petana- nuet requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Philip's war dance, much, she said, against her will. Church, elated with his success at Awashonks' camp, and thinking both “queens” secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimouth to give the governor an account of his discoveries. — This was a day big to Philip ; he immediately took measures to reclaim Weetamoo, and had nearly drawn off Awashonks with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty. Weetamoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had poisoned her former husband,* and was now sure that they had seduced her present one ; therefore, from the power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no escape or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved with him from place to place about her dominions, in the country of Pocasset, until the 30 July, when all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and retired into the country of the Nipmuks. From this time Weetamoo's opera- tions become so blended with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes up the narration. When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroyed among the Nipinucks, Weetamoo seems to have been deserted by almost all her followers, and, like Philip, she sought refuge again in her own country. It was upon the 6 August, 1676, when she arrived upon the western bank of Tehticut River in Mettapoiset, where, as was then supposed, she was drowned by accident, in attempting to cross the river to Pocasset, at the same point she had crossed the year before in her flight with Philip. Her company consisted now of no more than 26 men, whereas, in the be- ginning of the war, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by the English “ next unto Philip in respect of the mischief that hath been done.” 4 - The English at Taunton were notified by a deserter of her situation, who offered to lead any that would go, in a way that they might easily surprise her iuid her company. Accordingly, 20 men volunteered upon this enterprise, and succeeded in capturing all but Weetamoo, “ who,” according to Mr. Hub- r ard\ “intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a river or arm of the sea near by, upon a raft, or some pieces of broken wood ; but whether tired and spent ■with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger she was found a ark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which made some think she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life.” “ Her head being cut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was known by some Old Indian Chronicle, p. 8. f 1. Mather. I Narrative, 103 and 109. 190 ALEXANDER [Book III. Indians then prisoners [there,] which set them into a horrible lamentation.” Mr. Mather improves upon this passage, giving it in a style more to suit the taste of the times: “They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, crying out that it was then - queen’s head.” The authors of Yamoyden thus represent Philip escaping from the cold grasp of the ghostly form of Weetamon : — As from the water's depth she came, With dripping locks and bloated frame, Wild her discolored arms she threw To grasp him ; and, as swift he flew, Her hollow scream he heard behind Come mingling with the howling wind ‘ Why fly from Wetamoe '! she died Bearing the war-axe on thy side.’ ” Although Weetamoo doubtless escaped from Poiasset with Philip, yet it appears that instead of flying to the Nipmuks she soon went down into the Niantic country, and the English immediately had news of it, which occa- sioned their sending for JVinigret to answer for harboring their enemy, as in his life has been related. In this connection it should be noted, that the time had expired, in which JVinigret by his deputies agreed to deliver up Weetamoo, some time previous to the great fight in Narraganset, and hence this was seized upon, as one pretext for invading the Narragansets. And moreover, it was said, that if she were taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, “ her lands would more than pay all the charge ” the English had been at in the whole war.* Weetamoo, it is presumed, left JVinigret and joined the hostile Narragansets and the Watnpanoags in their strong fort, some time previous to the English expedition against it, in December. And it was about this time that she connected herself with the Narraganset chief Quinnapin, as will be found related in his life. She is mentioned by some writers its Philip's kinswoman, which seems to have been the case in a two-fold manner; first from her being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying Alexander, his brother. To return to Wamsutta. A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelings associated with the name of this chief. Not on account of a career of battles, devastations or murders, for there were few of these,] but there is left for us to relate the melancholy account of his death. Mr. Hubbard! s account of this event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon our early history, and hence is too extensively known to be repeated here. Dr. I. Mather agrees very nearly in his account with Mr. Hubbard, but being more minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire : — “In A. D. 1662, Plimouth colony was in some danger of being involved jn trouble by the Wampanoag Indians. After Massasoit was dead, his two sons, called Wamsutta and Metacomet, came to the court at Plimouth, pretending high respect for the Englisli, and, therefore, desired English names might be imposed on them, whereupon the court there named Wamsutta, the elder brother, Alexander, and Metacomet, the younger brother, Philip. This Alexan- der, Philip's immediate predecessor, was not so faithful and friendly to the English as his father had been. For some of Boston, having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that Alexaiukr was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicit- ed the Narragansets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, Capt. Willet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where Alexander did reside, was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next court in Plimouth, for their satisfaction, and his own vindication. He seemed to take the message in good part, professing that the Narragansets, whom, he said, were his enemies, had put an abuse upon him, and he readily promised to attend at the next court But when the day for his appearance was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the Narragansets, its pretended enemies, which, compared with other circumstances, caused die gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the infor- * Old Indian Chronicle, p. 31, 32. f In 1661, lie was forced into a war with Uncas, the account of which, properly belong! to the life of that chief, will be found there related. CHAP L] ALEXANDER. 19J mation given, than at first they were aware of. Wherefore the governor and magistrates there ordered Major Winslow, (who is since, and at this day [1077] governor of that colony,) to take a party of men, and fetch down JUexand.tr. The major considering that semper nocuit deferre paratis, he took but 10 armed men with him from Marshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as that when tliev were about the midway between Plhnouth and Bridgewater,* observing an hunting house, they rode up to it, and there did they find Alexander and many of his menf well armed, but their guns standing together without the house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indians’ arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting the sachem widi the reason of his coming in such a way ; desiring Alexander with his interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a little distance from the house, and then understood what commission the major had received con- cerning him. The proud sachem fell into a raging passion at this surprise saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to se«d for him in such a way, nor would he go to Plimouth, but when he saw cause. It was replied to him, that liis breach of word touching appearance at Plhnouth court, and, instead thereof, going at the same time to Ins pretended enemies, augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his order was to bring him to Plimouth, and that, by the help of God, he would do it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would submit, he might expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go, he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood ; and with a pistol at the sachem’s breast, required that his next words should be a positive and clear answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his interpreter, a discreet Indian, brother to John Sausaman,\ being sensible of Alexanders passionate disposition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the sachem before he gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian prevailed so far as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a sachem, with his men attending him, which, although there was some hazard in it, they being many, and die English but a few, was granted to him. The weather being hot, the major offered him an horse to ride on, but his squaw and divers Indian women being in company, he refused, saying he could go on foot as well as they, entreating only that there might be a complying with their pace, which was done. And resting several times by the way, Alexan- der and his Indians were refreshed by the English. No other discourse hap- pening while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. The major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having diere had some treaty with JHexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they en- treated Major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the governor, who then lived at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly, he and his train were courteously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry word passed between them whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Alexander, vexing and fretting in his spirit, that such a check was given him, he suddenly fell sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller, the physician, coming providentially thither at that time, the sachem and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to do, hut by their importunity was prevailed with to do the best he could to help him, and therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which the Indians thought did him good. But his distemper afterwards prevailing, they entreated^ to dismiss him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement * Within six miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1677.) Massasoit, and likewise Philip, used to have temporary residences in eligible places for fishing, at various sites between the two bays, Narraganset and Massachusetts, as at Raynham, Namasket, Ti:i- eut, [in Middleborough,] and Munponset Pond in Halifax. At which of these places he was, we cannot, with certainty, decide : that at Halifax would, perhaps, agree best w, j Mr. Hub bard's account. t Eighty, says Hubbard, 6. { He had a brother by the name of Roland. 4 “ Entreating those that held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home, ALEXANDER O [Book III of appearance at the next court was granted to him. Soon after his being returned home lie died.” * * Tims ends Dr. Mather’s “ relation ” of the short reign of Alexander. And although a document lately published by Judge Davis of Boston sets the con- duct of the English in a very favorable light yet it is very difficult to con- ceive how Mather and Hubbard could have l een altogether deceived in theii information. We mean in respect to the treatment Alexander received at the hands of his captors. They both wrote at the same time, and at different places, and neither knew what the other had written. Of this we are confi- dent, if, as we are assured, there was, at this time, rather a misunderstanding between these two reverend authors. This affair caused much excitement, and, judging from the writers of that time, particularly Hubbard, some recrimination upon the conduct of the gov- ernment of Plimouth, by some of the English, who were more in the habit of using or recommending mild measures towards Indians than the Plimouth people appear to have been, seems to have been indulged in. After thus premising, we will offer the document, which is a letter written by the Rev. John Cotton, of Plimouth, to Dr. I. Mather, and now printed by Judge Davis, in his edition of Morton’s Memorial. There is no date to it, at least the editor f ives none ; but if it were written in answer to one from Mr. Mather to im, desiring information on that head, dated 21st April, 1677, f we may conclude it was about this time ; but Mr. Mather’s “ Relation ” would not lead us to suppose that he was in possession of such information, and, there- fore, he either was not in possession of it when he published his account, or that he had other testimony which invalidated it. The letter begins, “Major Bradford, [who was with Mr. Winslow when Alexander was surprised,] confidently assures me, that hi the narrative de Alexandra }: there are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, through misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth I this writ 3 . Reports being here that Alexander was plotting or privy to plots, against the English, authority sent to him to come down. He came not. Whereupon Major Winslow was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford, with some others, went with him. At Munponset River, a place not many miles hence, they found Alexander with about eight men and sundry squaws. He w:is there about getting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under their shelter, their guns being without. They saw the English coming, but continued eating ; and Mr. Winslow telling their business, Alexander, freely and readily, without the least hesitancy, consented to go, giving his reason why he came not to the court before, viz., because he waited for Captain WUlet’s return from the Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. They brought him to Mr. Collier’s that day, and Governor Prince living remote at Eastham, those few magistrates who were at hand issued the matter peace- ably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which he did part of the way ; but, in two or three days after, he returned and went to Major Winslow's house, intending thence to travel into the bay and so home ; but, at the major’s house, he was taken very sick, and was, by water, con- veyed to Major Bradford's, and thence carried upon the shoulders of his men to Tethquet River, and thence in canoes home, and, about two or three day? after, died.” Thus it is evident that there is error somewhere, and it would he very sat- isfactory if we could erase it from our history ; but, at present, we are able cnly to agitate it, and wait for the further discovery of documents befon Alexander’s true history can be given; and to suspend judgment, although promising- In return again if he recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so or On that consideration, he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got half way home.’ — Hubbard. * It is a pity that such an able historian as Graliame should not have been in possession rt- other authorities upon this matter than those who have copied from the above. See his Hist N. America, i. 401. f See his Memorial, 288. f A paper drawn up by the authorities of Plimouth, and now, I believe, among the MSS iu the library of the Hist. Soc. of Mass. This was, probably, Mr. Hubbard’s authority. Chap. I.J SASSAMON 193 «ome may readily decide that the evidence is hi favor of the old printec. accounts. It is the business of a historian, where a point is in dispute, to exhibit existing eyidence, and let the reader make up his own judgment. We are able, from the first extract given upon this head, to limit the time of his sachemship to a portion of the year 1062. It will have appeared already, that enough had transpired to inflame the minds of the Indians, and especially that of the sachem Philip , if, indeed, the evidence adduced be considered valid, regarding the blamableness of the English. Nevertheless, our next step onward will more fully develop the causes of Philip's deep-rooted animosities. We come now to speak of John Sassamon, who deserves a particular notice ; more especially as, from several manuscripts, we are able not otdy to correct some important errors in former histories, but to give a more minute account of a character which must always be noticed in entering upon the study of this part of our history. Not that he would otherwise demand more notice than many of his brethren almost silently passed over, but for his agency in bringing about a Avar, the interest of which increases in proportion as time carries us from its period. John Sassamon was a subject of Philip , an unstable-minded fellow ; and, living in the neighborhood* of the English, became a convert to Christianity, learned their language, and was able to read and write, and had translated some of die Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating and artful, he was employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a school- master. How long before the war this Avas, is not mentioned, but must have been about 1660, as he was Philip's secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this was after he had become a Christian. He left the English, from some dislike, and went to reside Avith Alexander, and afterwards Avith Philip, Avho, it ap- pears, employed him on account oi his learning. Ahvays restless, Sassamon did not remain long Avith Philip before he returned again to the English ; “ and he manifested such eA'ident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his re- turn from pagan Philip, reconciled to die praying Indians and baptized, and received, as a member, into one of the Indian churches ; yea, and employed as an instructor amongst them every Lord’s day.”f Previous to the war, Ave presume in the Avinter of 1672, Sassamon was sent to preach to the Namaskets,] and odier Indians of Middleborough, who, at this time, Avere very numerous. The famous IVatuspaquin was then the chief of this region and who appeal’s to have been disposed to encourage the neAV religion taught by Sassamon. For, in 1674, he gave him a tit ct of land near his oavo residence, ti induce him to remain among his people. The deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, draAvn by Sassamon, and is in these Avords : — “ Know all men by these presents, that I, Old IVatuspaquin, doe graunt vnto John Sassamon, allies IVassasoman, 27 acrees of land for a home lott at Assowamsett necke. This is my gift, giueu to him the said John Sassamon, by me the said IVatuspaquin, in Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. and 25 March.] Old Watuspaquin @ his marke. William Tuspa^uin DV his marke. Witness, alsoe, Nanehe jnt § -|- his marke." As a further inducemei t for Sassamon to settle here, Old Tuspaquin and his son deeded to Felix, a i Indian who married Sassamon's daughter, 58 and an half acres of land ; ! s “ a home lott,” also. This deed was dated 1 1 March, 1673, O. S., which doubtless Avas done at the same time with the other. * “ This Sassamon was by birth a Massachusett, his father and mother living in Dorchester, *nd they both died Christians.” — I. Mother. t Mather’s Relation, 74. t The inhabitants of the place call it Nemasket. In the records, it is almost always written Numassakett. ^ Spelt also Memeheutt. 17 N 194 SASSAMON. [Look III This daughter of Sassamon was called by the English name Betty,* but her orig- inal name was Assowetough. To his son-in-law, Sassamon gave his land, by a kind of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death ; probably about the time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppose was also about the time that he discovered the design of Philip and his captains to bring about then- war of extermination. Old Tuspaquin, as he called himself, and his son not only confirmed Sassa- mon’s will, but about the same time made a bequest themselves to his daugh- ter, which, they say, was “with the consent of all the chieffe men of Asso- wamsett.” This deed of gift from them was dated 23 Dec. 1673. It was of a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahteawamet. The names of some of the olaces which bounded this tract were Mashquomoh, a swamp, Sason- kususett, a pond, and another large pond called Chupipoggut. Tobias, Old Thomas, Pohonoho, and Kankunuki, were upon this deed as witnesses. Felix served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1679, in whicii year Governor Winslow ordered, “ that all such lands as were formerly John Sassamon's in our colonie, shall be settled on Felix his son-in-law,” and to re- main his and his heirs “ foreuer.” Felix's wife survived him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 1696, and Isacke Wanno wit- nessed said will. There was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutf named Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the former.^ But to return to the more immediate subject of our discourse. There was a Sassaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Sosomon, known to the English as early as 1637 ; but as we have no means of knowing how old John Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decided with probability, whether or not it were he. This Sosomon, as will be seen in the life of Sassa - cvs, went with the English to fight the Pequots Sassamon acted as interpreter, witness or scribe, as the case required, on many occasions. When Philip and Wootonekanuske his wife, sold, in 1664, Mattapoisett to William Brenton, Sassamon was a witness and interpreter. The same year he was Philip’s agent “ in settling the bounds of Acushenok, Coaksett, and places adjacent.” Again, in 1665, he witnessed the receipt of £10 paid to Philip on account of settling the bounds the year before. There was a Rowland Sassamon, who I suppose was the brother of John. His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have met with, and then only as a witness, with his brother, to Philip's deed of Mattapoisett, above mentioned. The name Sassamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but the way it here appears is nearest as it was understood in his last /ears, judging from the records. But it was not so originally. Woosansamon was among the first modes of writing it. This detail may appear dry to the general reader, but we mast occasion- ally gratify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative. While living among the Namaskets, Sassamon learned what was going forward among his countrymen, and, when he was convinced that their design was war, went immediately to Plimouth, and communicated his dis- covery to the governor. “Nevertheless, his information,” says Dr. I. Mather, § “(because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly believe them when they do speak the truth,) was not at fu st much regarded” It may be noticed here, that at this time if any Indian appeared friendly all Indians were so declaimed against, that scarcely any one among the Eng- lish could be found that would allow that an Indian could be faithful or honest in any affair. And although some others besides Sassamon had inti mated, and that rather strongly, that a “rising of the Indians” was at hand, still, as Dr. Mather observes, because Indians said so, little or no attention * The English sometimes added her surname, and hence, in the account of Mr. Bennet , (1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 1.) Betty Sasetnore. The noted place now c «.%."] Betty’s Neck , in Middleborough, was named from her. In 1793, there were eight famili*-' a Indians there. t Cotuhticut, Kelchiqmct, Tehticid, Keketticut, Keticut, Teightaquid, T Jwuet are spell ings of this name in the various books and records I have consulted, t Backus’s Middleborough, in 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 150. i Relation of the Troubles, Soc., 74 195 Chap. I.] SASSAMON.— CAUSES OF THE WAR WITH PHILIP. was paid to their advice. Notwithstanding, Mr. Gookin, in his MS. history,* says, that, previous to the war, none of the Christian Indians had “been justly charged, either with unfaithfulness or treachery towards the English.” “But, on the contrary, some of them had discovered the treachery, particu- larly Walcut the ruler, of Philip before he began any act of hostility.” In another place the same author says, that, in April, 1675, Wauhan “ came to one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to fear that sachem Philip, and other Indians his confederates, intended some mischief shortly.” Again in May, about six weeks before the war, he came and said the same, adding that Philip's men were only waiting for the trees to get leaved out, that they might prosecute them design with more effect. To return to Sassamon : In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further grounds of suspicion, that war was meditated, and it was intended that messengers should be sent to Philip, to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But before this was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had passed away, and the Rev. Sassamon still resided with the Namaskets, and others of his countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at Plimouth, of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge, he should be immediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chief’s knowledge, and Sassamon was considered a traitor and an outlaw ; and, by the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited his life, and w T as doomed to suffer death. The manner of effecting it was of no consequence with them, so long as it was brought about, and it is probable that Philip had ordered any of his subjects who might meet vvith him, to kill him. Early in the spring of 1675, Sassamon was missing, and, on search being made, his body was found in Assawomset Pond, in Middleborough.f Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, left his hat and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his body, and the fact that his neck was broken, it was evident he had been murdered, j Several persons were suspected, and, upon the information of one called Patuckson, Tobias § one of Philip's counsellors, his son, and Mattashinnamy, were apprehended, tried by n jury, consisting of half Indians,! an d in June, 1675, were all executed at Plimouth; “ one of them before his execution confessing the murder,” but the other two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any influence upon the jury. And we are fearful it was the case, for, if the most learned were misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose that the more ignorant were free from them. Dr. Increase Mather wrote within two years of the affair, and he has this passage : “ When Tobias (the suspected murderer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had been newly slain ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before that.” If Nothing of this part of the story is upon record among the manuscripts, as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Mather, who, we believe, is the first that printed an account of it. Nor do the records of Plimouth notice Sassamon until some time after his death. The first record is in these words: “The court seeing cause to require the per- * Not yet published, but is now, (April, 1836,) printing- with notes by the author of this work, under the direction of the American Antiquarian Society. It will form a lasting monu- ment of one of the best men of those days. The author was, as Mr. Eliot expresses himself, “ a pillar in our Indian work.” He died in 1C37, aged 75. t Some would like to know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. Grahame (Hist. N. Amer. L 402.) states that Sassamon’s body was found, in a field. ; Gookin' s MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author says, “ Sassamand was the first Christian martyr,” and that “ it is evident he suffered death upon the account of his Christian profession, ana fidelity to the English.” J His Indian name was Poggapanossoo. ’Mather’s Relation, 74. Judge Davis retains the same account, ( Morton's Memorial .) which we shall presently show to be erroneous. T Mather’s Relation 75 196 SASSAMON. [Book TIL sonal appearance of an Indian called Tobias before the court, to make fur- ther answer to such interrogatories as shall be required of him, in reference to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called John Sassamon, late deceased.” This was in March, 1674, O. S. It appears that Tobias was present, although it is not so stated, from the fact that Tuspaquin and his son William entered into bonds of £100 for the appearance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage of land was taken as security for the £100. June having arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the murderers of Sassamon. There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being guilty at the previous court. Now, Wamjpapaquan, the son of Tobias , and Matta- shunannamo * are arraigned with him, and the bill of indictment runs as fol- lows: “ For that being accused that they did with joynt consent vpon the 29 of January ann° 1674, [or 1675, N. S.l att a place called Assowamsett Pond , wilfully and of sett purpose, and of mallice fore thought, and by force and armes, murder John Sassamon, an other Indian, by laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his necke vntill hee was dead ; and to hyde and conceal e this theire said murder, att the tyme and place aforesaid, did cast his dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond.” To this they pleaded “ not guilty,” and put themselves on trial, say the records. The jury, however, were not long in finding them guilty, which they express in these words : “Wee of the jury one and all, both English antj Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict.” Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, “ and from thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head f vntill theire bodies are dead.” Accordingly, Tobias and Mattashunannamo were executed on the 8 June, 1675. “ But the said Wampapaquan, on some con- siderations was reprieued until a month be expired.” He was, however, shot within the month. It is an error that the jury that found them guilty was composed of half Indians) there were bftt four, while there were twelve Englishmen. We will again hear the record : — “Itt was judged very expedient by the court, that, together with this English jury aboue named, some of the most indifferentest, grauest and sage Indians should be admitted to be with the said jury, and to healp to consult and aduice with, of, and concerning the premises: there names are as followeth, viz. one called by an English name Hope, and Maskippague, Wannoo , George Wamvye and Acanootus ; these fully concurred with the jury in theire verdict.” The names of the jurymen were William Sabine, William Crocker, Edward Sturgis, William Brookes, Nath 1 . Winslow, John Wadsworth, Andrew Ringe, Robert Vixon, John Done, Jon a . Bangs, Jon a . Shaw and Benj a . Higgins. That nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed over, we will here add, from a hitherto exceeding scarce tract, the following particulars, although some parts of them are evidently erroneous: “About five or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the college at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Sosomon; who, after some time he had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncas, a sagamore Christian in his ter- ritories, was, by the authority of New Plimoutli, sent to preach in like man- ner to King Philip, and his Indians. But King Philip, (heathen-like,) instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately have killed this Sosomon, but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the hands of three men to prison ; who, as he was going to prison, exhorted and taught them in the Christian religion. They, not liking his discourse, immediately murthered him after a most barbarous manner. They, return- ing to King Philip, acquainted him with what they had done. About two or three months after this murther, being discovered to the authority of * The same called Mattashinnamy. His name in the records is spelt four ways, f This old phraseology reminds us of the French mode of expression, couper ,e cou, that is, to cut off the neck instead of the head ; but the French say, il sera pendu par son cou, and M da modern hangmen, alias jurists, of our times. Chap. IT.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP 197 New Plimouth, Josiah IFinslow being then governor of that colony, care was taken to find out the murtherers, who, upon search, were found and appre- hended, and, after a fair trial, were all hanged. This so exasperated King Philip, that, from that day after, he studied to be revenged on the English — judging that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an Indian for killing another.” * CHAPTER II. Life of KING PHILIP — His real name — The name of his wife — Makes frequent sales of his lands — Account of them — His first treaty at Plimouth — Expedition to Nantucket — Events of 1G71 — Begins the WAR if 1675 — First acts of hostility — Swamp Fight at Pocasset — Narrowly escapes out of his own country — is pursued by Oneko — Fight at Rehoboth Plain— Cuts off a company of English under Captain Beers — Incidents — Fight at Sugar-loaf Hill, and destruction of Captain Lathrop’s company — Fights the English under Mosely — English raise 1500 men — Philip retires to Nicrraganset — Strongly fortifies himself in a great swamp— Description of his fortress — English march to attack him — The great Fight at Narragansct — Again flies his country — Visits the Mohawks — Ill-devised stratagem — Events of 1676 — Returns again to his country — Reduced to a wretched condition — Is hunted by Church — His chief counsellor, Akkompoin, killed, and his sister captured — His roife and, son full into the hands of Church — Flies to Pulianoket — Is surprised and slain. — Speci- men of the IVampanoag Language — Other curious matter. In regard to the native or Indian name of Philip, it seems a mistake has al- ways prevailed, in printed accounts. Pometacom gives as near its Indian sound as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable was dropped in familiar discourse, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had always been so ; in nearly every original deed executed by him, which we have seen, and they are many, his name so appears. It is true that, in those of different years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very nearly the same sound. The variations are Pumatacom, Pamatacom, Pometa- come, and Pometacom ; the last of which prevails in the records. We have another important discovery to communicate :f it is no other than the name of the wife of Pometacom — the innocent Wootonekanuske ! This was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain Church. No wonder that Philip was “now ready to die,” as some of his trai- torous men told Church, and that “ his heart was now ready to break ! ” All that was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still lived, and this most harrowed his soul— lived for what ? to serve as slaves in an unknown land ! could it be otherwise than that madness should seize upon him, and despair torment him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear the anguishing cries and lamentations of Wootonekanuske and his son ? But we must change the scene. It seems as though, for many years before the war of 1675, Pometacom, and nearly all of his people sold off their lands as fast as purchasers presented them- selves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such phi- losophers as are easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsa- king then - manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly poison, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may form some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians’ lands in Plimouth colony were disposed of, we add the following items : — * Present State of New England , by a merchant of Boston, in respect to the present Bloody Indian Wars, page 3, folio, London, 1676. This, with four other tracts upon Philip’s War, (covering the whole period of it, with notes by myself, accompanied by a Chronology of all Indian events in America from its discovery to the present time, (March 7th, 1836,) has just been published under the title of the Old Indian Chronicle. t The author feels a peculiar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be the first ta puli ish the real name of the great sachem of the Wampanoags, and also that of the shai.r of hit perils, Wootonekanuske 17 * 198 PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS. [Book III In a deed dated 23 June, 1664, “ William Brenton, of Newport, R. I. mer- chant,” “ for a valuable consideration ” paid by him, buys Matapoisett of Philip This deed begins, “ I, Pumatacom alias Philip, chief sachem of Mount Hope, Covvsumpsit and of all territories thereunto belonging.” Philip and his wife both signed this deed, and Tockomock, Wecopauhim,* JYesetaquason, Pompa- quase, Apeminiate, Taquanksicke, Paquonack, Watapalahue, Aquetaquish, John Sassamon the interpreter, Rowland Sassamon, and two Englishmen, signed as witnesses. In 1665, he sold the country about Acushena, [now New Bedford,] and Coaxet, [now in Compton.] Philip's father having previously sold some of the same, £10 was now given him to prevent any claim from him, and to pay for his marking out the same. John Woosansman [one of the names of Sassa mon ] witnessed this deed. The same year the court of Plimouth presented Philip with a horse, but on what account we are not informed. In 1662, Wrentham was purchased of Philip by the English of Dedham. It was then called Wollomonopoag, and, by the amount assessed, appears to have cost £24 1 Os., and was six miles square. For this tract of land the English had been endeavoring to negotiate five years.] “ In Nov. 1669, upon notice of Philip, Sagamore of Mount Hope, now at Wollomonopoag, offering a treaty of his lands thereabouts, not jet purchased,” the selectmen appoint five persons to negotiate with him “ for his remaining right, provided he can show that he has any.” I Whether his right were questionable or not, it seems a purchase was made, at that time, of the tract called Woollommonuppogue, “ within the town bounds [of Dedham] not yet purchased.” What the full consideration was, our documents do not state, but from a manuscript order which he drew on Dedham afterwards, and the accompanying receipt, some estimate may be formed. The order re- quests them “ to pay to this hearer, for the use of King Philip, £5, 5s. in money, and £5 in trucking cloth at money price." In a receipt signed by an agent of Philip, named Peter, the following amount is named : “ In reference to the payment of King Philip o/ Mount Hope, the full and just sum of £5, 5s. in money, and 12 yards of trucking cloth, 3 lbs. of powder, and as much lead as will make it up ; which is in fall satisfaction with £10 that he is to receive of JVathanicl Paine.' § We next meet with a singular record of Philip, the authorship of which we attribute to John Sassamon, and which, besides extending our knowledge of Philip into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted with Sassamon's ac- quirements in the language of the pilgrims. “ Know all men by these presents, that Philip liaue giuen power vnto Wa- tuchpoo || and Sampson and theire brethren to hold and make sale of to whom they will by my consent, and they shall not liaue itt without they be willing to lett it goe it shal be sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they cannot safely to : but with my consent there is none that can lay claime to that land which *hey liaue marked out, it is theires foreuer, soe therefore none can safely purchase any otherwise but by Wataclipoo and Sampson and their bretheren. Philip 1666.” Whether the following letter were written earlier or later than this we have no means of knowing ; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it was written at a time when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the peo- ple of Plimouth were endeavoring to get him to their court, where they had reason to believe they could succeed better in getting them than by a negotia- tion in his own country. The letter follows: — “ To the much honored Govemer, Mr. Thomas Prince, dwelling at Plimouth. “ King Philip desire to let you understand that he could not come to the court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not travil * Perhaps Uncompoin. t Worthington’s Hist. Dedham, 20 — from which work it wouia seem that the negotiation had been carried on with Philip, but Philip was not sachem until this year. I Ibid. 6 General Court Files. (| Sometimes Tukpoo by abbreviation. A further account of him will be found in lie life of Tatoton. Chap. II. 1 PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS. 199 so far, and Philip sister is very sick. Philip would intreat that favor of you, and any of the majestrats, if aney English or Engians speak about aney land, he pray you to giue them no ansewer at all. This last summer he maid that promis with you that he would not sell no land in 7 years time, for that he would have no English trouble him before that time, he has not forgot that you promis hem. He will come a sune as posseble he can to speak with you, and so I rest, your very loveing friend Philip dwelling at mount hope nek.” * * * § In 1667, Philip sells to Constant Southworth , and others, all the meadow _ands from Dartmouth to Matapoisett, for which he had £15. Particular bounds to all tracts are mentioned in the deeds, but as they were generally or orien stakes, trees, and heaps of stones, no one at this time can trace many of them. The same year, for “ £10 sterling,” he sells to Thos. Willet and others, “ all that tract of land lying between the Riuer Wanascottaquett and Cawatoquissett, being two miles long and one broad.” Pawsaquens, one of Philip's counsel lors, and Tom alias Sawsuett, an interpreter, were witnesses to the sale. In 1668, “ Philip Pometacom, and Tatamumaque f alias Cashewashed, sachems,” for a “valuable consideration,” sell to sundry English a tract of some square miles. A part of it was adjacent to Pokanoket. In describing it, Memenuck- quage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in Swan- sey. Besides two Englishmen, Sompointeen, alias Tom, and JVananuntnew, son of Thomas Plants, were witnesses to this sale. The next year, the same sachems sell 500 acres in Swansey for £20. Wanueo, a counsellor, and Tom the interpreter, were witnesses. In 1668, Philip and Uncompaioen laid claim to a part of New-meadows neck, alleging that it was not intended to be conveyed in a former deed, by Ossame- quin and Wamsutta, to certain English, “ although it appears, says the record, pretty clearly so expressed in said deed,” “ yet that peace and friendship may be continued,” “ CapL IVUlet, Mr. Brown and John Men, in the behalf of them- selves and the rest,” agree to give Philip and Uncompawen the sum of £11 in goods. Philip Nanoskooke | his ft mark , Vncompawen his X mark . Tom Sansuwest, interpreter , And Nimrod. The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly interesting, from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by Philip him- self. He contracts or agrees, by the following writing under his hand, in these words : “ this may inform the honoured court [of Plimouth,] that I Philip ame willing to sell the land within this draught ; but the Indians that are vpon it may hue vpon it still ; but the land that is [wastel§ may be sould, and Wattach- t wo is of the same minde. I have sed downe all the principall names of the and wee are willing should bee sould.” “ From Pacanaukett Phillip his marked' the 24 of the 12 mo. 1668.” * 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ii. 40. The original was owned by a Mr. White of Plimouth, about 30 years ago. It is probably another production of John Sassamon. t Written in another deed, AtunkamomaJce. This deed was in the next year. It was of 500 acres ol land, “ more or lesse,” in Swansey ; and £20 the consideration. Hugh Cole, Josias Winslow, John Coggeshall, and Constant Southworth were the purchasers, anaWanueo, a counsellor, one of the witnesses. f This double name, we suppose, was meant to stand for the signature of himself and wifi* § So in the records. PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS. Book IIL 200 Wanascohochett. Wewenset. “ Osamequen ” having, “ for valuable considerations,” in the year 1641, sold to John Brown and Edward Winslow a tract of land eight miles square, situ- ated on both sides of Palmer’s River, Philip, on the 30 Mar. 1668, was re- quired to sign a quit-claim of the same. Tnis he did in presence of Umpta- kisoke, Phillip, and Peebe,* counsellors, Sonconewhew, Phillip's brother, and 'Pom the interpreter^ This tract includes the present town of Rehoboth. Also in 1669, for £10 “ and another valuable and sufficient gratuity,” he sells to John Cook of Akusenag in Dartmouth,! “ one whole island nere the towne,” called Nokatay. The same year, Philip and Tuspaquin sell a considerable tract of land in Middleborough, for £13. Thomas the interpreter, William, the son of Tus- paquin, and Benjamin Church, were witnesses. In 1671, Philip and “ Monjokam of Mattapoisett,” for £5, sell to Hugh Cole, of Swansey, shipwright, land lying near a place called Acashewah, in Dartmouth. In 1672, Philip sold to William Brenton and others, of Taunton, a tract to the southward of that town, containing twelve square miles, for £143 ; and, a few days after, adjoining it, four square miles more, to Constant Southworth. Others were concerned in the sale of the larger tract, as is judged by the deeds being signed by Nunkampahoonett, Umnathum, alias Nimrod, Chee- maughton, and Captain Annawam, besides one Philip. Thomas, alias Sank- suit, was among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witnessed by Munashum, alias Nimrod, Woackompawhan,§ and Captain Annowan. These are but a part of the sales of land by Pometacom : many other chiefs sold very largely, particularly Watuspaquin and Josias Wampatuck. At the court of Piimouth, 1673, “ Mr. Peter Talmon of Rhode Hand com plained against Philip allies Wewasowanuett, sachem of Mount Hope, brother or predecessor of Pakanawkett as heire adminnostrator or successor vnto his brother or predecessor Wamsitta, Sopaquitt,\\ or Alexander, deceased, in an action on the case, to the damage of £800 forfeiture of a bond of such a value, bearing date, June the 28th, 1661, giuen to the said Peter Talman, obliging * Called, in Mr .Hubbard’s history, Thehe ; he was afterwards killed at Swansey, in the beginning of the war. There is a pond in Narraganset of the same name. fMr. Bliss, in his History of Rehoboth, 64, 65, has printed this deed from the original. I The place where Cook lived is now included in New Bedford. 6 Probably “ Philip's old uncle Ahkompoin.” |f That is, nicknamed Alexander, according to the French mode of expression ; ou par sobri quet Alexander, as I imagine. Mr. Hubbard says of Philip, (Narrative, 10,) that, * for hi* imbilious and haughty spirit, [he was] nicknamed King Philip." Chap. II. j PHILIP— MAKES A TREATY AT PLIMOUTH. 201 nini the said Wamsitta allies Alexander to make good to him, his hem s and a deed of gift of a considerable track of land att Sapowett and places adjacent, as in the said deed is more particularly expressed ; for want vvherof the complainant is greatly damnified.” Whether the conduct of the people of Plimouth towards TFamsvita, Pometacom's elder brother, ami other neighboring Indians, made them always suspicious of the chief sachem, as it had their neighbors before in the case of Miantunnomoh, or whether Philip were in reality “ contriving mischief,’ 1 the same year of his coming in chief sachem, remains a question, to this day, with those best acquainted with the history of those times. The old benevolent sachem Massasoit, alias IVog same quin, having died in the winter of 1661,-2, as we believe, but few months after died also Alexander, Philip's elder brother and predecessor, when Philip himself, by the order of succession, came to be chief of the Wampanoags. Philip having by letter complained to the court of Plimouth of some in- i 'uries, at their October term, 1668, they say, “In answer unto a letter from 'hilip, the sachem of Pokanokett, &c., by way of petition requesting the court for justice against Francis Wast, [West,] for wrong done by him to one of his men about a gun taken from him by the said Wast ; as also for wrong done unto some swine of the said Indian’s. The court have ordered the case to be heard and determined by the selectmen of Taunton ; and in case it be not by them ended, that it be referred unto the next March court at Plimouth to be ended.” How the case turned we have not tound. But for an Indian to gain his point at an English court, unless his case were an ex- ceeding strong one, was, we apprehend, a rare occurrence. “He was no sooner styled sachem,” says Dr. I. Mather* “but immediately, in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English.” This author wrote at the close of Philip's war, when very few could speak of Indians, without discovering great bitterness. Mr. Morton f is the first w'ho mentions Metacomet in a printed work, which, being before any difficulty with him, is in a more becoming manner. “This year,” (1662,) he observes, “upon occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended by the Indians against the English, Philip, the sachem of Pokanoket, other- wise called Metacom, made his appearance at the court held at Plimouth, August 6, did earnestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship that hath formerly been between the governor of Plimouth and his deceased father and brother.” The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, he signed the articles prepared by them, acknowledging himself a subject of the king of England, thus : — “ The mark of “ Phillip, sachem of Pocanakett, The mark of <] Vncumpowett, vnkell to the aboue said sachem .” The following persons were present, and witnessed this act of Philip, and his great captain Uncompoin : — “John Sassamon, The mark ni of Francis, sachem of JVauset, The mark DI of Nimrod alias Pumpasa, The mark ty of Punckquaneck, The mark Jg of Aquetequesh.” J Of the uneasiness and concern of the English at this period, from the hostile movements of Philip, Mr. Hubbard, we presume, was not informed; or so important =n event would not have been omitted in his minute and valuable history Mr. Morton, as we before stated, and Mr. Mather mention it, but neither of these, or any writer since, to this day, has made the matter appear in its true light, from their neglect to produce the names of those that appeared with the sachem. Rslation, 72. f In his N. England’s Memorial. J From the records in vianuscript. 202 PHILIP.— PURSUIT OF GlBBS. [Book III For about nine years succeeding 1668, very little is recorded concerning Philip. During this time, he became more intimately acquainted with his English neighbors, learned their weakness and his own strength, which rather increased than diminished, until his fatal war of 1675. For, during this period, not only their additional numbers gained them power, but their arms were greatly strengthened by the English instruments of war put into their hands. Roger Williams had early brought the Narragansets into friend- ship with Massasoit, which alliance gained additional strength on the acces- sion of the young Metacomd. And here we may look for a main cause of that war, although the death of Alexander is generally looked upon by the early historians, as almost the only one. The continual broils between the Eng r - lish and Narragansets, (we name the English first, as they were generally the aggressors,'’ could not be unknown to Philip ; and if his countrymen Were wronged lie knew it. And what friend will see another abused, with- out feeling a glow of resentment in his breast ? And who will wonder, ifj when these abuses had followed each other, repetition upon repetition, for a series of years, that they should at last break out into open war? The Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at the period of which we speak ; there were several of them, but no one appears to have had a general com- mand or ascendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt but that they unanimously reposed their cause in the hands of Philip. Ninigret was at this time grown old,, and though, for many years after the murder of Miantunnomoh, he seems to have had the chief authority, yet pusillanimity was always rather a predominant trait in his character. His age had prob- ably caused his withdrawal from the others, on their resolution to second Philip. Canonchet was at this period the most conspicuous ; Pumharn next ; Potoik, Magnvs, the squaw-sachem, whose husband, Mriksah, had been dead several years ; and lastly Mattatoag. Before proceeding with later events, the following short narrative, illus- trative of a peculiar custom, may not be improperly introduced. Philip , as tradition reports, made an expedition to Nantucket in 1665, to punish an Indian who had profaned the name of Massasoit, his father ; and, as it was an observance or law among them, that whoever should speak evil of the dead should be put to death, Philip went there with an armed force to exe- cute this law upon Gibbs. He was, however, defeated in his design, for one of Gibbs's friends, understanding Philip's intention, ran to him and gave him notice of it, just in time for him to escape ; not, however, without great ex- ertions, for Philip came once in sight of him, after pursuing him some time among the English from house to house ; but Gibbs, by leaping a bank, got out of sight, and so escaped. Philip would not leave the island until the English had ransomed John at the exorbitant price of nearly all the money upon the island.* Gibbs was a Christian Indian, and his Indian name was Assasamoogh. He was a preacher to his countrymen in 1674, at which time there were belonging to his church 30 members. What grounds the English had, in the spring of the year 1671, for suspect- ing that a plot was going forward for their destruction, cannot satisfactorily be ascertained ; but it is evident there were some warlike preparations made by the great chief, which very much alarmed the English, as in the life of Awashonks we shall have occasion again to notice. Their suspicions were further confirmed when they sent for him to come to Taunton and make known the causes for his operations ; as he discovered “ shyness,” and a re- luctance to comply. At length, on the 10th of April, this year, he came to a place about four miles from Taunton, accompanied with a band of his war- riors, attired, armed and painted as for a warlike expedition. From this place he sent messengers to Taunton, to invite the English to come and treat with him. The governor either was afraid to meet the chief, or thought »t beneath his dignity to comply with his request, and therefore sent several • For some of what we have given above, see 1 Coll. A lass. Hist. Soc. iii. 159, furnished for that work by Mr. Zaccheus Macy, whose ancestor, it is said, assisted in secreting Assasamoogh. In a late work, Hist. Nantuckett by Obed Macy, an account of the affair is given, but with some variation from the above. Chap. II.] PHILIP.—' TREATY AT TAUNTON. 203 persons, among whom was Roger Williams , to inform him of their determi- nation, and their good disposition towards him, and to urge his attendance at Taunton. He agreed to go, and hostages were left in the hands of his warriors to warrant Iris safe return. On coming near the village with a lew of his warriors, he made a stop, which appears to have been occasioned by the warlike parade of the English, many of whom were for immediately at- tacking him. These were the Plimouth people that recommended this rash- ness, but they were prevented by the commissioners from Massachusetts, win? met here with the governor of Plimouth to confer with Philip. In tire end it was agreed that a council should be held in the meeting- house, one side of which should be occupied by the Indians, and the other by the English. Philip had alleged that the English injured the planted lands of his people, but this, the English say, was in no wise sustained. He said his warlike preparations were not against the English, but the Narragansets, which the English also say was proved to his face to be false ; and that this so confounded him, that he confessed the whole plot, and “that it was the naughtiness of his own heart that put him upon that rebellion, and nothing of any provocation from the English.” * * * § Therefore, with four of his counsel- lors, whose names were Tavoser, Captain Wispoke, Woonkaponehunt. [ Unkom - voin,] and Nimrod, he signed a submission, and an engagement of friendship, which also stipulated that he should give up all the arms among his people, into the hands of the governor of Plimouth, to be kept as long as the govern- ment should “ see reason.” f The English of Massachusetts, having acted as umpires in this affair, were looked to, by both parties, on the next cause of complaint Philip having delivered the arms which himself and men had with them at Taunton, j promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain time. But they not being delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring, a messenger was sent to Boston from Plimouth, to make complaint ; but Philip, perhaps, understanding what was intended, was quite as early at Bos- ton in person ; § and, by his address, did not fail to be well received, and a favorable report of him was returned to Plimouth ; and, at the same time, proposals that commissioners from all the United Colonies should meet Philip at Plimouth, where all difficulties might be settled. This meeting took place the same year, September, 1671, and the issue of the meeting was very nearly the same as that at Taunton. “The conclusion was,” says Mr. Mather, \\ “ Philip acknowledged his offence, and was appointed to give a sum of money to defray the charges which his insolent clamors had put the colo- ny unto.” As usual, several articles were drawn up by the English, of what Philip was to submit to, to which we find the names of three only of his captains or counsellors, Uncompaen, who was his uncle, IT Wotokom, and Samkama. Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting themselves as “ subjects to his majesty the king of England.” This they did only to get rid of the importunity of the English, as their course immediately afterwards invariably showed. The articles which the government of Plimouth drew up at this time, for Philip to sign, were not so illiberal as might be imagined, were we not to produce some of them. Article second reads, — “ I [ Philip ] am willing, and do promise to pay unto the government of Plim- outh £100, in such things as I have ; but I would entreat the favor that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present.” And in article third, he promises “ to send unto the governor, or whom he shall appoint, five wolves’ heads, if he can get them ; or as many as he can procure, * Hubbard., I dian Wars, 11, 1st edition. t The articles of this treaty may be seen in Hubbard, Mather, and Hutchinson's histories they amount to little, and we therefore omit them. t Mather’s Relation, 73. § Perhaps this was the time Mr. Josselyn saw him there richly caparisoned, as will here after be mentioned. || Mathers Relation, 73. IT Called by Church, AJckompoin. Hist. King Philip’s War, 110 of my edi'ion. 204 PHILIP.— PUMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [Book III unti! they conic to five wolves’ heads yearly.” These articles were dated * 29 S ipt. 1671, and were signed by The mark P of Phillip ; The mark T of Wohkowfahenitt ; The mark \J o/'Wuttakooseeim ; The mark T o/'Sonkanuhoo ; The mark 2. of Woonashum, alias Nimrod ; The mark Y of Woospasuck, alias Captain. On the 3 Nov. following, Philip accompanied Takanumma to Plimouth, to make his submission, which he did, and acknowledged, by a writing, that he would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the others, the 29 Sept, before. Tokamona was brother to Awashonks, and, at this time, was sachem of Seconet, or Saconett. He was afterwards killed by the Narragansets.f A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the spring and summer of 1671, and nothing but trouble could have been expect- ed to follow. That nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this important era in the biography of Philip , we will lay before the reader all the unpub- lished information furnished by the records.]: Having met in June, 1671, “The court [of PlimOuthl detennins all the guns in our hands, that did be- long to Philip, are justly forfeit; and do at the present order the dividing of them, to be kept at the several towns, according to their equal proportions, until October court next, and then to be at the court’s dispose, as reason may appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otherwise disposed of by the court. “That which the court grounds their judgment upon is, — For that at the treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they had been in a preparation for war against us ; and that not grounded upon any injury sustained from us, nor provocation given by us, but from their naughty hearts, and because he had formerly violated and broken solemn covenants made and renewed to us ; he then freely tendered, (not being in a capacity to be kept faithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his English arms, for our future security in that respect. He failed greatly in the performance thereof, by secret[ly] conveying away, and carrying home several guns, that might and should have been then delivered, and not giving them up since, according to his engagement; nor so far as is in his power; as appears in that many guns are known still to be amongst the Indians that live by him, and [he] not so much as giving order to some of his men, that are under his immediate com- mand, about the bringing in of their arms. “ In his endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taunton,] to render us odious to our neighbor colony by false reports, complaints and suggestions; and his refusing or avoiding a treaty with us concerning those and other matters that are justly offensive to us, notwithstanding his late engagement, ao well as for mer, to submit to the king’s authority, and the authority of this colony. “It was also ordered by the court that the arm 3 of the Indians of Namas- sakett and Assowamsett, that were fetched in by Major Winslow, and those that were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the said Indians, for the grounds above expressed ; they being in a compliance with Phillipe in his late plot: And yet would neither by our governor’s order, nor by Phillipe’ s desire, bring in their arms, as was engaged by the treaty ; and the said guns arc ordered by the court to the major and his company for their satisfaction, in that expedition. “ This court have agreed and voted ” to send “some” forces to “ Saconett to fetch in ” the arms among the Indians there. * There is no date, but the year, set to any printed copy of this treaty. Mr. Hubbard by mistake omitted it, and those wno nave since written, have not given themselves the pleasure Df recurring to the records. + ^ee Church, 39. Plimouth Colony Records, in manuscript. Chap. II. J PHILIP. — PLYMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. 205 If then, therefore, these Indians had not already become hostile, no one would marvel had it now become the case. Bows and arrows were almost entirely out of use. Guns had so far superseded them, that undoubtedly many scarce could use them with effect, in procuring themselves game: Nor could it be expected otherwise, for the English had, ivy nearly 40 years’ intercourse, ren- dered their arms far more necessary to the existence of the Indians than to their own : hence their unwillingness to part with them. Philip , it is said, directed the Middleborough Indians to give up their guns. His object in this was to pacify the English, judging that if war should begin, these Indians would join the English, or at least many of them ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but little which party possessed them ; but not so with his immediate followers, as we have just seen iu the record. A council of war having convened at Plimouth, 23 August, 1671, the follow- ing, besides the matters already expressed, they took into consideration : Philip's “ entertaining of many strange Indians, which might portend danger towards us. In special by his entertaining of divers Saconett Indians, professed ene- mies to this colony, and this against good counsel given him by his friends. The premises considered [the council] do unanimously agree and conclude, that the said Phillip hath violated [the] covenant plighted with this colony at Taunton in April last. “ 2. It is unanimously agreed and concluded by the said council, that we are necessarily called to cause the said sachem to make his personal appearance to make his purgation, in reference to the premises ; which, in case of his refusal, the council, according to what at present appears, do determin it necessary to endeavor his reducement by force ; inasmuch as the controversy which hath seemed to lie more immediately between him and us, doth concern all the Eng- lish plantations. It is, therefore, determined to state the case to our neighbor colonies of the Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; and if, by then- weighty ad- vice to the contrary, we are not diverted from our present determinations, to signify unto them, that if they look upon themselves concerned to engage in the case with us against a common enemy, it shall be well accepted as a neigh- borly kindness, which we shall hold ourselves obliged to repay, when Provi- dence may so dispose that we have opportunity. “ Accordingly, letters were despatched and sent from the council, one unto the said Phillip the said sachem, to require his personal appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of September next, in reference to the particulars above men- tioned against him. This letter was sent by Mr. James Walker, one of the council, and he was ordered to request the company of Mr. Roger Williams and Mr. James Brown, to go with him at the delivery of the said letter. And another letter was sent to the governor and council of the Massachusetts by the hands of Mr. John Freeman, one of our magistrates, and a third was directed to the governor and council of Rhode Island, and sent by Mr. Thomas Hinckley and Mr. Constant Southworth, two other of our magistrates, who are ordered by our council with the letter, to unfold our present state hf matters relating to the premises, and to certify them, also, more certainly of the time of the meeting together, in reference to engagement with the Indians, if there be a going forth, which will been the 20 of September next. “ It was further ordered by the council, that those formerly pressed shall remain under the same impressment, until the next meeting of the said coun- cil, on the 13 day of Sept, next, and so also until the intended expedition is issued, unless they shall see cause to alter them, or add or detract from them, as occasion may require : And that ah other matters remain as they were, in way of preparation to the said expedition, until we shall see the mind of God further by the particulars forenamed, improved for that purpose. “ It was further ordered by the council, that all the towns within this jurisdic- tion shall, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their safety, by convenient watches and wardings, and carrying their arms to the meetings on the Lord’s days, in such manner, as will best stand with their particulars, and the common safety. “ And in particular they order, that a guard shall be provided for the safety of the governor’s person, during the time of the above-named troubles and ex peditions. 18 206 PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [Boob. HL “ And the council were summoned by the president, [the governor of PLm- outli,] to make their personal appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of Sept, next, to attend such further business as shall be then presented by Piovi ■ deuce, in reference to the premises. [Without any intermediate entry, the records proceed :] “ On the 13 Sept. 1671, the council of war appeared, according to their sum- mons, but Phillip the sachem appeared not ; but instead thereof repaired to the Massachusetts, and made complaint against us to divers of the gentlemen iu place there ; who wrote to our governor, by way of persuasion, to advise the council to a compliance with the said sachem, and tendered then- help in the achieving thereof; declaring, in sum, that they resented not his offence so deeply as we did, and that they doubted whether the covenants and engage- ments that Phillip and his predecessors had plighted with us, would plainly import that he had subjected himself, and people, and country to us any further than as hi a neighborly and friendly correspondency.” Thus, whether Philip had been able by misrepresentation to lead the court of Massachusetts into a conviction that his designs had not been fairly set forth by Plimouth, or whether it be more reasonable to conclude that that body were thoroughly acquainted with the whole grounds of complaint, and, therefore, considered Plimouth nearly as much in error as Philip, by assuming authority not belonging to them, is a case, we apprehend, not difficult to be settled by the reader. The record continues : — “ The council having deliberated upon the premises, despatched away letters, declaring then- thankful acceptance of their kind proffer, and invited the com- missioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they [the latter] then being there hi the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentlemen to come to Plymouth and afford us their help: And, accordingly, on the 24 of Sept. 1671, Mr. John JVin- throp, Gov. of Connecticut, Maj. Gen. Leverett, Mr. Thos. Danforth, Capt. fVm. Davis, with divers others, came to Plimouth, and had a fair and deliberate hearing of the controversy between our colony and the said sachem Phillip, he being personally present ; there being also competent interpreters, both English and Indians. At which meeting it was proved by sufficient testimony to the conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the said gentlemen and others, that he had broken his covenant made with our colony' at Taunton in April last, in divers particulars : as also carried very un- kindly unto us divers ways. “ 1. In that he ” had neglected to bring in his arms, although “ competent time, yea his time enlarged ” to do it in, as before stated. “ 2. That he had carried insolent])' and proudly towards us on several occasions, in refusing to come down to our court (when sent l'or) to have speech with him, to procure a right understanding of matters in difference' betwixt us.” This, to say the least, was a wretchedly sorry complaint. That an independ- ent chief should refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a mind to command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inquire, surely calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did Philip not do as he agreed at Taunton ? — which was, that in case of future troubles, both parties should lay their complaints before Massachusetts, and abide by their decision? The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the council of war, namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but “vaga- bonds, our professed enemies, who leaving their own sachem were harbored by him.” The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the complaint of his going to Massachusetts, “ with several of his council, endeavoring to insinuate him- self into the magistrates, and to misrepresent matters unto them,” which amounts to little else but an accusation against Massachusetts, as, from what has been before stated, it seems that the “gentlemen in place there” had, at least in part, been convinced that Philip was not so much in fault as their friends of Plim- outh had pretended. “ 5. That he had shewed great incivility to divers of ours at several times ; in special unto Mr. James Broum, who was sent by the court on special occasion, os a messenger unto him ; and unto Hugh Cole at another time, &c. “ The gentlemen forenamed taking notice of the premises, having fully heard Chap. 11.] PHILIP. 207 what the said Phillip could say for himself having free liberty so to 'lo without interruption, adjudged that he had done us a great deal of wrong mid injury, (respecting the premises,) and also abused them by carrying lies and false stories to fhem, and so misrepresenting matters unto them , and they persuaded him to make an acknowledgment of his fan K and to seek for reconciliation, expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted to the government in the Bay, and what he could now make out concerning his pretended wrongs; and such had been the wrong and damage that he had done and procured unto the colony, as ought not to be borne without compe- tent reparation and satisfaction ; yea, that he, by his insolencies, had (in proba- bility) occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, than had fallen out in many years before ; they persuaded him, therefore, to humble him- self unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and that, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it.” The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have before spo- ken, and Philip and his counsellors subscribed it; and thus ended the chief events of 1671. A very short time before the war of 1675 commenced, the governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to Philip, to demand of him why he would make war upon the English, and requested him, at the same time, to enter into a treat}'-. The sachem made him this answer : — “ Your governor is but a subject of King Charles * * * § of England. I shall not treat with a subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother. When he comes, I am ready.” f This is literal, although we have changed the order of the words a little, and is worthy of a place upon the same page with the speech of the famous Porus, when taken captive by Alexander. \ We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sassamon , in 1674, the occasion of which was charged upon Philip, and was the cause of bringing about the war with him a year sooner than he had expected. This event pre- maturely discovered his intentions, which occasioned the partial recantation of the Narragansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to fall upon the English in 1676. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and although nearly all the Narragansets ultimately joined against the English, yet the pow- erful effect of a general simultaneous movement was lost to the Indians. Philip's own people, many of whom were so disconcerted at the unexpected beginning of the war, continued some time to waver, doubting which side to show themselves in favor of; and it was only from their being without the vicinity of the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course, which was, in almost all cases, in favor of Philip. Even the praying Indians, had they been left to themselves, would, no doubt, many of them, have declared in his favor also, as a great many really did. Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murderers of Sassamon, no hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. About the time of their trial, he was said to be marching his men “ up and down the country in arms,” but when it was known that they were executed, he could no longer restrain many of his young men, who, having sent their wives and children to Narraganset, upon the 24th of June, provoked the people of Swan- sey, by killing their cattle, and other injuries, § until they fired upon them and * Charles II., whose reign was from 1660 to 1676. t Old Indian Chronicle, 68. t The conqueror asked him how he would be treated, who, in two words, replied, “ Like a king.” Being asked if he had no other request to make, he said, “ No. Every thing is comprehended in that.” (Plutarch’s Life of Alexander.) We could wish, that the English conquerors had acted with as much magnanimity towards the Indians, as Alexander did towards those he overcame. Porus was treated as he had desired § “ In the mean time King Philip mustered up about 500 of his men, and arms them com- pleat ; and had gotten about 8 or 900 of his neighboring Indians, and likewise arms them com pleat; (i. e. guns, powder and bullets ;) but how many he hath engaged to be of his party, is unknown to any among us. The last spring, several Indians were seen in small parties, about Rehoboth and Swansey, which not a little affrighted the inhabitants. Who demanding the reason of them, wherefore it was so ? Answer was made, That they were only on theS own defence, for they understood that the English intended to cut them off. About tip 20th 008 PHILIP— BEGINS THE WAR OF 1675. [Book IB. Killed one, which was a signal to commence the war, and what they had de- sired ; for the superstitious notion prevailed among the Indians, that the party who fired the first gun would be conquered.* They had probably been made to believe this by the English themselves. It was upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the people were returning from meeting, they were fired upon by the Indians, when one was killed and two wounded. Two others, going for a surgeon, were killed on their way. hi another part of the town, six others were killed the same day. Swansey was in the midst of Philip's country, and his men were as well acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves. It is not supposed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, it has been said that it was against his wishes. But there can be no doubt of his hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white intruders ; for had he not reason to say, “ Exarsere ignes animo ; subit ira, cadentem Ulcisci patriam, et sceleratas sumere poenas 1 ” The die was cast. No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, bum and destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no considerable war for a long time, either among themselves or with the English, and, therefore, nu- merous young warriors from the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause with great ardor ; eager to perform exploits, such as had been recounted to them by their sires., and such as they had long waited an opportunity to achieve. The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and their souls expanded in pro- portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English ! to lead captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magni- tude, and exhilarating in the highest degree. Town after town fell before them, and when the English forces marched in one direction, they were burning and laying waste in another. A part of Taunton, Middleborough, and Dartmouth, in t*he vicinity of Pocasset, upon Narraganset Bay, soon followed the destruction of Swansey, which was burnt immediately after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitants. Though now in great consternation, the people of Swansey and its vicinity did not fox-get to make known their distressed situation by sending runners with the utmost despatch to Boston and Plimouth for assistance. “But,” says our chronicler of that day, “ before any came to them, they of both towns, Relxo- both and Swansey, wex-e gathei-ed together into three houses, men, women, and children, and thex-e had all provisions in common, so that they who had nothing wanted nothing. Immediately after notice hereof came to Boston, drums beat up for volunteers, and in 3 hours time wei-e mustered up about 110 men, Capt. Samuel Mosely being their commander. This Capt. Mosely hath been an old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldiei-, and an undaunted spirit, one whose memory will be honorable in New England for his many eminent ser- vices he hath done the public. “ There were also among these men, about 10 or 12 privateers, that had been there some time before. They cai-ried with them several dogs, that pi-oved serviceable to them, in finding out the enemy in their swamps ; one whereof would, for several days together, go out and bring to them 6, 8 or 10 young pigs of King Philip's herds. There went out also amongst these men, one Cornelius, a Dutchman, who had lately been condemned to die for piracy, but aftei-wards received a pardon ; he, willing to show his gratitude therefor, went out and did several good services abi-oad against the enemy.” All who have sought after truth in matters of this kind, are well aware of the if June last, seven or eight of King Philip’s men came to Swansey on the Lord’s day, and would grind a hatchet at an inhabitant’s house there; the master told them, it was the sab- bath day, and their God would be very angry if he should let them do it. They returned this answer : They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it, for all him, or his God either. From thence they went to another house, and took away some victuals, but hurt no man. Immediately they met a man travelling on the road, kept him in custody a short time, then dismist him quietly ; giving him this caution, that he should not work on his God ■ day, and that he should tell no lies.” Chronicle, 8, 9. * Collendar’s Discourse on the Hist, of R. Island. Chai . II ] PHILIP— IIIS WAR OF 1G75. 209 extreme lifhculty of investigation. Twenty persons may write an account of on affair, to the passage of which all may have been witnesses, and no two of them agree in many of its particulars. The author of the tracts which we cite under the name of The Old Indian Chronicle, wrote his accounts in Boston, ana we have no doubt of his intention to record every event w'tli the strictest regard to truth ; if he had erred, it is doubtless from his recording the first news of" an event, which often varies in point of fact afterwards. Hubbard and Ma- ther, two contemporary historians, had the advantage of a comparison of re- ports, and of revising their works in their passage through the press; whereas the author of the tracts wrote them as letters to a friend in London, where they were immediately printed. With allowances for these circumstances, as full credit should be given to his relation, as to either of the others. His accounts of the first events at Swansey are detailed in his own words in a previous note, and we here proceed with another portion of his narrative. “ By this tune the Indians have killed several of our men, but the first that was killed was June 23, a man at Swansey ; that he and his family had left his house amongst the rest of the inhabitants, and adventuring with his wife and son (about twenty years old) to go to his house to fetch them corn, and such like things: (he having just before sent his wife and son away) as he was going out of the house, was set on and shot by Indians. His wife being not fir off, heard the guns go off, went back,” and fell into then’ hands. Dishonored, and afterwards scalped by them, she immediately died, and her son was at the same time scalped. “They also the next day [24 June] killed six or seven men at Swansey, and two more at one of the garrisons ; and as two men went out of one of the garrisons to draw a bucket of water, they were shot and carried away, and afterwards were found with their Angel's and feet cut off, and the skin of their heads flayed off,” that is, scalped. “About 14 days after that they sent for more help ; whereupon the authority of Boston made Capt. Thomas Savage the major general in that expedition, wno, with 60 horse, and as many foot, went out of Boston ; having pressed horses for the footmen, and six carts to carry provisions with them.” “ They traveled day and night till they came to their garrisons, and within three days after marched, horse and foot, leaving guards in the garrisons, towards Mount Hope, where King Philip and his wife was. They cahie on him at unawares, so that he was forced to rise from dinner, and he and all with him fled out of that land called Mount Hope, up further into the country. They pursued them as far as they could go for swamps, and killed 15 or 16 in that expedition, then returned and took what he had that was worth taking, and spoiled the rest ; taking all his cattle and hogs that they could find, and also took possession of Mount Hope, which had then a thousand acres under com, which is since cut down by the English, and disposed of according to their discretion. Cornelius [before men- tioned] was in this exploit, and pursued Philip so hard, that he got his cap off his head, and now wears it.” It was June 26, that the English marched out of Boston for Swansey ; and they arrived there two days after, namely, June 28, a little before night.* Twelve men immediately marched out to invade Philip's territories, who were attacked by about the same number of Philip's men. The invaders were re- pulsed, having one killed, and one wounded, and his horse killed under him. Of the Indians two were killed. The next day, June 29, the Indians appeared boldly in view of the English, and by their shouts, it would seem, dared them to come out and fight. Mosely sallied out at the head of a company of volunteers, and rushed furiously upon them. They fled to their coverts, but even here made a stand only for a mo- ment ; for after one fire they all fled. One of the English, Ensign Savage, was wounded, the ball lodging in his thigh, and another passed through the brim of his hat.f Mosely pursued the Indians above a mile, and killed five or six of them, as they were making their retreat into a swamp. It was in this pursuit that the exploit of Cornelius took place, just related, and Philip was not seen at ** Hubbard, Narrative, 18. f Church, who was in this action, says Savage was wounded by his own party r having divided themselves into two wings, in their confusion one fired upon ihe other. 18 * 0 210 PHILIP— BATTLE OF PUINKATEESET. [Book 111 Mount Hope again until the next year. The next day the English forces tra\ ersed Mount Hope Neck, found Philip's wigwam, but himself and all his peo- ple had made good their retreat. They found the heads of eight of the English that had been killed, set upon poles, at Keekamuit, which they took down and interred. On the morning of July 1, as Lieutenant Oakes was returning to head-quar- ters at Swansey, having encamped at Rehoboth the preceding night, he dis- covered a company of Indians, and attacked them. How many were killed is not stated, hut two of Philip's chief captains were among the number, one ol whom was named Thebe, “a sachem of Mount Hope.” Of the English one was killed. The scalps of three Indians that were killed were taken off by the English and sent to Boston, which were the first taken by them in this war.* At the solicitation of Benjamin Church, a company of 36 men were put under him and Captain Puller , who, on the 8 July, marched down into Pocas- set Neck. Church , who was well acquainted with the Indians, had urged the officers of the army to pursue Philip on the Pocasset side, being fully persua- ded that there were no Indians in Mount Hope Neck, the part of the country they were taking so much pains to guard and fortify ; but they would not heai to his advice, and the consequence was, Philip burned and destroyed the towns towards Plimouth. — But to return to the force under Church and Fuller. This, though but small at first, was divided into two. Church had 19 men, and Fuller the remaining 17. The party under Church proceeded into a point of land called Punkateeset, now the southerly extremity of Tiverton, where they were attacked by a great body of Indians, 300, as Church learned afterwards, who nearly encompassed them ; but after a few minutes fight, the English re- treated to the sea shore, and thus saved themselves from immediate destruc- tion. Church gave orders for a retreat the very moment he discovered that the object of the Indians was to surround them. This proved their safety although, as they were now situated, they could expect but little else than to sell their lives at the price of a greater number of their enemies. These Indians were well armed, “ their bright guns glittering in the sun,” which gave them a formidable appearance. Thus hemmed in, Church had a double duty to perform ; that of preserving the spirits of his famished followers, many of whom were ready to give up all for lost, and erecting defences of stones to defend them. Many were the hair-breadth escapes of individuals in this little band on this trying occasion. In the language of Church , “ they were beset with multitudes of Indians, who possessed themselves of every rock, and stump, tree or fence, that was in sight,” from which they fired without ceasing. Boats had been appointed to attend upon the English in this expedition, but they had grounded on the Rhode Island shore, and could not come to their assistance ; at length, however, one got off, and came towards them, which gave them hopes of escape, but these were of short duration : the Indians fired into it, and prevented their landing. Church ordered those in it to ride off beyond musket shot, and to send a canoe ashore ; but they dared not even to do this. When Church saw that, in a moment of vexation, he ordered the boat to be gone in an instant or he would fire upon it; she immediately left, and the peril of the English was greatly increased ; for now the Indians were en- couraged, and they fired “ thicker and faster than before.” Night was now almost enshrouding them, their ammunition nearly spent, and the Indians had possessed themselves of a stone house that overlooked them, but as though preserved by a miracle, not one of the English in all this time was wounded. But fortune’s sport was now nearly ended : a sloop was discovered bearing down towards them, and soon after, Church announced that relief was coming, for that the vessel was commanded by “ Capt. Gold- ins, whom he knew to be a man for business.” True, it was Golding, lie sent his canoe ashore, but it was so small that it would take but two at a time to the vessel. The embarkation immediately commenced, and meantime the Indians plied their shot with such effect that the colors, sails, and stern of the sloop were full of bullet-holes. Church was the last man to embark, * I deduce the facts in this sentence from a comparison of Hubbard, 20, with It: Chronicle, 13. Chap. II.] PHILIP.— POCASSET SWAMP FIGHT. 211 who, as he was retreating backward to the boat, a ball grazed the hair of his head, two others struck the-canoe as he entered it, and a fourth lodged in a stake, which accidentally stood just before “the middle of his bieast!” Thus this little band, after a fight of about six hours, escaped. The party under Captain Fuller met with similar fortune ; they were attacked by great numbers, but escaped by getting possession of an old house close upon the water’s edge and were early taken off' by boats. But two of the party were wounded. Some of the Indians were killed and wounded this day, but how many is not known. The same day this fight took place, a boat’s crew went from Rhode Island to Pocasset to look after some cattle, and were fired upon by the Indians, and one of their number, a servant of Captain Church, was severely wounded. Some of the acts of the English, in retrospect, do not discover that judg- ment the circumstances seem to have elicited, especially that in relation to the Narragansets. They had now driven Philip out of Mount Hope Neck, and, not knowing exactly where to find him, the forces in that quarter re- mained doubting what next to do. At this juncture Captain Hutchinson arrived from Boston with orders from the government there, “ for them to pass into Narraganset, to treat with the sachems, and if it might be, to pre- vent their joining with Philip .” Accordingly they marched into that country, but all the chief men and warriors fled on their approach. The historical conclusion is, therefore, that this act was viewed by them as a declaration of war, and it is rational that they should have so considered it ; because the army assumed a most hostile attitude, “ resolving they would go to make peace with a sword in their hands.’’ Having arrived in the Narraganset country, three or four days were spent in finding Indians with whom to treat ; (for they could find none to fight ;) at length, four men were found, whom the English styled sachems, and a treaty was drawn up at great length and signed by the parties. To ensure its observance the following hostages were taken into custody by the army : John Wobequob, Weowthim,* Pewkes, and Weenew, “four of the sachems near kinsmen and choice friends.” Among the stipulations of the treaty we find these : The said sachems shall carefully seize all and every of Philip's subjects, and deliver them up to the English, alive or dead; that they shall use all acts of hostility against Philip and his subjects, to kill them wherever they can be found ; that if they seize Philip, and deliver him alive to the English, they shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, 20 of said coats; and for every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if dead. This treaty is dated Petaquanscot, 15 July, 1675 ; In presence of and signed try the marks of Daniel Henchman, Tawageson, Thomas Prentice, Taytson, Nicholas Paige, Agamaog, Joseph Stanton, Interpreter. Henry Haivlaws , ) [Indians, Wampsh, alias CORMAN. Pecoe Bucow, ( probably.] Job Neff. Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where, upon the 18th of July, he was discovered in a “dismal swamp.” He had retired to this place, which is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Wampanoags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, which was now pursuing him. From then- numbers, the English were nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Philip they now thought sealed. On arriving at its edge, a few of Philip's warriors showed them- selves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and by this feint were drawn far into an ambush, and “about 15 were slain.” The leaves upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend could not be distinguished from a foe, “ whereby ’tis verily feared,” says Dr, Mather, “ that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhappily shoot Eng- Probably the same called ia another place Noweqoa. 212 PHILIP.— FIGHT AT REHOBOTH PLAIN. [Book III. lishmen instead of Indians.” A retreat was now ordered, and, considering Philip's escape impossible, the most of the forces left the place, a few only remaining, “to starve out the enemy.” That Philip's force was great at this time is certain, from the fact that a hundred wigwams were found near the edge of the swamp, newly constructed of green hark. In one of those the. English found an old man, who informed them that Philip was there. He lost but few men in the encounter, though, it is said, he had a brother killed.* The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was suffi- ciently censured by the historians of that day. For, as Captain Church ex- presses it, to build a fort for nothing to cover the people from nobody, f was rather a ridiculous idea. This observation he made upon a fort’s being built upon Mount Hope Neck, some time after every Indian had left that side of the country, and who, in fact, were laying waste the towns before mentioned. The swamp where Philip was now confined, was upon a piece of country which projected into Taunton River, and was nearly seven miles in extent. After being guarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advan- tage, and afforded him sufficient time to provide canoes in which to make his escape, he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retreat into the country upon Connecticut River. In effecting this retreat, an acci- dent happened which deprived him of some of his choicest and bravest cap- tains, as we shall proceed to relate. About the 26 July, 1675, Oneko, with two of his brothers, and about 50 men, came to Boston, by direction of Uncas, his father, and declared their desire to assist the English against the Wampanoags. A few English and three Naticks were added to their company, and immediately despatched, by way of Pli- mouth, to the enemy’s country. This circuitous route was taken, perhaps, that they might have their instructions immediately from the governor of that colony ; Massachusetts, at that time, probably, supposing the war might be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it proved, was very detrimental to the end in view ; for if they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they would have been there in season to have met Philip in his retreat from Pocasset ; and this force, being joined with the other English forces, then in the vicinity, they in all probability might have finished the war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escape would have been small, as he had to cross a large extent of clear and open country', where many of his men must have been cut down in flight, or fought man to man with their pursuers. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis tance, having arrived late the night before, and some time was lost in rally - ingl after Philip was discovered. They overtook him, however, about 10 o’clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. Philip having brought his best men into the real - , many of them were slain ; among these was Nimrod, alias Woonashum, a great captain and counsellor, who had signed the treaty at Taunton, four years before. From what cause the fight was suspended is unknown, though it would seem from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko's men, who, seeing themselves in possession of considerable plunder, fell to loading themselves with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of the case, it would appear that the Mohegans were the chief actors in the offensive. It is said that the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which did not take place, in consequence of the extreme heat of the weather ; and ffius the main body were permitted to escape. Mr. Newman, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the affair in a letter, in which he said that “14 of the enemy’s principal men were slain.” He also mentioned, in terms of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegans under Oneko. Philip having now taken a position to annoy the back settlements cf * This is upon the authority of the anonymous author of the “ Present State,” Si. c., of which we shall elsewhere have occasion to take notice. That author seems to have coo founded the fight between Thebe and Lieut. Oakes with that of Rehoboth Plain, t Hist. Philip’s War, p. 6. ed. 4to. j Go ikin’s MS. Hist. Praying Indians. Chap. II.] AMBUSH AT WIKABAUG. 213 Massachusetts, his warriors fell vigorously to the work. On 14 July, five people are killed at Mendon, in Mass., vtihich is the first blood shed in the colony in this war. Those that were killed were about their work in the field, and knew not their murderers ; and whether they were killed by Philip’s men is unknown. Soon after the war began, Massachusetts, fearing the Nipmuks might join with Philip, sent messengers to treat with them. The young Indians were found “surly,” but the old men were for a renewal of friendship; but the pp’ ion or persons sent upon this business did not acquit themselves in a manner that gave satisfaction ; and Philip, being now in the country of tite Nipmuks, it was concluded by the authorities of Massachusetts to make a further test of their intentions. Accordingly, on the 28 July, Captains Hutchinson and Wheeler, with a company of 20 mounted men, and 3 Christian Indians as pilots and interpreters, viz. Memecho, Joseph, and Sampson, went with some of the inhabitants of Brookfield, agreeably to appointment, to meet the Nipmuk sachems. It had been agreed by these sachems to meet the English in a treaty at a certain tree at Quabaog on the 2 August, on a plain 3 miles from Brookfield village. Having arrived here according to agreement, the English found no Indians to treat with. It was now a question with all but the Brookfield men, whether or not they should pro- ceed to a certain place where they believed the Indians to be ; at length the confidence of the Brookfield people in the pacific disposition of the Indians, prevailed, and they marched on. The way was so bad that they could march only in single file, as they approached the place where they expected to find the Indians, and when they came near Wikabaug Pond, between a swamp on the left and a very abrupt and high hill on the right,* suddenly 2 or 30C Indians rose up, encompassed, and fired upon them. Eight were killed out- right, and three fell mortally wounded. Of the latter number was Captain Hutchinson, who, though carried off by the survivors, died on the 19 August following. Captain Wheeler had his horse shot under him, and himself was shot through the body ; but his life was saved through the bravery and presence of mind of a son then with him. Tins son, though his own arm was broken by a bullet, seeing the peril of his father, dismounted from his horse, and suc- ceeded in mounting his father upon it. A retreat now began, and, by cutting their way through the Indians, the small remnant of English got back to Brookfield, f The three Christian Indians of whom we have spoken, rendered most eminent service on this day ; for had they not been there, there had been no possibility of one Englishman’s escaping. One of them, George Memecho, fell into the hands of the Indians: the other two, by skill and bravery, led the English, by an unknown route, in safety to Brookfield. Yet these In- dians were afterwards so badly treated by the English, that they were forced to fly to Philip for protection. Sampson was afterwards killed in a fight by the English Indians, and Joseph was taken in Plimouth colony, and sold for a slave, and sent to Jamaica. He afterwards was suffered to return, at the intercession of Mr. Eliot. Memecho escaped from his captors, and brought beneficial intelligence to the English of the state of Philip's affairs. J The English having now arrived at Brookfield, as just related, the In- dians pursued them, and arrived almost as soon ; fortunately, however, there was barely time to alarm the inhabitants, who, to the number of about 80, flocked into a garrison house, where, through persevering efforts, they were enabled to maintain themselves until a force under Major Willard came to their relief, August 4. He was in the vicinity of Lancaster, with 48 dra- goons and four friendly Indians, when he received the intelligence of the perilous condition of Brookfield, and had just taken up his line of march to surprise a lodge of Indians not far from that place. He now quickly * According to till tradition this place is at the north end of Wickaboag pond, and the kill was a cemetery for the Indians ; for when cultivated afterwards by the whites, numerous bones were exhumed. Fool’s Hist. Brookfield, 30. t Narrati.e of the affair by Captain Wheeler himself, p. 1 to 5. t Gookin’s MS. History of the Praying Indians. — Joseph and Sampson were brothers ions of “old Robin Pbtuhanit, deceased, a good man.” Ib. zu BURNING OF BROOKFIELD. [Book III "hanged his course for Brookfield, distant about 30 miles, which, by a forced march, he readied in safety the night following. That he was not attacked as he approached the distressed garrison, is most extraordinary, for the hostile Indians are said to have guarded every passage to it; and there are different reasons stated for that neglect : one is, that the guard through which the English passed, suffered them to proceed, expecting another guard stationed still nearer the garrison would attack them in front while they should fall on them in the rear ; another is, that they were deceived as to the numbers of the English, thinking them many more than they really were, and dared not attack them. It would seem, however, more probable, that the Indians had no guard at all at the point in which they approached at the time they arrived ; for a drove of cattle, which had been frightened from Brookfield into the woods, followed the rear of Willard’s company to the garrison, and were not attacked, which would not have been the case, in all probability, had the Indians been aware of their approach. No sooner was it known to the besiegers that relief was come, but they fell with more fury, if possible, upon the devoted garrison than before ; shooting continually from all quarters upon it, which shows that they had accidentally let the reinforcement get into the garrison. Thus to a most fortunate circumstance did this assemblage of English owe their safety. At the very time Willard arrived at Brookfield the Indians were con- triving some machinery to set the garrison on fire; and this may account for their remissness in suffering him to come in unmolested. They first endeavored by fire arrows, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to long poles spliced together, to fire the garrison, but not succeeding, those within firing upon them often with such deadly effect, they next, in the language of Mr Hubbard, “ used this devilish stratagem, to fill a cart with hemp, flax, and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles together spliced a great length, after they had kindled it ; but as soon as it had begun to take fire, a storm of rain, unexpectedly falling, put it out’ * During this siege several of the whites were wounded, though but one was killed. Of the Indians 80 were supposed to have been killed,! but this was doubtless setting the number much too high, although they exposed themselves beyond what was common on similar occasions. On the 5 August they quitted the place, satisfied they could not take it, and joined Philip, who was now about 6 miles from the place where Hutchinson was ambushed. After George Memeckoi’s return to the English, he gave the following in- formation : “ Upon Friday, August 5, Philip and his company came to us at a swamp, 6 miles from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip brought with him about 48 men, but women and children many more. Philip's men were, about 30 of them, armed with guns, the rest had bows and arrows. He observed there were about 10 of Philip’s men wounded. Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them [was] Caleb of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog ; then he presented and gave to three Sagamores, viz. John, alias Apeqcinash, Quanansit, and Mawtamps, to each of them about a peck of unstrung wompom, which they accepted. Philip, as I understood, told Quabaog and Nipmuck Indians, that when he first came towards the Nipmuck country, and left his own, he had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, including the Squaw-Sachem [ Weetamoo ] and her company nut now they had left him, and some of them were killed and he was reduced to 40 men. 1 heard also that Philip said if the English had charged upon him and his people at the swamp in his own country [18 July] one or two days more, they had been all taken, for their powder was almost spent He also said, Captain Wheeler does not mention the rain, but says they Succeeded in setting the house fire, which was extinguished at great peril by those within, who had two of their men on fire wounded, f Hoyt’s Indian Wars, 101. Chap. II.] FIGHT AT SUGARLOAF HILn. 215 that if the English had pursued him closely,” as he retreated to the Nip- tnuck country, “he must needs have been taken.” # A considerable number of partly christianized Indians belonged to the neighborhood of Hadley, near which they had a wooden fort to protect them from any hostile Indians. On the breaking out of the calamities in that region, these, with all other Indians, were watched, and suspected of con- niving witn Philip, and an intention of joining with him. To test their pre- tensions, Captains Lothrop and Beers, who, with a force of 180 men, were now at Hadley, ordered them to surrender their arms to them. They hes- itated to do so then, but intimated that they would immediately ; yet on the following night, 25 August, they led their fort and fled up the river to- wards Pecomptuk, since Deerfield, to join Philip. The next day Lothrop and Beers pursued and overtook them near a swamp a short distance to the south of Sugarloaf Hill, opposite to the present town of Sunderland. The Indians bravely stood their ground, and a sharp and bloody contest ensued. They were finally routed, having 26 of their number slain, while the whites are reported to have lost but 10 in killed, and their number wounded is not mentioned, f A garrison being established at Northfield, Captain Richard Beers, of Water- town, t with 36 men, was attacked while on their way to reinforce it, Sept. 3, and 20 of the 36 were killed. Robert Pepper, of Roxbury, was taken cap- tive, and the others effected their escape. Philip's men had the advantage of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and their first fire was very destructive. Beers retreated with his men to a small eminence, and maintained the unequal fight until their ammunition was spent, at which time a cart containing ammunition fell into the hands of the Indians, and, the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hill to which the English fled, at the beginning of the fight, was known afterwards by the name of Beers's Mountain. “ Here,” says Mr. Hubbard, “ the barbarous vil- lains showed their insolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before ; cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon poles near the highway, and not only so, but one, if not more, was found with a chain hooked into his under-jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, (’tis feared he was hung up alive,) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might come to their relief.” The place where this fight occurred was within about two miles of the gar- rison at Squakkeag, (Northfield,) and the plain on which it began is called Beers's Plain. Meanwhile the garrison was reduced to the brink of ruin, and, like that at Brookfield, was saved by the arrival of a company of soldiers. Two days after Captain Beers was cut off, Major Treat arrived there with 100 men, and conveyed the garrison safe to Hadley. Philip probably conducted both affairs ; this of Captain Beers, and that of Captain Thomas Lothrop, about to be related, although it is not positively known to be the fact. Some time ir v me month of August, “ King Philip's men had taken a young lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tree two nights and two days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would roast him alive to make sport with him ; but God, over night, touched the heart of one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run grande, (i. e. run apace,) and by that means he escaped.” § About this time, some English found a single Indian, an old man, near Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information respecting his countrymen, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they pro- nounced him worthy of death ; so “ they laid him down, Cornelius, the Dutch- man, lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian lifted up his hand be- tween, so that his hand was first cut oft) and partly his head, and the second blow finished the execution.” || * Hutchinson’s Hist Mass. I, 293 — 4. n. i Hubbard, Nar.36, 37— Chronicle, 28 .—Hoyt, 102, 103. j Manuscript documents. j Chronicle, 2d. g Manuscript in library of Mass, Hist goo. 216 PHILIP.— LOTHROP CUT OFF. IBook HI. It was about this time, as the author of the “ Present State ” relates, that “ King Philip, now beginning to want money, having a coat made all of wampampeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distributes it plentifully among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to the east- ward as southward,* and all round about”* On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley with about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles, from Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and commenced their march homeward, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloaf Hill, where almost every man was slain. This company consisted of “ choice young men, the very flower of Essex county, ‘none of whom were ashamed to speak with the enemy in the gate.’”f Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield. | Cap- tain Mosely, being not far off, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and, hatting with him 70 men, charged the Indians with great resolution although he computed their numbers at 1000. He had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, “ Come, Mosely, come, you seek In- dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for you” § On this occasion the conduct of Mosely' s lieutenants, Savage and Pickering, are mentioned in high terms of praise, “as deserving no little part of the honor of that day’s service.” After continuing a fight with them, from eleven o’ clock until almost night, he was obliged to retreat. || The Indians cut open the bags of wheat and the feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds. § After Mosely had commenced a retreat, Major Treat, with 100 English and 60 Mohegans, came to his assistance. Their united forces obliged the Indians to retreat in their turn.1T The Indians were said to have lost, in the various encounters, 96 men. It was a great oversight, that Captain Lothrop should have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a dangerous defile. 4 Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their arms in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly g rapes to them.” ** The same author observes, “ This was a black and fatal day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and six-and-twenty children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; and above sixty persons buried in one dreadful grave ! ” The place of this fight and ambush is in the southerly part of Deerfield, on which is now the village called Bloody Brook, so named from this memora- ble tragedy. A brook which passes through the village is crossed by the road not far from the centre of it, and it was at the point of crossing that it happened, ff Until this period the Indians near Springfield remained friendly, and re fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake in his cause. But, now that Northfield and Deerfield had fallen into his hands, they were watched closer by the whites, whose cause these great successes of Philip had occasioned them to look upon as rather precarious. They therefore, about 40 in number, on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 of Philip's men into their fort, which was situated at a place called Longhill, about a mile below the village of Springfield, and a plan was concerted for the destruction of that place. But, as in many cases afterwards, one of their number betrayed them. ToTo,jt * Old Ind. Chronicle. If this were the case, Philip must have had an immense big coat- yea, even bigger than Dr. Johnson’s great' coal, as represented by Boswell; the side pockets of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of the huge volumes of his folio dictionary ! f Hubbard’s Narrative, 38. f These were the teamsters. { Manuscript letter, written at the time. “ Whereupon, after having killed several of the Indians, he was forced to retreat, and con- tinued fighting for all the time that he and his men were retreating nine miles. Capt. Mosely •ost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded.” — Old. Ind. Chron. £9. This author has Dlended the two accounts of Beers and Lothrop together, and relates them as one IT /. Mather’s Historyof the War, 12. ** Ibid. ft Last year, (1835), a splendid celebration was held at Bloody Brook, in commemoration •f the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orators, the present governor if this commonwealth, His Excellency Edward Everett, LL. D Hubbard.— Top, Hutchinson. philip.-surpr.se of HA 1 field. 217 Chap. II.] an Indian at Windsor, revealed the plot, and the people of Springfield had time only to escape into then- garrisons. The whole force of the Indians came like a torrent upon the place the next day, and burnt the deserted houses and barns, in all 57 buildings. In this business, however, some of their number were killed * by the people in the garrisons ; but it is not known how many. They would have succeeded against the lives of the English as well as against their property, had not a force arrived about the same Mine for their relief. Animated by his successes, Philip aimed his next b.ow at .he Mea. I- quar- ters of the whiles in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell upon Hatfield on the 19 Oct., which, had it not been well provided with men, would have shared the fate of Springfield; but Captain Mosely and Captain Pook, with their companies, were in the place, and Captain Samuel Appleton was at Hadley on the opposite side of the river ; and against such commanders they could hardly have expected success. However, they made a bold attempt on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the point where Captain Appleton commanded. His sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and a bullet passed through the hair of his own head; “by that whisper telling him,” says Hubbard, “that death was very near, but did him no other harm. Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ; divers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, [now called Mill River,] others cast their guns into the water, (it being their manner to ven- ture as much to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them when alive.)” And thus they were driven from the place, after killing but three, and wounding 10 of the whites, and burning a small number of buildings. They had, before their attack on the town, killed three belonging to some scouts, and seven others of Captain Mosely’s men. This was among their last important efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the country of the Narragansets. The Nipmuck sachems had well contrived their attack on Hatfield; having made fires in the woods about seven miles from it, to draw out the soldiers, for whom they had prepared ambushes ; but only ten of Mosely’s men were sent out to learn the cause of the fires. These were all cut off except one, according to the Chronicle, but according to Hubbard, seven only were killed. The Indians probably supposed the main body was cut off, and therefore proceeded directly to the assault of the town, where a new force had just arrived ; and hence they met with a brave resistance and final defeat.] The Narragansets had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though there is no doubt but they stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachusetts, and conclu- ding that his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessary to keep them from abandoning his cause, Philip was next known to be in their country. An army of 1500 English was raised by the three colonies, Massachusetts, Plimouth, and Connecticut, for the purpose of breaking down the power of Philip among the Narragansets. They determined upon this course, as they had been assured that, the next spring, that nation would come with all their force upon them. It was not known that Philip was among them when this resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that they had taken part with him. It was true, that they had promised to deliver up all the Wampanoags, who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those who made this promise, had it not in their power to do it ; being persons, chiefly in subordinate stations, who had no right or authority to bind any hut themselves. And, therefore, as doubtless was foreseen by many, none of Philip'' i people were delivered up, although many were known to have been among diem. Thus, in few words, have we exhibited the main grounds of the mighty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. * A pewter platter is still exhibited in Springfield with a hole through the middle of it, made by a ball from the garrison at this time. An Indian had taken it from one of the deserted houses, and wore it before his breast as a shield. Thus shielded, he ventured towards tkt garrison, and was shot. Hoyt, 110. t Old Indian Chronicle, 36, 37. 19 218 PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. [Boor III Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode Island, Philip had fortified himself, in a manner superior to what was com- mon among his countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with the chief of his friends. They had erected about 500 wigwams of a superior construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisions. Baskets and tubs of corn * were piled one upon another, about the inside of them, which rendered them bullet proof. It was supposed that about 3000 persons had here taken up their residence. But, to be more particular upon the situation of “the scene of the destruc- tion of the Narragansets,” we will add as follows from the notes of a gen- tleman lately upon the spot, for the express purpose of gaining information. “ What was called The Island is now an upland meadow, a few feet higher than the low meadow witli which it is surrounded. The island, by my esti- mate, contains from three to four acres. One fourth of a mile west, is the Usquepaug ; a small stream also at a short distance on the east.” The cele- brated island on which the fort was built is now in the farm of J. G. Clark, Esq. a descendant of John Clark, of R. I. and about 30 rods west of the line of the “ Pettyswamscot Purchase.” Water still surrounds it in wet seasons. It was cleared by the father of the present possessor about 1780, and, although improved from that time to the present, charred corn and Indian implements are yet ploughed up.f President Stiles, in his edition of Church’s History of Philip’s War, states that the Narraganset fort is seven miles nearly due west from the South Ferry. This agrees with data furnished by Mr. Ely, in stating the returning march of the English army. Pine and cedar were said to have been the former growth.J An oak 300 years old, standing upon the island, was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 feet from the ground. From another, a bullet was cut out, surrounded by about 100 annuli, at the same time. The bullet was lodged there, no doubt, at the time of the fight. We will now return to our narrative of the expedition to this place in Decem- ber, 1075. After nearly a month from their setting out, the English army arrived in the Narraganset country, and made their head-quarters about 18 miles from Philip's fort They had been so long upon their march, that the Indians were well enough apprized of their approach, and had made the best ar- rangements in their power to withstand them. The army had already suf fered much from the severity of the season, being obliged to encamp in the open field, and without tents to cover them ! The 19th of December, 1675, is a memorable day in the annals of New England. Cold, in the extreme, — the air filled with snow, — the English were obliged, from the low state of their provisions, to march to attack Philip in his fort. Treachery hastened his ruin. One of his men, by hope of reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This man had, probably, lived among the English, as he had an English name. He was called j Peter, § and it was by accident that himself, with thirty-five others, had just before fallen into the hands of the fortunate Captain Mosely. No Englishman was acquainted with the situation of Philip's fort ; and, but for their pilot, Peter, there is very little probability that they could have even found, much less effected any thing against it. For it was one o’clock on that short day of the year, before they arrived within the vicmity of the swamp. There was but one point where it could be assailed with the least probability of suc- cess ; and this was fortified by a kind of block-house, directly in front of the entrance, and had also flankers to cover a cross fire. Besides high pal- isades, an immense hedge of fallen trees, of nearly a rod in thickness, * 500 bushels., says Dr. I. Mather. Hollow trees, cut off about the length of a barrel, were used by the Indians for tubs. In such they secured their corn and other grains. f MS. communication of Reverend Mr. Ely , accompanied by a drawing of the island. It# shape is very similar to the shell of an oyster. Average rectangular lines through it measure one 35 rods, another 20. X Holmes’s Annals, i. 376. ty The name of Peter among the Indians was so common, that it is perhaps past determina lion who this one was. Mr. Hubbard calls him a fugitive from the Narragansets. Chip. II.] PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. 21'J surrounded it, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between the fort and the main land was a body of water, over which a great tree had been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree, which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept off in a moment by the fire of Philip's men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, supplied the places of the slain. But again and again were they swept from the fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men had fallen, and a partial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place Meanwhile, a handful, under the fortunate Mosely, had, as miraculous aa it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to hand with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of “ They run ! they run !" brought to their assistance a considerable body of their fellow-soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main breastwork, and their slaughter became immense. Flying from wigwam to wigwam — men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down, and lay in heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommenda- tion of Mr. Church, who led the second party that entered the fort, Genera] ffinslow was about to quarter the army in it for the present, which offered comfortable habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply of provisions. But one of the captains * and a surgeon opposed the meas- ure ; probably ftom the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians, who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the fact that many English were killed alter they had possessed themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it. Notwithstanding, had Church's advice been followed, perhaps many of the lives of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in his judgment, as his continued successes proved afterwards. After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, before the wounded could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous night. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 wounded, many of whom died afterwards. The shattered army left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort. Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort The English, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but Philip, not knowing their distressed situation, and, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few dead which they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their retreat Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. Into these, hundreds of innocent women and children had crowded them- selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that day expresses himself, “no man knoweth how many.” The English learned afterwards, from some that fell into them hands, that in all about 700 perished.] The sufferings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a par- allel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered. The myriads of modern Europe, assembled there, bear but small propor- * Probably Mosely, who seems always to have had a large share in the direction of all a t- fairs when present. t There is printed in Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which gives the particulars of the Narraganset fight. I have compared it with the original, and find it correct in the main particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major Bradford, for it is signed by James Oliver, a Massachusetts captain. Hutchinson copied from a copy, which was without signature. He omits a passage concerning Tift, or Tiffe, who, Oliver says, confirmed his narrative. That man had “ married an Indian, a Wompanoag — and, says Oliver, he shot 20 times at us in the swamp — was taken at Providence, [by Captain Fenner , ] Jan. 14th — brought to us the lbth — executed the 18lh ; a sad wretch. He never heard a sermon but once this 14 years; he never heard of the name of Jesus Christ. His father going to recall him, lost his nead, and lies unburied.” Hubbard says, (Narrative, 59,) that “he was condemned to die the death of a traitor," and traitors of those days were quartered. “ As to his religion, he was found as gnoraul as an heathen, which, no doubt, caused the fewer tears to be sited at his funeral. A sorrowful record 1 220 PHILIP. [Book I1L tlon to the number of tluir countrymen, compared with that f the army of New England and theirs, at the fight in Narraganset. Colonel Church, then only a volunteer, was in this fight, and we will hear a few of his observations. “ By this time, the English people in the fort had begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, which Mr. Church labored hard to prevent ; they told him they had orders from the general to burn them; he begged them to forbear until he had discoursed the general.” Then, hastening to him, be urged, that “the wigwams were musket-proof being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain, and other provisions, suffi- cient to supply the whole army until the spring of the year ; and every wounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in; which, other- wise, would necessarily perish with the storms and cold. And, moreover, that the army had no other provision to trust unto or depend upon ; that he knew that Plymouth forces had not so much as one biscuit left.” The gen- eral was for acceding to Church's proposition, but a captain and a doctor prevented it, as we have before observed ; the former threatening to shoot the general’s horse under him, if he attempted to march in, and the latter said, Church should bleed to death like a dog, (he having been badly wounded on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave such advice. Church then proceeds : “And, burning up all the houses and pro- visions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold. And, 1 suppose, every one that is acquainted with the circumstances of that night’s march, deeply laments the miseries that attended them ; especially the wounded and dying men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt. Andrew Belcher arrived at Mr. Smith's, [in Narraganset,] that very night from Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions for the army, who must other- wise have perished for want.” * After tiie English army had gone into quarters at Wickford, the Connecticut troops returned home, which was considered very detrimental to the service by the other colonies ; and soon after a reinforcement of- 1000 men was as- sembled at Boston and ordered to the assistance of their countrymen. In their march to Narraganset in the beginning of Jan. 167G, they suffered intol- erably from the cold ; no less than 11 men were frozen to death, and many others were taken sick by reason of their exposure in that severe season. Meanwhile the Indians had sent deputies to the commander-in-chief to treat of peace; but it was judged that they were insincere in their overtures, and no terms were settled. While matters were thus progressing, Philip removed his provisions, women and children to a strong place protected by rocks, in a swamp, about 20 miles from the late battle-ground in Narraganset, into die country of the Nipmuks. At length, the weather having become mild, and the Connecticut forces returned, together with a body of Mohegans under Uncas, it was resolved to suprise Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordingly the army, consisting now of 1600 men, marched out on this enterprise. On its approach, the Indians abandoned their position and fled farther northward. They were pursued a small distance, and about 60 or 70 of them killed and taken, (probably women and children.) The army soon after returned home, and was chiefly disbanded. On 27 Jan., while the army was pursuing the main body of the Indians, a party of about 300 attacked Mr. William Carpenter’s plantation, and attempted to burn his house, which they set on fire, but those within succeeded in put- ting it out. In the skirmish, one of their number was killed, and two of the whites were wounded. The assaulting party collected and drove oft' from this place 180 sheep, 50 large cattle, and 15 horses, and from a Mr Harris another drove of cattle, and killed his negro servant] Soon after this, Philip, with many of his followers, left that part of the * “ Our wounded men, (in number about 150,) being dressed, were sent into Rliode Island, as the best place for their accommodation ; where, accordingly, they were kindly received by the governor and others, only some churlish Quakers were not free to entertain them, until compelled by the governor. Of so inhumane, peevish and untoward a disposition are these Nuhals, as r;ot to vouchsafe civility to those that had ventured their lives, and receive 1 dangerous ■ 'oiurls in their defence.” Old nut . Chronicle, 74. Old Indian Chronicle, 58, 5 ( J. — Hubbard, 50. HAP. II. PHILIP. — MEDFTELD ATTACKED. 221 country, and resided in different places upon Connesticut River. Some report that he took up his residence near Albany, and that he solicited the Mohawks to aid him against the English, but without success., The story of the foul stratagem said to have been resorted to by Philip for this object, is, if true, the deepest stain upon his character. According to one of the historians * of the war, it was reported at Boston, in the end of June, or beginning of July, 1676, that “those Indians who are known by the name of Mauquawogs, (or Mohawks, i. e. man-eaters,) had lately fallen upon Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the v:iriance between Philip and the Mauquawogs came to pass, as is commonly reported and apprehended, there was a marvellous finger of God in it For we hear that Philip, being this winter entertained in the Mohawks’ country, made it his design to breed a quarrel between the English and them ; to effect which, divers of our returned captives do report, that he resolved to kill some scattering Mohawks, and then to say that the English had done it ; but one of these, whom he thought to have killed, was only wounded, and got away to his countrymen, giving them to understand that not the English, but Philip, had killed the men that were murdered ; so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon the English, he brought them upon himself.” The author of the anonymous “ Letters to London ” has this passage j concerning Philip's visit to the Mohawks. “ King Philip, and some of these northern Indians, being wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks marched out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon them, putting them to flight, and pursuing them as far as Hassicke River, which is about two days’ march from the east side of Hudson’s River to the north-east, killing divers, anti bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, which ill suc- cess on that sitle, where they did not expect any enemy, having lately en- deavored to make up the ancient animosities, did very much daunt and dis- courage the said northern Indians, so that some hundreds came in and sub- mitted themselves to the English at Plimouth colony, and Philip himself is run skulking away into some swamp, with not above ten men attending him.” Although Philip was supposed to be beyond the frontier by some, and by others to be “ snugly stowed away in some swamp,” yet his warriors, whether directed by him in person or not, is immaterial, as every thing was done against the English that could well be under such broken circumstances as he now labored. On the 10 Feb. 1676, they surprised Lancaster with com- plete success, the particulars of which we shall fully narrate in our next chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.) about 300 Indians attacked Medfield, and in spite of 200 soldiers stationed there to guard it, burnt about 50 houses, killed 18 of its inhabitants, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were Lieutenant Adams and his wife : the latter was killed accidentally by Cap- tain Jacob. She was in bed in a chamber, under which was a room occupied by the soldiers ; as Captain Jacob was about to leave the house, his gun went off, the ball from which passed through the chamber floor and killed her. The hidians managed this attack with them usual skill ; having placed some of their number prepared with fire implements -in various parts of the town, they set the houses on fire, “ as it were,” says Major Gookin, “ in one instant of time.” And as the people issued out of them, parties lay ready and shot them down. As soon as the whites were mustered to oppose them, they retired over the bridge towards Sherburne, and set it on fire, so that the sol- diers could not pursue them. Li the pride of their success, they now wrote a letter to the whites, and stuck it up on a post of the bridge. It reads, “ Know by this paper, that the Indians that thou hast provoked to wrath and anger will war this 21 years if you will. There are many Indians yet. We come 300 at this time. You must consider the Indians lose nothing bid their life. You must lose your fair houses and cattle. ”J On the 13 March, the entire town of Groton, consisting of 40 houses, was burnt, except one garrison, § by shots from which several Indians were said to have been killed. * Dr. I. Mather, Brief Hist. 38. t Chronicle, 99. + Gootcin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. — The above letter was doubtless written by some ol tne Christian Indians who had joined Philip. 6 JLn our Chronicle, 80, it is said that Groton was burnt on the 14th ; that Major Willard’s 19 * PHILIP.— SUDBURY FIGHT. [Book HI 222 Philip had for some time directed matters with suci\ address that his enemies could not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he actually were in the vicinity of the frontiers or not. But there can be little doubt of his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18 March, Northampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good success as was anticipated by the besiegers ; for they lost eleven men, while the whites had but three killed and six wounded. On the 27 March, a large body of 300 Indians, as was supposed, were discovered encamped not far from Marlborough, which they had burnt the day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached themselves to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jacobs, who, falling upon them in the night while they were asleep in their wigwams, killed and wounded about 40 of them, without any loss to themselves. The Indians seem to have resolved that this midnight assassination should not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we are about to relate will fully exemplify. On the morning of the 20 April, the largest body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and before resistance could be made, set nre to several buildings, which were consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brave stand, and were soon joined by some soldiers from Watertown, under Captain Hugh Mason ; and the Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing any further mischief during the day, against Sudbury. Some of the people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied forth for its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered a few Indians, and pursued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and they soon found themselves ambushed on every side. They fought with desperation, but were all, except one, cut off, being eleven in number. This affair took place immediately after Captain Wadsworth had marched from Sudbury with 70 men to strengthen the garrison at Marlborough ; and the news of the situation of the place he had just left reached his destination as soon as he did ; and although lie had marched all the day and night before, and his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain BrocMebank and about ten men from the garrison at Marlborough, he marched directly back for Sudbury. On the morning of the 21st, they arrived within about a mile and a half of the town, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre- pared an ambush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or three of their party, who crossed the march of the English, and, being discovered by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them into a pursuit. This stratagem succeeded, and with great boldness the Indians began the attack. For some time the English maintained good order, and, having recreated to an adjacent hill, lost but five men for near four hours. Meantime the Indians had lost a great number, which so increased their rage that they resolved to put in practice another stratagem, which it seems they had not before thought of. They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English, which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise succeeded, even better than the first ; that, although it served to bring on the attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with complete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their advantageous position, which gave the Indians an opportunity to fall upon them with their tomahawks! Many were now able to fall upon one, and resistance fast diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the hands of the conquerors ; among the former were the two captains ; some of those that escaped took shelter in a mill not far off, and were saved bv the arrival of a few men under Captain Prentice, and a company under Captain Crowell. Both of these officers and their men very narrowly es- caped the fate of Wadsworth .* * As the former was about to fall into a fatal house was burnt first, and that “ afterwards they destroyed 65 more there, leaving but six bouses standing in the whole town.” * “ So insolent were the Indians grown upon their first success against Captain Wadsworth, that they sent us word, to provide store of good cheer ; for they intended to dine with tu [U Boston] on the election day.” Chronicle, 95. Chap. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 223 snare, he was rescued by a company from a garrison ; and as the latter ap- proached Sudbury, he saved himself by pursuing an unexpected route ; and, though attacked, he succeeded in fighting his way through the Indians with a loss only of six or seven of his men. Captain CrowelPs arrival at this time was accidental, though fortunate; being on his return from Quabaog, whither he had been sent to reinforce that garrison.* * * § With this great achievement ended the chief operations in Massachusetts ; and we have now to return towards Plimouth. When success no longer attended Philip in Massachusetts, those of his allies whom he had seduced into the war, upbraided and accused him of bringing all their misfortunes upon them ; that they had no cause of war against the English, and had not engaged in it but for his solicitations; and many of the tribes scattered themselves in different directions. With all that would follow him, as a last retreat, Philip returned to Pokanoket. The Pecomptuck or Deerfield Indians were among the first who abandoned his cause, and many of the other Nipmucks and Narragansets soon followed their example. On the 11th of July, he attempted to surprise Taunton, but was repulsed]. His camp was now at Matapoiset. The English came upon him here, under Captain Church, who captured many of his people, but he escaped over Taunton River, as he had done a year before, but in the opposite direction, and screened himself once more in the woods of Pocasset. He used many stratagems to cut off Captain Church and seems to have watched and fol- lowed him from place to place, until the end of this month ; but he was continually losing one company of his men after another. Some scouts ascertained that he, and many of his men, were at a certain place upon Taunton River, and, from appearances, were about to repass it. His camp was now at this place, and the chief of his warriors with him. Some sol- diers from Bridgewater fell upon them here, on Sunday, July 30, and killed ten warriors; but Philip, having disguised himself, escaped.] His uncle, Akkompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister taken prisoner. The late attempt by Philip upon Taunton had caused the people of Bridge- water to be more watchful, and some were continually on the scout. Some time in the day, Saturday, 29 July, four men, as they were ranging the woods, discovered one Indian, and, rightly judging there were more at hand, made all haste to inform the other inhabitants of Bridgewater of their discovery Comfort IVillis and Joseph Edson were “pressed” to go “ post” to the govern- or of Plimouth, at Marshfield, who “went to Plimouth with them, the next day, [30 July,] to send Captain Church with his company. And Captain Church came with them to Monponset on the sabbath, and came no further that day, he told them he would meet them the next day.” Here Willis and Edson left him, and arrived at home in the evening. Upon hearing of the arrival of Church in their neighborhood, 21 men “ went out on Monday, sup- posing to meet with Captain Church ; but they came upon the enemy and fought with them, and took 17 of them alive, and also much plunder. And they all returned, and not one of them fell by the enemy ; and received no help from Church ” This account is given from an old manuscript, but who its author was is not certain.^ Church's account differs considerably from it He says, that on the evening of the same day he and his company marched from Plimouth, “ they heard a smart firing at a distance from them, but it * Old Indian Chronicle 79, 92, 93 .—Hubbard, 80 .—Gookin’s MS. Hist— A son of Captain Wadsworth caused a monument to be erected upon the place of this fight, with an iuscriptitn upon it, which time has discovered to be erroneous in some of its historical particulars. It ‘ whereupon the inhabitants stood upon their guard, and souldiers were timously sent in to them for their relief and defence.” Prevalency of Prayer, 8. t “ ’Tis said that he had newly cut off his hair, that he might not be known.” Hubbard J\ar. 101. ’ § It is publishedby Mr. Mitchell, in his valuable account of Bridgewater, and supposed to have Veen written by Comfort Willis, named above. See 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vit. 157. LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 24 fBooR Ui I sing near night, and the firing of short continuance, they missed the place, and went into Bridgewater town.” On the 1 August, the intrepid Church came upon Philip's head-quarters, killed and took about 130 of his people, Philip himself very narrowly escap- ing. Such was his precipitation, that he left all his wampum behind, and his wife and son fell into the hands of Church. No sooner had the story of the destruction of the Indians begun to attract attention, (which, however, was not until a long time after they had been destroyed,) much inquiry was made concerning the fate of this son of the famous Metacomet ; and it was not until considerable time had elapsed, that it was discovered that he was sold into slavery! It is gratifying to learn what did become of him, although the knowledge of the fact must cause pain in every humane breast ; not more for the lot of young Metacomet , than for the wretched depravity of the minds of those who advised and executed the decree of slavery upon him. Great numbers of Philip's people were sold for slaves in foreign countries. In the beginning of the war Captain Mosely captured 80, who were confined V.i Plimoutli. In September following, 178 were put on board a vessel com- manded by Captain Sprague, who sailed from Plimoutli with them for Spain. Church * relates the attack of Aug. 1 upon the flying chief as follows : — “Next morning, [after the skirmish in which Akkompoin was killed,] Cant. Church moved very early with his company, which was increased by many of Bridgewater that listed under him for that expedition, and, by their piloting, he soon came, very still, to the top of the great tree which the enemy had fallen across the river; and the captain spied an Indian sitting upon the 6tump of it, on the other side of the river, and he clapped his gun up, and had doubtless despatched him, but that one of his own Indians called hastily to him not to fire, for he believed it was one of his own men : upon which the Indian upon the stump looked about, and Capt. Church's Indian, seeing his face, perceived his mistake, for he knew him to be Philip ; clapped up his gun and fired, but it was too late ; for Philip immediately threw himself off the stump, leaped down a bank on the side of the river, and made his escape. Capt. Church, as soon as possible, got over the river, and scattered in quest of Philip and his company, hut the enemy scattered and fled every way ; but he picked up a considerable many of their women and children, among which were Philip's wife and son of about nine years old.” The remainder of the day was spent in pursuing the flying Philip, who, with his Narragansets, was still formidable. The} picked up many prisoners, from whom they learned the force of those of w horn they were in pursuit. At night, Church ivas under obligation to return to his men he had left, but commissioned Lightfoot, cap- tain, to lead a party on discovery. Lightfoot returned in the morning with good success, having mad an important discovery, and taken 13 prisoners. Church immediately set out to tollow up then- advantage He soon came where they had made fires, and shortly after overtook their women and cliil- i Iren, who “ were fault and tired,” tmd who informed them “ that Philip, with it great number of the enemy, were a little before.” It was almost sunset ivlien they came near enough to observe them, and “ Philip soon came to a stop, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to make fires ; and a great '! ioise they made.” Church, concentrating his followers, formed them into a circle, and set down “ without any noise or fire.” Their prisoners showed .'/reat signs of fear, but were easily put in confidence by the conciliatory con- duct of Church. Thus stood matters in Church's camp through the night of the 2 August, 1676. At dawn of day, he told his prisoners they must remain (still where they were, until the fight was over, (for he now had every reason to expect a severe one shortly to follow,) “or, as soon as the firing ceased, they must follow the tracks of his company, and come to them. (An Indian is next to a bloodhound to follow a track.) ” f It being now light enough to make the onset, Church sent forward two soldiers to learn Philip's position. Philip, no less wary, had, at the same tune, sent out two spies, to see if any were in pursuit of him. The re- Hiat. Philip’s War. 38, ed. 4to. t Ibid. 39. ( n A r. 11 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 225 speelive spits of the two famous chiefs gave the alarm to both camps at the sime time; but, unhappily for Philip, his antagonist was prepared for the event, while he was not. “All fled at the first tidings, [of the spies,] left their kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their wooden spits, and run into a swamp with no other breakfast, than what Capt. Church afterwards treated them with.” Church sent his lieutenant, Mr. Isaac Howland, on one side of the swamp, while himself ran upon the other, each with a small party, hoping, as the swamp was small, to prevent the escape of any. Ex- pecting that when Philip should discover the English at the farther extremi- ty of the swamp, he would turn back in his own track, and so escape at the same place he entered, Church had, therefore, stationed an ambush to entrap him in such an event. But the wariness of Philip disappointed him. He, thinking that the English would pursue him into the swamp, had formed an ambush for them also, but was, in like manner, disappointed. He had, at the same time, sent forward a band of his warriors, who fell into the hands of Church and Howland. They, at first, attempted to fly, and then offered re- sistance ; but Church ordered Matthias* to tell them the impracticability of such a step. He accordingly called to them, and said, “ If they fired one gun they were all dead men." This threat, with the presence of the English and Indians, so amazed them, that they suffered “ the English to come and take the guns out of them hands, when they were both charged and cocked.” Having secured these with a guard, armed with the guns just taken from them, Church presses through the swamp in search of Philip, towards the end at which that chief had entered. Having waited until he had no hopes of ensnaring Captain Church, Philip now moved on after the company he nad sent forward, and thus the two parties met. The English had the ad- vantage of the first discovery, and, covered by trees, made the first fire. Philip stood his ground for a time, and maintained a desperate fight ; but, a main body of his warriors having been captured, which, by this time, he began to apprehend, as they did not come to his aid, he, therefore, fled back to die point where he entered the swamp, and thus fell into a second am- bush. Here the English were worsted, haviug one of their number slain, viz. Thomas Lucas, f of Plimouth : thus escaped, for a few days, Philip and some of his best captains : such were Tuspaquin and Tatoson. This was August the 3d, and Philip's numbers had decreased, since the 1st, 173, by the exertions of Church, j Philip, having now but few followers left, was driven from place to place, and lastly to his ancient seat near Pokanoket. The English, for a long time, had endeavored to kill him, but could not find him off his guard ; for he was always the first who was apprized of their approach. He having put to death one of his own men for advising him to make peace, this mnn’s brother, whose name was Alderman, fearing the same fate, deserted him, and gave Captain Church an account of his situation, and offered to lead him to his camp. Early on Saturday morning, 12 Aug., Church came to the swamp where Philip was encamped, and, before he was discovered, had placed a guard about it, so as to encompass it, except a small place. He then ordered Captain Golding § to rush into the swamp, and fall upon Philip in his camp ; which he immediately did — but was discovered as he ap- proached, and, as usual, Philip was the first to fly. Having but just awaked from sleep, and having on but a part of his clothes, he fled with all his might. Coming directly upon an Englishman and an Indian, who composed l part of the ambush at the edge of the swamp, the Englishman’s gun missed fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, “ sent * O.ie of Church’ s Indian soldiers, but of whom he makes no mention. t An improvident fellow, given to intoxication, and, from Church’s expression about his being killed, “ not being so careful as he might have been,” t leaves room to doubt whether he were not, at this time, under the effects of liquor. He had been often fined, and once whipped, for getting drunk, beating his wife and children, defaming the character of deceased magistrates, and other misdemeanors. { Church, 41. In the account of Tatoson, Church’s narrative is continued. $ Captain Roger Goulden, of R. I. Plimouth granted hint 100 at res of land on Poc asset, in 1676, for his eminent services. Plim. Records. 226 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [Book 111 . one through hit heart, and another not above tw» inches from it. He fell upon his face ii the mud and water, with his gun under him.” “ Cold, with the beast he slew, he sleeps; O’er him no filial spirit weeps ; ***»* * * § »« Even that he lived, is for his conqueror’s tongue ; By toes alone his death-song must be sung ; No chronicles but theirs shall tell His mournful doom to future times ; May these upon his virtues dwell, And in his fate forget his crimes.” — Sprague. The name of the man stationed with Alderman was Caleb Cook,* who had shared in many of Church's hazardous expeditions before the present. See- ing that he could not have the honor of killing Philip, he was desirous, if possible, of having a memento of the mighty exploit He therefore prevailed upon Alderman to exchange guns with him. This gun was kept in the family until the present century, when the late Isaac Lothrop, Estj. of Plimouth ob- tained the lock of it from Mr. Sulvanus Cook, late of Kingston. Sylvanus was great-grand sou of Caleb, f The stock and barrel of the gun are still re- tained by the descendants of the name of Cook.\ There is a gun-lock shown in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc. said to be the same which Alderman used iu shooting Philip. This Alderman was a subject of Weetamoo, who, in the commencement of this war, went to the governor of Plimouth, and de- sired to remain in peace with the English, and immediately took up his resi- dence upon an island, remote from the tribes engaged in it But, after Philip had returned to his own country, Alderman, upon some occasion, visited hhn. It was at this time that he learned the fate of his brother before spoken of; or he may have been killed in his presence. This caused his flight to the English, which he thought, probably, the last resort for ven- geance. He “ came down from thence, says Church ; (where Philip's camp now was,) on to Sand Point over against Trips , and hollow’d, and made signs to be letcli’d over ” to the island. He was immediately brought over, und gave the information desired. Captain Church had but just arrived upon Rhode Island, and was about eight miles from the upper end, where Alder- man landed. He had been at home but a few minutes, when “they spy’ll two horsemen coming a great pace,” and, as he prophesied, “they came with tydings.” Major Sanford and CapL Golding were the horsemen, “ who immediately ask’d Capt. Church what he would give to hear some news of Philip. He reply’d, That was what he wanted .” The expedition was at once entered upon, and Alderman went as their pilot. But to return to the fall of Philip : — “By this time,” continues Church, “the enemy perceived they were way- laid on the east side of the swamp, tacked short about,” and were led out of their dangerous situation by the great Captain Annawon. “The man that had shot down Philip ran with all speed to Capt. Church, and informed him of his exploit, who commanded him to be silent about it, and let no man more know it until they had drove the swamp clean ; but when they had drove the swamp through, and found the enemy had escaped, or at least the most of them, and the sun now up, and the dew so gone that they could not easily track them, the whole company met together at the place where the enemy’s night shelter was, and then CapL Church gave them the news of Philip’s death. Upon which the whole army§ gave three loud huzzas. Capt. Church ordered his body to be pulled out of the mire on to the upland. So some of Capt. Church's Indians took hold of him by his stockings, anti * Bay ties, in his N Plymouth, ii. 168, says his name was Francis; but as he gives no author- ity, we adhere to older authority. t This Caleb Cook was son of Jacob, of Plimouth, and was born there 29 Mar. 1651. He had two or more brothers; Jacob, born 14 May, 1653, and Francis, 5 Jeu.. 1663 — 4. Hence it is not probable that Francis was a soldier at this time, as he was only in nil 13th year. f ('ol. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv. 63. § Eighteen English and twenty-two Indians constituted his army a week before: but we know not how many were at the taking of Philip, though we may suppose about the same number. Hence this evo jdition cost the colony £9. Chap. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 227 some by his small breeches, being otherwise naked, and drew him through the mud into the upland ; and a doleful, great, naked dirty beast, he looked like.” Captain Church then said, “ Forasmuch as he has caused many an Eng- lishman’s body to lie unbuned and rot above ground, not one of his bones shall be buried ! ” With the great chief, fell five of his most trusty followers, one of whom was his chief captain’s son,* and the very Indian who fired the first gun at the commencement of the war. “ Philip having one very remarkable hand, being much scarred, occasioned by the splitting of a pistol in it formerly, Capt. Church gave the head and that hand to Alderman, the Indian who shot him, to show to such gentlemen as would bestow gratuities upon him ; and accordingly he got many a penny by it.” f The barbarous usage of beheading and quartering traitors was now exe- cuted upon the fallen Philip. Church, “calling his old Indian executioner, bid him behead and quarter him. Accordingly, he came with his hatchet, and stood over him, but before he struck, he made a small speech, directing it to Philip ,” saying, “ Fow have been a very great man, and have made many a man afraid of you ; but so big as you be I will now chop your ass for you.” He then proceeded to the execution of his orders. His head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for 20 years, and one of his hands to Boston, where it was exhibited in savage triumph, and his mangled body was denied the right of sepulture. It having been quartered, was hung upon four trees, and there left as a monument of shocking barbarity. Church and his company returned to the island the same day, and arrived with the prisoners at Plimouth two days after, namely, Tuesday, August 15, “ ranging through all the woods in their way.” They now “ received their premium, which was 30 shillings per head,” for all enemies killed or taken, “instead of all wages, and Philip’s head went at the same price.” This amounted to only four and sixpence a-piece, “which was all the reward they had, except the honor of killing Philip.” Having in the year 1824 visited the memorable retreat of the Wampanoag sachems, we can give the reader some idea of its situation. There is a natural angular excavation, in an almost perpendicular rock, about 6 or 7 feet from its base, where it is said Philip and some of his chief men were sur- prised on the morning of the 12 August. We have in the Life of Massasoit described Mount Hope, and it is at the north pan of it that tne nigh rock is situated ; variously estimated from 30 to 50 feet in height, and is nearly 2 miles from the village of Bristol. From the seat, or throne of King Philip as some have called it, a fine view of Mount Hope Bay opens upon us. Near the foot of the rock is a fine spring of water, known to this day by the name of Philip’s Spring. Mr. Alden, the curious collector of epitaphs, says “ the late Lieut. Gov. Bradford, [who died at Bristol in 1808,1 in early life, knew an aged squaw, who was one of Philip’s tribe, was well acquainted with this sagamore in her youthful days, and had often been in his wigwam. The information, through her, is, therefore, very direct, as to the identical spot, where he fixed his abode. It was a few steps south of Capt. Janies De Wolfe's summer house, near the brow of a hill, but no vestige of the wigwam remains. The eastern side of this hill is very steep, vastly more so than that at Horse Neck, down which the intrepid Putnam trotted his sure-footed steed, in a manner worthy of a knight of the tenth century.” “When Church’s men "'ere about to rush upon Philip, he is said to have evaded them by spring- ing from his wigwam as they were entering it, and rolling, like a hogshead, flown the precipice, which looks towards the bay. Having reached the lower part of this frightful ledge of rocks, without breaking his bones, ho got upon his feet, and ran along the shore in a north-eastern direction, about 1 00 rods, and endeavored to screen himself in a swamp, then a quagmire, but now terra firma.” V ery probably a son of Uncompmn, or Woonashum. f Philip’s War. *28 Lite Oh KING PHILIP. [Book III How much of the abov* * * § . s apocryphal is uncertain, but that a part of it is I have no doubt. That Philip's camp was near the top of Mount Hope at the time he was surprised, is contrary to rational conclusion, but seems rather to have been fixed there by the imagination of some one, for the pleasure it might afford them in contemplating the manner of the chief’s escape by rolling down a rugged precipice. During the bloody contest, the pious fathers wrestled long and often with their God, in prayer, that he would prosper their arms and deliver their enemies into their hands ; and when, upon stated days of prayer, the Indians gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of Providence, and ani- mated them to greater sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, when their arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an immediate interposition in their favor. The philosophic mind will be shocked at the expressions of some, very eminent in that day for piety and excellence of moral life. Dr. Increase Mother , # in speaking of the efficacy of prayer, in bringing about the destruction of the Indians, says, “Nor could they [the English] cease crying to the Lord against Philip , until they had prayed the bullet into his heart. And in speakiug of the slaughter of Philip's people, at Narraganset, he says, “ We have heard of two-and-twenty Indian captains, slain all of them, and brought down to hell in one day.” Again, in speaking of a chief who had sneered at the English religion, and who had, “ withal, added a most hideous blasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him in the head, and dashed out his brains, sending his cursed soul in a moment amongst the devils, and blasphemers, in hell forever.”! The low and vulgar epithets]: sneeringly cast upon the Indians by their English contemporaries are not to be attributed to a single individual, but to the English in general.^ It is too obvious that the early historians viewed the Indians as inferior beings, and some went so far as hardly to allow them to he human. Like Massasoit, Philip always opposed the introduction of Christianity among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged upon him its great importance, he said he cared no more for the gospel than he did for a button upon his coat. || This does not very well agree with the account of Mr. Gookin, respecting Philip's feelings upon religious matters; at least, it shows that there was a time when he was willing to listen to such men as the excellent and benevolent Gookin. In speaking of the Wampanoags, be says, “ There are some that have hopes of their greatest and chiefest sachem, named Philip, living at Pawkunnawkutt. Some of his chief men, as I hear, stand well inclined to hear the gospel : and himself is a person of good understanding and knowledge in the best things. I have heard him speak very good words, arguing that his conscience is convicted: but yet, though his will is bowed to embrace Jesus Christ, his sensual and carnal lusts are strong bands to hold him fast under Satan's dominions.” IT And Dr. Mather adds, “ It was not long, before the hand which now writes, [1700,] upon a certain occasion took off the jaw from the exposed skull of that blasphemous leviathan; and the re- nowned Samuel Lee hath since been a pastor to an English congregation, sounding and showing the praises of heaven, upon that very spot of ground, where Philip and his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil.” ** The eiror that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to be such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform the * In his “ Prevalency of Prayer,” page 10. t Ibid, page 7. | Such as dogs, wolves, blood-hounds, demons, devils-incarnate , caitiffs, hell-hounds , fiends monsters, beasts, &c. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used these. § The author of “ Indian Tales” has fathered all he could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. He may be called upon to point out the passage in that valuable author’s works where he has called one or any of the Indians “ hell-hounds." Such loose, gratuitous expressions will not do at the bar of history. || Magnalia. 1) 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 200. ** Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their country, ivluyro he died, in 1G91. This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhaps the sur viving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaching a religion they could not believe; but might they not with equal propriety ? Chap. II ] LIFE .OF KING PHILIP. e-29 reader of its origin. The following passage from John Josselyn's work * will, besides proving him to be the author of the error, at least the first writer that so denominates him, furnish some valuable information. Speaking erf the Indians in general, he says, “ Then- beads are then- money ; of these, there are two sorts, blue beads and white beads ; the first is their geld, the last then- silver. These they work out of certain shells, so cunningly, that neither Jew nor Devil can counterfeit, f They drill them and string them, and make many curious works with them, to adorn the persons of then' sag- amores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders for their women’s hair, bracelets, necklaces, and links to hang iu their earzu Prince Philip, a little before 1 came for England, [1671,] coming to Boston, had a coat on and buskins set thick with these beads, in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same ; his accoutrements were valued at £20. The English merchant giveth them 10s. a fathom for then - white, and as much more, or near upon, for then' blue beads.” “ The roytelet now of the Pocan- akets is prince Philip, alias Metacon, the grandson of Massasoit.” ] While Mrs. Rowlandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she speaks often with bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature appears in her journal. The party she was with visited Philip on the west side of the Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, then called Squakeag. Having arrived at the point of crossing, Mrs. Rowlandson says, “ We must go over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could uot but be amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the bank on the other side.” She was much afraid they meant to kill her here, but, being assured to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. “Then came one of them, (she says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; he bade me come in and sit down ; and asked me whether I would smoke it ; (a usual compli- ment now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but this no ways suited me.” § “During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for his boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling.” “ Afterward he asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner , I went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears’ grease ; but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life.” || It is extremely gratifying to hear any testimony in favor of the humanity of a chief who in his time was so much execrated. To say the least of Philip's humanity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, (in what is now New Hampshire and Vermont,) towards Wachuset, “having indeed my life, (says Mrs. Rowandson,) but little spirit, Philip, who was in the company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, ‘ Two weeks more and you shall be mistress again.' I asked him if he spoke true : he said, ‘ Yes, and quickly you shall come to your master 'll again,' who had been gone from us three weeks.” ** In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must uot forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he spoke. The following is the Lord’s prayer in Wampanoag : — JYoo-shun kes-uk-qut , qut-tian-at-am-unch koo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- oonk pey-au-moo-vlch, kul-te-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, ne-ya-ne ke-suk-qvi * Account of two Voyages to New England, 142, 143. t Of this he was misinformed. There was much spurious wampum, which became a sub ject of legislation. See Hazard’s Hist. Col. vol. ii. t Account of two Voyages to New England, 146. He is also called grandson of Missa ioit, in the work entitled Present State of New England, in respect to the Indian War, fit i on Inn. 1676 ; the author of that work doubtless copied from Josselyn. (\ Narrative of her Captivity, 38, 39. || Ibid. 40 Ii Quiimay in. See his Life ** Narrative of Mrs. Rowlandson, 63 20 230 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS.— NAN ^ NTENOO. [Poos HI kah oh-ke-it. Jh-sa-ma-x-in-nt-an ko-Jco-ke-suk-o-da-e nut-as-e-suk-ok-ke pe tuk-qun-neg. Kah ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an num-match-e-se-ong-an-on-ash ne-wutch-e ne-na-wun wonk nul-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-un-non-og nish-noli pasuk noo-na-mon-tuk-quoh-who-nan, kah ahque sag-kom-pa-gin-ne-an en qutch-e-het- tu-ong-a-nit, qut poh-qua-wus-sin-ne-an imitch match-i-tul.* * * § Since we are upon curiosities, the following may very properly be added. There is to be seen in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society a large skimmer, which some have mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the root of ash, that will rtold about two quarts. On this article is this historical inscription, in gilt letters: “A trophy from the. wigwam, of King Philip; when he was slain in 1676, by Richard ; presented, by Ebenezer Richard, his grandson .” + CHAPTER HI. LIVES OF PHILIP’S CHIEF CAPTAINS. Nanuntenoo — Reasons for his aiding Philip — His former name — Meets the English and Indians under Captain Peirse — Fights and destroys his whole company at Paw- tucket — Incidents relating to that fight — Mot ice of Captain Peirse — Nanuntenoo sur- prised and taken — His magnanimity — Speech to his captors — Is executed and his body burnt — Cassassinnamon — Catnpazet — Monopoide — Anna won — His escape from the swamp when Philip was killed — Captain Church sent out to capture him — Discovers his retreat — Takes him prisoner — His magnanimous behavior — His speech to Church — Presents him with Philip's ornaments — Description of them — Church takes Anna won to Plimouth, where he is put to death — Quinnapin — His connections and marriage — At the capture of Lancaster — Account of his wives — Weetamoo — He is taken and shot — Tuspaquin — His sales of lands — His opera- tions in Philip’s War — Surrenders himself, and is put to death — Refections upon his executioners — Tatoson — Early notices of — Captures a garrison in Plim- outh — Trial and execution of Keweenam — Totoson dies of a broken heart — Bar- row cruelly murdered-— Tyasks. NANUNTENOO, son of Miantunnomoh, “ was chief sachem of all the Narragansets, and heir of all his father’s pride and insolency, as well as of his malice against the English.” | Notwithstanding this branding character, drawn by a contemporary, we need only look into the life of Miantunnomoh, to find excuse for “ malice and insolency ” tenfold more than was contained in the breast of Manuntenoo. The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, burned them to death in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in the wintry blast ! The swamp fight of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be for- gotten! Manuntenoo escaped from this scene, but we canuot doubt that he acquitted himself agreeably to the character we have of him. The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchet, though, like others, his name was written with many variations. In 1674, he was styled “chief surviving sachem of Narraganset,” and in a deed in which he was so styled his name is written “ Maumawnoantonnew alias Quananchit, eldest son now living of Miantomomio.” § He had been in Boston the Octo- ber before the war, upon a treaty, at which time he received, among other presents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. Mather says, speaking of the Narragansets, “their great sachem called Quanonchet, was a principal ringleader in tho Narraganset war, and had as great an interest and influence, as can be said of * Eliot’s Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2 — 4. t No mention is made to whom, or when it was presented. It does not appear to us to be of such antiquity as its inscription pretends ; and the truth of which may very reasonably oe questioned, in this particular, when the more glaring error of the name of the person said to have killed Philip, is staring us in the face. 1 Hubbard, 67. — Mr. Olamixon calls him “ the mighty sachem of Narraganset .” — Brit Empire. § Potter’s Hist. Narraganset, Coll. R. Hist. Soc. iii. 172. NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET FIGHT. Chap. III.] 231 any among the Indians ; ” * and that, “ when he was taken and slain, it was an amazing stroke to the enemy.” f The name of Canonchet stands first to the treaty, to which we have just alluded, which was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1675. By that treaty, the Narragansets agreed to deliver to the English in 10 days, “all and euery one of the said Indians, whether belonging vnto Philip, the Pocasset Sqva, or the Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that haue bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abet- tors.”]; The names to the treaty are as lbllows : Witnesses. Richarb Smith, James Browne, Samuel Gorton, Jr. Interpreters. John Nowhenett’s X mark, Indian interpreter. “ Quananchett’s \/ mark, sachem in behalf of himself and Conanacus and the Old Queen and Pomham and Quaunapeen, (seal) Manatannoo counceller his -f- mark, and Cannonacus in his behalf, (seal) Ahanmanpowett’s -)- mark, counceller and his (seal) Cornman, cheiffe counceller to Ninnegrett, in his behalfe, and a seal (S.)” The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni- formly in the records, Peirse,) to divert them from these ravages, and destroy as many of them as he was able. He had a large company, consisting of 70 men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirse thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region. Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, JVanunte noo,§ learning, we presume, by his spies, the direction the English were tak iug assembled his warriors at a crossing place on Pawtucket River, at a point adjacent to a place since called Attleborough- Gore, and not far distant from Pawtucket falls. It is judged that JVanuntenoo was upon an expedition to attack Plimouth, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force was estimated at upwards of 300 men. On arriving at this fatal place, some of JVanuntenoo's men showed them selves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagem succeed- ed, — Peirse followed. || No sooner was he upon the western side, than the warriors of JVanuntenoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed down upon him ; nor striving for coverts from which to fight, more than their foes, fought them face to face with the most determined bravery. A part of JVanuntenoo' s force remained on the east side of the river, to pre- vent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in the event will appear. When Captain Peirse saw himself hemmed in by num- bers on every side, he drew up Iris men upon the margin of the river, in two ranks, back to back, If and in this manner fought until nearly all of them were slain. Peirse had timely sent a messenger to Providence for assistance, and although the distance cotdd not have been more than six or eight miles, from some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived ; and Mr. Hubbard * * § ** adds, “As Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in harvest.” This dreadful fight was on Sunday, 26 March, 1676, when, as Dr. Mother says, “Capt. Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with him, and eight, (or more,) Indians, who did assist the English.” The Rev. Mr. JVewman of Rehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth, dated the day after the slaughter, in " Brief Hist. 9f>. f Prevalency of Prayer, 11. f It may be seen at large in Hazard’s Collections, i. 53G, 537. § That Nanuntenoo commanded in person in the fight with the force under Capt. Peirse has been a question ; indeed, our only authority is not very explicit upon the matter, ( Hubbard, Postscript 7.] who observes that when Denison surprised him, he “ was, at that moment, divertizing himself with the recital of Capt. Peirse’ s slaughter, surprized by his men a few days before.” jj Dr. Mather (Brief Hist. 24.) says, “ a small number of the enemy who in desperate subtlety ran away from them, and they went limping to make the English believe they wer» lame,” and thus effected their object. T Deane’s Hist. Scituate, 121 » # Narrative, 64 232 NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET FIGHT. [Book III which lie says, “52 of our English, and 11 Indians,” were slain. 4 The com- pany was, no doubt, increased by some who volunteered as they marched through the country, or by such as were taken for pilots. JYanuntenoo’s victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the English consoled themselves by malting the loss of the Indians appeal - as large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were afterwards taken confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not far from the truth, f An Englishman, and perhaps the only one who escaped from this disas- trous fight, was saved by one of the fr iendly Indians in this manner : The friendly Indian being taken for a Narraganset, as he was pursuing with an uplifted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfered, seeing him pursue an unarmed Englishman at such great advantage. In this manner, covering themselves in the woods, they escaped. A friendly Indian, being pursued by one of JYanuntenoo's men, got behind the roots of a fallen tree. Thus screened by the earth raised upon them, the Indian that pursued waited for him to run from his natural fort, knowing he would not dare to maintain it long. The other soon thought of an expe- dient, which was to make a port-hole in his breast- work, which he easily did by digging through the dirt. When he had done this, he put his gun through, and shot his pursuer, then fled in perfect safety. Another escaped in a maimer very similar. In his flight he got behind a arge rock. This afforded him a good shelter, but in the end he saw nothing but certain death, and the longer he held out the more misery he must suffer. In this deplorable situation, he bethought himself to try the following device. Putting his cap upon his gun, he raised it very gradually above the rock, as though to discover the position of his enemy : it had the desired effect — he fired upon it. The one behind the rock now rushed upon him, before he could reload his gun, and despatched him. Thus, as Mr. Hubbard says, “it is worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage some of the Christian Indians showed in this fight.” That this most excellent author did not approve of the severity exercised towards those who appeared friendly, is abundantly proved by his writings. In another place he says, “ Possibly if some of the English had not been too shy hi making use of such of them as were well affected to their interest* they never need have suffered so much from their enemies.” A notice may be reasonably expected of the unfortunate Captain Michael Peirse, of Scituate. He was one of those adventurous spirits “ who never knew fear,” and who sought rather than shrunk from dangers. He was, like his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight ; and in 1673, when the govern- ment of Plimouth raised a force to go against the Dutch, who had encroached upon them in Connecticut, he was appointed ensign in one of the companies. He resided in several places before going to Plimouth. Mr. Deane , in his History of Scituate, gives a genealogical account of his family, from which we learn that he had a second wife, and several sons and daughters. Of what family he was, there is lio mention.! He possessed considerable estate, and made his will on engaging in the war with the Indians. The “ sore defeat ” of Captain Peirse, and the tide of the Indians’ successes about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their whole strength. JYanuntenoo came down from the country upon Connecticut River, early in March, for the purpose of collecting seed corn to plant such ground as the English had been driven from, and to effect any other object he migu. meev with. Whether he had effected the first-named object befoic failing in with Peirse, we are not able to state ; but certain it is, that he was but few days after encamped very near the ground where the fight had been, and was there fallen * See the letter giving the names of the company in Deane's Scituate, 122, 123. f Mr. Hubbard’s account is the same. + In the Records of Plimouth, under date March, 1669, there is this entry “ Miche. Peirse of Scittuatc” was presented at the court for vnseemly carriages towards Sarah Nichols of Scittuate,” and “ forasmuch as there appeared but one testimony to the p’sentment, and that the testimony was written and not read vnto the deponant, the court saw cause to reni' the said p’sentment.” Chap. Ill NANUNTENOO.— HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. 233 upon at unaw ares, when but a few of his men were present, and there taken prisoner. Nanuntenoo was nearly as much dreaded as Philip himself, and consequently his capture caused great rejoicing among his enemies, and requires to be par- ticularly related. Four volunteer companies from Connecticut began their march into the enemy’s country the next day after Pawtucket fight. Among the captains of these companies, George Denison of Southerton was the most conspicuous. The others were commanded by James Avery, John Staunton, and Major Palmer, v\ ho also had the chief command. With these were three companies of Indians; one led by Oneko, composed of Mohegans; one of Pequots, by Cits- sasinnamon ; and the other of Nianticks, by Catapazet; in all about 80. When this formidable army came near to Nanuntenoo's camp, on the first week in April, 1676, “ they met with a stout Indian of the enemie’s, whom they presently slew, and two old squaws,” who informed them of the situation of Nanuntenoo. At the same time, then- own scouts brought the same intelligence. The news of the enemy’s approach reached the chief in his tent when but seven of his men were about him ; the rest were probably in the neighborhood attending to their ordinary affairs. And although he had stationed two senti- nels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if any appeared, their surprise was so great, at the sudden approach of the English, that, in then' fright, they ran by their sachem’s wigwam, “ as if they wanted time to tell what they saw.” Seeiug this, the sachem sent a third, to learn the cause of the flight of the two first, but he fled in the same manner ; and lastly he sent two more, one of which, “ either endued with more courage, or a better sense of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon him : whereupon, having no time to considt, and but little to attempt an escape, and no means to defend himself, he began”* to fly with all speed. Running with great swiftness around the hill, to get out of sight upon the opposite side, he was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and they immediately followed him with that eagerness their important object was calculated to inspire. The pursuers of the flying chief were Catapazet and his Nianticks, “ and a few of the English lightest of foot.” Seeing these were gaining upon him, he first cast off his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and lastly his belt of peag. On seeing these, a doubt no longer remained of its being Nanuntenoo, which rged them, if possible, faster in the chase. There was in the company of Catapazet, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who outran all his companions, and who, gaining upon Nanuntenoo, as he fled upon the side of the river, obliged him to attempt to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident in his passage, he would doubtless have effected his- escape. As he was wa- ding through the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which brought his gun under water. Thus losing some time in recovering himself, and also the use of his gun, it probably made him despair of escaping; for Monopoide came up and seized upon him, “ within 30 rods of the river side.” Nanuntenoo, having made up his mind to surrender, made no resistance, although he was a man of great physical strength, of superior stature, and acknowledged bravery ; and the one who seized upon him very ordinary in that respect. One of the first Englishmen that came up was Robert Staunton, a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief some questions. Ho appeared at first to regard the young man with silent indignity, but at length, casting a disdainful look upon his youthful face, “this manly sachem,” said, in broken English, “YOU MUCH CHILD! NO UNDERSTAND MATTERS OF WAR! LET YOUR BROTHER OR CHIEF COME, HIM 1 WILL ANSWER.” And, adds Mr. Hubbard, he “ was as good as his word : acting lie-fin, as if, by a Pythagorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the body of this western pagan. And, like Attilius Regulus, f he * This elegant passage of Mr. Hubbard brings to our mind that inimitable one of ( torigero, in his account of the woful days of the Mexicans : “ They had neither arms to repel the multitude and fury of their enemies, strength to defend themselves, nor space to fight upon; the ground of the city was covered with dead bodies, and the water ofeveiy di'ch and canal purpled with blood. Hist. Mexico , iii. 73. r Marcus Attilius Regulus, a Roman consul and general, taken prisoner bv the Cart! a 20 * 234 NANUNTENOO. [Book ITT would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him.” This tender of life to ATanuntenoo was, no doubt, upon the condition of his obtaining the su. mission of his nation. He met the idea with indignation; and when the English told him that he should be put to death if he did not comply, in the most composed manner he replied, that killing him would not end the war. Some of his captors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling him, that he had said he would burn the English in their houses, and that he had boasted, in defiance of his promise last made to the English, which was to deliver the Wampanoags to them, that he would not deliver up a Wampnnoag or the paring of a Wampanoag’s nail. To this he only replied, “ OTHERS WERE AS FORWARD FOR THE WAR AS MYSELF, AND I DESIRE TO HEAR NO MORE ABOUT IT.” Had the English not burned his people in their houses ? Did they ever deliver up any that had committed depredations upon the Narragansets ? No 1 — Who, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous ATanuntenoo ? So indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear nothing about peace ; “refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that way,” on a promise of life if he would do so. Under the eye of Denison, ATanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, where, by the “ advice of the English commanders, he was shot.” His head was cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. The English prevailed upon some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pequots, Mohegans and Nianticks, to be his executioners, “ thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians against the treacherous Narragansets.”* * “Herein,” says another writer f of that day, “ the English dealt wisely, for by this means the three Indian nations are become abominable to the other Indians.” And a respectable writer [ of our own times says, “ It may be pleasing to the reader to be informed ” of the fate of ATanuntenoo ! When it was announced to the noble chief that he must be put to death, he was not in the least daunted, and all he is reported to have said is this : — “ I LIKE IT WELL ; I SHALL DIE BEFORE MY HEART IS SOFT, OR HAVE SAID ANY THING UNWORTHY OF MYSELF.” With ATanuntenoo, fell into the hands of the English 43 others. § The author of the anonymous “ Letters to London ” || says the Indians were “commanded by that famous but very bloudy and cruel sachem, Quononshot, otherwise called Myantonomy,” whose “carriage was strangely proud and lofty after he was taken ; being examined why he did foment that war, which would certainly be the destruction of him and all the heathen Indians in the country, &c., he would make no other reply to any interrogatories, but this : that he was born a prince, and if princes came to speak with him he would answer, but none present being such, he thought himself obliged, in honor, to hold his tongue ; ” and that he said he would rather die than remain a prisoner, and requested that Oneko might put him to death, as he was of equal rank. “ Yet withall threatened, he had 2000 men, [who] would revenge his death severely. Wherefore our forces, fearing an escape, put the stoutest men to the sword, but preserved Myantonomy till they returned ft Stoneington ; where our Indian friends, and most of the English soldiers declaring to the commanders their fear that the English should, upon con ditions, release him, and that then he would, (though the English migh'. ginians, 251 years B. C. They sent him to Rome to use his endeavors to effect a peace, b} his solemn promise to return within a given period. The most excruciating tortures awaitet him, should he not execute his mission according to his instructions. When arrived at Rome he exhorted his countrymen to hold out, and maintain the war against the Carthaginians stating their situation, and the great advantages that would accrue. He knew what would be his fate on returning to Carthage, and many a noble Roman besought him not to return, and thus sacrifice his life ; but he would not break his promise, even with his barbarous ene mies. This is what is meant by not accepting his own life when tendered him. He returned and, if history be true, no Indian nation ever tortured a prisoner, beyond what the Cartha ginians inflicted upon Marcus Attilius Regulus. See Echard’s Roman Hist. i. 188—9. * Hubbard. f I. Mather. t Ueane, Hist. Scituate, 124. § Manuscript letter in Hist. Library. Both Hubbard and Mather say 44 ; perhaps they if eluded Nanuntenoo. |] Elsewhere cited as The Old Indian Chronicle. Chap. 111.] ANJMAWON 235 have peace with him,) be very pernicious to those Indians that now assisted us, the said Indians, (on these considerations, and the mischiefs and mur- thers he had done during tliis war,) permitted to put him to death.* And that all might share in the glory of destroying so great a prince, and come under the obligation of fidelity, each to other, the Pequodn shot him, the Mohegins cut off his head and quartered his body, and the JV» minofls men made tht fire and burned his quarters, and, as a token of their love and fidelity tc the English, presented his head to the council at Hartford! ’ AJYJVA IV OJV was a YVainpanoag, and one of Philip's most famous coun- sellors and captains. He was his fast friend, and resisted as long as there was a beam of hope ; and when at last every chance of success had failed, he gave himself up in the most heroic manner, as will appear in the follow- ing account. At the swamp, when Philip was killed, he escaped with most of his men, as has been related, by his thoroughly understanding fliie situ. t. on of his enemies. “Perceiving (says Church) they were waylaid on the east side of the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to lie a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out, I-oo- tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Church called to his Indian Peter, f and asked him who that was that called so. He answered that it was old Annawon, Philip's great captain, calling on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly.” “ Captain Church had been but little while at Plimouth, [after the death of Philip,] before a post from Relioboth came to inform the governor that old Annawon, Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging about their woods, and was very offensive and pernicious to Relioboth and Swansey. Captain Church was immediately sent for again, and treated with to engage in one expedition more. He told them their encouragement was so poor, he feared his soldiers would be dull about going again. But being a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Rowland, his old lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used to go out with him, told them how the case was circumstanced, and that he had intelligence of old Annawon's walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not want much entreating, but told him they would go with him as long as there was an Indian left hi the woods He moved and ranged through the woods to Pocasset.” hi the early part of this expedition, some of Captain Church's Indian scouts captured a number of Annawon's company, but from whom they could learn nothing of the old chief, only that he did not lodge “ twice in a place.” “ Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his father, who, he said, was about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with no other than a young squaw. Captain Church inclined to go with him, thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence of Annawon; and so taking one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving the rest there, went with his new soldier to look his father. When he came to the swa.np, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his father. He was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming down out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian soldier making a howling for his father, anil at length somebody answered him ; but while they were listening, they thought they heard somebody com- ing towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming up, with a gun on ms shoulder, and a young woman following in the track which they lay by. They let them come between them, and then started up and laid hold of them both. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling them what they must trust to if they told false stories. He asked the young woman what company they came from last. She said from Captain Anna- won's. He asked her how many were in company with him when she left * This seems to us ihe most probable account of the affair of all we have teen, f The son of Awashonks, it is supposed. 236 ANNAWON. Book III. him. She said ‘ fifty or sixty ’ lie asked her how many miles it was to the place where she left him. She said she did not understand miles, hut he was up in Squannaconk swamp. The old man, who had been one of Philip's council, upon examination, gave exactly the same account.” On being asked whether they could get there that night, answered, “ If we go pres- ently, and travel stoutly, we may get there by sunset.” The old man said he was of Annawon' s company, and that Annawon had sent him down to find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill pro- visions. Captain Church let him know that that company were all his prisoners. The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned with him and another man. Captain Church was now at great loss what he should do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of giving a finishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, but “half a dozen men beside himself”’ and yet was under the necessity of sending some one back to give Lieutenant Howland, whom he left at the old fort in Pocasset, notice, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in pon- dering upon what course to pursue, he put the question to his men, “ whether they would willingly go with him and give Annawon a visit.” All answered in the affirmative, but reminded him “ that they knew this Captain Annawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant captain under Asuhmequin, [Woosamequin,] Philip's father; and that he had been Philip's chieftain all this war.” And they further told Captain Church, (and these men knew him well,) that he was “ a very subtle man, of great resolu- tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive by the English.” They also reminded him that those with Annawon were “ resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief soldiers,” and very much feared that to make the attempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be hazardous in the extreme. But nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Church, who remarked to them, “ that die had a long time sought for Annawon, but in vain,” and doubted not in the least but Providence would protect them. All with one consent now desired to proceed. A man by the name of Cook,* belonging to Plimouth, was the only Englishman in the company, except the captain. Captain Church asked Mr. Cook what his ophiion of the undertaking was. He made no other reply than this : “I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me.” The Lidian who brought in his father informed Captain Church, that it wai impossible for him to take his horse with him, which he had brought thus far. He therefore sent him and his father, with the horse, back to Lieuten ant Howland, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immediately to Taunton, and then to come out the next morning in the Rehoboth road where, if ‘alive, he hoped to meet him. Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church tin ned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked him whether he would be their pilot. He said, “You having given me my life, I am under obligations to serve you.” They now marched for Squan- naconk. In leading the way, this old man would travel so much faster than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and consequently might have escaped without fear of being recaptured, but he was true to his word, and would stop until his wearied followers came up. Having travelled through swamps *uid thickets until the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked him if he had made any dis- covery. He said, “ About that horn- of the day, Annawon usually sent out his scouts to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow dark the scouts returned, and then we may move securely.” When it was sufficiently dark, and they were about to proceed, Captain Church asked the o.d man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low, and said, “I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as to fight against Captain Annawon, my old friend, but I will go along with you, and be helpful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall offer to hurt you.” They * Caleb, doubtless, who was present at the time Philip was killed Chap. lll.J ANNAWON.— HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. 237 had proceeded but a short space, when they heard a noise, which tliej concluded to be the pounding of a mortar. This warned them that they were in the vicinity of Annawon's retreat. And here it will be very proper to give a description of it. It is situated in the south-easterly corner of Rehohoth, about eight miles from Taunton Green, a few rods from the road which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a straight line were drawn from Taunton to Providence, it would pass very nearly over this place. Within the limits of an immense swamp of nearly 1000 acres, there is a small piece of upland, separated from the main only by a brook, which in some seasons is dry. This island, as we may call it, is nearly covered with an enormous rock, which to this day is called Annawon's Rock. Its south-east side presents an almost perpendicular precipice, and rises to the height of 25 or 30 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, and easy of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40°. A more gloomy and hidden recess, even now, although the forest tree no longer waves over it, could hardly be found by any inhabitant of the wilderness. When they arrived near the foot of the rock, Captain Church, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see distinctly die situation of the whole company, by the light of then- fires. They were divided into three bodies, and lodged a short distance from one another. Annawon's camp was formed by felling a tree against the rock, with bushes set up on each side. “ He passed, in the heart of that ancient wood — ******* Nor paused, till the rock where a vaulted bed Had been hewn of old for the kingly dead Arose on his midnight way ” — Hemans. With him lodged his son, and others of his principal men. Their guns were discovered standing and leaning against a stick resting on two crotches, safely covered from the weather by a mat. Over their fires were pots anti kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their spits. Captain Church was now at some loss how to proceed, seeing no possibility of getting down the rock without discovery, which would have been fatal. He therefore creeps silently back again to the foot of the rock, and asked the old man, their pilot, if there was no other way of coming at them. He answered, “ No and said that himself and all others belonging to the company were ordered to come that way, and none could come any other without danger of be- ing shot. The fruitful mind of Church was no longer at loss, and the following strata- gem was put in successful practice. He ordered the old man and the young woman to go forward, and lead the way, with their baskets upon their backs, and when Annawon should discover them, he would take no alarm, knowing them to be those he had lately sent forth upon discovery. “ Captain Church and his handful of soldiers crept down also, under the shadow of those two and then- baskets. The captain himself crept close behind the old man, with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over the young man’s head to the arms. The young Annawon discovering him, whipped his blanket over his head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old Captain Annawon started up on his breech, and cried out ‘ Howoh ! ' which signified, ‘ Welcom.’ ” * All hope of escape was now fled forever, and he made no effort, but laid himself down again in perfect silence, while his captors secured the rest of the company. For he supposed the English were far more numerous than they were, and before he was undeceived, his company were all secured. * It is a curious fact, that among the tribes of the west, the same word is used to signify apprcoation : thus, when a speech had been made to some in that region, which pleased them, at the end of each paragraph they would exclaim, “ Hoah ! Hoah! ” — Weld's Travels in America. The fact becomes still more curious when we find the same word used yet farther west- even on the North-west Coast, and with very nearly the same signification. See Dixon's Voyage, 189, 4to. London, 1789. In this work it is spelt Whoah. See, also, Bu-r.'y’ Voyages, i. 346, and Colden’s Five Nations, ii. 95. 238 ANNAWON. |Book III. One circumstance much facilitated this daring project. It has been before mentioned, that they heard the pounding of a mortar, on their approach. This continued during their descent down the rock. A squaw was pounding green dried corn for their supper, and when she ceased pounding, to turn the corn, they ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again, they moved. This was the reason they were not heard as they lowered themselves down, from crag to crag, supported by small bushes that grew from the seams of the rock. The pounded corn served afterwards for a supper to the captors. Annawon would not have been taken at this time but for the treachery of those of his own company. And well may their JLmcan exclaim, as did the Roman, “ A race renowned, the world’s victorious lords. Turned on themselves with their own hostile swords.”— Rowe's Trans, The two companies situated at a short distance from the rock knew not the fate of their captain, until those sent by Church announced it to them. And, to prevent their making resistance, they were told, that Captain Church had encompassed them with his army, and that to make resistance would be immediate death ; but if they all submitted peaceably, they should have good quarter. “ Now they being old acquaintance, and many of them relations,” readily consented : delivering up their guns and hatchets, they were all con- ducted to head-quarters. “Things being thus far settled. Captain Church asked Annawon what he had for supper, ‘ for,’ said he, ‘ I am come to sup with you.’ ” Annawon replied, “ Taubut,” with a “ big voice,” and, looking around upon his women, ordered them to hasten and provide Captain Church and his company some supper. He asked Captain Church “whether he would eat cow beef or horse beef.” Church said he would prefer cow beef. It was soon ready, and, by the aid of some salt he had in his pocket, he made a good meal. And here it should be told, that a small bag of salt (which he carried in his pocket) was the only provision he took with him upon this expedition. When supper was over, Captain Church set his men to watch, telling them if they would let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all the rest of the night, he not having slept any for 36 hours before ; but after laying a half hour, and feeling no disposition to sleep, from the momentous cares upon his mind, — for, as Dr. Young says in the Revenge, “ The dead alone, in such a night, can rest, — ’’ he looked to see if his watch were at their posts, but they were all fast asleep. Annawon felt no more like sleeping than Church, and they lay for some time looking one upon the other. Church spoke not to Annawon, because he could not speak Indian, and thought Annawon could not speak English, but it now appeared that he could, from a conversation they held together. Church had laid down with Annaioon to prevent his escape, of which, however, he did not seem much afraid, for after they had laid a considerable time, Annawon got up and walked away out of sight, which Church considered was on a common occasion ; but being gone some time, “ he began to suspect some ill design.” He therefore gathered all the guns close to himself) and lay as close as he possibly could under young Annawon’s side, that if a shot should be made at him, it must endanger the life of young Annawon also. Alter laying a while in great suspense, he saw, by the light of the moon, Annawon coming with something in his hands. When he had got to Captain Church, he knelt down before him, and, after presenting him what he had brought, spoke in English as follows : — “ Great captain, you have hilled, Philip, and con- quered his country. For I believe that I and my company are the last that war against the English, so suppose the war is ended by your means, and therefore these things belong unto you.” He then took out of his pack a beautifully wrought belt, which belonged to Philip. It was nine inches in breadth, and of such length, as when put about the shoulders of Captain Church, b reached to his ankles. This was considered, at that time, of great value, Chap. III.] QUTNNAPIN 239 being embroidered all over with money, that is, wampumpeag,* of various colors, curiously wrought into figures of birds, beasts and flowers. A second belt, of no less exquisite workmanship, was next presented, which belonged also to Philir). This, that chief used to ornament his head with ; from the back part of which flowed two flags, which decorated his back. A third was a smaller one, with a star upon the end of it, which he wore upon his breast. All three were edged with red hair, which, Annawon said, was got in the country of the Mohawks. These belts, or some of them, it is believed, re- main, at this day, the property of a family in Swansey. lie next took from his pack two horns of glazed powder, arid a red cloth blanket. These, it appears, were all that remained of the effects of the great chief. He told Captain Church that those were Philip's royalties, which he was wont to adorn himself with, when he sat in state, and he thought himself happy in having an opportunity to present them to him. The remainder of the night they spent in discourse, in which Annawon •* gave an account of what mighty success he had had formerly in wars against many nations of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin, Philip’s father.” Morning being come, they took up their march for Taunton. In the way they met Lieutenant Howland, according to appointment, at his no small sur- prise. They lodged at Taunton that night. The next day “ Capt. Church took old Annawon, and half a dozen Indian soldiers, and his own men, and went to Rhode Island ; the rest were sent to Plimouth, under Lieutenant Howland. Annawon , it is said, had confessed “ that he had put to death several of the English, that had been taken alive ; ten in one day, and could not deny but that some of them had been tortured ;”f and therefore no mercy was to be expected from those into whose hands he had now fallen. His captor, Captain Church , did not mean that he should have been put to death, and had en- treated hard for him ; but in his absence from Plimouth, not long after, he was remorselessly executed. We shall again have occasion to advert to the execution of Annawon, and shall now pass to consider the events in the life of a sachem of nearly equal interest. Q ULVjYA P IN' was by birth a noble Narraganset, being the son of Cogina- quan, otherwise Conjanaquond, who was nephew to Canonicus. Therefore Miantunnomoh was uncle to Quinnapin, and Canonicus was his great uncle. We find his name spelled in almost every possible way, and for the amusement of the reader will offer a few of them — Quanopin, Quonopin, Qunnapin, Quannopin, Quenoquin, Panoquin, Sowagonish, and Quanepin. His name has also been confounded with that of Quaiapen, the “old queen ” of Narraganset. In 1672, Quinnapin confirmed, by a writing, the sale of a tract of land pre- viously granted by Coginaquan, his father. This sachem took part with the Wampanoags in Philip's war, and from the punishment which the English executed upon him, on his falling into their hands, we may suppose he acted well his part in that war, although but little is recorded of him by the historians of that period. From Mrs. Row- landson's account of him, we must conclude he was not wanting in attentions to the fair sex, as he had certainly three wives, one of whom was a sister of Wootonekanuske ; consequently he was, according to the English method of calculating relationships, brother-in-law to the famous Metacomet himself. Quinnapin was one of the chiefs who directed the attack on Lancaster, the 10 Feb. 1675, O. S., and he purchased Mrs. Rowlandson from a Naragan- set Indian who had seized her when she came out of the garrison, among the captives of that place. And it was this circumstance which caused her ro notice him in her Narrative. I Wettimore, whom she mentions in the follow r - ing extract, as his wife, we have said, was ffeetamoo, the “ queen of Pocasset” In the winter of 1676, when the Narragansets were at such “ great straits,” from the loss of their provisions, in the great swamp fight, (“ corn being two * An Iroquois word signifying a muscle. Gordon’s Hist. Pennsylvania, page 598. ' Hubbard, Nar. 108. f Mr. Willard’s edition of it, (p. 25.) Lancaster, .d 28. 240 QUINNAPIN. [Book III shillings a pint with them,”) the English tried to bring about a peace with them ; but their terms were too hard, or some other cause prevented. “ Ca- nonchet and Panoquin said they would fight it out, to the last man, rather than they would become servants to the English.” # A truly noble resolution, and ■well worthy of the character we have of Canonchet. “My master (says Mrs. Rowlandson ) had three squaws, living sometimes with one and sometimes with another. Onux, this old squaw at whose wig- wam I was, and with whom my master [ Quinnapin ] had been these three weeks. Another was fVettimore, with whom I had lived and served all this while. A severe and proud dame she was ; bestowing every day in dressing herself near as much time as any of the gentry of the land — powdering her hair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears, and bracelets upon her hands. When she had dressed herself, her work was to make girdles of wampum and beads. The third squaw [or wife] was a young one, by whom he had two papooses.” f While the Narragansets and Nipmucks were encamped at a place on Con- necticut River at considerable distance above Northampton, perhaps near as far as Bellows Falls, Mrs. Roivlandson says, “My master’s maid came home: she had been gone three weeks into the Narraganset country to fetch corn, where they had stored up some in the ground. She brought home about a peck and a half of com ” / We shall relate, in the Life of JVepanet, the mission of Mr. Hoar to Philip's quarters for the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson. This was not long alter Sudbury fight, and the Indians were preparing to commemorate it by a great dance, “which was carried on by eight of them, (as Mrs. R. relates,) lour men and four squaws ; my master and mistress [ Quinnapin and hFeetamoo] being two. He was dressed in his Holland shirt, with great stockings, his garters hung round with shillings, and had girdles of wampom upon his head and shoulders. She had a kearsey coat, covered with girdles of wampom from the loins upward. Her arms, from her elbows to her hands, were covered with bracelets ; there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and sev- eral sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, her hair powdered, and her face painted red, that was always before black. And all the dancers were alter the same manner. There were two others singing and knocking on a kettle for their music. They kept hopping up and down one after another, with a kettle of water in the midst, standing warm upon some embers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on till almost night, throwing out their wampom to the standers-by. At night I asked them again, if I should go home : they all as one said, No, except my husband would come for me. When we were lain down, my master went out of the wigwam, and by and by sent in an Indian called James-the-printer, who told Mr. Hoar, that my master would let me go home to-morrow, if he would let him have one pint of liquor. Then Mr. Hoar called his own Indians, Tom and Peter, arid bid them all go and see if he would promise if before them three ; and if he would he should have it, which he did, and had it. Philip smelling the business, called me to him, and asked me what I would give him, to tell me some good news, and to speak a good word for me, that I might go home to-morrow? I told him I could not tell what to give him, I would any thing I had, and asked him what he would have. He said two coats and 20 shillings in money, half a bushel of seed corn, and some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, but 1 knew that good news as well as that crafty fox. My master, after he had his drink, quickly came ranting into the wigwam again, and called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him and saying he was a good man ; and then again he would say, Hang him a rogue. Being almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet presently say he should b« hanged. Then he called for me ; I trembled to hear him, and yet I was fail; to go to him, and he drank to me, shewing no incivility. He was the first Indian I saw drunk, all the time I was among them. At last his squaw ran out, and he after her, round the wigwam, with his money jingling at hi* * Hubbard.. t Narrative, 63, 64. PtaAP. III.] DEATH OF QUINNAPIN.. TUSPAQUIN. 241 knees, but she escaped him; but having an old squaw, he ran to her,”* and troubled the others no more that night. A day or two after, the sagamores had a council, or general coi.rt, as they called it, in which the giving up of Mis. R. was debated. All seemed to consent for her to go, excep. Philip, who would not come to the council. However, she was soon dismissed, and some who were at first opposed to her going, seemed now to rejoice at it. They shook her by the hand, and asked her to send them some tobacco, and some one thing and some anotner. When the extensive system ot war carried on by Philip was broken in the west by intestine bickerings, Quinnapin returned with Philip to his country of the Wampanoags. About the end of July, 1676, Captain Church learned by a captive squaw that Quinnapin and Philip were in a “great cedar swamp” near Aponaganset with “abundance of Indians.” This news, together with a discovery the captain soon alter made, induced him to leave that country without disturbing so formidable an enemy. Soon after, Quinnapin escaped from a company of Bridgewater men, who killed Akkompoin, as he and Philip's company were crossing Taunton River. The next day, Church pur- sued him, but he effected his escape. Not long after this, lie was taken, and, immediately after the war, 25 August, was shot at Newport in R. Island. It appears that Quinnapin had had some difficulty with the R. Island people, who, some time before the war, had cast him into prison ; but that by some means he had escaped, and become active in the war. He was reported “a young lusty sachem, and a very rogue.” f A court-martial was held at Newport, R. I., on the 24 August, 1676, by the governor and assistants of that colony, for the trial of Quinnapin, or Sowagonish, as he was sometimes called, and several others. He was charged with adhering to Philip in the war, which he confessed, and owned he was in the Narraganset Swamp fight of December, 1675, and next in command to Canonchet ; whereupon he was sentenced to be shot the next day. A brother of his, who had but one eye, named Sunkeejunasuc, had the same sentence passed upon him. Ashamattan, another brother, was tried, but at that time received no sentence.! TUSPAQULV, whose biography we shall next pursue, was one of Philips most faithful captains, and sachem of Assawomset, as we have before had occasion to notice, in speaking of John Sassamon. His name in printed accounts differs but little, and is abbreviated from IVatuspaquin. Also in our life of Taloson it was necessary to speak of this chief. From a survey of the deeds which he executed of various large tracts of land, it is evident his sachemdom was very extensive. It will be necessary to glance at some of the conveyances of IVatuspaquin for several reasons, the principal of which is, that the part he acted in the great drama of 1675 and 1676 may not be underrated. His conveyances to the Reverend John Sassamon and his family are already related. On 9 August, 1667, “ Tuspequin, otherwise called the Black-sachem," for £4, sells to Henry Wood of Plimouth his right and title to the land on the east side of “Namassakett” River, § bounded “on one end ” by the pond called Black-sachem's Pond, or, in Indian, Wanpawcutt ; on the other end, by a little pond called Asnemscutt. How much was included in the given bounds, is not mentioned, nor could we now by the description possibly tell how far said tract extended back from the river. With Tuspaquin, his wife, Amey, signed this deed, and it was witnessed only by two English- men. On 17 July, 1669, Tuspaquin and his son William sell for £10 a tract or parcel of land near “ Assowampsett,” half a mile wide, and “ in length from said ponds to Dartmouth path.” Besides two English, Samuel Henry, Daniel and Old Harry were witnesses. Experience Mitchell, Henry Sampson, of Dux- borough, Thomas Little, of Marshfield, and Thomas Paine, of Eastham, were the purchasers. * Narrative, 73 — 75. t Captain More’s account of “The Warr in N. E. visibly ended,” &c. in our Indus Chronicle. f J ’otter’s Narraganset. 98. j He, however, reserved the right “ to gett eeder barke in the swamps.” q 242 TUSPAQUIN.— BURNS BRIDGEWATER. [Book III June 10, 1670, Tuspaquin and his son William, sold for £6, to Edward Gray, “in the behalf of the court of Pliinouth,” “ all that our meddovv that lyeth in or neare the town of Middleberry,” on the west side of a tract belonging to John Alden arid Const aid Southworth, “and is between Assowamsett Pond and Taunton path, being in three parsells vpon three brookes;” also another parcel on the other side of Taunton path. Witnessed by “ Jhme” the wife of Tuspaquin, and two English 30 June, 1672, Ti ispaquin, “sachem of Namassakett, and Mantowapuct alias William his son,” sell to Edward Gray and Justus Winslow, lands on he easterly side of Assowamsett, to begin where Namasket River lalieth out of the pond, and so south by the pond; thence by perishable bounds to Tuspaquin’s Pond, and so home to the lands formerly sold to Henry Wood. 3 July, 1673, Tuspaquin and his son William sell to Benjamin Church of Duxltorough, house carpenter, and John Tompson of Barnstable, lands about Middleborough, lor which they paid him £15. It is described as “ lying att and neare the township of Middleberry,” bounded westerly by a river called Monhiggen, which runs into a pond called Quisquasett, and so by a cedar swamp to Tuspaquin' s Pond ; thence by Henry Wood's land to a place called Pochaboquett. Nalnidset River is named as a northern boundary ; and the two “places” called Tuscomanest and Massapanoh are also named, like- wise a pond called Sniptuett, and a “ river’s mouth called Tuppatuctt which runneth into a pond called Quittuwashett.'' Two English, Sam Hany, and Joseph of Namasket, were witnesses. 1 November 1673, William Watuspaquin , Assaweta, Tobias and Bewat, for £10 sell to three English of Barnstable a tract of land bounded by Que- taquash Pond northerly, by Quetaquash River easterly, Snepetuitt Pond, &c. 14 May, 1675, the two Tuspaquins, father and son, “ make over to John Tompson, Constant Southworth” and others, of Middleborough, “all that tract of land which we now have in possession, called commonly Assowamset neck or necks, and places adjacent,” as a security against the claims of others, &c. of other lands deeded at the same time ; ifj therefore, they are not dis- turbed in the possession of the former lands deeded, then they “ are not to be outed of Assawamsett neck.” Pottawo, alias Daniel, Poyman, Pagatt,* alias Joseph, were witnesses. For the land deeded they received £33, “ sterling.” It consisted of uplands and meadows about the pond called Ninipoket, Quiticvs, f &c., and, judging from the price paid, was, no doubt, a very large tract. Thus are a few of the acts of Watuspaquin sketched previous to the war. We are now to trace his operations in quite another sphere. In our opinion, Mr. Hubbard was right in styling him “ the next noted captain to Philip,” but erroneously calls Old Tuspaquin “ the Black-sachem’s son.” He does not appear to have known of the son William. Indeed, we hear nothing of him in the war, but it is probable he shared the fate of his fath°*' In the spring of 1676, Tuspaquin was marching from place to place with about 300 men, and was doubtless in high expectation of humbling the pride of his enemies, and, but for Philip's western disasters, occasioned by the disaffection of liis Pocomptucks and others, his expectations might have been realized. It was doubtless under his direction that 19 buildings in Scituate were burnt on 20 April ; and on the 8 May, had not a shower pre- vented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would have shared the same fate. Tuspaquin was known to have led his men in this attacluf The inhabitants exerted themselves to repel the Indians, but, conscious of their strength, they maintained their ground until the next day, when they retreated. Notwithstanding the rain, they succeeded in burning 17 buildings before they decamped. On 11 May, 1676, there were eleven houses and five barns burnt in Pliin- outh, and a few weeks after, seven houses more and two barns. These # Two names, probably ; but in the MS. there is no ccmma between, as is often the case, f Titicut, probably, now. j Mr. Hubbard says, (Nar. 71.) the Indians wen. led by one Tusguogrn, but we are satis- fied Tuspaqum is meant. Chap. III.J TUSPAQUIN. — HIS COMPANY 'SURPRISED. 243 were probably such as were at a considerable distance from the village, and had chiefly been deserted. This “ mischief” was attributed to Tuspaquin and his men. About this time, Benjamin Church was commissioned by the government of Plimouth to lead parties in different directions over the colony; and from the time he commenced operations, the Indians found but few opportunities to do mischief in Plimouth colony. Tuspaquin still kept his ground in the Assawomset country, and for a long time baffled all the skill Captain Church was master of in his endeavors to take him prisoner. Church received his commission 24 July, 1676, and the same night set out on an expedition against Tuspaquin. His Indian scouts brought him before day upon a company of his people in Middleborough, every one of whom fell into his hands. How many there were, Church does not say. He took them directly to Plimouth, “and disposed of them all,” except “one Jeffery, who, proving very ingenious and faithful to him in informing where other parcels of the Indians harbored, Capt. Church promised him, that if he continued to be faithful to him, he should not be sold out of the country, but should be his waiting man, to take care of iiis horse, &c., and accord- ingly he served him faithfully as long as he lived.” * Thus strengthened by Tuspaquin's own men, Church pursued his successes with manifold advantage. There was a small tribe residing near Munponset Pond, which was next captured without loss on either side, and there was henceforth scarcely a week passed wherein he did not capture some of these people. Not long after this, it was found that Tuspaquin had encamped about Assawomset, and Church set out on an expedition there ; but finding Old Tuspaquin was ready for him at the neck between the two great ponds, f he was glad to make the best of his way on towards Acushnet and Dartmouth. As he was crossing Assawomset neck, a scout from Tuspaquin'' s camp fired upon him, but did him no injury. Meanwhile the great Annawon having been surprised by the indefatigable Church , Tuspaquin saw no chance of holding out long; he therefore appears afterwards only intent upon keeping out of the way of the English. This could not be long reasonably expected, as then - scouts were ranging in every direction. On 4 Sept. 1676, according to Church's account, Tuspaquin' s company were encamped near Sippican, doing “great damage to the English in kill- ing their cattle, horses and swine.” The next day, Church and his rangers were in their neighborhood, and, after observing their situation, which was “ sitting round their fires in a thick place of bruch,”{ in seeming safety, the captain “ordered every man to creep as he did; and surrounded them by creeping as near as they could, till they should be discovered, and then to run on upon them, and take them alive, if possible, (for their prisoners were their pay.) They did so, taking every one that was at the fires, not one escaping. Upon examination, they agreed in their story, that they belonged to Tispaquin , who was gone with John Bump and one more to Agawoin and Sipican to kill horses, and were not expected back in two or three days.”§ Church proceeds: “This same Tispaquin had been a great captain, and the Indians reported that he was such a great pouwau, [priest or conjurer,] that no bullet could enter him. Capt. Church said he would not have him killed, for there was a war broke out in the eastern part of the country, and he would nave him saved to go with them to fight the eastern Indians. Agree- ably, he left two old squaws of the prisoners, and bid them tarry there until their Captain Tispaquin returned, and to tell him, that Church had been there, and had taken his wife, children and company, and carried them down to Plymouth ; and would spare all their lives, and his too, if he would * Church, Narrative, 31. , t Just below where Sampson's tavern now stands. + I suspect Mr. Hulhard mistakes the situation of this place, in saying it was “in Lake'* tem, upon Pocasset n?ck.'’ Church is so unregarding of all geography, that it is quite un- fcrtain where it was. If it were near Sippican, it was a long way from any part of Pocasset $ By this it seems the place might have been as far off as Pocasset. 244 TUSPAUU1N JViUKDEREL) AT PLIMOUTH.— ' TATOSON. [IRok III come down to them and bring the other two that were with him, and they should be his soldiers, &e. Capt. Church then returned to Plymouth, leav ing the old squaws well provided for, and bisket for Tispaquin when he returned.” This Church called laying a trap for Tuspaquin, and it turned out as he expected. We shall now see with what faith the English acted on this occasion. Church had assured him that, if he gave himself up, he should not be killed, but he was not at Plimouth when Tuspaquin came in, having gone to Boston on business for a few days ; “ but when he returned he found, to his grief; the heads of Annawon, Tispaquin, &c. cut off, which were the last of Philip's friends ” ! It is true that those who were known to have been personally engaged in killing the English were, in the time of the greatest danger, cut off from pardon by a law ; that time had now passed away, and, like many other laws of exigency, it should then have been considered a dead letter ; leaving out of the case the faith and promise of their best servant, Church, View it, therefore, in any light, and nothing can be found to justify this flagrant inroad upon that promise. To give to the conduct of the Plimouth govern- ment a pretext for this murder, (a milder expression I cannot use,) Mr. Hubbard says, Tuspaquin having pretended that a bullet could not penetrate him, trial of his invulnerableness was resolved upon. So he was placed as a mark to shoot at, and “ he fell down at the first shot” ! This was doubtless the end of numerous others, as we infer from the following passage in Dr. Mather's Prevalency of Prayer. He asks, “Where are the six Narraganset sachems, with all their captains and coun- sellors ? Where are the Nipmuck sachems, with their captains and coun- sellors ? Where is Philip and Squaw-sachem of Pocasset, with all their captains and counsellors.- God do so to all the implacable enemies of Christ, and of his people in N. England ” ! ! The next of Philip's captains, in our arrangement, is TATOSON, also a great captain in the war of 1675. It seems rather un- certain whether he were a Narraganset or Wampanoag. He (or one bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Narragansets in the beginning of the war. It is quite certain that his residence afterwards was in Sandwich, since Rochester;* and when he signed the treaty just named, it is probable he was only among the Narragansets upon a mission or visit. He was a son of the “noted Sam Barrow,” but of his own family, or whether he had any, we are not informed. We first meet with Tatoson, f or, as his name is commonly printed, Toto- 8on, in 1666, in the respectable company of Mr. Secretary Morton of Plim- outh, and Acanootus, Wannoo, two “graue and sage Indians,” and a number more, of whose characters we are not so well prepared to speak. Among this assemblage he is only conspicuous, however, as a witness to a deed of the lands upon Weequancett neck. Mr. Morton's name follows Tatoson's, on this instrument. There was a general disarming of the Indians in 1671, as will elsewhere be mentioned. Among a great number ordered to appear at Plimouth the same year, to bind themselves more strongly in allegiance to the English, we find the name of Tatoson, or, as his name was then written, Tautozen. Also Toby, alias Nauhnocomwit, { and Will, alias Washawanna. On the 12th of June, 1676, several Indians, who had been sent in by Bradford and Church, were “ eonvented before the councell ” at Plimouth ; being “ such of them as were accused of working vusufferable mischeifle vpon some of ours.” Among them was one named Watukpoo, or, as he * On the right of the main road, as you pass from Matapoiset to Rochester village, ana about two miles from the former, at a small distance from the road, is a kind of island in a miry swamp. Upon this, it is said, was Tatoson’s camp. This island is connected by a« isthmus to the main land, f So almost always in the MSS. j Sometimes called Toby Cole. The same, we conclude, who joined Philip afterward* and fell into the hands of Captain Church, as did his mother, and many more at the same titan Chap III.] TATOSON.— TAKES A GARRISON AT PLIMOUTH. 24o was often called, Tukpoo .* * * § Against him, several charges were brought, such as his going off to the enemy, and trying to deceive the governor about the prospect of war; telling him that Philip's men had deserted him, and that he had only a few old men and boys remaining. At this time were present three other Indians, whose names were Woodcock , Quanapaivhan and Juhn- nunu The two first were accused by a squaw of destroying Clark's garrison, at Eel River in Plimouth, and murdering the inhabitants. This had been done on the 12 March previous, and with such secrecy and effect, that the English knew not whom to accuse of it. Many supposed that Watuspaquii t conducted the affair, and Mr. Hubbard charges it upon him without hesita- tion, but it is now quite certain that he had nothing to do with it, us in th : sequel we shall show. The two just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow- prisoner, John-num. It appears that JYurn not only owned himself guilty of this charge, but acknowledged, also, that he was concerned in the murder of “ Jacob Mitchel and his wife, and John Pope, f and soe centance of death was pronounced against them, which accordingly emediately was executed.” Before these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was Kf.weenam. Although Taloson commanded the company that put to death the people at Clark's garrison, yet Keweenam set the expedition on foot. He lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of Tatoson's men. However, on Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. William Clark's, and observed how every part of the garrison was conditioned. He then went to his chief J Tatoson, and told him that it could be easily taken, as ft was but slightly fortified; and that the next day, being Sunday, would be the proper time to execute their plan, as the residents would /Mostly be gone to meeting; “and in case they left a man at home, or so, they might soon dispatch him.” This intelligence was pleasing to Tatoson, and he found himself at the head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows : Woo- nashenah, Musquash, Wapanpowdt, Tom, “the son of Tatoson's brothel,” Uttsooweest, and Tom Piant ; which, with the three before named, made up the whole company. Commencing their march before night, they arrived in the borders of Plimouth, where they lay concealed until the people had gone to public worship. About 10 o’clock in the morning, they came upon the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After killing all they met with, they took what plunder they could carry, and burned the buildings; then again dispersed into the woods. There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women and children. Three only were of Mr. Clark's family, but there were eight others belonging to the other two. Mrs. Elizabeth Clark, t one of the heads of the family, was among the slain. § * This Indian, whom we shall have occasion several times to mention, was not one of those sent in by Bradford, as appears from Mather, (Brief Hist. 40.) but they “ informed that a bloudy Indian called Tuckpoo, (who the last summer murdered a man of Boston, at Namas- kel,) with about 20 Indians more, was at a place within 16 miles of Plimouth.” Eight English and fourteen Indians succeeded in taking them all, and Tuckpoo was immediately executed. + The murder of these people is supposed to be referred to by Mr. Hubbard in his “ Table.” The passage follows : “ In June, 1676, [1675?] a man and a woman were slain by the Indians ; another woman was wounded and taken ; but because she had kept an Indian child before, so much kindness was showed her, as that she was spnt back, after they had dressed her wound ; the Indians guarded her till she came within sight of the English.” Mr. /t/ii/c/ie/jnforms us that the name of the wounded woman was Dorothy Haywood See 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vii. 159. t “ Who was the daughter of a godly father and mother, that came to N. England on the account of religion.” “ They also killed her sucking child, and knocked another child (who was about eight years old) in the head, supposing they had killed him, but afterwards he came to himself.” I. Mather, Brief Hist. 24. § We relate all that is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Present State, &.c. furnishes the following valuable facts : “ About this time, [his last date mentioned being 14 March,] one Mr. Clarke’s wife, children, and all his family, at his farm-house, two nf es from Plimouth, were surprised and killed, except one boy, who was knockt down, and left for dead, tut afterwards taken up and revived. The house they plundered of provision anr> goods to a great value ; eight complete arms, 30/. [/*.] of powder, with an answerable qua* 246 TATOSON.— SWAMP FIGHT. [Book III Keiounam was beheaded, but how the other three were disposed of, we are not informed*? it is very probable that the whole number suffered in due time. At the trial of Keweenam, and the other three, some of them pleaded that the governor’s proclamation was now their protection ; from which it would seem that they had surrendered themselves. But there was none to plead their case, except their accusers, and they explained things in then- own way. The court said, “Forasmuch as the council had before this engaged to several Indians desirous to come in and tender themselves to mercy, that they should find favor in so doing: it was fully made known to such Indians as were then present, that the said engagement was to be under- stood with exception against such as by murder as above said had so acted, and not against such as killed his enemie in the field in a souldierlike wav.” This kind of argument would answer among duelists, but when did the Indians agree to fight the English according to their rules of war? The former might with equal propriety demand that the English should conform to their manner, and not depend on their numbers, forts, and superior weapons. Although the murder at Clarlds garrison was one of those horrible acts in Indian warfare, which would justify the most rigid retaliation, still, as the English began the war, they had no right to expect but that it would be prosecuted by the Indians in all the ways at their command. On this ground the philanthropist will ever condemn the severity of the English. When Captain Church came upon Philip and a great number of his people, the 3d of August, 1676, “ Tispaquin, Totoson, &c.” prevented the entire destruction of some of them, by combating the English while their chief and others extricated themselves from a small swamp into which they had fled. “In this swamp skirmish Capt. Church with his two men which always ran by his side as his guard, met with three of the enemy, two of which surrendered themselves, and the captain’s guard seized them ; but the other, being a great stout surly fellow, with his two locks ty’d up with red, and a great rattlesnake’s skin hanging to the back part of his head, (whom Capt. Church concluded to be Totoson ,) ran from them into the swamp. Capt. Church in person pursued him close, till, coming pretty near up with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented at Capt. Church, and missing fire also, (their guns taking wet with the fog and dew of the morning,) but the Indian turning short for another run, his foot trip’d in a small grape- vine, and he fell flat on his face. Capt. Church was by this time up witli him and struck the muzzle of his gun an inch and an half into the back part of his head, which dispatched him without another blow. But Capt. Church looking behind him saw Totoson, the Indian whom he tho’t he had killed, come flying at him like a dragon ; but this happened to be fair in sight of the guard that were set to keep the prisoners, who spying Totoson and others that were following him, in the very seasonable juncture made a shot upon them, and rescued their captain, though he was in no small danger from his friends’ bullets, for some came so near him that he thought he felt the wind of them.” * The celebrated Church, in the skirmishes he had in these two days, August 1 and 2, took and killed 173 Indians. Little more than a month after the fall of Philip, Church surprised Tato- son s whole company, about 50 persons. He was the last that was left of the family of Barrow ; and, says Church, “the wretch reflecting upon the miser- able condition he had brought himself into, his heart became a stone within him, and he died. The old squaw [that Church had employed to persuade him to submit] flung a few leaves and brush over him — came into Sandwich, and gave this account of his death ; and offered to show them where she left his body, but never had an opportunity, for she immediately fell sick and died also.” The fate of the father of Tatoson does not so much excite sympathy, as titj' of lead for bullets, and 150/. in ready money ; the said Mr. Clark himself narrowly escaping their cruelty, by being at that instant at a meeting.” ' Hist. Philip’s War, 41. Chap. III.] MURDER OF BARROW. -TIASHQ. 247 does that of the son, but is one of those cases more calculated to arouse the fiercer passions. The old chief fell into the hands of Captain Church, in one of his successful expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church says, in his history, that he was “ as noted a rogue as any among the enemy.” Cap- tain Church told him that the government would not permit him to grant him quarter, “ because of his inhuman murders and barbarities,” and there fore ordered him to prepare for execution. “ Barrow replied, that the sen tence of death against him was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more favor, than to smoke a whiff' of tobacco before his execution. When he had taken a few whiff's, he said, ‘I am ready upon which one of Captain Church's Indians sunk his hatchet into his brains.” TIASHQ* or TYASKS] -was the next man to Philip'' says Church; there were others also said to be “ next to him,” and it may be all reconciled by supposing these chiefs as having the chief command over particular tribes. Mr. Hubbard] says only this of the famous Tiashq: “In June last, [1676,] one Tiashq, a great captain of Philip's, his wife and child, or children, being taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrendered himself!” Dr. /. Mather, writing under date of 22 July, 1676, says it was “ this week” that Captain Church and his Indian soldiers fell upon Tiashq and his company. It appears therefore that Mr. Hubbard is in error, as the account given by Church corroborates that of Mather, who speaks thus of his opera- tions: “It having been his manner when he taketh any Indians by a promise of favor to them, in case they acquit themselves well, to set them an hunting after more of these wolves, whereby the worst of them sometimes do sin- gular good service in finding out the rest of their bloody fellows. In one of these skirmishes, Tiashq, Philip's chief captain, ran away leaving his gun be- hind him, and his squaw, who was taken.” § These Indian soldiers, who performed this exploit, were forced upon it by Church. They had been seeking Indians about Aponaganset River, and discovered that a large com- pany of them had just been gathering the apples at a deserted settlement on the east side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their track. || “Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country road, where the track parted : one parcel steered towards the west end of the great cedar swamp, and the other to the east end. The captain halted and told his Indian souldiers that they had heard as well as he what some men had said at Plymouth about them, IT &c., that now was a good opportunity for each party to prove themselves. The track being divided, they should fol- low one, and the English the other, being equal in number. The Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where without him - said they should not think themselves safe without him. But the captain insisting upon it, they submitted. He gave the Indians their choice to follow which track they pleased. They replied, They were light and able to travel, therefore if he pleased they would take the west track. And appointing the ruins of John Cook's house at Cushnet * # for the place to meet at, each company set out briskly to try their fortunes.” ff When the parties met, “ they very remark- ably found that the number that each company had taken and slain waw equal. The Indians had killed three of the enemy, and taken 63 prisoners, as the English had done before them.”!]; Both parties were much rejoiced at their successes, but the Indians, told Captain Church “ that they had missed a brave opportunity by parting. They came upon a great town of the enemy, viz: Captain Tyasks' company. (Tyasks was the next man to ‘ Hubbard, Mather. f Church. ] Narrative, 106. § Brief Hist. 42. || Church, 33. IT The detestation in which the Indians were held by “ some men,” in many other places a ' well as in Plimouth, will often apf ear In this work. Such people could know nothing ol tuman nature, and many would not have believed the Indians capable of good actions, thougl one from the dead had assured them they were. ** Abbreviated from Acushnet. See Douglass, Summary, i. 403, who writes it Accushnot Thus many Indian names are changed. Iustead of Aponaganset, we hear Ponaganset, and for Asonet, Sonet, &c. Cushnet is the river on which New Bedford and Fairhuven stand, tt Church, 34 . Ibid. 36 248 MAGNUS. — HER SURPRISE AND DEATH. IBook lit Philip.) They fired upon the enemy before they -were discovered, and ran upon tnem with a shout. The men ran and left their wives and children and many of them their guns. They took Trasks’ wife and son, and thought that if their captain and the English company had been with them they might have taken some hundreds of them, and now they determined not to part any more.” * This transaction, in the opinion of Captain Chtrch, was a “remarkable providence,” inasmuch, perhaps, as the equality of their suc- cesses prevented either party from boasting, or claiming superiority over the other. Nevertheless, Church adds, — “But the Indians had the fortune to lake more arms than the English.” It would add not a little, perhaps, to the gratification of the reader, could he know the name of the Indian captain in this far-famed exploit, or even that of one of his men ; but at present they are hid alike from us and from him. CHAPTER IV. Chief women conspicuous in Philip's war — Magnus — Her country and relatunu, — Her capture and death — Awashonks — Is greatly annoyed in the events of 1071 — Her men disarmed — Philip's endeavors to engage her against the English — Church prevents her — Is finally in the power of Philip — Reclaimed by Church — Some par- ticulars of her family. Although, before we had finished the life of Weetawoo, we deemed it proper to have deferred it to this chapter, but as we had been led rather im- perceptibly into many particulars concerning her in that place, j- we could not break off' our narrative without a greater impropriety than an omission heTe would have been, and shall therefore begin here with one of her con- temporaries, the bare facts in whose life are sufficient to maintain a high interest, we believe, in the mind of every reader. MAGNUS was squaw-sachem of some part of the extensive country of the Narragausets, and was known by several names at different aud the same times ; as Old Queen, Sunk Squaw, \ Quaiapen, and Matantuck. She married Mriksuh, or Mexan t, a son of Canonicus, and was sister to Ninigret. She had two sons, Scuttup and Quequaquenud otherwise Quequegunent, called by the English Gideon, and a daughter named Quinemiquet. These two died young. Gideon was alive as late as 1661 ; Scuttup, and a sister also, in 1664. She was, in 1675, one “of the six present sachems of the whole Narraganset country.” In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army, to cause the Narragan- sets to fight for them, whom they had always abused and treated with con- tempt, since before the cutting off' of Miantunnomoh's head, marched into their country, but could not meet with a single sachem of the nation. They fell in with a few of their people, who could not well secrete themselves, and who concluded a long treaty of mere verbosity, the import of which they could know but little, and doubtless cared less ; for when the army left their country, they joined again in the war. We hear no more of her until the next year, when herself and a large company of her men were discovered by Major Talcot, on the 2 July, in Narraganset. The English scouts discovered them from a hill, having pitched their tents in a valley in the vicinity of a swamp, as was usually their custom. About 300 of the English, mounted upon fleet horses, divided into two squadrons, and fell upon them before they were aware of their ap- proach, and made a great slaughter of them. The Mohegans and Pequots came upon them in the centre, while the horsemen beset them on each side and * Church, 36. t Book iii. chap. 1. + Trumbidl , i. 3-17. from Hubbard, I suppose., i. 51. Female chiefs were called saunJes by the Indians, which signified wife of the sachem ; but writers, being ignorant of that fact thought it a proper name of a particular person, and hence thi appellations of Snuke, Sunk « Snake, See. applied to Magnus. Chap. IV.] AWASHONKS.— TREATS WITH THE ENGLISH. 249 thus prevented many from escaping into the swamp. When all were killed and taken within the encampment, Captain Newbury, who commanded the horsemen, dismounted, and with his men rushed into the swamp, where, without resistance, they killed a hundred, and made many prisoners. In all, they killed and took 171 * in this swamp fight, or rather massacre. Not an Englishman was hurt in the affair, and but one Mohegan killed, and one wounded, which we can hardly suppose was done by Magnus’s people, as they made no resistance, but rather by themselves, in their fury mistaking cne another. Ninety’ of the captives were put to death ! among whom was Mag- nus.] The swamp where this affair took place is near the present town of Warwick, in Rhode Island ; and thus ends our short history of Magnus AWASHONKS, squaw-sachem of Sogkonate,] was the wife of an Indian called Toloxy, but of him we learn very little. From her important stand- ing among the Indians, few deserve a more particular attention ; and we shall, therefore, go as minutely into her history as our documents will enable us. The first notice we have of Awashonks is in 1671, when she entered into articles of agreement with the court of Plimouth as follows : — “ In admitting that the court are in some measure satisfied with your voluntary coming in now at last, and submission of herself unto us; yet this we expect that she give some meet satisfaction for the charge and trouble she has put us upon by her too long standing out against the many tenders of peace we have made to her and her people. And that we yet see an intention to endeavor the reducement of such as have been the incendiaries of the trouble and disturbance of her people and ours. And as many of her people as shall give themselves and arms unto us, at the time appointed, shall receive no damage or hurt from us, which time appointed is ten days from the date hereof. Thus we may the better keep off such from her lands as may hereafter bring upon her and us the like trouble, and to regulate such as will not be governed by her, she having submitted her lands to the authority of the government. And that, if the lands and estates of such as we are neces- sitated to take arms against, will not defray the charge of the expedition, that she shall bear some due proportion of the charge. In witness whereof, end in testimony of the sachem, her agreement hereunto, she hath subscribed her hand in presence of Samuel Barker and John Abney. Mark X of the squaw-sachem Awasuncks ; the mark X o/Totatomet, and Sohagao.net.” Witnessed at the same time by “ Tattacommett, Samponcut, and Tamoueesam, alias Jeffery Plimouth , 24 July, 1671.” The last-named witness appeared again, in the same capacity, 4 September following, when “between 40 and 50 Indians, living near or in the town of Dartmouth, made a like submission.” Ashawanomuth, Noman, Marhorkum, James, and John, were o'ker witnesses. Awashonks was at Plimouth when the former articles were executed, from which it appears there was considerable alarm in Plimouth colony. There were about this time many other submissions of the Indians in different places. This step was taken to draw them from Philip, or at least to give ? check to their joining with him, as he was now on the point of attacking tho English settlements, under a pretence of injury done him in his planting lands. Not only the chiefs of tribes or clans subscribed articles, but all their m6n. that could be prevailed with, did the same. The August following, 42 of dwashxmks's men signed a paper, approving what she had done, and binding * Trumbull. 200 says Cobbefs manuscript ; 240, Hubbard. t Hubbard, Jnd. Wars, i. 97, 98. I. Mather’s Brief Hist. 39. Trumbull’s Hist On jiecticut, i. 347. t The point of land below Pocasset, and now chiefly included in the town of foinptoj ithoi e Island, and commonly called Seconet. r 250 AWASHONKS— HER CORRESPONDENCE. [BiokIII themselves in like manner. Out of 42, we can give names of three only — Totatomet, Tunuokum and Sausaman. It appears from the following letter from Awashonks to Governor Prince, that those who submitted themselves, delivered up their arms to the English : — “August 11, 1671, Honored sir, I have received a very great favor from your honor, in yours of the 7th instant, and as you are pleased to signify, that if 1 continue faithful to the agreement made with yourselves at Plim- outh, I may expect all just favors from your honor. I am fully resolved, while 1 live, with all fidelity to stand to my engagement, and in a peaceable submission to your commands, according to the best of my poor ability. It is true, and I am very sensible thereof; that there are some Indians who do seek an advantage against me, for my submitting to his majesty’s authority in your jurisdiction, but being conscious to myself of my integrity and real intentions of peace, I doubt not but you will afford me all due encourage- ment and protection. I had resolved to send in all my guns, being six in number, according to the intimation of my letter ; but two of them were so large, the messengers were not able to carry them. I since proffered to leave them with Mr. Barker, but he not having any order to receive them, told me he conceived 1 might do well to send them to Mr. Almy, who is a person concerned in the jurisdiction, which I resolved to do; but since thfcn an Indian, known by the name of Broad-faced-unlt, stole one of them of of the wigwam in the night, and is run away with it to Mount Hope ; the other I think to send to Mr. Almy. A list of those that are obedient to me, and, I hope, and am persuaded, faithful to you, is here enclosed. Hon- ored sir, I shall not trouble you further, but desiring your peace and pros- perity, in which I look at my own to be included, I remain, your unfeigned servant, X Awasuncks.” This letter was very probably written by Mr. Barker, named in it. October 20, 1671, Governor Prince wrote to Awashonks, that he had received the list of names of her men and husband, that freely submitted themselves to his majesty’s authority; and assured her that the English would befriend her on all just occasions ; but intimates her disappointment and his own, that she had succeeded no better in procuring the submission of her subjects. “ Though,” he continued, “ I fault not you, with any failing to endeavor, only to notice your good persuasions of them outwent their deserts, for aught yet appeareth. I could have wished they had been wiser for themselves, especially your two sons, that may probably succeed you in your government, and your brother also, who is so nearly tied unto you by nature. Do they think themselves so great as to disregard and affront his majesty’s interest and authority here; and the amity of the English? Cer- tainly, if they do, I think the;, did much disservice, and wish they would yet show themselves wiser, heibre it be too late.” He closed by recom- mending her to send some of hers to the next court, to desire their arms, that her people might have the use of them in the approaching season. Desires her to let him hear from her and her husband. On the 20 June, 1672, the following writing appears on record : Whereas Awashunckes, squa-sachem, stand indebted vnto Mr. John Almey the sume of £25 to be paid in porke att three pence a pound, or peage att 16 peney, and 20 pole of stone wall att £4, which stone wall, or £4, is to be vnderstood to be prte of the fiue and twenty pound,” therefore Awashonks, having failed to pay agreeably to her promise, agrees to set off land on the north side of “the Indian field,” next Punkateesett, on the cast line till it meets with “a great railing brooke,” thence northerly to a fresh meadow, thence bounded to the river by a salt cove : — this “ is morgaged vnto the court of Plymouth ” for the payment of said debt, which debt is to bepaid 10 of February, 1672, O. S. u The mark X of Awashcnkes.” To illustrate the connections and genealogy of the family of Awashonks we give from the Records of Plimouth the following exceedingly valuable facts : — 251 Chap. IV.] AW ASHONKS.— REJECTS PHILIPS OVERTURES. July 14, 1673. “ Whereas Mamaneway [a son of Awashonks ] hath by full and clear te timony proved to tills court, in behalf of himself and brethren, the sons of Toloney, and a kinsman of theirs called Anumpash, [commonly written JVumposh,] son to Pokaltawagg, that they are the chief proprietors and sachems of Saconett, or places commonly so called; and yet it being also probable that Tatuckamna * Awashunckes and those of that kindred who are of the same stock, the more remote may have some right to lands there, as they are relations to the above said Mamaneway , &c. and have been long inhabitants of that place. This court adviseth that convenient proportions of land be settled on the above said Tatacamana Awashanks, &c. at Saconett aforesaid ; concerning which, the above said Mamaneway and his brethren and kinsman who have proved their right to those lands do not or cannot agree, this court do appoint that some meet persons, by order of this court, shall repair to the place, and make settlement of the said lands by certain and known boundaries to intent that peace may be continued among the said Indians, and they may all be accommodated for their subsisting and payment of their debts in an orderly way.” The same year, we hear again of Tokamona , or, as he is then called, Totomonna , who, with his brother Syuamatt, having endeavored to hinder the English from possessing some lands in Dartmouth, was, from some consideration, not named, induced to relinquish his right to them. And the next year, 1674, Mamanawachy, or, as his name was before written, Mama- neway, surrendered his right also. The rights of these Indians, it is said, had been sold by others. We hear no more of Awashonks until about the commencement of Philip's war. The year before this war, Mr. Benjamin Church, afterwards the famous and well-known Colonel Church f settled upon the peninsula of Sogkonate, in the midst of Awashonks's people. This peninsula is on the north-east side of Narraganset Bay, against the south-east end of the island of Rhode Island Here he lived in the greatest friendship with these Indians, until the spring of the year 1675, when suddenly a war was talked of, and messengers were sent by Philip to Awashonks, to engage her in it. She so far listened to their persua- sions, as to call her principal people together, and make a great dance ; and be- cause she respected Mr. Church, she sent privately for him also. Church took with him a man that well understood Indian, and went directly to the place appoint- ed. Here they found hundreds of Indians gathered together from all parts of her dominions. Awashonks herself, in a foaming sweat, was leading the dance ; but when it was announced that Mr. Church was come, she stopped short, and sat down ; ordered her chiefs into her presence, and then invited Mr. Church. All being seated, she informed him that Metacomet, that is, Philip, had sent six of his men to urge her to join with him in prosecuting a war against the English. She said these messengers informed her that the Umpames, j that is, Plimouth men, were gathering a great army to invade his country, and wished to know of him if this were truly the case. He told her that it was entirely without foundation, for he had but just come from Plimouth, and no preparations of any kind were making, nor did he believe any thoughts of war were entertained by any of the head men there. “He asked her whether she thought he would have brought up his goods to settle in that place, ” if he in the least apprehended a war ; at which she seemed some- what convinced. Awashonks then ordered the six Pokanokets into their presence. These made an imposing appearance, having their faces painted, and their hair so cut as to represent a cock’s comb ; it being all shaved from eacli side of the head, left only a tuft upon the crown, which extended from the forehead to the occiput. They had powder-horns and shot-bags at their * Or Tokamona, killed by the Narragansets, not long after, probably in 1674. T After an active life, spent chiefly in his country’s service, he died suddenly at his resi- dence in Compton, then called Little Compton, 17 Jan. 1718, in the 78 year of his age. He had become corpulent, and seemed impressed with the -l=-a that he should not live ,ong. The morning before his death, he rode 2 miles to visit an only sister. On leaving her, he bid her “ a last farewell.” As he was returning home, his horse stumbled and threw b ui. In the fall a blood-vessel was ruptured, and he died in about 12 hours, f Umpame and Apaum were Indian names of Plimouth. 252 A WAS HONKS .— 1 f PEATS WITH CHURCH. [Book III. backs, which denoted warlike messengers of their nation. She now in- formed them of what Captain Church had said. Upon which they discovered dissatisfaction, and a warm talk followed, but Aivashonks soon put an end to it ; after which she told Mr. Church that Philip had told his messengers to tell her, that, unless she joined with him, he would send over some of his warriors, privately, to kill the cattle and burn the houses of the English, which they would think to be done by her men, and consequently would fall upon her. # Mr. Church asked the Mount Hopes what they were going to do with the bullets in their possession, to which they scoffingly answered, ‘ to shoot pigeons with.” Church then told Awashonks that, if Philip were resolved on war, “ her best way would be to knock those six Mount Hopes on the head, and shelter herself under the protection of the English.” When they under- stood this, they were very silent, and it is to be lamented that so worthy a man as Church should be the first to recommend murder, and a lasting re- membrance is due to the wisdom of Aivashonlcs, that his unadvised counso was not put in execution. These six Pokanokets came over to Sogkonate with two of AwaAwnks's men, who seemed very favorably inclined to the measures of Philip. They expressed themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice of Church Another of her men, called Little-eyes, one of her council, was so enraged, that he would then have taken Church's life, if lie had not been prevented. His design was to get Mr. Church aside from the rest, under a pretence of private talk, and to have assassinated him when he was off his guard. But some of his friends, seeing through the artifice, prevented it. The advice of Church was adopted, or that part which directed tnat Awashonks should immediately put herself under the protection of the Eng- lish, and she desired him to go immediately to Plimouth and make the ar- rangement, to which he agreed. After kindly thanking him for his infbrma- rion and advice, she sent two of her men with him to his house, to guard him. These urged him to secure his goods, lest, in his absence, the enemy should come and destroy them ; but he would not, because such a step might be thought a kind of preparation for hostilities; but told them, that in case hostilities were begun, they might convey his effects to a place of safety. He then proceeded to Plimouth, where he arrived 7 June, 1675. In his way to Plimouth, he met, at Pocasset, the husband of Weetamoo. He was just returned from the neighborhood of Mount Hope, and confirmed all that had been said about Philip's intentions to begin a war. But before Mr. Church could return again to Awashonks, the war commenced, and all com- munication was at an end. This he very much regretted, and the benevolent Awashonks was carried away in the tide of Philip's successes, which, as she was circumstanced, was her only alternative. Mr. Church was wounded at the great swamp fight, 19 December follow- ing, and remained upon Rhode Island until about the middle of May 1676. He now resolved to engage again in the war, and, taking passage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, arrived at Plimouth the first Tuesday in June. The governor and other officers of government were highly pleased to see him, and desired him to take the command of a cou.pany of men to be imme- diately sent out, to which he consented. We thus notice Church's proceed- ing, because it led to important matters connected with the history of Awa- shonks. Before he set out with the soldiers raised at Plimouth, it was agreed that he should first return to Rhode Island, for the purpose of raising other forces to be joined with them. In his return to the island, as he passed from Sogkonesset, now called Wood's Hole, to the is and, and when he came against Sogkonate Point, some of the enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He was now in an open canoe, which he had hired at Sogkonesset, and two Indians to paddle it. He ordered them to go so near the roeks that he might speak with those upon them ; being persuaded that if he could have an op- portunity, he might still gain over the Sogkonates to the side of the English, * This may strengthen the belief that Philip put in practice a similar expedient to gain Ihu Mohawks to his cause, as we have seen in his life. 253 Chap. tV.] AWASHONKS.— CHURCH’S HAZARDOUS VISIT. for he knew they never had any real attachment to Philip, and were now in his interest only from necessity. They accordingly paddled towards them, v\no made signs for them to approach; but when they had got pretty near, they skulked away among the rocks, and could not be seen. The canoe then paddled off again, lest they should be fired upon ; which when those among the rocks observed, they showed themselves again, and called to them to come ashore ; and said they wished to speak with them. The Indians in the canoe answered them, but those on shore informed them that the waves dashed so upon the rocks that they could not understand a word they said. Church now made signs for two of them to go along upon the shore to s> beach, where one could see a good space round, whether any others were near. Immediately two ran to the place, one without any arms, but the other had a lance. Knowing Church to be in the boat, they urged him to come on shore, and said they wanted to discourse with him. He told him that had the lance, that if he would carry it away at considerable distance, and leave it, he would. This he readily did. Mr. Church then went ashore, left one of his Indians to guard the canoe, and the other he stationed upon the beach to give notice if any should approach. He was surprised to find that George was one of them, a very good man, and the last Sogkonate he had spoken with, being one of those sent to guard him to his house, and to whom he had given charge of his goods when he undertook his mission to Plimouth. On being asked what he wanted that he called him ashore, answered, “that he took him for Church, as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe, and that he was glad to see him alive.” He also told him that Awa- shonks was in a swamp about three miles off, and that she had left Philip and did not intend to return to him any more ; and wished Mr. Church to stay while he should go and call her. This Church did not think prudent, but said he would come again and speak with Awashonks, and some other Indians that he should name. He therefore told George to notify Awashonks, her son Peter, their chief captain, and one jYompash, to meet him two days after at a certain rock, “at the lower end of Capt. Richmond's farm, which was a very noted place.” It was provided that if that day should prove stormy, the next pleasant day should be improved. They parted with cordiality, George to carry the news to Awashonks, and Church lor Newport. On being made acquainted with Church's intention to visit those Indians, the government of Rhode Island marvelled much at his presumption, and would not give him any permit under their hands; assuring him that the Indians would kill him. They said also that it was madness on his part, after such signal services as he had done, to throw away his life in such a manner. Neither could any entreaties of friends alter his resolution, and he made ready for his departure It was his intention to have taken with him one Daniel IVilcox,* a man who well understood the Indian language, but the government utterly refused him ; so that his whole retinue, in this im- portant embassy, consisted only of himself, his own man, and the two Indians who conducted him from Sogkonesset. As an important item in his outfit, must be mentioned a bottle of rum, and a roll of tobacco. The day appointed having arrived, after paddling about three miles, they Came to the appointed rock, where the Indians were ready to receive them, and gave him their hands in token of friendship. They went back from the shore about fifty yards, for a convenient place for consultation, when all at once rose up from the high grass, a great many Indians, so that they were entirely encompassed. They were all armed with guns, spears and hatchets faces painted and hair trimmed, in complete warlike array. If ever a man knew fear, we should apprehend it would discover itself upon an occasion like this. But, judging from his conduct, we should say he was one of those “ who never felt fear.” As soon as he could be heard, Mr. Church told Awashonks that George had said that she desired to see him, about making peace with the English. She * 1667, “ Dam °l Willcockes tooke the oath off fidelitie this court.” Plim. Rec. In 1642, one Wilcox set up a trading house in the Narraganset country. See CalUnda J Cera. Discourse, 38. If he were the same, it will well account for his being an interpreter 22 254 AWASHONKS.— CHURCH ENGAGES HER MEN. IBook. HI. said, ‘Yes.” Then, said Mr. Church, “it is customary when people meet to treat of peace, to lay aside then- arms, and not to appeal- in such hostile form as your people do” At this there was much murmuring among them, and Awashonks asked him what arms they should lay aside. Seeing their dis- pleasure, he said, only their guns, for form’s saKe. With one consent they then laid away their guns, and came and sat down. He then drew out hie bottle of rum, and asked Awashonks whether she had lived so long up at Wacbusett* as to forget to drink occapeches. Then, drinking to her, he ob- served she watched him very narrowly to see whether he swallowed, and, on offering it :o her, she wished him to drink again. He then told her there was no poison in it, and, pouring some into the palm of his hand, sipped it up. After he had taken a second hearty dram, Awashonks ventured to do likewise ; then she passed it among her attendants. The tobacco was next passed round, and they began to talk. Awashonks wanted to know why he had not come, as he promised, the year before, observing that, if he had, uhe and her people had not joined with Philip. He told her he was prevented by the breaking out of the war, and mentioned that he made an attempt, notwithstanding, soon after he left her, and got as far as Punkatesse, when a multitude of enemies set upon him, and obliged him to retreat. A great murmur now arose among the warriors, and one, a fierce and gigantic fel- low, raised his war club, with intention to have killed Mr. Church, but some laid hold on him and prevented him. They informed him that this fellow’s brother was killed in the fight at Punlcatcese, and that he said it was Church that killed him, and he would now have his blood. Church told them to tell him that his brother began first, and that if he had done as he had directed him, he would not have been hurt. The chief captain now ordered silence, telling them they should talk no more about old matters, which put an end to the tumult, and an agreement was soon concluded. Awashonks agreed to serve the English “in what way she was able,” provided “Plimouth would firmly engage to her that she and all of her people, and their wives and children should have their lives spared, and none of them transported out of the country.” This, Church told her he did not doubt in the least but Plimouth would consent to. Things being thus matured, the chief captain stood up, and, after express- ing the great respect he had for Mr. Church, said, “ Sir, if you will please accept of me and my men, and will head us, we will fight for you, and will help you to Philip's head before the Indian corn be ripe.” We do not ex pect that this chief pretended to possess the spirit of prophecy, but certainly tie was a truer prophet than many who have made the pretension. Mr. Church would have taken a few of the men with him, and gone di- rectly through the woods to Plimouth ; but Awashonks insisted that it would be very hazardous. He therefore agreed to return to the island and proceed by water, and so would take in some of their company at Sogkonate Point, which was accordingly brought about. And here it should be mentioned that the friendship, now renewed by the industry of Mr. Church, was never afterward broken. Many of these Indians always accompanied Church in his memorable expeditions, and rendered great service to the English. When Philip's war was over, Church went to reside again among them, and the greatest harmony always prevailed. But to return to the thread of our nar rative : — On returning to the island. Mr. Church “ was at great pains and charge te get a vessel, but with unaccountable disappointments ; sometimes by the falseness, and sometimes by the faint-heartedness of men that he bargained with, and sometimes by wind and weather, &c.” he was hindered a long; time. At length, Mr. Anthony Low, of Swansey, happening to put into the harbor, and although bound to the westward, on being made acquainted with Mr. Church's case, said he would run the venture of his vessel and cargo to wait upon him. But when they arrived at Sogkonate Point, sd though the Indians were there according to agreement wafting upon- the rrv*8, they met * She had p=wed the orececling winter, it would seem, with Philip’s people on the froa tiers of M^ssachuss’.ts Ohaf. 1V.1 AWASHONKs!.— SURRENDERS TO THE ENGLISH. 255 with a contrary wind, and so rough a sea, that none hut Peter Awashonks could get on board. This he did at great peril, having oidy an old broken canoe to get off in. The wind and rain now forced them up into Pocasset Sound, and they were obliged to bear away, and retiu i round the north end of the island, to Newport. Church now dismissed Mr. Low, as he viewed their effort against the will of Providence. He next drew up an account of what had passed, and de spatched Peter, on the 9 July, by way of Sogkonate, to Pliinouth. Major Bradford * having now arrived with an army at Pocasset, Mr. Church repaired to him, and told him of his transactions and engagements with Awashonks. Bradford directed him to go and inform her of his arrival, which he did. Awashonks doubtless now discovered much uneasiness and anxiety, but Mr. Church told her “ that if she would be advised and observe order, she nor her people need not fear being hurt.” He directed her to get all her people together, “lest, if they should be found straggling about, mischief might light on them;” and that the next day the army would march down into the neck to receive her. After begging him to consider the short time she had to collect them together, she promised to do the best she could, and he left her. Accordingly, two days after, she met the army at Punkateese. Awashonks was now unnecessarily perplexed by the stem carriage of Major Bradford. For she expected her men would have been employed in the army ; but instead of that he “ presently gave forth orders for Awashonks, and all her subjects, both men, women and children, to repair to Sandwich, and to be there upon peril, in six days.” Church was also quite disconcerted by this unexpected order, but all reasoning or remonstrance was of no avail with the commander in chief. He told Mr. Church he would employ him if he chose, but as for the Indians, “ he would not be coneerned with them,” and accordingly sent them off with a flag of truce, under the direction of Jack. Havens, an Indian who had never been engaged in the war. Mr. Church told Awashonks not to be concerned, but it was best to obey orders, and he would shortly meet her at Sandwich. According to promise, Church went by way of Plimouth to meet the Sog- ki mates. The governor of Plimouth was highly pleased at the account Church gave him of the Indians, and so much was he now satisfied of his superior abilities and skill, that he desired him to be commissioned in the country’s service. He left Plimouth the same day with six attendants, among whom were Mr. Jabez Howland, and Mr. JYathanied Southworth. They slept at Sandwich the first night, and here taking a few more men, agreeably to the governor’s orders, proceeded to Agawam, a small river of Rochester, where they expected to meet the Indians. Some of his company now became discouraged, presuming, perhaps, the Indians were treacherous, and half of them returned home. When they came to Sippican River, which empties into Buzzard’s Bay in Rochester, Mr. Howland was so fatigued that they were obliged to leave him, he being in years, and somewhat corpulent. Church left two more with him as a reserve, in case he should be obliged to retreat. They soon Same to the shore of Buzzard’s Bay, and, hearing a great noise at considerable distance from them, upon the bank, were pres- ' Out of a curious book we take the following note, as, besides giving us an interesting fact concerning the major, it contains others of value. It was written in 1697. At that time, some pretended that the age of people was much shorter in America than in Europe; which gave rise to what we are about to extract. — Mary Brown was the first-born of New- bury, Mass., who married a Godfry ; and, says our book, she “ is yet alive, and is become the mother and grandmother of many children.” “ The ipentiou of Mary Brown brings to our mind an idle whimsey, as if persons born in New England would be short-lived ; whereas, tfe-9 natives livelong. And a judgment concerning Englishmen cannot well be made till 20 <*r 30 years hence. Capt. Peregrine White, born [on board the Mayflower ] Nov. 162C, is yet alive, and like to live. [He died 7 years after, in 1704.] Major William Bradford is more than 73 years old, and hath worn a bullet in his flesh above 20 of them, [whicn he doubtless received in Philip’s war. He died aged 79.] Elizabeth Alden, (now Paybody, whose granddaughter is a mother,) Capt. John Alden, her brother, Alex'. Standish, and John Howland, have lived more than 70 years.” S. Sewall’s New Heaven upon the Nttt Earth, 59, 60. 256 AWASHONKS. — MANNER OF MAKING SOLDIERS. [Loos lit ently in sight of a “ vast company of Indians, of all ages and sexes, some on horseback, running races, some at foot-ball, some catching eels and flat tisli in the water, some clamming, &c.” They now had to find out what Indians these were, before they dared make themselves known to them. Church therefore halloed, and two Indians that were at a distance from the rest, rode up to him, to find out what the noise meant. They were very much surprised when they found themselves so near Englishmen, and turned their horses to run, but, Church making himself known to them, they gave him the desired information. Me sent (or Jack Havens, who immediutcl v came. And when he had confirmed what the others had related, (here arrived a large number of them on horseback, well armed. These treated the English very respectfully. Church then sent Jack to Awashonks, to inform her that he would sup with her that night, and lodge in her tent. In the mean time, the English returned with their friends the-y had left at Sippican. When they came to the Indian company, they “ were immediately conducted to a shelter, open on one side, whither Awashonks and her chiefs soon came and paid their respects.” When this laid taken place, there were great shouts made by the “multitudes,” which “made the heavens to ring.” About sunset, “the jYetops * came running from ail quarters, laden with the tops of dry pines, and the like combustible matter, making a huge pile thereof, near Mr. Church's shelter, on the open side thereof. But by tiiis time supper was brought in, in three dishes, viz. a curious young bass in one dish, eels and fiat fish in a second, and shell fish in a third:” but salt was wanting. When the supper was finished, “ the mighty pile of [line knots and tops &c. was fired, and all the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring aroma it Awashonks, with the eldest of her people, men and women mixed, kneel- ing down, made the first ring next the fire, and all the lusty stout met Btanding up made the next ; and then all the rabble, in a confused crew, surrounded on the outside. Then the chief captain stepped in between the rings and the fire, with a spear in one hand, and a hatchet in the other, lanced round the fire, and began to fight with it, making mention of all the several nations and companies of Indians in the country that were enemies to the English. And at naming of every particular tribe of Indians, he would draw out and fight a new fire-brand, and at his finishing his fight with each particular fire-brand, would bow to Mr. Church and thank him.” When he had named over all the tribes at war with the English, he stuck his speai and hatchet in the ground, and left the ring, and then another stepped in, and acted over the same farce ; trying to act with more fury than the first. After about a half a dozen had gone through with the performance, theii chief captain stepped to Mr. Church, and told him “they were making soldiers for him, and what they had been doing was all one swearing of them.” Awashonlcs and her chiefs next came and told him “ that now they were all engaged to fight for the English.” At this time Awashonks presented to Mr. Church a very fine gun. The next day, July 22, he selected a number of her men, and proceeded to Plimouth. A commission was given mm, and, being joined with a number of English, volunteers, commenced a suc- cessful series of exploits, in which these Sogkonates bore a conspicuous part, but have never, since the days of Church, been any where noticed as they deserved. It is saidf that Awashonks had two sons; the youngest was JVilliam Mom- myneurit, who was put to a grammar school, and learned the Latin language, and was intended for college, but was prevented by being seized with the palsy. VVe have been able to extend the interesting memoir of the family of Awashonks in the early part of this article much beyond any before printed account ; of Tolcamona we have no printed notice, except what Church l incidentally mentions. Some of his Indian soldiers requested liberty to pursue the Narragansets and other enemy Indians, immediately * Signifying friends, in Indian. - t Coll. Mass Hist. Sor. f Hist. Philip’s War, 39. It is usual to cite Captain Church as the author or recorder of his own actions ; it is so, although his son nomas appears as the writer of the history. The truth is, tlie father dictated to the son, and corrected what appeared erroneous after the work was written Chap, V.] PUMHAM 257 after they had captured Philip's wife and son. “They said the Narragansets were great rogu s, and they wanted to be revenged on them, for killing some of their relations ; named Tokkamona, ( Awashonk's brother,) and some others." About 130 years ago, i. e. 1700, there were 100 Indian men of the Sog- konate tribe, a. id the general assembly appointed JYumpaus their captain, who lived to he an old man, and died about 1748, alter the taking of Cape Breton, 1745. At the commencement of the eighteenth century, they made quite a respectable religious congregation; had a meeting-house of their own, in whic i they were instructed by Rev. Mr. Billings, once a month, on Sundays. 1 ley had a steady preacher among themselves, whose name was John Simon, a man of a strong mind. About 17 >0, a very distressing fever carried off many of this tribe, and in 1803 there Aere not above ten in Compton, their principal residence. CHAPTER V A furtizr account of chiefs conspicuous in Philip’s war — Pumham — Taken and slain — His son Quaqualh — Chickon — Socononoco — Potock — His residence— Comolaint against Wildbow's encroachments — Delivers himself up — Put to death — Stone-wall-john — A gieat captain — A mason — His men greatly annoy the English army in JVarraganset — Kills several of them — They burn a garrison, and kill fifteen persons — A traffic in Indian prisoners — The burning of Rehoboth and Providence — John’s discourse with Roger Williams — Is killed — Sagamore John — Fate of Matoonas — Pat to death on Boston Common — His son hanged for mur- der — Monoco — David — Andrew — James-lhe-pr inter — Old-jethero — Sagamor*- sam, alias Shoshanim — Visited by Eliot in 1052 — Anecdote — Peter-jethero PUMHAM, it may be truly said, “was a mighty man of valor.” Our history has several times heretofore brought him before us, and we shall now proceed to relate such facts concerning him as we have been able to collect He was sachem of Shawomet, the country where the old squaw- sachem Magnus was taken and slain, as in her life we have shown. As in almost every other case, we can only learn how to estimate the consequence of a chief from the story of his enemies. It is peculiarly so in the biography of Pumham. When it was reported that he was slain, every chronicler seems to have stood ready, with the ink of exultation in his pen, to record all the particulars of his fall ; and to make it appear the greater, it is to be feared, they have sometimes raised many to a height to which they were not entitled, lor that object. But it was not so in the case of Pumham. When it was reported at Boston that he was killed, an author in our Chroniclo said, “If it is so, the glory of that nation is sunk witli him forever.” This chief was brought into considerable difficulty by the English as early as 1645. In 1642, the Rev. Samuel Gorton took refuge in his country, and was kindly treated by him ; and in January the next year, Miantunnomoh and Canonicus deeded to him Mishawomet, or Sliaomet, which he afterward called Warwick, alter the earl of that name. This settlement was grievous to the Puritan fathers of Massachusetts, as they soon showed by their resentment to Miantunnomoh ; and here we cannot but discover the germ of all die subsequent disasters of that sachem. Mr. Gorton was kindly treated by him, as well as Pumham, until the latter was urged by Mr. Gorton's enemies to lay claim to the lands he had purchased of Miantunnomoh, whom the court of Massachusetts declared an usurper,* as in his lile has been told. By the letters of the unimpeachable Roster Williams , the above conclu- sions will appear evident, lu 1656, he wrote to Massachusetts, showing them the wretched state Warwick was in from their difficulties with the Indians, as lollows : — “Your wisdoms know the inhuman iusultations of these wild creatures, and you may be pleased also to imagine, that they have not been sparing of your name as the patron of all their wickedness against 22 * MS state paper. R 2o8 PUMHAM.— SOCONO.NOCO.— QUAQ.UALH. [Book III our English men, women and children, and cattle, to the yearly damage of 60, 80 and 100 £. The remedy is, (under God,) only your pleasure that Pumham shall come to an agreement with the town or colony.”* Now it should be remembered, that when Warwick was purchased, Pumham and some other inferior sachems received presents for their particular interests in what was sold, agreeably to the laws and usages of the Indians. The Plimouth people had their share in the Warwick controversy, having caused Ousamaquin to lay claim to the same place, or a sachem who lived with him, named JYawwashawsuck ; between whom and Pumham the quarrel ran so high tlrat the former stabbed the latter. The affairs of Warwick had been under consideration by the commis- sioners of the United Colonies for several years before this, and in 1649, they say, “Vppon a question betwixt the two collonies of the Massachusets and Plymouth, formerly propounded, and now again renewed by the com- missioners of the Massachusetts, concerning a tract of land now or lately belonging to Pamham and Saconoco, two Indian sagamores who had sub- mitted themselves and their people to the Massachusetts goverment, vppon part of which land som English, (besides the said Indians,) in anno 1643, were planted and settled.” The decision was, that though the said tract of land fall within Plimouth bounds, it should henceforth belong to Massachusetts. About 1646, we find the following record f of these chiefs : — “ Pomihom and Saconanoco complaining to us [the court of Mass.] that many Indians dwelling 20 miles beyond them, (being friends and helpers to the Narragan- setts in then- present wars with Uncas,) are come upon their lands, and planted upon the same against their wills, they not being able of themselves to remove them, and therefore desire our counsel and help. We shall therefore advise them, if the deputies agree thereunto, to send a messenger to the sachem of those intruders to come to us to give an account of such his intention ; and if he come to us, then to offer him protection upon the same terms that Pumham hath it, provided they satisfy Uncas for any injury they have done liim. If he refuse to come, then we would have our mes- senger charge them to depart from Pomham and Soconanocho their lands, which also if they refuse, then we shall account them our enemies.” •) Though, by the aid of the English, Pumham had been able to mamtain a kind of independence for some years after the death of the chief sachem, yet he was among the first who espoused the cause of Philip in his war, as it would seem from his not attending at the treaty in June, immediately after hostilities commenced. The army who went to make thautreaty passed through his country in their march, and, as Mr. Hubbard states, “ They found the Indians in Pomham’ s country (next adjoining to Philip’s borders) all fled, and their wigwams without any people in them.” The English army also march- ed through his country, in their return from the attack on Philip and his con- federates in Narraganset, in December, 1675. At tins time a small fight took place between some of the English and a number of Pumham's men, under a chief whose name was Q.UAQUALH, who gained some advantage of the English, wounding four of their men. The whites, however, report that they killed five of the Indians. Quaqualh himself was wounded in the knee. At the same time they burnt Pumliam’s town, [ wh.ch contained near 100 wig- wams. The English were commanded by Captain Prentice. § Pumham was not the chief captain in the fight at the great falls in the Con- necticut, which took place 19 May, 1676, although we presume, from the known character of him, that he was the most conspicuous in it on the side of the Indians; being a man of vast physical powers and of extraordinary bravery. In this affair the English acted a most cowardly part, having every advantage of their enemy, who acquired credit upon the occasion, even at the time, from the historian. The English came upon them before day, while none were awake to give the alarm, and, “ finding them secure indeed, yea, all asleep, without having any scouts abroad, so that our soldiers came * Hutchinson’s papers, and Hazard. f In manuscript, among the papers on file in the secretary’s office, Mass, without date. i Old Indian Chron. 68. This author has his name Burnham. There were many is. (Usees, at this time, of the use of B. for P. § Hubbard, Nar. 67. PUMHAM.— THE FALL FIGHT. 259 CUAT. V.] and put their guns into their wigwams, before the Indians were aware of them, and made a great and notable slaughter amongst them.” * Many in thnir fright ran into the river, and were hurled down the falls, f some of whom, doubtless, were drowned. As soon as the English, who were led by Captains Turner and Holioke, had murdered the unresisting, and the Indians having begun to rally to oppose them, they fled in the greatest confusion, although they had “ about an hundred and four score ” men, f of whom but one was wounded when the flight began. This enhances the valor of the Indians, in our mind, especially as we read the following passage, in Mr. Mathers Brief History: — “In the mean while, a party of Indians from an island, (whose coming on shore might easily have been prevented, and the soldiers, before they set out from Hadley, were earnestly admonished to take care about that matter,) assaulted our men ; yea, to the great dishonor of the English, a few Indians pursued our soldiers lour or five miles, who were in number near twice as many as the enemy.” In this flight Captain Turner was killed, as he was crossing Green River. Holioke exerted himself with great valor, and seems well calculated to oppose such a chief as Pumham. We hear of no other bravery among the English in this massacre, but the follow- ing passage concerning Holioke ,' which we are sorry is so sadly eclipsed. During the fight, some old persons, (whether men or women is not men- tioned.) and children, had hid themselves under the bank of the river. Captain Holioke discovered them, and with his own hands put five of them, “ young and old,” to death. § This English captain did not long survive his antago- nist, for, by his great exertions in this fight, a fever was brought upon liim, of which he died in September following, “ about Boston.” || It would seem from the several accounts, that, although the English were sadly distressed in this fight, the Indians could never have repaired their loss ; which, says the author of the Present State, “was almost as much, nay, in some respects more considerable, than their lives.” He continues, “We destroyed all their ammunition and provision, which we think they can hardly be so soon and easily recruited with, as possibly they may be with men. We likewise here demolished two forges they had to mend their arms, took away all their materials and tools, and drove many of them into the river, where they were drowned, and threw two great pigs of lead of theirs, (intended for making of bullets.) into the said river.” H — “ As our men were returning to Hadley, in a dangerous pass, which they were not sufficiently aware of, the skulking Indians, (out of the woods,) killed, at one volley, the said captain, and eight-and-thirty of his men, but immediately after they had discharged, they fled.” In relating the capture and death of Pumham, Mr. Hubbard says,** “ He was one of the stoutest and most valiant sachems that belonged to the Nar- ragansets ; whose courage and strength was so great that, after he had been mortally wounded in the fight, so as himself could not stand ; yet catching hold of an Englishman that by accident came near him, had done him mischief, if he had not been presently rescued by one of his fellows” This was on 25 July, 1676. Pumham, with a few followers, had for some time secreted themselves in Dedham woods, where it was supposed they were “ almost starved for want of victuals.” In this sad condition, they were fallen upon by the English under Captain Hunting , who killed fifteen * I. Mather, 30. f We cannot agree with our friend Gen. Hoyt, that these falls should he named Turner’s Falls, although we once thought it well enough. We would rather call them the Massacre Falls, if, indeed, their Indian name cannot be recovered. A beautiful view of these cele- brated falls is given by Professor Hitchcock, in the volume of plates accompanying his Geology of Mass. f 1. Mather, 30. § Hubbard, Nar. 88. |[ Ibid. IT Many of the Indians learned trades of the English, and in the wars turned their knowl- edge to good account They had a forge in their fort at Narraganset, and the Indian black- smith was killed when that was taken. The author of the Present State, &c. says, he was the only man amongst them that fitted their guns and arrow-heads ; that among other housee they burnt his, demolished his forge, and carried away his tools. ** Narrative, 100. 4to. edition. 260 POTOK— DEATH OF PUMHAM. [Book II? and took thirty-five of them without resistance.* * They found here con aiderable plunder; “besides kettles, there was about half a bushel of wam- pumpeag, which the enemy lost, and twelve pounds of powder, which tlje captives say they had received from Albany but two days before.”! A son of Pumharn was among the captives, “ a veiy likely youth,” says Hublanl , } “and one whose countenance would have bespoke favor for him, had lie not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his lather was.” It would seem from this unfeeling account that he was put to death. Dr. Mather says he was carried prisoner to Boston. From the same author we must add to the revolting picture of the father’s death. “ This Pumharn, alter he was wounded so as that he could not stand upon his legs, and was thought to have been dead, made a shift, (as the soldiers were pursuing others,! to crawl a little out of the way, but was found again, and when an Englishman drew near to him, though he could not stand, lie did, (like a beast,) in rage and revenge, get hold on the soldier’s head, and had like to have killed him, had not another come in to his help, and rescued him out of the enraged dying hands of that bloody barbarian.” f That it may be seen how the same story, recorded at the same time, at the same place, and by different individuals, varies on comparison, we give here the account of the fight in which Pumharn was slain, from an author in the Chronicle ; in which it will be observed that a different date is given to the event. “ Upon the 27 of July it was, that about 20 Indians were slain, and 30 taken prisoners. We had 5 and 20 English, and 20 of our Indian friends in this exploit. One of these that were slain was Pomham. After he had received a deadly shot in his back, he withdrew himself from his men, (for they were all his relations and subjects that were slain and taken at this time,) and thought to hide himself in a bushy hole, but was found out by an Englishman, who, as lie went to apprehend him, found that the stout sachem was unwilling to lall into the hands of the English, for he gave him a stunning blow with his hatchet, which he had reserved of all his weapons, and perhaps had slain the Englishman, but God ordered it so that he had a sudden revival, and took courage and grappled with him, [Pumharn,] and threw him under him, and others coming in to his assistance, Pumharn was soon despatched. There was about £20 of Indian money found in then- baskets, ” which the English gave to their Indian friends, and their guns they took to themselves. A short time before this, a grandson of this chief was killed by a party under Denison, § “who was also a sachem, and another sachem called Chicken .” POTOK, a Narraganset chief) we may properly, in the next place, notice. None of his acts in Philip's war are recorded, at least none have come to our knowledge, but they could not have been inconsiderable, in the opinion of his enemies, as his life atoned for them. We find him first mentioned, on account of his opposition to the introduction of Christianity into his nation. When, in the beginning of Philip's war, the English army marched into the Narraganset country, to treat or fight with that nation, as they might be found inclined, Potok appeared as the principal chief. In the treaty which was concluded at tliat time, a condition was urged by him, “ that the English should not send any among them to preach the gospel or cail upon them to pray to God.” But the English would not admit such an article ; but if an article of this character had been urged on the other hand, we doubt whether there would have been any objection urged by the Indians. On this policy of the English Roger Williams should be heard, as, a. this day even, we need no better commentary on the matter in hand. It is con- tained in a letter || to the governor of Massachusetts, and is as follows: — ■ ‘At my last departure for England, I was importuned by ye Narraganset sachems, and especially by JVenecunat, to present their petition to the high • MS. Narrative of Rev. T. Cobbet. f Mather’s Brief Hist. 4S 1 Narrative, ut supra. • Many write Dennison, but nis own signature, in my possession, is as in the text j In MS. dated Providence, 6:8: 1664. Chap. V.] STONE-WALL-JOHN.— OLIVERS JOURNAL. 261 sachems rf England, that they might not be forced from then - religion ; and, for not changing their religion, be invaded by war. For they said they were daily visited with tlireatenings by Indians, that came from about the Massa- chusetts ; tli at if they would no? pray, they should be destroyed by war.” And again, in the same letter: “Are not all the English of this land, (gener- ally,) a persecuted people from their native soil P and hath not the God of peace and Father of mercies made the natives mere friendly in this than our native countrymen in our own land to us? have they not entered leagues of love, and to this day continued peaceable commerce with us ? are not our ftunilies grown up in peace amongst them ? Upon which I humbly ask how it can suit with Cliristian ingenuity, to take hold of some seeming occasions for their destruction.” We are able to fix the place of his residence in the vicinity of Point Judith. In the year 1661, Potok, with several other chiefs, complained to the court of Massachusetts, that “ Samuel JVildbow, and others of his companie,” claimed jurisdiction at Point Judith, in their country, and lands adjacent. They came on and possessed themselves forcibly, bringing their cattle and other effects with them.* What order the court took upon it does not appear. About the close of Philip's war, Potok came voluntarily to Rhode Island, no doubt with the view of making friends again with his enemies; but was sent to Boston, where, after answering all their inquiries, he was put to death with- out ceremony. It is related by an author in the Old Indian Chronicle, that Potok was captured by the forces under Major Talcot , in June, 1676, at or near the same time Stone-Layer-John was. In closing his account of the capture of John, he adds, “ Likewise Potucke, the great Indian counsellor, a man con- sidering his education of wonderful subtlety, was brought prisoner into Rhode Island” In the account carried to London by Captain More, mentioned in the last chapter, is this notice of Potok : — “ There is one Potuck, a mischievous En- gine, and a Counsellour, taken formerly, said to be in Goal at Rhode Island, is now sent to Boston, and there shot to death.” f In the detail of the great Narraganset expedition of 1675, we have omitted to notice a by-no-means- unimportant Indian captain. Stone-wall-John, Stone-layer- John, and sometimes simply Stone-wall, were names by which his English friends knew him, and we have not discovered what was his Indian name. One writer of his time observes that he was called the Stone-layer, “ for that, being an active, ingenious fellow, he had- leamed the mason’s trade, and was of great use to the Indians in building their forts, &c.” Hence we may hazard but little in the conjecture that he was the chief engineer in the erection of the great Narraganset lbrt. which has been described in the life of Philip. Although but little is known of him, he was doubtless one of the most distinguished Narraganset captains. The first notice of Stone-layer- John, which we now remember, is con- tained in a letter of Captain Oliver, \ which he wrote while on his march with the English army to attack the fort, which we have just mentioned. He says, “ Dec. 15 ca[me in] John a rogue, with a pretence of peace, and was dismissed with [this] errand: That we might speak with sachems. That evening, he not being gone a quarter of an hour, his company, that lay hid behind a hill of our quarters, killed two Salem men, and wounded a tlfr 1 within a mile of us, that he is dead. And at a house three miles oft] where I had ten men, they killed two of them. Instantly CapL Mosely, myself and CapL Gardner were sent to fetch in Major Appleton's company, that kept three miles and a half off, and coming, they lay behind a stone wall, and fired on us in sight of the garrison, we killed the captain that killed one of the Salem men, and had his cap.” Mr. Hubbard says, “ A few desperate Indians, creeping under a stone-wall, fired twenty or thirty guns at Mosely in particular, a commander well known amongst them, but the rest of the com- * MS. Stale Papers, t Old Indian Chronicle, 111. X In manuscript. See an account of it in a note to the life of Philip. 2(52 STONE-WALI.-JOHN -PROVIDENCE, &c. RURNT. [Rook ill pany running down upon them, killed one of them and scattered the rest* Thus did the scouts from the main body of the Indians, under such captains as the Stone-layer , annoy the English in their march into their country. I tn- inediately after these skirmishes, “ they b^irnt Jerry Bull's* house, and killed seventeen [persons.]! Dee. 16, came that news. Dec. 17, came news that Connecticut forces were at Petaquamscut ; killed four Indians and took six prisoners. That day we sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old, for £80 in money.”! How much John had to do in the devastations which had been perpetrated the previous season, is unknown, but we are told that he had no small agency in “the sacking of Providence,” § and Rehoboth also, without doubt. In the former about 30 houses || were burned, and in the latter place “ near upon 40” houses and 30 barns. Stone- wall- John was doubtless one who conversed with the Reverend Mr. Williams at the time Providence was burned. The substance of that conver- sation is related by our anonymous author, already cited, in these words: — “But indeed the reason that the inhabitants of the towns of Seaconick and Providence generally escaped with their lives, is not to be attributed to any compassion or good nature of the Indians, (whose very mercies are inhumane cruelties,) but, [the author soon contradicts himself as will be seen,] next to God’s providence to their own prudence in avoiding their fury, when they found themselves too weak, and unable to resist it, by a timely flight into Rhode Island, which now became the common Zoar, or place of refuge for the distressed ; yet some remained till their coming to destroy the said towns ; as in particular Mr. Williams at Providence, who, knowing several of the chief Indians that came to fire that town, discoursed with them a consider- able time, who pretended, their greatest quarrel was against Plimouth ; and as for what they attempted against the other colonies, they were constrained to it, by the spoil that was done them at Narraganset.H They told him, that when Capt. Pierce engaged them near Mr. Blackslone's, they were bound for PI imouth. They gloried much in their success, promising themselves the conquest of the whole country, and rooting out of all the English. Mr. Wil- liams reproved their confidence, minded them of their cruelties, and told them, that the Bay, viz. Boston, could yet spare 10,000 men ; and, if they should destroy all them, yet it was not to be doubted, but our king would send as many every year from Old England, rather than they should share the country.** They answered proudly, that they should be ready for them, or to that effect, but told Mr. Williams that he was a good man, and had been kind to them formerly, and therefore they would not hurt him.” This agrees well with Mr. Hubbard’s account of the carriage of John at the time lie went to the English army to talk about peace, already mentioned. His words are, “yet could the messenger, [John,] hardly forbear threatening, vaporing of their numbers and strength, adding, withal, that the English durst not fight them.” We have now to close the career of this Indian captain, for which it re- quires but a word, as lie was killed on the 2 July, 1676, at the same time the old squaw-sachem Quaiapen and most of her people were fallen upon by Major Talcot , as we have related in a former chapter. Many Indians bore the name of John , but when they were any ways con- spicuous, some distinguishing prefix or alfix was generally added, as we have seen in several instances in the preceding chapters. We have already * Jerali was probably his name. f Ten men and five women and children. Hubbard, 50. “ About 14.” 1. Mather, 20. “ Eighteen, men, women and children.” Chronicle, 45. f Captain Oliver’s MS. letter. 6 Olu Indian Chronicle, 98. || The building containing the records of R. 1. was consumed at this time, and part of its contents. Some of them were saved by being throwu out of a window into some water. They bear to this time the marks of their immersion. — Oral information of IP. R. Staples, Esq. of Providence. 1i And who could ask for a better reason 1 ** This was rather gasconading for so reverend a man ! Had he lived since the rr /olu lionary war, lie would hardly have meant so, whatever he might have so id. CHAP. V.] UATOONAS.— EXECUTED AT BOSTON. 263 2:1 ven the ; * * * § > ' * me Sagamore-John, but another of that name, still more conspicuo s (Vr his treachery to his own nation,) here presents himself. This Svannt ft- John was a Nipmuk sachem, and a traitor to his country On th-> 2/ui ol July, 1676, doubtless from a conviction of the hopelessness of hi? cause, he came to Boston, and threw himself on the mercy of the Englkm. They pardoned him, as he enticed along with him about 180 others. And, that he might have a stronger claim on their clemency, lie seized Matoonas, and his son, against whom he knew the English to be great- ly enraged, and delivered them up at the same time. On death’s being im- mediately assigned as the lot of Matoonas, Sagamore-John requested that he might execute him with his own hands. To render still more horri 1 this story of blood, his request was granted ; and he took Matoonas into the com- mon, bound him to a tree, and there “ shot him to death.” To the above Dr. Mather adds,* “Thus did the Lord retaliate upon him the innocent blood which he had shed ; as he had done, so God requited him.” Although much had been alleged against John, before he came in, after- wards the most favorable construction was put upon his conduct. Mr. Hub- bard says, he “affirmed that he had never intended any mischief to the Eng- lish at Brookfield, the last year, (near which village it seems his place w’as,J but that Philip, coming over night amongst them, he was forced, for fear of his own life, to join with them against the English.” f MATOONAS was also a Nipmuk chief A son of his was said to have murdered an Englishman in 1671, when “ traveling along the road,” which Mr. Hubbard says was “ out of mere malice and spite,” because he was “ vexed in his mind that the design against the English, intended to begin in that year, did not take place.” This son of Matoonas was hanged, and afterwards beheaded, and his head set upon a pole,- where it was to be seen six years after. The name of the murdered Englishman was Zachary Smith, a young man, who, as he was passing through Dedham, in the month of April, put up at the house of Mr. Caleb Church. About half an hour after he was gone, the next morning, three Indians passed the same, way ; who, as they passed by Church's house, behaved in a very insolent manner. They had been employed as laborers in Dorchester, and said they belonged to Philip ; they left their masters under a suspicious pretence. The body of the murdered man was soon after found near the saw-mill in Dedham, and these Indians were apprehended, and one put to death, as is stated above. X Mr. Hubbard supposes that the father, “ an old malicious villain,” bore “ an old grudge against them,” on the account of the execution of his son. And the first mischief that was done in Massachusetts colony was charged to him ; which was the killing of four or five persons at Mendon, a town upon Paw- tucket River; and, says 7. Mather, “had we amended ovr ways as we should have done, this misery would have been prevented.” § When Matoonas was brought before the councf of Massachusetts, he “ confessed that he had rightly deserved death, and could expect no other.” “ He had often seemed to favor the praying Indians, and the Christian reli- gion, but, like Simon Magus, by his after practice, discovered quickly that he had no part nor portion in that matter.” || The following is the statement of this affair in the Old Indian Chronicle. John “ declared himself sorry that he had fought against the English, and promised to give some testimonial to them soon of his fidelity ; and at his return now with his men, women and children, he brought down, bound with cords, old Mattoonus and his son prisoners. This Mattoonus' eldest son had been tried at Boston, and executed, 5 or 6 years ago, for an execrable murder by him conunitted on a young maid II of the English near Woburn, and his head was * Brief History of the War, 43. f Narrative, 101. 4to edition. If this be true, Philip had the chief direction in the ambBslvng of Hutehinson and Wheeler at Wickabaug, as related in the life of Philip ; but in our opinion not much credit should be given to any thing coming from a traitor. f Manuscript among the files in the office of the secretary of the state of Massachusetts. § Brief Hist. 5. II Hubbard, 101. IT This author is evidently in eiTor about the Woburn murder. Dr. 1 . Mother say s, Rela lion, 75, “ Some few private murthers there have been, as namely those at Nantucket, and that by Matoonas his son, and that at Woburn.” No other particulars are given by Mather 264 NETUS.— MONOCO.— MURDERS AT SUDBURY I Duo;. ;:i fastened to a pole at one end of the gallows. This old Mattoonvs father 1 ; <1 given it out that he would be avenged of us for his son’s death, which coming to the knowledge of the council, he was sent for and examined about it ; and having- denied it, and there not being sufficient evidence of it, he was dismissed’ having only confessed this, that considering the death of his son, he found his heart so big hot ivithin him, but that he resolved to abide a faithful friend to the English, and so that accusation ended. But after sachem Philip had begun his murders in PI i mouth colony, this savage first appeared an enemy to us, and slew the two first men that were killed within the limits of our colony {to wit, at Mendham) and in that cruel and outrageous attempt at Quabaog this old Mattoonus was the principal ringleader. Being now brought a prisoner to Boston, he was by the council the same day, [28 July,] adjudged, to be shot to death, which was executed in Boston common, by three Indians. His head was cut off and placed upon a pole on the gallows, opposite to his son’s that was there formerly hanged. His son, brought along with him, remains still a prisoner.” While Matoonas belonged to the Christian Indians, his residence was at Pakachoog. Here he was made constable of the town.* * On joining in the war, he led parties which committed several depredations. He joined the main body of the Nipmuks in the winter of 1675, when James Quanapohit was among them as a spy, who saw him arrive there with a train of follow- ers, and take the lead in the war dances, f Doubtless QuanapohiVs evidence drew forth the confessions which he made, and added to the severity exer- cised at his execution. [ A Nipmuk captain we will in the next place notice, who makes a sudden inroad upon the frontier of Massachusetts, and who as suddenly dis- appears. NETUS, on the 1 February, 1676, with about 10 followers, attacked the house of one Thomas Eames, 4 or 5 miles beyond Sudbury, and took his and his son’s families prisoners. They then destroyed every thing upon his farm, burnt up his house* and his bams with the cattle and corn in them, and withdrew beyond the reach of the English, as Totoson had done at Eel River. When this onset was made, Eames himself was absent at Boston to procure ammunition. In all, seven § persons were killed or fell into the hands of this party of Indians. About three months afterwards, one of the children taken at this time escaped, and after wandering 30 miles alone through the wilder- ness, under extreme sufferings, arrived among the English settlements. On the 27 March following, Netus was killed near Marlborough, by a party of English under Lieutenant Jacobs, with about 40 others.|| We have yet to notice a distinguished Nipmuk sachem, called MONOCO by his countrymen, but, by the English, generally, One-eyed- John ; as though deficient in the organs of vision, which probably was the case. He was, says an early writer, “ a notable fellow,” who, when Philip’s war began, lived near Lancaster, and consequently was acquainted with every part of the town, which knowledge he improved to his advantage, on two occasions, in that war. On Sunday, 22 August, 1675, a man, his wife but Hubbard, in the preface to his Narrative, edition of 1677, says, “ a murther was committed at Farmington, another at Woburn, by some Indians in their drunken humors upon a maid servant or two, who denied them drink.” * Shattuck’s Hist. Concord, 31. 11 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vi.206. t The Nipmuks were at this time chiefly under five sachems, which, Mr. Hubbard says, were “ four too many to govern so small a people.” The same author says, “ The Nipnets were under the command of the sachem of Mount Hope,” which fact is verified by numerous passages of our history. The names of the five principal sachems were Monoco, Mautamp, Shoshanim, Matoonas, and Sagamore John. According to the Cotton MSS. seven were killed and two children only taken. This agrees with our Chronicle, 77, where it is said “ they killed seven people in a barbarous manner, and carried some away captive.” Hubbard , 84 and Table, says Eames 1 wife was killed, and his son's wife died the next day, but says nothing of the number killed or taken. |j Compare Hubbard, 79 and 84.— This was the affair which he says was done “ when it was so dark that an Indian could hardly be discerned from a better man.” See Book III. Chap. II. On 21 Sept, following, three Indians were hanged as concerned in the murder « Kemtt’t family Chap. V.j MONOCO— PRAYING INDIANS PERSECUTED. 265 and two children were killed at that place.* At this time the Hassanamesit praying Indians were placed at Marlborough by authority. No sooner was it known that a murder was committed at Lancaster, than not a few were wanting to charge it upon the Hassanamesits. Captain Mosely, who it seems, was in the neighborhood, sent to their quarters, and found “ much suspicion against eleven of them, for singing and dancing, and having bullets and slugs, and much powder hid in their baskets.” For this offence , these eleven were sent to Boston 30 August, on suspicion, and there tried. “But upon trial, the said prisoners were all of them acquitted from the fact, and were either released, or else were, with others of that fort, sent for better security, and for preventing future trouble in the like kind, to some of the islands below Boston, towards Nantasket.” Fifteen was the number brought down to Boston, but eleven only were suspected of the alleged offence. The others, among whom were Abram Speen and John Choo, were taken along and imprisoned, for no other reason but their being accidentally, at that time, at Marlborough, or the crime of being Indians. It appears some time had elapsed alter the murder was committed, before they were sent down for trial, or more probably they were suffered to return home before being sent to Deer Island. For Ephraim Turner and William Kent were not sent up to find out where “ they all were,” and what answers they could get from those they should meet, until the beginning of October ; at which time these eleven Indians were scattered in various directions, about their daily callings. And all the information Turner and Kent handed into court was, that they were thus dispersed. Waban and Mr. John Watson, who had been appointed to reside among those Indians, were the only persons questioned. What steps the court took upon this information, we are not informed, but they were about this time sent to Deer Island. The names of these Indians, concerning whom more particular inquiry may hereafter be made by the benevolent antiquary, it is thought should be given; especially as they may not elsewhere be preserved. They were, Old-jethro and two sons, James-the-printer, James Acompanet, Daniel Munups, John Cquasquaconet, John Asquenet, George JVonsequesewit, Thomas Mamuxon- qua, and Joseph Watapacoson, alias Joseph Spoonant. After a trial of great vexation to these innocent Indians, David , the main witness against them, acknowledged he had perfidiously accused them ; and at die same time, a prisoner was brought in, who testified that he knew One- eyed-john had committed the murder at Lancaster, and a short time after another was taken, who confirmed his testimony. These Indians brought all these troubles upon themselves by reason of their attachment to the English. It was in their service that they discovered and captured Andrew, a brother of David, who, on being delivered to the soldiery, was shot by them with ferocious precipitancy. Therefore, when the Lancaster murder happened, Captain Mosely, having already sundry charges against David, held an inquisition upon him to make him confess relative to the Lancaster affair. The method taken to make him confess, (agreeably to the desire of his inquisitors,) was this : they bound him to a tree, and levelled guns at bis breast. In this situation, to avert immediate death, as well as to be re- venged for the death of his brother, he proceeded to accuse the eleven Indians before named. For thus falsely accusing his countrymen, and shooting at a boy who was looking after sheep at Marlborough, David was condemned to slavery, and accordingly sold, as was one of the eleven named Watapacoson. This last act being entirely to calm the clamors of the multitude ; after he bad been once acquitted, a new trial was got up, and a new jury for this particular end.f Andrevds history is as follows : lie had been gone for some time before the war, on a hunting voyage towards the lakes ; and on his return homeward, lie fell in among Philip’s men about Quabaog. This was about a month * The above is Mr. Hubbard’s account. Mr. Willard, in his excellent history of Lan- caster, gives us the names of six, and says eight were killed. But in his enumeratior I count nine ; and Goolcin says seven. Our text is according to Hubbard, Nar. 30. f Gookin, Manuscript Hist. Praying Indians. 23 •266 MONOCO.— FIVE CHIEFS EXECUTED. [Book III before the affair at Lancaster. The reason he staid among the hostile Indians is very obvious: he was afraid to venture into the vicinity of the whites, lest they should treat him as an enemy. But as his ill fortune fell out, he was (bund in the woods, by his countrymen of Marlborough, who conducted him to the English, by whom he was shot, as we have just related. The offi- cer who presided over and directed this affair, would, no doubt, at any other time, have received a reward proportionate to the malignity of the offence ; but in this horrid storm of war, many were suffered to transgress the laws with impunity. From one account of this affair,* it would seem that one of the Indians seized by Moscly at this time was actually executed ; “ lor,” says the writer to whom we refer, “ the commonalty were so enraged against Mr. Eliot , and Capt. Guggins especially, that Capt. Guggins said on the bench, [he being a judge,] that he was afraid to go along the streets ; the answer was made, you may thank yourself ; however an order was issued out for the execution of that one (notorious above the rest) Indian, and accordingly he was led by a rope about his neck to the gallows. When he came there, the executioners (lor there were many) flung one end over the post, and so hoisted him up like a dog, three or four times, he being yet half alive, and half dead ; then came an Indian, a friend of his, and with his knife made a hole in his breast to his heart, and sucked out his heart-blood. Being asked his reason there- for, his answer [was] Umh, Umh nu, me stronger as I was before ; me be so strong as me and he too ; he be ver strong man fore he die. Thus with the dog-like death (good enough) of one poor heathen, was the people rage laid, in some measure.” We have yet to add a word concerning Monoco. When Quanapohit was out as a spy, Monoco kindly entertained him, on account of former acquaint- ance not knowing his character. They had served together in their wars against the Mohawks. On 10 Feb. 1676, about 600 Indians fell upon Lancaster, and, after burning the town, carried the inhabitants into captivity. Among them was the family of Reverend Mr. Rowlandson. Mrs. Row- landson, after her redemption, published an amusing account of the affair. Monoco, or Onc-eyed-john, it is said, was among the actors of this tragedy. On 13 March following, Groton was surprised. In this affair, too, John Monoco was principal : and on his own word we set him down as the destroy- er of Medfield. After he had burned Groton, except one garrison house, he called to the captain in it, and told him he would bum in succession Chelms- ford, Concord, Watertown, Cambridge, Charlestown, Roxbury and Boston. He boasted much of the men at his command ; said he had 480 warriors ; and added — “ What me will me do .” The report of this very much enraged the English, and occasioned his being entitled a “ bragadocio ” by the histo- rian. At the close of Philip's war, with others, he gave himself up to Major Waldron at Cochecho ; or, having come in there, at the request of Peter- jetkro, to make peace, was seized and sent to Boston, where, in the language of Mr. Hubbard, he, “ with a lew more bragadocios like himself, Sagamore- sam, Old-jethro, and the sachem of Quabaog, [Mautamp,]] were taken by the English, and was seen, (not long before the writing of this,) marching towards the gallows, (through Boston streets, which he threatened to burn at his pleasure,) with a halter about his neck, with which he was hanged at the town’s end, Sept. 26, in this present year, 1676.” J On the 24 July, 1675, five of the principal Nipmuk sachems signed an agreement to meet the governor of Massachusetts to treat of peace soon after, but not appearing according to agreement Captain Hutchinson was sent out * In the Indian Chronicle, 26, 27. t Compare Hubbard, 35 and 75. — The same, probably, called Mattawamppe, who, in 1665, witnessed the sale of Brookfield, Mass., deeded at that time by a chief named Shat- toockquis. Mautamp claimed an interest in said lands, and received part of the pay. — Rev. Mr. Foot’s Hist. Brookfield. \ This, so far as it goes, agrees with an entry in SewalTs MS. Diary, cited in Shat tuck’s Concord, 63 — “ Sagamore Sam goes, One-ey'd John, Maliompe [Mautamp] Sagamore of Quabaog, General at Lancaster, &c. Jethro (the father) walked to the gallows. One ey’d Jolm accuses Sagamore John to have fired the first gun at Quabaog and killed Capt. Hutth> imon." Chap. V.J SHOSHANIM— OLD JETHRO. 267 to ascertain the cause, aud was ambushed by them, as we have in the life of Philip related. At this time, “ Sam, sachem of Weshacum,” and Netaump, are particularly mentioned as having been hanged at Boston. It was reported, (no doubt by the Indians, to vex their enemies,) that Mrs. Rowlandson had married Monaco. “But,” the author of the Present State, &c. says, “ it was soon contradicted,” and, “ that she appeared and behaved herself amongst them with so much courage and majestic gravity, that none durst offer any violence to her, but on the c o: trary i. theit rude manner) seemed to show her great respect.” In the above quotation from Mr. Hubbard , we have shown at what time several of the Nipmuck chiefs were put to death beside Monoco. OLD-JETHRO was little less noted, though of quite a different character. His Indian name was Tantamous. He was present at the sale of Concord (Mass.) to the English, about which time he lived at Natick. In 1674, he was appointed a missionary to the Nipmuks living at Weshakim, since Sterling, but his stay there was short.* He and his family (of about 12 persons) were among those ordered to Deer Island, on the breaking out of the wai the next year. Their residence then was at Nobscut Hill, near Sudbury His spirit could not brook the indignity offered by those English who were sent to conduct the praying Indians to Boston, and in the night he escaped, with all his family, into his native wilds. His son Peter had been so long under the instruction of the English, that he had become almost one of them. He deserted his father’s cause, and was the means of his being exe- uted with the other Nipmuk sachems already mentioned. This occasioned Dr./. Mather to say of him, “ That abominable Indian, Peter-jethro, betrayed his own father , and other Indians of his special acquaintance, unto death.” It seems he had been employed by the English for this purpose. About a month before the fall of Philip , the Nipmucks became fully aware of their wretched condition, who, on the 6 July, 1676, sent an Indian messenger to the English with a white flag. He came, says our Chronicle, “from Sagamore Sam of Nassoway (a proud Salvage, who two months since insulted over the English, and said, if the English would first begge Peace of him, he would let them have Peace, but that he w r ould never ask it of them ;) This Indian was sent from him with Letters, desiring Peace of us, and expressely praying us in the name of Jesus Christ, aud for his sake to grant it whose holy name they have so much blasphemed. Thus doth the Lord Jesus make them to bow before him, and to lick the dust. And having made mention of his letter it will not be unacceptable to transcribe some copies of the Letters sent by him, and others on this subject, which take as followetli. The reader must bear with their barbarisms, and excuse the omission of some expressions in them, that can hardly admit of good English.” “ The first Letter , July the 6th, 1676.1 “ Mr. John Leverett, my Lord, Mr. JVaban, and all the chief men our Breth- ren, Praying to God : [This Mr. Waban is a Praying Indian, faithful, and a Rider amonst them ; by their Brethren praying to Goa, they mean those of the same Afation] We beseech you all to help us ; my wife she is but one, but there be more Prisoners, which we pray you keep well : Mattamuck his wife, we entreat you for her, and not onely that man, but it is the Request of two Sa- chems, Sam Sachem f Wtshakum, and the Pakashoag Sachem. “Aud that fartix .1 jem will consider about the making Peace We have Bpoken to the People of Nashobah (viz. Tom Dubler and Peier,) mat we would agree with you, and make a Covenant of Peace with you. We have been destroyed by your Souldiers, but still we Remember it now, to si stil ]; do " Mr. Shatluck’s Hist. Concord, 30. t The tenor of the following letters, is very different from those in April orevious, whicn t lad discovered in MS. and printed in the former editions of the Book of the Indians. TbeM were then unknown to me 26^ SH ISHANIM. — INUiAN LETTERS. [Rook 111. you consider it again : we do earnestly entreat you, that it may be so by Jesus Christ, O ! let it be so ! Amen, Amen* * * § It was signed Mattamock, his Mark N Sam Sachem, his Mark >/'. Simon Pottoquam, Scribe. ] Uppanippaquem, his — C. Pakaskokag his Mark “ Superscribed “ To all Englishmen and Indians, all of you hear Mr. Wahan, Mr. Eliott” “ Second Letter. “My Lord, Mr. Leveret at Boston, Mr. fVaban, Mr. Eliott, Mr. Gookin, and Council, hear yea. I went to Connecticot about the Captives, that 1 might bring them into your hands, and when we were almost there, the English had destroyed those Indians : when 1 heard it, 1 returned back again ; then when 1 came home, we were also destroyed ; after we were destroy’d, then Philip and Quanipun went away into their own Countrey againe : and I knew they were much afraid, because of our offer to joyn with the English, and there- fore they went back into their own Countrey, and I know they will make no Warre ; therefore because when some English men came to us, Philip and Quanapun sent to kill them ; but I said, if any kill them, I’ll kill them.J Sam Sachem. ffritten by Simon Boshokum Scribe.” § Third Letter “For Mr. Eliot, Mr. Gookin, and Mr. IVaban. Consider of this I entreat you, consider of this great businesse that is done and my wonder concerning Philip ; but his name is fVe.wesawannit,\\ he engageth all the people that were none of his subjects: Then when 1 was at Penakook, JVumpho John, Alline,'\ Sam JVumpho, and others who were angry, and JVumpho very much angry that Philip did engage so many people to him ; and JVumpho said it were a very good deed that 1 should go and kill him that * This surnasseth any thing, in supplication, that we have, from the poor Indians. They were truly sensible of their deplorable condition! Little to subsist upon — the northern and western wilderness so full of their native enemies, that a retreat upon those hunting-grounds was cut off — all the fishing places near and upon the coast watched by their successful enemy — hence nothing now remained but to try the effect of an offer of unconditional sub- mission ! — This letter, however, must not he regarded as the language of the warriors, it was the language of the Christian Indians, in behalf of them and themsel ves. t The name of this sachem approaching nearly in sound to that of the place since called Worcester, of which Sagamore-Jolm was chief, almost induces the belief that he is the same. A sachem of the name having deeded Worcester to the whites in 1671, is additional proof. See the elaborate history of that town bv Wm. Lincoln, Esq., now in course of publication. } This letter will be regarded as an admirable specimen of Indian sentiment, and its value is notch enhanced, as it unfolds truths of great value — truths that lay open the situation of things at this period that will be gladly received. Sam was a magnanimous sachem. So was Monoco. We doubt if any thing can in truth be brought against either, that would not comport with a warrior of their time, but they did not come within the limits of a pardon offered in the Proclamation 1 When messengers were sent to treat with the Indians for the redemption of prisoners, to prevent the evil such negotiation was calculated to produce, and which Philip, doubtless, foresaw, hr ordered such to be summarily dealt with. Qnanarohit was suspected for a spy, and Philip had ordered him to be killed, but Monoco said, “ I wii. kill whomsoever shall kill Q,aanapohit Shoshanim afterwards said the same when visited by Mr. Hoar and Nevanel, who were sent to treat for the ransom of Mr. Rowlandson' a fam- ily “ If any kill 'hem, I will kill them,” that is, he would kill the murderer. But these kind offices were forgotten in the days of terror ! § The same person, whose name to the last letter is spelt Pcttoquam, and in Book ii. Chap, vii., Betokam || This stands in the MS. records, Weirascncanuett. See Bcok iii. Chap. ii. There is some error concerning this person’s name. John U. Line means the same per- son, I think, in Hookin' s MS. history. See Bonk ii. Chap. vii. ; an account of several t.tbert here mentioned may there also be found. CntP. VI. J SHOSHANIM.— AMOS. 269 joyned so many to himself without cause: In like maimer 1 said so too. Then had you formerly said be at peace, and if the Council had sent word to kill Philip we should have done it: then let us clearly speak, what you and we shall do. O let it be so speedily, and answer us clearly. PuMKAMUN, PoNNAKFUKUN, or, Jacob Mdttamakoog.” “The answer the Council made them, was, ‘That treacherous persons who began the war and those that have been barbarously bloody, must not expect to have their lives spared, but others that have been drawn into the war, and acting only as Souldiers submitting to be without arms, and to live quietly and peaceably for the future shall have their lives spared.’ ” Sagamore Sam was one of those that sacked Lancaster, 10 February, 1676. His Indian name was at one time Shoshanim, but in Philip's war it a]> [tears to have been changed to Usfcatuhgun ; at least, if he be the same, it was so subscribed by Peter-jethro, when the letter was sent by the Indians to the English about the exchange of Mrs. Rowlandson and others, as will be found in the life of Nepanet. He was hanged, as has been belore noted. Shoshanim was successor to Matthew, who succeeded Sholan. This last-mentioned sachem is probably referred to by the author quoted in Mr. ThorowgootPs curious book. In the summer of 1652, Reverend John Eliot intended to visit theNashuas, in his evangelical capacity, but understanding there was war in that direction among the Indians,* delayed his journey for a time. The sachem of Nashua, hearing of Mr. Eliot's intention, “took 20 men, armed after their manner,” as his guard, with many others, and con- ducted him to his country. And my author adds, “ this was a long journey into the wilderness of 60 miles : it proved very wet and tedious, so that he was not dry three or four days together, night nor day.” f One of the Indians at this time asked Mr. Eliot why those who prayed to God among the English loved the Indians that prayed to God “ more than their own breth- ren.” The good man seemed some at a loss for an answer, and waived the subject by several scriptural quotations. We may be incorrect in the supposition that the sachem who conducted Mr. Eliot on this occasion was Sholan, as perhaps Passaconaway would suit the time as well. -ssefees*- CHAPTER VI. Friendly Indians — Captain Amos — Pursues Tatoson and Penachason — Escapes the slaughter at Pawtucket — Commands a company in the eastern war — Captain Lightfoot — His services in Philip’s war — In the eastern war — Kettenanit — His services — Quannafohit — His important services as a spy — Mautamp — Monoco — Nepanet — Employed to treat with the enemy — Brings letters from them — Effects an exchange of prisoners — Peter Conway — Peter Ephraim. AMOS, commonly called Captain Amos, was a Wampanoag, whose residence was about Cape Cod. We have no notice of him until Philip's war, at which time he was entirely devoted to the service of the English. After the-Plim- outh people had found that Tatoson was concerned in the destruction of Clark's garrison, they sought for some friendly Indians who would under take to deliver him and his abettors into their hands. Captain Amos ten derel his services, and was duly commissioned to prosecute the enterprise, * In 1647, three Indians were killed between Quabaog and Springfield, by other Indians. The next year, five others were killed about midway between Quabaog and Lancaster.—* iVinthrop’s Journal, (Savage’s ed.) Such instances were common among the Indians. t Sure Arguments to prove that the Jews inhabit now in America.— By Thomas Thorow good, 4to. London, 1652. Sir Roger L’ Estrange answered this book by another, entitle* The Americans no Jews. 23 * 270 INDIAN STRAI^EMS.— LIGHTFOOT. [Boo* III and to take into that service any of his friends. Meantime, Tatoson had fled to Elizabeth Island, in company with Penachgson, another chief who was also to be taken, if he could be found. This Penachason was probably Tato- son’s brother’s son, sometimes called Tom, who, if the same, was also at the destroying of Clark's garrison. Yet the wily chiefs eluded the vigilance of Captain Amos, by flying from that region into the NIpmuks’ country, where they joined Philip. To encourage greater exertion on the part of the friendly Indians, to execute their commission, it was ordered, that in case they captured and brought in either Tatoson or Penaihason, “they may expect for their reward, for each of them four coats, and a coat apiece for every other Indian that shall prove merchantable.” We have mentioned in a former chapter the horrid catastrophe of Captain Peirse and his men at Pawtucket Captain Amos escaped that dreadful slaughter. He fought there with 20 of his warriors, and when Captain Peirse was shot down by a ball which wounded him iu the thigh, he stood by his side, and defended hkn as long as there was a gleam of hope. At length, seeing nearly all his friends slain, with admirable presence of mind he made his escape, by the following subtle stratagem: — jYanuntenoo's warriors had blackened then- faces, which Captain Amos had observed, and by means of powder contrived to discolor his own unobserved by them. When he had done this, he managed, by a dextrous manoeuvre to pass among the enemy for one of them, and by these means escaped. What were Captain Amos's other acts in this war, if any, we have not learned ; nor do we meet again with him until 1689. In that year, he went with Col. Church against the eastern Indians and French, in which expedi- tion he also had the command of a company. Church arrived with his forces in Sept, at Casco, now Portland, and, having landed secretly under cover of the night, surprised, on the following morning, about four hundred Indians, who had come to destroy the place. Although the Indians did not receive much damage, yet, Governor Sullivan says,* the whole eastern country was saved by the timely arrival of this expedition. In the fight at Casco, 21 September, eight of the English were killed and many wounded. Two of Captain Amos's men were badly wounded, and Sam Moses, another friendly Indian, was killed. There was another Indian company in this expedition, commanded by Captain Daniel, out of which one man was killed, who was ef Yarmouth on Cape Cod.f LIGHTFOOT, of the tribe of the Sogkonates, distinguished in Philip's war, was also in the service under Church at Casco ; a memorable expedition, on more than one account. One circumstance we will name, as it well nigh proved the ruin of the undertaking. When, on the following morning, after the arrival of the forces, the attack was begun, it was, to the inexpressible surprise of the English, found, that the bullets were much larger than the calibre of their guns. This was a most extraordinary and unaccountable occurrence, and great blame was chargeable somewhere. In this wretched dilemma, the fight having already begun. Church set some at work making the bullets into slugs, by which resort he was able to continue the fight. It being high water at the time, an estuary separated the battle-ground from the town. The bullets were to be carried to the army engaged, in buckets, after being hammered. When the first recruit of slugs was made up, Colonel Church ran with it to the water’s edge, and, not caring to venture himself to wade across, called to those on the other side to send some one to take it over to the army. None appeared but Lightfoot. This Indian dextrously repassed the estuary, with a quantity ef powder upon his head, and a “ kettle ” of bul- lets hi each hand, and thus tne fight was maintained, and the enemy put to flight. In Philip's war, Lightfoot's exploits were doubtless very numerous, but few of them have come clown to us. He volunteered to fight for the English, at Awashonk's great dance at Buzzard’s Bay, already mentioned. When Little- yes was taken at Cushnet, in 1676, Lightfoot was sent with him to what if Hist. District of Maine, 102. t MS. letter of Captain Basset of the expeditaM. KATTENANIT.— EASTERN WAR 271 Chap. VI.] now called Palmer's Island , near the mouth of Cushnet River, where he held him in guard until he could be safely conducted to Plimouth. About the time Jlkkompoin was killed, and Philip's wife and son were taken, Church gave him a captain’s commission, alter which he made several successful expeditions. — We now pass to characters hitherto less known, though perhaps of more interest. Very little was known of certain important characters among the friendly Indians of Massachusetts, which should have by no means been overlooked until the discovery of Mr. Gookin's manuscript history of the praying Indians, not long since, and to which we have often referred already. We shall, therefore, devote the remainder of the present chapter to theft history JOB KATTENANIT seems first to demand attention. He was a Christian Indian, and lived some time at Natick, but was at one time a preacher at ■Magunkog, and belonged originally, we believe, to Hassanamesit. However that may have been, it is certain he lived there in the beginning of Philip's war, when that chief’s men made a descent upon the place, with the intention of carrying away those Christian Indians prisoners. Job made his escape from them at this time, and came in to the English at Mendon. He had still tliree children in the enemy’s hands, and he was willing to run any venture to release them. He therefore applied for and obtained a pass, assuring him safety, provided that, in his return, he should tall into the hands of the Eng- lish scouts. Besides liberating his children, considerable hopes were enter- tained, that he might be enabled to furnish information of the enemy. It unfortunately happened, that, be lb re he had passed the frontier, he fell in with some English soldiers, who treated him as a prisoner, and an enemy, even taking from him his clothes and gun, sending him to the governor of Boston ; “ who, more to satisfy the clamors of the people than for any offence committed,” assigned him to the common jail, where he suffered exceedingly ; himself and many others being crowded into a narrow and filthy place. Af- ter about three weeks, he was taken out and seut to Deer Island. The clam- ors of the people were indeed high at this time, and many accused Major Gookin, who gave him the pass, of beiug guilty of furnishing the enemy with intelligence. After the Narraganset fight, 19 December, 1675, the English were very anxious to gain information relative to the position of the enemy, and accord- ingly instructed Major Gookin to use his endeavors to employ some friendly Indian spies ; who, after considerable negotiation among those at Deer Island, engaged Job again, and James Quannapohit, alias Quanapaug. Theft reward was to be Jive pounds apiece! They departed upon this sendee before day, the 30tli of December, and, during theft mission, behaved with great pru- dence, and brought valuable information to the English on then - return ; but which, from intestine bickerings among the English, turned to small account. James Quannapohit returned 24th of January following, nearly worn out and famished ; having travelled about 80 miles in that cold season, upon snow- shoes, the snow being very deep. The information which he gave was writ- ten down by Major Gookin.* Among other matters, he stated that the ene- my had taken up theft quarters indifferent places, probably near Scattacook; and many others, including the Nipmuks, about Menumesse. The Narra- gansets had not yet joined Philip openly, but while James and Job were among the Nipmuks, messengers arrived from Narraganset which gave them much joy, for they expressed an ardent desire to join them and Philip in prosecut- ing the war. They said their loss in the great swamp fight was small. In three weeks, James learned, they would assault Lancaster, which accordingly came to pass, upon the veiy day which he said they intended it. Ho learned and thus divulged theft plans to a great extent. A circumstance now occurred which obliged him to make his escape, which was this: He found a friend and protector in Mautamp ,f one of the Nipmuk chiefs, who, it seems, * The same published in Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 1. vi. 203 208. t The same, probably, called Netaump, who was afterwards executed at Boston, at the same time with Sagamort-tam, See Hubbard, 35. 272 KATTENANIT. [Book III intended shortly to visit Philip; and insisted that Quannapohit should ac- company him, and it was with no small difficulty he was able to elude the vigilant eye of Mautamp, and make his escape, which, however, was effected only by a cunning stratagem, as follows: — He told Mautamp that he had fought against Philip in the commencement of the war, and that Philip knew him, and that, unless he could go to him with some important trophy, Philip would not believe him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover, Tukapewillin had privately told him that Philip had given out word that cer- tain praying Indians should be sought after, and, if possible, seized and brought to him; for he wanted to put them to death in a cruel manner, with his own hands, and that he was one of them. He therefore told Mautamp that he would go, in the first place, and kill some English, and take then- heads along with him, and then he should consider himself safe. This being consented to, he lost no time in retracing his steps to the frontiers of the English. He mentions Monaco , or One-eyed-john, as a great captain among the ene- my, who also treated him kindly, and entertained him in his wigwam during his stay there ; they being old acquaintance, having served together in then- wars against the Mohawks, ten years before.* And here also Mr. Gookin gives a favorable account of Monoco. Philip had ordered that the persons above named should be brought to him, if taken alive, “that he might put them to some tormenting death, which had hitheilo been prevented by the care and kindness of a great captain among tliein, named John-with-one-eye , belonging to Nashua,! who had civilly treated and E rotected James, and entertained him at his wigwam, all the time of his eing there.” J Job was requested to come away with Quanapohit, but saw no way of getting away his children, which was a main object with him. He knew, too, that James could give all the information they both possessed at that [ >eriod, and not considering himself in imminent danger, preferred to tarry onger. At Wanexit, or Manexit, they fell in with seven Indians, who took them and conveyed them about twenty miles, across the path leading to Connecti- cut, northward from Quabaog. These were some of the Quahmsits and Segunesits. At this place were three towns which contained about 300 warriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their mission being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of One-eyed-john , “ Sagamore of Nashua,” or Monoco, he charged his gun and said, “I will kill whom- soever shall kill Quanapohit.'' § Some said he had killed one of Philip's counsellors || at Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him; also James Speen, Andrew Pitimy, Captain Hunter, Thomas Quanapohit, and Peter Ephraim. On being ordered to visit Philip, “ Job and he pretended to go out a hunting, killed three dear quickly, ana perceiving they were dogged by some other Indians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till before day, and when they had prayed together he ran away.” Job was to return to the enemy, and tell them that James ran away because they had threatened to kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxious to them, concluded to remain longer for the end of ransoming his children, as we have said. He returned to the English in the night of the 9th of February, and said, ns James had before, that on the next day Lancaster would be attacked, for he knew about four hundred of the enemy were already on their march, and it so resulted. He further inlormed the English, that the enemy would shortly attack Medfield, Groton, Marlborough, and other places, and that the Nar- ragansets had joined Philip and the Nipmuks. While James was there, “ a Narraganset brought to them one English head : they shot at him, and said the Narragansets were the English friends all last * Of this war we have given an account in Book II. chap. III. \ Called sagamore of Nashua, in the Colton manuscripts. I Hist. Praying Indians. § Cotton Manuscript! | Referring probably, to Thebe. See Book III. chap. II. KATTETANIT. Chap. VI.] 273 summer. Afterwards two messengers came with twelve he~ds, craving theft assistance, they then accepted them.” * Before he left the enemy, he appointed a place of safety for his children, and sundry others of his friends, captured at Hassanamesit, where lie would afterwards meet and conduct them to the English. He therefore petitioned the council for liberty to meet them, which was granted. But he now had new difficulties to encounter, owing to “the rude temper of those times,” as one of the wise men of that age expressed it. f Although both these men had acquitted themselves to the entire satisfaction of the authorities who sent them forth, yet the populace accused them of giving information to the enemy, and that they were secretly theft advisers, or else they had not returned in safety ; to appease which they were confined again to the island. This so interfered with the time set by Job to meet his children and friends, that great sufferings overtook diem, as well as himself ; and he knew not that ever he should have an opportunity to see his children again. But it much sooner happened, no doubt, than he expected, although in an indirect way. About the time he was sent to the island, a vote passed in the general court of Massachusetts, to raise an army of six hundred men, and Major Thomas Savage was applied to, to conduct them in the war. He refused, unless he could have some of the friendly Indians from the island for assist- ants. On a messenger being sent among them, six of their principal and bravest men volunteered ki that service, among whom was Job Kattenanit. The army marched about the first of March, 1675, O. S. But when at Marl- borough, Job got liberty of Major Savage and Major-general Denison, to attempt the finding of his friends and children, whom he had appointed to meet near Hassanamesit. When it was known to Captain Mosely, he behaved himself very unbecoming towards the commanding officer, and nothing but his popularity with the army saved his reputation. Indeed, his conduct seems quite as reprehensible as that of a more modern Indian hunter in the Floridas, which all friends of humanity joined to condemn. Mosely, it appears, would place no confidence in any Indian, and doubtless thought he was acting for the best interests of the country. He urged that it was a most impolitic measure to suffer any Indian to go away at this time, knowing their natural treacherousness ; and he doubted not but Job (although a tried friend) would inform the enemy of the approach of the army, which would frustrate all their designs. The great ascendency which this officer held in the army can best be understood by a simple statement of the fact, that Major Savage and General Denison were obliged to send after Job before the soldiery would cease their clamors. Captain Wadsworth and Captain Syll, accompanied by James Quannapohit, went in pursuit with the utmost speed. But they did not overtake him, and he soon returned to the army without finding his friends; they, from fear of discovery, having changed their place, the time having been much longer than was set, and their consequent sufferings were indescribable. We shall only add here concerning them, that they afterwards fell into the hands of a party of English, who treated them in a savage manner, taking every thing from them. But when they were brought to Major Savage, he treated them kindly, and had them sent to Boston, all except four, who ran away from Marlborough, where they stopped for the night, from tire fear of being murdered, some of the people so abused and insulted them. Vbout two months after that, they were found and brought in by JVepanet Finally, Job recovered all his children, and, marrying again, lived happily. His wife was one of those whom he had managed to deliver out of the hands of the enemy at such hazard and pains. She had, during theft wan- derings, nursed and kept alive his children, one, especially, which was very young. When the Hassanamesits went off with the enemy, James Quannapohit was in the neighborhood with the English forces. Captain Syll sent out a scout, and James and Elizer Pegin accompanied. Seven of the enemy were * Cciton Manuscripts. f Mayor Daniel Goo/cin, who was at least a hundred years in advance of that age. s 274 EMBASSY TO THE NIPMUCKS. [Book III soon discovered, one of whom was leading an English prisoner. They discovered the English scout, and fled. James and Elizer pursued them, and recovered the prisoner, whose name was Christopher Muchin, who had been taken from Marlborough. James also took one of the enemy’s guns. # Trie English having, by means of spies, as in the preceding life we have stated, learned the state of feeling among their enemies, felt themselves prepared, as the spring of 1676 advanced, to make overtures to them for peace, or an exchange of prisoners, or both, as they might be found inclined. Tom Nepanet was fixed upon as plenipotentiary in this business. And, although unjustly suffering With many of his brethren upon a bleak island in Boston harbor, consented, at the imminent risk of his life, to proceed to meet the Indians in the western wilderness, in the service, and for the benefit, of those who had caused his sufferings. Nepanet set out, 3 April, 1676, to make overtures to the enemy for the re- lease of prisoners, especially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, which was taken at Lancaster, returned on the 12 following, with a written answer from the enemy, saying, “Wenou give answer by this one man, but if you like my ansiver sent one nwre man besides this one Tom Nepanet, and send with all tnie heart and with all your mind by two men; because you know and we know your heart great sorrowful with crying for your lost many many hundred man and all your house and all your land and woman child ana cattle as all your thing thal you have lost and on your backside stand. Signed by Sam, Sachem, Kutquen, and Quanohit, Sagamores. Peter Jethro, scribe. At the same time, and 1 conclude m me same letter, they wrote a few words to others, as follows : “ Mr. Rowlandson, your wife and all your child is well but one dye. Your sister is well and her 3 child. John Kitted, your wife and all your child is all well, and all them prisoners taken at Nashua is all well. Mr. Rowlandson, se your loving sister his hand Hanah. And old Kettel wif his hand. -)- Brother Rowlandson, pray send thre pound of Tobacco for me, if you can my loving husband pray send thre pound of tobacco for me. “ This writing by your enemies — Samuel Uskattuhgun and Gunrashit, two Indian sagamores.” Mrs. Rowlandson, in her account of “ The Sixteenth Remove,” relates, that when they had waded over Baquaug f River, “ Quickly there came up to us an Indian who informed them that I must go to Wachuset to my master, for there was a letter come from the council to the saggamores about redeeming the captives, and that there would be another in 14 days, and that I must be there ready.” j: This was doubtless after the letter just recorded had been sent to the English. “ About two days after,” Mrs. R. continues, “ came a company of Indians to us, near 30, all on horseback. My heart skipt within me, thinking they had been Englishmen, at the first sight of them : For they were dressed in English apparel, with hats, white neck-cloths, and sashes about their waists, and ribbons upon their shoulders. But when they came near, there was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians, and the foul looks of those heathen, which much damped my spirits again.” § Having, after great distress, arrived at Wachuset, our authoress adi.*, “ Then came Tom and Peter with the second letter from the council, about the captives.” “ I asked them how my husband did, and all my friends and * Gookin’s MS. Hist. Christian Indians. f Or Payquage, now Miller’s River. Its confluence with the Connecticut is betwee* Northfield and Montague. f Narrative of her Captivity, 59. £ Ibid. 60. The regimentals in which they were now tricked out, were probably takea from the English whorr they had killed in battle. NEPANET.— SECOND EMBASSY. 275 Chap. VI.J acquaintance. They said they were well, but very melancholy.” They brought her two biscuits and a pound of tobacco. The tobacco she gave to the Indians, and, when it was all gone, one threatened her because she had no m ire to give ; probably not believing her. She told him when her husband came, she would give him some. “ Hang him, rogue, says he, 1 will knock out his brains, if lie comes here.” “Again, at the same breath, they would say, if there should come an hundred without guns they would do them no hurt. So unstable and like madmen they were.” * There had been something talked about Mr. Roiolandson’s going himself to ransom hie wife, but she says she dared not send for him, “ for there was little more trust to them than to the master they served.” # JVtpanet learned by the enemy that they lost in the fight when Capt. Peir-se was killed, “scores of their men that sabbath tlay.”f As they refused to treat with Tom JVepanet alone, Peter Comoay was joined with him on a second expedition, as we have seen, which led to several others, to which some English ventured to add themselves, which resulted in the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson anil several others. “ When the letter was come, (says Mrs. R.), the saggamores met to consult about the captives, and called me to them, to inquire how much my husband would give to redeem me : When I came and sat down among them, as I was wont to do, as their manner is : Then they bid me stand up, and said they were the general court. They bid me speak what I thought he would give. Now knowing that all that we had was destroyed by the Indians, I was in a great strait.” ] She ventured, however, to say £20, and Tom and Peter bore the offer to Boston. Of their return the same writer proceeds : “ On a sabbath day, the sun being about an hour high in the afternoon, came Mr John Hoar, (the council permitting him, and his own forward spirit inclining him,) together with the two fore-mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the third letter from the council. When they came near, I was abroad ; they presently called me in, and bid me sit down, and not stir. Then they catched up their guns and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the guns went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, and asked them what was the matter. I told them I thought they had killed the Englishman ; (for they had in the mean time told me that an Englishman had come ;) they said, JVo, they shot over his horse, and under, and before his horse, and they pushed him this ivay and that way, at their pleasure, showing him what they could do.” § They would not at first sutler her to see Mr. Hoar, but when they had gratified their tantalizing whim sufficiently, she was permitted to see him. He brought her a pound of tobacco, which she sold for nine shillings. “ The next morning, Mr. Hoar invited the saggamores to dinner; but when we went to get it ready, we found they had stolen the greatest part of the provis- ions Mr. Hoar had* brought. And we may see the wonderful power of God, in that one passage, in that, when there was such a number of them together, and so greedy of a little good food, and no English there but Mi'. Hoar and myself, that there they did not knock us on the head, and take what we had ; there being not only some provision, but also trading cloth, a part of the 20 pounds agreed upon : But instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of the fact, and said it was the matchit [bad] Indians that did it.” || It is now certain that this negotiation was the immediate cause of their final overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokets and Narragansetts went hand in hand against their common enemy, and they were the most powerful tribes. This parleying with the English was so detestable to Philip , that a separation took place among these tribes in consequence, and he and (lie Narragansets separated themselves from the Nipmuks, and other inland tribes, and went off to their own country. This was the reason they wert so easily subdued after the separation took place. * '.'arrativc ofher Captivity, 64, 66. t Manuscript* of Rev. J. Cotton. t iNarralive, ut suvra, 63. $ Ibid. 71, 72. || Ibid. 72, 73L 276 PETER EPHRAIM.-QUANAPOHIT. [Boor III It was hrough JVepanefs means that a party of English, under Captain Henchman , were enabled to surprise a body of his countrymen at Weshakom * Ponds near Lancaster, 30 May, 1676. Following in a track pointed out by Nepanet, the Indians were fallen upon while fishing, and, being entirely un- prepared, seven were killed, and 29 taken, chiefly women and children. PETER-EPHRAIM and ANDREW-P1TYME were also two other considerably distinguished Nipmuk Indians. They rendered much service to the English in Pliilip't war. They went out in January, 1676, and brought in many of the Nipnets, who had endeavored to shelter themselves under Uncas. But, Mr. Hubbard observes, that Uncas, having “shabbed ” them off, “they were, in the beginning of the winter, [1676,] brought in to Boston, many of them, by Peter-ephraim and Andrcw-piiyme .” Ephraim commanded an Indian company, and had a commission from government. The news that many of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehoboth caused a party of English of Medfield to march out to their relief; Ephraim went with them, with his company, which consisted of 29. The snow being deep, the English soon grew discouraged, and returned, but Captain Ephraim continued the march, and came upon a body of them, encamped, in the night. Early the next morning, he successfully surrounded them, and offered them quar- ter. “Eight resolute fellows refused, who were presently shot;” the others yielded, and were brought in, being in number 42. Other minor exploits of this Indian captain are recorded. THOMAS QUANAPOHIT, called also Rumney-marsh, was a brother of James, and was also a Christian Indian. In the beginning of hostilities against Philip, Major Gookin received orders to raise a company of praying Indians to be employed against him. This company was immediately raised, and consisted of 52 men, who were conducted to Mount Hope by Captain Isaac Johnson. Quanapohit was one of these. The officers under whom they served testified to their credit as faithful soldiers; yet many of the army, officers and men, tried all in their power to bring them into disre- pute with the country. Such proceedings, we should naturally conclude, would tend much to dishearten those friendly Indians ; but, on the contrary, they used every exertion to win the affections of their oppressors. Quana- pohit, with the other two, received from government a reward for the scalps which they brought in. Though not exactly in order, yet it must be men- tioned, that when Thomas was out, at or near Swansey, in the beginning of the war, he by accident had one of his hands shot off. He was one of the troopers, and carried a gun of remarkable length. The weather being ex- cessively hot, his horse was very uneasy, being disturbed by flies, and struck the lock of the gun as the breech rested upon the ground, and caused it to go off’, which horribly mangled the hand that held it ; and, notwithstanding it was a long time in getting well, yet he rendered great service in the war afterward. The account of one signal exploit having been preserved, shall here be related. While Captain Henchman was in the enemy’s country, he made an excursion from Hassanamesit to Packachoog, which lies about ten miles north-west from it. Meeting here with no enemy, he marched again for Hassanamesit; and having got a few miles on his way, discovered that he had lost a tin case, which contained his commission, and other instructions. He therefore despatched Thomas and two Englishmen in search of it. They made no discovery of the lost article until they came in sight of an old wig- wam at Packachoog, where, to their no small surprise, they discovered some of the enemy in possession of it. They were but a few rods from them, and being so few in number, that to have given them battle would have been desperate in the extreme, as neither of them was armed for such an occasion stratagem, therefore, could only save them. The wigwam was situated upon an eminence ; and some were standing in the door, when they approached, who discovered them as soon as they came in sight. One rresentec his gun, lait, the weather being stormy, it did not go off At this mome.j our chief, looking back, called, and made many gestures, as though he were dis posing of a large force to encompass them. At this manoeuvre they all fled Roger Williams sett down sea as the definition of WechAc um. PASSACONAWAY. 277 Chap. VII.] being six in number, leaving our heroes to pursue their object Th is their preservation was due to Quanapohii ; and is the more to be admired, as they were in so far destitute of the means of defence. Captain Quanapohii had hims elf only a pistol, and one of his men a gun without a flint, and the ether no gun at all.* It was about the time these events occurred, that Captain Tom, of whom we have spoken, his daughter, and two children, were taken by a scout sent out by Captain Henchman, about 10 miles south-east of Marlborough. They appear to have been taken on the 1 1 June, and on the 26 of the same month Captain Tom was executed. CHAPTER VIL Of the Indians in New Hampshire and Maine previous to their wars with the whites — Dominions of the bashaba — Perishes in war — Passaconaway — His dominions — His last speech to his people — His life — His daughter marries Winnapurket — Peti- tions the court of Massachusetts — Lands allotted to him — English send a force to disarm him — Their fears of his enmity unfounded — they seize and illtreat his son — He escapes — Passaconaway delivers his arms, and makes peace with the English — Traditions concerning — Life of Wannalancet — His situation in Philip's war — Messengers and letters sent him by the English — Leaves his residence — His humanity — Fate of Josiah Nouel — Wannalancet returns to his country — His lands seized in his absence — He again retires into the wilderness — Mosely destroys his village , fyc. — Imprisoned for debt — Favors Christianity — A speech — Wehanownowit, sachan of New Hampshire — Robinhood — His sales of land in Maine — Monquini KhNnebis — Assiminasqu a — Abbigadasset — Their residences and sales of lane Melancholy fate of Chocorua. Some knowledge of the Indians eastward of the Massachusetts was very early obtained by Captain John Smith, which, however, was very general ; as that they were divided into several tribes, each of which had their own sachem, or, as these more northern Indians pronounced that word, sachemo, which the English understood sagamore ; and yet all the sachemos acknowledged subjection to one still greater, which they called bashaba. Of the dominions of the bashaba, writers differ much in respect to their extent Some suppose that his authority did not extend this side the Pas- cataqua, but it is evident that it did, from Captain Smith , s accountf Wars and pestilence had greatly wasted the eastern Indians but a short time before the English settled in the country; and it was then difficult to determine the relation the tribes had stood in one to the other. As to the bashaba of Penob- scot, tradition states that he was killed by the Tarratines, who lived still farther east, in a war which was at its height in 1615. PASSACONAWAY seems to have been a bashaba. He lived upon the Merrimack River, at a place called Pennakook, and his dominions, at the period of the English settlements, were very extensive, even over the sachems living upon the Paecataqua and its branches. The Abenaques inhabited between the Pascataqua and Penobscot, and the residence of the chief sachem was upon Indian Island.! Fludlen and Captain Sunday were early known as chiefs among the Abenaques, and Squando at a later period ; but * Gookin’s MS. Hist. Praying Iudians. f “ The principal habitations 1 saw at northward, was Penobscot, who are in wars with the Terentines, their next northerly neighbors. Southerly up the rivers, and along the coast, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumaughcaw- gen and Kenabeca. To those belong the countries and people of Segotago, Pauhunlanuck, I'ocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To those are allied in confederacy, the countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeek, all these, for any thing I could perceive, differ little in language or any thing ; though most of them ie sagam< s and lords of themselves, yet they hold the bashabes of Penobscot the chief a i d greater amowjst them.” 3 Coll. mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 21, 22. { Williamson’ t Hist. Maine, ii. 4. 24 278 PASSACONAWAY. [Book III. of these we shall be more particular hereafter : the first sachem we should notice is Passaconaway. lie “ lived to a very great age ; for,” says the author of my manuscript, “1 saw him alive at Pawtucket, when he was about a hundred and twenty years old.” # Before his death, he delivered the follow- ing speech to his children and friends: “ I am now going the way of all fesh, 01 ready to die, and not likely In see you ever meet together any more. 1 will now leave this word of counsel with you, that you vwy take heed how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do them much mischief, yet assuredly yeu will all be destroyed, and rooted off the earth if you do ; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, at their frst coming into these parts, as any one ivhatsoever, and did try all ways and means possible, to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them settling down here, but I could no ivay effect it ; therefore I advise you never to contend with tin English, nor make war with them." And Mr. Hubbard adds, “ it is to be noted, that this Passaconawa was the most noted powow and sorcerer of all the country.” A story of the marriage of a daughter of Passaconaway, in 1629, is thus related. Winnepurket, commonly called George, sachem of Saugus, made known to the chief of Pennakook, that he desired to marry his daughter, which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consummated, at the resi- dence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. Ac- cording to the usages of the chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select number of his men to accompany the new-married couple to the dwelling of the husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed, for the entertainment of his friends, who could not be present at the con- summation at the bride’s father’s, as weli as for the escort ; who, when this wasjMjidad. returned to Pennakook. Some time after, the wife of Jfinnepurket, expressing a desire to visit her lather’s house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company con- ducted her. When she wished to return to her husband, her father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachem to come and take her away. He took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this answer: “ When she departed from me, I caused my men to escort her to your dwell- ing, as became a chief! She now having an intention to return to me, I did expect the same.” The elder sachem was now in his turn angry, and returned an answer which only increased the difference; and it is believed that thus terminated the connection of the new husband and wife.f This same year, [1662, J we find the general court acting upon a petition of Passaconaway , or, as Ins name is spelt in the records themselves, Papisse- coneway. The petition we have not met with, but from the answer given to it, we learn its nature. The court say : “ In answer to the petition of Papisseconeway, this court judgeth it meete to graunt to the said Papissecone- way and his men or associates about Naticot, \ above Mr. Brenton's lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merremack Riuer in breadth, three miles on either side in length : provided he nor they do not alienate any part of this grant without leave and license from this court, first obtained.” Governor fVinthrop mentions this chief as early as 1632. One of his men, having gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by another Indian “ dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away with his goods ; ” but it seems from the same account, that Passaconaway pursued and took the murderer. In 1642, there was great alarm throughout the English settlements, from the belief that all the Indians in the countiy were about to make a general massacre of the whites. The government of Mas- sachusetts took prompt measures “ to strike a terror into the Indians.” They therefore “ sent men to Cutshamekin, at Braintree, to fetch him and his guns, * Gookin’s Hist, of Praying Indians. This history was drawn up during the year 1677, and how long before this the author saw him, is unknown ; but there can be no doubt but he was dead some years before Philip's war. Nevertheless, with Mr. Hubbard and our text before him, the author of Tales of the Indians has made Passaconaway appear in tire persoa of Aspinquid, in 1682, at Agamentacus in Maine, t Deduced from facts in Morton’s N. Canaan. t Another version of Nahum-keag. Chap. VII.l WANNALANCET MADE PRISONER BY THE ENGLISH. 279 bows, &.C., which was done; and he came willingly: And being late in the night when they came to Boston, he was put into the prison ; but the next morning, finding, upon examination of him and divers of his men, no ground of suspicion of his partaking iii any such conspiracy, he was dismissed. Upon the warrant which went to Ipswich, Rowley and Newbury, to disarm Passaconamy , who lived by Merrimack, they sent forth 40 men armed the next day.” These English were hindered from visiting the wigwam of Passaconaway, by rainy weather, “ but they came to his son’s and took him.” This son we presume was JVannalancet. This they had orders to do ; but for Liking a squaw and her child, they had none, and were ordered to send them back again immediately. Fearing JVannalancet’' s escape, they “led him in a line, but he taking an opportunity, slipped his line and escaped from them, but one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and missed him nar- rowly.” These were called, then, “ unwarranted proceedings,” as we should say they very well might have been. The English now had some actual reason to fear that Passaconaway would resent this outrage, and therefore “sent Culshaniekin to him to let him know that what was done to his son and squaw was without order,” and to invite him to a parley at Boston; also, “to show him the occassion whereupon we had sent to disarm all the In- dians, and that when we should find that they were innocent of any such conspiracy, we would restore all their arms again.” Passaconaway said when he should have his son and squaw returned safe, he would go and speak with them. The squaw was so much frightened, that she ran away into the woods, and was absent ten days. It seems that JVannalancet was soon lib- erated, as he within a short time went to the English, “ and delivered up his guns, &c.”* These were the circumstances to which Miantunnomoh alluded so happily afterwards. At a court in Massachusetts in 1644, it is said, “ Passaconaioau, the Merri- mack sachem, came in and submitted to our government, as Pumhane, &c. had done before ;” and the next year the same entry occurs again, with the addition of his son’s submission also, “ together with their lands and people.” f This chief is supposed to have died about the same time with Massasoit , a sachem whom in many respects he seems to have much resembled. } He was often styled the great sachem, and, according to Mr. Hubbard, was con- sidered a great powwow or sorcerer among his people, and his fame in this respect was very extensive ; and we know not that there was any thing that they thought him not able to perform: that he could cause a green leaf to grow in winter, trees to dance, and water to bum, seem to have been feats of common notoriety in his time. WANNALANCET, or JVonolancet, in obedience to the advice of his father, always kept peace with the English. He resided at an ancient seat of the sagamores, upon the Merrimack, called at that time JYaamkeke, but from whence he withdrew, in the time of the war with Philip, and took up his quarters among the Pennakooks, who were also his people. About the beginning of September, 1675, Captain Mosely, with about 100 men, was ordered to march up into the country of the Merrimack to ascertain the state of affairs under JVannalancet. These men scouted in warlike array as far as Pennakook, now Concord, N. H. They could not find an Indian, but came upon then- wigwams, and burned them, and also a quantity of dried fish and other articles. Although this was a most wanton and unwarrantable, not to say unnecessary act of these whites, yet no retaliation took place on the part of the Indians. And whether to attribute their forbearance to cow- ardice, or to the great respect in which the dying advice of Passaconaway was * tVinthrop’s Journal. f Ibid. I Among other stanzas in Farmer and Moore’s Collections, the following very happily introduces Pasuxxeaway : — “ Once did my throbbing bosom deep receive The sketch, which one of Passaconaway drew Weil may the muse his memory retrieve From dark oblivion, and, with pencil true, Retouch that picture strange, with tints and honors due.” 280 WANNALANCET.— INDIANS SEIZED AT DOVER. [Book III held, is not certain ; for Wanalancei and his men had notice of the approach of Mosely, and lay concealed while he was destroying their effects ; and might have cut off his company, which the young warriors advised, hul Wannalancet would not permit a gun to be fired. Having abundant reason now to fear the resentment of the Pavvtuckett and Pennakook Indians, the council of Massachusetts, 7 September, 1675, ordered that Lieutenant Thomas Henchman , of Chelmsford, should send some messen- gers to find him, and persuade him of their friendship, and urge his return to his place of residence. With this order, a letter was sent to Wannalancet at the same time. They are as follows : “ It is ordered by the council that Lieut. Tho\ Henchman do forthwith endeavor to procure by hire, one or two suitable Indians of Wamesit, to travel and seek to find out and speak with Wannalancet the sachem, and cany with them a writing from the council, being a safe conduct unto the said sachem, or any other principal men be- longing to Natahook, Penagooge, or other people of those northern Indians, giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said Henchman, where the council wiil appoint Capt. Gocdsin and Mr. Eliot to treat with them about terms of amity and peace between tnem and the Eng- lish; and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to mutual satis- faction, then the said sachem and all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return back again ; and this offer the council are induced to make, because the said Wannalancet sachem, as they are informed, hath de- clared himself that the English never did any wrong to him, or his father Passaconaway, but always lived in amity, and that his father charged him so to do, and that said Wannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the English.” The following is the letter to Wannalancet : — “This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and council of Massachusetts do give you and every of you, provided you exceed not six persons, free liberty of coming unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut- T. Henchman at Naamkeake, and there to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookin and Mr. John Eliot, whom you know, and [whom] we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you, upon such meet terms and articles of friendship, amity and subjection, as were formerly made and concluded between the English and old Passaconaway, your father, and his sons and people ; and for this end we have sent these messengers \hlank in the MS.] to convey these unto you, and to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1 Oct. 1675. Signed by order of the council. John Leverett, Gov r . Edw 1 . Rawson, Seer.” The messengers who went out with this letter, to find Wannalancet, could not meet with him, but employed another to find him, and returned ; and whether he ever received it is not distinctly stated. However, with a few followers, he retired into the wilderness near the source of the Connecticut, and there passed the winter. The next summer he was joined by parties of Nipmuks under Sagamore sum, One-eyed-john, and others, who, coming in with.Jiim, were in hopes of receiving pardon, but their fate has been stated. Major Waldron of Cochecho had many Indians in his interest during the war with Philip. Some of these were employed to entice men from the enemy’s ranks, and they succeeded to a great extent. And by the beginning of September, 1676, about 400 Indians, from various clans far and near, had been induced to come into Dover. Among these was Wannalancet and his company. They came without hesitation, as they had never been engaged in the war ; and many who had been engaged in hostility came along with them, presuming they might be overlooked in the crowd, and so escape the vengeance of their enemies ; but they were all made prisoners on the 6 Sep tember by a stratagem devised by several officers, who with their men hap pened then to be at Dover with Waldron, and somewhat more than half of the whole were sold into foreign slavery or executed at Boston : about 300 were of the former number. ' Chap. VII.] WANNA LANCET RETIRES TO CANADA. 281 The stratagem made use of to trepan those Indians was as follows : It was proposed by the English that they should join with the Indians in a training, and have sham-fights. While performing their evolutions, a movement was made by the whites, which entirely surrounded the Indians, and they were all secured without violence or bloodshed. On the 3 May, 1676, Thomas Kirnbal of Bradford was killed, and his wife and five children carried into the wilderness. From the circumstance that Wannalancet caused them to be sent home to their friends again, it would seem that they were taken by some of the enemy within his sachemdom, or by some over whom he had some control. From a manuscript written about the time,* we are able to make the following extract, which goes to show that Wannalancet was ever the friend of the English, and also his disposition to humane actions. Mr. Cobbet says, “though she [Mrs. Kimbal,] and her sucking child were twice condemned by the Indians, and the fires ready made to burn them, yet, both times, saved by the request of one of their own grandees ; and afterwards by the intercession of the sachem of Pennicook, stirred up thereunto by Major Waldron , was she and her five children, together with Philip Eastman of Haverhill, taken captive when she and her children were, set at liberty, without ransom.” The 400 Indians surprised at Cochecho, by Hathome, Frost, Sill, and Wal- dron, included Wannalancet with his people, who did not probably exceed 100. This chief, then, with a few of his people, being set at liberty, was per- suaded to return to his former residence at Naamkeke, but he never felt rec- onciled here afterwards, for it had become almost as another place: some lawless whites had seized upon his lands, and looked upon him with envious eyes, as though he had been an intruder and had no right there. He, however, continued for about a year afterwards, when, upon the 19 September, 1677, he was visited by a party of Indians from Canada, who urged him to accom- pany them to their country. He finally consented, and with all of his people, except two, in number about 50, of whom not above eight were men, depart- ed for Canada, and was not heard of after, f It was on this very same day, viz. 19 September, that a party of Indians fell upon Hatfield, the particulars of which irruption, though in one view of the case does not strictly belong to the life of Wannalancet, we give here in the win ds of Mr. Hubbard. \ “ About Sept. 19th, 40 or 50 River Indians § fell sud- denly upon the town of Hatfield, whose inhabitants were a little too secure, and too isady to say the bitterness of death was past, because they had neither seen nor heard of an enemy in those parts for half a year before. But at this lime, as a considerable number of the inhabitants of that small village were amployed in raising the frame of an house without the palisadoes, that defend- jd their houses from any sudden incursions of the enemy, they were violent- ly and suddenly assaulted by 40 or 50 Indians, whom they were in no capacity to resist or defend themselves, so as several were shot down from the top of the house which they were raising, and sundry were carried away captive, to the number of 20 or more, which was made up 24 with them they carried away the same or the next day from Deerfield, whither some of the inhabitants had unadvisedly too soon returned. One of the company escaped out of their hands two or three days after, who informed that they had passed with their poor captives two or three times over the Connecticut to prevent being pursued.” At first this attack was supposed to have been made by a party of Mohawks, according to Gookin, because it took place the next day after some of the nation had passed through the place with some Christian Indians prisoners, and a scalp, which was afterwards found to have been taken from the head of an Indian named Josiah JYouel, || near Sudbury. But one of the captives * By Rev. T. Cobbet of Ipswich. f Gookin’s MS. Hist. Praying Indians. I Hist N. EiM.fe; d, G3G. $ They inhabited chiefly in New York along the Hudson ; a few in the N. W. corner of Connecticut, and a few on the Housalunnuk River. Hopkin’s Memoir of the Housatunrmk Indians, p. 1. — “ The Wabinga, sometimes called River Indians, sometimes Mohicanders, and who had their dwellings between the west branch of Delaware and Hudson's River, from the Kittatinney ridge down to the Rariton.” Jefferson’s Notes, 308. U By his death four small children were left fatherless. Novel and James Speen had 1 eei 24 * 282 ASHPELON.— STOCK WELL’S CAPTIVITY. [Boor 1IL taken at Hatfield escaped, and returned soon after, and reported that the cem- pany of Indians that attacked Hatfield consisted of 23 men and four women, and were some of those who had belonged to Philip's party, hut had taken up their residence in Canada, from whence they made this expedition.* * Another party left Canada at the same time, who, after separating from the former, directed their course towards Merrimack, and this was the company who persuaded or compelled Wannalancet to go with them. That he went not by compulsion is very probable ; for the party with whom he went oft' “ were his kindred and relations, one of them was his wife’s brother, and his eldest son also lived with the French” in Canada. f While at Pawtucket, and not long before his final departure, If’annalancct went to the Reverend Mr. Fiske of Chelmsford, and inquired of him con- cerning the welfare of his former acquaintances, and whether the place had suffered much during the war. Mr. Fiske answered that they had been highly favored in that respect, and lor which he thanked God. “ Me next,” said the chief, thereby intimating that he was conscious of having prevented mischief from falling upon them, } In 1G59, Wannalansit was thrown into prison for a debt of about £45. His people, who owned an island in Merrimack River, three miles above Paw- tucket* Falls, containing GO acres, half of which was under cultivation, relinquished it, to obtain his release. About 1670, he removed to Pawtuckett Falls, where, upon an eminence, he built a fort, and resided until Philip's war. He was about 55 years of age in 1674; always friendly to the English, but unwilling to be importuned about adopting their religion. When he had got to be very old, however, he submitted to then - desires in that respect. tJpon that occasion he is reported to have said, “ I must acknowledge I have all my days been used to pass in an. old canoe , and now you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitheilo been unwill- ing, but now I yield up myself to your advice , and enter into a new canoe, and do engage to pray to God hereafter .” Reverend John Eliot thus writes to the Honorable Robert Boyle § in England, together but half an nour before the former was killed, and by appointment were to have met again. But when Speen came to the place, he could find nothing of his friend. They were brothers-in-law. * It seems from the narrative of Quintin Stockwell, that the party who committed this depredation was led by a great and magnanimous sachem called ASHPELON, of whom, further than the events of this famous expedition, I have learned nothing. “ Sept. 19, 1G77, about sunset,” says Stockwell, “ I and another man being together, the Indians with great shouting and shooting came upon us, [at Deerfield,] and some other of the English hard by, at which we ran to a swamp for refuge ; which they perceiving, made after us, and shot at us, three guns being discharged upon me. The swamp being miry I slipt in and fell down ; whereupon an Indian stept to me, with his hatchet lifted up to knock me on the head, sup- posing I was wounded, and unfit for travel. It happened I had a pistol in my pocket, which though uncharged, I presented to him, who presently stept back, and told me, if I would yield I should have no hurt ; boasted that they had destroyed all Hatfield, and that the woods were full of Indians ; whereupon I yielded myself.” He was then taken back to Deerfield, where he was pinioned, and with other captives marched into the wilderness. Their suffer- ings, as usual in Indian captivity, were most cruel and severe ; for many nights together they were “ staked down ” to the cold ground, in this manner : The captive being laid upon his back, his arms and feet were extended, and with cords or withes lashed to stakes driven into the ground for that purpose. Besides lashing the arms and legs, the neck and body were also secured in the same way, ana often so tight as to cause swellings and the most excruci- ating pains. While on their march, the captives had frequent opportunities of escaping singly, but would not, for fear of endangering the lives of the rest ; but at length Benjamin Stebbins, in a journey with his Indian master to Wachuset hill, made his escape. When die rest knew this, they were for burning the remaining captives, but some being opposed te the measure, they agreed to have a court and debate the subject. Ashpelon told the English not to fear, for he would speak last, and would frustrate the design of burning, for he would show that it was not Stebbins' s fault for running away, but the fault of the Indian who had him in charge ; and he brought it to pass, as he had promised. Having at length arrived among the French, Stockwell was pawned to one of them, and in the end sold for 21 beaver skins, and some time the next year got home again. Remarkable Providences. Blome’s America, 221 f Gookin’s MS. History. t Allen’s Hist. Chelmsford, 157. $ For many years at the head of the Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians. He was a great benefactor of N. England, and one of the founders of the Royal Society of London. He was by birth an Irishman, nut settled finally at Oxford, England. He died in Lob WANNALANCET. 283 CHxr. VII.] in 1677 : “We hcd a sachem of the greatest blood in the country submitted to pray to God, a little before the ware : his name is Wanalauncet : in the tune of the ware he fled, by reason of the wicked actings of some English youth, who causelessly and basely killed and wounded some of them. He was persuaded to come in again. But the English having plowed and sown with rye all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians, (of whom some were of the kindred of this sachem’s wife,) very lately fell upon this people, being but few and unarmed, and partly by persuasion, partly by force, carried them away. One, with his wife, child and kinswoman, who were of our praying Indians, made their escape, came in to the English, and discovered what was done. These things keep some in a continual disgust and jealousy of all the Indians.” * It may be proper to add a word upon the name of the place which we have often mentioned in this life, as the same word, differently pronounced, was applied to a great many places by the Indians, and is the same word which Dr. I. Mother and some others made many believe was made up of two Hebrew words, to prove that the Indians were really the descendants of the dispersed Jews ; but for which purpose, if we are not misinformed, any other Indian word would answer the same purpose. The doctor writes the name Nahumkeik, and adds that Nahum, signifies consolation, and keik a bosom, or heaven ; and hence the settlers of places bearing this name were seated in fixe bosom of consolation, f He points out this etymological anal- ogy in speaking of the settlement of Salem, which was called by the Indians Naumkeag, Namkeg, Naamhok, Naumkuk, or something a little somewhat like it. A sad bosome of consolation, did it prove in the days of Tituba, (to say nothing of some more modern events,) and even in Dr. Mather's own days. [Though a digression, we shall, I doubt not, be pardoned for inserting here Dr. C. Mather's account of a curiosity at Amoskeag Falls, which he gave in a letter to London, and which afterwards appeared in the Philosophical Transactions : \ “ At a place called Amnuskeag, a little above the hideous § falls of Meriinack Iliver, there is a huge rock in the midst of the stream, on the top of which are a great number of pits, made exactly round, like barrels or hogsheads of different capacities, some so large as to hold several tuns. The natives know nothing of the time they were made ; but the neighboring Indians have been wont to hide their provisions in them, in their wars with the Maquas ; affirming, God had cut them out for that use for them. They seem plainly to be artificial.” It could certainly have required no great sagacity to have supposed that one stone placed upon another in the water, so as to have been constantly rolled from side to side by the current, would, in time, occasion such cavities. One quite as remarkable we have seen near the source of this river, in its descent from the Franconia Mountains ; also upon the Mohawk, a short distance below Little Falls. They may be seen as you pass upon the canal. Early purchases of lands bring to our notice a host of Indians, many of don, 1691, aged 64 years. The following lines are no less well conceived by the poet thu deserved by this benevolent philosopher : How much to Boyle the learned world does owe, The learned world does only know. He traced great nature’s secret springs ; The causes and the seeds of things ; What strange elastic power the air contains, What mother earth secures within her secret veins. Athenian Oracle, i. 67. 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 179. f Relation of the Troubles, &c. 20. Dr. Increase Mather was the author of a great many works, chiefly sermons, many of which have become curious for their singularity, and soma others valuable for the facts they contain. His sermons, like many others of that day, hat very little meaning in them, and consequently are now forgotten. He was son of Richard Mather, preached in Boston above 60 years, cved in 1723, aged 84 years. See hi. life, by his son, Dr. Cotton Mather, who was born 12 Feb. ,."62 — 3, died 13 Feb. 1727 — 8, aged 65. Sea his life by Samuel Mather. t Vol. v. of Jones’s Abridgement, part ii. 164. \ We cannot say what they were in those days, but should expect to be laughed at if we should call them hideous at the present time. 284 WE HAN OWNO WIT. — ROBINHOOD. [Boor IIL whom, though sachems, but for such circumstances of trade, would never have come to our knowledge. There are some, however, of whom we shall in this chapter take notice, as such notices assist in enabling us to judge how the natives regarded their lands, and the territories of their neighboring countrymen. WEHANOWNOW1T was a New Hampshire sachem, whose name has been considerably handled within a few years, from its being found to the much-talked-of deed conveying lands in New Hampshire to the Reverend John Wheelwright, and others, 3 April, 1G38. If Wehanownowit were sachem of the tract said to have been by him conveyed, his “kingdom” was larger than some can boast of at this day who call themselves kings. It was to contain 30 miles square, and its boundaries were thus described: “lying and situate within three miles on the northerne side of y« River Meremoke, extending thirty miles along by the river from the sea side, and from the sayd river side to 1‘isscataqua Patents, 30 miles up into the countrey north- west, and so from the falls of Piscataqua to Oyster River, 30 miles square every way.” The original is in possession of Mr. John Farmer, of Concord, N. H. # Tummadockyon was a son of Wehmvownowii, and his name is also to the deed above mentioned ; mid another Indian, belonging to that tract of country, named IVatchenowet : these 1 oth relinquished their title to, or con- curred in the sale of said tract. Robinhood f was the father of a more noted chief, whose Indian name was Wohawca hut commonly known among the English as Hopehood. His territories, as will appear, were upon the Kennebeck River in the first settle- ment of N. England. Our first notice of RoLinhood runs as follows: “Be it known” — “that I, Ramegin, j soe called by my Indian name, or Robinhood, soe called by English name, sagamore of Negusset, [or Neguasseag,] doe freely sell vnto James Smith" — “ part of my land, beginning att Merry-meeting Cove, and soe downward the maine riuer vnto a rocke, called Winslowe's Rocke, in the longe reach, and in breadth eastward ouer the little riuer, runinge through the great mersh, with the priuilidges [reserved to mel as limiting, fowlinge, fishing, and other games.” Smith was to pay him or his heirs, on the 1 No- vember annually, “one peck of Indian corn.” This deed bears date 8 May, 1648, mid is signed and witnessed as follows : — § Negwinis his T mark. Robinhood VJ his mark. Songreehood his H mark Air. Thomas his mark, and two English. Pe wazegsake his mark. The mark of Robin. The next year, 1649, he sold the island of Jeremysquam, on the east side of the Kennebeck, and in 1654 we find him selling his place of residence, which was in what is now Woolwich, to Edward Bateman and John Brown. In 1663, Robinhood is mentioned as one of the principal chiefs among the eastern Indians. || In 1667, the inhabitants upon Connecticut River, about Hadley, sustained some injury from Lidians, in their lands and domestic animals, and satisfac- tion therefor was demanded of Robinhood; at the same time threatening him with the utmost severity, if the like should be repeated. But whether his people were the perpetrators we are not told ; but from the following facts it may be thought otherwise. “ To promote amity with them, license was at length given to the traders in fur and in peltries, to sell unto Indian friends * MS. communication of that gentleman. f This name was adopted, I have no doubt, as it came something near the sound of bis Indian name, as was the case in several instances which we have already recorded : the old English robber of that name, or fables concerning him, are among the first in the nursery Even at this day, the curious adult will dispense with Mr. Ritson’s collections of legends cun terning him with peculiar regret. I The same, 1 suppose, called in Sullivan’s Hist. Rngomok. j From a manuscript copy of the original deed. 3 B Tossetyn, who visited the country at this time, bee his Voyages. Chat. VLLJ KENNEBIS.— CHOCORUA. 285 guTtS and ammunition Hence these ft -ends could see no nason, after- wards, why arms were prohibited them, as we shall again have occasion to notice. On the breaking out of Philip’s war, Robinhood was in n » wise inclined to join hi it, and when a party of English was sent at that time to learn the feelings of his people in that respect, he made a great dance, and liy songs and shouts expressed his satisfaction that the English were disposed to maintain peace. Mo.nquine, “alias JVatahanada, the son of old JYatawormett, sagamore of Kennebeck River,” sold to William Bradford and others, all the land on both sides of said river, “from Cussenocke upwards to Wesserunsicke.” This sale bore date 8 August, 1648. The Signature is “Monquine, alias Dum- haiiada.” Then follows: “We, Agodoademago, the sonne of Wasshemett, and Tassucke, the brother of jYatahanada,} do consent freely unto the sale to Bradford, Paddy, and others.”! Kexxebis was a sachem from whom it litis been supposed that the Ken- nebeck River derived its name. But whether there were a line of saga- mores of this name, from whom the river was so called, or whether sachems were so called from then- living at a certain place upon it, is uncertain. It is certain, however, that there was one of this name residing there, contem- poraneously with Robinhood, who, besides several others, deeded and reileeded the lands up and down in the country. He was sometimes asso- ciated in his sales with Abbigadasset, and sometimes with others. In 1649, he sold to Christopher Lawson all the land on the Kennebeck River up as high as Taconnet falls, now Winslow, which was the residence of the great chief Essiminasqua , or Assiminasqua, elsewhere mentioned. About the same time, he sold the same tract, or a part of it, to Spencer and Clark. The residence of Kennebis was upon Swan Island, “in a delightful situation, and that of Abbigadasset between a river of his name and the Kennebeck, upon the northern borders of Merry-meeting Bay.” § Swan Island was purchased of Abbigadasset in 1667, by Humphry Davie, and afterwards claimed by Sir John Davy, a serjeant at law. || We shall proceed to notice here one, of another age, whose melancholy fate has long since commanded the attention of writers. Some time previous to the settlement of Burton, N. H., that is, previous to 1766, there resided in that region a smail tribe of Indians, among whom was one named Chocorua, and he was the last of the primitives of those romantic scenes. This region was attracting to them on account of the beaver which were found in its pellucid waters, and its cragged cliffs afforded safe retreats to a plentiful game. It is handed to us by tradition, that Chocorua was the last of this region, and that he was murdered by a miserable white himter, who, with others of his complexion, had wandered here in quest of game. This solitary man had retired to a neighboring mountain, and was there discovered and shot. The eminence to which it is said this Indian had retired, is the highest mountain in Burton, and commands a beautiful view of a great extent of surrounding country. One of the most superb engravings that has appeared in all our annuals, is that representing Chocorua in his last retreat. It is a fact well known in all the neighboring parts of the country, that cattle cannot long survive in Burton, although there appears abundance of all that is necessary for their support. They lose their appetite, pine and " Wiiiamson’s Maine, i. 428, from 3 il/oss. Rec. T It appears from the “ Answer to the Remarks of t > i .ymjuth Company that Esseme mjscjue Weis also one that consented to the sale. He s the same whom we shall notice as Assiminasqua in our nert chapter. 1 People of Pliraouth. — \Vihxam Paddy died at Boston. His gravestone was dug oat o t the rubbish under the old state-house in 1830 Ci Williamson, i. 467. li Williamson, i. 331. Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, places the sale of Swan Islud andsj 1668. 286 SQUANDO.— BURNING O* SACO. [Book III. die. It is said that Chocorua cursed f he English before he expired, and the superstitious, to this day, attribute the disease of cattle to the curse of Cho- corua. But a much more rational one, we apprehend, will be found in the affection of the waters by minerals. CHAPTER VIII. Squando , sachem of Saco — Attacks the .town of Saco — Singular account of him by a contemporary — The. ill treatment of his wife a cause of war — His humanity in restor- ing a captive — Mahon a wan no — Causes of his hostility — Assiminasqua — His speech — Speech of Tarumkin — Mugg — Is carried to Boston to execute a treaty — Is Madohawando' s ambassador — Release of Thomas Cobbet — Mndokawandt.' s kindness to prisoners — Moxus attacks IVells and is beaten off — Attacked the next, year by the Indians wider Madohawando and a company of Frenchmen — Are repulsed with great loss — Incidents of the siege — Mans. Casteins — A further account of Moxus — Wanungonet — Assacombuit — Further account of Mugg — His death — Symon, Andrew, Jeoffrey, Peter and Joseph — Account of their depredations — Life of Kankamagus — Treated with neglect — Flies his country — Becomes an enemy — Surprise of Dover and murder fered. They took care to be provided with an armed lorce, and to have the '■ place of meeting at a strong place, which was Storeys garrison-liouse. But, \ as the author just cited observes, “ Tne Indians being poor musicians for keep- ' ing of time, came not according to their articles.” The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the warlike appearance of the English deterred them. After waiting a while, Captain Converse surprised some of them, and brought them in by force, and having reason to believe the Indians provoked by this time, immediately added 35 men to his force. These, says Mother, “ were not come half an hour to Storer’s house, on the 9th of June, 1691. nor had they got their Indian weed fairly lighted, into their mouths, before fierce Moxus, with 200 Indians, made an attack upon the garrison,” f but were re- pulsed and soon drew off Madokawando was not here in person, but when lie knew of the disaster of his chief captain, he said, “ My brother Moxus has missed it now, but I will go myself the next year, and have the dog Converse out of his hole.” The old chief was as good as his word, and appeared before the garri son 22 June, 1692. He was joined by Portneuf and Labrocre, two French officers, with a body of their soldiers, and their united strength was esti mated at about 500 men. They were so confident of success, that they agreed before the attack, how the prisoners and property should be divided. Converse had but 15 men, but fortunately there arrived two sloops with about as many more, and supplies, the day beiore the battle. Madokawando's men had unwisely given notice of their approach, by firing upon some cattle they met in the woods, which running hi wounded, gave the inhabitants time to fly to the garrison. The Indians were not only seconded by the two French officers and a company of their men, as before observed, but Moxus, Egeremet and Woromho were also among them. They began the attack before day, with great fierceness, but after continu- ing it for some time without success, they fell upon the vessels in the river ; and here, although the river was not above twenty or thirty feet broad, yet they met with no better success than at the garrison. They tried many stratagems, and succeeded in setting fire to the sloops several tunes, by means of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great damage. Tired of thus exposing themselves and throwing away their ammunition, they return- ed again to the garrison, resolving to practise a stratagem upon that, and thus ended the first day of the attack. They tried to persuade the English to surrender, but finding they could not prevail, made several desperate charges, in which they lost many. Beginning now to grow discouraged, they sent a flag to the garrison to effect a capitulation, but Converse, being a man of great resolution, replied, “ that he wanted nothing but men to come and fight him.” To which the bearer of the flag said, “ Being you are so slout, why don't you come and fight in the open field, like a man, and not fight in a garrison like a squaw ? ” This attempt proving ineffectual also, they cast out many threats, one of which was, “ We will cut you as small as lobbaco , before to-morrow irwming.” The captain ordered them “ to come on, for he wanted work.” Having nearly spent their ammunition, and General Labrocre being slain, they retired in the night, after two days’ siege, leaving several of their dead behind; among whom was the general just named,, who was shot through the head. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond, who had ven* Magnolia, vii. 77. — Williamson. Hist. Maine i 628 — 9. t Magn&lia, vii. 76. 292 MADOKAWANDO. [Book ill, tured out of the garrisou on some occasion, whom they tortured in a most barbarous manner. About the time of their retreating, they fired upon the sloops, and killed the only man lobt by the vessels during the assault, hi tie attack upon the vessels, among other stratagems, they prepared a breast- work upon wheels., which, notwithstanding their previous experience in this kind of engine, at Brookfield and Saco, they again resolved to try, and there- fore endeavored to bring it close to the edge of the river. When they had got it pretty near, one wheel sunk in the ground, and a French soldier, endeavoring to lilt it out with his shoulder, was shot down ; a second was also killed in the like attempt, and it was abandoned. They also built a raft in tiie creek above the vessels, and placed on it an immense pile of combus- tibles, and, setting them on file, floated it down towards them. But when within a lew rods of the sloops, the wind drove it on shore, and thus they were delivered from the most dangerous artifice of the whole. For it was said that, had it come down against them, they could not have saved them- selves from the fury of its flames. As late as 1736 an attempt was made to prove that Madokawando was not chief sachem of the Penobscots, which it seems no one in his lifetime thought of questioning. Nor had the fact at this time been questioned but from mercenary motives. A claim having been set up to lands upon St. George’s River, in opposition to that of the heirs of Governor Leverelt, that falsehood was resorted to, to maintain it. The loundation of Leverett’s claim was in a deed dated Pennnaquid, 9 May, 1694, by which Madokawanao con- veyed to Sir William, Phips the tract of land on both sides of St. George’s River, bounded east by Wessamesskek River, west by Hatthett’s Cove Iskuid, thence by a line to the upper falls of St. George’s River ; also Mastomquoog Island in the mouth of said river, and St. George’s Islands. A valuable con- sideration is said to have been paid, but what it was does not appear from the deed. The deponents called upon afterwards to prove Madokawando' s power to sell that tram, state the consideration variously, though none of them defi- nitely ; some said Sir William Phips gave a large amount in money/ and one that he gave a hatfull. f To this deed were the following signatures : — Signed, sealed and delivered in The mark of presence of Madokawando, .y, Sagamore The mark 2J. of Edgar Emit, of Penobscot, ^ and a seal. Sagamore of Kennebek, The mark fj: o/AVenemoiiet, cozin to Madokawando. The mark ^ of John Saugmore, of Sheepsgut River, interpreter. Also 6 or 7 whites. From an examination of the various affidavits before mentioned we derive the following interesting historical facts in the life of Madokawando ; viz. that he died in 1698, and was succeeded by It enamouet, or, as his name is sometimes spelled, Wenoggonet. This appears from the deposition of Cap- tain Cyprian Southack, who further sa^s “that he was with Madokawando, when a present of 10 barrels of gunpowder, a quantity of fire-arms, and some clothes, were delivered him by Governor Willebone, which was a present sent him by the King of France.” “And that Monsieur Castain married the said Madokawando' s daughter.” Joseph Bane deposed, “ that, in 1691, he was with Tlv/odore Jlikinson, late of Newcastle, in N. Hampshire, Esq., said Atkinson's wife, and Mrs. Elizabeth Alcock of Portsmouth, widow, and many others at the house of Joseph Moulton of York in the county of York, when they were taken captive by a large number of Indians,” that Madokawando was then eominander of said Indians, and was then reputed chief sachem of Penobscot. Bane farther relates that he was sold to an Amaroscoggen Indian, with whom he lived till 1699, and that he was present when Madokawando ordered Theodor* Deposition of John Phillips, 2 July, 1736. — Waldo’s Defence, 3. f Ibid. 3b. 293 Chap. V in.] MADOK^ W ANDO.— BARON CASTE1NS. Atkinson, who was his captive, to write to the governor of Massachusetts t* send a vessel to Sagadahok with goods to redeem the captives ; that it was accordingly sent there,- and Atkinson, his wife, and about 40 others were redeemed. John Longley was taken prisoner at Groton in July, 1694, and was servant ;o Madokawando two years and a half. The inhabitants of Black Point gave, yearly, a peck of com each to Ma dokaicando, as an acknowledgment that he was sachem of Penobscot. In 1690 Tobias Oakinan was taken by the Indians at Black Point. At which time he says he “ personally knew Edgar Emet who was then chief sachem of Kenebeck and Squando who was then chief sachem of Saco, and Moxus who was then chief sachem of Noridgawock, and Shepcat John who was then chief sachem of Shepscot and with Oorumby, who was then chief sachem of Pejemscot.” Oakinan was taken prisoner by 30 Indians in 3 parties under 3 chiefs ; one from Penobscot, one from Norridgewok and the other from Pejepscot ; Madokawando, Moxus and Oorumby being the respec- tive sachems ; hence Madokawando was sachem of Penobscot at that time. In the treaty which the eastern chiefs made with Sir. William Phips at Pemmaquid, 11 August, 1693, the following hostages were delivered to 'the English to ensure its observance. “ Ahassamhamet, brother to Edger Emet ; YVenomouett, cousin to Madokawando ; Bagatawaw ongon, and Sheefscott John.” * A daughter of Madokawando, as we have seen, married the Baron Be Cas- teins, by whom he had several children. In all of our former editions we gave Lahontan’s account of Castems in a note, and in the French language ; but it having been suggested by friends, that it should not only occupy a place in the text, but be rendered in English, I improve the opportunity to make the change. The Baron Be St. Casteins, a gentleman of Oleron in Bearn, having for about 20 years resided among the Abenakis, gained so much of their esteem, that they regarded him as their tutelar deity, lie had been an officer of the Carignan regiment in Canada ; but when that regiment was disbanded, he cast himself among the savages, of whom he learned their language. He took from them a wife after then - manner, preferring the forests of Acadie, to the Pyrenean mountains, which environ his native country. He lived, during the first years of his abode with the Indians, in such a manner as to gain a respect from them, above what can be imagined. They made him great chief, which is the same as sovereign of the nation, and by little and little he bas worked up a fortune, which any other man would have turned to good account, and withdrawn from the country with two or three hundred thousand crowns of gold in his coffers. However, he only uses it to buy merchandise, with which to make presents to his Indian brethren, who, when they return from their hunting exclusions, reimburse him for his presents with a triple amoimt in beaver.f The governors of Canada direct him, and those of New England fear him. He has several daughters, all of whom are advantageously married to Frenchmen, with each a rich dowry. He has never changed his wife,:): showing the Indians by his example that God is not pleased with inconstant men. It is said t.iat he has endeavored to convert these poor people, but that his words produce no good fruit, and hence it is of no use for the Jesuits to preach the truths of Christianity to them ; yet these fathers relax not their labors, and consider that to confer baptism upon a dying infant repays them ten fold for the suf- ferings and privations they experience in living among that people.^ * Waldo’s Defence, 39. — The names of these hostages differ materially from those in the Magnolia, vii. 83. t We should think that to a man of a sordid mind, this was “ turning a fortune to good account.” { That this amounts to a denial, as Mr. Halket reads it, [Notes on the American Indians, 230,) that Casteins had but one wife, we do not agree. His not changing his wife, (II n’t ja n ais changi de femme,) might be true, if, as some assert, he had several at the same time. 4 Memoires de I’Amerique, in 29, 30. 25 * 294 MOXUS.— DEaTH of mugg. [Book 11L The town now called Castine , on the Penobscot Rh er, was the place of the residence of the French baron, and a son of his iuceesded him in the sachemdom of the Penobscots. lie was witli Iberville at the capture of Pemmaquid in 169G, in which expedition he led 200 Indians. Captain Chubb of whom we have spoken before, commanded tire fort, which was well manned and supplied, having 15 pieces of cannon and 90 men, but surren dered it in a cowardly manner, lie helped defend Port Royal in 170(5, m defence of which he was wounded in 1707. He finally retired to his native country, where he ended his days, hi 1088, Governor Andros, with an arma- ment, took possession of Castain’s village, plundered his house, and committed other depredations, but himself escaped. In 1721, his sou was seized by the English, and carried to Boston ; but they not long after set him at liberty. Some have endeavored to ground an argument upon the similarity of the name of this chief to that of Mculock the Welshman, that the eastern In- dians were descended from a Welsh colony, who, in 1170, lelt that country, and were never heard of after. The story of some white Indians speaking Welsh, on the Missouri River, has gained supporters in former and latter periods. * * Moxus, or, as he was sometimes called, Agamagus , was also a noted chief We can add little concerning him, to what has already been said. After Madokawando was dead, and the war between the French and English nations had ceased, the eastern chiefs were ready to submit to terms. Moxus seems the successor of Madokawando, and when delegates were sent into the east- ern country to make peace with the Indians, in 1699, his name stood first among the signers of the treaty.-} He concluded another treaty with Governor Dudley, in 1702. The next year* in company with Wanungonet, Assacambuit, and a number of French, he invested Captain March in the fort at Casco. After using every endeavor to take it by assault, they had recourse to the following stratagem. They began at the water’s edge to undermine it by digging, but were prevented by the timely arrival of an armed vessel under Captain Southack. They had taken a vessel and a great quantity of plunder. About 200 canoes were destroyed, and the vessel retaken. From which circumstance it may be inferred that their number was great. Moxus was at Casco in 1713, to treat with the English, and at Georgetown, upon Arowsike Island, in 1717. There were seven other chiefs who attended also at the time and place last mentioned. Mugg was a chief among the Androscoggins, and very conspicuous in the eastern war of 1676-7, into which he seems to have been brought by the same cause as Madokawando, already stated. He had been very friendly to the English, and had lived some time with them. On the 12 October, 1676, he made an assault upon Black Point, now in Scarborough, with about 100 warriors. All the inhabitants being gathered into one fortified place upon that point, a few hands might have defended it against all the Indians on that side of the country.}: While the captain of the garri- son was gone out to hold a talk with Mugg, the people fled from the garrison and took all then - effects along with them. A few of his own servants, how- ever, remained, who fell into the hands of the chief, who treated them kindly. When Francis Card was a prisoner among his men, he told him “ that he had found out the ivay to bum Boston,” and laughed much about the English ; saying he would have all their vessels, fishing islands, and whole country and bragged about his greatnumbers. He was killed at Black Point, on 16 May, the same place where, the year before, he had had such good success. I le had besieged the garrison three days, killed three men, and taken one captive The celebrated Symon, who had done so much mischief hi many places, was with him here. Lieutenant Tippin, who commanded the garrison, “trade a * See Janson’s Stranger in America , 270, ed. 4to. London, 1807 ; Universal Magazine, vol. xciii. 21 ; Dr. Southey’s Preface to his Mnaoclc ; Bouquet’s Exped. against Ohio Indians, 69. ed. 4to. London, 1766; Ker’s Travels in America, 167 — 172; Burk, Hist. Virginia, ii. 84 Beatty, Jour. 24 ; Moulton’s New- York, i. 45.; Barton’s Physical Jour. i. pt. ii. 79 Columb. Mag. for 1737. * Magnalia, viL 94. It is dated 7 Jan. 1698—9. t Hubbard, had. Wars, ii. 46. Chap. VIII.] SYMON ATTACKS BRADFORD. 295 successful shot upon an Indian, that was observed to be very busy and bold in the assault, who at that time was deemed to be Symon, the arch villain and incendiary of all the eastward Indians, but proved to be one almost as good as himself) who was called Mogg .” * Svmon, just named, was a troublesome fellow, who continued to create considerable alarm to the inhabitants upon the Merrimack River, in the vicin- ity of Newbury and Ainesbury, about which part seems to have been his residence, as late as the month of July, 1677. On the 9th of July, six Indians were seen to go into the bushes not far from the garrison at Ainesbury ; two days before, several men had been killed in the neighborhood, and one woman wounded, whose name was Quimby. Symon was the alleged leader of the party which committed the depredation. Mrs. Quimby was sure that it was lie who “ knocked her on the head,” and she knew the names of many of the rest with him, and named Andrew , Geoffrey, and Joseph. She begged of Symon not to kill her. He replied, “ Why, goodwife Quimby, do you think that 1 will kill you ? ” She said she w as afraid he would, because he killed all the English. Symon then said, “ I will give quarter to never an English dog of you all,” and then gave her a blow on the head, which did not happen to hurt her much : at which, being a woman of great courage, she threw a stone at him ; he then turned upon her, and “ struck her two more blows,” at which she fell, and he left her for dead. Before he gave her the last blows, she called to the garrison for help. He told her she need not do that, for, said he, “ I will have that too, by and by.” Symon was well known to many of the inhabitants, and especially to Mrs. Quimby, as he had formerly lived with her father, William Osgood.] In April, 1677, Symon and his companions burnt the house of Edward )t r eymouth at Sturgeon Creek, and plundered the house of one Crawley, but did not kill him, because he had shown kindness to Symon's grandmother.^ Symon was one of the Christian Indians, as were Andrew, Geoffrey, Peter , and several others of the same company, a circumstance which, with many, much aggravated their offences. The irruption just mentioned is thus re- lated by Mr. Hubbard ;§ “ Symon and Andrew, the two brethren in iniquity, with a few more, adventured to come over Pascataqua River on Portsmouth side, when they burnt one house within four or five miles of the town, and took a maid and a young woman captive ; one of them having a young child in her arms, with which not willing to be troubled, they gave leave to her that held it, to leave it with an old woman, whom die Indian Symon spared because he said she had been kind to his grandmother ; yet one of the two captives escaped from their hands two days after, as did the other, April 22, who gave notice of the Indians, (being not so narrow ly looked to as they used to do others.”) It was on 3 May, 1676, that Symon, Andrew and Peter fell upon the house of Thomas Kimbal, of Bradford, killed him, and carried off his wife and five children into the wilderness.|| Having on the whole concluded to make peace with the English while they could, did, before the end of six weeks, restore the captives. Instead of improving the opportunity of securing their friendship, the English seized Symon and Andrew, and confined them in the jail at Dover. This treatment they considered, as very naturally they should, only a precursor of something of a different character; and therefore found means to break jail, and make good their escape. They joined their eastern friends, and hence followed many other cruelties, some of which we have already related. About the first depredation which followed their flight from Dover, was committed at Greenland. One John Keniston was killed, and his house burned. A writer of that day, after observing that the perpetrators of the outrage were Symon, Andrew, and Peter, observes that they were the “ three we had in prison, and should have killed,” and closes with this exclamation, * Hist. N. England. t MS. Documents. 1 Belknap’s N. Hampshire. & Hist. N. England, 631. || See the very creditable History of Haverhill, (p. 53.) by Mr Mt/rick, for other interesting particulars respecting this affair 296 SYMON. — ESCAPE OF CATTIVES. [Book HL •The good Lord pardon us.” * Thus some considered they obi need of par- ion for not dealing with more rigor towards the Indians ! One of the most important actions in which Symon was engaged remains to be related. Mr. Anthony Brackett, who lived at Back Cove, upon a large estate now owned in part by Mr. Deering of Portland, had been visited by Symon, occasionally, who, like Totoson, in the case of Clarke at Eel River, in Plimouth, had made himself well acquainted with the situation of his house and family. On the 9th of August, 1676, some Indians had killed one of Brack- ett’s cows. Brackett immediately complained to Symon of the outrage, who promised to bring to him the perpetrators. Meanwhile a complaint was de- spatched to Major Waldron at Dover, which might have been the cause of the course Symon immediately after pursued ; for, if, when he had promised to aid in adjusting the affair, he learned that, at the same time, a force had been secretly applied for, it is a sufficient reason, in this ruffled state of things, that he should show himself an enemy, as he did, on the morning of the 11th, two days after the injury was done. Friday was the 11 August, and it was early in the morning that Symon appeared at the head of a party, at the house of Captain Anthony Brackett. “ These are the Indians,” said he, “ that killed the cow.” No sooner was this said, than the house was entered, and the guns seized upon belonging to the family. Brackett then asked what was the meaning of their carriage, and Symon replied, “ So it must be,” and demanded of him whether he would go with them, as a captive, or be killed ; to which he answered, that if the case were so, he preferred to serve as a cap- tive ; Symon then said they must be bound, and, accordingly, Mr. Brackett, his wife, (who was a daughter of Michael Mitton,) and a negro, were bound Mrs. Brackett's brother JYathaniel, only son of M. Mitton, was of the family, and made some resistance when they were about to bind him, and was killed upon the spot. The rest, Brackett, his wife and five children were carried away prisoners. They continued in captivity until the November following, when some of them found means to effect an escape ; which was singularly fortunate, and worth relating. In their wanderings, those who held them captive, came to the north side of Casco Bay. Here news reached the Indians that Arowsike Island had been captured by their brethren, and they at once determined to share in the booty ; so, in their hurry, their eager- ness for the spoil of Arowsike outweighed their fears of losing their prison- ers. Therefore they promised Captain Brackett and the rest, that if they would come after them, they should have a share in the good things which had been taken ; and accordingly set off and left them. Mrs. Brackett, taking ad- vantage of their good feeling, just before they left, asked them for some meat, which was readily granted ; she found an old birchen canoe, which had been probably abandoned by the Indians, by reason of its being nearly brok- en up, but in which it was resolved to attempt an escape ; and with the help of a needle which Mrs. Brackett also found in an old house at that place, she was enabled so to mend the canoe, that it wafted herself and child, her hus- band and the negro man to the opposite shore of the bay, a distance of eight or nine miles, in safety. They hardly could have expected but what, on landing near Black Point, they would have been in the very presence of In- dians, yet it so happened that although they had but just destroyed the settle- ments there, they had all left the place. And a vessel, which happened very fortunately in that neighborhood, took them in safety to Portsmouth. The wife of Capta'm Anthony Brackett should not be overlooked in enume- rating the heroines of our country. Her name was Ann. She die d alter this war, but the time is not ascertained. Her husband married again, a daughter of Abraham Drake, Senior, of Hampton, whose name was Susannah,-]- by whom he bad several children. When Colonel Church had the memorable fight with the Indians at Casco, 21 September, 1689, Captain Brackett was killed. After this his wife and children went to her father’s at Hampton, but finally returned to their possessions. We are now to commence upon the recital of one of the most horrid mas- sacres any where recor led — the sacking of Dover by the famous chiefs Kan- “ Hist. N. England, i. 158 f Hubbard’s Nar. and Willis’s Portland, i 15—155. KANKAMAGUS. — INDIAN LETTERS. Chap. VIII.] 297 kamagus and Massandowet, and the barbarous murder of Major Waldron and many of his people. KANKAMAGUS, commonly in the histories called Hogkins, Hawkins , or Hakins, was a Pennakook sachem, and an artful, persevering, faithful man, as long as he could depend upon the English for protection. But when Governor Cranjkld, of New Hampshire, used his endeavors to bring down the Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1684, who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the English, Kankamagus, knowing the Mohawks made no distinction where they came, fled to the eastward, and joined the Androscoggins. He had a fort upon that river, where his family and that of another sachem, called Worombos, or Worombo, lived. But before he fled his country, he addressed several letters to the governor, which dis- cover his fidelity as well as his fears ; and from which there is no doubt but he would always gladly have lived in his own country, and on the most inti- mate and friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become attached, and had adopted much of their manner, and could read and write, but fot the reasons just stated. The following letters fully explain the situation of his mind and his feelings, at the time he expected the Mohawks would ravage his country : — “ Mai/ 15th, 1685. Honor governor my friend. You my friend I desire your worship and your power, because I hope you can do som great matters this one. 1 am poor and naked, and have no men at my place because I afraid allways Mohogs he anil kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Mcdamake River called Panukkag and Jva- tukkog, I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want ponder and such alminishon, shatt and guns, because I have forth at my horn, and I plant theare.” This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble servant. Simon Detogkom,* JOHN HOGKINS, Joseph X Trask, PETEr do Robin, King g Harry, Mr. Jorge X Rodunnonukgus, Sam qZ Linis, Mr. Hope X HoTH,f Wapeguanat nt? Saguachuwashat, John Toneh, Old ^ Robin , John 30 Canowa, Mamanosgues I Andra. John X Owamosimmin, Natonill }| Indian. The same day, as appears by the date of it, Hogkms wrote the following letter, which bears the same signature as the above : — “ Honor Mr. Governor, — Now this day I com your house, I vanl se you, and I bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if your worship when please, then receive my hand then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because 1 remember at old time when live my grant father and grant mother then English- men com this country, then my grant father and Englishmen they make a good government, they friend allwayes, my grant father living at place called Malamake- rever, other name chef Natukko and Panukkog, that one rever great many names and I bring you this few skins at this first time I will giue my friend. " This all Indian hand.” The two following are from the same. “ Please your worship, — I will intreat you matther you my friend now [ this if my Indian he do you long pray you no put your law, because som my Indians fool, som men much love drunk then he no know what he do, may be he do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponis * The same called Betokom in Gookin, probably. — See ante, Book ii. Chap. vii. t Perhaps Hopehood 298 KANKAMAGUS.— INDIAN TREATY. [Book III. him about what he haue done, you, you my friend if you desire my business, then sent me l will help you if 1 can. John Hogkins.” “ Mr. Mason, — Pray I want speak you a few ivords if your worship when please because I com parfas l will speake this governor bid he go away so he say at last night, and so far I understand this governor his power that your power now, so he speak his own mouth. Pray if you take what 1 want pray com to me becaust 1 want go horn at this day. Your humble servant, “ May 16, 1685. John Hogkins, Indian sagmor .” About the time these letters were written, persons wine sent among the Indians to ascertain whether, as was reported, they were assuming a warlike attitude. Those to whom the inquiry was intrusted, on their return report- ed, “ that four hidians came from fort Albany to the fort at Penacook, and in- formed them [the Indians there] that all the Mohawks did declare they would kill all Indians from Uncas at Mount Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscot. “ The reason of JYatombamat, sagamore of Saco, departed his place was, be- cause the same news was brought there, as himself declared, upon reading my orders at Penacook. jYatombamai is gone to carry the Indians down to the same place, where they were before departed from us on Sunday morn- ing, and desired Captain Hooke to meet him at Saco five days after. Both sagamores of Penacook, viz. Wonalanset and Mesandowit, the latter of which is come down, did then declare they had no intention of war, neither indeed are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men, besides squaws and papooses. The reason, they said, why they did not come among the English as formerly, was, their fear, that if the Mohawks came and fought them, and they should fly for succor to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for harboring them.” Notwithstanding this state of affairs, commissioners met the Indians on the 8 September, 1685, and a peace was concluded “between the subjects of his Majesty King James H, inhabiting N. Hampshire and Maine, and the In- dians inhabiting the said provinces.” The articles were subscribed on the part of the Indians by The mark & of Mesandowit. The mark of John Nomont, “ X of V/ahowah, alias Upsawah. alias Hopehood “ 0 of Umbesnowah, “ -h of Tecamcrisick, alias Robin. alias Josias. The following signers agree to comply with the terms of the treaty “ as their neighbors have done.” The mark ^ of Netambomet. “ of Wahowah, alias Hopehood. “ C of Ned Higgon “ Q ofNEWCOME KANCAMAGUS, alias John Hawkins, sagamore, signed this instrument, 19th 7ber, 1685, his □ mark. Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, his p mark. And agreed to all within written. Whether Hogkins were among the Penakooks seized by Major Waldron about ten years before, is not certain, or, if he were, it is not probable any resentment remained in his breast against him on that account, as the Pen- nakooks were all permitted to return home ; but it is certain that he was the director and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon Waldron not long afterward, and which is as much chargeable upon the maltreatment they received from the English, at least, as upon any agency of the French. It may be true that many belonging to the eastward, who were seized with the Pennakooks, and sold or left in foreign countries, had found their way back among their friends again, and were glad of the first opportunity of revenging themselves upon the author of then- unjust expatriation. Mtyor Waldron lived at Dover, then called by its Indian name, Quochechs, 299 Chap. VJII.] KANKAMAti US.— DESTRUCTION OF DOVER. in New Hampshire, iu a strong garrison-house, at which pla.e were also four others. Kankamagus had artfully contrived a stratagem to effect the surprise of the place, and had others beside the Peimakooks from different places ready in great numbers, to prosecute the undertaking. The plan was this. Two squaws were sent to each garrison-house to get liberty to stay for the night, and when all should he asleep, they were to open the gates to the warriors. Masandowet, who was next to Kankamagus, went to Major Wal- dron's, and informed him that the Indians would come the next day and trade with him. While at supper with the major, Masandowet said to him, with an air of familiarity, “Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?” To which he vauntingly replied, “ that he could assemble an hundred men by lifting up his finger.” hi this security the gates were opened at midnight, and the work of death raged in all its fury. One garri son only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They rushed into ll aldron's house in great numbers, and while some guarded the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. Waldron was now 80 years of age, yet, seizing his sword, defended himself with great resolution, and at first drove the Indians before him from room to room, until one getting be- hind mm, knocked him down with his hatchet. They now seized upon, and dragged him into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair upon a table. While they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they obliged the family to provide them a supper, which when they had eaten, they took off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful man- ner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying, “I cross out my account others cut off joints of his fingers, and said to him, “Now will your fst weigh a pound?” After cutting off his nose and ears, and forcing them into his mouth, he became faint from loss of blood ; and some holding his own sword on end upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and thus ended his misery. The Indians had been greatly abused and wronged in their trading with the whites, and it is a tradition to this day all over that part of the country, that Major Waldron took great advantage of them in trade, and did not cross out their accounts when they had paid him; and that, in buying beaver, his fist was accounted to weigh a pound. Although he may have taken no more advantage of the Indians than the majority of Indian traders, yet, at this dis- tant day, extenuation will not be looked for in impartial accounts of the transactions of our ancestors with the Indians. To enumerate the villanies practised upon this devoted people, would be to expose to everlasting odium the majority of frontier traders from the earliest to the present time; but true history, now-a -days, is but little read, and little indeed where the facts militate against the pride of ancestry. A history of wrongs and sufferings preserved only to be read by those who have committed them, must be an unwelcome record ! It was, and to this day is, in many places, a uniform practice among speculators or land-jobbers, to get the Indians drunk, and then make their bargains with them! Li the time of Philip's war, an Androscoggin Indian said “ that he had given an hundred pound for water drawn out of Mr. P. [Purchas] his well.” * But to leturn to our narrative. Several were killed at each of the garrison-houses that fell into their hands. They kept the place until the next morning, when, after collecting all the plunder they could carry, took up their march, with 29 captives, into the wil- derness towards Canada ; where the chief of them were bought by the French, and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-three were killed be- fore they left the place. This affair took place on the night of the 27th of Juue, 1 (j 89. Several friendly Indians informed the English at Chelmsford of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and they caused a letter to be de- * Hubbard, ii. 77 . — Thomas Purchase’s house at Pegypscot was among the first that fell a prey to the eastern Indians in Philip’s war. In the beginning of September, about 20 of them went there, and at first offered to wade, but Mr. Purchase and his son being from home, they took what they liked without even asking the price of it killed a few sheep and calves, and departed. Ibid, 14, 16. 300 HOPEHOOD.— ATTACK ON NEWICHEWANNOR. [Be , ok 111. spatched in season to have notified the people, but on account of some delay at Newbury ferry, the benefit of that information was lost Four years after, Colonel Church took JVorombo's fort, in which were Kan- kamagus's wife and children. This fort was upon the Androscoggin, about 25 or 30 miles from its mouth. In another place, we have given a history of Church's expedition to this fort. The prisoners taken here informed Church that there had been lately a great council held there by the Indians, in which “many were for peace and many against it;” but they finally agreed to go with 300 warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, and to offer the English peace, which if not accepted, they would then fall upon them. “ If they could not take Wells, then they resolved to attack Piscataqua. The which, says Church , when we were well informed of, we left two old squaws that were not able to march, gaue them victuals enough for one week of their own corn, boiled, and a little of our pruisions, and buried their dead, and left them clothes enough to keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye in : gaue them orders to tell their friends how kind we were to them, biding them doe the like to ours. Also if they were for peace to come to goodman Small's, att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse them ; then we came away with our own five captiues, [English that they had de- livered,] and nine of theirs.” * In the same letter we are informed that among these prisoners were Kankamagus's wife and four children. His brother-in-law was taken, but he “ ran away from them.” Among the slain was Kankamagus's own sister. A girl was brought away whose father and mother had been slain before her eyes. Two of the children of Worombo were also among the prisoners, all of whom were carried to Plimouth. This expedition upon the Androscoggin was on Sunday, 14 September, 1690. A few days after this, Church landed at Casco, where the Indians fell upon him by surprise, and were not beaten off for some time, and then only by nard fighting. This was on the 21 September. Church had seven men killed and 24 wounded, two of whom died in a day or two after. The Indians who made this attack were probably led by Kankamagus and Worovnho. Hopehood was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in hia time, as the chiefs of whom we have just spoken. He was chief of the tribe of the Kennebecks generally known as the Nerigwoks. He was the son of Robinhood, a sachem of whom we have spoken in a former chapter. Accord- ing to some writers Hopehood was also known by the name Wohawa. f The career of his warlike exploits was long and bloody. Our first notice of him is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Newichewannok, since Berwick, in Maine. Fifteen persons, all women and children, were in the house, and Hopehood, with one only beside himself, Andrew of Saco, whom we have be- fore mentioned as an accomplice -with Symon, thought to surprise them, and but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within, would have effected their purpose. She fastened and held the door, while all the others escaped unobserved. Hopehood and his companion hewed down the door, and knocked the girl on the head, and, otherwise wounding her, left her for dead. They took two children, which a fence had kept from escaping. One they killed, the other they canned off alive. The young woman recovered, and was entirely well afterwards. One of the most important actions in which Hopehood was engaged was that against Salmon Falls in New Hampshire, which is minutely detailed by Charlevoix, from whose history we translate as follows. Three expeditions had been set on foot by Governor Frontenac, the troops for which had been raised at three places, Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebeck. Those raised at Three Rivers were ordered against New England; and such was the insig- nificance of that place, that but 52 men could be raised, including 5 Algon- quins and 20 Sokokis : these Indians had lately returned froth an eastern expedition. They had at their head one of the officers of the colony, to * Manuscript letter written at the time by Church, and sent to Governor Hinckley of Plimouth. f Harris, in his Voyages, ii. 302, who says he was a Huron ; but a* he dte* no anthoritiaa, we know not how he came by his information. Chap. VIII.] HOPEHOOD.— DESTRUCTION OF SALMON FALLS. 301 whom could be intrusted the execution of an enterprise of such a nature, with the greatest confidence ; such is the testimony which Count Frontenac gave in a letter which he wrote at the time to M. de Seignelay. That officer was the Sieur Hertd. In the smali company which he commanded, he had tliree of his sons and two of his nephews ; viz. The Sieur Crevier, Lord of S. Francois, and the Sieur Gatineau. He left Three Rivers the 28 January 1G90, proceeding direetly south into the country, leaving Lake Champlain to his left, then turning to the east, and after a long and rugged march he arrived on the 27 # March, near Salmon Falls,] which he had reconnoitred by his spies. He then divided his men into tliree companies ; the first, composed of 15 men, was ordered to attack a large fortified house. The second, consisting of 11 inen,'"W»s ordered to seize upon a fort, defended by four bastions. The third, which Hertel com- manded in person, marched to attack a still greater fort, which was defended by cannon. All was executed with a conduct and bravery which astonished the English, who made at first stout resistance ; but they could not with- stand the fire of the assailants: the bravest were cut to pieces,! ;in, l the rest, to the number of 54, were made prisoners of war. It cost the victors but one Frenchman, who had his thigh broken, and who died the next day : 27 houses were reduced to ashes, and 2000 § domestic animals perished in the barns, which had been set on fire. Salmon Falls was but six leagues from a great town called Pascataqua,|j from whence men enough might be sent to swallow up Hertel, and cut of! his retreat. In fact, upon the evening of the same day two savages gave notice that 200 H English were advancing to attack them. Hertel expected it, and had taken his measures to frustrate those of his enemy. He drew up his men in order of battle upon the edge of a river, ## over which there was a very narrow bridge, one extremity of which he had secured, and it was impossible for the English to come upon him at any other point. They, however, attempted it, despising the small numbers of the French, whom they engaged with great confidence. Hertel suffered them to advance with- out firing a gun, and all at once fell upon them, sword in hand ; 8 were killed and 10 wounded in the first shock, and the rest fled with precipita- tion. ff He lost in this encounter the brave Crevier, his nephew, and one of the Sokokis. La Fresniere, his elder son, was shot in the knee ; the scar of which wound he bore for 50 years. As Hertel §§ was returning to Canada, he fell in with another party of his countrymen, which proved to be that raised at Quebec, before mentioned, under M. de Portneuf, || || and with him agreed upon an expedition against * Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132 (flowing Mather, Magnalia, vii. 68, dates this affair 18 March : there is in reality no error, allowing for the difference of style, (except one day ;) the English not yet having adopted the Gregorian method, which the French hau. — See Book II Lap. IL t Pre's d’une bourgade Angloise. appellee Sementels. t About 30 were killed, according to Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132. § Charlevoix has been misconstrued by some authors, and made to say 2000 head of cattle vere burned. — See Williamson, Hist. Maine, i. 619, who probably did not refer to the text of Charlevoix, or perhaps used an exceptionable translation. “ Deux mille pieces de betail peri- rent dans les etables, oh Uon avoit mis le feu.” Nouvelle France, ii. 51. || Sementels n’etoit qu’A six lieuPs d’une assez grosse bourgade de la Nouvelle Angleterre, nommee Pescadouit. Nouvelle France, ii. 51. H “ About 140 men.” Belknap, ii. 132. ** Wooster’s River, in Berwick. Ibid. tf The English advanced with great intrepidity, and a warm engagement ensued, which lasted till night, when they retired with the loss of (our or five killed. Ibid. U The English, although warned by the fate of Schenectaday, “ dreamt,” says Mallier, “ that while the deep snow of the winter continued, they were safe enough ; but this proved as vain as a dream of a dry summer. On March 18, the French and Indians, being half one, half t’other, half Indianised French, and half Frenchified Indians, commanded by Monsieur Artel and Hoop-Hood, fell suddenly upon Salmon-falls,” &.c. Magnolia, vii. 68. The English called him Artel, as his name was pronounced. See Magnolia, ibid. I| || The French wrote English names queer enough, but really I should be sadly puzzled to tell which should laugh at the other : however, modem writers should not copy old errors of ignorance. It is easy to see how we come by the name of Burneffe in our Histories of Nev England. — See Hist. Maine, i. 621. 26 302 HOTEHOOD— DESTRUCTION OF CASCO [Book 111. Casco. As Porlneuf marched through the country of the Abenakis, many of them joined him, and he came into the neighborhood of Casco, accord- ing to the French account, on the 25 May. On the tollowing night, he pre- pared an ambush, and towards morning an Englishman fell into it and was Killed. The Indians then raised the war-whoop, and about noon 50 English marched out from the garrison to learn what was the occasion of it ; they made no discovery until they were within a few paces of the ambush, when they were filed upon ; and before they could resist were fallen upon by the French and Indians with their swords and tomahawks with great slaughter: but four escaped, and tliese were badly wounded. The English seeing nowThey must stand a siege, abandoned four garri- sons, and all retired into one, which was provided with cannon. Before these were abandoned, an attack was made upon one of them, in which the French were repulsed,' with the loss of one Indian killed and one French- man wounded. Porlneuf began now to doubt of his ability to take Casco, fearing the issue ; for his commission only ordered him to lay waste the English settlements, and not to attempt fortified places ; but in this dilemma Hertel and Hopehood arrived.* It was now determined to press the siege. In the deserted forts they found all the necessary tools for carrying on the work, and they began a mine within 50 feet of the fort, under a steep bank, which entirely protected them from its guns. The English became dis- couraged, and on the 28 f May surrendered themselves prisoners of war. There were 70 men, and probably a much greater number of women and children. All of whom, except Captain Davis, who commanded the garrison, and three or four others, were given up to the Indians, who murdered most of them in their cruel manner; and if the accounts be true, Hopehood excelled all other savages in acts of cruelty. In the course of the same month, with a small party he fell upon Fox Point, in New Hampshire, killed about fourteen persons, and carried away six, after burning several houses. This was as easily done, says Cotton Mother, J “ as to have spoiled an ordinary hen-roost .” Two companies of English soon collected and pursued them ; came up with them, killed some, and recovered considerable plunder. In this action Hopehood was wounded, and lost his gun. § Many were the horrid acts of barbarity inflicted on the prisoners taken at this time. Not long after this, Hopehood went to the westward, “ with a design, says Mather, to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta into his assist- ance.” The Indians of Canada and the Five Natione were then at war, and he being in their country, was met by some of the Canada Indians, who, taking him to be of the Iroquois nation, slew him and many of his companions, lie had been once a captive to the English, and served a time in Boston as a slave. There appears to have been another Nerigwok ciiie< of the same name, who treated with Governor Dudley at Casco, in 1703. J We have, in narrating the events in the life of Madokawando, noticed the voyage of Major Waldron to the eastern coast of Maine, which was at the close of Philip's war. How much treachery was manifested at that time by the Indians, which caused the English to massacre many of them, we shah not take upon us to declare ; yet this we should bear in mind, that we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy, and not that of those who suffered in it. Captain Charles Frost, of Kittery, was with Waldron upon that expedition, and, next to him, a principal actor in it ; and, like him, was killed by the Indians afterwards. || Mr. Hubbard gives this account of his taking a noted warrior as follows : — “ Capt. Frost seized an Indian called Megunneway, a notorious rogue, that had been in arms at Connecticut last June, at the falls, * Madxtkawando was also at the taking of Casco, as were the Doneys and the Higueu [Higgins] Captain Davis’s Nar. in 3 Coll. Mas. Hist. Soe. 104, 5. — Hopehood had been taken prisoner, and held as a hostage, with about a dozen others, and was set at liberty by Andros some time before. Ibid. f This agrees with the English accounts, abating 10 days, as observed in a note on the last page, t Magnalia Christ. Americana, b. vii. 73. 6 " An heathen Indian would rather part with his head than with his gnn.” Loskiel, ii. 514. P At his native place, 4 July, 1697. MS. letter of John Farmer, Esq. BOMAZEEN. 303 Chap. IX.] and saw that brave and resolute Capt. Turner, when he was slain about Green River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket* at Casco, [11th] August last, [1676.] Ami with the help of Lieut. JYutter, according to the major’s order, carried him aboard ” their vessel. “ By this time,” the same author continues, “ some of the soldiers were got ashore, and instantly, according to their major’s command, pursued the enemy towards their canoes. In the chase, several of the enemy were slain, whose bodies these [soldiers] found at their return, to the number of seven ; amongst whom was Mattahando the sagamore, with an old powow, to whom the Devil had revealed, as some- times he did to Said, that on the same day he should be with him ; l'or he had a little before told the Indians, that within two days the English woulu come and kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon himself.” Here we must acknowledge, notwithstanding our great respect for this author, that his commentary upon that passage was rather gratuitous. He might have considered that Sauls among the English would not be want- ing of whom parallels might be made. Indeed, the historian of Kankamagus might say the Devil was less deceitful with this powwow than he was after- wards in the case of Major Waldron. The English took much plunder from the Indians at this time, among which were about 1000 lbs. of dried beef, and various other commodities. Megunneway, after having fallen into their hands as we have stated, was shot without ceremony. CHAPTER IX. Bomazeen — Treachery of the whites towards him — Is imprisoned at Boston — Saves the life of a female captive — Captures Saco — Is killed- — Arruha win wabemt — His capture and death — Egeremet — Seized at Pemmaquid — Barbarously mur- dered — Treachery of Chubb — Its requital — Captain Tom — Surprises Hampton — Don v — His fort captured by Colonel Church — Events of Church’s expedition — Captain Simmo — Treats with the English at Casco — His speech — Wattanummon — Captain Samuel — His fight at Damaris Cove — Hegan — One of the name barbarously de- stroyed by the whites — Mogg — Westbrook burns JVerigwok — Some account of the Jesuit Rasle — Moulton’s expedition to JVerigwok — Death of Mogg — Death of Father Rasle — JYotice of Moulton — Charlevoix' s account of this affair — Paugus — Bounty offered for Indian scalps — Captain John Lovcwell's first expedition — His second hunt for Indians — Falls in with Paugus — Fights him, and is slain — Particulars of the affair — Incidents — Songs composed on i lie event. We will continue here our catalogue of eminent chiefs of the east, which, though a remote section, has no less claim than any other; and the first of them which we shall introduce was called, by the whites, Bomazeen, who was a sachem of a tribe of the Canibas, or Kennebecks, whose residence was at an ancient seat of sagamores, upon a river bearing their name, at a place called JYorridgewock . \ Whether Bomazeen were the leader in the attack upon Oyster River in New Hampshire, Groton in Massa- chusetts, and many other places, about the year 1604, we cannot determine, but Hutchinson says he was “a principal actor in the carnage upon the * He was brother to Anthony, and was killed the 11 August, as we have mentioned in our arcount of Symon. These Indians, or some of their party [that captured Anthony Bracket ] went over upon the neck, where they shot John Munjoy ami Isaac Wakely. Three men, who were going to reap at Anthony Bracket’s, having heard from Munjoy and Wakely of the trans- action there, left them to return, when, hearing the guns, they turned towards Thomas Bracket'!, who lived near Clark’s Point, where they had left their canoe, having probably crossed over from Purpooduck. Here they saw Thomas Bracket shot down, and his wife and children taken; they then made their escape to Mur joy’s garrison, at the lower end of the neck, which iiad become a place of refuge. Willis’s Hist. Portland, i. 114. — This was an extensive depre- dation. 34 persons having been killed and carried into captivity. t iVerigwok is believed to be the most proper way of spelling the name of this place, as agreeing best with its orthoepy ; at least, with that heard at and in the vicinity of it, at this day, as pronounced by the oldest inhabitants. It is a delightful place, and will be fa ud else- where described. 4 ARRUHAWIKWABEMT. — TAKEN AND KILLED. [Book III. English,” after the treaty which he had made with Governor Phips, in 1G93. In 1694, he came to the fort at Pemmaquid with a flag of truce, and was treacherously seized by those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months, in a loathsome prison. In 1706, new bar- barities were committed. Chelmsford, Sudbury, Groton, Exeter, Dover, and many other places, suffered more or less.* Many captives were taken and carried to Canada, and many killed on the way. A poor woman, one Rebecca Taylor, who had arrived at the River St. Lawrence, was about to be hanged by her master, an “overgrown Indian,” named Sampson. The limb of the tree on which he was executing his purpose gave way, and, while he was making a second attempt, Bomazeen happened to be passing, and res- cued her. We hear of him just after the death of Arruhawikwabemt, in October. 1710, when he fell upon Saco with 60 or 70 men, and killed several people, and carried away some captives. He is mentioned as a “ notorious fellow,” and yet but few of his acts are upon record. Some time after the peace of 1701, it seemed to be confirmed by the appearance of Bomazeen, and another principal chief, who said the French friars were urging them to break their union with the English, “ but that they had made no impression on them, for they were as frm as the mountains, and should continue so as long as the sin and moon endured .” On peace being made known to the Indians, as having taken place between the French and English nations, they came into Casco, with a flag of truce, and soon after concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N. H., dated 13 July, 1713. Bomazeen's name and mark are to this treaty. When Captain Moulton was sent up to Nerigwok, in 1724, they fell in with Bomazeen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was escaping through the river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and daughter were, in a barbarous manner, fired upon, the daughter killed, and the mother taken. We purposely omit Dr. C. Mather’s account of Bomazeen's conversation with a minister of Boston, while a prisoner there, which amounts to little else than his recounting some of the extravagant notions which the French of Canada had made many Indians believe, to their great detriment, as he said ; as that Jesus Christ was a French man, and the Virgin Mary a French woman ; that the French gave them poison to drink, to inflame them against the English, which made them run mad. We hear of others, who, to excite them against the English, endeavored to make them believe, among other absurdities, that they put Jesus Christ to death in London. Arruhawikwabemt, just mentioned, was a sachem of the same tribe, and was said to be of Norridgewock also. We can find but very few particulars of him, but, from the fate he met with, it is presumed he had been very instrumental in continuing or bringing about the eastern war of 1710. In that year, Colonel Walton made an expedition to the eastern coast of Maine with 170 men. As they were encamped upon an island, the smoke of their fires decoyed some of the Indians into their hands, among whom was Airu- haivikwabemt. Penhallow says, he was “an active, bold fellow, and one of an undaunted spirit; for when they asked him several questions, he made them no reply, and when they threatened him with death, he laughed at it with eon tempt! At which they delivered him up unto our friendly Indians, who soon became his executioners. But when the squaw saw the destiny of her husband, she became more flexible, and freely discovered where each party of them encamped.” The savage perpetrators of this act called themselves Christian warriors ! and it must be acknowledged that civilization gains nothing in contrasting the conduct of the whites, under Walton, and that of Bomazeen towards a captive, just related. Egeremet, as we have seen, was chief sachem of Kennebeck in 1690, and his principal residence appears to have been at Machias. This chief, and Honquid, with three or four others, having been invited to a conference at Pemmaquid, were treacherously murdered there, 16 February, 1696. Their seizure and murder cotdtl not have been outdone, by the greatest barbarian s ) * Bomazeen was supposed to have led the party that attacked the sou h part of Oj ster River, now Durham, in which 10 persons were killed. This was on 27 April Chap. IX.] EGEREMET. 305 for faithlessness ; and we shall learn that its autl or paid for it in due time with his life. We are not disposed to add to ti ansae tions which are in themselves sufficiently horrible, but we will ventuie to give the account as we find it in Dr. C. Mather’s decennium luctuosum : — * “ Let us, before the year be quite gone, see some vengeance taken upon the heads in the house of the ivicked. Know then, reader, that Capt. March petitioning to be dismissed from his command of the fort at Pemmaquid, one Chub succeeded him. This Chub found an opportunity, in a pretty chubbed manner, to kill the famous Edgeremet and Abenquid, a couple of principal sagamores, with one or two other Indians, on a Lord’s day. Some that well enough liked the thing which was now done, did not altogether like the manner of doing it, because there was a pretence of treaty between Chub and the sagamores, whereof he took his advantage to lay violent hands on them.” Thus the manner is seen in which this horrid and cold-blooded act is related ! ! Few are the instances that we meet with in history, where Indian treachery , as it is termed, can go before this. The rever Aid author adds, “ If there were any unfair dealing (which I know not) in this action of Chub , there will be another February not far off, wherein the avengers of blood will take their satisfaction.” By this innuendo, what befell Captain Chubb after- wards is understood, and of which we shall presently give an account The point of land called Trott’s Neck, in Woolwich, in the state of Maine, was sold, in 1685, by Egeremet and several other sachems. In 1093, on the 11 August, with 12 other chiefs, he made a treaty f with Sir William Phips , at Pemmaquid, to which their names stood as follows, and without marks in the printed account. Edgeremett. Madockawando. Was sam bo met of Noridgwock. Wenobson of Teconnet, in behalf of Moxus. Ketterramogis of Narridgwock. Ahanquid of Penobscot. Bomaseen. Nitamemet. terpreters. Webenes. Awansomeck. Robin Donev. Madaumbis. Paquaharet, alias Nathaniel. John Horny brook. John Bagatawawongo, alias Sheepscott John. Phill. Dunsakis, Squaw, in- Before this, in 1691, “New England being quite out of breath,” says Dr. C. Mather, a treaty, or truce, was entered into between the eastern sachems and Messrs. Hutchinson and Townsend, of Boston, and others of the eastern coast, at Sagadahock. Here ten captives were given up by them, and the English gave up eight captive Indians. One was a woman by the name of Hull, who had been of great service to them, having written letters on various occasions, such as their affairs required, and with whom they re- gretted much to part. Another was Nathaniel White, who had been bound and tortured in a wretched manner. His ears were cut off) and, instead of food, he was forced to eat them, after which, but for this time y treaty, the sentence of burning would have been executed upon him. This truce stipulated that no hurt should be done the English until May, 1692, and that, on the first of that mouth, they would deliver, at Wells, all English captives in their hands, and, in the mean time, would inform of any plots that they might know of the French against the English. Egeremet being the chief sachem, and most forward in this business, Dr. Mather utters his contempt for him by saying, « To this instrument were set the paws of Egeremet, and live more of their sagamores and noblemen.” } This treaty may be seen at length in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Soc., but is dated one year earlier than it is in the Magnalia. The fact that it waa made upon the water, as Dr. C. Mather says, and as we have quoted in the life of Madokawando, appears from the last paragraph of that instrument, * Magnalia, b. yin 89. f It may be seen in the Magnalia, vii. 86 1 Magnalia Christ. Americana, book vii. art. xxviii. p. 94. 26 * U 306 EGEREMET.— KILLED AT PEMAQU1D. [Rook III which is in these words: — “Signed and sealed interchangeably, upon the water, in canoes, at Sackatehock, when the wind blew.” It was headed, “ At a treaty of peace with the eastward Indian enemy sagamores.” The other five sachems, beside Egeremet, were Toquelmut, Watumbomt, Waiombamet, Walumbt [ Worombos ,] and John Hawkins, [ov Kankamagus.] The places for which they stipulated are, according to the treaty, “ Pennecook, YVinnepisseockeege, Ossepe, Pigwocket, Amoscongen, Pechepscut, Kennebeck River, and all other places adjacent, within the territory and dominions of the above-named sagamores.” The witnesses were, Dewando, [the same called Adiwando, by Ptnhullow probably,] JYed Higon, John Alden, jr., and JYathaniel Alden. The next year, Egeremet was with Madokawando, Moius, and a body of French under Labrocre, and made the notable attack upon the garrison at Wells, which will be found recorded in the last chapter. We will now inform the reader of the wretched fate of Captain Pasco Chub. It was not long after he committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian sag- amores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and Indians. He was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where he suffered much disgrace for his treachery with the Indians.* He lived at Andover in Massachusetts, where about 30 Indians made an attack in 1698, on 22 February, in which he, with others, was killed, and five were captivated. It was not thought that they expected to find him there ; but when they found they had lulled him it gave them as much joy, says Hutchinson, “ as the destruction of a whole town, because they had taken their beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen.” They shot him through several times after he was dead. In his characteristic style, Mr. Oldmixon speaks of this event.] He says, “Nor must we forget Chub, the false wuetch who surrendered Pemmaquid Fort. The governor kept him under examination some time at Boston, and then dismissed him. As he was going to his house, at Andover, the Indians surprised him and his wife, and massacred them ; a just reward of his trea- son.” The author, we think, should have added, according to the jurispru- dence of savages. The most favorable account given of the conduct of Chub, and indeed the only one, follows : “ An Indian sagamore’s son appeared with a flag of truce, and Capt. Chub went out to them without arms, man for man. An Indian asked for rum and tobacco : the captain said, ‘ Ao ; it is Sabbath day .’ They said, ‘ We will have rum, or we ivill have rum and you too .’ Two Indians laid hold on the captain. Then he called to his men, to fall on, for God’s sake. Then he made signs to his men, to come from the fort. One of the English had a hatchet under his coat, took it out and killed an Indian; and then ours killed two more Indians, and took another alive, and wounded another, sup- posed mortally. Then many of the enemy c-ame near to the English, who retreated all safe to the fort.” [ There was another sagamore of the same name, noticed in the following wars with the eastern Indians, who was friendly to the whites ; it was proba- bly he who sometimes bore the name of Moxus. * Harris’s Voyages, ii. 305, (ed. 1764,) says Chub was arrested by Colonel Gedney, who was sent east with three ships of war, on hearing of the surrender of the fort, and that no French or Indians could be found ; that after he strengthened the garrison, he returned home. “ Col. Gedney had been by land with 500 men, to secure the eastern frontiers. Finding the enemy gone, he strengthened the garrisons, which were not taken. He also arrested Pasco Chubb, for surrendering Pemaquid Fort, while under his command in July, and had him brought to Boston. Here Captain Chubb was confined, till it was decided that he snoulo lose his commission, and not be eligible for any other. This unfortunate man, with his wife Hannah, and three others, were killed by the Indians at Andover, Feb. 22, 1698" Rev. Mr. Felt’s Annals of Salem. A naval force was sent at the same time ; hence the accounts are not altogether irrecon- cilable. Three men-of-war were sent out in pursuit of the French, “ but meeting with con- trary winds, they could never get sight of them.” AW, His. N. Eng. ii. 551. t British Empire in America, i. 77, 78. | Manuscript letter in library Mass. Hist. Soc. written in the following month. As it was wnUen at a great distance from the place, and from a report of the day, little reliance can be placed upon it. It may have been Chub’s report of the case. Chap. IX.] CAPTAIN TOM.— DONEY. 307 In the Indian war of 1703, there was a great Indian captain who resided somewhere to die east of Pascataqua River, who made his name dreaded among the settlements in that region, by some bloody expeditions which he conducted. He was called, by the English, Captain Ton. On 17 August of this year, this daring war-captain, with about 30 others, surprised a part of Hampton, killed five persons, whereof one was a widow Hussey, “ who was a remarkable speaking Quaker, and much lamented by her sect.” After sacking two houses near the garrison, they drew off * Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill, in Newbury, was owned by Great Tom. He is supposed to have been the last Indian proprietor of lands in diat town. In written instruments, he styles himself, “ I Great Tom Indian." f We come, in the next place, to an interesting portion of our eastern history. It has been generally supposed that the name Dony, or Doney, was the name of an Indian chief, but it is now quite certain that he was a Frenchman, who took up his residence among the Indians, as Baron de St. Casteins did. There appeal's in our history, in 1645, a “Monsieur Dony" who had some difficulty with Lord de la Tour , about their eastern possessions, and he was, doubtless, the same of whom we have an account afterwards, in the war of 1690, with the eastern Indians. At this time, there were two of the name in Maine, father and son. The son, perhaps, like Casteins the younger, was half Indian, but of this we are not sure ; nevertheless, to preserve our narrative of the events of Colonel Church’s expedition of 1690, we shall notice them among others. Church landed at Maquait, 12 September, before day, and, after a wet, fatiguing march into the woods of about two days, on the south-west side of the Androscoggin, came into the neighborhood of a fort. They came upon an Indian and his wife who were leading two captives ; and immediately pur- suing and firing upon them, killed the Indian woman, who proved to be the wife of Young Doney.\ We can only hope it was not their design thus to have killed an innocent woman. Which party it was that fired upon them (for they divided themselves into three) is unknown, and we in charity must suppose that, at considerable distance, and in much confusion, it was difficult to know an Indian man from a woman. As Church expected, Done i/ ran into one gate of the fort, and out at the other, giving the alarm so effectually, that nearly all within it escaped. They found and took prisoners “ but two men and a lad of about 18, with some women and children. Five ran into the river, three or four of which were killed. The lad of 18 made his escape up the river.” The whole number killed in this action was “ six or seven.” The English had but one wounded. They took here, at this time,-) a considerable quantity of corn, guns, and ammu- nition, and liberated Mrs. Hackings, widow of Lieutenant Robert Hackings, taken at Oyster River, Mrs. Barnard, wife of Benjamin Barnard, of Salmon Falls, Anne Heard, of Cocheco, a young woman, daughter of one Willis, of Oyster River, and a boy belonging to Exeter. These captives, says Church, “ were in a miserable condition.” They learned by them that most of their men were gone to Winter Harbor to get provisions for the Bay of Fundy In- dians. This information was given by a prisoner taken in the fort, who also said that the Bay of Fundy Indians were to join them against the English, in the spring. “ The soldiers, being very rude, would hardly spare the Indian’s life, while m examination ; intending, when he had done, that he should be exe- cuted. But Capt Hacking’s wife, and another woman, down on their knees and begiied for him. saying, that he had been a means of saving their lives, and a great many more ; and had helped several to opportunities to run away und make their escape ; and that never, since he came amongst them, had fought against the English, but being related to Hakin's || wife, kept at the # Penhallow, Lid. Wars, 8 ; Farmer's Belknap, i. 167. 1 Manuscript Hist. Newbury, by J. Coffin. i And the same called in the Magnalia Robin Doney. 9 Says my record, which is a manuscript letter from Church, written at that time. The same called Kankamagus. 308 DONE Y.— CAPTAIN SIMMO. Boor m. fort with tliein, having been there two years ; but his living Wis to the west- ward of Boston. So upon their request, his life was spared.” Two old squaws were left in the fort, provided with provisions, and instruct- ed to tell those who returned who they were, and what they were determined to do. They then put four or five to death, and decamped. Those, we must suppose, were chiefly women and children ! “ Knocked on the head for an ex- ample .” We know not that any excuse can be given for this criminal act; and it is degrading to consider that the civilized must be supposed to imagine that they can prevent barbarities by being wretchedly barbarous themselves. Old Doney, as he is called, was next to be hunted. As they were em- barking at Maquait, Mr. Anthony Bracket * came to the shore and called to them to take him on board, which they did. He learning that an English army was thereabout, made his escape from the Indians, with whom he had been some time a prisoner. The fleet now proceeded to Winter Harbor, from whence they despatched a detachment of 60 men to Saco Falls. When they came near, they discovered Doney's company on the opposite side of the river, who chiefly made their escape. A canoe, with three Indians, was observed coming over the river ; they did not see the English, and were fired upon, and “all three perished.” This gave the first alarm to Doney's company. They did not, however, leave their ground without returning the fire of the English, by which Lieutenant Hunnewell was shot through the thigh.f When the parties fired upon each other, Old Doney, with an English captive, was higher up the river, who, hearing the firing, came down to see what it meant; and thus he discovered the English time enough to escape. Doney fled from the canoe, leaving his captive, who came to the English. His name was Thomm Baker, who had lived before at Scarborough. There were many other movements of the English after this, in which they got much plunder, and which tended to cause an uneasiness among them, and their final determination to return home. Church urged a longer continuance, but was outvoted in a council of officers, and thus ended tho expedition. Many in the country reproached Church with cowardice, and almost every thing but what we should have looked for. If putting to death captives had been the charge, many might have accorded Amen! But we do not find that urged against him. Two years after this, in 1693, Rohin Doney became reconciled to the Eng- lish, and signed a treaty with them at Pemmaquid. But within a year after he became suspected, whether with or without reason, we know not, and coming to the fort at Saco, probably to settle the difficulty, was seized by the English. What his fate was is rather uncertain, but the days of forgiveness and mercy were not yet Among the chiefs which we shall next proceed to notice, there were seve- ral of nearly equal notoriety. Captain Simmo’s name should, perhaps, stand most conspicuous. We shall, therefore, go on to narrate the events in his life, after a few preliminary observations. Whenever war commenced between the English and French in Europe, their colonies in America were involved in its calamities, to an unknown and fearful extent. This was the aspect which affairs wore in 1703. With the first news, therefore, of its flame, the New Englanders’ thoughts were turned towards the Indians. Governor Dudley immediately despatched messengers to most of the eastern tribes, inviting them to meet him in council upon the pen- ' insula in Falmouth, on the 20 June. His object was so to attach them to the English, that, in the event of hostilities between the rival powers on this side of the Atlantic, they would not take arms against them. Agreeably to the wishes of the English, a vast multitude assembled at the time appointed the chiefs Adiwando and Hegan for the Pennakooks, Wattanummon for the Pequakets, Mesambomett and Wexar for the Androscoggins, Moxus and Hope- hood (perhaps son of him killed by the Mohawks) for the Nerigwoks, Bomn- zetn and Captain Samuel for the Kennebecks, and Warrunguni and fVanadu * Son of Anthony, who was killed by the Indians, as we have related, ante, f Official letter in MS. from the expedition. Chat. IX.] CAPTAIN SAMUEL. 309 gunbuent for the Penobscots. After a short speech to them, in which the governor expressed brotherly affection, and a desire to settle every difficulty “which had happened since the last treaty,*' Captain Simmo replied as follows : — “ We thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk ivith as. It is a great favor. The clouds fy and darken — but we still sing with love the songs of peace. Be.ieve my words . — So far as the sun is above the earth are our THOUGHTS FROM WAR, OR THE LEAST RUPTURE BETWEEN US.” * The governor was then presented with a belt of wampum, was to confirm the truth of what had been said. At a previous treaty, two heaps of small stones had been thrown together, near by the treaty ground, and called the Two-brothers, to signify that the Indians and English were brothers, and were considered by the parties in the light of seals to their treaties. Tiiey now repaired to these heaps of stones, and each increased their magnitude, by the addition of other stones. Thus was happily terminated this famous treaty. Some parade and rejoicing now commenced, and a circumstance transpired which threw the English into great fear, and, perhaps, greater suspicion. A grand salute was to be fired upon each side, at parting, and the English, ad- visedly, and very warily, it must be confessed, but in appearance compliment- ary, expressed their desire that the Indians would fire first. The Indians received the compliment, and discharged their guns ; to their great surprise, the English found they had been loaded with bullets. They had before doubted of their sincerity, but, owing to this discovery, considered their treachery certain, and marvelled at their escape. However, it can only be presumed, that, according to the maxim of the whites, the Indians had come prepared to treat or right, as the case might require; for no doubt their guns were charged when they came to the treaty, otherwise why did they not fire upon the English when they saluted them? What became of Captain Simmo we have as yet no account. Several of the other chiefs who attended this council were, perhaps, equally con- spicuous. Wattanummon being absent when the council first met on the 20 June, no business was entered upon for several days. However, the English afterwards said it was confirmed that it was not on that account that they delayed the conference, but that they expected daily a reinforcement of 200 French and Indians, arid then they were to seize upon the English, and ravage the country. Whether this were merely a rumor, or the real state of the case, we have no means of knowing. Wattanummon was supposed to have been once a Pennakook, as alt eminence still bears his name about a mile from the state-house in New Hampshire.] Captain Samuel was an Indian of great bravery, and one of the most for- ward in endeavoring to lull the fears of the English at the great council just mentioned. What gave his pretensions the air of sincerity was his coming with Bomazeen, and giving some information about the designs of the French. They said, “ Although several missionaries have come among us, sent by the French friars to break the peace between the English and us, yet their words have made no impres- sion upon us. We are as firm as the mountains, and will so continue, AS LONG AS THE SUN AND MOON ENDURES.” Notwithstanding these strong expressions of friendship, “within six weeks after,” says Penhallow, “ the whole eastern country was in a conflagration, no house standing nor garrison unattacked.” The Indians were no doubt induced to commit this depredation from the influence of the French, many of whom assisted them in the work. And it is not probable that those Indians who had just entered into the treaty were 'die spectators of the scene ; but who of them, or whether all were engaged in the affair, we know not. A hundred and thirty people were said to have been killed and taken, within that time Captain Samuel was either alive 20 years after these transactions, or another * This is Mr. Williamson s version of the speech, Hist. Maine, ii. 36. t MS. communication of J. Farmer, Esq. 310 HEGAN— MOGG. [Book III of the name made himself conspicuous. In June, 1722, this wanior chief, at the head of five others, boardt 1 Lieutenant Tilton, as he lay at anchor a fishing, near Damans Cove. They pinioned him and his brother, and beat them very sorely ; but, at last, one got clear and released the other, who then fell with great fury upon the Indians, threw one overboard, and mortally wound- ed two more.* Whether Captain Samuel were among those killed is not mentioned. There was a Captain Sam in the wars of 1745. In the vicinity of St. George’s, Lieutenant Prodor, at the head of 19 militia, had a skirmish with the Indians, 5 Sept., in which two of their leaders were killed, viz. Colonel Morris and Captain Sam, and one Colonel Job was taken captive ; tin; hitter being sent to Boston, he died in prison. To quiet the resentment of his relatives, the government made his widow a valuable present after the peace, f We should not, perhaps, omit to speak separately of another chief, who was present at the famous treaty mentioned above ; we refer to He ban. His name is also spelt Hegon and Heigon. There were several of the name. One, called Moggheigon, son of Walter, was a sachem at Saco, in 1664. This chief, in that year, sold to Wm. Phillips, “ a tract of land, being bounded with Saco River on the N. E. side, and Kennebunk River on the S. W. side.” To extend from the sea up Saco River to Salmon Falls, and up the Kennebunk to a point opposite the former. No amount is mentioned for which the land was sold, but merely “a certain sum in goods.” | One Sampson Hegon attended the treaty of Pemmaquid, in 1698 ; John, that at Casco, in 1727 ; JVed was a Pennakook ; Walter, brother of Mogg ; § The fate of one of the name of Hegon is remembered among the inhabitants of some parts of Maine to this day. He was tied upon a horse with spurs on his heels, in such a manner that the spurs continually goaded the annual. When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furiously through an orchard, and the craggy limbs of the trees tore him to pieces. Mather, in his Decennium Luctuosum, || seems to confirm something of the kind, which took place at Casco, in 1694, where the Indians, having taken some horses, made a bridle of the mane and tail of one, on which “ a son of the famous Hegon was ambitious to mount.” “But being a pitiful horseman, he ordered them, for fear of his lading, to tie his legs fast under the horse’s belly. No sooner was this beggar set on horseback, and the spark, in his own opinion, thoroughly equipped, but the nettlesome horse furiously and presently ran with him out of sight. Neither horse nor man was ever seen any more. The astonished tawnies howled after one of their nobility, disappearing by such an unexpected accident. A few days after, they found one of his legs, (and that was all,) which they buried in Capt Bracket s cellar, with abundance of lamentation.” Here we cannot but too plainly discover the same spirit in the narrator, which must have actuated the authors of the deed. He who laughs at crime is a participator in it — From these, we pass to affairs of far greater notoriety in our eastern history ; and shall close this chapter with two of the most memorable events in its Indian warfare. Mogg, the chief sachem of Norridgewok in 1724, may very appropri- ately stand at the head of the history of the first event. How long he had been sachem at that period, we have not discovered, but he is mentioned by the English historians, as the old chief of Norridgewok at that time. Notwithstanding Mogg was the chief Indian of the village of Nerigwok, or, as Father Charlevoix writes it, Narantsoak, there was a French priest settled here, to whom the Indians were all devotedness ; and it is believed that they undertook no enterprise without his knowledge and consent The name of this man, according to our English authors, was Ralli, but accord- ing to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was Rosie. If The depredations of the Ahenaquis, as these Indians were called by those who lived among them, * Penhalloic’e Ind. Wars, 86. t MS. among the files in our state-house. D Magnolia, vii. 87. f Hist Gen. da la Nouv. Fr. ii. 380, tt mm. f WUliamson’t Hist. Me. ii. 241. $ MS. letter of Jt ‘.n Farmer, Eaq Chap. IX/] MOGG.— DESTRUCTION OF NERIDGWOK. 313 were, therefore, directly charged by the English upon Father Rasle ; hence their first step was to offer a reward for his head.* The object of the expe- dition of Colonel Westbrook, in 1722, was ostensibly to seize upon him, but he found the village deserted, and nothing was effected by the expedition but the burning of the place. Father Rasle was the last that left it, which he did at the same time it was entered by the enemy ; having first secured the sacred vases of his temple and the ornaments of its altar. The English made search for the fugitives, but without success, although, at one time, they were within about eight feet of the very tree that Screened the object for which they sought. Thus the French considered that it was by a remark- able interposition of Providence, or, as Charlevoix expresses it, par une main invisible, that Father Rasle did not fall into their hands. Determined on destroying this assemblage of Indians, which was the head-quarters of the whole eastern country, at this time, the English, two years after, 1724, sent out a force, consisting of 208 men and three Mohawk Indians, under Captains Moulton, Harman, and Bourne, to humble them. They came upon the village, the 23 August, when there was not a man in arms to oppose them. They had left 40 of their men at Teconet Falls, which is now within the town of Winslow, upon the Kennebeck, and aboul two miles below Waterville college, upon the opposite side of' the river The English had divided themselves into three squadrons : 80, under Har- man, proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surprise some in theit corn-fields, while Moulton, with 80 more, proceeded directly for the village, which, being surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they were close upon it. All were in their wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and in perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam, and, accidently discovering the English, ran in and seized his gun, and giving the war-whoop, in a few minutes the warriors were all in arms, and advancing to meet them. Moulton ordered his men not to fire until the Indians had made the first discharge. This order was obeyed, and, as he expected, they overshot the English, who then fired upon them, in their turn, and did great execution. When the Indians had given another volley, they fled with great precipitation to the river, whither the chief of their women and children had also fled during the fight. Some of the English pursued and killed many of them in the river, and others fell to pillaging and burning the village. Mogg disdained to fly with the rest, but kept pos- session of a wigwam, from which he fired upon the pillagers. In one of his discharges he killed a Mohawk, whose brother observing it, rushed upon and killed him ; and thus ended the strife. There were about GO warriors in the place, about one half of whom were killed. The famous Rasle shut himself up in his house, from which he fired upon the English ; and, having wounded one, Lieutenant Jaques, f ofNewbury, | burst open the door, and shot him through the head ; although Moulton had given orders that none should kill him. He had an English boy with him, abnut 14 years old, who had been taken some time before from the frontiers, and whom the English reported Rasle was about to kill. Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in this affair, according to their own account ; such as killing women and children, and scalping and mangling the body of Father Rasle. There was here a handsome church, with a bell, on which the English committed a double sacrilege, first robbing it, then setting it on fire ; herein surpassing the act of the first English circumnavigator, in his depredations upon the Spaniards in South America ; for he only took away the gold and * “ Aprls plusieurs tentatives, d’abord pour engager ces sauvages par les offres et les promesses Us plus slduisanles a le livrer aux Anglois, ou du mains a It renvoyer a Quebec, et d prendre en sa place un de leurs ministres ; ensuite pour le surpendre e. pour I’eidever, let Anglois resolus de s’en defaire, quoiqu’il leur en did coiUer, mirent sa tite a prix, et promireni miiie livres sterling a celui, qui la leur porteroit.” Charlevoix, ut supra. f Who, I conclude, was a volunteer, as I do net find his name upon the return made by Moulton, which is upon file in the garret, west wing of our state-house. f Manuscript History of Newbury, by Joshua CoJJin, S. H. S., which, should the wcrld ever be so fortunate as to see in print, we will insure them not only great gratification, xu a fund of amusement. 312 PAUGUS— LOVEWELL’S FIGHT [Book III. silver vessels of a church, and its crucifix, because it was of massy gold, set about with diamonds, and that, too, upon the advice of his chaplain. “ This might pass,” says a reverend author, “for sea divinity, but justice is quite another tiling.” Perhaps it will be as well not to inquire here what kind of divinity would authorize the acts recorded in these wars, or indeed any wars. Upon this memorable event in our early annals, Father Charlevoix should be heard. There were not, says he, at the time the attack was made, above 50 warriors at Neridgewok ; these seized their arms, and run in disorder, not to defend the place against an enemy, who was already in it, but to favor the flight of the women, the old men and the children, and to give them time to gain the side of the river, which was not yet in possession of the English. Father Rasi.f., warned by the clamors and tumult, and the danger in which he found his proselytes, ran to present himself to the assailants, hoping to draw all their fury upon him, that thereby he might prove the salvation of his flock. His hope was vain; for hardly had he discovered himself when the English raised a great shout, which was followed by a shower of shot, by which he fell dead near to the cross which he had erected in the centre of the village: seven Indians who attended him, and who endeavored to shield him with their own bodies, fell dead at his side. Thus died this charitable pastor, giving his life for his sheep, after 37 years of painful labors. Although the English shot near 2000 muskets, they killed but 30 and wounded 40. They spared not the church, which, after they had indignantly profaned its sacred vases, and the adorable body of Jesus Christ, they set on fire. They then retired with precipitation,* having been seized with a sud- den panic. The Indians returned immediately into the village ; and their first care, while the women sought plants and herbs proper to heal the wounded, was to shed tears upon the body of their holy missionary. They found him pierced with a thousand shot, his scalp taken off, his skull frac- tured with hatchets, his mouth and eyes filled with dirt, the bones of his legs broken, and all his members mutilated in a hundred different ways, f Such is the account of the fall of Rasle, by a brother of the faith ; a deplo- rable picture, by whomsoever related ! Of the truth of its main particulars there can be no doubt, as will be seen by a comparison of the above transla- tion with the account preceding it. There were, besides Mogg, other chief Indians, who fell that day; “Bomazeen, Mogg, Wissememet, Job, Cara- besett, and Bomazeen’s son-in-law, all famous warriors.” The inhumanity of the English on this occasion, especially to the women and children, cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the lustre of the victory. Harman was the general in the expedition, J and, for a time, had the honor of it ; but Moulton , according to Governor Hutchinson , achieved the victory, and it was afterward acknowledged by the country. He was a prisoner, when a mall boy, among the eastern Indians, being among those taken at the destruction of York, in 1692. He died at York, 20 July, 1765, aged 77. The township of Moultonborough, in New Hampshire, was named from him, and many of his posterity reside there at the present day. Under the head Paugus, we shall proceed to narrate our last event in the present chapter, than which, may be, few, if any, are oftener mentioned in New England story. Paugus, slam in the memorable battle with the English under Captain Loveivell, in 1725, was chief of the Pequawkets. Fryehurg, in Maine, now includes the principal place of their former residence, and the place where the battle was fought. It was near a considerable body of water, called Saco Pond , which is the source of the river of the same name. The cruel and barbarous murders almost daily committed by the Indians upon the defenceless frontier inhabitants, caused the general court of Massachusetts to offer a bounty of £100 for every Indian’s scalp. Among the excursions * They encamped the following' night in the Indian wigwams, under a guard >f only 40 men. Hutchinson, ii. 31 2. f Hisljoire Generale de Nouvelle France, ii. 382 — 4. 1 He did not arrive at the village till near night, when the action was ovei Hutch im- ton , in 313 LAUGUS. — LOVE WELL'S FIGHT. 313 HAP. IX.] performed by Lovewell, previous to that in which he was killed, the most important was that to the head of Salmon-fall River, now Wakefield, in New Hampshire.* With 40 men, he came upon a small company of ten Indians, who were asleep by their fires, and, by stationing his men advan- tageously, killed all of them. This bloody deed was performed near the shore of a pond, which has ever since borne the name of Lovewell's PoiuL After taking off their scalps, these 40 warriors marched to Boston in great triumph, with the ten scalps extended upon hoops, displayed in the Indian manner, and for which they received £1000. This exploit was the more auded, as it was supposed that these ten Indians were upon an expedition against the English upon the frontiers; having new guns, much ammuni- tion, and spare blankets and moccasons, to accommodate captives. This, however, was mere conjecture ; and whether they had killed friends or enemies, was not quite so certain as that they had killed Indians. It is said that Paugus was well known to many of the English, and per- sonally to many of Lovewell's men. That his name was a terror to the frontiers, we have no doubt ; and that his appearance at Pequawket, when met by Lovewell , was enough to have struck terror into all that beheld him, may not be questioned, we will let the poet f describe him. I . ’Twas Patigus led the Pequ'k't tribe : As runs the lox, would Paugtis run ; As howls the wild wolf, would he howl ; A Kage bear-skin had Paugus on. 2. But Chamberlain, of Dunstable, One whom a savage ne’er shall skty, Met Paugus by the water-side, And shot him dead upon that day. The second in command among the Indians on that memorable day was named Wahwa, but of him we have no particulars. Captain Lovewell marched out from Dunstable with 46 men, about the 16 April, 1725, of which event the poet thus speaks : — 3. What time the noble Lovewell came, With fifty men from Dunstable, The cruel Pequ’k’t tribe to tame, With arms and bloodshed terrible. 4. With Lovewell brave John Harwood came; From wife and babes’ twas hard to part ; Young Hanvood took her by the hand, And bound the weeper to his heart. C. “ Repress that tear, my Mary, dear, Said Harwood to his loving wife ; It tries me hard to leave thee here, And seek in distant woods the strife. 6. “ When gone, my Mary, think of me, And pray to God that I may be Such as one ought that lives for thee, And come at last in victory.” 7. Thus left young Harwood, babe and wile ; With accent wild she bade adieu: It grieved those lovers much to part, So fond and fair, so kind and true. 8. John Hanvood died all bathed in blood, When he had fought till set of day ; And many more we may not name, Fell in that bloody battle fray 9. When news did come to Harwood’ s wife That he with Lovewell fought and died ; Far in the wilds had given his life Nor more would in this home abide ; 10. Such grief did seize upon her mind, Such sorrow filled her faithful breast, On earth she ne’er found peace again But followed Hanvood to his rest. They arrived near the place where they expected to find Indians, on 4 tlte 7 May ; and, early the next morning, while at prayers, heard a gun, which they rightly suspected to be fired by some of Paugus's men, and imme- diately prepared for an encounter. Divesting themselves of their packs, they marched forward to discover the enemy. But not knowing in what direction to proceed, they marched in an opposite direction from tl>e In- dians. This gave Paugus great advantage; who, following their tracks, soon fell in with their packs, from which he learned their strength. Being encouraged by his superior numbers, Paugus courted the conflict, and put- sued the English with ardor. His number of men was said to have been * In December of the previous year, (1721,) with a few followers, he made an expedition to the north-east of Winnipisiogee Lake, in which he killed one and took another prisoner. For these he received the bounty offered by government. t The ediiors or publishers of the N. H. collections have inserted the above lines, is imitation of the ancient Ghevy Chase ; but whence they were obtained, or who was tfceij author, they do not inform us; perhaps, like that of which they are an imitation, the author remains unknown. We give it entire. 27 314 I'AUGUS.— LOVEWELL’S FIGHT [h. »K III. 80, while that of the English consisted of no more than 34, having left ten in a fort, which they built at Ossipee ; and one, an Indian named Toby, had before returned home, on account of lameness. The fort at Ossipee was for a retreat in case of emergency, and to serve as a deposit of part of their provisions, of which they disencumbered themselves before leaving it. Alter marching a considerable distance from the place of their encamp- ment on the morning of the 8 * May, Ensign Woman discovered an Indian, who was out hunting, having in one hand some fowls he had just killed, and in the other, two guns. There can be no probability that he thought of meeting an enemy, hut no sooner was he discovered by the English, than several guns were fired at him, but missed him. Seeing that sure death was his lot, this valiant Indian resolved to defend himself to his last breath ; and the action was as speedy as the thought : his gun was levelled at the English, and Lovewell was mortally wounded. Ensign Wyman, taking deliberate aim, killed the poor hunter ; which action our poet describes in glowing terms as follows : 11. Seth Wyman, who in Woburn lived, A marksman he of courage true, Shot the lirst Indian whom they saw j Sheer through his heart the bullet flew. 12. The savage had been seeking game ; Two guns, and eke a knife, he bore, And two black ducks were in his hand ; He shrieked, and fell to rise no more. He was scalped by the chaplain and another, and then they marched again by the way they came, to recover their packs. This movement was expected by the wily Paugus, and he accordingly prepared an ambush to cut them off, or to take them prisoners, as fortune should will. 13. Anon, there eighty Indians rose, Who’d hid themselves in ambush dread ; Their knives they shook, their guns they aimed, The famous Paugus at their head. 14. John Lovewell, captain of the band. His sword he waved, that glittered bright, For the last time he cheered his men, And led them onward to the fight. When the Indians rose from their coverts, they nearly encircled the English, but seemed loath to begin the fight ; and were, no doubt, in hopes that the English, seeing their numbers, would yield without a battle ; and, therefore, made towards them with their guns presented, and threw away their first fire. They then held up ropes which they had provided for secur- ing captives, and asked them if they would have quarter. This only encour- aged the English, who answered “only at the muzzles of their guns;” and they rushed toward the Indians, fired as they pressed on, and, killing many, drove them several rods. But they soon rallied and fired vigorously in their turn, and obliged the English to retreat, leaving nine dead and three wounded, where the battle began. Lovewell, though mortally wounded be- fore, had led his men until this time, but fell before the retreat. Although we transpose the verses in the song, to accommodate them to the circumstances of the fight, yet we cannot avoid entirely their irregular- ity' in reference to it. By rite next that follow, it would seem, that Lovewell received a second wound before he fell. 13. “ Fight on, fight on,” brave Lovewell said ; “ Fight on, while Heaven shall give you breath ! ” An Indian ball then pierced him through, And Lovewell closed his eyes in death. in this 16th verse the poet, perhaps, had reference to the morning prayer, which Mr. Frye, the chaplain, made before marcliing, on the day of the battle ; or, perhaps, more probably, to the ejaculations he made on the field alter he was mortally wounded. In the morning he prayed thus patriotically : “ We came out to meet the enemy; we have all along prayed God we might find them ; we had rather trust Providence with our lives ; yea, die for our country, than try to return without seeing them, if we might ; and be called cowards for our pains.” f 16. Good heavens ! is this a time for prayer ? Is this a time to worship God ; When LoveweWs men are dying fast, And Paugus ’ tribe hath felt the rod ? This was O. S. and corresponds to May 19, N. S. — See vote in last chapter. Address of C. S. Davis, (p. 17,) delivered at Fryeburg, 100 years after the fight. Chap. IX. J PAUGUS.— LOVE WELL’S FIGHT 315 17. The chaplain’s name was Jonathan Frye ; In Andover his father dwelt, And oft with LovewelTs men he’d prayed, Before the mortal wound he felt. 18. A man was he of comely form, Polished and brave, well learnt and kind ; Old Harvard’s learned halls he left, Far in the wilds a grave to find. 19. Ah ! now his blood-red arm he lifts, His closing lids he tries to raise ; And speak once more before he dies, In supplication and in praise. 20. He prays kind Heaven to grant success, Brave Loveweli’s men to guide and bless, And when they’ve shed their hearts'-blood true, To raise them all to happiness. “ The fight continued,” says the Reverend Mr. Symmes, “ very furious and obstinate till towards night. The Indians roaring and yelling and howling like wolves, barking like flogs, ami making all sorts of hideous noises: the English frequently shouting and huzzaing, as they did after the first round. At one time Captain Wyman is confident they were got to Powawing, by their striking on the ground, and other odd motions ; but at length Wyman crept up towards them, and, firing amongst them, shot the chief Powaw, and broke up their meeting.” * 21. “ Come hither, Far-well,” said young Frye , “ You see that I’m about to die; Now for the love I bear to you, Wi en cold in death my bones shall lie ; £2. “ Go thou and see my parents dear, And tell them you stood by me here ; Console them when they cry, Alas 1 And wipe away the falling tear.” 23. Lieutenant Farwell took his hand, His arm around his neck he threw, And said, “ Brave chaplain, I could wisk That Heaven had made me die for you. ' 24. The chaplain on kind Fat well’s breast Bloody, and languishing, he fell ; Nor after that, said more but this, ‘ I love thee, soldier ; fare thee well ! ” 23. Good heavens ! they dance the powow dance, What horrid yells the forest fill ! The grim bear crouches in his den, The eagle seeks the distant hill. 26. “ What means this dance, this powow dance ? ” Stern Wyman said ; with wondrous art, He crept full near, his rifle aimed, And shot the leader through the heart The first of the following stanzas is very happily conceived, and although not in the order of the poet, is as appropriate here, as where it originally stood. 27. Then did the crimson streams, that flow’d, Seem like the waters of the brook, That brightly shine, that loudly dash, Far down the cliffs of Agiochook. t 28. Ah ! many a wife shall rer.«J her hair, And many a child cry, “ Woe is me,” When messengers the news shall bear, Of Loveweli’s dear-bought victory. * Narrative of the fight at Piggwacket, vii. t'The Indian name of the White Mountains, or, as the people of New Hampshire woulc. say, White Hills. The natives believed the summits of these mountains to be inhabited by invisible beings, but whether good or evil we are not informed. Nor is it of much importance, since they reverenced the one as much as the other. It is always highly gratifying to the curious to observe how people primitively viewed objects which have become familiar to them. We will here present the reader with Mr. Josselyn’s description of the White Mountains, not for its accuracy, but for its curious extrava gance. “ Four score miles, (upon a direct line,) to the N. W. of Scarborow, a ridge of mountains run N. W. and N E. an hundred leagues, known by' the name of the While Mohntains, upon which lieth snow all the year, and is a landmark twenty miles off at sea. It is a rising ground from the sea shore to these hills, and they are inaccessible but by the gul- lies which the dissolved snow hath made. In these go Hies grow saven bushes, which being taken hold of, are a good help to the climbing discoverer. Upon the top of the highest of these mountains, is a large level, or plain, of a day’s journey over, whereon nothing grows but moss. At the farther end of this plain is another hill called the Sugar-loaf, to outward appearance a rude heap of massie stones piled one upon another, ana you may, as you ascend, step from one stone to another, as if you were going up a pair of stairs, but winding still about tile hill, till you come to the lop, which will require half a day’s time, and yet it is not above a mile, where there is also a level of about an acre of ground, with a pond of clear water in the midst of it, which you may hear run down, but how it ascends is a mystery. From this rocky hill you may see the whole country round about ; it is far above the lower clouds, and from hence we beheld a vapor, (like a great pillar,) drawn up by the sun-beaml out of a great lake, or pond, into the air, where it was formed into a cloud. The country beyond these hills, northward, is daunting terrible, being full of rockv hills, as thick as mole- tuiis in a meadow, and cloathed with infinite thick woods.” New England’s Rarities, 3, 4. ‘'lad recollections are associated with the name of these mountains. The destruction of live*, 316 PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL’S FIGHT. [Book Hi 29 With footsteps slow shall travellers go, Where Loecwell's pond shines clear and bright, And mark the plate where those are laid, Who fell in Lovewe/l’s bloody fight. 30. Old men shall shake their heads, and say “ Sad was the hour and terrible, When Lovewell, brave, ’gainst Pan gut went, With fifty men from Dunstable.” If miracles had not then ceased in the land, we should be induced to pass to their credit the extraordinary escape of several of the wounded English- men. Solomon Keyes, having received three wounds., said he would hide him- self, and die in a secret place, where the Indians could not find him to get his scalp. As he crawled upon the shore of the pond, at some distance from the scene of action, he found a canoe, into which he rolled him- sellj and was drafted away by the wind. To his great astonishment, he was cast ashore at no great distance from die fort at Ossipee, which he found means to recover, and there met several of his companions; and, gaining strength, returned home with them. Those who escaped did not leave the battle-ground until near midnight. When they arrived at the fort, they expected to have found refreshment, and those they had left as a reserve; but a fellow, whose name is not mentioned,, who deserted the rest when the battle began, and fled there, so frightened them, that they fled in great confusion and dismay to their homes. The place where this fight took place was 50 miles from any white inhab- itants; and that any should have survived the famine which now stared them in the face, is almost as miraculous as that they should have escaped death at the hands of the courageous warriors of Paugus ; yet 14 lived to return to their friends. Fifty men, from New Hampshire, afterwards marched to the scene of action, where they found and buried the dead. They found but three In- dians, one of whom was Paugus. The rest were supposed to have been taken away when they retreated from the battle. Thus progressed and terminated the expedition against the Pequawkets. And although the whites could scarcely claim the victory, yet, as in the case of the Narragansets, the Northern Indians received a blow from which they never recovered. With the Androscoggins, the Pequawkets soon after retired towards the sources of the Connecticut River. After remaining in those regions about two years, they separated, and the Androscoggins removed to Canada, where they were afterwards known as the St. Francis tribe The Pequawkets remained upon the Connecticut, who, in the time of the revolu- tionary war, were under a chief named Philip. In 1728, a tract of country, since Pembroke, N. H., was granted to the men that went out with Lovewell , and it for some time bore the name of LoveweWs Town. We hail here nearly concluded to close our account of this affair, .but cannot relieve ourself easily of the recollection of the following song, with- out inserting it, although we, and others, have elsewhere published it. It is said to have been composed the same year of the fight, and for several vears afterwards was the most beloved song in all New England : 1. Of worthy Captain Lovewell I purpose now to sing, IIow valiantly he served his country and his king ; He and his valiant soldiers did range the woods full wide, And hardships they endured to quell the Indian’s pride. 2. 'Twas nigh unto Pigwacket, on the eighth day of May, They spied a rebel Indian soon alter break of day ; He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land, Which leads into a pom!., as we’re made to understand. 3. Our men resolved to have him, and travelled two miles round, Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground; Then speaks up Captain Loi'ewell, “ Take you good heed,” says he; “ This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see. occasioned by an avalanche at the celebrated Notch, in 1826, will not soon be forgotten Mr. Moore, of Concord, has published an interesting account of it in the Coll N. H. H st. Sot vol iii Tim, IX. PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL’S FIGHT. 317 4. “ The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh at hand, In order to surround us upon this neck of land ; Therefore we’ll march in order, and each man leave his pacit, That we may briskly fight them when they shall us attack.” 5. They came unto this Indian, who did them thus defy ; As soon as they came nigh him. two guns he did let fly, Which wounded Captain Lovewell, and likewise one man more ; But when this rogue was running, they laid him in his gore. 6. Then having scalped the Indian, they went back to the spot, Where they had laid their packs down, but there they found them not ; For the Indians having spied them, when they them down did lay, Did seize them for their plunder, and carry them away. 7. These rebels lay in ambush, this very place hard by. So that an English soldier did one of them espy, And cried out, “ Here’s an Indian ! ” with that they started out. As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout. 8. With that our valiant English all gave a loud huzza. To shew the rebel Indians they feared them not a straw ; So now the fight began, as fiercely as could be, The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forced to flee. 9. Then spake up Captain Lovewell, when first the fight began, “ Fight on, my valiant heroes ! you see they fiffl line rain.” For, as we are informed, the Indians were so thick, A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit. 10. Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to surround But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond, To which our men retreated, and covered all the rear ; The rogues were forced to flee them, although they skulked for fee' 11. Two logs there were behind them that close together lay, Without being discovered, they could not get away, Therefore our valiant English they travelled in a row, And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go. 12. 'Twas ten o’olock in the morning when first the fight begun, And fiercely did continue till the setting of the sun, Excepting that the Indians, some hours before, twas night. Drew off into the bushes and ceased a while to fight. 13. But soon again returned in fierce and furious mood, Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud, For, as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell, Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well. 14. And that our valiant English, till midnight there did stay, To see whether the rebels would have another Ira v ; But tiiev no more returning, they made off towards their home. And brougnt away tneir wounded sis far as tney couid come. 15. Of all our valiant English, there were but thirty-four, And of the rebel Indians, there were about four score, And sixteen of our English did safely home return; The rest were killed and wounded, tor which we all must mourn, 16. Onr worthy Captain Lovewell among them there did die ; They killed Lieutenant Robbins, and wounded good young FVs*, Who was our English chaplain ; he many Indians slew, And some of them he scalped when bullets round him flew. 57 Young Fullam too I’ll mention, because he fought so well ; Endeavoring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell. And yet our valiant Englishmen in fight were ne’er dismayed, But still they kept their motion, and \Vyman captain made ; 18. Who shot the old chief Paugus, which did the foe defeat, Then set his men in order, and brought off the retreat ; And braving many dangers and hardships in the way, They safe arrived at Dunstable, the thirteenth day of May 27 * 318 ST. FRANCIS DESTROYED. IBook III CHAPTER X. The St. Francis Indians — Rogers’ expedition against them — Philip — S abatis — Arnold’s expedition — Natanis — The modern Penoiscots — Aitteon — Neptune — Captain Francis — Susup murders an Englishman — Specimen of the Penobscot language. — Rowi.es — liis prophecy — Blind Will — Killed by the Mohaioks — As- sacambuit — Visits France and is knighted by the king — Attacks and burns Haver- hill — His death. Towards the close of the last chapter, mention was made of the St* Francis Indians, and, as they were, a part of them, the remnant of the once respectable Androscoggins,* their history will here be resumed. We have already related some of their hardships and sufferings, both in Philip’s war and the French wars afterwards, when they had to contend with the old experienced chief, Colonel Church ; and also their severe disaster in opposing Lovewell. Alter their arrival upon the Lake St. Francis, from which their village took its name, they were under the influence and guidance of French ecclesias- tics. Their village, in 1735, consisted of about 40 wigwams and a church, and a friar resided among them. What time the Androscoggins joined the St. Francis tribe has not been discovered; but whenever war existed between France and England, they generally had some participation in it, the fre- quent occurrence of which at length ended in their almost total destruction, in 1759. Before the capture of Quebec, in that year, and while the English army under General Amherst lay at Crown Point, an expedition against St. Fran-' was ordered by him; being so “exasperated,” says Colonel Rogers, “at the treatment Capt. Kennedy had received from those Indians, to whom he had been sent with a fk*g of truce, and proposals of peace, who had been by them made prisoner with his party, that he determined to bestow upon them a signal chastisement.” This does not appear, however, to be all that was charged against them, for Major Rogers continues, “They had, within my own knowledge, during the six years past, killed and carried away more than 600 persons.” Accordingly Major Rogers was despatched upon this enter- prise with 142 effective men, including officers, and a few Indians of the Pequawket tribe, under Philip, their chief! It was a most perilous undertak- ing ; near 300 miles of wild country to be passed, late in October, 1759. When they came in sight of the town, towards evening, on the 5 October, the inhabitants were dancing about in great glee, celebrating a wedding. Half an hour before sunrise the next morning, the English fell suddenly upon them, in three divisions, and completely surprised them, killing 200 Indians, and capturing a few women and children.! With such secrecy and promptitude did the English act on this occasioii, says our author, “that the enemy had no time to recover themselves, or take arms in their own defence, until they were mostly destroyed.” Some few ran down to the river to es- cape by swimming or in their canoes, but were pursued and destroyed Their village, except three houses, was burnt, and many persons in it. By seven o’clock the butchery was ended, and a retreat was immediately com- menced. Two Indian boys were brought away prisoners, one of whom was * “ At St. Franijais, from some of Zanghe’daraniciac, or people from, the mouth of this river, ! learned, that they call a, or rather its banks. Amilcungaidiquotce, or banks of the river abounding in dried meat.” Kendal s Travels, hi. 143. f I lately received a letter from a gentleman who subscribed himself "Joseph Alex. Masts, an Indian of the St. Francis tribe,” complaining of the inaccurate account given hy Major Rogers of the destruction of that tribe; but as the author of the letter does not give an account himself, nor direct me where I can obtain one, belter than I have used, I am con- strained to reprint my account without much emendation. The only facts which I can either from his letter, are, that, “ before this event [Rogers’s Expedition] took place, the St. Francis tribe numbered from 1800 to 2000 inhabitants ; but since, this number has made rapid decline, and at present on the point of total dissolution.” Letter , dated Vincennes, VL 2-5 April, 183& Chap. X. I PHILIP OF PIGWOKET. — ARNOLD’S EXPEDITION. 319 named Stbatis. The English commander says, “ We found 600 scalps hang- ing upon poles over the doors of their wigwams.” "Although the English had made such havoc amcng the Indians, yet a wretched calamity awaited them m their homeward march. They had but one of their number killed, who was an Indian, and six wounded, during the massacre, but on their return many were lost in the wilderness, starved and frozen to death. The scenes of individual suffering, could they he known, would probably exceed those which followed Lovewell’s fight. Having mis- taken the Upper for the Lower Coos, some set off by point of compass, ai d were never heard of after, and the enemy followed and cut off others. But Philip, at the head of his company, made good his retreat without losing a man in the way. Besides this expedition, in which Philip was one of “Rogers’ rangers,” he was at the capture of Louisburgh, under General Amherst, and was the first man that took possession of the fortress.* In the winter of 1757, when the English and French armies had gone into winter quarters, Colonel Rogers was left in command of Fort Edward, and had several severe battles with the French and Indians in scouting expeditions. Li one of these, he fell in with a superior force to his own, near Ticonderoga, and lost many of his men, in killed and prisoners. This was on 21 January. The chief, Philip, was in that affair, and acted as ser- geant. Concerning this chief, it is further said that he was but “ half Indian,” and that in the revolution, he joined the Americans, saying “ he was a whig Indian.” Mention has been made of an Indian of the name of Sebatis or Sabatis. There were several of the name, and doubtless it was peculiar to the Abena- quies ; and hence that Sabatis, captured at St. Francis, was descended -om an Abenaquis family, who had settled there. It is possible also, that e may be the same who afterwards resided, near the head waters of the Kennebeck, with a brother named JYatanis, who is brought to our notice in the accounts f of General Arnold’s expedition through that region in the fill of 1775 ; but this is conjecture. However, what is known of these two brothers follows. General Arnold, having, on his arrival in the Kennebeck River, ordered a small band to proceed in advance of the army, to discover and mark out a route for it, gave strict orders that JYatanis should be captured or killed. This order had been given, because the general had been informed that he had been fixed there by the English of Canada, as a spy, to give information if an enemy should approach in that direction. But this, as it proved, was ftlse information, and JVatanis was the friend of the Americans, as also was his brother Sabatis, who lived about seven miles higher up the river, above him. The residence of JYatanis was a lonesome place, upon the bank of the river ; his cabin, situated in the centre of a green, the border of which was beyond musket shot from it, was a discovery which added to the suspicions of the party, who, having arrived in the neighborhood, 4 October, surrounded it at every point, and run in upon it with great eagerness; expecting, without doubt, to have taken him prisoner. In this they were disappointed, for it ap- peared that the place had been deserted a week. Near by, at the shore of the river, a map drawn upon birch bark, was found in the top of a stake, very accurately delineating the courses of the rivers towards Canada, and lines denoting places of crossing from one to another. This greatly surprised them, but they profited much by it. Nothing was seen of any Indians during t ie excursion of the exploring party, who, after about 22 days, in which they suffered every thing but death, rejoined the army. When the army had arrived within the bounds of Canada, which was on the 4 November, “we for the first time,” says Mr. Henry, “had the pleasure of seeing the worthy and respectable Indian, JYatanis, and his brother, Saba- * Rogers’ Reminiscences, Appendix to new edition. t See that of Judge John J. Henry, 32, to 36, and 74, &c. See also Shailu’s Tables, u 609, and Col. Maine Hist. Soc. i. 394. 320 NATANIS. — SABATIS. — PENOBSCC T INDIANS. [Rook 11L tis, with some otliers of their trihe.” JVatanis went to eacli of the companies of spies, and shook them by the hand, as though he had been formerly acquainted with them. He explained himself by telling them, that he had kept close to them all the time they were making their discovery beyond his residence, and until they returned, hut did not dare to make himself known, for fear they would kill him — a wise resolution. Natanis and Sabatis, with 17 others of their tribe, joined the army on the River Chaudiere, and marched with it to Canada. When the attack on Quebec was made, 31 December, 1775, JVatanis was wounded by a shot through the wrist, and fell into the hands of the British general, Carteton, who immediately set him at liberty. These were the first Indians employed in the revolutionary contest by the Americans. * We cannot pass over the momentous undertaking of Arnold, without re- questing the reader to notice how many men of note and eminence survived its ruins — General Daniel Morgan of Virginia, then a captain — Genera! Henry Dearborn of Massachusetts, of Pike rank — Timothy Bigelow of Massachusetts, a major — Return J. Meigs, father of the late postmaster-general, of the same rank — Samuel Spring, D. D. of Newlniryport, a chaplain — Aaron Burr of New Jersey, and General Benedict Arnold of Connecticut/) Numerous others de- serve equal notice ; hut it is not our province to enumerate them here. And from this digression we return to notice another chief nearly similar in name to the last. At the treaty of Georgetown, on Arrowsik Island, held by the eastern tribes with the English, f) August, 1717, Sabbadis, as his name was then writ- ten, appeared for the Androscoggins. Also at the treaty of Casco, dated 25 July, 1727, we find among the signers Sabatists of Arresagontacook.J What part Sabatis acted in the tragedies from 1722 to 1725, does not appear. In the History of Maine§ we find the following passage concerning Sab- batist, as he is there called. “ In 1730, a chaplain was allowed at Fort George ; and it was in this place, where Sabbutist, the Anasag.unticook sagamore, re- quested government to keep some supplies: for, said he, in ‘cold winters and deep snows, my Indians, unable to go to Fort Richmond, sometimes suffer.' " We now pass to our own times to notice some modern Indians in the state of Maine. In 1816, the Penobscot tribe at Old Town,|| having lost its sachem, entered upon the election of another. It was some months before they could agree upon a successor, although it is their custom to elect a near relation of the deceased. At length party spirit having run unreasonably high, their priest, who is a Roman Catholic, interfered, and they forsook the rival candidates, and elected John Aitteon. This man, it is said, was a de- scendant of Baron de Saint Castiens. The induction into office took place 19 September, 1816. At the same time John JVeptune was constituted his lieutenant, and Captain brands and another were confirmed as chief captains. A specimen of modem oratory among these Indians is given by Mr. Wu liaiyisoix, who heard it, in his History of Maine. It was made in a court, bv John JVeptune, in extenuation of the murder of one Knight, by Peol Susup. The case was nearly as follows: In the evening of 28 June, 1816, this Indian was intoxicated, and at the tavern of said Knight at Bangor, (whether he had procured liquor there with which to intoxicate himself, we are not informed,' and being noisy and turbulent, Knight endeavored to expel him from his house. Having thrust him out of door, he endeavored to drive him away and in the attempt was stabbed, and immediately died. On his arrest, Susup acknowledged his guilt, but said he was in liquor, and that Knight abused * Judge Ilennj, "to. t Henry, our authority before mentioned, was a private, aged but 16, who ran away from his father, an I joined the arm}’ clandestinely; he died in 1810, aged 52. Morgan died in J.302, eel. 65 ; Uearbt in in 1829, set. 78; Meigs in 1823; Spring in 1819,aet.73; Arnold in 1801, at London, tel. 61 ; Burr died in New York, in 1836. 1 Coll. N. H Hist. Soc. ii. 242. 260. $ Williams, m, ii. 159. ]| In 1811, this tribe consisted of but 57 families, and 241 persons. In 1820 there wee 277 fouls. Their increase, says Dr. Morse, Appendix to Indian Repo it 67, is owing to id obligation of the chiefs imposed uv>: their voung men to marry early. Ciiap. X ] A1TTEON.— NEPTUNE. 321 him, or he had not done it. Being brought to trial in June the next year at Castine, by advice of counsel, he pleaded not guilty ; and after a day spent in his trial, a verdict was rendered, according to the defence set up, man- slaughter. Susup had a wife and several children; four of whom, with their mother, were present, as were many other Indians from St. Johns and Passa- maquoddy, besides a great crowd of whites. After sentence Avas declared, Susup was asked by the court if he had any thing to say for himself; to which he replied, “John Neptune will speak fw me.” Neptune rose up, and, having advanced towards the judges, deliL erately said, in English, * You know your people do my Indians great deal wrong. They abuse titer veiy much — yes they murder them ; then they walk right off- — nobody touches them This makes my heart bum. Well, then my Indians say, we will go kill your ver\ bad and wicked men. JYo, Itell'em never do that thing, we are brothers. Som time ago a very bad man * about Boston, shot an Indian dead. Your people said surely he should die, but it was not so. In the great prison house he eats and liv.i to this day. Ceitainly he never dies for killing Indian. My brothers say let theJ bloody man go free — Peol Susup too. So we wish. Hope fils the hearts of is all — Peace is good. These, my Indians, love it well. They smile under its sha ,£. The white men and red men must be always friends. The Great Spirit i! c j- father. — 1 speak what I feel.” “ Susup was sentenced to another year’s imprisonment, and required to find sureties l’or keeping the peace two years, in the penal sum of 50l> dollars , when John JVeptune, Squire Jo Merry JYeptune, of his own tribe, Capt- Solmond. from Passamaquoddy, and Capt. Jo Tomer, from the River St. Johns, became his sureties in the cognizance.” ] Captain Francis, the first captain of the tribe, has been mentioned, and who, according to the historian of Maine, is a man of good understanding. If die information he has given concerning the eastern Indians be correct, — and we see no cause to doubt it, — it is of much value, and no less interest. He assured Mr. Williamson, “that all the tribes between the Saco and the St. Johns, both inclusive, are brothers ; that the eldest lived on the Saco; tha< each tribe is younger as we pass eastward, like the sons of the same father though the one at Passamaquoddy J is the youngest of all, proceeding from those upon the River St. Johns and Penobscot.^ ‘ Alway., * 1 he affirms, ‘ I coultt understand all these brothers very well when they speak ; b\d when the Mickmaks 01 the JUgonquins, or Canada Indians talk, I cannot tell all what they say .’ ” Before dismissing the interesting Tarratines, it ir< ij le proper to present t specimen of their language. Metunk'senah, ouwa'ne, spum'keag-aio, kee'nuck de ivc-seh, keah'-dabel'-dock now-dn'-sch, keah'-old-haut'ta-mon-a, numah-zee, m se tali-mah, t'hah-lah-wee ' keunah, spum'-keag-aio, me-lea'neh, neo'nah, ne-qu>.m-pc-bem-gees'o'coque, maje ' me, gees'-cool, ar'bon, .nus-see-a'tos'see, neo'nah. comniont'en-esk-sock, ’t-hah-lah wee-kcunah, num-e-se-comele'ent, tah-hah-la-we-u- keuh-ma-che-ke'-cheek, a-que-hc' a-que-ah-lah-ke-me-salicoque, n'gah'ne, numa-* ,e', nea-nah, neoje, saw'-go\, * “ lie alluded to one Livermore, who had received sentence of death for killing an In dian, which was commuted to hard labor for life in tft unte’s prison.” Williamson. An Indian named Crevay, a Penobscot of th» icite of St. Francis, to avoid being dis- tressed by the war on the frontiers of Canada, with bis wife wandered down into Massachu- setts, and erected a wigwam on the shore of Spot P >nd, in the town of Stoneham, where they lived. At length some abominable white ruffian i, on the night of the 23 November, 1813, shot him while he was asleep, and badly woundrf his squaw. Not being killed outright, this Indian crawled from his wigwam, and was (bun 1 the next day almost lifeless and in great agony, and he expired in a few days after. The names of the murderers I will not g-ive, for 1 abhor to sully my page with them. Four were guilty. One fled from justice, two were tiled and condemned to be hanged, Decembei 23th, following. Iievort of the Trial. f Ibid. f The Indians said, Pascodum-oquon-keag Pascodum meant pollock • oquon, ralch em great many ; ea g, land or place. i Peaops, racks ; keag, a place oj V 322 ROWLS.— BLIND- WILL [Book 111 woo-saw'me, keah-dabelcT-ock, ego-mah, keeloah', tun'chee, done-ah'le, sazooa ntah'lets, quos'-que.* In speaking of the New Hampshire sachems, it was not intended that sc conspicuous a chief as Rowls should have been silently passed over, and therefore we will give him a place here. This chief has of late years oecoine noted, from the circumstance of his name’s being found to the celebrated Wheelwiight deed of 1629. That deed, it maybe proper to remark, purported to have been given by Passaconaway , Runaawitt, Wehanownowit, and Rowls. The tract of country conveyed was included between the Pascataqua an 1 Merrimack Rivers, and bounded inland by aline from “Pawtucket” Falls in the latter, and Newichawannok in the former. It is pretty certain, now that these sachems gave no such deed at the time specified. Rowls was sachem of the Newichawannoks, and his dwelling-place was upon the north side of the Pascataqua, not fbr from Quampeagan Falls, in Berwick, tliec Nittery. “In 1643, he conveyed the lands of his vicinity to Humphrey Chadboum ; and others afterwards, to Spencer ; the former being the earliest Indian deed found upon our records. It is certain that all the Indians upon the river to its mouth, were his subjects, though he was under Passaconaway. ”f Mr. Hubbard [ says, “ There was within the compass of the seven years now current, [about 1670,] a sagamore about Kittary, called Rouls or Rolles: who laying very sick, and bedrid, (being an old man,) he ex- pected some of the English, that seized upon his land, should have shown him that civility, as to have given him a visit in his aged infirmities and sick- ness. It matters not much whether it was totally neglected or not ; to be sure at the last, he sent for the chiefs of the town and desired a favor of them, viz. that though he might, as he said, challenge [claim] all the plantation for his own, where they dwelt, that yet they would please to sell or give him a small tract of land, possibly an hundred or two of acres, and withall desired it might be recorded in the town book, as a public act, that so his children, which he left behind, might not be turned out, like vagabonds, as destitute of an habitation amongst, or near the English, adding this as a reason : That he knew there would shortly fall out a war between the Indians and the English, all over the country, and that the Indians at the first should prevail, and do much mischief to the English, and kill many of them : But after the third year, or after three years, all the Indians which so did, should be rooted out, and utterly destroyed.” This account, the same author says, “ is reported by Maj. Waldron, Mr. Joshua Moody, Capt. Frost, that live upon, or near the place.” A chief named Blind-will was successor to Rolls, and in Philip’s war served the English. Why the word blind was prefixed to his name is not mentioned, but probably he had lost an eye. In 1677, the wretched expedient was resorted to by the whites, of employing the Mohawks against the Tarratines, and two messengers, Majors Pinchon and Richards, were despatched to their country. They were kindly received by them, and promised their assistance. “ Accordingly some parties of them came down the country, about the middle of March, and the first alarm was given at Amuskeeg Falls; where the son of Wonolanset being hunting, discovered 15 Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan- guage which he did not understand ; upon which he fled, and they fired near 30 guns at him without effect. Presently after this they were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Major Waldron sent out eight of his Indians, whereof Blind-will was one, to make further discovery. They were all surprised together by a company of the Mohawks; two or three escaped the others were either killed or taken. TVill was dragged away by his hair ; and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck of land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass Rivers, which still bears the name of Blind-wilCs Neek.”§ Such were the exploits of the allies of the English • Williamson’s Maine, i. 513. t Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 125. f Williamson, i. 460. 1 Indian Wars, ii. V Chap. X.] ASSACAMBU1T 323 at this time ; nor do we find that any others vs ere performed of a different character. Notwithstanding, the same miserable policy was talked of again about nine years after ; but we do not learn that it was carried into practice. It was, perhaps, at the time of which we have been speaking, that the Nar- raganset chief Pessacus was murdered, as lias been mentioned.* We had not thus long delayed our notice of one of the most renowned chiefs, but from the untoward circumstance of having mislaid a valuable communication concerning iiim.f The sachem of vvnorn we are now to speak was known among the French by the name of JYescambioiiit, but among the English he was called Assacambuit, l and Assacombuit-l This chief was as faithful to the French as one of their own nation ; and our account of him begins in 1696, when, with Iberville and the famous Monligny, he rendered important service in the reduction of the English Fort St. Johns, 30 November, of that year. Being apprized of the approach of the French and Indians, the English sent out 88 men to oppose them, who, on the 28, were met and attacked by a part of Iberville's army, under Monligny and JYescainbioiiit , and defeated with the •oss of 55 men. On the night before St. Johns capitulated, Iberville, with JVescambiouit as bis second, at the head of 30 men, made a sally to burn one part of the town, while D'Muys and Monligny, with 60 others, were ordered to fire it at another point. Both parties succeeded. § In 1699, be is noticed for some cruelty, which, it was said, he inflicted upon a child, named Thomasin Rouse. He having ordered it to carry something to the water side, it cried ; be took a stick and struck her down, and she lay for dead. He then threw her into the water, but she was saved by another Indian. She was an English captive, and was soon after restored. This account was handed Dr. Mather, by one who had just returned from Casco Bay, where he had been to hold a treaty with the Indians. The account closes in these words : “This Assacombuit hath killed and taken this war, (they tell me,) 150 men, women and children. A bloody Devil.” || It is said that Mauxis, Wanungonet, and Assacombuit, were “ three of the most valiant and puissant sachems” of the east.^I Their attack upon the fort at Casco, in August, 1703, has been mentioned.** In 1704, some of the Abe- naquis, having established themselves in Newfoundland, were attacked by the English, and some of them killed. Whereupon they applied to Governor Vaudreuil for assistance to repel them, and lie sent Montigny with a few Canadians, who joined themselves with about 50 Ahenaquis under JVescambi oilit, and attacked the English with great success. They pillaged and burnt one fort, and took many prisoners, f j In 1705, M. Subercase. having succeeded M. Brouillon in the government of Newfoundland, endeavored to make thorough work with the remaining English there. Their success was nearly complete, and here again JVescam- bioiiit is noticed as acting a conspicuous part. Subercase's army consisted of 400 men, ft in all, and they set out from Placentia 15 January, upon snow- shoes, with 20 days’ provisions. They suffered much from the ngor of the weather, and did not lh.ll upon the English until the 26, which was at a place called Rebou. They next took Petit Havre. At St. Johns they found some resistance, where the English now had two forts, which were supplied with cannon and mortars, and, after losing five men in killed and wounded, were obliged to raise the siege, in consequence of want of powder ; having dam- aged much of what they brought with them in wading rivers. They next attacked Forrillon and took it. §§ This was 5 March. Here was also a fort, * See B. II. p. 58. note §. f From Rev. Mr. Felt, of Hamilton. 1 Penhallow. 4 Charlevoix, ii. 193. || Magnalia, vii. 95. U Penhallow, G. ** Page 1W, lib. iii. ft Charlevoix, ii. 294. ft Tins is according to Charlevoix, but Penhallow says 500, and Anspack, ( 11 ist. Newfound and, 123.)aAoid 500. Charlevoix is, doubtless, nearest the truth. 44 Le Bourgfut hrfile, aprls r/uoi Montigny, qui avoit ament 1 a cette expedition son fiddle N f.scambiou vr , fat detache arec les sauvages, et une partie des Canadiens, peur alter du coli de Carbonniere, et de Bonneviste, avec order de briiler et de dHruire toute le cote, ce ju’i executa sans perdre un seul Iwmine, taut la lerreur etoit grande parmi les Angloit. N France, ii. 300. 324 1SSACAMBUIT. [Book III into which the inhabitants at first retired, and endeavored to defend themselves, but soon surrendered prisoners of war.* * * § Not long after these services Nescambiouit sailed for France, and in 1706 visited his majesty, King Louis XIV, at Versailles. Here, among other emi- nent personages, he became known to the historian Charlevoix. f The king having presented him an elegant sword, be is reported to have said, holding up his hand, “ This hand has slain one hundred and forty of your majes- ty's enemies in New England and that whereupon, the king forthwith knighted him, and ordered that henceforth a pension of eight livres a day be allowed him for life. Nescambiouit returned to America in 1707, and the next year accompanied Rouville to attack Haverhill in Massachusetts. The French had intended a much more formidable conquest, and had engaged bands of Indians from four nations to cooperate with them, and all were to rendezvous at Lake Nikisipique, as they called Winnipesauke or Winnipisiogee. Hut all except the Algonquinsand Abenaquis under Nescambiouit , having failed and deserted them, they were on the point of abandoning their enterprise altogether. Having made known their situation to Governor Vaudreuil, and requested his orders, he directed, that though all the Indians deserted them, they should not give over the expedition. Des Chaillons having communicated this intel- ligence to the Indians, they entreated him to lead them forward, and said they would follow him wherever he chose to go. From Nikisipique they marched, at last, with 200 men, fell upon Haver- hill, § and sacked it. The attack was made, sun about an hour high, 29 August, 1708. The contest was short as the opposition was feeble. The English lost about 100 persons by this irruption, 40 or 50 of whom were killed at Haverhill. Nescambiouit, in this affair, fought by the side of the commander-in-chief, and performed prodigies of valor with the sword which he brought from France. Having burned the fort and many of the buildings in the village, || they began to retrace their steps, with precipitation. The English, having rallied, formed an ambush in the edge of the woods, about a mile and a half from the town, attacked them vigorously, killing and wounding many of them. In the ambush were 60 or 70 English, who, after hanging upon their flanks for near an hour, retreated. In this last affair the French suffered most. In both encounters, 18 men were wounded, three Indians and five Frenchmen killed. In the ambush fell Hertel of Chambly, and Vercheres, both officers of experience; and the renowned Assacambuit , as though, elsewhere, like Achil- les, invulnerable, was wounded by a shot in the foot. This last attack had the happy effect of immediately restoring many of the prisoners. From 1708 to 1727, we hear noth ing of Assacambuit. In June of the latter year, his death is recorded, accompanied with a short account of him, in a newspaper of that time. Mention is made, among other things, that, like Hercules, he had a “famous club” which he always carried with him, on which were 98 notches, denoting the number of “English” lie had killed; that he was knighted while in France, the insignia of which, on his return home, he wore upon his breast in large letters. In this newspaper commu- nication he is styled “Old Escambuit," “formerly the principal sagamore of (the now dispersed) tribe of the Saco or Pigwacket Indians.” He probably went to reside among the St. Francis tribe about 1700. He was restless when there was no war, and our account says, “ when mere was something of a prospect of settled peace, about 30 yea re ago, [1700,] he marched off the * Anspach, 124. t Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. France, ii. 32fi. [ Tenhallow, 40. This must he, we think, a great misrepresentation of his real speech as subsequent details will lead one to suppose. Perhaps he might have said forty. § “ Us prirent alors le parti de marcher contre un village appeltl Hawreui i.. compose de vintcinq a trente maisons bien bdtis, avec un fort, oh logeoil le gonverneur. Ce foi't avoit une garrison de trente soldats, et il y en avoit an mains dix dans cliai/ue nutison.’’ j] Charlevoix says, Tonies les maisons se dAfendirent aussi tres-tien, et eureut le ndme tort, ll'y ewt environ cent Anglais de tuAs dans ces difereutes attaqu.es ; plusieurs autres, qui attendirent trop tard a sortir du fort et des maisons y furent bribes.” None of the English accounts mention this, and it was toubtless supposition, without foundation in fact. Chap. XL] DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. 325 ground as a disbanded officer, left his brethren and travelled towards the Mis sissippi, where he was constantly engaged in wars, and never heard of till the last fall he returned to those [eastern] parts.” This was probably the report among the English of New England ; but in truth he was with the French in Canada, as we have seen. Had Penhallow published his Indian Wars one year later, he would not, probably, have closed his account as he did concerning him. He says that, at his return front France, he was so exalted that he treated his countrymen in the most haughty and arrogant manner, “ murdering one and stabbing another, which so exasperated those of their relations, that they sought revenge, and would have instantly exe- cuted it, but that he fled his country, and never returned after.” CHAPTER XL Destruction of Deerfield, and captivity of Reverend John Williams and family , in 1704. Sometimes in a volume, and sometimes in a pamphlet, the narrative of this affair had often been given to the world previous to 1774, by one of the principal actors in it, whose name is at the beginning of this chapter, and which is doubtless familiar to every reader of New England legends. The edition of Mr. Williams's work, out of which 1 take this, was prepared by the renowned New England annalist, the Reverend Thomas Prince, and was the 5th, printed at Boston “by John Boyle , next door to the Three Doves in Mail- borough Street, 1774.” It was a closely printed Bvo. pamphlet of 70 pages. It will be necessary to relate some important liicts of historical value before proceeding with the narrative. As at several other times, the plan was laid early in 1703, in Canada, for laying waste the whole English fron- tier, but like former and later plans, laid in that region, this but partially succeeded. Though the eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were destroyed, and 130 people killed and captivated, the summer before, yet the towtis on the Connecticut had neglected their precautionary duty. And although Governor Dudley of Massachusetts laid but little while before been notified of the design of the French, yet it was impossible to guard the eastern coast against the attack. Deerfield had been palisaded and 20 soldiers placed in it, but had been quartered about in different houses, and, entirely forgetting their duty as soldiers, were surprised with the rest of the town. The snow was deep, which gave the enemy an easy entrance over the pickets. The French were commanded by Hertel de Rouville, but the commanders of the Indians remain unknown. Mr. Williams thus begins his narrative: “On Tuesday the Q9th of Feb- ruary, 1703-4, not long before break of day, the enemy came in like a flood upon us ; our watch being unfaithful : an evil, whose awful effects, in a sur- prrzal of our fort, should bespeak all watchmen to avoid, as they would not bring the charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my house in the beginning of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awakened me out of sleep; on which I leaped out of bed, and running towards the door, perceived the enemy making their entrance into the house. I called to awaken two soldiers in the chamber ; and returning toward my bedside for my arms, the enemy immediately brake into my room, 1 judge to the number of 20, with [tainted faces, and hideous acclamations. 1 reached up my hands to the bed-tester, for my pistol, uttering a short petition to God, expecting a present passage through the valley of the shadow of death.” “ Taking down my pistol, 1 cocked it, and put it to the breast of the first Indian who came up ; but my pistol missing fire, I was seized by 3 Indians who disarmed me, and hoi nd me naked, as I was, in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour.” Meanwhile the work of destruction and pillage was varried on with great fury. One of the three « io captured Mr. Williams was a captain 326 DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. [Book 111 against whom, says our captive, “ the judgment of God did not long slumber for by sun-rising Lis received a mortal shot from my next neighbor’s house." This, though not a garrison, and containing but seven men, withstood the efibrts of the 300 French and Indians which now beset them. That house remains to this day, bearing upon its front door the marks of the hatchet.* Alter about two hours the enemy took up their march from the town, having plundered and burnt it, and put 47 persons to death, including those Killed in making defence. Mrs. Williams having lately lain in, was feeble, which, without the scene now acting before her, rendered her case hopeless; but to this was added the most shocking murders in her presence — twc of her children were taken to the door and killed, also a black woman be- longing to the family. “About sun an hour high,” continues the redeemed captive, “we were all carried out of the house for a march, and saw many of the houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house excepted, to be taken!” “ VVe were carried over the river, to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my house, where we found a great number of our Christian neighbors, men, women, and children, to the number of 100 ; nineteen of whom were afterward murdered by the way, and two starved to death near Coos, in a time of great scarcity, or famine, the savages underwent there. When we came to die foot of our mountain, they took away our shoes, and gave us Indian shoes, to prepare us for our journey.” The army had left their packs at this place, and while they were getting ready to decani]), the few English that had escaped at the town, and a lew from Hatfield, who had been notified of the fate of Deerfield by one or two. who had escaped there, pursued, and in a meadow between the town and the main body, met a party of the enemy, and a sharp fight ensued. The small band of Englishmen did not retreat until the main body under Rouville were about to encircle them, and then they left nine of their number slain. Such was the success of the English in the beginning of the fight, that, fearing a defeat, Rouville had ordered the captives to be put to death ; but, fortunately, the bearer of the fatal message was killed by the way. Three hundred miles of a trackless wilderness was now to be traversed, and that too at a season of all others the most to be dreaded; boughs of trees formed the beds of enceinte women and little children for 40 days, which was the time taken for the journey. The first day’s journey was but about four miles, and although one child was killed, in general the children were treated well ; probably, the historians say, that by delivering them at Canada, the Indians would receive a valuable ransom for them. Mr. Williams proceeds : “ God made the heathen so to pity our children, that though they had several wounded persons of their own to carry upon their shoulders, for 30 miles before they came to the river, [the Connecticut 30 miles above Deerfield,] yet they carried our children, uncapable of traveling, in then arms, and upon their shouldiers.” At the first encampment some of the Indians got drunk with liquor they found at Deerfield, and in their rage killed Mr. Williams's negro man, and caused the escape of a Mr. Jllex ander. In the morning Mr. Williams was ordered before the commander-in-chief, (he considering him the principal of the captives,) and ordered to inform the other captives, that if any more at- tempted to escape, the rest should be put to death. In the second day’s march occurred the death of Mrs. Williams, the affecting account of which we will give nearly in the language of her husband. At the upper part of Deerfield meadow it became necessary to cross Green River. The Indian that cap- tured Mr. Williams was unwilling that he should speak to the other captives ; but on the morning of the second day, that Indian captain being appointed to command in the rear, he had another master put over him, who not only allowed him to speak to others, but to walk with his wife, and assist her along This was their last meeting, and she very calmly told him that her strength was failing fast, and that he would soon lose her. She spoke no discoura * See Col. Hoyt’s Ant. Resear, which, we are glad to observe, is the best volume of New Ragland Indian wars that has yet appeared. Chap. XI.J DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. 327 ging words, or complained of the hardness of her fortune. The company soon came to a halt, and Mr. Williams's old master resumed his former station, and ordered him into the van, and his wile was obliged to travel unaided. They had now arrived at Green River, as we have related. This they passed by wading, although the current was very rapid, (which was the cause, no doubt, of its not being frozen over,) and about two feet in depth. After passing this river, they had to ascend a steep mountain. “No sooner,” says Mr. Williams, “ had I overcome the difficulty of that ascent, but I was permitted to sit down, and be unburthened of my pack. I sat pitying those who were behind, and intreated my master to let me go down and help my wife , but he refused. I asked each of the prisoners, as they passed by me, after her, and heard, that passing through the above said river, she fell down and was plunged all over in the water ; after which she travelled not far, for at the foot of that mountain, the cruel and bloodthirsty savage who took her slew her with his hatchet at one stroke.” The historians have left us no record of the character of this lady, but from the account left us by her husband, she was a most amiable companion. She was the only daughter of Reverend Eleazer Mather, minister of Northampton, by his wife Esther, daughter of Reverend John Warham, who came from England in 1630. The second night was spent at an encampment in the northerly part of what is now Bernardstown, and in the course of the preceding day a young woman and child were killed and scalped. At this camp a council was held upon the propriety of putting Mr. Williams to death, but his master prevailed on the rest to save his life ; for the reason, no doubt, that he should receive a high price for his ransom. The fourth day brought them to Connecticut Riv er, about 30 miles above Deerfield. Here the wounded, children and bag- gage were put into a kind of sleigh, and passed with facility upon the river. Every day ended the suffering and captivity of one or more of the prisoners. The case of a young woman named Mary Brooks, was one to excite excess- ive pity, and it is believed, that had the Indians been the sole directors of the captives, such cases could hardly have occurred. This young woman, being tnceinte, and walking upon the ice in the river, often fell down upon it, probably with a burthen upon her; which caused premature labor the fol- lowing night. Being now unfitted for the journey, her master deliberately told her she must be put to death. With great composure she got liberty of him to go and take leave of her minister. She told him she was not afraid of death, and after some consoling conversation, she returned and was executed! This was March 8. At the mouth of a river since known as Williams's River, upon a Sunday, the captives were permitted to assemble around their minister, and he preached a sermon to them from Lam. i. 18. At the mouth of White River Rouville divided his force into several parties, and they took different routes to the St. Lawrence. In a few instances the captives were purchased of the Indians, by the French, aud the others were at the different lodges of the Indians. During his captivity, Mr. Williams visited various places on the St. Law- rence. At Montreal he was humanely treated by Governor Vaudreuil. In his interviews with the French Jesuits he uniformly found them using every endeavor to convert him and others to their religion. However, most of the captives remained steady in the Protestant faith. And in 1706, fifty-seven of them were by a flag-ship conveyed to Boston. A considerable number remained in Canada, and never returned, among whom was Eunice Williams, daughter of the minister. She became a firm catholic, married an Indian, by whom she had several children, and spent her days in a wigwam. She visited Deerfield with her Indian husband, dressed in Indian style, and was kindly received by her friends. All attempts to regain her were ineffectual. Reverend Eleazer Williams, late missionary to the Greenbay Indians, is a descendant He was educated by the friends of missions in New England. In the History of Canada by Charlevoix, the incursions undertaken by the French and Indians are generally minutely recorded ; but this against Deer- field he has unaccountably summed up in a dozen lines of his work. Tfuc following is the whole passage : In the end of autumn, 1703, the English, despairing of securing the In- 328 MONEY OF THE INDIANS. [Book m dians, made several excursions into their country, and massacred all such a* they could surprise. Upon this, the chiefs demanded aid of M. de Vandreuil, and he sent them during the winter 250 men under the command of the Sieur Hertel dc Rouville , a reformed lieutenant, who took the place of his already renowned father, whose age and infirmities prevented his under- taking such great expeditions. Four others of his children accompanied Rouville , who in their tour surprised the English, killed many of them, and made 140 of them prisoners. The French lost but three soldiers, and some savages, but Rouville was himself wounded.* CHAPTER X1L Various incidents in the history of the New England Indians, embracing several important events, with a sequel to some previous memoirs. He felt his life’s blood freezing fast ; He grasped his bow, his lance, and steel j He was of Warapanoag’s last. To die were easy — not to yield. His eyes were fixed upon the sky ; He gasped as on the ground he fell ; None but his foes to see him die — None but his foes his death to tell. The performances of one Cornelius , “the Dutchman,” in Philip’s war, are very obscurely noticed in the histories of the times, none of them giving us even his surname; and we have, in a former chapter, given the amount of what has before been published. I am now able to add concerning him, that his name was Cornelius Consert; that the last time he went out against the Indians, he served about six weeks ; was captain of the forlorn hope in the Quabaog expedition, in the autumn of the first year of Philip’s war; marched also to Groton and Chelmsford, and was discharged from service, “ being ready to depart the country,” October 13, 1675. It was probably in his Quabaog expedition that he committed the barbarous exploit upon “an old Indian,” the account of which has been given ; it was doubtless during the same expedition, which appears to have terminated in September, that “ he brought round five Indians to Boston,” who, being cast into prison, weje afterwards “delivered to Mr. Samuel Shrimpton, to be under his employ on Noddle’s Island,” subject “to the order of the council.” I shall here pass to borne further account of the money of the Indians. We have quoted the comical account of the money of the Indians of New England, by John Josselyn, and will now quote the graphic and sensible one given by the unfortunate John Lawson, in his account of Carolina, of the money in use among the southern Indians. “Their money,” he says, “is of different sorts, but all made of shells, which are found on the coast of Caro- lina, being very large and hard, and difficult to cut. Some English smiths have tried to drill this sort of shell money, and thereby thought to get an advantage, but it proved so hard that nothing could be gained ;” and Morton , in his New English Canaan, says that, although some of the English in New England have tried “by example to make the like, yet none bath ever attained to any perfection in the composure of them, so but that the salvages have found a great difference to be in the one and the other; and have known the counterfeit beads from those of their own making; and have, and doe slight them” Hence the conclusion of Josselyn, before extracted, namely, that “ neither Jew nor devil could counterfeit the money of the Indians.” Mr. Lawson continues: “The Indians often make, of the same kind of shells as tl ose of which their money is made, a sort of gorget, which they wear abou Histoire Generale de la Nouv. France, ii. 290. Chap. XII ] CORMAN.— NANUNTENOO. 329 their necks in a string ; so it hangs on their collar, whereon sometimes is engraven a cross, or some odd sort of figure which comes next in their fancy There are other sorts valued at a doeskin, yet the gorgets will sometimes sell for three or four buckskins ready dressed. There be others, that eight of them go readily for a doeskin ; but the general and current species of all the Indians in Carolina, and I believe, all over the continent, as l'ar as the bay of Mexico, is that which we call Peak, and Ronoak, but Peak more especially. This is that \t itch at New York they call Wampum, and have used it aa current money amongst the inhabitants for a great many years. Five cubit? of this purchase a dressed doeskin, and seven or eight buy a dressed buck- skin. To make this Peak it cost the English five or ten times as much as they could get for it, whereas it cost the Indians nothing, because they set no value upon their time, and therefore have no competition to fear, or that others will take its manufacture out of their hands. It is made by grinding the pieces of shell upon stone, and is smaller than the small end of a tobacco- pipe, or large wheat-straw. Four or five of these make an inch, and every one is to be drilled through and made as smooth as glass, and so strung, as beads are. A cubit, of the Indian measure, contains as much in length as will reach from the elbow to the end of the little finger. They never stand to question, whether it be a tall man or a short one that measures it. If this wampum-peak be black or purple, as some part of that shell is, then it is twice the value. The drilling is the most difficult and tedious part of the manufacture. It is done by sticking a nail in a cane or reed, which they roll upon their thighs with their right hand, while with their left they apply the bit of shell to the iron point. But especially in making their ronoak, four of which will scarce make one length of wampum. Such is the money of the Indians, with which you may buy all they have. It is their mammon, (as our money ia to us,) that entices and persuades them to do any thing, part with their cr.pi>es or slaves, and, sometimes, even their wives’ and daughters’ chastity. With it they buy off murderers; and whatever a man can do that is ill, this wampu.' 1 will quit him of, and make him, in their opinion, good and virtuous, though rever so black before.” To return to the chiefs. Of the Narraganset Indian Corman very little had been found when he was noticed before, and it is but little that we can now add concerning the ■‘cheiffe counceller” of the “old crafty sachem” ofNiantik. It appears that in the month of September, 1675, Cornuin was in Boston, whither he had been sent as an ambassador by the Narraganset sachems, and especially by Ninigret ; and although Ninigret was a peace-maker, and had not been any how implicated in the war then going on, yet, such was the rage of the popu- lace against all Indians, that it was not deemed safe for even a friend from among them to walk alone in the streets of the town. On the evening of the 28th of September, as Corman, now an old man, was walking through one of the streets, guarded by persons on each side of him, a certain miscreant, named William Smith, ran turiously against him, and thus separating him from those about him, did, by another motion, strike his feet from under him in such a manner that his head and shoulders came in violent contact with the ground, very seriously injuring him. Complaint having been made to the governor and council, they had both Smith and Corman brought before them the next day, and the charge against the former being established by the evidence of Mrs. Sarah Pickering, who saw the fact committed, “the court, in hearing of the case, judged it meet to bear due testimony against such abuse, and semcnee the said Smith to pay, as a fine to the country, the ■turn of forty shillings, or be whipt with ten stripes; also to pay the said Corman for his damage the sum ot ten shillings in money.” It is very diffi- cult to understand the grounds of the decision of the honorable court, unless they seriously thought that the ground on which poor old Corman fell was hurt four times as touch as he was! If this was not its reason, why should forty shillings be paid to the country and only ten to Cormax? As new local and other histories appear, and the decaying manuscripts are put in a situation and condition to be conveniently consulted, new lights are daily reflected on the dark passages of our history. The presence of A" man tenoo tit the battle of Pawtucket, or, as it is more commonly called Peirse 28 * V" 330 COLONEL CHURCH — INDIAN LETTERS. [Cook 111 fight, has been questioned by a very excellent local historian, Mr. Bliss, in his history of Rehoboth, but, as I apprehend, from a misconstruction of some passages in Hubbard’s Narrative, especially from that passage where it is sain that Nanuntenoo, when surprised by Denison’s men, “was divertising himself with the recital of Captain Peirse’s slaughter, surprised by liis men a few days before.” It is true that this sentence will admit of two construc- tions, either that the chief was diverting himself by recounting to his men his particular acts in that tragedy, or hy a general account of its progress, or that they were diverting him; the former would he by no means improbable, especially if some of those about him had not been in the action, which would not be at all strange, as numbers of them were, doubtless, strolling upon hunting and other expeditions when the battle was fought. That Nanuntenoo did not leave the Connecticut River until the “first week in April” cannot be true, nor by that loosely stated date does Hubbard refer to his leaving the Connecticut, but to “about the time” of his capture. If he refers to the time of his leaving the river, he refers to his men also, who, lie says, did not leave until after he did ; but it was his men that defeated Peirse. These are all the lights we are able to throw on that great event, and must here leave it in the same doubt we found it, and which is ever, most likely, to shroud it. It would be highly gratifying to be able to give sketches of some of the prominent English captains, or others, who were conspicuous in Indian history, but our design and limits both preclude such digressions, and we cannot indulge in but a tew. In a recent ramble in the Hill burying-ground, in Middleborough, I discovered the grave of a Lieutenant Nathaniel South- worth, upon the head-stone of which it is inscribed that he died January 14, 1710, in his 62d year; he was therefore about 28 in the time of Philip’s war, and is, very probably, the same who distinguished himself on many occasions under Captain Church. He lies among a group of graves of his family connections. VVe did not intentionally omit to notice the death of his commander in another chapter. Colonel Church died on the 17 of January, 1718, in the 78th year of his age, and lies buried at Compton in Massa- chusetts. He was born at Plymouth in 1639, and not long after removed to Duxbury with his father.* He was a housewright by trade, as were his father and one or two of his brothers. How many he had I am not sure, but Caleb and Joseph are mentioned, and a sister who married an Irish, and lived in Compton. In 1674 he bought land of the government and removed to Sogkonate, the then Indian name of the tract of country since Compton. Here he was prosperously making a farm when Philip’s war broke out, and was obliged to quit his improvements. Possessing a remarkably active mind, vigorous body, and glowing patriotism, he was not long an idle spectator of the war, engaging in it without reward as a volunteer; and our previous pages have shown that he raised himself to the chief military place in the country, and several civil offices of honor. After Philip’s war Colonel Church resided at Bristol, then at Fall River, and, lastly, again at Sogkonate ; in each of which places he left a good estate. In his latter years he had become very corpulent, and burdensome to himself. The morning before his death he visited his sister, Mrs. Irish, about two miles from his residence, on horse- back; returning home, his horse stumbled, and threw him with such force upon the ground that a blood-vessel was broken, and he died in about 12 hours after. He married Mrs. Alice Southworth, by whom he had five sons and one daughter. One of his sons, Thomas, published “The Entertaining History of Philip’s War,” which has been published in 4to., 8vo., 12mo., and is authority in ail matters where Church was himself concerned. We have next to recur to the subject of the Indian letters, pending the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson. Those given in the third chapter of this book were copied from a transcript made at the time they were received from jidians, but a recurrence to the originals has supplied the following additions. JYepanet, when sent out on the 3 April, 1676, as noted on page 90, had with him the following letter from Governor Leverett: * Kis biographers have said that he was born at Duxbury ; but Judge Davis informed that he was bom at Plymouth and that some records he had seen there were his authority Chap. XII.] INDIAN LETTERS — MADOKAWANDO 331 “ For the Indian Sagamores and people that are in warre against us. — Intelli- gence is come to us that you have some English, especially women and children, in captivity among you. We have therefore sent the messenger offering to redeem them, either for payment in goods or wampom, or by exchange of prisoners. VVe desire your answer by this our messenger, what price you demand for every man, woman, and child, or if you will exchange for Indians. If you have any among you that can write your answer to this our message, we desire it in writing; aud to that end have sent paper, pen and incke by the messenger. If you lett our messenger have free accesse to you, freedome of a safe returne, wee are willing to doe the like by any meat senger of yours, provided he come unarmed, and carry a white flag upon a staffe, visible to be seene, which we take as a flagge of truce, and is used by civilized nations in time of warre, when any messengers are sent in a way of treaty, which we have done by our messenger. In testimony whereof I have set to my hand and seal. John Leverett, Gov'r. Boston, 31 March, 1676. Passed by the council. Edward Raws on, Secretary.” The answer returned to this letter is that printed on page 90, which does not differ essentially from the original ; and the English at Boston irnme diately complied with the request of the Indians, by sending two messengers to renew the negotiation. By these messengers an answer was returned, written by James the Printer, as follows : “ For the Governor and Council at Boston: — The Indians, Tom JVepenomp and Peter Tatatiqunca, hath brought us letter from you about the English captives, especially for Mrs. Rolanson. The answer is, I am sorrow that I have don much wrong to you : and yet, I say, the fault is lay upon you ; for when we begun to quarrell at first with Plimouth men, I did not think that you should have so much trouble as now is: therefore I am willing to heare your desire about the captives. Therefore we desire you to sent Mr. Rolon- son and goodman Kettle (for their wives) and these Indians, Tom and Peter, ro redeeme their wives: They shall come and go very safely : Whereupon, wee ask Mrs. Rolonson, how much your husband willing to give for you ? Shee give on answer, 20 pound in goods: but John Kettel’s wife could not tel. And the rest, captives, may be spoken of hereafter.” When this letter was taken to Boston, the governor immediately despatched another. “ To the Indian Sachems about Wachuset. — We received your letter by Tom and Peter, which doth not answer ours to you ; neither is it sub- scribed by the sachems; nor hath it any date, which we know your scribe, James Printer, doth well understand should be. We have sent the said Tom and Peter againe to you, expecting you will, speedily, by them, give us a plaine and direct answer to our last letter, and if you have any thing more to pro- pound to us, wee desire to have it from you under your hands, by these our messengers, and you shall have a speedy answer. Dated at Boston, 28 April, 1676.” Such are all the additions we are able to make to that memorable negotiation, which was one of the immediate causes of Philip’s reverses and final overthrow. Of a chief so prominent as Madokawando, we are glad to be able at any time to extend our memoir, for, in our opinion, few leaders of any country appear to better advantage. Taking nothing but what his enemies have said of him, we have much to admire. No warrior was ever more humane to prisoners than Madokawando, where he commanded in person. He entered into the war against the English with the greatest reluctance, but when he had once “stepped in,” they found him no common foe. Repeated depreda- tions from the whites at length brought him into the field ; the desolation of York followed; its inhabitants were nearly all killed or led into captivity, the particulars of which we have already related. Before Wells he was not 60 successful, but for that failure he is not accountable, as the expedition against it was under the direction of two prominent French officers. His preserva- tion and liberation of Thomas Cobbet were acts of pure humanity. MOXUS TAKES TEMMAQUIP [Book 111 332 Whether tlie expedition against Groton was under the immediate direction of Madokawando, or not, we are not informed, but it was, without doubt, executed under the command of one of his chief captains, the noted Moxus, or, as he was sometimes called, Toxus. That place was laid waste on the '27th of July, 1694; 22 people were killed, and 13 led into captivity, l'he scalps of the unfortunate slain were said to have been presented to Governor Erontenac by Madokawando himself At the destruction of York was taken the family of the Rev. Mr. Dummer and our authority made us say that Mrs. Dummer died in captivity, but we tire now assured, by other testimony,* that she lived to return out of captivity, having been redeemed. For such termination of a wretched fate she was, no doubt, indebted to Madokawando. This chief seems to have had unlimited control over the country upon the Penobscot River, as has been seen from what we have already before stated ; judging from the amount of property paid him, from time to time, for sundry tracts of his country. Yet, though we are satisfied that the amounts he received were large, still they are expressed in such vague terms that it is impossible to arrive at any thing like a tolerable notion of their extent. One testifies that, for a certain tract of land, Madokawando “received a large amount of money;” another, that he received a hatful; and a third states it to have been “a hatful of pieces of eight.” f We have said that the great sachem was succeeded at his death by Wena- movet, and at the same time “ Morus seemed his successor.” We find nothing yet to vary this statement, but in explanation we would note that Wenamovet appears not to have been a war chief, or in any other way very conspicuous, except as a counsellor; and though in name the successor of Madokawando, yet was willing to let “fierce Moxus ” bear his well-earned title of chief in all matters of war. One of the most signal exploits of Moxus was the capture of Pemmaquid, on the 2d of August, 1689. From this place his men led 16 of the English into a most miserable captivity, whence but very few ever returned. A con- siderable number were killed before the fort was taken, among whom was the worthy Captain Gyles; three other captains were also slain, and the fort capitulated the second day, and all within it were suffered to leave it and return to the English settlements in safety. [ We have seen that the chief Bomazeen was intrapped and thrown into prison in Boston, in 1694. He was also a prisoner there four years after, having probably been retained all this time to restrain acts of barbarity on white captives; and it was rumored that he had been the leader at Groton, which probably had some influence in lengthening his captivity, but it is not now a question who the leader was in that sanguinary exploit. Mr. John Gyles returned out of a ten years’ captivity in 1698, and on the 14th of Octo- ber of that year, he says he was sent for by Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, to interpret a conference with Bomazeen and other Indians then in jail. This same Mr. Gyles, afterwards captain of Fort George, went as interpreter with Captain Southack in the province galley to the eastern shores, for the ransom and exchange of captives. Our chief was at this time exchanged, and the galley returned to Boston in December, 1698. Whether, upon mere suspicion, injury was added to crime in the case of Bomazeen, we cannot, upon our slender evidence, aver; but if it were a parallel case to that of the seizure and death of Egeremet and Honquid, or, as others write his name, Jthanquid, Abenquid, &c., it could scarcely be surpassed in atrocity. There are no facts to show that Abenquid had been an enemy to the English, or, if an enemy, that he had been engaged in any depredations. Notwithstanding it is a custom among some tribes of Indians to obliterate all remembrance of the dead, their near connections, it was by no means common among all tribes, for we have had occasion to mention many instances where the name of a noted chief has been perpetuated, both * (rreenleaf’s Ecclesiastical Sketches of Maine, p. 10. t The printed treaty of 1742, and authorities vt supra. I Narrative of John Gyles, as published in our “ Indian Tiptivities.” Chap. XiI.] ABENQUID. — INDIAN TREATY OF 1725. 333 among the western as well as among the eastern Indians. Abenquid was killed by Captain Chubb in 1696, and in 1725 tnere was another chief of the same name, of equal distinction. And he deserves some notice in this place, as do many others. While Captain Lovewell was on his march against the Pequawkets, measures were being devised in Boston for a peace with the eastern Indians, There were, at the same time, several Indians there, some as prisoners and others as hostages, and the English concluded to send some of them out to invite their countrymen to come to Boston to settle difficulties ; accordingly Saquarexis and JVebine, one a hostage and the other a captive, were despatched upon that business. They, “after some time,” returned and reported, “that the Indians were generally disposed to a peace, for that the losses they met with, and the daily terror they were under, made their lives miserable. After this they went out again,” and meeting with several others of their countrymen, received further assurances of a general desire for peace. Whereupon commissioners were sent with those two Indians to Fort St George, to procure a meeting of chiefs and to make a treaty. They arrived there on the 2d July, and on the 14th thirteen chiefs had assembled, not at the fort, but at a safe distance therefrom, fearing treachery from their white brethren on a more extended scale than they had experienced not many days before.* However, after considerable parleying, in which the Indians made the English swear by their God, in the most solemn manner, that their intentions were of a tenor with their pretensions, the parties came together. The battle of Pequawket was recent, and it was evident that the Indians had become conscious of their weakness, and did not urge their wrongs at this meeting, although, as it were, in their own country, but seemed deter mined to have peace on any terms. They did indeed, to the demand of the English, “Why they had made war upon them?” reply, that it was because they had taken up their land, even to Cape Newagen; and not only seized upon their lands to that place westward, but that they had there beaten two of their men to death. To this the English commissioners answered: “The lands are ours, and we can show you they were fairly bought of your fathers ; and if your men were beaten to death by the English, it was your business to complain to our government, and not to make war.” This seems to have silenced the poor Indians, and we hear nothing further from them at this time but an earnest desire that peace might be concluded, or that a cessation of arms might take place. The commissioners informed them that they had not power to grant a cessation of arms, but said that, probably, if a deputation of their chiefs would go to Boston, it might be granted by their government. It was finally agreed that the two chiefs, Loron, or, as he was sometimes called, Saguaaram, now an old and venerable chief, and Ahanquid, should return with the English to Boston, and see what could be done towards a general peace. Loron and Ahanquid having come to Boston, it was soon after settled that these two chiefs should go into their country, and return in 40 days with a sufficient number of chiefs, with whom a proper treaty might he made. Meanwhile several depredations having been committed on both sides, the time of the return of the Indians was considerably protracted in consequence : and, as we have in a previous chapter mentioned, the forty days had nearly twice expired before their reappearance; but, in the beginning of November, the faithful Loron and Ahanquid returned to Boston, bringing with them Arexus, Francis Xavier, and Meganumba , representatives from the eastern Indians, clothed with full power to negotiate of peace. More thar. a month was passed by these chiefs in Boston before a treaty was signed. This was done on the 15 December, 1725, and peace was thereby restored to the 9asterr. frontiers. * “ And indeed they had cause of being so, for that about 10 days before, [20 June, says Williamson, ii. 144,] under a flag of truce, some of the English treacherously attempted to •ay violent hands upon them, but lost one in the skirmish and had another wounded, Articu was the occasion of the like unhappy disaster that afterwards happened unto Caotain Saui/’.trt in Penobscot Bay.” Penhallow , 120. 334 CAPTAIN TOM.-WAHWA. [Book 111 In oi r notice of Captain Tom in a previous chapter, and hit depredation tF Hampton, it should have been stated that he had abundant excuse for reten- tions of the nature there described. Length of time, to whatever number of years extended, is no guaranty that an injury will not be repaid by an Indian, with Indian interest ; and Hannibal did not more strictly observe his vow to war against the Romans, than the savage of America adhered to his resolution of revenging an insult, even though its origin were removeu several generations from him. In the chapter already referred to, we have detailed the expedition of Colonel Church upon the Androscoggin, and his capture and destruction of a fort some 30 or 40 miles up that river.* This fort was the residence of Agamcus, more generally known among the English as Great Tom. This chief according to my authority, was taken captive at the time of the assault by Church, “but he slipt away from the hands of his too careless keepers, which was a disaster they much complained of But if this piece of carelessness did any harm, there was another which did some good; for Great Tom having terribly scared a part of his men with the tidings of what had happened, and an English lad in their hands also telling them some truth, they betook themselves to such a Jlight in their frigid , as gave Mr. Anthony Bracket , then a prisoner with them, an opportunity to fly four score miles another way.” But we have recorded the escape of poor Anthony Bracket , who, says Dr. Mather, “if he had not found one of Church’s vessels aground at Maquait, would have been miserably aground himself,” after all his severe travel and sufferings to effect an escape.} And now we have arrived at the extent of our information concerning Agamcus. Wahwa shall here receive additional notice. He maybe the same spoken of before,} though there the name, if it be the same, has another syllable in it. He was the renowned Hopehood, doubly celebrated by the stroke of oblivion aimed at his head by the classic Magnalian. But JVahwa could hardly have been Hop hood of 1675, § as he would have been very old at Love weirs fight, in 1725; yet it is not impossible, notwithstanding he is made to die, || by the hand of the Mohawks, not long after the capture of Salmon Falls, in 1690, “while on his way westward to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta.” His name of Hnpehood had, very probably, been manufactured out of an Indian name approaching it in sound, as are many others we possess. He did not leave the scenes of his exploits until the summer of 1690, as we have seen ; U he was the leader at Fox Point, in Newington, in May of that year; and he very probably had the direction of the party, if he did not lead it, who, on the 4th of July, killed eight people as they were mowing in a field near Lamprey River, and took a boy captive. On the 5th they attacked Captain Hilton’s garrison at Exeter, but Lieutenant Bancroft, arriving to its relief, beat off the Indians “with the loss of a few of his men.” One man they were forced to leave without scalping, and though shot in 9 places, was still alive. To these desperate wounds they had added two blows with the tomahawk at his neck, endeavoring to sever his head from his body; “ which blows, you may be sure,” says Mather, “added more enor- mous wounds unto the port-holes of death already opened, and from which his life was running out as fast ns it could.” When discovered by his friends he was looked upon as dead, but on being stirred was observed to gasp; “whereupon an Irish fellow then present, advised them to give him another dab with a hatchet, and so bury him with the rest.” Yet this man recovered, and was afterwards well. His name was Simon Slone. There are daily occurrences, which in those days would have been viewed as miracles, or as retaliations of the Creator upon miserable wretches for thoughtless acts or expressions. Upon all such as came to the knowledge of Cotton Mather he laid his potent hand with manifest satisfaction. Doubtless the poor Irishman thought it would have been a favor to the wounded man, who could not live, to put him out of his misery; but this weighed nothing in the mind of the * Fort “ Amotioscoggin," according to the Magnalia, about 40 miles up the river, t Magnolia, ib. J Page 105, 114, 124, ante § Page 116. || By Mather, Magnalia f Page 118. Chap. XII.] HOPEHOOD.— SEVERE BATTLE. 335 historian. “Teague,” he says, “as he was foolishly pulling a canoe ashore, about this time, with the cock of his gun, it went off breaking his arm with a fearful wound, by which he was made a cripple ever alter.” By a council of war held at Portsmouth, occasioned by these depredations of ‘that memorable tiger Hopehood ,” it was decided that Captain Wiswall should go out in search of him with a large scouting party. Several other prom- inent men, being emulous of the service, offering to join him in command with another party, it by lot fell on Captain Floyd. Having rendezvoused at Dover to the number of about one hundred men, they marched into the woods on the since memorable day, July 4th, 1690. On the 6th, having sent out their scouts “ belore breakfast” in the morning, they “ immediately returned with tidings of breakfast enough for those who had then- stomachs sharp set for fighting.” The parties immediately met at a place called Wheelwright’s Pond, in Lee, and an obstinate battle ensued, which lasted liont two to three hours. Owing, however, to the Indian mode of fighting, adopted by the English, comparatively but few were killed. Neither party could boast of a victory, for, as at Pequawket, each was glad to retreat from the other. Of the whites above 39 were killed and wounded, of which 15 were of the former number. Among these were included Captain Wiswall , his lieutenant, Flagg, and Sergeant Walker. Captain Floyd maintained the fight until most of his men had retreated, which obliged him to retreat also. “ For this soine blamed him, who, probably, would not have continued it as long as he did.” Captain Converse visited the battle groimd the next morning, and brought off seven wounded still alive, but the Indians had removed all of theirs, and it could never be known how many of them were killed. There was no doubt about the precipitancy of their retreat, as they left much of then- plunder upon the field. The same week “these rovers made their descent as far as Amesbury, where Captain Foot being ensnared by them, they tortured him to death. This so alarmed the other inhabitants, that they flew from their beds to their garrisons, otherwise before the next morning they had found their beds their graves. However, they killed three persons, burnt three houses, and many cattle. In fine, from the first mischief done at Lamprey-eel River, (on July 4th,) to this last at Amesbury, all belonging to one Indian expedition, forty English people were cut off.” Thus Hopehood is considered the leader in all these transactions, although our chroniclers of that day do not mention him, excepting where we have done so, nor do they mention the names of any other Indians. He was the commander of his countrymen at the taking of Casco, on which event the garrisons of Purpooduck, Spurwitik, Black Point, and Blue Point, drew off to Saco, and in a few days from Saco they retreated to Wells, “twenty miles within the said Saco, and about half Wells drew off as far as Lieutenant Stover's. But the arrival of orders and soldiers from government stopped them from retiring any farther; and Hopehood , with a party that staid for farther mischief, meeting with some resistance here, turned about, and having first had a skirmish with Captain Sherburn, they appeared the next Lord’s- uay at Newichawannok or Berwick, where they burnt some houses and slew a man.” This last event was three days previous to the massacre at Fox Point, before related. We now are to speak again of Wahwa, and as we have before considered him a different chief from Hopehood Wahowah , we shall still do so, yet the character of his exploits agrees well with those of that chief; but that argues nothing as to his identity, for numerous other chiefs correspond equally as well. On the 27th of October, 1726, a band of seven Indians surprised tie family of Philip Durell at Kennebunk, capturing ten persons, eight women and two children, and carried them off The attack was made late in the afternoon, while Mr Durell was absent. On his return he lotind his house in flames, chairs piled on the fire, trunks split to pieces, but no traces of his wife and children. The Indians had been watching for an opportunity to attack when Mi Durell should be absent, fearing, it was thought, his powerful arm, if made when he was at home. Twenty-three years before Mrs. Durtil had beei> * 336 ACTEON. — WAHWA. [Book IIL captive,* but unlike most of her sex in like circumstances, she foreboded no evil of a like kind from the Indians, hut looked upon her former capture by them as we do upon a malady that never attacks a second time; but in tins case it was otherwise. The perpetrators were pursued with vigor the next morning, which caused the Indians to put most of their captives to death, by which means they were able to make good their flight. It was for some time doubtful what Indians, or how many, had committed this horrid act, but it was finally ascertained that the bloody “ Wahwa, Pav- caunaumpoijte, formerly a Mohegan, Acteon, afterwards known as Captain Moses, an Arisaguntacook, Omborowees, Manneenhoivh.au, Pier, Sungebaugunilo, probably of the same tribe, though one or more was of Wowenok, hut then residing among the St. Francis Indians. Yet five-and-twenty years or more afterwards, Colonel Job, a noted orator and chief speaker at Governor Shirley's treaty in 1754, denied that Acteon was an Arisaguntacook, and sairl he was an Albany Indian; hut as Job was accused of telling lies in his talk at the treaty by one of his own party, not much dependence can he given to w'hat he did say.f But it appears that he was a Norridgewok, but having taken an Aris- aguntacook woman for a wife, became one of them. H& was the same chief who, on the 28 April, 1752, with a party of 10 or 12 of that tribe, fell upon four men on a branch of Contoocook River, shot one of them dead, one escaped, and the other two were taken and earned to Canada; but this affair we shall notice more at large presently. We hear of but one that ever returned of those taken at Kennebunk. His name was John Dwell, son of Philip, whose family were destroyed; and he, though lie was redeemed in about two years, was, according to the historian of Kennebunk, “ever after more of an Indian than a white man.’* He was •live when Governor Sullivan wrote his history, and resided there. It was not long after Wahwa's depredation, that two friendly Indians, Quinoise, of "Wowenok, and Ogicsand, were sent by the governor of Massachusetts t« learn the fate of the captives, as well as what Indians had done the mischief these ambassadors, from causes not explained, though doubtless no uncommon ones on such undertakings, were not heard of for nearly a year after, and then could give no satisfactory account in the business they undertook. At the treaty of Casco, in 1727, Auyaumvioivett, chief speaker of the Arisagimtacooks, said he had learned that a boy taken at that time was among the French. This was probably John Dwell. After peace was made, and intercourse commenced again between the Indians and the settlers, it seems Wahwa used frequently to visit Kennebunk, and often talked familiarly with the friends of those he bad massacred. Like most other Indians, he would get drunk when he could get liquor. On one occasion, as he lay drunk at the house of a Mr. Baxter, whose wife was among the murdered in the exploit above related, some of Baxter's acquaintances advised him to tumble him into the well,} but he had too much humanity to wish to immortalize his name by an act so dastardly. And Wahwa remained a monument of his own cruelty, but not a more despised one than the advisers of his death ; while the injured man, deprived of his nearest friends, remained a monument of humanity. We now return to Adeon, and his expedition to Contoocook. A small company of young men, four in number only, went out early in the spring of the year 1752, to hunt in the north-western part of New Hampshire. Their names were, Arnos Eastman, of Concord, John and William Stark, of Dunbar- ton, and David Stinson, of Londonderry. What we are about to relate will be of more interest to the reader, doubtless, if he is told that John Stark, of this E arly of hunters, was the same who afterwards defeated Colonel Baum at ennington, in the early part of the revolutionary war. These young men, wandering far beyond the confines of civilization, were, on the 28th of April, * Bradbury’s History of Kennebunk Port, 120, 121. t He was a fearless, bold fellow ; accused Governor Shirley of “ letting his young men act the Devil’s part by doing mischief to the Indians,” notwithstanding his protestations of justice to them. } History of Kennebunk Port. 121. STARKS CAPTIVITY. 337 Chat. XEt.] pursuing their arduous employment on a branch of the Pemigewaset, called Balter’s River, in what is since Rumney, when suddenly they were surprised by ten Indians under the famous Acteon, who at this time was known >y the name of Captain Moses. The whites had, but little while before, discovered traces of Indians, and had become alarmed, and were determined to leave their position. Accordingly, John Stark went out very early in the. morning to collect their traps, and while thus separated from his companions, was made prisoner. As soon as he was secured, he was ordered to direct them to his friends. This he undertook to do, but purposely led them two miles farther from them, hoping that, by some means, they might take the alarm and escape; but it was not to be ended so. They seem not to have im- agined that John was taken by Indians, and soon began to shoot off their guns to direct him where they were. This also directed the Indians, and they immediately proceeded down the river, beyond the whites, and taking a station, waylaid them as they came down. All that had now passed had not taken up much time, for about sunrise the party appeared, two in a boat, Wil- liam Stark and Stinson, and Eastman on the shore, who next fell into the In- dians’ hands. They now ordered John to hail his friends in the boat, to decoy them to the shore; but, with a boldness characteristic of gieat minds, In called to them, and instead of requesting them to land, told them he was taken, and ordered them to save themselves by pulling to the opposite shore. They pulled accordingly, and were quickly fired upon by four of the Indians, whose gims were loaded. Like a truly heroic spirit, without regarding the risk he ran, at the moment of the shot John knocked up two of the Indians’ guns, and repeated the manoeuvre when the rest cf the party fired a second volley. He then hallooed to his brother in the boat to fly with all his might, for all the guns were discharged. He did so successfully ; regained the shore and escaped. Poor Stinson was killed, and the boat and oars were pierced with bullets. John was sorely beaten and ill used at first, for the liberties he had taken in giving their shots a false direction ; but they afterwards used him kindly. The whites had collected a considerable quantity of furs, of which the In- dians possessed themselves, and commenced their retreat. They made a stop at Lower Coos, about the present vicinity of Haverhill, N. H., where they had left two of then- party to prepare provisions against their return. After one night’s stay here they proceeded to Upper Coos. From this place Cap- tain Moses despatched three of his men with Eastman to St. Francis, wlule the rest of the company limited on a small stream hi that neighborhood. Stark was meantime closely watched, and every night confined. They al- lowed him to hunt, and he, having shot one beaver and caught another in a trap, was approbated by a present of their skins. At length, on the 9 of July, Captain Moses returned with his prisoner to St Francis. Here the two captives were compelled to run the gantlet. East- man fared hard in that business; but Stark, understanding Indian play better seized a club from an Indian at the head of one of the ranks through which he was to run, and laid it about him with such force, that running the gant- let was wholly on the part of the Indians; for they were glad to escape ana leave the ground to him, much to the delight of the old Indians, who were seated at a distance to witness the sport. Fortunately, Stark and Eastman’s captivity was not a long one. In about six weeks from Stark’s arrival at St. Francis, there arrived Captain Stevens, of No. Four, and Mr. TFheelwright, of Boston, in search of some captives, who had been taken from Massachusetts, and not finding any, redeemed Stark and Eastman, who arrived home, by way of Albany, in August following The same Indians accompanied them to Albany, where they sold the furs they had taken from them, to the amount of £560, old tenor. Stark paid for his ransom 103 dollars, and Eastman 60 dollars. The names of two others of the Indians who did this mischief, were Francis Titigaw, and Peer, a young chief, each of whom has been mentioned as chief in the capture ; but it is not material. At the treaty of 1727, which the preceding relation required us to notice, rtention was made by the chieft, o* that treaty, of a great many Indians, and 29 W 338 SIEGE Of WALPOLE, N. H. [Book 111 among others, of one of considerable note, of whom we have before* said something, if’ indeed, he be the same, namely, Sabatis. This Indian had pre- viously, though perhaps not long before that treaty, with others, taken many captives in then - depredations on the English frontiers. At this time he was living at St. Francis in Canada, and had two captives with him; but their names we cannot learn. He was of a bloody disposition, and the act which terminated his career was by a hard not less blood}', though, perhaps, more necessarily so. We have, on another occasion, and in another work,f related the circumstances of it, and shall therefore pass it over here. He was killed in 1753, and we have before expressed the opinion that he was the father of him brought away a captive from St. Francis by Captain Rogers in 175!), and who in 1775 followed the fortunes of Arnold’s expedition against Quebec. As noted an exploit as we have passed over in our history is that which '•-'as enacted at Walpole, N. H., in the year 1755. If Philip, the leader of the Indians on that occasion, be the same that we have before given some account ;>f| his patriotism as well as his courage must have undergone an important change ; but as we cannot settle that matter to the satisfaction of the critical antiquary without spending more time than we shall get credit for, we will relate the affair at Walpole as we have heard it. One John Kilbum had settled at that place in 1749, and though far beyond any other settlement, and frequently watched, and sometimes annoyed by the Indians, yet no hostile act was attempted upon him until 1755. When it be- came certain that war would soon begin between England and France, meas- ures were taken by General Shirley to warn the settlers along the extensive frontier of New England of the approaching calamity. Hut the Indians seem to have known or expected it sooner than the English, for before the latter had received word from General Shirley, the cunning Philip, in the capacity of a spy, had visited every principal settlement, under the pretence of trading for flints and other hunting munitions, all along the Connecticut River; and it was not until two Indians, employed by General Shirley, had informed the settlers that 400 or 500 Indians were preparing in Canada to make a descent upon them, that Philip's expedition for trade was understood in its real char- acter. JGlburn lived in a good garrison-house, and on the day Philip appeared against it with some 300 Indians, he, with three other men, were at work some distance from it ; but keeping a good watch, the Indians were discov- ered in time to afford them sufficient opportunity to regain the garrison with- out molestation. The timely discovery was made about mid-day, August 17, and in less than half an hour after, they were surrounded by 197 fierce war- riors, flushed with confidence of an easy and speedy victory ; the remainder of the Indians forming an ambush of reserve at the mouth of Cold River about half a mile from the garrison. Meanwhile Philip had endeavored to cut off Colonel Bellows, who, with 30 men, was milling about a mile east of Kilburn's; but in this he was foiled by a masterly manoeuvre of the colonel. His men were returning from the mill, each with a bag of meal upon his back, when his dogs by their growling gave timely notice of the neighborhood of an enemy, and the thoughts of an ambush at the same moment passed through his mind : he as soon knew what to do. He ordered his men to throw off their bags, advance to a cer- tain eminence over which their path lay, and about which he doubted not the Indians were prepared for him. The ground contiguous was covered with high sweet fern. Up to these Bellows and his men crawled, into the very presence of the enemy. They now, agreeably to the plan proposed at the discovery, sprung upon their feet, and giving a tremendous whoop, after the manner of their adversary, dropped down again the same instant. The In- dians at the very moment rose up, forming a thick front across the path in a semicircle. Each of Bellows's men had now an Indian in his power; and such was the effect of the first fire of these 30 men, that Philip and his whole party precipitately retreated, and the victors, without waiting for a further * Ante, page 135, 13G of this Book. f In the Appendix to my edition of Church’s Philip’s War, &c., page 337. Chat. XII] SIEGE OF ( VALF0LE, N. H. 339 display of tactics, regained tlieir garrison, not having one of their number killed or wounded. Of the loss of the Indians no mention is made. Finding so warm a reception from Colonel Bellows, Philip, it would seem, as well as the colonel, had no notion of taking a second hand at the same game, and, as we have said, immediately appeared before Kilburn' s garrison, where he hoped for better success. Philip was an old acquaintance here, and approaching the house as near as he could find a tree for shelter, called out to Kilbum, “ Old John, young John, come out here. We give you good quar lw." Philip is represented as of great stature, and proportionate strength and Kilbum was not his inferior. He ans-vered the warrior “with a voice O' thunder,” that flowed over the adjacent bids, “Quarter! you black rascals . begone, or we’ll quarter you.” Thus stood the affair which was shortly to decide the fate of Walpole between six English, four men and two women, and about 400 Indians, at tk'e commencement of the siege. Philip returned to his men, and, after a shori pause, the silence was broken by yells and whoops of the whole body of In- dians, which appeared, as we have heard the old people express it, “ as though all the devils in hell had broke loose." A furious onset was now begun, and in a few minutes the roof of the house was perforated like a sieve. As usual in their attacks on garrisons, they employed stratagems, but when the whole afternoon was spent, they found they had made no impression, but were greatly weakened themselves, and at night drew off, thus ending their inglo- rious expedition. Such deeds could a few men, well provided, perform, well knowing it was not numbers that could save them in times of peril, while many others, rely- ing upon their numbers, neglecting tlieir duties, have fallen an easy prey to an enemy not half equal to themselves. Kilbum had extra guns in his house, and his wife and daughter cast bullets, and performed every other service in their [lower. When one of the men’s guns became too much heated to De used with safety, a woman exchanged it for another, so that every man was every moment at his place. When their lead began to grow short, blankets were suspended in the roof, to catch the balls of the enemy, with good suc- cess; and thus many of the Indians fell by their own bullets! To use tlieir powder without loss of time, they poured it into hats, which were placed close at hand ; by such means an incessant fire was kept up, which probably de- ceived the Indians in regard to their numbers. They found time, before drawing off, to kill all the cattle, bum and destroy all the hay and grain be- longing to the settlement; but this was looked upon as nothing, scarcely to be considered towards the price of their deliverance. We do not learn as it was ever known to the English what the loss of the Indians was;* but the garrison lost Mr. Peak, who, exposing himself too much before a port-hole, was shot in the hip. The wound would probably have been cured if good surgical aid could have been had ; but it proved mortal in five days after the battle. Each of these men, Kilbum and Peak, had a sou with them in the garrison; and such was the force opposed to that army of Indians ! John Kilburn lived to be 85 years of age, and died on the 8 April, 1789, and lies buried in the Walpole burying-ground. The son (John) attained the same age, and died at his residence, in Shrewsbury, Vt, in 1822.f Only two days after the battle of Bunker’s Hill, there arrived at Cambridge, the head quarters of the Americans, a deputation from the Penobscot Indians, of whom the celebrated Orono was chief. An order was passed for their entertainment while there, and “for their return home.” They came to ten- der tlieir services to the Americans in the war now begun, which was done by Orono, in a speech to a committee of the provincial congress, on the 21 June, 1775. “In behalf of the whole Penobscot tribe,” the chief said, if the grievances under which his people labored were removed, they would aid with their whole force to defend the country. Those grievances were briefly stated, and consisted chiefly of trespasses by the whites upon tlieir tiirl aT # Kilburn, during the engagement, had a deliberate shot at ! large Indian, whom he »a» fall, and he believed it was Philip himself, t Chief!} from the Cols. N. Hist. Soc. ii. 52 — 58. 340 NATAN1S. — SABATIS. [Book III lands, cheating them in trade, &c. The committee returned an affectionate address ; and although the groans of the dying, from the late terrible field of battle, were sounding in their ears, they say nothing about engaging the Indians in the war, but .assured them that “as soon as they could take breath from their present fight,” their complaints should receive attention. Some of the Penobscots did eventually engage in the war, but we have no particulars of them. We have said before,* * * § upon authority which will generally be received, that Natanis and Snbatit were the first Indians employed by the Americans in the revolution, and we see no reason yet to form a different opinion, al- though our attention has been called again to the subject, f and some facts stated for our consideration, which have elicited further investigations and comparisons, of which the following is the result.} Of a chief named Swau- sen, or Sivashan, well known on the borders of New Hampshire in the latter French wars, we have before given some notice ;§ at that time, or about the close of those wars, he retired to St. Francis. When the revolution began, he seems to have decided on taking the part of the Americans; and with a few followers marched to Kennebeck, and with some of the Norridgewoks ren- dezvoused at Cobbossee, now Gardiner, .at the mouth of the Cobbosseeconta liiver. Over the Norridgewoks, or Pequawkets, or some of both, was a chief} named Paul Higgins, who, though a white man, had lived so long among In- dians, that to all intents he was one of them. He was born at Berwick, but had been taken captive when quite young, and spent most of his days with them. This company set out for Cambridge, the head quarters of General IVashington, about the beginning of August, 1775, under the direction of one Reuben Coburn. There were 20 or 30 of them, “and they were rowed down in canoes to Merrymeeting Bay by their squaws;” here they left them, and proceeded to Cambridge on loot, where they arrived about the 13 August.|| They tendered their services to the general, who gave them all the encour- agement he could, consistently, but evidently advised them to remain neti- tral.H Swashan said half of his tribe was ready to join the Americans, and that four or five other tribes stood ready, if wanted, and that the Canadians were in favor of the Americans also; and this was the general opinion, and corresponds with accounts given by intelligent settlers on the frontiers. They say, “We have had positive accounts from many of the Indian tribes, who have been applied to by Governor Carleton to distress the settlements • but they say they have no offence from the people, and will not make war on them. The French, too, say it is a war of our own raising, and they will have no part in it.”** We hear no more of Swashan. Of Assacambuit, an extended account has been given,}} and we should not again recur to him, but to correct the statement, that “nothing was heard of him from 1708 to the time of his death.” We have since found that in 1714, he was at Portsmouth, upon a friendly visit with several other Indians. On the 10 May of that year, as the Indians were about to leave the place, “ the council of N. H. ordered their treasurer to furnish him and his compan ions with necessary provisions and liquors to carry them to their severa habitations.” * Page 136, ante, of this Book. t In a polite and obliging manner, by Rf.v. Wm. S. Bartlett, of Little Falls, N. Y j As early as May 19th, 1775, the provincial congress of Massachusetts “Voted. Thai Captain John Lane have enlisting papers delivered to him, for raising a company of h dians at the eastward.” § Cols. N. H. Soc iii. 76 7. || MS. communication of Rev. W. S. Bartlett. 1i Botta, i. 228. ** Almon’s Remembrancer, i. 147 — 149 ft Book Ul. p. 139—141. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA BOOK I V ' ' - BOOK IV BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. “ I will go to my tent, and lie down in despair ; I will paint me with black, and will sever my hair ; [ will sit on the shore where the hurricane blows, And reveal to the God of the tempest my woes ; I will weep for a season, on bitterness fed, For my kindred are gone to the mounds of the dead ; But they died not by hunger, or wasting decay: The steel of the white man hath swept them away.” Anonymous. CHAPTER L Preliminary observations respecting the country of the southern Indians — Wingina, the first Virginia chief knovm to the English — Destroys the first colony settled there — Menatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second colony abandons the country — Tobacco first carried to England by them — Curious account of prejudices against i. — Granganemeo — His kindnesses — His family — His death — Powhatan — Boun- daries of his country — Surprises the Payankatanks — Captain Smith fights his people — Opehanhanough takes Smith prisoner — The particulars of that affair — He marches him about the country — Takes him , at length, to Powhatan , who condemns him to be put to death — Smith’s life saved at the intercession of Pocahontas — Insolence of Powhatan increased by Newport's folly — Smith brings him to terms — A crown sent over to him from England — Is crowned emperor — Speech — Uses every stratagem to kill Smith — Is baffled in every attempt — Smith visits him — Speeches — Pocahontas again saves Smith and his comrades from being murdered by her father — Tomocomo. The difficulty of rightly partitioning between the southern nations and the Iroquois, or Five Nations, can easily be seen by all such as have but very partially taken a survey of them, and considered their wandering habits. Therefore, should we, in this book, not always assign a sachem to his original family or nation, we can only plead in excuse, that we ltave gone according to our best information. But we have endeavored to draw a kind of natural boundary between the above-mentioned nations, distinguishing those people beyond the Chesapeake and some of its tributaries, as the southern Indians, and those between that boundary and the Hudson, by the name Iroquois. To their respective territories inland, we shall not, nor is it necessary to, fix bounds, in our present business. We are aware that some writers suppose that all the Indians, from the Mississippi to the vicinity of the Hudson, and even to the Connecticut, were originally of the same stock. If this were the case, the period'is so remote when they spread themselves over the country, that these great natural divisions had long since caused quite a difference in the inhabitants which they separated; and hence the propriety of noticing them according to our plan. 344 WINGINA —SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA. [Book IV It is said that the territory from the sea-eoast to the River Alleghany, anc from the most southern waters of James River up to Patuxent, in the state of Maryland, was inhabited by three different nations, and that the language of each differed essentially from the others. The English called these nations by the names Powhatans, Manahoacs, and Monacans ; these were the Tuscaroras. The Powhatans were the most powerful, and consisted ol several tribes, or communities, who possessed the country from the sea-coast to the falls of the rivers.* To give a tolerable catalogue of the names of the various nations of Virginia, the Carolinas, and thence to the Mississippi, would far exceed our plan. We shall, therefore, pass to notice the chiefs of such of those nations ■as are distinguished in history, pointing out, by the way, their localities, and whatever shall appear necessary in way of elucidation, as we pass, and as we have done in the preceding hooks. Wingina was first known to the English voyagers Jhnidas and Barlow. who landed in Virginia in the summer of 1584, upon an island called, by the Indians, Wokokon. They saw none of the natives until the third day, when three were observed in a canoe. One of them got on shore, and the English went to him. He showed no signs of fear, “hut spoke much to them,” then went boldly on hoard the vessels. After they had given him a shirt, hat, wine, and some meat, “ he went away, and in half an hour he had loaded his canoe with fish,” which he immediately brought, and gave to the English. Wingina, at this time, was confined to his cabin from wounds he had lately received in battle, probably in his war with Piamacum, a desperate and bloody chief. Upon the death of Granganemeo, in 1585, Wingina changed his name to Pemissanan. He never had much faith in the good intentions of the English, and to nim was mainlv attributed the breaking up of the first colony which settled in Virginia It was upon tne return to England of the Captains Amidas and Barlow, from the country of JVingina, that Queen Elizabeth, from the wonderfu. accounts of that fruitful and delightful place, named it, out of respect to herselfj Virginia ; she being called the virgin queen, from her living unmar- ried. But, with more honor to her, some have said, “ Because it still seemed to retain the virgin purity and plenty of the first creation, and the people their primitive innocency of life and manners.”! Waller referred to this country when he wrote this : — “ So sweet the air, so moderate the clime, None sickly lives, or dies before his time. Heav’n sure has kept this spot of earth uncurst, To show how all things were created first.” Sir Richard Greenvil, stimulated by the love of gain, next intruded himsen upon the shores of Wingina. It was he who committed the first outrage upon the natives, which occasioned the breaking up of the colony which he left behind him. He made but one short excursion into the country, during which, by foolishly exposing his commodities, some native took from him a silver cup, to revenge the loss of which, a town was burned. He left 108 men, who seated themselves upon the island of Roanoke. Ralph Lane, a military character of note, was governor, and Captain Philip Amidas, lieutenant- governor of this colony. They made various excursions about the country, in hopes of discovering mines of precious metals; in which they were a long time duped by the Indians, for their ill conduct towards them, in compelling them to pilot them about. Wingina bore, as well as he could, the provoca- tions of the intruders, until the death of the old chief Ensenore, his father* Under pretence of honoring his funeral, he assembled 1800 of his people, with the intention, as the English say, of destroying them. They, therefore, upon the information of Skiko, son of the chief Menatonon, 1 fell upon them, and, after killing five or six, the rest made their escape into the woods. This * From a communication of Secretary Thompson to Mr. Jefferson, and appended to the Notes on Virginia, ed. of 1801. t Stith, 11. t Smith calls him the “ lame king of Moratoc.” Chap. I.] WINGINA.— DEATH OF ENSENORE. 345 was done upon the island where Wingina lived, and the English firs t seized upon the boats of his visitants, to prevent their escape from the island, with the intention, no doubt, of murdering them all. Not long after, “ Wingina was entrapped by the English, and slain, with eight of his chief men.” Mexatonox was king of the Chawonocks, and Okisko of the Weopo- neokes, “a powerful nation, possessing all that country from Albemarle Sound and Chowan River, quite to the Chesapeakes and our bay.” * At this time, Menatonon was lame, and is mentioned as the most sensible and under- standing Indian with whom the English were at first acquainted. It was he that made Lane and his followers believe in the existence of the mine already mentioned. “So eager were they,” says Mr. Stith, “and resolutely bent upon this golden discovery, that they could not be persuaded to return, as long as they had one pint of com a man left, and two mastiff dogs, which, being boiled with sassafras leaves, might afford them some sustenance in their way back.” After great sufferings, they arrived upon the coast again. The reason why Menatonon deceived the English, was because they made him a prisoner for the purpose of assisting them in making discoveries. After he was set at liberty, he was very kind to them. Two years after, when Governor IVhite was in the country, they mention his wife and child a? belonging to Croatan, but nothing of him. White and his company landed at Roanoke, 22 July, 1587, and sent 20 men to Croatan, on Point Lookout, with a friendly native called Maktf.o, to see if any intelligence could be had of a former colony of 50 men left there by Sir Richard Greenvil. They learned, from some natives whom they met, that the people of Dassamonpeak, on what is now Alligator River, had attacked them, killed one, and driven the others away, but whither they had gone none could tell. One of their present company, a principal man of their government, had also been killed by the same Indians. This tribe and several others had agreed to come to Roanoke, and submit themselves to the English ; but not coming according to appointment, gave the English an opportunity to take revenge for former injuries. Therefore, Captain Stafford and 24 men, with Manteo as a guide, set out upon that business. On coming to their village, “ where seeing them sit by the fire, we assaulted them. The miserable sottles amazed, fled into the reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have been fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corn 1 ” “ Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoiled, and took Menatonon, his wife with her child, and the rest with us to Roanoak.” f But to return to Wingina. While the English were upon the errand we have been speaking of, Win- f ina pretended to be their friend, but deceived them on every opportunity, y giving notice to his countrymen of their course and purpose, and urging them to cut them off. He thought, at one time, that the English were destroyed, and thereupon scoffed and mocked at such a God as theirs, who would suffer it. This caused his father, Ensenure, to join their enemies, but on their return he was their friend again. He, and many of his people, now believed, say the voyagers, that “we could do them more hurt being dead, than liuing, and that, being an hundred myles from them, shot, and struck them sick to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we return again.” Many of the chiefs now came and submitted themselves to the Eng- lish, and, among others, Ensenore was persuaded again to become their friend, who, when they were in great suaits for provisions, came and planted their fields, and made wears in the streams to catch fish, which were of infinite benefit to them. This was in the spring of 1586, and, says Lane, “ we not having one corn till the next harvest to sustain us.” What added greatly to their distresses, was the death of their excellent friend Ensenore, who died 20th of April following. The Indians began anew their conspiracies, and the colony availed themselves of the first opportunity of returning to England, * Stitk’s Virginia, 14. By 1 Umith’s Hist. Virginia. ' I * “our ba; ” is meant James River Barn 346 GRANGANEMEO —HIS KINDNESS TO THE ENGLISH. [J.ook D> vhich was in the fleet of Sir Francis Drake, which touched there in its way from an expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies.* Tlte conduct of Lane and his company in this fruitless attempt to establish themselves in Virginia, was, in the highest degree, reprehensible. They put to death some of the natives on the most frivolous charges, and no wonder they were driven out of the country, as they ought to have been.f While they were there, they became acquainted with the use of tobacco, and, taking it to England, its introduction into general use soon rendered it a great article of commerce. And here it will not be improper to notice how many different persons have had the credit, or, perhaps, I should say discredit, of introducing this “Indian weed” into England ; as, Sir Francis Drake, Sir Walter Ralegh, Ralph Lane, and some others. Now, as some writer observes, the reader may father it upon whom he pleases, as it is evident Sir Francis Drake took Ralph Lane and tobacco both together into England; and no one will dispute the agency of the gallant knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, for he sent out Lane in his employ. Mr. John Josselyn, in his “Two Voyages to N. England,” has this I mssage : “ Others will have tobacco to be first brought into England from ’em, by Sir Francis Drake's mariners.” There were many who affected a violent disgust towards the use of tobac- co ; the most conspicuous was King James, whose inind seems to have been just weak enough to fight windmills. He even wrote a book denouncing its use in the severest terms he could command. It grew spontaneously iu Win- gandacoa, (Virginia,) and the natives called it Uppowoc. It is generally sup- posed to be called tobacco from the island Tobago, but this derivation is much questioned.): Granganemeo was a chief very favorably spoken of. As soon as the arrival of the English was made known to him, he visited them with about 40 of his men, who were very civil, and of a remarkably robust and fine appearance. When they had left their boat, and came upon the shore near the ship, Granganemeo spread a mat and sat down upon it. The English went to him armed, but he discovered no fear, and invited them to sit down ; after which he performed some tokens of friendship ; then making a speech to them, they presented him with some toys. None but four of his people spoke a word, or sat down, hut maintained the most perfect silence. On being shown a pewter dish, he was much pleased with it, and purchased it with 20 deer- skins, which were worth, in England, one hundred shillings sterling! ! The dish he used as an ornament, making a hole through it, and wearing it about his neck. While here, the English entertained nim, with his wife and children, on board their ship. Ilis wife had in her ears bracelets of pearl, which reached to her middle. Shortly after, many of the people came out of the country to trade, “ but when Granganemeo was present, none durst trade but himself, and them that wore red copper on their heads as he did.” He was remarkably exact in keeping his promise, “ for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keep his word.” And these voyagers further report, that “ commonly he sent them every day a brace of bucks, conies, hares, and fish, and sometimes melons, walnuts, cucumbers, pease, and divers roots.” In their wanderings, Captain Amidas and seven others visited the island of Roanoake, where they found the family of Granganemeo living in great com fort and plenty, in a little town of nine houses. The chief was not at home, “ but his wife entertained them with wonderful courtesy and kindness. She made some of her people draw their boat up, to prevent its being injured by the beating of the surge ; some she ordered to bring them ashore on their backs, and others to carry their oars to the house, for fear of being stole. When they came into the house, she took off their cloathes and stockings, and washed them, as likewise their feet in warm water. When their dinner was ready, they were conducted into an inner room, (for there were five it * Relation of Lane, printed in Smith’s Virginia, t Herriol’s Observations, (one of Lane’s company,) printed : n Smith. j Stith’s Hist. Virginia, 19. — See Book ii. Chap. ii. Chap. 1.1 DEATH OF MANTEO.— POWHATAN. 347 the house, divided by mats,) where they found hominy,* * * § boiled venison, and roasted fish ; and, as a desert, melons, boiled roots, and fruits of various sorts. While they were at meat, two or three of her men came in with their bows end arrows, which made the English take to their arms. But she, perceiving their distrust, ordered their bows and arrows to be broken, and themselves to be beaten out of the gate. In the evening, the English returned to their ooat ; and, putting a little off from shore, lay at anchor ; at which she was much concerned, and brought their supper, half boiled, pots and all to the shore : and, seeing their jealousy, she ordered several men, and 30 women, to sit all night upon the shore, as a guard ; and sent five mats to cover them from the weather.” f W ell hath the poet demanded, “ Call ye them savage ? ” If the wife of Granganemeo was savage, in the common acceptation of the term, where shall we look for civilization ? Sir R. Greenvil, having arrived on the coast in 1585, anchored off the island Wokokon, ‘26 May, and, by means of Manteo, had some intercourse with the inhabitants. At Hatteras, where they staid a short time, soon after, Gran- ganemeo, with Manteo, went on board their ships. This was the last visit he made to the English, for he died very soon after. This must close our account of the excellent family of Granganemeo, and would that the account of the English would balance as well, — but they exhibit their own, — and one item more from it, and we close the comparison. For a small kettle they took 50 skins, worth in England £12 10s. sterling. \ We have now arrived at the most interesting article in Virginia history. Powhatan was, of all the chiefs of his age, the most famous in the regions of Virginia. The English supposed, at first, that his was the name of the country ; a common error, as vve have seen in several cases in the previous books of our biography, but, in this case, unlike the others, the error pre- vailed, and a part of his people, ever after the settlement of the English, wera called the Powhatans. A great river, since called the James, and a bay re- ceived his name also. § He had three brothers, Opitchepan, Opekankanough, and Catatanugh, and two sisters. His principal residence was at a place called Werowocomoco, when the English came into the country ; which was upon the north side of what is now York River, in the county of Gloucester, nearly opposite the mouth of Queen’s Creek, and about 25 miles below the fork of the river. [| He lived here until the English began to intrude them- selves into his vicinity, when he took up his residence at Orakakes. Powhatan was not his Indian name, or rather original name ; that was WahunsonacocL He is described as tall and well-proportioned — bearing an aspect of sadness — exceedingly vigorous, and possessing a body capable of sustaining great hardships. He was, in 1607, about 60 years of age, and his hair was considerably gray, which gave him a majestic appearance. At his residence, he had a kind of wooden form to sit upon, and his ornamental robe was of raccoon skins, and his head-dress was composed of many feath- ers wrought into a kind of crown. He swayed many nations upon the great rivers and bays, the chief of whom he had conquered. He originally claimed only the places called Powhatan, (since named Haddihaddocks,) Arrohattoca, (now Appomattox,) Youghtanund, Pamunky, Mattapony, Werowocomoco, and Kiskiak ; at which time, his chief seat was at Powhatan, near the falls of James River. But when he had extended his conquests a great way north, he removed to Werowocomoco, as a more commodious situation. At the termination of his warlike career, the country upon James River from its mouth to the falls, and all its branches, was the boundary of his country, southerly — and so across the country, “ nearly as high as the falls of all the great rivers, over Potowmack, even to Patuxent, in Maryland,” and * “ A food made of Indian com, or maize, beaten and carefully busked, something like 'urmety in England ; and is an excellent dish various ways.” t Slith’s Hist. Virginia, 10, 11. t Smith’s Hist. Virginia. § These, according to Heckeioelder, Philos. Trans. 31, should have been called Powtiathan " which would signify the river of progeny, fruitfulness, the fruitful river.” || About two miles below where Richmond now stands. The farm of a gentleman of the name if Mayo included the site of a part of his town, in 1813. — Campbell’s Virginia 348 POWHATAN.— SURPRISES PAYANKATANK. Book iV some of the nations on the north shore of the Chesapeake. His dominions, according to his law of succession, did not fall to his children, but to his brothers, and then to his sisters, (the oldest first,) thence to the 1 eirs of the oldest ; but never to the heirs of the males. He usually kept a guard of 40 or 50 of the most resolute and well-formed men about him, especially when he slept; but, after the English came into his country, he increased them to about ‘200. He had as many, and such women as he pleased ; and, when he slept, one sat at his head and another at his feet. When he was tired of any of his wives, he bestowed them upon such of his men as most pleased nim. Like the New England chiefs, he had many places where he passed certain seasons of the year ; at some of which he had very spacious wigwams, 30 or 40 yards in extent, where he had victuals provided against his coming. In 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank, who were his neighbors and subjects. Captain Smith, in the account, “ writ with his own hand," says, “ the occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus.” He sent sev- eral of his men to lodge with them the night on which he meant to fall upon them ; then, secretly surrounding them in their wigwams, commenced a horrid slaughter. They killed 24 men, took off their scalps, and, with the women and children prisoners, returned to the sachem’s village. The scalps they exhibited upon a line between two trees, as a trophy, and the werowance (their name of a chief) and his wife Poivhatan made his servants. Up to the year 1607, every attempt to settle a colony in Virginia had failed; and, at this time, would have failed also, but for the unexampled perseverance of one man. I need but pronounce the name of Captain John Smith. The colony with which he came did not arrive until the planting season was over ; and, in a short time, they found themselves in a suffering condition, front want of suitable provisions. Smith, therefore, undertook to gain a supply by traffick- ing with the Indians back in the country, who, being acquainted with his situation, insulted '1610 and his men wherever they came; offering him but a handful of corn, or a piece of bread, for a gun or a sword. “But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his commission.” So he fired upon them, and drove them into the woods. He then marched to their village. There they found corn in abundance, which, after some manoeuvring, he succeeded in trading for, and returned with a supply to Jamestown. Smith, soon after, proceeded to discover the source of the Chikahamanm. When he had passed up as far as it was navigable for his barge, he left it in a wide place, at. a safe distance from the shore, and ordered his men not to gc on shore on any condition. Taking two of his own men and two Indians, he proceeded to complete his discovery. As soon as he was gone, his men went on shore ; one was killed, and the rest hardly escaped. Smith was now 20 miles into the wilderness. Opekankanough, with 300 warriors, having learned, from the men they had just taken, which way he was gone, followed after hfm, and came upon the two Englishmen belonging to his company, and killed them both while asleep, he being absent to shoot some fowls for provisions ; they then continued their pursuit after him. He was not far from his canoe, and endeavored to retreat to it, but, being hard pressed, made a shield of one of his Indians, and, in this manner, fought upon the retreat, until he had killed three, and wounded divers others. Being obliged to give all his attention to his pursuers, he accidentally fell into a creek, where the mud was so deep that he could not extricate himself. Even now, none dared to lay hands upon him , and those whom their own numbers forced nearest to him, were observed to tremble with fear. The Indian he had bound to his arm with his garters, doubtless saved him from being killed by their arrows, from which, owing to his Indian shield, he received but very little hurt, except a wound in his thigh, though his clothes were shot full of them. When he could stand no longer in the mire, without perishing with cold, he threw away his arms, and suffered them to come and take him. After pulling him out of the mire, they took him to the place where his men had just been killer, where there was a fire. They now showed him kindness, Chap. I. POWHATAN— SMITH’S CAPTIVITY. 349 robbing his benumbed limbs, and warming him by the fire. He asked for 'heir chief, and Opekankanough appeared, to whom he gave a small corn} ass. This amused them exceedingly. “Much they marvelled at the playing of the fly and needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, because of the glass that covered them. But when he demonstrated, by that globe -like iewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the sunne, and moone, and starves, and how the sunne did chase the night round about the world, continually — the greatnesse of the land and sea, the diversity of the nations, varietie of complexions, and how we were to them antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazeu with admir-tion ! r Yet, notwithstanding he had such success in explaining to them his knowledge of geography and astronomy, (how much of it they understood we will not undertake to say,) within an hour after, they tied him to a tree, and a v mltitude of them seemed prepared to shoot him. But when their bows were bent, Opekankanough held up his compass, and they all laid down their weapons. They now led hinrto Orapakas, or Orakakes, a temporary seat of Powhatan, on the north side of Chikahominy swamp, in what is now Gloucester county on York river.* Here they feasted him, and treated him will. When they marched him, they drew themselves up in a row, with their chief in the midst, before whom the guns and swords they had token from the English were borne. Smith came next, led by three great men hold of each arm, and on each side six more, with their arrows notched, and ready, if he should attempt to escape. At the town, they danced and sung about him, and then put him into a large house, or wigwam. Here they kept him so well, that he thought they were fatting him to kill and ear. They took him to a sick man to cure him ; but he told them he could not, unless they would let him go to Jamestown, and get something with which he could do it. This they would not consent to. The taking of Jamestown was now resolved upon, and they made great preparations for it. To this end, they endeavored to get Smith's assistance, by making large promises of land and women ; but he told them it could not be done, and described to them the great difficulty of the undertaking in such a manner that they were greatly terrified. With the idea of procuring some- thing curious, Smith prevailed upon some of them to go to Jamestown ; which journey they performed in the most severe frosty and snowy weather. By this means, he gave the people there to understand what his situation was, and what was intended against them, by sending a leaf from his pocket-book, with a few words written upon it. He wrote, also, for a few articles to be sent, which were duly brought by the messengers. Nothing had caused such astonishment as their bringing the very articles Smith had promised them. That he could talk to his friends, at so great a distance, was utterly incompre- hensible to them. Being obliged to give up the idea of destroying Jamestown, they amused themselves by taking their captive from place to place, in great pomp and triumph, and showing him to the different nations of the dominions of Pow- hatan. They took him to Youghlannund, since called Pamunkey River, the country over which Opekankanough was chief, whose principal residence was where the town of Pamunkey since was ; thence to the Mattaponies, Piankatanks, the Nautaughtacunds, on Rappahanock, the Noininies, on the Patowmack River ; thence, in a circuitous course, through several other nations, back again to the residence of Opekankanough. Here they practised conjurations upon him for three successive days ; to ascertain, as they said, whether he intended them good or evil. This proves they viewed him as a kind of god. A bag of gunpowder having fallen into their hands they pre- served it with great care, thinking it to be a grain, intending, in the spring, to plant it, as they did com. He was here again feasted, and none could eat until he had done. Being now satisfied, having gone through all the manoeuvres and pranks with him they could think of, they proceeded to Powhatan. “ Here more than 200 of those grim courtiers stood woudering at him, as he had been a monster 30 Bancroft’s Hist. U. States, i. 146. 350 POCAHONTAS SAVES THE LIFE OF SMITH. [Book IV till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries He was seated before a fire, upon a seat like a bedstead, having on a robe of raccoon skins, “ and all the tayles hanging by.” Oi\ each side of him sat a young woman ; and upon each side of the house two rows of men, and with as many women behind them. These last had their heads and shouldero painted red — some of whose heads were adorned with white down ; and about their necks white heads. On Smith's being brought into the presence of Powhatan, all present joined in a great shout. “The queen of Apamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them.” Then, having feasted him again, “after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan — then as many as could lay hands on him, dragged him to them and thereon laid his head, and being ready, with their clubs, to beat out his brains, Poca- hontas, the king’s dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, got his head in her armes, and laid her own upon his, to save him from death.” Powhatan was unable to resist the extraordinary solicitations and sympathetic entreaties of his kind-hearted little daughter, and thus was saved the life of Captain Smith ; a character, who, without this astonishing deliverance, was sufficiently renowned for escapes and adventures. The old sachem, having set the sentence of death aside, made up his mind to employ Smith as an artisan ; to make, for himself, robes, shoes, bows, arrows, and pots; and, for Pocahontas, bells, beads, and copper trinkets. Powhatan's son, named Nantaquaus, was very friendly to Smith, and rendered him many important services, as well after as during his captivity. “Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most fearfullest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to be left alone. Not long after, from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard ; then Powhatan, more like a Devill than a man, with some 200 more, its black as himselfe, came unto him, and told him, now they were friends; and presently he shoukl go to Jamestowne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndestone, for which he would give him the country of Capahowosick [Capahowsick], *nd forever esteem him his sonne, JVantuquomJ. So to Jamestowne, with 12 guides, Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still expecting, (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment,) every hour to be put to one death or another.” Early the next morning, they came to the fort at Jamestown. Here he treated his guides with the greatest attention and kindness, and offered Raivhunt, in a jesting manner, and for the sake of a little sport, a huge mill-stone, and two demi-culverins, or nine pound cannons, to take to Powhatan, his master ; thus fulfilling his engagement to send him a grindstone and two guns. This Rawhunt was a sachem under Powhatan, and one of his most faithful captains, and who, it seems, accompanied Smith in his return out of captivity. “They found them somewhat too heavie, but when they did see him dis- charge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling down, that the poore salvages ran away half dead with fear. But, at last, we regained some conference with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children, such presents, and gave them in general! full content.” * Powhatan was now completely in the English interest, and almost every other day sent his daughter, Pocahontas, with victuals, to Jamestown, of which ney were greatly in need. Smith had told Powhatan mat a great chief, which was Captain Newport, would arrive from England about that time, which coming to pass as he had said, greatly increased his admiration of the wisdom jf the English, and he was ready to do as they desired in every thing, and, Dut for the vanity and ostentation of Newport, matters would have gone on well, and trade flourished greatly to their advantage. But he lavished so many presents upon Powhatan, that he was in no way inclined to trade, and soon # This is Captain Smith’s own account, which I shall follow minutely ; adding occasionally from Stith, to illustrate the geography of the country. POWHA'l AN— NEWPORT'S FOLLY. Chap. L] 351 began to show his haughtiness, by demanding five times the value of an article, or his contempt for what was offered. By -Newport s imprudence and folly, what had cost Smith so much toil and pains to achieve, was blown away by a single breath of vanity. Nevertheless, his great mind, continually exercised in difficult matters, brought the subtle chief again to his own terms. Himself, with Newport, and about 20 others, went to Powhatan's residence to trade with him. “Wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly, (in his salvage manner,) as made us all to admire his natural gifts.” He pretended that it was far beneath his dignity to trade as his men did. Thus his craft to obtain from Newport his goods for whatever he pleased to give in return. Smith saw through Powhatan's craft, and told Newport how it would turn out, but being determined to show him- self as dignified as the Indian chief, repented of his folly, like too many others, when it was too late. Smith was the interpreter in the business, and Newport the chief. Powhatan made a speech to him, when they were about to enter upon trading. He said, “ Captain Neivport, it is not agreeable to my greatness, in this peddling manner, to trade for trifles; and I esteem you also a great werowance. Therefore, lay me down all your commodities together; what 1 like I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting their value.” Accordingly, Neivport gave him all his goods, and received in return only about three bushels of corn ; whereas they expected to have obtained twenty hogsheads. This transaction created some hard thoughts between Smith and Newport. If it add to raise Powhatan in our admiration, it can detract nothing ftorn the character of Smith, to say, that he was as wily as the great Indian chief. For, with a few blue beads, which he pretended that he had shown him only by accident, and which he would hardly part with, as he pretended, because they were of great price, and worn only by great kings, he completely got his end, at this time, answered. Tantalization had the desired effect, and Powhatan was so infatuated with the lure, that he was almost beside himself, and was ready to give all he had to possess them. “ So that, ere we departed,” says my relation, “ for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king for 2 or 300 bushells of corne.” An English boy was left with Powhatan, by Captain Newport, to learn the language, manners, customs and geography of his country ; and, in return, Powhatan gave him Namontack, one of his servants, of a shrewd and subtle capacity, whom he afterwards carried to England. Powhatan became offended with Captain Smith , when Newport left the country, in 1608 ; at whose depart- ure he sent him 20 turkeys, and demanded, in return, 20 swords, which were granted. Shortly after, he sect the same number to Smith, expecting the like return ; but, being disappointed, ordered his men to seize the English wher- ever they could find them. This caused difficulty — many of the English being robbed of their swords, in the vicinity of their forts. They continued their depredations until Smith surprised a number of them, from whom he learned that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all the arms in his power, to be able to massacre the English. When he found that his plot was discovered, he sent Pocahontas, with presents, to excuse himself, and pretended that the mischief was done by some of his ungovernable chiefs. He directed her to endeavor to effect the release of his men that wew prisoners, which Smith consented to, wholly, as he pretended, on her account ; and thus peace was restored, which had been continually interrupted for a considerable tune before. On the 10th of September, 1608, Smith was elected governor of Virginia. Newport, going often to England, had a large share in directing the affairs of the colony, from his interest with the proprietors. He arrived about this time, and, among other baubles brought over a crown for Powhatan, with directions for his coronation ; which had the ill effect to make him value himself more than ever. Newport wets instructed to discover the country of the Monacans, a nation with whom Powhatan was at war, and whom they would 'assist him against, if he would aid in the business. Captain Smith was sent to him to invite him to Jamestown to receive presents, and to trade for corn. On arriv- ing at Werowocomoco, and delivering his message to the old chief, he replied, “ If your king have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this is my land 352 POWHATAN— ORDERS THE DEATH OF SMITH. [Rook IV Eight days I will stay to receive them. Your father [meaning Newport] is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort — neither will I bite at such a bate. As for the Monacans, 1 can revenge my own injuries; and as for M- quanachuck , where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it ; but, for any salt water beyond the mountains, the relations you have had from my people are false.” Some of the Indians had made the English believe that the South Sea, now called the Pacific Ocean, was but a short distance back. To show Smith the absurdity of the story, he drew a map of the country, upon the ground. Smith returned as wise as h( went. A house was built for Poivhatan, about this time, by some Germans, who came over with Newport. These men, thinking that the English <.oufd not subsist in the country, wantonly betrayed all the secrets of their condition to Poivhatan which was again the source of much trouble. They even urged him to put all the English to death, agreeing to live with him, and assist him in the exe- cution of the horrible project. Powhatan was pleased at the proposition, and thought, by their assistance, to effect what lie had formerly hoped to do by engaging Smith in such an enterprise. Their first object was to kill Captain Smith; by which act, the chief obstacle to success would be removed; and, accordingly, they took every means in their power to effect it In the first place, he invited him to come and trade for corn, hoping an opportunity, in that business, would offer. That his design might not be mis- trusted, Powhatan promised to load his ship with corn, if he would bring him a grindstone, 50 swords, some muskets, a cock and a hen, and a quantity of copper and beads. Smith went accordingly, but guarded, as though sure of meeting an enemy. In their way, the English stopped at Warrasqueake, and were informed, by the sachem of that place, of Powhatan's intentions. That sachem kindly entertained them, and, when they departed, furnished them with guides. On account of extreme bad weather, they were obliged to spend near a week at Kicquotan. This obliged them to keep their Christmas among the Indians, and. according to our authorities, a merry Christinas it was; having been “ never more merry in their lives, lodged by better fires, or fed with greater plenty of good bread, oysters, fish, flesh, and wild fowl.” Having arrived at Werowocomoco, after much hardship, they sent to Pow- hatan for provisions, being in great want, not having taken but three or four days’ supply along with them. The old chief sent them immediately a supply of bread, turkeys, and venison, and soon after made a feast for them, accord- ing to custom. Meanwhile, Powhatan pretended he had not sent for the English ; telling them he had no corn, ‘and his people much less,”* and, therefore, intimated that he wished they would go off again. But Smith produced the messenger that he had sent, and so confronted him; Powhatan then laughed heartily, and thus it passed for a joke. 1 le then asked for their commodities, “ but he liked nothing, except guns and swords, and valued a basket of corn higher than a basket of copper; saying, he could rate his corn, but not the copper.” Captain Smith then made a speech to him, in which he endeavored to work upon his feelings and sense of honor ; said he had sent his men to build him a house while his own was neglected ; that, because of his promising to sup- ply him with com, he had neglected to supply himself with provisions when he might have done it. Finally, Smith, reproached him of divers negligences, deceptions, and prevarications; but the main cause of Powhatan's refusing to trade seems to have been because the English did not bring the articles le most wanted. When Smith had done, Poivhatan answered him as follows: — “We have but little corn, but what we can spare shall be brought two days hence. As to your coming here, 1 have some doubt about the reason of it. I sun told, by my men, that you came, not to trade, but to invade my people, and to posses* my country. This makes me less ready to relieve you, and frightens mj ' The reader may wonder how this could be, bul it is so in the old history, by Still t, 86. Chap. I.] POWHATAN. -HIS SPEECHES. 35a people from bringing in their com. And, therefore, to relieve them of thr j fear, leave your arms aboard your boats, since they are needless here, where we are all friends, and forever Powhatans.” In these, and other speeches of like amount, they spent the first day. “ But whilst they expected the coming in of the country, they wrangled Powhatan out of 80 bushels of corn, for a copper kettle ; which the president seeing him much affect, [value,] he told him it was of much greater value ; yet, in regard of his scarcity, he would accept that quantity at present ; provided he should have as much more the next year, or the Manakin country,” were that condition not complied with. This transaction will equal any thing of the kind in the history of New England, but we will leave the reader to make his own comment. At the same time, Poiohatan made another speech, in which were some very singular passages, as reported by Smith. One was, that he had seen the death of all his people three times ; and that none of those three generations was then living, except himself. This was evidently only to make the Eng- lish think him something more than human. The old chief then went on and said, “ I am now grown old, and must soon die ; and the succession must de- scend, in order, to my brothers, Opitchapan, Opekankanough, and Catataugh ,* and then to my two sisters, and their two daughters. I wish their experience was equal to mine ; and that your love to us might not be less than ours to you. Why should you take by force that from us which you can have by iove ? Why should you destroy us, who have provided you with food ? What can you get by Avar? We can hide our provisions, and fly into the woods ; and then you must consequently famish by wronging your friends. What is the cause of your jealousy? You see us unarmed, and Avilling to t.upply your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and not with swords and guns, as to invade an enemy. I am not so simple, as not to know it is better to eat good meat, lie Avell, and sleep quietly with my women and children ; to laugh and be merry with the English ; and, being their friend, to have copper, hatchets, and whatever else I want, than to fly from all, to lio cold in the Avoods, feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and to be so hunted, that I cannot rest, eat, or sleep. In such circumstances, my men must Avatch, and if a tAvig should but break, all Avould cry out, ‘ Here comes Capt. Smith ; ’ and so, in this miserable manner, to end my miserable life; and, Capt. Smith, this might be soon your fate too. through your rashness and unadvisedness. I, therefore, exhort you to peaceable councils; and, above all, I insist that the guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness, be removed and sent away.” Smith interpreted this speech to mean directly contrary to Avhat it expressed, and it rather confirmed, than lessened, his former suspicions. He, however, made a speech to Powhatan, in his turn, in Avhich he endeavored to convince him that the English intended him no hurt; urging, that, if they had, Iioav easily they might have effected it long before ; and that, as to their perishing Avith want, he Avould have him to understand that the English had Avays to supply themselves unknoAvn to the Indians; that as to his sending away the arms, there was no reason in that, since the Indians were ahvays alloAved to bring theirs to JamestOAvn and to keep them in their hands. Seeing Smith'* inflexibility, and despairing of accomplishing his intended massacre, he spoke again to Smith as follows: — “ Capt. Smith. I never use any Averowance so kindly as yourself ; yet from you I receive the least kindness of any Capt. Newport gave me SAvords, cop- per, clothes, or whatever else I desirf d, ever accepting what I offered him ; and would send away his guns when requested. No one refuses to lie at my feet, or do Avhat I demand, but you only. Of you I can have nothing, but Avhat you value not ; and yet, you Avill have whatsoever you please. Capt. JVeipport you call father, and so you call me ; but I see, in spite of us botn, vou Avill do Avhat you will, and we must both study to humor and content you. But if you intend so friendly, as you say, send away your arms ; for you see 30 * Catanaugh, Sei'h. X 354 POWHATAN.— HIS INSTRUCTIONS TO TOMOCOMO. [Book IV. my undesigning simplicity and friendship cause me thus nakedly to forget myself.” Smith now was out of all patience, seeing Powhatan only trifled away the time, that he might, by some means, accomplish his design. The boats of the English were kept at a distance from the shore, by reason of ice Smith, therefore, resorted to deception ; he got the Indians to break the ice, that his men might come in and take on board the corn they had bought, and, at the same time, gave orders to them to seize Powhatan ; Smith, in the mean time, was to amuse him with false promises. But Smith's talk was too full of flattery not to be seen through by the sagacious sachem ; and, before it was too late, he conveyed himself, his women, children, and effects, into the woods; having succeeded in his deception better than Smith; for two or three squaws amused him while Powhatan and the rest escaped. Unwilling, however, to renounce his purpose, Powhatan sent Smith, soon after, a valuable bracelet, as a present, by an old orator of his, who tried to excuse the conduct of his sachem ; he said Powhatan ran off because he was afraid of the Eng- lish arms, and said, if they could be laid aside, he would come with his peo- ple, and bring corn in abundance. At length, finding all artifices vain, Pow hatan resolved to fall upon the English, in their cabins, on the following night But here, again, Pocahontas saved the life of Smith and his attendants. She came alone, in a dismal night, through the woods, and informed Smith of her father’s design. For this most signal favor, he offered her such articles as he thought would please her ; but she would accept of nothing, and, with tears standing in her eyes, said if her father should see her with any thing, he would mistrust what she had done, and instant death would be her reward ; and she retired by herself into the woods, as she came. Powhatan was so exasperated at the failure of his plots, that he threatened death to bis men if they did not kill Smith by some means or other. Not long after, a circumstance occurred, which gave him security the rest of his administration. One of Powhatan's men, having, by some means, got a quantity of powder, pretended that he could manage it like the English. Several came about him, to witness his exploits with the strange commodity, when, by some means, it took fire, “ and blew him, with one or two more, to death.” This struck such a dread into the Indians, and so amazed and frightened Powhatan, that his people came from all directions, and desired peace;* many of whom returned stolen articles that the English had never before missed. Powhatan would now send to Jamestown such of bis men as had injured the English, that they might be dealt with as they deserved. The same year, 1609, he sent them nearly half his crop of corn, knowing them to be in great want. Captain Smith, having, by accident, been shockingly burned by his powder- bags taking fire, for want of surgical aid, was obliged to leave the country and go to England, from whence he never returned. He published the account of the first voyages to Virginia, and his own adventures., which is almost the only authority for the early history of that country. He died in London, in 1631 , f in the 52d year of his age. The Dutchmen of whom we have spoken, and who had been so assiduous to bring ruin upon the colony, came to a miserable end. One of them died in wretchedness, and two others had then - brains beat out by order of Powha- tan, for their deception. After Smith had left Virginia, the Indians were made to believe that ne was dead. Powhatan doubted the report, and, some time after, ordered one of his counsellors, named Utlamatomukin,\ or Tomocomo, § whom he sent to England, to find out, if possible, where he was. He instructed him, also, to note the number of the people, to learn the state of the country, and, it he found Smith to make him show him the God of the English, and the king and queen. When he arrived at Plimouth, he took a long stick, and began to perform a part of his mission by cutting a notch for every person he should see. Bui * Did not the English of New England owe their safety to Massasoit and Miantunnomok’ s fear of the same article 1 f Jotselyn, N. Eng. Rarities, 106 . t Or Uttamaccomack, Smith. $ Purchw. Chap. II.] DEATH OF POWHATAN.— HIS SUCCESSORS. 35c he soon gave up that business. And, when he returned to his own country, ids chief asked him, among other things, to give him an account of the num- ber of the inhabitants in England. His answer to that inquiry, we hazard not much in saying, is nearly as extensively known as the goldeu rule of Confu rius. It was as follows : “ Count the stars in the sky, the leaves on the trees, and the saiul upon the sea-shore,— for such is the number of the people of England .” Tomocomo had married a sister of Pocahontas, and, probably, accompanied her to England.* While there, the famous antiquary, Samuel Purehas, had an interview with him, and from whom he collected many facts relating to the manners and customs of his countrymen ; the result of which he after- wards published in his Pilgrims.] The difficulties were almost perpetual between Powhatan and the English very little time passed, while he lived, but what was full of broils and dissatis- faction, on the one part or the other. Few Indian chiefs have fallen under our notice, possessing such extraordinary characteristics as Powhatan. He died at peace with the English, in April, 1618, and was succeeded by Opitcha- van, his second brother, who was known afterwards by the name Ilopatin. Our readers will be compelled to acknowledge that Captain Smith was barlxirous enough towards tlie Indians, but we have not met with any thing quite so horrible, in the course of his proceedings, as was exhibited by his successor, Lord Be ha War. This gentleman, instead of taking a mean course between the practices of Smith and jYewport, went into the worst extreme. Finding Powhatan insolent, on his arrival in the country, he determined, by severity, to bring him to unconditional submission. Having, therefore, got into his hands an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his right hand to be cut off. In this maimed and horrid condition, he sent him to Powhatan ; at the same time giving the sachem to understand, that all Ida subjects would be served in this manner, if he refused obedience any longer ; telling him, also, that all the corn in the country should be immediately destroyed, which was just then ripe, t This wretched act increased, as reasonably it should, the indignation of Powhatan, and his acts were governed accordingly. CHAPTER n Reflection upon the character of Poichatan — Pocahontas — She singularly entertains Captain Smith — Disaster of a boat's crew — Smith’s attempt to surprise Powhatan frustrated in consequence — Pocahontas saves the life of IVitffn — Betrayed into the hands of the English — Japazayvs — Mr. Rolfe marries Pocahontas — Opachisco — Pocahontas visits England — Her interview with Smith — Dies at Gravesend — Her son — Opekanxanocgh — Made prisoner by Smith — Is set at liberty — Nemattanow — Murders an Englishman — Is murdered in his turn — His singular conduct at his death — Conducts the massacre of 1622 — Plots the extirpation oj the English — Con- ducts the horrid massacre of 1644 — Is taken prisoner — His conduct upon the occasion — Barbarously wounded by the guafd — Last speech, and magnanimity in death — Reflections — Nickotayvance — Totopotomoi — Joins the English against the Rechahccrians — Is defeated and slain. It is impossible to say what would have been the conduct of the great Powhatan towards the English, had he been treated by them as he ought to have been. The uncommonly amiable, virtuous, and feeling disposition of his daughter, will always be brought to mind in reading his history ; and, not- withstanding he is described by the historians as possessing a sour, morose, and savage disposition, full of treachery, deceit and cunning — and whose word was never to be depended upon — yet, on the very page that he is thus * Mr. Oldmixon (Brit. Empire, i. 285.) says, “ Thai wlien the princess Pocahontas came for England, a coucarousa, or lord of her own nation, attended her; his name was Ultamxcco- mack.” t Vol. v. b. viii. chap. vi. page 955. Harris , Voyages, ii. 22b. 356 POCAHONTAS— SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE [Book IT represented, we shall find the same faults set him as examples by the English themselves. The first and most memorable events in the life of Pocahontas have neces sfirily been detailed in the account of her father; therefore we shall, under hei own name, give those which are more disconnected with his. POCAHONTAS was born about the year 1594 or 5, and hence was no more than 12 or 13 years old when she saved the life of Captain Smith, in 1007 Cvory particular of that most extraordinary scene has been exhibited. The name Pocohdntes or Pockohantes, says Heckewelder, means a run between two h ills. It has been mentioned, that, at the suggestion of Captain Newport, Smith went with a few men to Werowocomoco, to invite Powhatan to Jamestown to receive presents, hoping thereby to influence him to open a trade in corn with them. When he arrived at that place, Powhatan was not at home, but was at the distance of 30 miles off. Pocahontas and her women received him, and while he waited for her father, they thus entertained him: — “ In a fayre plaine field, (says Smith,) they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shrecking, that the English betooke themselves to their arms, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan, with all his power, was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended ; and the beholders, which were men, women and children, satisfied the captain there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke ; 30 young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leauos, their bodies all painted, some of one color, some of another, but all differing. Their leader had a fayre payre of buck’s homes on her head, and an otter-skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrows in her hand. The next had in her hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot-sticke, all horned alike ; the rest every one with their seuerall devises. These fiends, with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernal! passions, and solemnly again to sing and daunce. Having spent neare an houre in this mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed.” After a short time, they came and took the English to their wigwams. Here they were more tormented than before, “ with crowding, pressing, hanging about them, most tediously crying, ‘ Love you not me ? love you not me ? ’ ” When they had finished their caresses, they set before them the best victuals their country afforded, and then showed them to their lodgings. While Captain Smith was upon an expedition into the country, with an intention of surprising Powhatan, there happened a melancholy accident at home, to a boat’s crew, which had been sent out in very severe weather, by one who was impatient to have the direction of matters. In the boat were Captain Waldo, Master Scrivener, the projector of the expedition, Mr. Anthony Gosnold, brother of the well-known Bartholomew Gosnold,* and eight others. By the sinking of the boat, these all perished, and none knew what had become of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians. The very men on whom Smith depended to remain^at the fort for his succor, in case he sent for them, were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the failure of this expedition, somebody must be sent to apprize Smith of the catastrophe. None volunteered for the hazardous service, but Mr. Richard Wyjjin, who was obliged to undertake it alone. This was a time when Powhatan was very insolent, and urged daily the killing of Smith Upon his men. Nevertheless, after many difficulties, he arrived at Werowocomoco. Here he found himself amidst preparations for war, and in still greater danger than he had yet been But Pocahontas appeared as his savior. Knowing the intention of the war riors to kill him, she first secreted him in the woods, and then directed those who sought him in an opposite direction from that he had gone ; so, by this * Who had miserably perished by disease and famine at Jamestown, 22 Aug., 1607 Sea Bancroft, U. States, i. 144. Chap. II ] POCAHONTAS —BETRAYED TO THE ENGLISH. 35? means, he escaped, and got safe to Smith at Pamunkey. This was in th« winter of 1609. We next hear of her saving the life of Henry Spilman, who was one of 31 that went to trade, upon the confidence of Pow.iatan, but who were all, except Spilman, killed by his people. Such was the wretched state to which the colony of Virginia was now reduced, that scarce a parallel in the annals of the world can be found. N o sooner had Smith left the country, but all was in confusion. Officers spent their time in riotings, while the men seem to have taken no means for defence or preservation ; so that the Indians made constant spoil upon their domestic animals, and whatever else had been provided for their support. Insomuch, that when Captain Smith had been gone six months, the colony was reduced from above 500 to about 60 persons. Herbs and roots were eaten to sustain life, in the early part of their distresses ; but as the famine increased, the skins of horses were eagerly devoured, and an Indian, who had been some time dead, was disinterred and eaten by these miserable creatures. In one instance, a wretched man killed his own wife, and preserved the body by salt, which enormity was not discovered until it had been chiefly devoured.* It was during this season of horror that Captain Ratcliff went out with 30 men, who were trepanned as we have related. This was in the beginning of the year 1610. Spilman lived many years afterwards among the Patowamack Indians, by the care of Pocahontas . f From 1609, the time Smith left the country, until 1611, Pocahontas was not seen at Jamestown. In the latter year, she was treacherously taken prisoner by Captain Argal, and kept by the English to prevent Powhatan from doing them injury, and to extort a great ransom from him, and such terms of peace as they should dictate. At the time she was betrayed into the hands of Cap- tain Argal, she was in the neighborhood of the chief of Potomack, whose name was Japazaws, a particular friend of the English, and an old acquaintance of Captain Smith. Whether she had taken up her residence here, or whether she was here only upon a visit, we are not informed. But some have conjectured, that she retired here soon after Smith’s departure, that she might not witness the frequent murders of the ill-governed English, at Jamestown. Captain Argal was in the Potomack River, for the purpose of trade, with his ship, when he learned that Pocahontas was in the neighborhood. Whether Japa- zaws had acquired his treachery from his intercourse with the English, or whether it were natural to his disposition, we will not undertake to decide here ; but certain it is, that he was ready to practise it, at the instigation of Argal. And for a copper kettle for himself, and a few toys for his squaw, he enticed the innocent girl on board ArgaVs ship, and betrayed her into his hands. It was effected, however, without compulsion, by the aid of his squaw. The captain had previously promised that no hurt should befall her, and that she should be treated with all tenderness. This circumstance should go as far as it may to excuse Japazaws. The plot to get her on board was well contrived. Knowing that she had no curiosity to see a ship, having before seen many, Japazaws' wife pretended a great anxiety to see one, but would not go on board unless Pocahontas would accompany her. To this she consented, but with some hesitation. The attention with which they were received on board soon dissipated all fears, and Pocahontas soon strayed from her betrayers into the gun-room. The captain, watching his opportunity, told her she was a prisoner. When her confinement was known to Japazaws and his wife, they feigned more lamentation than she did, to keep her in ignorance of the plot ; and, after receiving the price of their perfidy, were sent ashore, and Argal, with his pearl of great price, sailed for Jamestown. On being informed of the reason why she was thus captivated, her grief, by degrees, subsided. The first step of the English was to inform Powhatan of the captivity of his daughter, and to demand of him their men, guns and tools, which he and his people had, from time to time, taken and stolen from them. This unexpected news threw the old, stern, calculating chief into a great dilemma, and what eourse to take he knew not ; and it was three months before he returned any * Keith’s Hist. Virginia, 121. f Stith, Hist Virginia, 116. 358 POCAHONTAS —MARRIES AN ENGLISHMAN [Book IV answer. At the end of this time, by the advice of his council, he sent back seven Englishmen, with each a gun which ha'l been spoiled, and this answer that when they should return his daughter, he would make full satisfaction and give them 500 bushels of corn, and be their friend forever ; that he had no more guns to return, the rest being lost. They sent him word, that they would not restore her, until he had complied with their demand ; and that, as for the guns, they did not believe they were lost. Seeing the determination of the English, or his inability to satisfy them, was, we apprehend, why they “ heard no more from him for a long time after.” In the spring of the year 1613, Sir Thomas Dale took Pocahontas , and went, with a ship, up Powhatan's River to Werowocornoco, the residence of her father, in hopes to effect an exchange, and bring about a peace. Powhatan was not at home, and they met witli nothing but bravadoes, and a disposition to fight from all the Indians they saw. After burning many of their habita- tions, and giving out threats, some of the Indians came and made peace, as they called it, which, opened the way for two of Pocahontas's brothers to come on board the shift. Their joy at seeing their sister may be imagined. A particular friendship had some time existed between Pocahontas and a worthy young Englishman, by the name of John Rolfe ; which, at length, f rowing into a sincere attachment, and being mutual between them, he made nown his desire to take her for his companion. This being highly approved of by Sir Thomas Dale, and other gentlemen of high standing and authority, a consummation was soon agreed upon. Acquainting her brother with her determination, it soon came to the knowledge of her father also ; who, as highly approving of it as the English, immediately sent Opachisco, her uncle, and two of his sons, to witness the performance, and to act as her servants upon the occasion ; and, in the beginning of April, 1613, the marriage was solemnized according to appointment. Powhatan was now their friend in reality ; and a friendly intercourse commenced, which was, without much interruption, continued until his death. Pocahontas lived happily with her husband, and became a believer in the English religion, and expressed no desire to live again among those of her own nation. When Sir Thomas Dale returned to England, in 1616, Pocahon- tas accompanied him, with her husband, and several other young natives. They arrived at Plimouth on the 12th of June of that year. She met with much attention in that country, being taken to court by the Lord and Lady Delaware, and others of distinction. She was, at this time, called the Lady Rebecca. Her meeting with Captain Smith was affecting ; more especially as she thought herself, and very justly, no doubt, too slightly noticed by him, which caused her much grief. Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times, Smith did not wish her to call him father, being afraid of giving offence to royalty, by assuming to be the father of a king’s daughter. Yet he did not intend any cause of offence, and did all in his power to make her happy. At their first interview, after remaining silent some time, she said to him, “ You promised my father, that what ivas yours shoidd be his ; and that you and he ivould be all one. Being a stranger in our country, you called Powhatan father ; and /, for the same reason, will now call you so. low were not afraid to come into my father's country, and strike fear into every body but myself; and are yon here afraid to let mr call you father ? I tell you, then, I ivill call you father, and you shall call me child ; and so I will forever be of your kindred and country. They always told us that you were dead, and I knew not othenvise, till I came to Plimouth. But Powhatan commanded Tomocomo to seek you out, and know the truth, because your countrymen are much given to lying." The useful and worthy young Pocahontas, being about to embark for her native country, in the beginning of the year 1617, fell sick at Gravesend, and died ; having attained only the age of 22 years. She left one son, whosg name was Thomas Rolfe, very young; and whom Sir Lewis Steukly,* of Plimouth * “ As to the infamous Sir Lewis Stucley, who bad betrayed Ralegh, he was taken soor. aAer [Ralegh was beheaded] in Whitehall, clipping the very gold which was the produce of his infamy, and tried and condemned for it; and having stripped himself to his shirt to raise money to purchase his pardon, he banished himself to the Island of Sundy, where he died. Doth mad and a beggar, in less than two years alter Sir Walter Raleigh.”— Prince's Wortliie* of Devon, 677. — Harding's Naval Biography, i. 330. 359 Chap. II ] OPEKANKANOUGH. — SEIZED BY CAPTAIN SMITH deified to be left with him, that he might direct liis education. But, from the unmanly part this gentleman took against the unfortunate Ralegh, he was brought into such merited disrepute, that lie found himself obliged to turn all his attention to his own preservation ; and the son of Pocahontas was taken to London, and there educated by his uncle, Mr. Henry Rolfe. He afterwards came to America, to the native country of his mother, where he became a gentleman of great distinction, and possessed an ample fortune. He left an only daughter, who married Colonel Robert Rolling, and died, leaving an only son. Major John Bolling, who was the father of Colonel John Bolling, and several daughters ; one ot whom married Colonel Richard Randolph, from whom are descended die distinguished John Randolph, and those hearing that name in Virginia, at this day.* Barlow thus notices Pocahontas : — “ Blest Pocahontas ! fear no lurking guile ; Thy hero’s love shall well reward thy smile. Ah, soothe the wanderer in his desperate plight, Hide him by day, and calm his cares by night ; Tho’ savage nations, with thy vengeful sire, Pursue their victim with unceasing ire — And tho’ their threats thy startled ear assail, Let virtue’s voice o’er filial fears prevail.” — C olombiad OPEKANKANOUGH has already received our norice. He was a very conspicuous character in his time, and was styled, by the Virginians, King of the Pamunkies. The dreadful massacre, of which he was author, brings to mind his name oftener than almost any other chief of his times. There seems to be some contradiction, or difference of opinion, with regard to the origin of this chief. Some of the Indians reported that he came from the west, and was not a brother of Powhatan ; but that story, we judge, is merely a fable, invented and told by his enemies, to influence the English against him, that they might destroy him. Opekankanough seems to have home the name of Mangopeomen in 1621, f a circumstance unnoticed by most historians, and, therefore, we conclude that it prevailed only among his own tribe, and, perhaps, even among them fell into disuse soon after. Opitchapan, called also Oetan, and lastly Sasauopeomen, t was the successor of Powhatan, hut he seems never to have been otherwise noted. “ The defects of the new emperor,” says Mr. Burk, “ were aggravated in the minds of the Indians, by a comparison with the accomplished Opekankanough, who, in die council and the field, was the most conspicuous warrior amongst the Powha- taus ; and who, during the lifetime of the late emperor, had procured from the free tribe of the Chickahominies, the title of their king.” The same author calls Opitchapan a “feble and decrepid” chief, who “was little calculated to secure respect, or enforce obedience.” § In lGOd, the Indians had become universally at variance with the English, and insulted them whenever they appeared abroad ; knowing their miserable, half-starved condition. Insult followed insult, upon both sides, and, but for the never-tiring perseverance of Smith, this colony, like the first, would have been soon destroyed. The Indians would promise to trade with them, but when they went to them for that purpose, they only “ laughed at their calam- ities ; ” sometimes putting jokes upon them, and at others, running away into the woods. In this extremity of their circumstances, though in the depth of winter, Smith resolved to make himself master of some of the Indians’ store of provisions, by some means or other. He, therefore, proceeded to Pamunkey, the residence * John Randolph, of Roanoke, died in Philadelphia, 24 May, 1834. He had come there in very low health, intending to embark for Europe in a few days. Having met with some perplexity in procuring lodgings on his arrival in Philadelphia, being taken from the steam-boat o one hotel after another, in a bad hack, in bad weather, he was much irritated, and, from his frequent allusions to it in his sickness, it was supposed to have hastened his end. He was about 6u years of age at his death. t Burk’s Va. i. 228. $ Ibid. $ Hist Virginia i. 233 I Ibid. 360 OPEKANRANOUGH.— NEMATTANOW’S DEATH. [Book IV. of Opekankanough, with 15 men, where he tried to trade with him for corn but, not succeeding, he, in a desperate manner, seized upon the chief by kis nair, in the midst oj his men, “with his pistoll readie bent against his breast. Thus he led the trembling king, neare dead with fear, amongst all his peo- ple.” * Smith told him that he had attempted to murder him, which was the cause of his treating him thus. No one can doubt, on reading the history of those affairs, that the Indians all wished Smith dead, but whether they all wanted to kill him, is not quite so plain. One great end of . ..osign was now answered; for Opekankanough' s people came in loaded with presents to ransom their chief, until his boats were completely filled. News being brought of a disaster at Jamestown, he was set at liberty. Nemattanow, a renowned warrior, we have to introduce here, as well on account of his supposed agency in bringing about the great massacre of IG22 as for the object of exhibiting a trait of character equally to be admired, lad lamented. We are not certain that he belonged to the people of Opekanka- nough, but it is storied that a jealousy existed between them, and that the chief had informed Sir George Yeardley that he wished Nemattanow's throat were cut, some time before the massacre took place, to which we have alluded. However, Opekankanough denied it afterwards, and affected great indignation at his murder, and the Indians said the massacre was begun by him, to revenge Nemattanow's death. But our present object is to portray the character of Nemattanow, who was both eccentric and vain, and “ who was wont, out of bravery and parade, to dress himself up, in a strange, antic, and barbaric fashion, with feathers, which, therefore, obtained him the name of Jack-of-the- feather .” He was even more popular among his countrymen than Opekanka- nough, which, doubtless, w r as the ground of that chief’s jealousy; especially as he was one of the greatest war-captains of his times. He had been in many fights and encounters with the English, always exposing himself to the greatest danger, and yet was never wounded in any of them. This circum- stance caused the Indians to belie verin his invulnerability, and hence he was by them considered superhuman. Only about 14 days before the massacre, Jaek-of-the-feather went to the house of one Morgan, where he saw many such articles- exhibited as were calculated to excite admiration in such people. Jack, perhaps, had not the means to purchase, but, it seems, he was resolved, some how or other, to possess them. He, therefore, told Morgan, that if he would take his commodities to Pamunkey, the Indians would give him a great price for them. Not in the least mistrusting the design of Nemattanow, the simple Englishman set out for Pamunkey, in company with this Indian. This was the last the English heard of Morgan. However, strange as it may seem, Jack's ill-directing fate sent him to the same place again, and, what was still more strange, he had the cap of the murdered Morgan upon his- head. Morgan’s servants asked him where their master was, who veiy deliberately nnswered, that he was dead. This satisfied them that he had murdered him. They, therefore, seized him, in order to take him before a magistrate at Berkeley ; but he made a good deal of resistance, which caused one of his captors to shoot him down. The singular part of the tragedy is yet to be related. Though mortally wounded, Nemattanow was not killed outright, and his captors, which were two stout young men, got him into a boat to proceed to Mr. Thorp's, the magistrate. As they were going, the warrior became satis- fied that he must die, and, with the most extraordinary earnestness, besought that two things might be granted him. One was, that it should never be told to his countrymen that he was killed by a bullet ; and the other, that he should be buried among the English, so that it should never be discovered that he had died, or was subject to death like other men. Such was the pride and vanity exhibited by an Indian at his death. The following inference, there- fore, is naturally to be drawn ; that a desire to be renowned, and held in veneration by posterity, is not confined to the civilized and learned of any aga or nation. * Perhaps the New Englanders followed Smith’s example, afterwards, in the case of AUx> under, Ninigret, and others. Chap. II.] OPEKANKANOUGH. — SECOND GREAT MASSACRE. 36) Meanwhile, Opekankanough, the better to increase the rage of his warriors, affected great grief at JYematlanow’s death, which had the effect he intended owing, especially, to the favor in which that warrior had stood among the Indians. But the English were satisfied that this was only pretence, as we have before observed ; because they were informed of his trying to engage some of his neighbors against them, and otherwise acted suspiciously, some time before JVemattanow's death ; of the justice of which, however, the Eng- lish tried arguments at first, and threats afterwards, to convince them. By his dissimulation, Opekankanongh completely deceived them, and, just before the massacre, treated a messenger that was sent to him with much kindness and civility ; and assured him that the peace, which had been some time before concluded, was held so firm by him that the sky should fall sooner than it should be violated on his part. And such was the concert and secrecy among all the Indians, that, only two days before the fatal 22 March, some kindly conducted the English through the woods, and sent one of their youth to live with the English, and learn their language. Moreover, on the morn- ing of that very day, they came unarmed among them, and traded as usual, and even sat down to breakfast with their victims, in several instances. Never, perhaps, was a massacre so well contrived and conducted, to ensure success, as was this of Opekankanongh The English were lulled into a fatal security and even unknowingly assisted the Indians in their design ; lending them their boats to communicate with distant tribes, and furnishing them with various utensils, which were converted at once into weapons of death. The 22 March, 1622, having come, and the appointed hour of that mem- orable day arrived, with a simultaneousness unparalleled on any former occa- sion, the Indians rose from their ambushes, and, with the swiftness of the tiger, appeared, in a moment, amidst the English settlements. Age, sex, nor condition, shielded no one ; their greatest benefactors were among their first victims. Thus, in the space of about one hour, fell three hundred and forty- seven men, women, and children. By this horrid calamity, out of 80 planta- tions, six only were left uninjured. And these were saved by the timely information of a Christian Indian called Chanco. The ensuing summer was spent, by the surviving English, in strengthening themselves against further attacks, and preparations for taking vengeance on the Indians; wholly neglecting all improvements, works of utility, and even their planting. Every thing was lost sight of in their beloved project of revenge ; and the English, in their turn, showed themselves more treacherous, if not more barbarous, than their enemy. For, under pretence of making peace again with them, they fell upon them at unawares, and murdered many without mercy. This crime was vastly aggravated, in that, to induce the Indians to come forward and make peace, the English had not only solemnly assured them forgiveness, but likewise security and safety in their persons. It wa;, for some time, supposed that Opekankanough was among the slain, but, if Mr. Beverly was not misinformed, the same sachem, 22 years after- wards, executed a still greater massacre upon the English, as, in the next place, we shall relate. How long Opekankanough had been secretly plotting to cut off the intruders of his soil cannot be known : but, in 1644, all the Indians, over a space of country of 6(f) miles in extent, were leagued in the enterprise. The old chief at this time, was supposed to be near 100 years of age, and, though unable to walk, would be present in the execution of his beloved project. It was upon the 18 April, when |r *n ekankanough, borne in a litter, led his warriors for- ward, and commenced tne bloody work. They began at the frontiers, with a determination to slay all before them, to the sea. After continuing the mas- sacre two days, in which time about 500 * persons were murdered, Sir William Berkeley, at the head of an armed force, checked their progress. The destruc- tion of the inhabitants was the greatest upon York and Pamunkey Rivers, where Opekankanough commanded in person. The Indians now, in their turn, were driven to great extremity, and their old chief was taken prisoner * This is the number generally set down in the histories, but the probably just scrutiny of Mr, Bancroft, Hisx. U. S. i. 224, caused him to fix upon tht number 300 31 362 DEATH OF OPEKANKANOUGH.— TOTOPOTOMOI. [Book IV 'in (I carried in triumph to Jamestown. How long after the massacre this happened, we are not informed ; but it is said that the fatigues he had pre- viously undergone had wasted away his flesh, and destroyed the elasticity of his muscles to that degree, that he was no longer able to raise the eyelids from his eyes ; and it was in this forlorn condition, that he fell into the hands of his enemies. A soldier, who had been appointed to guard him, barbarously fired upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound. He was supposed to have been prompted to the bloody deed, from a recollection of the old chief’s agency in the massacre. Just before he expired, hearing a great bustle and crowd about him, he ordered an attendant to lift up his eyelids ; when he discovered a multitude pressing around, to gratify the untimely curiosity of beholding a dying sachem. Undaunted in death, and roused, as it were, from sleep at the conduct of the confused multitude, he deigned not to observe them ; but, raising himself from the ground, with the expiring breath of authority, commanded that the governor should be called to him. When the governor came, Opekankanough said, with indignation, “ Had it been my for tune to have taken Sir Wm. Berkeley prisoner , I would not meanly have exposed him as a show to my people ; ” * * * § and soon after expired. It is said, and we have no reason to doubt the fact, that it was owing to tlie encroachments upon his lands, that caused Opekankanough to determine upon a massacre of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, conformable to the grants of the proprietors. He could hardly have expected entire con- quest, as his people had already begun to waste away, and English villages were springing up over an extent of country of more than 500 miles, with a populousness beyond any preceding example ; still, he was determined upon the vast undertaking, and sacrificed himself with as much honor, it will, per- haps, be acknowledged, as did Leonidas at Thermopylae. Sir William Berkeley intended to have sent him, as a present, to the king of England ; but assassination deprived him of the wretched satisfaction, and saved the chief from the mortification, f None of the Virginia historians seem to have been informed of the true date of this last war of Opekankanough ; the ancient records of Virginia, says Mr. Burk, are silent even upon the events of it, (an extraordinary omission.) Mr. Beverly thinks it began in 1639, and, although Mr. Burk is satisfied that it took place after 1641, yet he relates it under the date 1640. And we are not certain that the real date would ever have been fixed, but for the inestimable treasury of New England history, Winthrop's Journal. \ That it took place subsequent to 1641, Mr. Burk assures us, upon the evi- dence of the MS. records ; for they relate that, in 1640, one John Burton had been convicted of the murder of an Indian, and that his punishment was remitted, “at the intercession of Opekankanough, and his great men.” And that, in the end of the year 1641, Thomas Rolfe, the son of Pocahontas ., peti- tioned the governor for permission to visit his kinsman, Opekankanough, and Cleopatre , the sister of his mother. That, therefore, these events happened previous to the war, and death of Opekankanough. § Nickota wance succeeded Opekankanough, as a tributary to the English In 1648, he came to Jamestown, with five other chiefs, and brought 20 beaver skins to be sent to King Charles. He made a long oration, which he con eluded with the protestation, “that the sun and moon should first loose their glorious lights, and shining, before he, or his people, should ever more here- after wrong the English.” Totopotomoi probably succeeded JYickotawance, as he was king of Pa- munkey in 1656. In that year, a large body of strange Indians, called Rechahecrians, came down from the inland mountainous country, and forcibly * Beverly, Hist. Virg. 51. t See British Empire in America, i. 240, 1. 1 Whether it be preserved in Hening’s Statutes, I have not learned, but presumed it, from the inference of Bancroft. § Like most of the early writers, the author of A New Description of Virginia, (2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 111.) speaks of the Indians in terms dictated by indignation. “Their great king,” he says, “ Opechanlcenow t that bloody monster upon a hundred years old, was taken by 3ir William Berkely." This tract was published in 1659, but no date is given to the massacre. Chap. III.] THE CREEK NATION.— ORIGIN OF THE NAME. 363 possessed tlicinsel /es of the country about the falls of James River. The legislature of Virginia was in session, when the news of their coming was received. What, cause the English had to send out an army against them, our scanty records do not satisfactorily show;* but, at all events, they determined at once to dispossess them. To that end, an army of about 100 men was raised, and put under the direction of Colonel Edward Hill, who was joined by Totopotomoi, with 100 of his warriors. They did not find the Rechahecrians unprepared, hut of the particulars of the meeting of the ad- verse parties we are not informed. The event, however, was, to the allies, most disastrous. Totopotomoi, with the most of his men, was slain, and the English suffered a total defeat, owing, it is said, to the criminal management of Colonel Hill. This officer lost his commission, and his property was taken to defray the losses sustained by the country. A peace seems to have been concluded With the Indians soon after. CHAPTER IIL Of the Creek Indians — Muskogees — Prohibit the use of ardent spirits — Their rise and importance — Their origin — Cntaicbus — Chikasaus — Cherohees — A mode of flattening their heads — Complexion lighter than other Indians — Seminolcs — Ruins at Oak- mulgee Fields — Expedition of Soto — Kills 2000 Indians — Laudonnicre — Gourges expedition — Grijalva — Moytoy made emperor of the Cherokees — Sir Alexander Cumming — His travels among the Cherokees — Seven chiefs accompany him to Eng- land — Attakullakulla — Skijagustah — His speech to the king — His death. Lx the preceding chapters of this book, much has been narrated of the southern nations in general ; and, in particular, of many prominent indi- viduals and events. It is designed, in the present chapter, to speak more particularly upon the events of the great nation of Creek Indians. It will be proper, in the first place, to give some general account of the nation, whose men of eminence have been, and are to be, noticed; for there are some facts that will not necessarily fall in otherwise ; but, in such di- gression, if so it should be termed, our chief axiom is not overturned, which is, that to write the history of the men of a country, is to write the history of such country. The reader, however, should be reminded, that a general history of a people at one period, will not exactly apply to them at another. This observation is not only true with regard to their political and civil his- tory, but also in regard to the manners and customs of the same nations: these facts are true, both as they regard people called civilized, as well as those called savage. Hence, descriptions of tribes or nations by one observer, at one time, differ from those of another at a different period ; and yet both may be true in the main particulars. Students, therefore, not aware of this fact, may be disposed to discredit writers for such disagreements, which, in fact, are altogether imaginary. Rut it is time to commence upon the imme- diate business of the present chapter. The Creek Indians take their name from that of the country in which they live ; that is, the English gave them the name of Creeks, because their country is fid] of creeks. * By the following- preamble and resolve of the legislature, all we possess, touching this matter, is to be gathered : — “ Whereas information hath been received, that many western or inland Indians are draw n from the mountains, and lately set down near the falls of James River, to the number of 6 or 700, whereby, upon many several considerations being had, it is conceived great danger might ensue to this colony. This assembly, therefore, do think fit and resolve, that these new come Indians be in no sort suffered to seat themselves there, or any place near us, it having cost so much blood to expel and extirpate those perfidious and treacherous Indians, which were there formerly. It being so apt a place to invade us, and within the limits, which, in a just war, were formerly conquered by us, and by us reser ed, a the conclusion of peace, with the Indians.” Burk, Hist. Virginia, ii. 105. 364 CREEK LANGUAGE— CHEROKEE INVENTION. [Book IV The nation of most importance among die Creeks was, in 1775 the Muskogees. That community, or nation, like die Iroquois, was more politic than their neighbors, and vastly increased their strength apd importance by encouraging small declining tribes to incorporate diemselves with diem. At one time, another most wise resolution was adopted among them, which, above all others, should be mentioned ; that was a prohibition of the importation of all kinds of ardent spirits into their country. How long this resolution was main- tained, or at what period, cannot, at this time, be stated. It was very probably at the period of their greatest prosperity, which was just before the breaking out of the revolutionary war. The Muskogees had another excellent regulation, namely, the men assisted their women in their planting before setting out on their warlike and other expeditions. This was called the Creek nation, which, in what was called its best days, about 1786, contained 17,000 souls ; * but they were reckoned, in 1829, at 20,000. Some have, latterly, given the name of Creeks only to a part of the nations of which we have begun to treat; but it is here intended to include under that head all the tribes between the Savannah on the east, the Mississippi on the west, and the country bordering on the Ohio on the north. The following is a specimen of their language, which will answer tolerably well as a specimen of all the southern languages, from Carolina to the Mississippi : — Isti tsukhvlhpi laksakat Tshihofv inhomitsi tomis; momais fvtsv opunaho- yan im afvlski tomis.f In English, Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord ; but they that deal Indy are his delight. The following is Choktau reckoning: Achvfa, 1, Tuklo, 2, Tuchina, 3, Ushta, 4, Tahlapi, 5, Hanali, 6, Untuklo, 7, Untuchina, 8, Chakali, 9, Pokoli, 10. By prefixing auh to the names of the digits, they arrive at 20 ; then, by pre- fixing Pokoli (10) to the series of digits, they arrive at 30, and so on.J The Cherokees have now a written language, and, before the late troubles with Georgia, were making good advancement in all the useful arts. One of the most remarkable discoveries of modern times has been made by a Cherokee Indian, named George Guess. His invention was that of a syllabic alphabet of the language of his nation, which he applied to writing with unparalleled success. Young Cherokees learned by it to write letters to their friends in three days’ time; and although the inventor used a part of the English alphabet in making up his own, yet he was acquainted with no other language but the Cherokee. This invention was brought to maturity in 1826. Two years after, a newspaper, called the Cherokee Phcenix, was established in the Cherokee nation, printed chiefly in Cherokee, with an English transla- tion. § Being considered an independent nation, they instituted a form of government similar to that of the United States. It was some time after the Natchez massacred the French, that the principa. nation of Creeks, the Muskogees, began to rise into importance. For a time after that memorable event, the country of the Natchez was desolate; but when some years had elapsed, a tribe seated themselves there, and it became the seat of a powerful nation ; and this was the Muskogees. That nation, like the ancient Romans, had, in about 30 years, extended their dominions over a fertile country near 200 miles square ; had 3500 bow-men, and 50 con- siderable towns. They had dominion also over one town of the Shawanese. Their chief places were upon the branches of the Alabama and the Apalachi- cola rivers ; the people upon the latter being called the lower Creeks. This, as well as the other nations whom we call Creeks, are generally supposed to have originally come from the south or south-west ; but the Indkins them- selves believe, or pretend to believe, that they came from the east, oi place of the sun’s rising ; concerning which opinion we may observe once for all, that it most probably had the same origin among all ignorant people, which arose from no other than a desire that others should think them descended from the * It is common to reckon a third warriors. t This specimen I take from a little volume, called the “ Muskogep (Creek) Assistant published in Boston, 1835, by the Am. Board of Com. for Foreign Missions. 1 Choktau Arithmetic, printed as above. $ Hist. Missions ii, 354 . — Missionary Herald Chap. 111.] COUNTRY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. 365 sun ; that being the most glorious and noble origin of which they could con- ceive. Indeed, such is not altogether unnatural ; for that luminary quickens and enlivens every thing that has life, whether animal or vegetable. Beside the Muskogees, the Kataubahs, or Catawbas, Cherokees, Choktaus, and Chikasaus, were other numerous tribes spread over the great country of which we have spoken. The Kataubahs and the Chikasaus were very warlike ; but their vicinity to Europeans was as detrimental to them, and even more so, than their own exterminating wars ; for, as in other cases, as soon as an intercourse com- menced, degradation and ruin followed. The Cherokees have withstood the deletery effects of civilization much beyond what can be said of any other tribe of Indians. Their country is chiefly in Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee ; but they occupy also the western part of the state of Georgia. Before the war of 1812, their country covered 24,000 square miles.* Numbers of this tribe have emigrated to Arkansaw. The Choktaus possessed a country not so filled with creeks and rive re as the Muskogees. This circumstance, it is said, was a great hinderance to their prosperity ; for in their wars with their neighbors, they suffered greatly from their ignorance of swimming. There were Upper and Lower Choktau towns ; die former were situated about 160 miles from the Chikasaus, and the latter about 200 above New Orleans. The people of this nation flattened their heads by wearing bags of sand on them, f and, according to Father Hennepin, J the heads of all the Indians upon the Mississippi are flatter than those of Canada. It is said also that they are of a lighter complexion ; but this has reference only to the Muskogees, according to some writers. The Choktaus princi- pally inhabit Mississippi. They were, in 1820, set down at 25,000 souls, and are rather increasing. The Chikasaus are supposed to have come from the west of the Mississippi, and as it was a custom among the Creeks for their unoccupied lands to be taken by any that came among them, as emigrants, the Chikasaus found no obstacles in the way of establishing themselves on this side the Mississippi. Where they first established themselves is unknown, but in 1770 they wete a powerful and warlike nation, and were seated upon the western branches of the Mobile. The tribe of Yazoos belonged to this nation. The Chikasaus reside in Mississippi, Kentucky, and Tennessee. They do not exceed 4900 in number. The Seminoles were a nation made up similar to many others, and chiefly of Muskogees. The Creeks called them Seminoles, which signified unla, because they had estranged themselves from their former country. This nation was principally seated, 40 years ago, upon the rivers Apalachicola and Flint, and had a large town on Calos Bay, on the west side of East Florida. They now reside in Florida, a scattered remnant of about 1200. The names alone of the different clans or tribes of these nations would fill several pages, and it is not necessary here to enumerate them ; we shall there- fore, after some general observations, pass to the consideration of those chiefs who have been conspicuous. There are upon the east bank of the Oakmulge, near its confluence with the Ocone, beautiful fields, extensively known as the Oakmulge fields ; they aie upon the rich low lands of the river, and upon the elevated part of them are yet visible remains of a town. These fields extend 20 miles along the river. The Creek Indians give this account of them, namely, that here was the place where they first set down after crossing the Mississippi ; that their journey from the west had been attended with incredible suffering, and that they were opposed at every step by various hostile bands of Indians, and that on reach- * Dr. Morse’s Report. f Adair . — “As soon as the child is bom, the nurse provides a cradle or wooden case, hol- lowed and fashioned, to receive the infant, lying prostrate on its back, that part of the case where the head reposes, being fashioned like a brick-mould. In this portable machine tb« little boy is fixed, a bag of sand being laid on his forehead.” — Bart ram. 71.5 f New Discoverv. 176. 31 * 366 SOTO’S EXPEDITION. [Boo* IV ing this place they fortified themselves, and could proceed no furtner, and at length gained ground and became conquerors in their turn. There are few greater curiosities in the south, than the great highways 01 roads, which, 50 years ago, struck the traveller with surprise. In West Florida they are still easily traced for near 50 miles in a straight line upon the Oklo- koney River. All history is silent about them ; and it is a singular fact that the Indians will make no use of them, but studiously make their paths in any other direction. * The country of the southern Indians has suffered in some respects as much as some parts of South America ; it having been traversed and overrun from time to tithe by bands of mercenary whites. In the year 1538, Ferdinand de Soto , with a commission from the Emperor Charles V., sailed with a consid- erable fleet for America. He was a Portuguese gentleman, and had been with Fizarro in the conquest (as it is called) of Peru. His commission con- stituted him governor of Cuba and general of Florida, f Although he sailed from St. Lucar in 1538, he did not land in Florida): until May, 1539. With about 1000 men, 213 of whom were provided with horses, he undertook the conquest of Florida and countries adjacent. After cutting their way in vari- ous directions through numerous tribes of Indians, traversing nearly 1000 miles of country, losing a great part of their army, their general died upon the banks of the Mississippi, and the survivors were obliged to build vessels in which to descend the river ; which, when they had done, they sailed for Mexico. This expedition was five years in coming to nothing, and bringing ruin upon its performers. A populous Indian town at this time stood at ox- near the mouth of the Mobile, of which Soto's army had possessed themselves. Their mtercoui-se with the Indians was at first friendly, but at length a chief was insulted, which brought on hostilities. A battle was fought, in which, it is'-said, 2000 Indians were killed, and 83 Spaniards. We shall not attempt here to go moi-e into detail concerning the band of mai-auding Spaniards under Soto, as it will answer the present pui-pose to observe, that what has just been related, is but one of the many butcheries committed by that band ; and, moreover, our accounts are rather indistinct upon the whole affaii-, and savor much of exaggeration. The French, under Reni de Laudonniere, settled in Florida in 1564, near whei-e Pensacola was since built. The Spaniards claimed the country, and hence the bloody wai-s which followed. This first settlement of the French, projected by Admiral Coligni, was soon broken up by the Spaniards : they, in the basest and most savage manner, murdered the whole colony. A re.igious war at this pei-iod disti-acted the French nation, and this outrage would have i-emained um - evenged, but for the indignation of an individual. In 1567, Dominique de Gourges sailed to Florida, took three forts from the Spaniards, put the men to the sword, and hanged all the other settlers he could find. § A French gai-rison was again established, but, being left without protection, was soon retaken by the Spaniards, who remained masters of the counti-y for more thair a hundred years. || Fi-om these transactions of antiquity, we must descend to times nearer our own. In the year 1730, Sir Alexander Gumming travelled among the southern Indians, and Horn whose accoimt we are able to give several interesting par- ticulars. At this period, he relates that the Cherokee nation was governed by seven Mother Towns, each of which chose a king to pi-eside over them and their dependants. He was elected out of certain families, and the descent * Williams’s VV. Florida, 32. t Chaudon de Delandine, Nouveau Diet. Historique, art. Soto. ) “ So called, because it was first discovered by the Spaniards on Palme-Sunday, or, a5 the most interpret, Easter-day, which they call Pasqua Florida, and not, as Theuet writeth, for the flourishing verdure thereof.” Purchas, 769. Modern writers of discoveries would do better were they to look more to the sources of information. § See an animated account of these bloody affairs in Johnson’s Life of General Greene, L 480, &.C. IJ Dupratz, i. 1 — 3. Juan de Grijalva discovered the countrv upon the Gulf of Mexico in 1518 , (Herrera, ii. 199,) and some report that he carried off Indians as slaves. (See Wil- liams’s Florida, 90.) But we are not aware that the fact is elsewhere recorded. Herrera. though very minute, does not name it. Purchas (812) agrees with him Chap. 111.] MOYTOY MADE KING OF THE CREEKS. 367 was regarded only on the mother’s side. These mother towns were, according to Sir Alexander, Tannassie, Kettooah, Ustenary, TelJiquo, Estootowie, Keyo- wee, and Noeyeoee. Four of these towns were without kings at this time, they having died. Some towns had princes, as our author called them; namely, Tomasso, one ; Settecho, one ; Tassettchee, one ; Iwassee, one ; Tel- liquo, two ; Tannassie, two ; Canuostee, one ; Cowee, one. The chief Moytoy was called emperor, and presided over the seven towns, in 1730. His residence was at Telliquo. On the 3 April, this year, deputies from all parts of the nation met at Nequassie, and in presence of Sir Alexander Gumming and 12 other Englishmen, declared Moytoy emperor, he having been nominated by Sir Alexander.* * * § The nation consented to receive Moytoy as their king, provided he was held accountable to Sir Alexander. At the ceremony of declaring Moytoy king or emperor, by whose order Sir Alexander was placed in a chair, himself and the conjurers standing about him, and a throng of warriors “stroked him with 13 eagles’ tails, and their singers sung from morning till night.” Alter this was done with, he made a speech to the great concourse of Indians ; in which, among a good deal besides, he displayed the power and goodness of the king beyond the great water ; anil “required Moytoy and all the head warriors to acknowledge themselves dutiful subjects and sons to King George,” “all which they did on their knees, calling upon every thing that was terrible to them to destroy them, and that they might become no people, if they violated their promise and obedience.” The next day, 4 April, “the crown was brought from great Tannassie, which, with five eagles’ tails and four scalps of their enemies, Moijtoy pre- sented to Sir Alexander, impowering him to lay the same at his majesty’s feet.” The conjurers were well pleased with the English baron, and told him they would follow all his directions. “ That when he left them they would still consider him as present in the person of Moytoy of Telliquo, who would punctually do what he had bid.” Sir Alexander was now at Tannassie, 400 miles from Charleston, according to his reckoning, and had but 15 days to arrive there in, to go for England in the Fox man-of war, which was then to sail. He therefore asked Moytoy if the Indians could travel there in so short a time on foot. The chief said it might be done, and that he would have accompanied him, but for the dangerous illness of his wife, and requested him to choose such as he desired from among his people, to go with him. f Accordingly, Sir Alexander chose, as evidences of what had happened, Skijagusta, J the head warrior of Tassetchie, “ a man of great power and .uterest, who had a right to be a king,” Attakvllakulla, and Otassite, or Outa- ciie, a third warrior, Collannah, a fourth; “and from Tannassie, the remotest town of the country, he took Clogoittah and Oukanaekah, § warriors.” About 23 miles from Charleston they met with the warrior Ounakannowine, a friend of these chiefs, “who had just come from the Kattarbe nation, and desired to go along with his countrymen, to which Sir Alexander consented.” They went on board the Fox, a man-of-war, and sailed from Charleston Bay 4 May, and arrived at Dover 5 June; thus performing a passage across the Atlantic in a month and a day, in 1730, not much inferior to what is done uow-a-days. At Dover Sir Alexander “ took post to London, with the crown * This part of the sentence is upon the authority of a good writer, (Hewatt, Hist. Carolina, ii. 5,) but Sir Alexander does not say quite as much in his account. t Moytoy was a bitter enemy afterwards. In 1758 he went with his warriors to a place called Statiquo, and killed several whites, without, as was said, amj provocation Hewatt, Li. i>20. } Or Kitagvsta. This chief was one of the seven, as will appear immediately onward, although Sir Alexander, in his communication, does not name him. Neither does he name AttakuLlakulla, or Outassit* ; yet it is certain they were both in England, and we believe at this time: they make up the number seven, with those named in his own narrative. That Attakullakidla was, see Hewatt, ii. 221, and Wynne, ii. 280, n. We can only account for the blanks in the narrative, by supposing that Sir Alexander's amanuensis did not understand him, (for he did not write himself,) and the enumeration of the chiefs which he look with him, is very blundering. Thus, after naming one only, it is set down, “ and a third warrior,” &c. § Perhaps Ockonostota, who was called the great warrior of the Cherokee nation H,waM n. 217. 368 CREEK CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. [Book IV. of the Cherokee nation, leaving the Indians behind to come up with the man- of-war. He let the secretary of state immediately know that he had full power from that nation to lay their crown at his majesty’s feet, and that he had brought over seven Indian chiefs, as an evidence of the truth. His majesty was gra- ciously pleased to order Sir Alexander to bring in his people to the installation, the 18th of June, where they were extremely surprised at the magnificence of every thing about them : they compared the king and queen to the sun, the princes to the stars, and themselves to nothing. On the 22d of June, Sir Alexander was introduced to his majesty, and upon his knee, in presence of the court, declared the full power he had received, the Indian chiefs all kneeling at the same time, as a testimony of their submission and approbation. Sir Alexander laid the crown of the Cherokee nation at his majesty’s feet, with the five eagles’ tails, as an emblem of his majesty’s sovereignty, and four scalps of Indian enemies; all which his majesty was graciously pleased to accept of. 1 ’ While in England, they made a treaty with the king, every article of which was accompanied, on his part, with presents of some sort or other: sucn as cloth, guns, vermilion, hatchets, knives, &c. This treaty was dated at White- hall, 7 September, 1730, and from it we get the names of the seven chiefs. It begins, “ Whereas you, Scayagusta Oukah, chief of the town of Tasseta ; you, Scalilosken Kf.tagusta ; you, Tethtowe ; you, Clogoittah ; you, Colannah ; you, Unnaconoy ; you, Oucounacou, have been deputed by the whole nation of the Cherokee Indians, to come to Great Britain,”* &c. After the treaty was finished, a certified copy was presented to the chiefs by Sir Alexander Cumming ; upon which Skijagustah, in the name of the whole, made the following speech : — “We are come hither from a mountainous place, where nothing but dark- ness is to be found ; but we are now in a place where there is light. There was a person in our country, he gave us a yellow token of warlike honor, which is left with Moytoy of Telliquo, and as warriors we received it. He came to us like a warrior from you. A man he is ; his talk is upright, and the token he left preserves his memory among us. We look upon you as if the great king were present ; we love you as representing the great king. We shall die in the same way of thinking. The crown of our nation is different from that which the great King George wears, and from that we saw in the tower. But to us it is all one. The chain of friendship shall be carried to our people. We look upon the great King George as the sun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as his children. For though we are red, and you at 3 white, yet our hands and hearts are joined together. When we shall have acquainted our people with what we have seen, our children from generation to generation w '! always remember it In war we shall always be one with you. The enemies of the great king shall be our enemies. His people and ours shall be one, and shall die together. We came hither naked and poor as the worms of the earth, but you have every thing, and we that have nothing must love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is between us. Here stands the governor of Carolina, whom we know.f This small ropej we show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may be broken. But have iron chains for yours. However if we catch your slaves, we will bind them as well as we can, and deliver them to our friends, and take no pay for it. We have looked round for the person that was in our country — he is not here : However, we must say he talked uprightly to us, and we shall never forget him. Your white people may very safely build houses near us. We shall hurt nothing that belongs to them, for we are children of one father, the great king, and shall live and die together.” When Skijagustah had proceeded thus far, he laid his feathers upon a table, and closed as follows : — * Report of the Commissioners (1736) on the Affairs of Georgia, p. 53.— If AltakullakuHa were among these chiefs, he went under another name, as did also Oulacite. See i few ;xiges forward. t There was at this time no governor, though Robert Johnson was rcminally such. In 172S the government of Carolina was delivered to trie crown of England, f r about £17,000. Jch)+ ton was reappointed in 1731. [ String of wampum, probably Chap. IV.] TOMOCHICHI. 369 “ This is our way of talking, which is the same thing to us as your letters in the book are to you, and to you, beloved men, we deliver these feathers in confirmation of all we have said.” In October, the Indians embarked at Portsmouth with Mr. Johnson, the governor of Carolina, for their own country, and in the same ship in which they went over. Skijagustah, or, as he was sometimes called, Kittagusta, “was brother of Oucconnostota, or the great warrior, and also chief of Chote. He lived to be very old, and died in May, 1768. «* BUtWes- CHAPTER IV. settlement of Carolina and Georgia — Tomochichi receives the English — Goes to Eng land with General Oglethorpe — Makes a speech to the King — His death — War with the Spaniards — Outacitie — Malachty — Attahiji.lakui.la — Indians murdered — Attakui.lakclla prevents retaliation upon whites in his power — Cherokee War begins — Governor Littleton’s expedition- — Imprisons their Jhnbassadors — They are massacred — Colonel Montgomery sent against them — Battle near Keowee — Chero- kees take Fort London — Silouce —Saves the life of Colonel Byrd — Colonel Grant subdues the Cherokees, and they make peace with the whites — Chlucco. The presumption is pretty strongly supported, that Sir Walter Ralegh visited die southern shores of North America. When General Oglethorpe landed in Georgia, in 1732,* * O. S., and communicated to the Indians the contents of a journal of Sir Walter’s, they seemed to have a tradition of him, which they had fondly cherished ; although, if the person they met were Ralegh, a hundred years had elapsed since he was there. They pointed out to Mr. Oglethorpe a place near Yamacraw bluff, since Charleston, on which was a large mound, in which was buried, they said, a chief who had talked with Sir Walter Ralegh upon that spot. The chief had requested his people to bury him there, that the place might be kept in veneration. TOMOCHICHI was the principal chief, or Mico, as chiefs were called, of a small band of Creeks and Yamasees, who, having in some way offended their countrymen, fled their country, and “wandered abuut in the woods some time, until about 1732, when they begged leave of this government to sit down on the high land of Yamacraw, on the south side of Savannah river, at or near the place where the new town of Savannah, in Georgia, is now situated.”] They consisted of but 17 or 18 families, and their first chief appeal's to have been called Rocachee. Several chief men, of various tribes, came to welcome the English, immediately after their arrival. “They were as follows: From the tribe of Coweeta, Yahan-lakee, their king, or mico ; Essaboo, their warrior, the son of Old-brim, lately dead, whom the Spaniards called emperor of the Creeks, with eight men and two women attendants. From the tribe of Cusse- tas, Cusseta, their mico ; Tatchiquatchi, their head warrior, with four attendants. From the tribe of Owseecheys, Ogeese, the mico, or war king ; JVeathlovth- ko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three attendants. From the tribe of Cheechaws, Outhleteboa, their mico, 'Thlautho-lhlukee, Figeer, Sootamilla, war captains, with three attendants. From the tribe of Echetas, Chutabeeche and Robin, two war captains, (the latter was bred among the English,) with four attendants. From the tribe of Polachucolas, Gillattee, their head warrior, and five attendants. From the tribe of Oconas, Oueekachumpa, called by the Eng- lish Long-king, Koowoo, a warrior. From the tribe of Eufaule, Tomaumi, head warrior, and three attendants. * Many gentlemen in England contributed, in various ways, this year, for the advancement of the colony ; some in cattle, some in labor, some in provisions, and others as soldiers. The contribution of one gentleman, for its singularity, shall be mentioned. “Mr. Hume gave a silver boat and spoon for the first child born in Georgia, which being born of Mrs. Close, were given accordingly.” — Commissioners’ Report on Georgia Affairs, p. 119. * Report of the Commissioners, ut supraj 11, 116, 117. 870 TOMOCH1CH1 AND OTHERS VISIT ENGLAND. [Book IV. “ Tlie Iudians being all seated, Oueekachumpa , a very tall old man, stood, and made a speech, which was interpreted by Mr. IViggan and Mr. Musgrove,* in which he said all the lands to the southward of Savannah River belonged to the Creeks. He said, the Indians were poor, but the same Power that gave the English breath, gave them breath also. That that Power had given the English the most wisdom. That, as they had come to instruct them, they should have all the lands which they did not use themselves. That this was not only his mind, but the minds of the eight towns of Creeks, who had, after consult- ing together, sent some of their chief men with skins, which was their wealth. At this period of Oueekuchumpa's speech, some of the chiefs of the eight towns brought each a bundle of buck’s skins, and laid them down before Mr. Oglethorpe. Then the chief said, “ These are the best things we possess, but we rive them with a good heart. I thank you for your kindness to Tomochichi, and lis people. He is my kinsman, and, though he was banished from his nation, he s a good man and a great warrior. It ivas on account of his ivisdom and justice, hat the banished men chose him their king. 1 hear that the Cherokces have 'tilled some Englishmen. If you [addressing Mr. Oglethorpe] will command us, we will go against them with all our force , kill their people , and destroy their living.” t Yvlien Oueekachumpa had done speaking, Tomochichi drew near with his men, and, after making a low bow, said,— ■“ I was a banished man, and I came here poor and helpless to look for good land near the tombs of my ancestors, and when you came to this place I feared you would drive us away ; for we ivere weak and wanted com. But you confirmed our land to us, and gave us food.” The other chiefs spoke in the same manner as Oueekachumpa had, and then agreed upon and executed an amicab'e treaty. By the assistance of his interpreter, Mary Musgrove , General Oglethorpe had been able to draw together, at 01 e tune, 50 chiefs from the upper and lower Creek towns, and, by his conciliatory conduct, had secured their friendship. He next resolved to take a deputation of them to England, hoping what they might witness and experience there, would result in lasting benefits to both their nations and the English. Accordingly, measures having been taken for the furtherance of this project, the general and the Indian chiefs embarked for England, in the Aldborough man-of-war, and arrived at St. Hellens, in the Isle of Wight, 16 June, 1734. The names of the Indians were Tomo- chichi, Senawki, his consort, and Toonakowi, the prince, his nephew; also Hillispilli, a war captain, and Apakoavtski, Stimalechi, Sintouchi, IIinguithi, and Umfhychi, five other chiefs, with their interpreter. Immediately after their arrival, orders were given for preparing proper habits for them, in order to their being introduced at court. This having been done, Sir Clement Cotterel, knight, master of the ceremonies, was sent, August 1, with three of the king’s coaches, drawn by six horses each, to the Georgia office, where the chiefs, all except one, were taken in and carried to Kensington, where then - introduction to his majesty, King George II., took place. The one left at the Georgia office was sick with the small-pox, of which he died the next day. Tomochichi, after presenting the king with sev eral eagle’s feathers, which were considered, by his nation, the most respectful present they could send, delivered the following speech to his majesty : — “ This day I see the majesty of your face, the greatness of your house, and the number of your people. I am come for the good of the whole nation of the Creeks, to renew the peace they had long ago made with the English. 1 am come over in my old days ; and, though I cannot live to see any advantage to myself, I am come for the good of the children of all tire nations of the Upper and Lower Creeks, that they may be instructed in the sn'.w edge of the English. These are the feathers of the eagle, which is the swiftest of birds, and who ffieth all round our nations. These feathers art a sign of peace in our land, and we have brought them over to leave them with you, great king, as a sign of everlasting peace. O ! great king, whatsoever words * His wife was the interpreter, according to M’Call, i. 35, who was a half breed named Mary. Ogletherpe first purchased her friendship w ith presents, and afterwards allowed her a hundred pounds a year for her services. — Commissioners’ Report on Georgia Affairs. Chap. IV.] TOMOCHICHI AND OTHERS VISIT ENGLAND. 371 you shall say unto me, 1 will tell them faithfully to all the kings of the Creek nations.” The king’s answer, though short, was, in the highest degree, con- ciliatory, and what was termed gracious.* When the chiefs were introduced at court, his majesty received them upon his throne, in the presence chamber, attended by the officers of state, and a numerous court. They were introduced by the Duke of Grafton, chamberlain of his majesty’s household ; and, after the ceremonies, they returned to their apartments, at the Georgia office. Their first care, after returning from court, was to inter their decease} companion, which was accordingly done with great ceremony, in the burial- ground of St. John the Evangelist, Westminster, according to the custom of the “Cherokee Creeks,” which was in the following manner: — “The deceased being sewed up in two blankets, with one deal board under and another ovei him, and tied down with a cord, was placed upon a bier, and carried to the place of interment. There were only present at the time of his being put into the grave, King Tomo, and some of the chiefs, the upper church warden of the parish, and the grave digger. When the corpse was laid in the earth, the clothes of the deceased were thrown into the grave ; after this a quantity of glass beads were cast in, and then some pieces of silver ; the custom of those Indians being to bury all the deceased’s effects with him.” Although we have the names of all the chiefs given us that went over with Mr. Oglethorpe, we have not the means of knowing which it was that died. Indians often died on their visits to Europe. One of the five Iroquois chiefs died in England, f in 1710, and of his name too we are ignorant. Mr. Oglethorpe’s chiefs, after having been showed the chief curiosities in and about London, were taken to Spithead, where the English fleet lay, that they might go on board and view the tremendous ship Britannia, and some others of great magnitude. On the 30 October, 1734, a little past noon, they embarked at Gravesend, on board the Prince of Wales, for Georgia. Of Tomochichi, who was the most prominent character among them, we have yet a little to add. He lived until he had attained his 97th year, and died 15 October, 1739, five years, wanting 15 days, after he sailed from England. He resided, at the time of his death, about four miles from Savannah. He was highly beloved by the English, having always been their particular friend, fought for them in war, and aided them by his counsel in peace. He was aware of the approach of death, and expressed but little desire to live longer, as he should be unable to aid his allies any more against the Spaniards. For General Oglethorpe he expressed the greatest tenderness, and entreated the Indians to bear in remembrance the kindnesses with which the king of England had treated him, and hoped they would always remain his subjects. Having expressed a wish that his body might be buried among the English in Savannah, accordingly, bis corpse was there interred in I’ercival Square, with military parade, and General Oglethorpe ordered a pyramid to be erected over it, with an appropriate inscription. J Thus are traced the first steps in the history of Georgia, and thus did every thing promise a continuance of that friendship so well begun by General Oglethorpe. Nothing was left undone, while die Creek chiefs were in Eng- land, to impress upon their minds exalted ideas of the power and greatness of the English nation. The nobility were not only curious to see them, but entertained them at their tables in die most magnificent style. Multitudes flocked around them, conferring gifts and marks of respect upon them. The king allowed them £20 sterling a week, during their stay, and it was computed that, at their return to America, they brought presents to the amount of £400 sterling. After remaining in England four mouths, they embarked at Grave- send for Georgia. They were conveyed to the place of embarkation in his majesty’s carriages. § ' In the invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards, in 1743, many Indians were drawn into the controversy, on both sides. Toeanoeowi, || or Tooanohowi, a nephew of Tomochichi, was shot through the right arm, in an encounter with * Harris, Voyages, i M’CaU, Hist. Georgia, i. 196, 197 t Kalm's Travels in America, i. 211. § lb. i. 43. Jj Harris 372 OUTA CITE.— INTERVIEW WITH G'?V. NICHOLSON. [Book IV the Spaniards, by a Spanish captain. Tooanohowi drew his pistol with his lefl land, and shot the captain through the head. Thus, with the Spaniards upon one hand, and the English upon the other and die French in the midst of' them, the Creeks and Cherokees became sub- ject to every possible evil to which the caprice of those several nations gave rise. In 1723, a chief, whose name we find in writers of that day, Wootassitaw, Woosatasate, IVootassitau, Wroselasatow ,* &c. is styled “ Governor of the Lower and Middle Settlements of the Charikees.” He is presumed to be the same with Otacite, or Otassite, one of the prisoners above enumerated, Stud from what we are about to relate of him, his eminence will be apparent. In 1721, Francis Nicholson went over as governor of S. Carolina, who was said to have been very successful in managing affairs with the Indians. Soon after his arrival, the Cherokees despatched messengers to Charleston to adjust some difficulties which had for some time existed ; and, not long after, another more full and complete deputation arrived. Governor Nicholson opened the council by a long speech to “ Wootassite , King, and to the heads of the Lower and Middle Settlements of the Charokee Nations.” In the course of his speech, he observes, that, when they delivered their acknowledgments and paid their submission to the government, “the other day,” they had made mention of 37 towns that had sent down their chiefs for that purpose, and wished to be satisfied that these towns were represented, that his words might be carried to all their inhabitants. After laying much stress on their submission and respect to the king of England, he speaks thus sensibly upon their trading with the whites, which at the same time discovers to us the origin of former troubles. After ordering that if either party injured the other, restitution should be made by the aggressor, he says, “ Frequent complaints have been made that your people have often broke open the stores belonging to our traders, and carry’d away their goods ; and also pillaged several of their packs, when employ’d and entrusted to carry them up ; and restitution has never been made, which are great faults : We therefore recommend to you, to take all possible precautions to px-event such ill practices for the future,” &c. “ And to prevent any injury or misunderstanding, we have pass’d a law, which appoints commissioners that are to go twice a year to the Congaree, or Savana garrison, to hear and redress all grievances.” “ Woosatasate being a man in great esteem amongst you, having given fre- quent testimonies of his affection and firm adherence to this government, and being appointed king over you by the former governor f of this province; so I, who am sent immediately from his majesty, having the same regard to so deserving a man, and in compliance with your own request, that I would constitute proper commanders over you, do now declare the said Woosatasate, your leader and commander in chief over all the lower settlements of the Cherrokees, and give him a commission for that office, under the broad seal of this his Majesty’s province,” &c. “ I expect that you, Woosatasate , do, within a month after your return, call together all the chief men in your district, and that you make them thoroughly acquainted with what I now say to you, and require of you, and shall give directions, that all the Englishmen amongst you shall be at that meeting. That your ancient government may be restored, I recommend to you to keep your young men in that due decorum they us’d to be,” &c. This treaty was held 3 February, 1721, O. S., or this is the date to Governor Nicholson's speech ; but it appears by our account that it was the middle of March before the Indian deputies left Charleston. Although there were events, in every year, of importance, yet, in this place, we shall take up the period rendered more memorable by the distinguishes . chiefs * Hew cat, I. 298. f James Moore, who, according to Hewatt (I. 276), was put into office in opposition to the regular course, by a kind of revolutionary spirit. See Oldmixon } who is far more particu ar, 1.348 .— -Moore was elected in 1701. The author of “ The British Dominions,” (142,) sayi the Indians were cruelly treated during his administration There vere several other govern ors before Nicholton, beside Moore. Chap. IV.j ATTAKULI.AKULLA. 373 ATTAKUIiLAKULLA and OCKONOSTOTA * Thu fame of Carolina had, in 1753, drawn a multitude of Europeans to hei shores. The same year on the 26 May, Malachty, attended by the Wolf-king and the Ottasee chief, with about 20 others, and above a hundred of their people, came to Charleston. They were met, on their way, by a troop of horsemen, who conducted them to the town, by the governor’s order, in great state. This was to induce them to make peace and remain their allies, and, to this end, the governor, Glenn, made a very pacific speech, in the Indian manner. Malachty, who, at this time, seems to have been the head chief among the Creeks, presented the governor with a quantity of skins, and readily consented to a peace with the English ; but, in regard to a peace with the Cherokees, he said, that was a matter of great moment, and he must deliberate with his people, before he could give an answer. The Cherokees were already under the protection of the English, and some of them had, not long before, been killed by the Creeks, in the very neighborhood of Charleston. The party which committed this outrage was led by Malachty. Notwithstanding, a cessation of hostilities seems to have taken place, for numbers of each nation joined the English immediately after the capture of Oswego, by the French, in 1756. The Cherokees are particularly named, as having rendered essential service in the expedition against Fort Duquesne ; but a circumstance happened, while those warriors were returning home from that expedition, which involved them in an imme- diate war with the English, in whose service they had been engaged. Having lost their horses, and being wom out with toil and fatigue, on coming to the frontiers of Virginia, they picked up several of those animals, which belonged to the inhabitants of the places through which they travelled. This, Dr. Ram- say f says, was the cause of the massacre which they suffered at that time. But Mr. Adair, \ who lived then among the Indians in those parts, says, — “ Several companies of the Cheerake, who joined our forces under Gen. Stanwix, at the unfortunate Ohio, affirmed that their alienation from us was because they were confined to our martial arrangement, by unjust suspicion of them — were very much contemned, — and half starved at the main camp : their hearts told them, therefore, to return home, as freemen and injured allies, though without a supply of provisions. This they did, and pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely supported nature, when returning to their own country. In their journey, the German inhabitants, without any provocation, killed, in cool blood, about 40 of their warriors, in different places — though each party was under the command of a British subject.” It must be remembered that, upon Braddock's defeat, Virginia had offered a reward for the scalps of hostile Indians. Here, then, was an inducement for remorse- less villains to murder, and it was impossible, in many cases, to know whether a scalp were taken from a friend or an enemy. Out of this, then, we have no hesitation in saying, grew the excessive calamities, which soon after distressed the southern provinces. Forty innocent men, and friends, too, murdered in cold blood by the backwoodsmen of Virginia, brought on a war, which caused as much distress and misery among the parties engaged, as any since that region of country was planted by the whites. At one place, a monster entertained a party of Indians, and treated them kindly, while, at the same time, he caused a gang of his kindred ruffians to lie in ambush where they were to pass, and, when they arrived, barbarously shot them down to a man ! The news was forthwith carried to the Cherokee nation, and the effect of it upon the minds of the warriors, was like that of electricity. They seized their tomahawks and war clubs, and, but for the wisdom of AttakuMakulla, wotdd have murdered several Englishmen, then in their country upon some matters respecting a treaty. As Attakullakulla was a chief sachem, he was among the first apprized of the murders, and the design * Ouconnostotah, Ouconnostota, Ouconnoslata, Wynne. — Occonoslota, Ramsay. — Attakul- lakulla was generally called the Little carpenter. f Hist. South Carolina, i. 169. f Hist. Amer. Indians, 245. That the Indians' taking horses was no pretext for the murders, even at the time, appears evident. “As (says Captain M’Call, i. 257.) the horses in those parts ran wild in the woods, it was customary, both among the Indians and whi'e neople on the frontiers, to catch them and appropriate them to their own use.” 32 374 ATTAKULLAKULLA.— LITTLETON’S ILL CONDUCT. [Book IV of vengeance. He therefore goes immediately to them, and informed them of their danger, and assisted them to secrete themselves ; then, without loss of time, he assembled his warriors, and made a speech to them, in which lie inveighed, witli great bitterness, against the murderous English, and urged immediate war against them ; “ and never (said he) shall the hatchet he buried until the blood of our countnjmen be atoned for. Let us not (he continued) violate our faith, or the laws of hospitality, by imbruing our hands in the blood of those who are now in our power. They came to us in the confidence of friendship, with belts of ivampum to cement a perpetual alliance with us. Let us carry them bark h> their own settlements ; conduct them safely within their confnes, and then take up the hatchet, and endeavor to exterminate the whole race of them." This counsel was adopted. Before commencing hostilities, however, the murderers were demanded, but were blindly refused them, and we have related the conse- quences. The French, it was said, used their influence to enrage the Indians; but if that were the case, we should not deem it worth naming, as it appears to us that nothing more could be necessary to inflame them than the horrid out- rages of which we have spoken. It appears from another source,* that Governor Littleton was met at Charles- ton by a deputation of 32 Cherokee chiefs, among whom was Ockonoslota, who, on hearing of the warlike movements at that place, had set out to visit the English, and if possible to prevent a war with them. For although some of their young warriors had committed several acts of violence, yet the great body of the nation were friendly towards the English, and desired peace. But instead of seizing on this opportunity of treating with the chiefs, he insultingly told them, “ That he would soon be in their country, where he woidd let them know his demands.” Ockonostota began to speak in reply, “ but the governor being determined that nothing should prevent his military expedition, declared he would hear no talk he had to make, neither in vindication of his nation, nor any proposals with regard to peace.” The Lieutenant-Governor Bull saw the bad policy of this step, and urged tie necessity of hearing what Ockonostota, the Great fVanior, as he was called, had to say, and settling their difficulties ; but this good advice had no effect on Littleton, and he marched from Charleston in October, a few days after At a place of rendezvous, about 140 miles from that place, his force amounted to about 1400 men. The chiefs, by order of the governor, had marched with the army to this place, and, although burning with resentment at their treatment, yet they discovered no signs of discontent. When the army was about to march from Congarees, (this being their place of rendezvous,) the chiefs were all made prisoners, and under guard were marched to Fort Prince George, f Their resentment now showed itself ; “ stung to the heart by such base treatment,” they cringed in sullen silence, and we may suppose that “ they spent their time in concerting plots for obtaining their liberty, and satisfaction for the injuries done them.”): Being now at Fort Prince George with his army, Littleton found himself in about the same repute with his own men as with the injured Indians; he therefore concluded not to carry his conquests any further at present, but to make a treaty, and retain captive Indians enough as hostages to insure its observance. He therefore sent a messenger to Attakullakulla, who was reck- oned the wisest man in the nation, or the best friend to the English, request- ing him to come to Fort George. He immediately came ; and to show the English he was their friend, produced a French prisoner whom he had just taken in an expedition against that nation, and whom he presented to Gov- ernor Littleton. A “congress” was now (about 18 December, 1759) held with Attakullakulla, in which a long speech, in which all the grievances he could think of were enumerated by the governor ; after which the chief made another, in which he promised to do all he could to persuade his coun- trymen to give the governor the satisfaction he demanded ; yet he said, “ it * Heicaic, Hist. Carolina, ii. 216. t This fort was upon the Savannah River, near the Cherokee town called Keowee. t Hero alt, Hist. Carolina, ii. 18. Chap. IV.] ATT^KULLAKULLA.— IMPRISONMENT OF HOSTAGES. 375 neither would nor could be complied with, as they had no coercive authority, one over another.” He desired that some of the chiefs ther confined might be liberated to aid him in restoring tranquillity ; and accordingly Ockonostota, Fijloe, chief of Keowee, and the head warrior of Estatoe, were given up, and two Indians were taken in exchange and put in irons. The other Clierokees present, observing what was going forward, withdrew into the woods, and At - takullakvlla, presuming the business must end here, withdrew also. It had been premised, or rather demanded, in the governor’s speech, that 24 Indians, who were known to have killed white people, should be given into his hands to he put to death, or otherwise disposed oil Two only had been delivered, and 22 yet remained of the number of the murderers, in their own native forests. As soon as Littleton knew of Attakullakulld’s departure, he sent for him, and he immediately returned, and the business of a treaty was renewed, and on the 26 December, 1759, it was signed by Attakuelakulla, Otassite, Oconnoeca, and OlJCONNOSTOTA, KlTAGUSTA, KlLLCANNOKEA. By article III. of the treaty,* it was agreed that 22 chiefs, (those who had been treacherously seized,) should remain as hostages, to ensure the delivery of the like number of murderers to the English. There seems, however, to have been but 21 retained, whose names we are able to give below, and who, under the name of hostages, were thrown into a dismal, close prison, scarce large enough for six men, where they remained about two months, and were then masacred, as in the sequel we shall show: — Chenohe , Ousanatanah , Tallichama, Tallitahe, Quarrasattahe, Connasaratah, Kataetoi, Otassite of Watogo, Ousanoletah of Jore, Kataeletah of Cowetche, Chisquatalone, Skiagusta of Sticoe, Tanaesto, Wohalche , tFyejah, Oucahchista- nah, JYicolche, Tony, Toatiahoi, Shallisloske, and Chistie. f Things having been thus settled, Mr. Littleton returned to Charleston, where he was received like a conqueror, although what he had done, it will appear, was worse than if he had done nothing. Ockonostota, for good reason, no doubt, entertained a deep-rooted hatred against Captain Cotymore, an officer of the garrison, and the army had but just left the country, when it was found that he was hovering about the garrison with a large number of warriors. But it was uncertain, for some time, wheth- er they intended to attack the fort, or whether they wished to continue near their friends, who were imprisoned in it. However, it is said, that, by some means, a plan was concerted between the Indians without and those confined within the fort, for surprising it. Be this as it may, Ockonostota, on the 16 February, 1760, practised the following wile to effect the object. Having placed a party of his warriors in a dark cane-brake near at hand, he sent a squaw to the garrison to invite the commander to come out, for he had some- thing of importance to communicate to him. Captain Cotymore imprudently, went out, accompanied by two of his officers, and Ockonostota appeared upon the opposite bank of the Savannah, with a bridle in his hand, the better to conceal his intentions. He told the captain he was going to Charleston to effect the release of the hostages, and requested that a white man might accompany him ; and that, as the distance was great, he would go and try to catch a horse. The captain promised him a guard, and hoped he would succeed in finding a horse. Ockonostota then quickly turned himself about, and swinging his bridle thrice over his head, which was the signal to his men, and they promptly obeying it, about 30 guns were discharged upon the officers at the same moment. Captain Cotymore received a shot in his left breast, from which he died in two or three days after, and both the others were wounded, j: On recovering the fort, an attempt was made to put the * It is printed at length in the British Empire, by Huddlestone Wynne, Esq. ii. 273 — 277 ; an author of no inconsiderable merit on our affairs. f Several of these 22 were of the number who had been in England in 1730, and executed a treaty with the king, as has been before stated, and as will be seen by comparing the names above with those named in the treaty. i “Two Indian women appeared at Keowee, on the other side of the river. Mr. Doherty went out, and accosting them, asked what news ? Ockonostota joined them, pretending some 376 CHEROKEE WAR. — MONT CrOMERY’S EXPEDITION. [Bock IV hostages in irons. An Englishman, who laid hold on one of them for tha» purpose, was stabbed and slain ; and, in the scuffle, two or three more were wounded, and driven out of the place of confinement. The tragedy in the fort had now only commenced ; the miserable prisoners had repelled their assassins for the moment, and, doubtless, hoped for deliverance from their friends without, who had now closely besieged the place. But, unfortunately for these poor wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by their arts of war, and the dastardly whites found time and means to murder their victims, one by one, in a manner too horrible to relate.* * There were few persons among the Oherokees who did not lose a friend or relation by this massacre ; and, as ore man, the nation took up the hatchet, and desolations quickly followed. Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, Attakullakulla remained the fast friend of the whites, and used all his arts to induce his countrymen to make peace. But it was in vain he urged them to consider that they had more than revenged themselves; they were determined to carry all before them. Attakullakulla was now an old man, and had become much attached to the English, from several causes. On the other hand, Ockonostota was a stern warrior, in the vigor of manhood, and, like the renowned Pontiac, was deter- mined to rid his country of his barbarous enemies. The leaders iti every town seized the hatchet, telling their followers that the spirits of murdered brothers were flying around them, and calling out for ven- geance. All sung the war-song, and, burning with impatience to imbrue their hands in the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and de- fenceless families on the frontiers of Carolina, where men, women, and children, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such of the whites as fled to the woods, and escaped the scalping-knife, perished with hunger. Every day brought fresh accounts to the capital of their ravages and desolations. But, while the back settlers impatiently looked to their governor for relief, the small-pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militia could be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to serve the public. In this extremity, an express was sent to General Amherst , the commander-in-chief in America, for assistance, in terms too pressing to be denied. Accordingly, he ordered a battalion of Highlanders, and four companies of Royal Scots, f under the command of Colonel Montgomery, afterwards Earl Eglinton, to embark at New York for Carolina. In the meun time, Littleton, having been appointed governor of Jamaica, William Bull succeeded him ; a change much to the advantage of the province. Colonel Montgomery/ arrived in Carolina towards the end of April, to the great joy of the people, who had taken measures to cooperate with him to the best advantage ; but, as the conquest of Canada was the grand object now, General Amherst had ordered Colonel Montgomery to strike a sudden blow for the relief of the Carolinians, and then to return to head-quarters at Albany, without loss of time; and we have scarce an example in military history, where an officer fulfilled his commission with greater promptitude. He soon after rendezvoused at the Congarees; and, being joined by many gentlemen of distinction as volunteers, besides the principal strength of the country, he marched for the heart of the Cherokee country. After reaching a place called Twelve Mile River, he encamped upon advantageous ground, and marched with a party to surprise Estatoe, about 20 miles from his camp. In the way, he took Little Keowee, and put every man to the sword. Estatoe ne found abandoned, except by a few that could not escape, and it was reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, and every other settlement in tne lower nation. About 60 Indians were killed, and 40 taken prisoners ; but tne matters of business ; he drew fro "2 the fort several of the officers to converse with them.”-- Haywood’s Hist. Tennessee, 30. * “ A bottle of poison was found with one of the dead hostages, probably intended to be dropped into the well ; and several tomahawks were found buried in the earth.” Haywood, Hist. Tennessee, 30. — Amy stories would gain credence among the whiles, which went to make the Indians as bad as themselves. Whether the bottle spoken of contained poison, may be questioned ; and, if it did, it may be reasonably doubted whether the Indians knew snv thing- about it. regiment of Highland- Chap. IV .j CHEROKEE WAR.— BATTLE OF ETCHOE. 377 warriors had generally escaped to the mountains and deserts. Thus far the campaign had been prosperous with the whites, but three or four men hat ing been killed ; but it had no other effect upon the Indians than to increase their rage. Meanwhile, Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Colonel Montgomery marched to its relief. From this place, two friendly chiefs were despatched to the middle settlements, to offer peace to the people there, and orders were sent to those in command at Fort Loudon, to use means to bring about an accommodation with the Upper Towns ; but the Indians would not hear to any terms, and Colonel Montgomery was constrained tc march again to find the enemy. He had now the most difficult part of his service to perform. The country through which he had to march was covered by dark thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks ; where a small number of men might distress and wear out the best appointed army. Having arrived within five miles of Etchoe, the nearest town of the middle settlements, the army was attacked on the 27 June, in a most advantageous place for the attacking party. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were so thick, that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them ; and in the bottom of this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks. Through this place the army must march. Rightly judging the enemy had not omitted so important a pass, Colonel Montgomery ordered out a company of rangers, under Captain Morrison, to enter the ravine and make discovery No sooner had he entered it, but the fierce war-whoop was raised, and the Indians darted from covert to covert, at the same time firing upon the whites Captain Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged but, being without delay supported by the infantry and grenadiers, they were able to maintain their ground, and the battle became obstinate; nor could the Indians be dislodged, until near an hour of hard fighting. In the mean time, the Royal Scots took possession of a place between the Indians and a rising ground on their right, while the Highlanders sustained the light infantry and grenadiers on the left. As the left became too warm for them, and not well understanding the position of the Royal Scots, the Indians, in their retreat, fell in with them, and were sharply encountered ; but they soon effected their retreat to a hill, and could no more be brought to action. In this fight, 96 of the whites were killed and wounded, of whom 20 were of the former num- ber. Of the Cherokees, 40 were said to have been killed. The Indians had now been driven from one ravine, with a small loss ; but Colonel Montgomery was in no condition to pursue his advantage farther, and he therefore, after destroying so much of his provisions as would afford horses for the wounded, began his retreat out of the Indian country, and, in obedience to his commission, soon after returned to New York; not, how- ever, without leaving 400 men for the security of the province. But it was soon seen, that what had yet been done only increased the rage of the Indians, and their depredation continued at the very heels of the retreating army. They immediately cut off all communication with Fort Loudon, which was garrisoned with 200 men.* Oekonostota, with his numerous warriors, kept strict watch, insomuch that there was no means of escape. At length, the garrison having miserably subsisted, for some time, upon poor famished horses, dogs, &c., many of them became resolved to throw them- selves into the power of the Indians, wishing rather to die by their nands, than miserably to perish within their fortress. Captain Sleuart, an officer among them, was well known to the Indians, and possessed great address an l sagacity. He resolved, at this crisis, to repair to Chote, the residence of Oekonostota, and make overtures for the surrender of the garrison. He Accordingly, effected his object, and returned with articles of capitulation Agreed upon. Besides the names of Oekonostota and Paul Demcre, the commander of the garrison, the name of another chief was to the articles, called Cunigacatgoae. The articles stipulated, that the garrison should march * The Cherokees were now supposed to number 3000 wamors, and it was daily expected that the Chocktaws were about to join them. 32 * 378 OCKONOSTOT A. —MASSACRE OF THE ENGLISH. [Book IV out with their arms and drums, each soldier having as much powder and bal as his officers should think necessary, and that they should march foi Virginia unmolested. Accordingly, on 7 August, 1760, the English took up their march for Fort Prince George. They had proceeded but about 15 miles, when they encamp ed, for the night, upon a small plain near Taliquo. They were accompanied thus far by Ockonostota in person, and many others, in a friendly manner, but at night they withdrew without giving any notice. The army was not molested during the night, but, at dawn of day, a sentinel came running into camp with the information that a host of Indians were creeping up to surround them. Captain Demere had scarce time to rally, before the Indians broke into his camp with great fury. The poor emaciated soldiers made but feeble resistance. Thirty of their number fell in the first onset, among whom was their captain. Those that were able, endeavored to save themselves by flight, and others surrendered themselves upon the place. This massacre, it will not be forgotten, was in retaliation for that of the hostages already related. Among the prisoners was Captain Stenart. They were conducted to Fort Loudon, which now became Ockonostota 1 s head-quarters. Attakullakulla , learning that his friend Steuart was among the captives, pro- ceeded immediately to Fort Loudon, where he ransomed him at the expense jf all the property he could command, and took care of him with the greatest _en demess and affection. The restless Ockonostota next resolved to invest Fort Prince George. He was induced to undertake that project, as fortune had thrown in his way some of the means for such an undertaking, hitherto beyond his reach. Before abdicating Fort Loudon, the English had hid in the ground several bags of powder. This his men had found. Several cannon had also been left behind, and he designed to force his English prisoners to get them through the woods, and manage them in the attack upon Fort Prince George. But Attakulla - kulla defeated these operations, by assisting Captain Steuart to escape. He even accompanied him to the English settlements, and returned loaded with presents. The French were said to have had their emissaries busily employed in spir- iting on the Indians. One, named Lewis Latinac, an officer, is particularly mentioned. He persuaded them that the English had nothing less in view than their total extermination, and, furnishing them with arms and ammuni- tion, urged them to war. At a great council of the nation, after brandishing his hatchet, he struck it into a log of wood, calling out, “ Who is the man that will take this up for th< king of France ?” SALOUE or Siloi ke, a young warrior of Estatoe, instantly laid hold of it, and cried out, “ / am Jhr war. The spirits of our brothers who have been slain, still call upon us to avenge their death. He is no better than a woman that refuses to follow me.” Others were not wanting to follow his example, and the war continued. Silbuee was a Cherokee chief, and was introduced by Mr. Jefferson , to illus- trate the observation in his Notes on Virginia, that the Indian “is affectionate to bis children, careful of them, and indulgent in the extreme ; that his affec- tions comprehend his other connections, weakening, as with us, from circle to circle, as they recede from the centre ; that his friendships are strong and faithful to the uttermost extremity.” “A remarkable instance of this appeared in the case of the late Col. Byrd,* who was sent to the Cherokee nation tc transact some business with them. It happened that some of our disorderly people had just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed in the council of the Cherokees, that Col. Byrd should be put to death, in revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a chief called Silbuee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an acquaintance and friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to him every night in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should not kill him. After many days’ deliberation, * Perhaps the same mentioned by Oldmixon, (i. 283,) who, in speaking of the Indian pow- wows, says, “ one very lately conjured a shower of rain for Col. Byrd’s plantation in time of drouth, for two bottles of rum and our author says he should not have believed, had he not found it in an author who was on the spot ! Chap. IV.] SILOUEE.— SAVES THE LIFE OF COLONEL BYRD. 379 aowever. the determination was, contrary to Silbuee's expectation, that Byra should be put to death, and some warriors were despatched as executioners, Silbuee attended them ; and when they entered the tent, he threw himself between them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, ‘ This man is my friend . before you get at him you must kill me ! ’ On which they returned, and the coun- cil respected the principle so much, as to recede from their determination.” A more impolitic and barbarous measure, perhaps, never entered the heart of man, than that of offering a reward for human scalps. This was done by Virginia, as we have before related. It is true the government of Virginia was not alone in this criminal business, but that betters not her case. The door of enormity being thus opened, it was easy to have foreseen, that many men upon the frontiers, “of bad lives and worse principles,” says an intelligent writer,* stood ready to step in. As the event proved, many friendly Indians were murdered, and the government defrauded. It was at the news of a murder of this description that Colonel Byrd was seized. Stich was the condition of the country, that a second application was made to General Amherst for aid. and he promptly afforded it. Colonel James Grant arrived there early in 1761, and not long after took the field with a force of English and Indians, amounting to about ^'600 men.] He traversed the Cher- okee country, and subdued that people in a hard-fought battle, near the same place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the year before. It lasted about three hours, in which about 60 whites were killed and wounded. The loss of the Indians was unknown. Colonel Grant ordered his dead to he sunk in the river, that the Indians might not find them, to practise upon them their barbarities. He then proceeded to the destruction of their towns, 15 in num- ber, which he accomplished without molestation.]; Peace was at last effected by the mediation of. Attakidlakulla. This chief’s residence was upon the Tennessee or Cherokee River, at what was called the Overhill Towns. In 1773. when the learned traveller, Bartram, travelled into the Cherokee country, ho met the old chief on his way to Charleston ; of which circumstance lie speaks thus in his Travels : — “ Soon after crossing this large branch of the Tanase, 1 observed descending the heights, at some distance, a company of Indians, all well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly forward ; on their nearer approach, I observed a chief at the head of the caravan, and apprehending him to be the Little-carpenter, emperor or grand chief of the Cherokees, as they came up, I turned off from the path to make way, in token of respect, which compliment was accepted, and gratefully and magnanimously returned ; for his highness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came up to me, and clapping his hand on his breast, offered it to me. saying, I am Ata-cul-adla, and heartily shook hands with me, and asked me if I knew it; I answered, that the good spirit who goes before me spoke to me, and said, that is the great Ata-cul-cidla." Mr. Ba^-tram added, that he was of Pennsylvania, and though that was a great way off, yet the name of Altakvllakvlla was dear to his white brothers of Pennsylvania. The chief then asked him if he came directly from Charleston, and if his friend “ John Stewart were well.” Mr. Bartram said he saw him lately, and that he was well. This was, probably, the same person whom Attakullakidla had assisted to make an escape, as we have just related. In carrying out the history of the two chiefs, Attakullakulla and Ockonoslotu, we have omitted to notice Chlucco, better known by the name of the Long- wurrior, king or inico of the Seminoles. He went out with Colonel Montgom- ery, and rendered him essential service in his unsuccessful expedition, of which we have spoken. A large band of Creeks accompanied him, and there is but little doubt, if it had not been for him and iiis warriors, few of the English would have returned to their friends. But, as usual, the English leader, in his time, had all the honor of successfully encountering many difficulties, and returning with his own life and many of his men’s. It was by the aid of Chlucco, that the army escaped ambush after ambush, destroyed many of the Cherokee villages, and finally his warriors covered its retreat out of one of the most dangerous countries through which an army cotdd pass. Long-warrwr was what the New England Indians termed a great powwow. That he was Doctor Burnaby f Hcwatt. { Annual Register , iv. 58 ; Hew alt, ii. 248—51 380 MONCACHTAPL. [Boon IV a man possessing a good mind, may 1'airly be inferred from bis ability ta withstand the temptation of intoxicating liquors. He had been known to remain sober, when ail his tribe, and many whites among them, had all been wallowing in the mire of drunkenness together. In the year 1773, at the head of about 40 warriors, he marched against the Chocktaws of West Flor- ida. What was the issue of this expedition we have not learned. We may have again occasion to notice Chlucco. CHAPTER V. Moncachtape, arts. Finding it, therefore, impracticable to proceed much further, on account of the severity of the climate, and the want of game, I returned by the same route by which 1 had set out; and, reducing my whole travels westward to days’ joiumeys, I compute that they would ha\e employed me 3(3 moons; but, on account of rny frequent delays, it was five years before I returned to my relations among the Yazoos.” Thus ends the narrative of the famous traveller Moncachtape, which seems to have satisfied Du Pratz, that the Indians came from the continent of Asia, by way of Behring's Straits. And he soon after left him, and returned to his own country. It would have been gratifying, could we have known more of the history of this very intelligent man. The same author brings also to our knowledge a chief called GRAND-SUN, chief of the Natchez. Although Sun was a common name for all chiefs of that nation, this chief was particularly distinguished in the first war with the French, which exhibits the compass of our information concern- ing him, and which we purpose here to sketch. He was brother to the great warrior, known to the French by the name of Stung-serpent, and like him was a friend to the whites, until the haughty, overbearing disposition of one man brought destruction and ruin on their whole colony. This affair took place in the year 1729. The residence of the Grand-sun was near the French post of Natchez, where he had a beautiful village called the While Apple. IV?. de Chop art had been reinstated in the command of the post, whence he was for a time removed by reason of misconduct, and his abominable injustice to the Indians became more conspicuous afterwards than before. To gratify his Chap. V.J GRAND-SUN. — MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN NATCHEZ. 38b pride and avarice, he had projected the building of an elegant village, and none appeared to suit his purpose so well as the White Apple of the Grand- sun. He sent for the chief to his fort, and unhesitatingly told him that his village must be immediately given up to him, for he had resolved to erect one a league square upon the same ground, and that he must remove elsewhere The great chief stifled his surprise, and modestly replied, “ That his ancestors had lived in that village for as many years as there were hairs in his double cue, and, therefore, it was good that they should continue there still.” When this was interpreted to the commandant, he showed himself in a rage, and threatened the chief, that, unless he moved from his village speedily, he would hare cause of repentance. Grand-sun left the fort, and said he would assemble his counsellors, and hold a talk upon it. In this council, which actually assembled, it was proposed to lay before the commandant their hard situation, if they should be obliged to abandon their corn, which then was just beginning to shoot from the ground, and many oilier articles on which they were to depend for subsistence. But, on urging these strong reasons, they met only with abuse, and a more peremptory order to remove immediately. This the Grand-sun reported to the council, and they saw all was lost, unless, by some stratagem, they should rid themselves of the tyrant Chnpaii, which was their final decision. The secret was con- lided to none but the old men. To gain time, an offer was to be made to the avaricious commandant, of tribute, in case he would permit them to remain on their land until their harvest. The offer was accepted, and the Indians set about maturing their plan with the greatest avidity. Bundles of sticits were sent to the suns of the neighboring tribes, and their import explained to them by the faithful messengers. Each bundle contained as many sticks as days which were to pass before the massacre of all the French in the Natchez. And that no mistake should arise in regard to the fixed day, every morning a stick was drawn from the bundle and broken in pieces, and the day of the last stick was that of the execution. The security of the wicked, in the midst of their wickedness, and their deafness to repeated warnings, though a standing example before them upon the pages of all history, yet we know of but few instances where they have profited by it. I need cite no examples; our pages are full of them. The breast of women, whether civilized or uncivilized, cannot bear the thoughts of revenge and death to prey upon them for so great a length of time as men. And, as in the last case, I need not produce examples; on oui pages will be found many. A female sun having, by accident, understood the secret design of her peo pie, partly out of resentment for their keeping it from her, and partly from her attachment to the French, resolved to make it known to them. But s< fatally secure was the commandant, that he would not hearken to her ntesseu gers, and threatened others of his own people with chastisement, if they con tinned such intimations. But the great council of so many suns, and othei motions of their wise men, justly alarmed many, and their complaints to the commandant were urged, until seven of his own people were put in irons, tc dispel their fears. And that he might the more vaunt himself upon theft- fears he sent his interpreter to demand of the Grand-sun, whether he was about tc fall upon the French with his warriors. To dissemble, in such a case, was only to be expected from the chief, and the interpreter reported to the com- mandant as he desired, which caused him to value himself upon his formei contempt of his people’s fears. The 30th of November, 1729, at length came, and with it the massacre of near 700 people, being all the French of Natchez. Not a man escaped. It being upon the eve of St. Andrew's day, facilitated the execution of the horrid design. In such contempt was M. Chopart held, that the suns would allow no warrior to kill him, but one whom they considered a mean person. He waa armed only with a wooden tomahawk, and with such a contemptible weapon, wielded by as contemptible a person, was M. Chopart pursued from his house into his garden, and there met his death. The design of the Grand-sun and his allies was, to have followed up their luccess until all the French were driven out of Louisiana. But some tribe* 1184 GREAT-MORTAR.— IS ATTACKED 15V THE CHIOKASAUS. [Bi ok IV. would not aid in it, and the governor of Louisiana, promptly seconded by the people of New Orleans, shortly after nearly annihilated the whole tribe of the Nailiez. The Choctaws offered themselves, to the number of 15 or 1600 men, and, in the following February, advanced into the country of the Natch- ez, and were shortly after joined by the French, and encamped near the old fort, then in possession of the Grand-sun. Here flags passed between them and terms of peace were agreed upon, which were very honorable to the Indians ; but, in the following night, they uecamped, taking all their prisoners and baggage, leaving nothing but the cannons of the fort and balls behind them Some time now passed before the French could ascertain the retreat of the Natchez. At length, they learned that they had crossed the Mississippi, and settled upon the west side, near 180 miles above the mouth of Red River Here they built a fort, and remained quietly until the next year. The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants to resign themselves into the hands of the king, who soon sent over a sufficient force, added to those still in the country, to humble the Natchez. They were accordingly invested in their fort, and, struck with consternation at the sudden approach of the French, seem to have lost their former prudence. They made a desperate sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were repulsed with great loss. They then attempted to gain time by negotiation, as they had the year before, but could not escape from the vigilance of the French officer; yet the attempt was made, and many were killed, very few escaped, and the greater number driven within their fort. Mortar? were used by their enemies in this siege, and the third bomb, falling in the centre of the fort, made great havoc, but still greater consternation. Drowned by the cries of the women and children, Grand-sun caused the sign of capitulation to be given. HimselfJ with the rest of his company, were earned prisoners to New Orleans, and thrown into prison. An increasing infection caused the women and children to be taken out and employed as slaves on the king’s plantations ; among whom was the woman who had used every endeavor to notify the command- ant, Chopart, of the intended massacre, and from whom the particulars of the affair were learned. Her name was Stung-arm. These slaves were sliortl) after embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the country of the Natchez.* The men, it is probable, were all put to death. GR FAT-MORTAR, or Yuh-yah-tustanage, was a very celebrated Muskogee chief, who, before the revolutionary war, was in the French interest, and received his supplies from their garrison at Alabama, which was not far dis- tant from his place of abode, called Okchai. There was a time when he inclined to the English, and but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct of the superintendent of Indian affairs, among them, might have been re- claimed, and the dismal period of massacres which ensued averted. At t creat council, appointed by the superintendent, for the olijeet of regaining their favor, the pipe of peace, when passing around, was refused to Great- mortar, because he had favored the French. This, with much other ungener- ous treatment, caused him ever after to hate the English name. As the super- intendent was making a speech, which doubtless contained severe and hard sayings against his red hearers, another chief, called the Tobacco-eater, sprung upon his feet, and darting his tomahawk at him, it fortunately missed him, but stuck in a plank just above his head. Yet he would have been immediately killed, but for the interposition of a friendly warrior. Had this first blow been effectual, eveiy Englishman present would have been immediately put to death. Soon after, Great-mortar caused his people to fall upon the English traders, and they murdered ten. Fourteen of the inhabitants of Longcane, a settlement near Ninety-six, -j next were his victims. He now received a commission from the French, and the better to enlist the Cherokees and others in his cause, removed with his family far into the heart of the country, upon a river, by which he could receive supplies from the fort at Alabama. Neither the French nor Great-mortar were deceived in the advantage of their newly-chosen position for young warriors joined him there in great numbers, and it was fast becoming * Mons. Du Pratz, Hist, de Louisiana, tome i. ch. xii. t So called because it was 96 miles from the Cherokee. Adai . JiriP. V.J M’GILLIVRAY. 385 a gei eral rendezvous for all the Mississippi Indians. Fortunately, however for the English, the Chickasaws in their interest plucked up this Bokon upas before its branches were yet extended. They fell upon them by surprise, killed the brother of Great-mortar, and completely destroyed the design. He fled, not to his native place, but to one from whence he could best annoy the English settlements, and commenced anew the work of death. Augusta, in Georgia, and many scattering settlements were destroyed * Those ravages were continued until their united forces were defeated by the Americans under General Grant, in 1761, as w r e have narrated. We have next to notice a chief, king, or emperor as he was at different times entitled, whose omission, in a biographical work upon the Indians, would incur as much criminality, on the part of the biographer, as an omission of Buokomrekelas, White-eyes, Pipe, or Ockonostota ; yea, even more. We mean ALEXANDER M’GILLIVRAY, vyho was, perhaps, one of the most con- spicuous, if not one of the greatest, chiefs that has ever borne that title among the Creeks ; at least, since they have been known to the Europeans. He flourished during half of the last century, and such was the exalted opinion entertained of him by his countrymen, that they styled him “king of kings.” His mother was his predecessor, and the governess of the nation, and he hau several sisters, who married leading men. On the death of his mother, h°. came in chief sachem by the usnges of his ancestors, but such was his disinter- ested patriotism, that he left it to the nation to say whether he should succeed to the sachemship. The people elected him “ emperor.” He was at the head of the Creeks during the revolutionary war, and was in the British interest. After the peace, he became reconciled to the Americans, and expressed a desire to renounce his public life, and reside in the U. States, but was hindered ny the earnest solicitations of his countrymen, to remain among them, and direct their affairs. His residence, according to General Milfort, f who married his sister, was near Tallahassee, aoout half a league from what was formerly Fort Toulouse. He lived in a handsome house, and owned 60 negroes, each of whom he pro- vided with a separate habitation, which gave his estate the appearance of a little town. | M’Gillivray was a son of an Englishman of that name who married a Creek woman, and hence was what is called a half breed. He was born about 1739, and, at the age of ten, was sent by his father to school in Charleston, where he was iD die care of Mr. Farquhar M' Gillivray, who was a relation of his father His tutor was a Mr. Sheed. He learned the Latin language under the tuition of Mr. William Henderson, afterwards somewhat eminent among the critics in London. When youug M’ Gillivray was 17, he was put into a counting-house in Savannah, but mercandle affairs had not so many charms as books, and he spent all the time he could get, in reading histories and other works of useful- ness. After a short time, his father took him home, where his superior talents soon began to develop themselves, and his promotion followed. He was often styled general, which commission, it is said, he actually held under Charles III., king of Spain. This was, probably, before he was elected emperor. To be a little more particular with this distinguished man, I will hazard a repetition of some facts, for the sake of giving an account of him as recorded by one § who resided long with him, and consequently knew him well. He was the son of a Creek woman, of the family of the Wind, whose father was an officer in the French service, stationed at Fort Toulouse, near the nation of the Alabamas. This officer, in trading with the Indians, became acquainted with the mother of our chief, whom he married. They had five children, two boys and three girls. Only one of the boys lived to grow up. As among other tribes, so among the Creeks, the children belong to the mother ; and when M’Gillivray’ s father desired to send him to Charleston to get an education, he was obliged first to get the mother’s consent. This, it seems, was easily obtained, and young M' Gillivray was put there, where he acquired a good * Adair’s Hist. N. American Indians, 254, &c. t Memoire ou coup-d’oeil rapide sur mes differens voyages et mon sejour dans la natioi! Creek, p. 27. f Ibid. $ General Milfort. z 38fi M’ULLIVRAY HIS EISIT TO NEW YORK. [Book !V. education. He did not return for sone time to his nation, which was at be commencement of the revolutionary war ; and he then went, commissioned >y the royalists, to invite his countrymen to a treaty upon the frontiers, and to unite them against the rebels.* He generally spoke the English language, which was not pleasing to his mother, who would not speak it.f After the war he became attached to the Americans, and although the bor- derers caused frequent troubles, yet he made and renewed treaties with them. In 1790, he came to New York with 29 of his chiefs. Owing to some misun- derstanding, he had refused to treat at Rock Landing a short time before, where commissioners from the U. States had attended ; and the government, justly fearing a rupture, unless a speedy reconciliation should take place, despatched Colonel Marinus Willet into the Creek country, with a pacific letter to General M' Gillivray. He succeeded in his mission, and the chiefs arrived in New York 23 July, 17904 They were conducted to the residence of the secretary of war, General Knox, who conducted them to the house of the president of the U. States, and introduced them to him. President Washing- ton received them “in a very handsome manner, congratulated them on their safe arrival, and expressed a hope that the interview would prove beneficial both to the U. States and to the Creek nation.” They next visited the governor of the state, from whom they received a most cordial welcome. They then proceeded to the City Tavern, where they dined in company with General Knox, and other officers of government A correspondence between Governor Tilfair, of Georgia, and “ Alexander JVPGillvary, Esq.” probably opened the way for a negotiation, which terminated in a settlement of difficulties. From the following extract from M’ Gillivray'’ s letter, a very just idea may be formed of the state of the affairs of his nation previous to his visit to New York. “ In answer to yours, I have to observe, that, as a peace was not concluded on between us at the Rock-landing meeting, your demand for property taken by our warriors from off the disputed lands cannot be admitted. We, also, have had our losses, by captures made by your people. We are willing to conclude a peace with you. but you must not expect extraordinary concessions from us. In order to spare the further effusion of human blood, and to finally determine the war, I am willing to concede, in some measure, if you are disposed to treat on the ground of mutual concession. It will save trouble and expense, if the negotiations are managed in the nation. Any person from you can be assured of personal safety and friendly treatment in this country.” It was dated at Little Tellassee, 30 March, 1790, and directed to “His Excellency Edward Telfair, Esq.” and signed “ Alex. M’ Gillivray.” This chief seems afterwards to have met with the censure of his people, at least some of them, in a manner similar to that of M’Intosh recently ; and was doubtless overcome by the persuasions of designing whites, to treat for the disposal of his lands, against the general voice of his nation. One Bowles, a white man, led the councils in opposition to his proceedings, and, for a time, M 1 Gillivray absented himself from his own tribe. In 1792, his party took Bowles prisoner, and sent him out of the country, and solicited the general to return. § To this he consented, and they became more attached to him than ever. He now endeavored to better their condition by the introduction of teachers among them. In an advertisement for a teacher, in the summer of 1792, he styles himself emperor of the Greek nation. His quiet was soon disturbed, and the famous John Watts, the same summer, with 500 warriors, Creeks, and five towns of the Chickamawagas, committed many depredations. The Spaniards were supposed to be the movers of the hostile party. M’ Gil- livray died at Pensacola, February 17, 1793, || and is thus noticed in the Pennsylvania Gazette: — “This idolized chief of the Creeks styled himself king of kings. But, alas he could neither restrain the meanest fellow of 1 lit ■* Milfort, 323, 324'. t See Holmes, Amer. Annals, ii. 384. f Colonel Willed s Narrative, 112. “ They were received with great splendor by the Tam many Society, in the dress of their order,” on their landing. Ib. § In 1791, this Bmoles, with five chiefs, was in England, and we find this notice of him i* ihe European Magazine of that year, vol. 19, p. 268 : — “The ambassadors consisted of tw« Creeks, and of Mr. Boroles, (a native of Maryland, who is a Creek by adoption, and the pre» ent general of that nation,) and three Cherokee*. U Milfort, 326 Chap. V.] MAD-DOG.— THE SOUTHERN BOUNDARY. 387 nation from the commission of a crime, nor punish him after he had commit- ted it ! He might persuade or advise, all the good an Indian king or chief can do.” This is, generally speaking, a tolerably correct estimate of the extent of the power of chiefs; but it should be remembered that the chiefs of different tribes exercise very different sway over their people, according as such chief is endowed with the spirit of government, by nature or circum- stance. There is great absurdity in applying the name or title of Icing to Indian chiefs, as that title is commonly understood. The first Europeans conferred the title upon those who appeared most prominent, in their first discoveries, for want of another more appropriate ; or, perhaps, they had another reason, namely, that of magnifying their own exploits on their return to their own countries, by reporting then- interviews with, or conquests over, “ many kings of an unknown country.” Contemporary with General AT Gillivray was a chief called the TAME-KING, whose residence was among the Upper Creeks, in 1791 ; and he is noticed in our public documents of that year, as a conspicuous chief in matters connected with establishing the southern boundary. At this time one Bowles, an English trader, had great influence among the Lower Creeks, and used great endeavors, by putting himself forward as their chief, to enlist all the nations in opposition to the Americans. He had made large promises to the Upper Creeks, to induce them not to hear to the American commissioners They so far listened to him, as to consent to receive his talk, and accordingly the chiefs of the upper and lower towns met at a place called the Half-way- house, where they expected Bowles in person, or some letters containing definite statements. When the chiefs had assembled, Tame-king and Mad-dog, of the upper towns, asked the chiefs of the lower, “whether they had taken Bowles's talks, and where the letters were which this great man had sent them, and where the white man was, to read them.” An Indian in Bowles's employ said, “he was to give them the talk.” They laughed at this, and said, “ they could hear his mouth every day ; that they had come there to see those letters and hear them read.” Most of the chiefs of the upper towns now left the coun- cil, which was about the termination of Bowles's successes. He was shortly afterwards obliged to abdicate, as we have already declared in the life of M' Gillivray. He returned again, however, after visiting Spain and England, and spending some time in prison.* Mr. Ellicott observes, f that, at the close of a conference with sundry tribes, held 15 August, 1799, in which objects were discussed concerning his passage through their country, that “the business appeared to terminate as favorably as could be expected, and the Indians declared themselves perfectly satisfied ; but I nevertheless had my doubts of then - sincerity, from the depredations they were constantly making upon our horses, which began upon the Coeneuck, and had continued ever since ; and added to their insolence, from their stealing every article in our camp they could lay their hands on.” Mr- Ellicott excepts the Upper Creeks, generally, from participating in these rob- beries, ail but Tame-king and his people. Though we have named Tame-king first, yet Mad-dog was quite as con- spicuous at this time. His son fought for the Americans in the last war, and was mentioned by General Jackson as an active and valuable chief in his expeditions. His real name we have not learned, and the general mentions him only as Mod-dog’s son. In the case of the boundary already mentioned, the surveyors met with fre- quent difficulties from the various tribes of Indians, some of whom were influenced by the Spanish governor, Folch, of Louisiana. Mad-dog appeared their friend, and undeceived them respecting the governor’s pretensions. A conference was to be held about the 4 May, between the Indians, Governor Folch, and the American commissioners. The place of meeting was to be upon Coenecuh River, near the southern estuary of the bay of Pensacola. When * He was confined in the Moro castle in the Havana, with three Cherokees that accom lanied him. This was in 1792. It was said that this inveterate enemy of the Uni! sd State*, 3owles, was with the Indians, at St. Clair’s defeat. — Carey’s Museum, xi. 40 f. t In his Journal, 214. 388 WEATHERFORD. [Book IV the Americans arrived there, Mad-dog met them, and informed Colonel Hawkins , the Indian agent, that two Indians had just gone to the Tallessees with bad talks from the governor. The colonel told him it could not be pos- sible. Shortly after, Mad-dog asked Colonel Hawkins and Mr. Ellicott, the commissioner, if they supposed that Governor Folch would attend at the treaty ; they said, “ Most assuredly.” “ jYo," returred Mad-dog, “ he will not attend, he knows what I shall say to him about his crioked talks. His tongue is forked, and , as you are here, he will be ashamed to shoio it. If he stands to what he has told us, you will be offended, and if he tells us that the line ought to be marked, he will contradict himself: but he will do neither ; he will not come." It turned out as Mad-dog declared. When it was found tl at the governor would not attend, the chief went to Colonel Hawkins and Mr. Ellicott, and, by way of pleasantry, said, “ Well, the governor has not come. I told you so. A man ivith tivo tongues can only speak to one at a time." This observation has reference to the gov- ernor’s duplicity, in holding out to the Indians his determination not to suffer a survey of the boundary, while, at the same time, he pretended to the Ameri- cans that he would facilitate it.* Mad-dog was an upper town Creek, of the Tuckaabatchees tribe. CHAPTER VI. Weatherford — His character and country — The corner-stone of the Creek confed- eracy — Favors the designs of Tecumseh — Captures Fort Mimms — Dreadful mas sacre — Subjection of the Creeks — Weatherford surrenders himself — His speeches — M’Intosh — Aids the Americans — Battle of Autvssce — Great slaughter iff the Indians — Battle cf the Horse-shoe-benit — Late troubles in the Creek nation — AT Intosh makes illegal sale of lands — Executed for breaking the laics of his country — Mmawwat — Tustenugge — Hawkins — Chilly M’Intosh, son of William — Marriage of his sister — Lovett. WEATHERFORD, one of the most conspicuous war chiefs of the Creek nation, demands an early attention, in the biographical history of the late war. Mr. Claiborne, in his Notes on the War in the South, informs us that, “among the first who entered into the views of the British commissioners was the since celebrated Weatherford ; ” that he was born in the Creek nation, and whose “ father was an itinerant pedler, sordid, treacherous, and revengeful ; his mother a full-blooded savage, of the tribe of the Seminoles. He partook (says the same author) of all the bad qualities of both his parents, f and engrafted, on the stock he inherited from others, many that were peculiarly his own. With avarice, treachery, and a thirst for blood, he combines lust, gluttony, and a devotion to every species of criminal carousal. (Fortune, in her freaks, sometimes gives to the most profligate an elevation of mind, which she denies to men whose propensities are the most vicious.) On Weatherford she bestowed genius, eloquence, and courage. The first of these qualities enabled him to conceive great designs, the last to execute them ; while eloquence, bold, impressive, and figurative, furnished him with a pass- port to the favor of his countrymen and followers. Silent and reserved, unless when excited by some great occasion, and superior to the weakness of rendering himself cheap by the frequency of his addresses, he delivered his opinions but seldom in council ; but when he did so, he was listened to with delight and approbation. His judgment and eloquence had secured the respect of the old : his vices made him the ido of the young and the unprin- cipled.” “In his person, tall, straight, and well proportioned; his eye black, lively, and penetrating, and indicative of courage and enterprise ; his nose prominent, thin, and elegant in its formation ; while all the features of hif * Ellicott’ s Journal, 203, &c. t The reader should be early apprized that this was written at a time when some prejudict wight have infected the mind of the writer. Chap. VI. WEATHERFORD.— MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS. 389 face, harmoniously arranged, speak an active and disciplined mind. Pas- sionately devoted to wealth, he had appropriated to himself a fine tract ot iand, improved and settled it : and from the profits of his father’s pack, had decorated and embellished it. To it he retired occasionally, and, relaxing from the cares of state, he indulged in pleasures which are but rarely found to afford satisfaction to die devotees of ambition and fame. Sucli were die opposite and sometimes disgusting traits of character in the celebrated Weatherford, the key and corner-stone of the Creek confederacy ! ” It is said that this chief had entered fully into the views of Tecumseh, and that, if he had entered upon his designs without delay, he would have lieen amply able to have overrun the whole Mississippi territory. But this fortu- nate moment was lost, and, in the end, his plans came to ruin. Not long before the wretched butchery at Fort Minims, General Claiborne visited that post, and very particularly warned its possessors against a surprise. After giving orders for the construction of two additional block-houses, he con- cluded the order with these words : — “ To respect an enemy, and prepare in the best possible way to meet him, is the certain means to ensure success.” It was expected that Weatherford would soon attack some of the forts, and General Claiborne marched to Fort Early, as that was the farthest advanced into the enemy’s country. On his way, he wrote to Major Beasley, the com- mander of Minims, informing him of the danger of an attack ; and, strange as it may appear, the next day after the letter was received, (30 August, 1813,) Weatherford, at the head of about 1500 warriors, entered the fort at noon-day, when a shocking carnage ensued. THe gate had been left open and unguarded ; but, before many of the warriors had entered, they were met by Major Beasley, at the head of his men, and for some time the contest was bloody and doubtful ; each striving for the mastery of the entrance. Here, man to man, the fight continued for a quarter of an hour, with toma- hawks, knives, swords and bayonets: a scene there presented itself almost ■without a parallel in the annals of Indian warfare ! The garrison consisted of 275: of these only 160 were soldiers; the rest were old men, women and children, who had here taken refuge. It is worthy of very emphatical remark, that every officer expiled fighting at the gate. A lieutenant, having been badly wounded, was carried by two women to a block-house, but when he was a Tittle revived, he insisted on being carried back to the fatal scene, which was done by the same heroines, who placed him by the side of a dead companion, where he was soon despatched. The defenders of the garrison being now nearly all slain, the women and children shut themselves up in the block-houses, and, seizing upon what weapons they could find, began, in that perilous and hopeless situation, to defend themselves. But the Indians soon succeeded in setting these houses on fire, and all such as refused to meet death without, perished in the flames within ’ ! Seventeen only escaped of all the garrison, and many of those were desperately wounded. It was judged that, during the contest at the gate, near 400 of Weatherford’s warriors were wounded and slain. The horrid calamity at Fort Mimms, in the Tensau settlement, as it is called, was not the commencement of the bloody war with the Creek Indians. The motions of the Shawanee Prophet had been scrutinized by people upon the frontiers of several states, and memorials from Indiana and Illinois had been sent to the president of the United States by some of their principal inhabitants, in 1811, calling on him to send out an armed force for their security. In the summer of 1812, some families were cut off near the mouth of the Ohio, and soon after, upon the border of Tennessee, two other families, consisting of women and children, were butchered in a manner too shocking for description ! Georgia was also a sufferer in the same kind. In respect to the bloody affair at Fort Mimms, a different aspect has been thrown around it from that generally given in the histories of the war. The severe, though probably just reflections of Judge Martin upon the conduct of the unfortunate Beasley, has passed without contradiction. Not only nad that officer been warned by General Claiborne of his danger, as already stated, but a Creek Indian informed h'm in a friendly manner that he muj 390 WEATHERFORD SURRENDERS.— HIS SPEECH. [Book IV. expect tin attack in less than two days. When he had made his communica lion, he left the place, “and was hardly out of sight, when 20 or 30 of his countrymen came in view, and forcibly entered tire fort In the attempt to shut the gate, Beasley was killed : the garrison revenged his death by that of all the assailants. This first party was, however, soon followed by a body of about 800 : the garrison was overpowered, the fort taken, and every man, woman and child in it, slaugntered, with the exception of four privates, who, though severely wounded, effected their escape, and reached Fort Stod- dard.”* Beasley himself was carried into the kitchen of one of the houses within the fort, and was there, with many others, consumed hi the burning ruins ! f When the news of this affair was circulated through the country, many cried aloud for vengeance, and two powerful armies were soon upon their march into the Indian country, and the complete destruction of the Indian power soon followed. The Indians seeing all resistance was at an end, great numbers of them came forward and made their submission. Weather- for/1, however, and many who were known to be desperate, still stood out; perhaps from fear. General Jackson determined to test the fidelity of those chiefs who had submitted, and, therefore, ordered them to deliver, without delay, Weatherford , bound, into his hands, that he might be dealt with as he deserved. When they had made known to the sachem what was required of them, his noble spirit would not submit to such degradation ; and, to hold them harmless, lie resolved to give himself up without compulsion. Accord- ingly, he proceeded to the American camp, unknown, until he appeared before the commanding general, to whose presence, under some pretence, he gained admission. General Jackson was greatly surprised, when the chief said, “ lam Weatherford, the chief who commanded at the capture of Fort Mimms. I desire peace for my people, and have come to ask it." Jackson had, doubtless, determined upon Ins execution when he should be la-ought bound, as he had directed; but his sudden and unexpected appearance, in this manner, saved him. The general said he was astonished that he should venture to appear in his presence, as he was not ignorant of his having been at Fort ftfimms, nor of his inhuman conduct there, for which he so well deserved to die. “I ordered,” continued the general, “that you should be brought to me bound; and, had you been brought in that manner, I should have known how to have treated you.” In answer to this, Weatherfoi'd made the follow- ing famous speech : — “ I am in your power — do with me as you please — 1 am a soldier. I have done the whiles all the harm I could. I have fought them, and fought them bravely. If I had an army , I would yet fight — I would contend to the last : bid I have none. My people are all gone. I can only weep over the misfortunes of my nation." General Jackson was pleased with his boldness, and told him that though lie was in his power, yet he would take no advantage; that he might yet join the war party, and contend against the Americans, if he chose, but to depend upon no quarter if taken afterward ; and that unconditional submission was his and his people’s only safety. Weatherford rejoined, in a tone as dignified as it was indignant, — “ You can safely address me in such terms now. There teas a time when I could have ansivered you — there was a lime when I had a choice — i have none now. I have not even a hope. I could once animate my ivarriors to battle — but I cannot animate the dead. My warriors can no longer hear my voice. Their bones are at Talladega, Tallushatches, Emuckfaw and Tohopeka. I have not surrendered myself without thought. While there was a single chance of success, I never lef my post, nor supplicated peace. But my people are gone, and I now ask it for my nation, not for myself I look back with deep sorrow, and wish to avert still greater calamities. If I had been left to contend with the Georgia army, I would have raised my corn on one bank of the river, and fought them on the other. But your people have destroyed my nation. You are a brave man. I rely upon your generosity. You will exact no terms of a conquered veople, bid such as they should accede to. Ifhalever they may be, it would now b, madness and folly to oppose them. If they are opposed, you shall find it* Marlin’s Hist. Louisiana, ii. 316. f Perkins’s Late War, 19< Chap. VI.] BATTLE OF AUTOSSEE AND oF TOHOPEKA. 391 amongst the sternest enforcers of obedience. Those who ivoidd still hold out, can be influenced only by a mean spirit of revenge. To this they must not, and shall not sacrifice the last remnant of their country. You have told our nation where we might go and be safe. This is good talk, and they ought to listen to it. They shall listen to it.” And here we must close our present account of Weatherford, and enter upon that of a character opposed to him in the field, and, if we can believe the writers of their times, opposite in almost all the affairs of life. This was the celebrated and truly unfortunate General WILLLIAM M’INTOSH, a Creek chief of the tribe of Coweta w. lie was, like M'Gillivray, a half-breed, whom he considerably resembled in several particulars, as by his history will appear. He was a prominent leader of such of his countrymen as joined the Americans in the war of 1812, 13, and 14, and is first mentioned by General Floyd,* in his account of the battle, as he called it, of Autossee, where he assisted in the brutal destruction of 200 of his nation. There was nothing like fighting on the part of the people of the place, as we can learn, being surprised in their wigwams, and hewn to pieces. “ The Cowetaws,” says the general, “ under M'Intosh, and Tookaubatchians,j under Mad-dog's-son, fell in on our flanks, and fought with an intrepidity worthy of any troops.” And after relating the burning of the place, he thus proceeds : — “ It is difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, but from the information of some of the chiefs, which it is said can be relied on, there were assembled at Autossee, warriors from eight towns, for its defence ; it being their beloved ground, on which they proclaimed no white man could approach without inevitable destruction. It is difficult to give a precise account of the loss of the enemy ; but from the number which were lying scattered over the field, together with those destroyed in the towns, and the many slain on the bank of the river, which respectable officers affirm that they saw lying in heaps at the water’s edge, where they had been precipitated by their survivlffgTriends, [! !] their loss in killed, independent of their wound- ed, must have been at least 200, (among whom were the Autossee and Tallassee kings,) and from the circumstance of their making no efforts to molest our return, probably greater. The number of buildings burnt, some of a superior order for the dwellings of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed to be 400.” This was on the November, 1813. M'Intosh was also very conspicuous in the memorable battle of the Horse- shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie River. At this place the disconsolate tribes of the south had made a last great stand, and had a tolerably regular fortified camp. It was said that they were 1000 strong. They had constructed their works with such ingenuity, that little could be effected against them but by storm. “ Determined to exterminate them,” says General Jackson, “ I detached General Coffee with the mounted, and nearly the whole of the indian force, early ou the morning of yesterday, [March 27, 1814,1 to cross the river about two mile3 below their encampment, and to surround the bend, in such a manner, as that none of them should escape by attempting to cross i*he river.” “ Beane company of spies, who had accompanied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in canoi i to the extremity of the bend, and set fire to a few of the buildings which wei s there situated ; they then advanced with great gallantry towards the breast- work, and commenced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it.” This force not being able to effect their object, many others of the army showed great ardor to participate in the assault. “ The spirit which animated them was a sure augury of the success which was to follow.” “ The regulars, led on by their intrepid and skilful commander, Col. Williams, and by the gallant Maj. Montgomery, soon gained possession of the works in the midst of a most tre- mendous fire from behind them, and the militia of the venerable Gen. Doherty's brigade accompanied them in the charge with a vivacity and firmness which would have done honor to regulars. The enemy was completely routed. Five hundre 1 and fifty seven \ were left dead on the peninsula, and a great number were killed by the horsemen in attempting to cross the river. It 5s believed that not more than twenty have escaped. “The fighting continued with some severity about five hours ; but we coa- * Brannan’s official letters. t Tuckabatche Bartram, 447 f These are the general’s italics ; at least, Brannan so prints his official letter. 392 M'INTOSH’S TREATIES. ■Book IV tinued to destroy many of them, who had concealed themselves under the banks of the river, until we were prevented by the night. This morning we killed 16 who had been con^.aled. We took about 250 prisoners, all women and children, except two or liiree. tiur loss is 106 wounded, and 25 killed. Major McIntosh, the Cowetau, who joined my army with a part of his tribe, greatly distinguished himself.” * Truly, this was a war of extermination ! ' The friend of humanity may inquire whether all those poor wretches who had secreted themselves here and there in the “caves and reeds,” had deserved death ? The most melancholy part of the life of the unfortunate M'lntosh remains to be recorded. The late troubles of the Creek nation have drawn forth many a sympathetic tear from the eye of the philanthropist. These troubles were only the consequences of those of a higher date. Those of 1825, we thought, completed the climax of their affliction, but 1832 must sully her annals with records of their oppression also. It is the former period with which our article brings us in collision in closing this account. In that year, the government of the U. States, by its agents, seemed determined on possessing a large tract of their country, to satisfy the state of Georgia. M'lntosh, and a small part of the nation, were for conceding to their wishes, but a large majority of his countrymen would not hear to the proposal. The commissioners employed were satisfied of the fact, and communicated to the president the result of a meeting they had htd for the purpose. He was well satisfied, also, that J\Tlntosh could not convey the lands, as he represented but a small part of his nation, but still the negotiation was ordered to be renewed. A council was called by the commissioners, (who were Georgians,) which assembled at a place called Indian-spring. Here the chief of the TuGkaubatcheese spoke to them as follows : “We met you at Broken Arrow, and then told you we had no land to sell. I then heard of no claims against the nation, nor have I since. We have met you here at a very short notice, and do not think that the chiefs who are here have any authority to treat. General M'lntosh knows that we are bound by our laws, and that what is not done in the public square, in the general council, is not binding on tbe nation. I am, therefore, under the necessity of repeating the same answer as given at Broken Arrow, that we have no land to sell. I know that there are but few here from the upper towns, and many are absent from the lower towns. Gen. M'lntosh knows that no part of the land can be sold without a full council, and with the consent of nil the nation, and if a part of tht nation choose to leave the country, they cannot sell the land they have, but it belongs to the nation.” “ This is the only talk I have for you, and I shall return home immediately.” He did so. The ill-advised commissioners informed M'lntosh and his party, that the Creek nation was sufficiently represented by them, and that the United States would bear them out in a treaty of sale. The idea of receiving the whole of the pay for the lands among themselves, was doubtless the cause of the concession of M’lntosh and his party. “ Thirteen only of the signers of the treaty were chiefs. The rest were such as had been degraded from that rank, and un known persons ; 36 chiefs present refused to sign. The whole party of MIntosh amounted to about 300, not the tenth part of the nation.” Still they executed ihe articles, Sin direct violation to the laws of their nation, which themselves had helped to form. It must be remembered that the Creeks bau made no inconsiderable advances in what is termed civilization. They had towns, and even printed laws by which they were to be governed, similar to those of the United States. The treaty of Indian-spring , dated 8 January, 1821, gave universal uneasi- ness ; and, from that day, M'lntosh lost popularity. It was generally believed that lie had been tampered with by the whites to convey to them the inher- itance of his nation ! and the following letter pretty clearly proves such suspicions had been justly grounded. It is dated “Newtown, 21st October , 1823. * My Friend : I am going to inform you a few lines, as a friend. I want you to give me your opinion about the treaty ; f whether the chiefs will be willing or not * Braun so. ut supra t That at Indian-spring, 8 January, 1831. Chap. VI.] M’INTOSH. — HIS VILLANY DETECTED. 393 If the chiefs fed disposed to let the United States have, the land, part of it, I want you to Id me know ; I ivill make the U. States commissioners give you 2000 dollars , A. M’Coy the same, and Charles Hicks 3000 dollars, for present, and nobody shall know it ; and if you think the land woulden [ should'nt ?] sold, I ivill be sat- isfied. If the land shoidd be sold, I will get you the amount before the treaty sign [is signed :] and if you get any friend you want him to received, they shall receive. JVothing more to inform you at present. “ I remain your affectionate friend, WM. McINTOSH. “John Ross.* “ An answer return. “ N. B. The whole amount is $12,000, you can divide among your friends, exclusive, $7,000.” Hence there can be no question as to the guilty conscience of M'Intosh, although some parts of the above letter are scarcely intelligible. He had mistaken his friend ; Ross was not to be bought; for three days after the letter was written, viz. 24 October, a council was held, and M'Intosh was present; the letter was read, and he was publicly exposed. Notwithstanding what had been done at Indian-Spring, it appears, from the above letter, that another attempt at selling land was made in 1823, but could not be carried into effect, the villany of M’Intosh was so apparent; and it appears that it could not be brought about until 12 February, 1825, which is the date of the last treaty made by MIntosh. “ MIntosh was aware, that, after signing the treaty, his life was forfeited. He, and others of his coadjutors, repaired to Milledgeville, stated their fears, and claimed the protection of Georgia, which was promised by Gov. Troup.” It must be observed that the greater part of the purchased territory was within the claimed limits of Georgia;! and that the Georgians had no small share in the whole transaction. It is not stranger that the people of Georgia should conduct as they have, than that the United States’ government should place it in her power so to act. To take, therefore, into account the whole merits of the case, it must be remembered, that, by a compact between the two parties in 1802, the former, in consideration of the latter’s relinquishing her claim to the Mississippi territory, agreed to extinguish, at the national expense, the Indian title to the lands occupied by them, in Georgia, whenever it could be done, upon reasonable teims. t Who was to decide when the practicable time had arrived, we believe was not mentioned. However, previous to 1825, the United States had succeeded in extinguishing the aboriginal title of 15,000,000 acres, and there were yet about 10,000,000 to be bought off. § The change of life from wandering to stationary, which the arts of civilization had effected among the Indians, made them prize their possessions far more highly than heretofore, and hence their reluctance and opposition to relinquish them. Thus much it seemed necessary to premise, that the true cause of the fate of MIntosh should be understood. It appears that when the whole of the nation saw that the treaty which he and his party had made could not be abrogated, forty-nine fiftieths of them were violent against them ; and there- fore resolved that the sentence of the law should be executed upon him. The execution, and circumstances attending it, are thus related : || “About two hours before day, on Sunday morning, 1 May, IT the house of Gen. M'Intosh was surrounded by Menaw-way, and about 100 Oakfuskee warriors. M'Intosh was within, as likewise were his women and children, and some white men. Menaw-way directed an interpreter to request the whites, and the women and children, to come out, as the warriors did not wish to harm them; that Gen. MIntosh had broken the law that he himself had long since made, and they had come to execute him accordingly. They came c ut of the house, leaving M’Intosh and Etomi-tustenugge, one of his adherents, * Then President of the National Council of the Creeks. t Perkins, Hist. D. States, a work, by the way, of great value, and which we are surprised should have issued from the press with little or no notice. + Amer. An. Regr. i. § Ibid. || In the Annual Register, ut supra. IT 30 April is mentioned, in another part of the same work, as the date of 111 ■ execution, a id so it is set down by Mr. Perkins, in his Hist. U. S. *194 M’lNTOSH AND OTHERS PUT TO DEATH. [lioOK IV. therein. The warriors then set fire to the house; and as MJntosh and his comrade [ Tustenugge ] attempted to come out at the door, they shot them both down. The same day, about 12 o’clock, they hung Sam Hawkins, a half breed, in the liuckhosseliga Square. On Monday, the 2 May, a party of Iialibee Indians fired on and wounded Ben Hawkins, another half breed, very badly. The chiefs stated, at the time, that no danger whatever was to be apprehended by persons travelling through the nation ; that they were friends to the whites, and wished them not to be alarmed by this execution, which was only a compliance with the laws that the great chiefs of the nation made at Polecat Spring. Chilly M'Intosh escaped from the house with the whites, and was not fired at or wounded.” He is now chief among the western Creeks, and some time since increased his notoriety by beating a member of Congress, in Washington. The great agitation which the' execution of the head chiefs of the M’Intosh party caused was allayed only by the interference of the United States’ gov- ernment. Governor Troup of Georgia declared vengeance against the Creek nation, denouncing the execution of the chiefs as an act of murder ; however, he, by some means, learned that his judgment was gratuitous, and, by advice of President Adams, desisted from acts of hostility, the survey of the disputed lands, &c. We have not learned much of the family of M’Intosh. His principal resi- dence was on the Chattahoochie, where he had two wives, Susannah and Peggy, one a Creek, the other a Cherokee woman, and this is the place where he was killed. About 50 miles from this place, on the western branch of the Tallapoosa, he had a plantation ; here lived another of his wives, named Eliza. She was the daughter of Stephen Hawkins, and sister to Samuel and Benjamin Hawkins* whose fate we have just related. On 14 August, 1818, Jenny, his eldest daughter, was married to William S. Mitchel, Esq., assistant Indian agent of the Creek nation. They were married at a place called Theacatckkali near Fort Mitchel, in that nation, f General M’Intosh participated in the Seminole campaigns, as did another chief of the name of Lovett, with about 2000 of their warriors. They joined the American army at Fort Scott in the spring of 1818. J CHAPTER VII. Creek war continued — Vieio of the Creek country — General Jackson ordered out against them — Relieves Chinnaby — Shelokta — Path-killer — Capture of Litta futche — The Tallushatches destroyed by General Coffee — Battle of Talladega — Anecdote — Massacre of the Hallibees — Further account of Autossee battle — Battle of Camp Defiance — Timpoochie — Battle of Eckanakaka — Pushamata — Weatherford — Jim Fife — Battle of Emnkfau — A second battle — Fife’s intrepidity — Battle of Enotochopko — Tohopeka — End of the Creek war— Death of three Prophets — Monohoe — M’Qcjeen — Colbert, alias Piomingo — His exploits — Anecdote — Mur- der of John Morris — M ushalatubec — Pushamata — Speech of Mushalatubec and of Pushamata to Lafayette at Washington — Pushamata dies there — Hillishago visits England — Excites the Seminoles to war — A modern Pocahontas — IIornot- limep — Massacres a boat’s crew in Apalachicola River — Is captured with Hillis- hago, and hanged — Neamathla — Removal of the Florida Indians — Their wretched condition— M’Queen — Rich in lands and slaves — Flies to Florida, and loses his effects. At this period the Creek Indians occupied a country containing about 900 square miles ; bounded on the north by Tennessee, east by Georgia, south by the Floridas, and west by the Mississippi ; the soil and climate of which could not be considered inferior to any in the United States. These Indians, consisting of Creeks, properly so called, Chikasaws, Choktaws, and Chero- * Report of the Select Committee of the House of Representatives, U. S., 578, &c. f Niles’s Register, 14, 407 t N.Y. Monthly Mag. iii 74, Chap. VII.] SHELOKTA. — PATII-KiLLER. 395 kees, had for a long time been on amicable terms with their white neighbors, exchanging then - furs and other articles with them for such others as their wants required. This state of things, but for the breaking out of the war in Canada, might, and would, in reason, have continued, and the great Creek nation would have increased, and at this day have gained vastly in population and importance, instead of being dismembered, its inhabitants sent into banishment, and finally ruined. Intermarriages between Indians and whites had become frequent, from which a race of half-breeds were springing up, and instead of slavery, the Indian women were taking their proper places in society, and the men were cultivating the fields. And notwithstanding the Prophet and Tecumseh had used all their eloquence to engage them in an early quarrel, it was not until they heard of the success of the British at Mal- deD, that they decided on taking up the hatchet, generally. Such was the alacrity among the northern Indians on the capture of General Hull , on the 16 August, 1812, that runners arrived from among them to the Creeks some lime before it was known to their white neighbors. For the horrid butchery at Tensau, the followers of Weatherford, Monohoe, and M'Quin, or M' Queen, were shortly to atone, in the most summary man- ner. There was a great encampment of Creeks under Weatherford, at the Tallahasse, or Tallushatcbes towns, on the Coosa River, a northern branch of the Alabama. The eyes of the south seemed to centre upon General Jackson to execute vengeance on the Indians, and notwithstanding he was confined to his room, from a wound in the arm, which he had lately received m a private quarrel, when the news of the massacre arrived in Tennessee, the governor of that state issued an order to him to raise 2000 men with all possible despatch, and rendezvous at Fayetteville. Colonel Coffee was already in the field. Jackson's march into the enemy’s country was hastened by a false alarm, and when he had got into the Indian country, he found himself almost destitute of provisions for his army, which caused considerable delay. At a place on the Tennessee River, called Ditto’s Landing, General Jackson met with Colonel Coffee's regiment. Here he remained several days, but despatched Coffee with 700 men to scour the Black Warrior River. At Ten Islands, on the Coosa, was a band of friendly Creeks, at whose head was a chief named Chinnaby. This chief had a kind of fort there, and was now blockaded in it by the war party. Chinnaby, hearing of Jackson's position, sent his son, She- lokta, also a principal chief, to the general’s camp, for relief, who, without loss of time, marched up the river, but was obliged to encamp at the distance of 24 miles from Ditto's, from the failure of his supplies. While here, Path- killer,* a Cherokee chief, sent two runners to him, confirming the former news, and that without immediate relief, they said, they should be immediate- ly cut off, for the hostile Indians were assembling in great force from nine towns. Jackson now resolved to move on, and told the messengers of Path - killer to speak thus to then - chief from him : — “ The hostile Creeks will not attack you until they have had a brush with me, and that, I think, will put them out of the notion of fighting for some tune.” When the army had arrived within a few miles of the Ten Islands, it was met by Chinnaby. This old chief had succeeded in capturjng two hostile Creeks, which he gave up to General Jackson. The army was yet about 16 miles from the Indian encampment, and in a lamentable condition for want of provisions ; insomuch, that almost any one but Jackson would have despaired, and given up the campaign ; but his resolution was not to be shaken, and lie happily diffused his spirit into his men. He said, in a letter to Governor Blount , that whilst they could procure an ear of com apiece, they would not give up the expedition. * We would here observe that Path-killer was, in 1822, a Christian chief, and governed n the same tribe with the famous Mr. Charles Hicks ; and his residence was in that year 25 miles from Turkeytown. The missionary, Mr. Butrick, notes in his Journal, that Path-killer was “ the king or first beloved man, of the Cherokee nation,” and that Mr. Hicks was “ the second beloved man.” Path ’ciller had had a son murdered by some white man, before thic visit, and complained of the outrage, and said he had written twice to the president of 'ho United Stales about it. Both these chiefs died in the winter of 1826 PATH-KILLER. — BATTLE OF TALLUSUATCHES. (Book IV 396 On ll ic 28 October, Colonel Dyer returned from the capture of a town called Littafutche, on the head of Canoe Creek, which empties into the Coosa from the west. His force consisted of 200 cavalry, and they brought in 29 prisoners, chiefly women and children. The Indians were now drawn oil' from Ten Islands, and had taken post at Tallushatches, on the south side of the Coosa. Coffee was immediately despatched with 900 men to attack them. This he did on the 3 November, sun about an hour high in the morning. A number of men in advance of the main body, sent iorward for the purpose, drew out the warriors from their cabins, who made a fierce attack upon them. The Americans gave way by fall- ing back upon the main body, agreeably to their preconcerted plan, which had the good effect of bringing the Indians at once into their power. Having fired upon them, they made a successful charge, and soon obliged them to shelter themselves in their wigwams. Colonel Coffee says, “The enemy retreated firing, until they got around, and in their buildings, where they made all the resistance that an overpowered soldier could do — they fought as long as one existed, but their destruction was very soon completed. Our men rushed up to the doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed the last warrior of them. The enemy fought with savage fury, and met death with all its horrors, without shrinking or complaining — not one asked to be spared, but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In consequence of their flying to their houses, and mixing with the families, our men, in killing the males, without intention killed and wounded a few of the squaws and children.” In this sanguinary affair, 180 Indians were killed; and the commander thought, that there were enough others killed in the woods, which they could not find, to make up in all 200. This calculation, he observed, he thought a reasonable one. They took captive 84 women and children, and “not one of tire warriors escaped to carry the news ; a circumstance unknown heretofore ! ” The whites had 5 killed and 41 wounded ; “none mortally, the greater part slightly, a lumber with arrows : this appears to form a very principal part of the enemy’s arms for warfare ; every man having a bow with a bundle of arrows, which is used after the first fire with the gun, until a leisure time for loading offers.” The destruction at Tallushatches was rendered the more complete by their being entirely surrounded on every side by the troops. Some have said that even the women united with the warriors, and contended in the battle with fearless bravery. This i nay account for many that were killed ; but General Coffee does not mention it. Meanwhile General fVhite had been detached to Turkeytown, for the relief of Path-killer, and he was now ordered to join the main army, with as much expedition as he was able. This request was transmitted on the 4, and renewed on the 7 November, 1813 ; and on the evening of the same day, an Indian brought news to the general, that Talladega was besieged by a great body of the enemy, and would certainly be destroyed, unless immediately relieved. Talladega was a fort occupied by friendly Creeks, about 30 miles below Ten Islands. Without loss of time, General Jackson marched to relieve Talladega. His operations were conducted with such promptitude, that by midnight following the same day, he was within six miles of his enemy. Here he encamped until about daylight. Then moving on, at sunrise he came within half a mile of the Indian encampment, which was otdy about 80 rods from Fort Talla- dega. The general, having formed his line of battle like the Spanish Armada, moved on to the attack. The Indians were not taken by surprise, but rushed upon their adversaries with such impetuosity that they made considerable impression in one part of the line; insomuch, that a considerable body of militia gave way. Their places being immediately supplied by the mounted men, the Indians fought but a short time, before they were obliged to fly for the mountains, about three miles distant. In their flight they were hard pressed by the right wing of the Americans, and great numbers were cut down. In the whole affair, 299 were killed, that were found, of the Indians ; and the whiter lost 15 in killed, and 85 were wounded, several of whom afterwards died. Over 1080 Indians were said to have been engaged, and some of thenr afterwards said thei. loss at the battle of Talladega was 600. Chap. VII.] BATTLE OF AUTCSSEE 397 It was expected that a supply of provisions would arrive at Camp Strotrer at Ten Islands, before the army should return there ; but on its arrival, a total failure was experienced by the hungry soldiers ; even what had been left behind of the general’s private stores had been distributed — it was a melan- choly time, indeed, and reminds us of the sufferings of captives in the old Indian wars, who were obliged to subsist upon berries and roots. It was during this campaign that a c he u instance occurred which has been variously related ; and, as it is an excellent anecdote, we will lay it before our readers. One morning, a soldier, with a doleful countenance, approached General Jackson , and told him he was almost famished, and knew not what to do. The geueral was seated at the foot of a tree, and was observed by the poor half- starved soldier to be eating something. This no doubt caused him to make bis complaint, thinking it a favorable time to have his wants relieved. The general observed, that it was never his custom to turn away a hungry person, when he had it in his power to relieve him; then, putting his hand into his pocket, took out a handful of acorns, and, offering them to his astonished guest, observed, diat such was his fare, and all he had, but to that be was welcome. The soldier went away contented, aud told his companions they ought no more to complain, so long as their general was obliged to subsist upon nothing but acorns. Out of this grew the story, that the general having invited his officers to dine with him, set nothing before them but a tray of acorns and some water. Meanwhile mutiny after mutiny took place in General Jackson's aimy, and the campaign came near being abandoned. A circumstance, too, occurred about this time, ever to be lamented. General Cocke, of East Tennessee, considering himself possessed of a command independent of Jackson, gave his orders to some brigadiers, at the same time that General Jackson did. General White chose to act under General Cocke's orders, and this occasioned some confusion, and, in the end, the lamentable affair to which we have just alluded, and of which we now proceed to give an account. The Hallibee Indians, who had been the principal sufferers at Talladega, had despatched ambassadors for General Jackson's camp, to sue for peace which they would accept on any terms he might please to grant them. At the same time these proposals were out, General White marched against theii towns, and on the 18 November completely surprised them ; killed GO war- riors, took 256 prisoners, and made good his retreat without the loss of a man. The Indians thought they had been attacked by General Jackson's army, and that therefore they were now to expect nothing but extermination ; and this was thought to be the reason why they fought with such desperation afterwards. And truly they had reason for their fears : they knew none but Jackson, and supposed now that nothing short of their total destruction would satisfy him. as their conduct exemplified on every occasion. They knew they had asked peace on any terms, and their immediate answer was the sword and bayonet A company of Cherokees aided not a little in this affair. We have given the chief features of the battle of Autossee, when drawing a sketch of the life of M'Intosh. Here may be added some other matters of history, for the better understanding the events of the memorable Creek war. Autossee is situated on the south bank of the Tallapoosie, 18 miles from the Hickory Ground, and 20 above the junction of that river with the Cooaa. With General Floyd's white troops were four companies of friendly Indians. M'Intosh led the Cowetaus, and Mad-dogs-son the Tookaubatchians, or Tuka- batchies. The names of the other leaders are not set down, but there were doubtless several of them, as there were about 350 warriors who accompanied tiie expedition. That sure work was intended, will not be doubted, when it is known that the force, exclusive of Indians, was 950 men. When the army arrived near the place where it was expected Indians would be found, and having discovered one small town before it was light in the morning, the general was surprised immediately after by the discovery of another. This was filled with men who had been apprized of his approach, and were pre- pared for battle. The order of battle was immediately changed, and the army proceeded in two divisions to attack both towns at once. The besiegerst 34 398 BATTLE OF THE HOLY GROUND. [Book IV being provided with artillery, soon accomplished their work, and all the resistance the Indians seem to have made, was in endeavoring to effect a retreat into caves and other hiding-places. Nevertheless, the Georgians had 11 killed outright, and 54 wounded. Among the latter was General Floya himself severely, and Adjutant-General Newman slightly. M'Intosh and Mad-dogs-son's loss was considerable, but was not thought of importance enough to he communicated by their allies, who were greatly indebted to them, if, indeed, destroying their own countrymen made them so. They did not, however, do so much butchering as they intended, or, rather, as they agreed to do ; for the day before the massacre, they agreed to post them- selves on tne opposite side of the river, and to kill all who should attempt an escape. Had they done this, very few would have escaped. Alter resting a few days, General Floyd marched to Camp Defence, 50 miles directly into the Indian country, and westward of Autossee. ii re, early in the morning of 2 January, the hostile Indians killed his sentinels before they were discovered, and then with great fury attacked his camp, and for a quarter of an hour continued to light with bravery. By this time the army had got formed in order of battle, and soon obliged the Indians to fly. One company of whites, under Captain Broadnax, had its retreat cut off' by the assailants, and escaped only by cutting its way through them. In this fight, Timfoochif.-barnuel, or Barnard, a half-breed, chief of the (Jellies, commanded a company of them, and, in the language of the general, “ greatly distinguished himself.” It was owing to his promptness, that Cap- tain Broadnax was enabled to effect a retreat. The enemy, in that manoeuvre, had advanced within 50 yards of the artillery. All the other part of the Indian army took shelter within the lines, and looked on during the contest. After this battle, 37 Indians were found dead on the field, as the whites reported ; and of their own number 17 were killed, and 130 wounded. At the first onset, General Newman had three balls shot into him, which prevented his further service ; and several of the principal officers had their horses shot under them. How the Indians under Timpoochie fared in these particulars, we have not yet learned. Weatherford, Francis, Sinquisturs-son, with some Shawanese, had established themselves on the Alabama, above the mouth of the Cahaba, and there built a town, which they called Eckanakaka. Its name signified that it was built upon holy ground; and hence the prophets told their followers that they had nothing to fear, as no polluted and murderous whites could ever enter there. However, General Claiborne, at the head of a small army, accompanied by a band of Choktaws under Pushamata, their chief, resolved to make a tiial of the virtue of the Indian prophets’ pretensions. Weatherford and his followers, being apprized of the approach of the army, had put themselves into an attitude of defence. On 23 December, 1813, as the army approached, they were met by the Indians, and a short engagement followed. As usual, the Indians gave way, and were pursued ; but as their town was surrounded by fastnesses, few were killed in the pursuit. Thirty were found dead of the enemy Indians, and of the army, two or three were killed, and as many wounded. This was quite an Indian depot, the captors having found here “a large quantity of provisions, and immense property of various kinds.” It was all destroyed with the town, which consisted of 200 houses: the women and children had only time to escape across the Alabama. The next day, another town was destroyed, eight miles above, consisting of 60 houses. We will now proceed with General Jackson, until he puts an eni to the Creek war. On the 17 January, 1814, General Jackson marched, at the head of 930 men, from near Fort Strother, for the heart of the enemy’s country. In his route lay Talladega, the residence of Fife, a noted warrior, and friend of the whites; and here he joined the army with 200 of his men. The Indians were sup- posed to be assembled in great numbers, at the Great Bend of the Tallapoosie, from 14 or 15 of their towns upon that river ; and it was daily expected tha they would attack Fort Armstrong, in their vicinity, which was in no state to meet them. It was the news of its situation, that caused Jackson to march to its immediate relief. When he had arrived at Hallibee Creek, the general, Chap. VII ] BATTLE OF EMUKFAU. 399 From the accounts of his spies, supposed he must be in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, and he soon after encamped at a small Hallibee village, called Enotochopko. Here he discovered that he was 12 miles from the enemy, who were upon an island in the Tallapoosie, near the mouth of a creek called Emukfau. The next day the army encamped very near Emukfau, and had every sign of being hard by the adverse Indians. The order of encampment was that of battle, and every precaution was taken to guard against surprise About 6 in the morning of the 22d, the warriors from Emukfau fell with great force upon Jackson's left flank, and the left of his rear ; and although the attack was made in full confidence that they should rout their adversaries, yet they were disappointed, and no ground was gained by the onset. The assail- ants fought with a determined bravery, and it was near half an hour before they could be made to retire. The Americans, having encamped in a hollow square, met the attack at advantage, but it was otdy at the point of the bayonet, that the Indians were put to flight. Fife, at the head of his warriors, joined in the pursuit, which continued about two miles, with considerable havoc. Matters did not end here ; for, in a short time, the Indians returned again to the attack, and with greater success than before. They attacked a picket at advantage, at a small distance from the main body, and General Coffee, in his turn, attacked the left flank of the attacking party. As his number of men was small, he soon found himself in imminent danger of being entirely cut off. General Jackson, seeing this, ordered Fife to advance to his rescue, which he did with the utmost promptitude. This attack of the enemy was upon the right flank, and was, as it turned out, only a feint to weaken the left by draw- ing the force from that quarter to its support ; but the general was not to be outwitted by such a manoeuvre. He kept the left flank firm, and the alarm gun soon gave notice, that that part was assailed. The general here met the enemy in person, seconded by Colonel Carroll, who ordered the charge, and led on the pursuers. The friendly Indians were successful at this time also, slaying many of their countrymen as they fled. Meanwhile General Coffee had got deeper into difficulty, and was contend- ing at fearful odds with a brave band of warriors, and was again relieved by the Indians under Captain Fife. This, Fife was enabled to do, only by charg- ing them with the bayonet. The enemy seemed determined to wrest their country from the invaders, and retired slowly, at first, as men driven from their country will always do. Fife and his comrades pursued them about three miles, killing 45 of them, which they found afterwards. The reason of Coffee's great peril, was this, Fife having been ordered to his rescue before the attack on the left was made the second time ; and now, hearing the filing in that direction, supposed his aid was more needed in that quarter; and thus Coffee was left without support. He was severely wounded, and his aid-de- camp, Colonel A. Donaldson, and three others, were slain. General Jackson, not having provisions for a longer stay, and being con- siderably crippled, began a retreat to Fort Strother. The most memorable part of this expedition is yet to be related. The Indians now supposed the Americans were beaten, or they would not retreat. They therefore resolved to pursue and harass them. Jackson expected this, and marched, in order of battle, through one dangerous defile after another. At length, on the morning of the 24, after having nearly passed one of the most dangerous places, at Enotochopko Creek, his rear was attacked in a spirited manner ; and although it was not at all unexpected, yet the columns gave way, and a good deal of confusion and slaughter ensued. At length, a six-pounder was, with great difficulty, dragged up a small eminence which commanded the battle-ground, ai.d being charged with grape-shot, did great execution, and was a principal means of putting the enemy to flight. The getting the cannon up the hill was done at the greatest peril ; the men who undertook it being sure marks for the enemy, having nothing to screen them in the least. By the time they had discharged it once, Lieuten mt Arm- strong, Captain Hamilton, of East Tennessee, Captains Bradford and M'Gavock, -had all fallen. Bradford exclaimed, as he lay, “My brave J'ellows, some of you may fall, but you must save the cannon." The army having, meantime, recoyered from their panic, attacked hi their 400 DEATH OF MG NOHOE THE PROPHET. fliOOK IV turn, and the Indians were every where put to flight, and pursued about two miles. The Indians’ loss in this buttle was 189, that were found. The Amer- icans had, in both days’ fights, 24 killed, and 71 wounded. It was evident now, that the Indians were satisfied that they were not victors, for in their flight they threw away their packs and arms in abundance, and the army met yith no further molestation during their return march. We have now arrived to the termination of the Creek war. It ended in the nattle of the Great Bend of the Tallapoosie, as we have related in the life of ATIntosh. This bend, usually called the Horse-Shoe, by the whites, was called by the Indians Tohopeka, which, in their language, it is said, signified a horse-shoe : therefore the battle of Tohopeka, the Great Bend, and the Horse- Shoe, are one and the same. Nothing could oe more disastrous to the deluded Creeks than this battle. The loss of their great prophets was, however, the least. Three of them, and .he last upon the Tallapoosie, fell among those whom they had made believe that no wounds could be inflicted upon them by the whites ; and incredible as it may seem, that although they had witnessed a total failure of all their prophecies hitherto, such was the influence those miserable impostors held over the minds of the warriors, that they still believed in their soothsayings, and that their incantations would at Kst save them, and that they should finally /oot out the whites and possess the' country. Such are the errors of delu- sions in all ages — it is visible in ^ nistory, and will continue to be so until a knowledge of the nature of thing., shall diffuse itself, and the relation of cause and effect be more extens’./e'- Known. Monohoe was one, jk 1 ve believe the son of Sinquistur was another, who fell in the grq*t tottl" A Tohopeka. In one of his accounts of the battle, General Jackson obsc/ves : “ Among the dead was found their famous prophet, Monohoo-, shot in me mouth by a grape shot, as if Heaven designed to chastise his impostures oy an appropriate punishment.” The manner in which he was killed, required but little aid from the whites to satisfy the Indians that he was t false prophet, and it was soon generally believed among them. These prophets were decorated, says Colonel Eaton, “ in the most fantastic manner — the plumage of various birds about their heads and shoulders ; with savage grimaces, and lion-id contortions of the body, they danced and howled their cantations.” Monohoe, in the very act of divination, muttering to the sun, with eyes almost strained from their sockets, and his limbs distorted in every possible unnatural direction, received his death wound. The faith of the warriors in such abominable fooleries must now have been shaken , but the Hallibee massacre was alone sufficient to account for their desperation— as we have seen, their most submissive offers of peace had been met by the sword — all confidence therefore in the humanity and integrity of the whites, had, in their minds, been forfeited. From every appearance it was evident that they had determined to conquer at Tohopeka, or never to survive a defeat ; for they did not, as on former occasions, send away then- women and children : about 300 of these were taken. Whether the famous prophet HUlishago, or Francis, were in this battle, is not known. On 18 April, 1814, General Jackson wrote from his camp, at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosie, saying, “ Peter M Quin has been taken, but escaped ; he must be taken again. HUlishagee, their great prophet, has also absconded ; but he will be found.” In this, however, as will be seen, the general was no prophet ; for Francis and M’ Queen were both alive in 1817. The friendly Indians rendered the Americans most efficient aid in this battle, and their loss in killed and wounded was greater in proportion to their numbers than that of the whites. In all 23 were killed, and many more were wounded. It was supposed by General Floyd, that in the battle of Autossee he had killed the famous prophet and king of Tallassee, but it turned out not to be so, for he fell into the hands of the Americans afterwards. He was supposed to be a hundred years old, his head being entirely white, and bowed almost to the ground. His name, we believe, was Eneah-thlukkohopoiee. lie was taken about the time of Weatherford' s surrender ; and but for the protection afforded him by the whites, their friends, the Creeks, would have put hinn to death Shaf. VII.] COL BE R T.- PI AM IN GO. 1)1 without mercy But Weatherford had nothing to fear from them: they care- fully avoided meeting, and when any by accident or necessity came into his presence, they were observed to tremble with fear. Such is the difference in the carriage and aspect of men. We will close the present chapter by detailing some particulars in the lives of several distinguished chiefs. It was very seldom that the names of any chiefs appeared in the accounts of the late war, but they were many, especially in the south, and deserved as much notice, and often more than many that did receive it. When the war was over, some of them occasionally visited Washington, and the novelty of trieL- appearance sometimes caused them to receive such notices as follows .- “On the 8th ultimo, [Feb. 1816,] arrived Col. Return J. Meigs, the agent of the U. States in the Cherokee nation, with a deputation from the nation, con- sisting of Col. Lowry, Maj. Walker, Maj. Ridge , Capt. Taylor, Adjt. Ross, and Kunnesee. These Indians are men of cultivated understandings, were nearly all officers of the Cherokee forces which served under General Jackson during the late war, and have distinguished themselves as well by their bravery as by their attachment to the U. States.” In June following, another deputation visited the capital of the United States, of -whom it was said, their appearance was such as entitled them to the highest respect. The delegates were from the Chickasaws, and consisted of General William Colbert, the great war chief of that nation, Major James Colburt, interpreter; Ettissue; Mingo, the great warrior; Appasantvhbee, a chief ; Chastauny and Colleetchee, warriors. Most of these lought for the whites in the south. General Colbert was now aged, having fought with the Americans in St. Clair's army, with seven others of his countrymen ; one of whose names was Piomingo, or the Mountain-lader, of whom we shall pres- ently speak. In the late war, while his men were preparing to join the Americans, Col- bert, impatient to be unemployed, joined the third regiment of the United States infantry. When he had served with them nine months, he returned to his nation, collected his warriors, and marched to Fort Montgomery on the Alabama, from thence against Pensacola, crossed the Esanibia, and pursued the hostile Creeks almost to Apalachicola, killing many of them, and return- ing to Fort Montgomery with 85 prisoners. He and his comrades were now at Wasliington, to obtain a settlement of the boundaries of their country. Accordingly commissioners were sent into their country, and on the 20 Sep- tember following, [1816,] a treaty was entered into. In this treaty Colbert is styled Major-General, and by the sixth article of it he was allowed an annuity of 100 dollars during life. His name is not to the treaty of Hopewell, made 10 January, 1786, but that of Piomingo is. To that of Cliikasaw Bluff’s, 24 October, 1801, instead of his mark, we find W. C., which shows that he had been paying some attention to learning ; but in subsequent treaties his mark again appears. From the circumstance that the name of Piomingo is not seen to any of the treaties after that of Colbert appears, induces the belief that he is the same person, and that, from his attachment to the whites, he took one of their names. Piomingo is thus mentioned by General St. Clair, on his arrival at hi* quarters. “Oct. 27. Payamingo arrived in camp with his warriors. I was so unwell, could only see him and bid him welcome.” “ Oct. 29. Payamingo and his people, accompanied by Captain Sparks, and four good riflemen, going on a scout ; they do not propose to return under 10 days.” We have no account of the success of the excursion, but they did not join the army again until after the defeat, which took place six days after. As they were proceeding to Fort Jefferson, one of the enemy mistook them for his corn panions, and was captured before he discovered his mistake. Piomingo accosted him with harsh language, saying, “ Rascal, you have been killing ichite men ! ” He then ordered two of his men to extend his arms, and a third tf shoot him. When this was done, and his scalp taken, they proceeded to join the army. We learn the name of ore other who was with' *SL Clair. He was called 34* 2A 402 MUSHALATUBEE. — PUSHAMATA. [Book IV James Anderson , and was brother to the chief John Morris, who, 23 June, 1793, was murdered not above 600 paces from Governor Blount's house, in Knoxville, lie was shot by some unknown persons. The governor ordered him to be buried in the burying-ground of the white people, witli military honors. A procession was formed, headed by himself, and he was interred with great respect. In 1793, the Spaniards of Louisiana made large offers to the Chikasaws, to indune them to forsake the Americans; but their offers were treated with contempt, especially by Piomingo. Mushai.atubee was a Chikasaw chief, with whom General Lafayette became acquainted in his last visit to this country. His first knowledge cf him, as will appear from the following extracts out of M. Levasseur's work, “Lafayette en Amerique,” &c., was at the residence of the “sage of Monticello.” Mushalatuhee, and Pushamata, a Chocktaw chief, already mentioned, were at Washington when the general arrived there, in December, 1824, being there at the meeting of congress, according to custom, with many other chiefs, to brighten the chain of friendship, receive presents, and make known the wants of their countrymen. At this time Mushalatubee made the following ngreeable speech to General Lafayette. “You are one of our fathers. You have fought by the side of the great Washington. We will receive here your hand as that of a friend and father. We have always walked in the pure feelings of peace, and it is this feeling which has caused us to visit you here. We present you pure hands — hands that have never been stained with the blood of Americans. We live in a country far from this, where the sun darts his perpendicular rays upon us. We have had the French, the Spaniards and the English for neighbors; but now we have only the Americans ; in the midst and with whom we live as friends and brothers.” Then Pushamata, the first of their chiefs, began a speech in his turn, and expressed himself in these words : “ There has passed nearly 50 snows since you drew the sword as a companion of Washington. With him you have combated the enemies of America. Thou hast generously mingled thy blood with that of the enemy, and hast proved thy devotedness to the cause which thou defendedst. After thou hadst finished that war, thou hadst returned into thy country, and now thou comest to revisit that land where thou art honored and beloved in the remembrance of a numerous and powerful peo- ple. Thou seest eveiy where the children of those for whom thou hast defended liberty, crowd around thee, and press thy hands with filial affection. We have heard related all these things in the depths of the distant forests, and our hearts have been ravished with a desire to behold thee. We are come, we have pressed thy hand, and we are satisfied. This is the first time that we have seen thee,* and it will probably be the last. We have no more to add. The earth will part us forever.” “ In pronouncing these last words, the old Indian had in his manner and voice something very solemn. He seemed agitated by some sad presenti- ments. We heard of his death a few days after; he was taken sick, and (Med before he could set out to return to his own people. When satisfied that his end was approaching, he caused all his companions to be assembled, and he desired them to raise him up, and to put upon him all his ornaments, and bring to him his arms, that his death should be that of a man’s. He manifested a desire that at his interment the Americans would do him mili- tary honors, and that they would discharge cannon over his grave, They promised him that it should be done; he then talked freely with his riends and expired without a groan in the midst of conversation.” His monument occupies a place among the great men in the cemetery at Washington, lipon one side is this inscription : — "■ They might not have been introduced to the general when he saw them at Mr. Jefferson’s. M. Levasseur says, in speaking of the Indian deputation, “ A leur tele 6 latent deux chefe qut nous avions vous s’asseoir unjour a la table de M. Jefferson, pendant notre stjour h Monticello. Je tes reconnus a leurs oreilles decouples en longues lanUres, gamies de longues lames «fc plomb." Ch,p. V1I.J DEATH OF PUSHAMATA.— EPITAltt. 403 “Push-ma-taha, a Choctaw chief, lies here. This monument tc his MEMORY IS ERECTED BY HIS BROTHER CHIEFS, WHO WERE ASSOCIATED 7»ITH HIM IN A DELEGATION FROM THEIR NATION IN THE YEAR 1824, TO THE GE’ LRAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES.” And on the other : “PuSH-MA-TAHA WAS A WARRIOR OF GREAT DISTINCTION. He WAS WISE IN COUNCIL, ELOQUENT IN AN EXTRAORDINARY DEGREE ; AND ON ALL OCCA- SIONS, AND UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES, THE WHITE MAN’S FRIEND. He DIED in Washington, on the 24th of December, 1824, of the cramp, in the 60th year of his age.” That Pushamata, or Pushmataha , was a warrior, has been said. In the late war with England, he assisted in subduing his countrymen at the south. In General Claiborne's army he distinguished himself, particularly in the battle of the Holy Ground, (called by the Indians Eccanachaca,) upon the Alabama River, 80 miles from Fort Claiborne. Here the celebrated Weatherford re- sided, also Hillishdgo the prophet. In the treaty which the chiefs and warriors of the Choktaus held with the U. S. commissioners, 18 October, 1820, “at the treaty ground, in said nation, near Doak’s Stand, on the Notches Road,” the following passage occurs: “Whereas the father of the beloved chief Mushidatubee, of the lower towns, for and during his life, did receive from the United States the sum of 150 dollars, annually ; it is hereby stipulated, that his son and successor, Mushula- tubee, shall annually be paid the same amount during his natural life.” Hence it would lead us to suppose, without further investigation, that both the father anil son had rendered the country very important services. As has been the case in all former Indian wars, so in the present, every neighboring Indian is viewed with distrust. No sooner had the present existing Seminole war begun, than, by report at least, hundreds of the Creeks were leaving their country for Florida, to join their hostile neighbors. Early this spring, 1836, it was reported far and wide that the Chocktaws had taken up the hatchet. This occasioned a national council to be called, which assembled on the 12 May. The venerable chief Mushulatubee was present, and, among other things, said, “ It makes my heart bleed to be accused of this treachery, when it is well known I and my tribe have fought side by side with Gen. Wayne, Jackson, and others, against the Seminoles, Creeks and British." Hillishago, or HILLIS HADJO, it appeal’s, survived General Jackson's campaigns, and, not long after, went to England, still hoping to gain assist- ance from that nation to enable him to operate with effect against the Ameri- cans. He was, upon his return, the immediate instigator and cause of the Seminole war, having taken up his residence among that nation, unable to stay longer in his own country. The belief was imposed upon him by some abandoned English traders, that there was a provision in the treaty of Ghent for the restoration of their country. He received much attention while in England, and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An English journal thus mentions his arrival : — “The sound of trumpets announcecT the approach of the patriot Fi-ancis, who fought so gloriously in our '•'■use in America during the late war. Being drest in a most splendid suit of red and gold, and wearing a tomahawk set with gold, gave him a highly imposing appearance.” He received large presents from the king’s stores, but, it is said, that of these he was chiefly defrauded afterwards by the notorious Woodbine, who, it seems, accompanied him in his travels.* About the end of November, or beginning of December, 1817, a war party of Seminoles captured an American, and conveyed him immediately to their principal village, called Mikasauky. Here it appears dwelt Francis and his family. The American, wiiose name was M'Krimmon, was ordered to be immediately burnt to death. The stake was set, M'Krimmon, with his head Seminole War Documents d. 23, published by order of congress. 404 HORNOTL1KED— NEAMATHLA [Book IV ehaved, was bound to it, and wood was piled up about him. When the Indians had finished their dance, and the fire was about to be kindled, a daughter of the chief, named .Willy, who had been witnessing the preparations with a sad countenance, flew to her father, and, upon her knees, begged that he would spare the prisoner’s life ; and it was not until, like the celebrated Pocahontas, she showed a determination to perish with him, that her father consented to prolong his life for the present. It was still his intention, if he could not sell the victim for a certain sum, to have carried his former pur- pose into effect ; but on offering him to the Spaniards, at St. Marks, the demanded sum, 7h gallons of rum, was paid for him, and thus his liberation was effected. After Francis fell into the hands of the Americans and was hanged, his family, consisting of a wife and several daughters, surrendered themselves to the Americans at St. Mark’s. The youngest daughter, Milly, about fourteen years of age, was treated with great attention by all the officers for having saved the life of WKiimmon. She was said to have been very handsome. When M'Knmmon heard of her being among the captives, lie went and offered himself to her as a partner. She would not, however, receive him, until satisfied that he was prompted to offer himself from other motives than a sense of the supposed obligation of his life having been saved by her. Mikasauky was the chief rendezvous of the war party, and had been known at least a century by the name of Baton Rouge. This name was given it by the French, and the Anglo-Americans called it the Red Sticks, to avoid r he use of the same name in French. Hence the Indians who made this their quarters, were called Red Sticks. At this period they had revived the practice of setting up poles or sticks, and striping them with red paint, which was only when they intended war. The Americans, not knowing their prac- tise, supposed these poles were painted with red stripes in derision of their iberty poles. Mikasauky, now Red Sticks, was upon a border of Mikasauky Lake. HORNOTLIMED, or as General Jackson called him, “ Homattlemico, an old Red Stick,” was another principal Seminole chief, whose residence was at Foul Town in the beginning of the war; but, being driven from thence, he repaired to Mikasauky. Three vessels having arrived at the mouth of the Apalachicola on the 30 November, 1817, with military stores for the supply of the garrison, were, from contrary winds, unable to ascend. Lieutenant Scott was despatched for their assistance, in a boat with forty men. The old chief Homotlimed, who had just before been driven from Foul Town, by a detachment of General Gaines's army, with a band of his warriors, had concealed themselves in the bank of the river ; and when Lieutenant Scot l and his men returned, they fired upon them, and all except six soldiers, who jumped overboard and swam to the opposite shore, were killed. Twenty of the soldiers had been left for the aid of the ascending vessels, and about the same number of women and sick were in their places. These fell into the hands of Homotlimed and his warriors, who dashed out their brains upon the sides of the boat, took off their scalps, and carried them to Mikasauky, where they exhibited them upon their red pole, in memory of their victory. This chief and his companion, Hillishago, were doomed shortly to expiate with their lives for this massacre. The Mikasauky town was soon after visited by the army, but the Indians had all fled, their red pole was left standing, and the scalps upon it; many of which were recognized as having been taken from Lieutenant Scott's men. At length a vessel cruising near the mouth of Apalachicola River, to pi even, the escape of the Indians in that direction, with English colors displayed decoyed on board the famous chiefs, Homotlimed, and the prophet jVa.icis. These the American* hanged without trial or delay. NEAMATHLA was a warrior of note and renown, before the war of 1812 with Great Britain. He was a Seminole chief ; but where his residence was previous to that war we have not heard ; but after the Seminole war, he lived upon a good estate, at Tallahassee, of which estate a mile square was under improvement. This, in 1823, JSTeamathla, at the head of the chiefs of his nation, gave up, with other lands, for the benefit of the United States, by a Chap. VII.] NEAMATHLA. — THE SEM1NOLES. 405 treaty which they made with its agents at Moultrie Creek, in Florida, on the 18 September of that year. In an additional article of said treaty, we read — “ Whereas JVea Malhla, John Blount, Tuski Hajo, Mullato King, Emathlochee, and Econchalimico , six of the principal chieis of the Florida Indians, and parties to the treaty to which this article has been annexed, have warmly appealed to the commis- sioners for permission to remain in the district of country now inhabited by them, and in consideration of their friendly disposition, and past services to the U. States,” it was agreed that JVeamathla and his followers should have four square miles, embracing Tuphulga village, on Rocky Comfort Creek ; Blount and Hajo a tract on Apalachicola River ; Mullato King and Emathlochee. upon the same river ; and Econchalimico on the Chatahoochie. With JVea- mathla there settled 80 men ; with Blount, 43 ; Mullato King, 30 ; with Emath- lochee, 28 ; with Econchalimico, 38 : the other Florida Indians, by the same treaty, were to remove to the Amazura, or Ouithlacooche river, upon the peninsula of Florida. Rut whether “the other Florida Indians” had any hand in making this treaty, does not appear, though from after circumstances, there is no proba- bility that they had. Hence two facts are duly to be considered concerning this transaction, as they have led to fatal mistakes : one is, as it concerns the number of the Semiuoles ; and it will be asked, Were their numbers greatly underrated, that it might seem that those who made the treaty were the most important part of the nation ? If diis problem come out affirmative, then, I say, this mistake, or imposition upon the inhabitants of the United States, has been a fatal one. The other fact or circumstance resolves itself into another problem, but not more difficult of solution than the other. It may be thus stated : Had these few chiefs any authority to stipulate for, or bind any others but themselves? If not, where is the obligation for them to leave their country and habitations ? But 1 forbear to pursue this subject further in this place, and will return to JVeamathla. The United States agreed by the same treaty to award 500 dollars to JVea- mathla, as a compensation for the improvements abandoned by him, as well as to meet the expenses of his removal. A word more of the countrymen of JVeamathla, who emigrated to the western coast of the peninsula, before we proceed to other subjects. “ The land,” says Mr. Williams,* to which they are “ legally banished, consists of dry sand ridges and interminable swamps, almost wholly unfit for cultivation ; where it has cost the U. States more than their land was worth to support them. They are now in a starving condition; they have killed the stock of the American settlers, in every part of the territory, to support themselves, already; and there is no present prospect of their situation becoming im- proved.” What is calculated to add to then- miserable condition, is the limits within which they are restricted ; they are not allowed to go nearer than within 15 miles of the sea. A garrison was established at Tampa to supply them with necessaries, and keep them in order. Recent events, however, had consid- erably changed their condition before the commencement of the present dis- tressing war, and they are found much more numerous, and far better off, as to resources, than was supposed they could be. A chief, whom the whites called Peter AT’ Queen, has been incidentally mentioned, in our account of the Creek war. His Indian name was Talmu- ches Hatcho, and he belonged to the tribe of Tukabatchie. In 1814 he fled before the Americans under General Jackson, and took up his residence in Florida, and was among others declared an outlaw. In 1817 he was chief of the Tallapoosies, and resided upon the Oklokne or Okoloknee River, and was styled “an old Red Stick.” He was one of the 12 Creek chiefs who gave Mr. Alexander Arbvlhnoll power of attorney to manage their affairs. This was done on the 17 June, 1817. He was a chief of consequence, possessed a valuable property, in lands and negroes. His effects were seized upon as lawful booty, about the time of his escape from Tukabatchie. A halt-breed, by the name of Barney, shared 10 negroes that had belonged to him, ard a chief called Account of Florida, 72, 73. 406 KING-PAINE IS KILLED IN BATTLE. [Book I/. Auchi hatche, alias Colonel, hru ?0 inore. To the persons who had ma le plunder of 1 1 is slaves, lie protested, they could have no claim upon him, and that lie had never injured them. He therefore applied to Mr. It. Arbuthnott,' to intercede with the officer at the United States military post, Fort Gaines, for some relief; this he did in a very respectful letter, but with what success, we are as yet unprepared to speak. KING-PAINE was a chief who might have demanded early attention, but who, not having been very conspicuous but in a single affair, has been defer- red to this place. Early iu 1812, at the head of sundry bands of Seminolcs and negroes, who had run away from their American masters, King-paint 'ssued forth in quest of blood and plunder. There were several other chiefs at the same time, (among whom Bow-legs* was conspicuous,) who assisted in making war on the frontiers of Georgia. Whether either or both of the above-named chiefs commanded the daring party, who, on 11 September, 1812, attacked and defeated a small force under Captain JVilliams, we are not certain ; but it is certain that they commanded a large force soon after, when General Newman marched against them, and fought him with desperation. Captain Williams, with about 20 men, was convoying some loaded wagons towards Davis Creek, and when within about 10 miles of their destination, they were attacked by a party of Indians and negroes, supposed to be 50 in number. Although the whites were few, they protracted the fight until all their ammunition was expended, their captain mortally wounded, and six others slightly. They then effected a retreat, leaving their wagons in the hands of their enemies. Two of the Americans were killed, and, it was sup- posed, a much greater number of the enemy. Expecting a force would be soon sent against them, King-paine, with Bow- legs as his lieutenant, marched out from the Lotchway towns, at the head of 150 warriors, as was supposed. They were not disappointed with regard to a force being sent against them, for in the mean time General JVewman, f of the Georgia volunteers, marched with 117 men to destroy the Lotchway towns. When he had arrived within about six miles, he fell in with the Indians, all of whom were mounted. It appears the parties met unexpectedly, and no time was lost on either side in preparing for battle. Having dismounted, the Indians advanced a few paces, hoping thereby to intimidate their adversaries; but Newman, at the same time, ordered his men to charge, which being promptly obeyed, the Indians were put to flight. The battle-ground, being skirted with swamps upon three sides, was advantageous for the operations of the Indians ; nevertheless, before gaining these coverts, a well-directed fire stopped the flight of many, among whom was King-paine himself, and Bow- legs was severely wounded; but this was only the commencement of the fight ; for no sooner was the fall of the great chief known among his men, than they returned and charged in their turn, but were again forced to fly, leaving the body of their leader in the hands of the whites. This, more than any, or all considerations together, wrought up their minds to desperation, and they determined on its recovery, or to sacrifice themselves in the attempt ; and they accordingly returned again to the charge, which, it is said, was met with firmness by the whites, who, after encountering several shocks, again succeeded in routing them ; but they immediately returned again, with greater fury than before, and with greater success ; for they obliged the Americans to give ground in their turn, and after some time spent in this most desperate work, they succeeded in recovering the body of King-paine, and carried it off Their loss in the several charges was unknown, but supposed by the whites to have been about 30 ; while, on their own side, they report but one killed and nice wounded. This fight was on the 26 September, and lasted about four uours. * To a document exhibited in the trial of Arbuthnott and Ambrister, his name is signed Boleck. This was probably his real name, which required but a slight corruption to change it into Bow-legs. t Thomson (Hist. War, 61) writes this officer’s name Neuman; but Brannon, Perkins, and Brackenridge, all write it as in the text. There is a town in Florida called Newnansville where a newspaper is printed. Chap. Vll.J GUK1STERS1GO.-HIS BATTLE WITH GEN. WAYNE. 407 The whites were greatly distressed after this fight, for the Indians were reinforced, and harassed them until the 4 October, when they gave up the business and retired. General Newman, having thrown up a slight work, was able to prevent being entirely cut off, and at length retreated out of the coun- try. The Indians did not give up the siege until they had been pretty severely cut up. The whites, by concealing themselves on the night of the 3d, made them believe they had abandoned their fort ; and they came up o it in a body without apprehending danger ; when on a sudden they received a most deadly fire, and immediately fled. We shall close this chapter with some revolutionary and other matters. The Cherokees had engaged not to operate with the British, towards the close of the War ; and what is very singular, all the time that the greatest successe* attended the British arms, they strictly adhered to their engagement ; and L was not until the fortune of war had changed, and the Americans had become masters of nearly all the country, that many of the ill-fated Indians, instigated., no doubt, by abandoned white desperadoes, fell upon the settlement called Ninety Six, killing many persons, and burning several houses. Upon this. General Pickens took the field, at the head of a band of mounted men, and in about five Weeks following the 10 September, 1781, # finished this Cherokee war, in which 40 Indians were killed, 13 towns destroyed, and a great numbei of men, women and children taken prisoners, f A white man by the name ol Waters was supposed to have been the prime mover of the Indians, who with a few of them fled through the Creek country into Florida, and made good their escape. On 17 October, 12 chiefs and 200 warriors met General Pickens at Long Swamp Creek, and a treaty was concluded, by which Georgia acquired a large accession of territory. \ We have next to relate the bold exploits of a Creek warrior, of the name Guristersigo. § The British held possession of Savannah, in June, 1782, and General Wayne was sent there to watch their motions. On the 21 May, Col- onel Brown marched out of Savannah to meet, according to appointment, a band of Indians under Emistessigo, or Guristersigo. But some difficulty among the Indians had delayed their march, and the movement of Brown was disastrous in the extreme. General Wayne, by a bold manoeuvre, cut off his retreat, fell upon him at midnight, killed 40 of his men, took 20 prisoners, and the rest escaped only under cover of darkness. In this fight Wayne would not permit a gun to be fired, and the execution was effected wholly with the sword and bayonet ; the flints having been previously taken from the soldiers’ guns. Meanwhile, Emistessigo was traversing the whole transverse extent of Geor- gia, (strange as it may seem,) without being discovered, except by two boys, who were taken and killed. It was the 24 June, however, before he arrived in the neighborhood of General Wayne, who was encamped about five miles from Savannah. Wayne did not expect an attack, especially by Indians, and consequently was completely surprised. But being well seconded by his officers, and happily resorting to his favorite plan of fighting, extricated him- self from imminent danger, and put the Indians to flight, after a hard-fought battle. The plan adopted by the Indian chief, though simple, was wise ; but in its execution he lost some time, which was fatal to him. He captured two of Wayne's cannon, anil while endeavoring to turn them upon the Americans, they had time to rally. And, as the sword and bayonet were only used by them, no chance was left the Indians to take advantage of position from the flashes of the guns of their adversaries. If Wayne merited censure for being taken thus unprepared, he deserved it quite as much for exposing himself in the fight beyond what prudence required ; but more than all, for putting to death 12 prisoners who had been decoyed into his power, after the fight. The severest part of the action was fought at the cannons. Emistessigo was oath to relinquish such valuable trophies, and he did it only with his life. * Johnson’s Life of Green, ii. 347. t Lee’s Memoirs, 382, 383. 1 Johnson’s Life of Green, ii. 348. § Lee. Dr. Holmes writes Emistessigo. Annals, ii. 340. 408 GRANGULAKOPAK.— BIG WARRIOR. [Book IV. Seventeen of his warriors fell by his side, besides his white guides. He received a spear and two bayonets in his body before he fell, and encouraged his warriors to the last. When he began to faint, be retired a few steps, und calmly laying himself down, breathed his last without a groan or struggle. This chief was six feet three inches high, weighing about 220 pounds, bear- ing a manly and expressive countenance, and 30 years of age ; and General Lee adds, “ Guristersigo died, as he had lived, the renowned warrior of the Overhill Creeks.” In this singular affair but 12 Americans were killed and wounded. Among the plunder taken from the Indians were 117 packhorses, laden with peltry. Exertions were made to capture those warriors that es- caped from the attack on Wayne's camp, but so well did they understand the country, that not one of them was taken. Although not in the order of time, we will introduce here one of the earliest advocates for temperance that we have met with among the Indians. Tin" person, though a Creek, was a descendant, by his own account, of the renown ed Grangvla. His name was Onughkallydawwy-grangulakopaL All we know of his history, can be told in a lew words, and but for one speech of his which happened to be preserved, even his name we had never perhaps heard. That he lived in 174d, and was eminent for his good morals, except the speech, before mentioned, is all we know of him. As to the speech, which is so highly extolled, it has, like numerous others, we are of opinion, passed through too many hands to be considered by all who may meet with it as genuine ; never- theless, throwing aside all the unmeaning verbiage with which it is encumbered, an Indian speech might remain that would be read with pleasure. As it stands in the work before us,* its length excludes it from our pages, and we shall select but few sentences. It was delivered in a great council of the Creek nation, and taken down in short hand by some white present, and about four years after came into the hands of an agent of Sir WUliam Johnson, thence into the hands of sundry others. “Fathers, Brethren, and Countrymen. — We are met to deliberate. Upon what ? — Upon no less a subject, than whether we shall, or shall not be a people ! ” “I do not stand up, O countrymen ! to propose the plans of war or to direct the sage experience of this assembly in the regulation of our alli- ances : your wisdom renders this unnecessary for me.”— “ The traitor, or rather the tyrant, I arraign before you, O Creeks ! is no native of our soil ; but rather a lurking miscreant, an emissary of the evil principle of darkness. ’Tis that pernicious liquid, which our pretended white friends artfully introduced, and so plentifully pour in among us ! ” — “ O, ye Creeks ! when I thunder in your ears this denunciation ; that if this cup of perdition continues to rule among us, with sway so intemperate, ye will cease to be a nation ! Ye will have neither heads to direct, nor hands to protect you. — While this diabolical juice undermines all the powers of your bodies and minds, with inoffensive zeal, the warrior’s enfeebled arm will draw the bow, or launch the spear in the day of battle. In the day of council, when national safety stands suspended on the lips of the hoary sachem, he will shake his head with uncollected spirits, and drivel the babblings of a second childhood.” The above, though not a third of the speech, contains chief of all that was intended to be conveyed in several pages. A true Indian speech need not here be presented to show the difference of style between them ; but as we have a very good one, by the famous Creek chief, Big- warrior, not elsewhere noticed, it shall be laid before the reader. It was delivered at the time Gen- eral Jackson was treating with the Creeks, about the close of the last war with England, and was in reference, as will be seen, to the conditions demanded of the vanquished. And, although Big-warrior was the friend of the Americans, yet he now felt for his countrymen, and after saying many otner things, con- cluded as follows : — “ The president, our father, advises us to honesty and fairness, and promises Sermons, &c., by Reverend WUliam Smilh Chap, m] BIG WARRIOR’S SPEECH TO JACKSON 405 that justice shall be done : I hope and trust it will be ! I made this war, which has proved so fatal to my country, that the treaty entered into a long time ago, with father Washington, might not be broken. To his friendly arm I hold fast. I will never break that bright chain of friendship we made together, and which bound us to stand to the U. States. He was a father to the Muscogee people ; and not only to them, but to all the people beneath the sun. His talk I now hold in my hand. There sits the agent he sent among us. Never has he broken the treaty. He has lived with us a long time. He has seen our children born, who now have children. By his direction, cloth was wove, and clothes were made, and spread through our country ; but the Red Sticks came, and destroyed all ; — we have none now. Hard is our situation ; and you ought to consider it. I state what all the nation knows : nothing will I keep secret. — There stands the little warrior. While we were seeking to give satisfaction for the murders that had been committed, he proved a mischief-maker ; he went to the British on the lakes ; he came back, and brought a package to the frontiers, which increased the murders here. This conduct has already made the war party to suffer greatly ; but, although almost destroyed, they will not yet open their eyes, but are still led away by the British at Pensacola. Not so with us. We were rational, and had our senses. We yet are so. In the war of the revolution, our father beyond the waters encouraged us to join him, and we did so. We had no sense then. The promises he made were never kept. We were young and foolish, and fought with him. The British can no more persuade us to do wrong. They have deceived us once, and can do it no more. You are two great people. If you go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we are not able to fight. We wish to be at peace with every nation. If they offer me arms, I will say to them, You put me in danger, to war against a people bom in our own land. They shall never force us into danger. You shall never see that our chiefs are boys in council, who will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that father Washington advised us never to interfere in wars. He told us that those in peace were the happiest people. He told us, that if an enemy attacked him, lie had warriors enough, and did not wish his red children to help him. If the British advise us to any thing, I will tell you — not hide it from you. If they say we must fight, I will tell them, No.” He had previously spoken of the causes of the war, and of the sufferings it had brought upon them, but asked indulgence from compassion. The fine tract of country, now the state of Alabama, was argued for by Shelokta, another famous chief, who had large claims on the whites, but Jackson would not concede. This chief had rendered them the greatest services in the war, and appealed to Jackson's feelings, by portraying the dangers they had passed together, and his faithfulness to him in the most trying scenes ; but all availed nothing. Big Warrior was a conspicuous chief for many years. In 1821, one of his nation undertook to accompany a Mr. Inicas as a guide, and killed him by the way. Complaint was immediately made to Big-warrior, who ordered him to be executed without delay. In 1824 he was the most noted among the opposers of the missionaries. In this it was thought he was influenced by the Indian agents, which opinion was perhaps strengthened from the fact that a sub-agent, Captain Walker, had married his daughter. He was head chief of the nation when General M'Intosh forfeited his life by breaking the law of the nation in selling a part of the Creek country. The troubles of his nation having brought him to Washington, at the head of a delegation, he fell sic« and died there, 8 March, 1825.* He was a man of colossal stature, and pro portionate physical powers ; and it is said “ his mind was as colossal as his body,” and that he had done much towards improving the condition of his countrymen. He had a son named Tuskehenaha. * Nile* s Register, xxviii. 48. — By a passage in the report of a committee of congress ra >he Creek affairs in 1827. it would seem that Big-warrior died as early as February. 35 410 GROUNDS OF THE SEMINOLE WAR. [Be ok IV. CHAPTER VIII. Grounds of trie Seminole War — Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood — Just ness of the War — Neamathla deposed — Treaties — Of Moultrie Creek — Panne's Landing — Council at Camp King — Is broken up by Osceola — It is renewed , and a party agree to emigrate — Osceola’s opposition— I s seized and put in irons— Feigns a submission and is released — Executes an agreement to comply with Jis demands of the whites — The physical condition of the Indians. Having, in a former chapter of this our fourth book, given many of the necessary particulars for a right understanding of the former Florida war, it will not be necessary here to repeat the same, and we shall, therefore, proceed at once to a notice of the grounds of the present war with the Indians in that region. It has been formerly said, that nearly all the Indian wars have the same origin ; and, on attentively examining the subject, it will be found that the remark has much of truth in it. The Seminoles of Florida have been found quite different from what they had been supposed. Every body had consit ered them a mere outcast remnant, too much enfeebled by their proximity to the whites, to be in the least dreaded in a war. Indeed, such conclusion was in perfect accordance with the accounts which were circulated among intelli- gent people ; but the truth seems to he, people have always been misinformed on the subject, owing chiefly to the ignorance of their informers. Nor is it strange that misinformation should be circulated, when it is considered that the very agents who lived among them, and those who made treaties with them, could not give any satisfactory account as to their numbers or other circumstances. General Jackson, in 1817 and 18, made an easy matter of ravaging a part of Florida. His being opposed but by very few Indians, led to the belief that there were but few in the country. The war of 1814 was then too fresh in their recollections to suffer them to adventure too much, and the probability is, that but few could be prevailed upon to join in a war again so soon. Hence, one of two conclusions must now evidently be fixed upon,— either that the Seminole Indians were much more numerous, 20 years ago, than what was supposed, or that they have increased very considerably within that time. For my part, 1 am convinced that both conclusions are correct. When we are told, that at such a time, and such a place, commissioners of the United States government met a delegation of the principal chiefs of the Southern Indians, and made a treaty, the articles of which were satisfactory to the Indians, two or three queries present themselves for solution ; as, by wnat means have the chiefs been got together; what other chiefs and princi- pal men are there belonging to such a nation, who did not participate in the business of the treaty. Anxious to effect their object, commissioners have sometimes practised unwarrantable means to obtain it ; especially in encour- aging sales of territory by a minority of chiefs, or gaining their consent to a removal by presents. In the early part of the present war, the number of Seminole warriors was reckoned, by persons upon the spot, at 2000 ; but they have generally, since that period, been rated higher. But it is my opinion, that 2000 able men, led by such a chief as Osceola has proved himself to be, are amply sufficient to do all that has been done on the part of the Indians in Florida, in 1835 and 6. There can be but one opinion, among discerning people, of the justness of the present war, as it appears to me ; nevertheless, however unjustly created, on the part of the whites, the most efficient measures should have been taken, in its earliest stages, for its suppression ; because, the sooner it is ended, the fewer will be the sacrifices of lives; to say nothing of the concomitant suffer- ings of individuals, and destructions of property. It has been frequently asked, what the executive and the congress of the nation have been about all this time ! A few soldiers have been sent to Florida at a time ; some have been cut off', and the services of others rendered abortive, by some childish liickerings among their officers about “ precedency of rank.” But whose fault Chap. VIII. J NEAMATHLA DEPOSED.— TREATIES. 411 it is that those officers should have been there under commissions o in- structions of such i nature ns to set them in such an awkward positi >t in respect to each other, I will not take upon me to state, the facts beii g of sufficient notoriety. A writer has given the following facts relative to the Seminoles recently, and, as they are suited to my course of remarks, I give them in his own words : — “ Shortly after the cession, [of Florida to the U. S.] a treaty was mude by which the Seminoles consented to relinquish by far the better part of their lands, and retire to the centre of the peninsula, — a quarter consisting for the most part of pine barrens of the worst description, and terminating towards the south in unexplored and impassable marshes. When the time came for the execution of the treaty, old Neha Mathla , the head of the tribe, thought it savored too much of the cunning and whiskey of the white man, and summoned his warriors to resist it. Gov. Duval, who succeeded Gen. Jackson in the chief magistracy of this territory, broke in upon his war council, deposed the war leaders, and elevated the peace party to the chieftaincies. The Seminoles retired peaceably to the territory assigned them, and old JVeha Mathla retired to the Creeks, by whom he was raised to the dignity of a chief.” The next event of considerable moment in the history of the Seminoles, is the treaty of Payne's Landing. Of this affair I am able to speak in the lan- guage of the principal agent in it, on the part of the whites. The individual to whom I refer, General Wiley Thompson, will be particularly noticed here- after, from the melancholy fate which he met in the progress of this war. I have, in a previous chapter, spoken of the treaty at Moultrie Creek ; but, before going into the particulars of that at Payne’s Landing, it will be neces- sary to make a few additional observations. The Indians who consented to that treaty, by such consent agreed “ to come under the protection of the U. States, to give up their possessions, and remove to certain restricted boundaries in the territory, the extreme point of which was not to be nearer than 15 miles to the sea coast of the Gulf of Mexico. For any losses to which they might be subjected by their removal, the government agreed to make liberal donations, also to provide implements of husbandry, schools, &c., and pay an annuity of 5000 dollars for 20 years ; besides which there were presents of corn, meat, &c. &c. It was required of the Indians that they should prevent absconding slaves from taking refuge among them, and they were to use all proper exer- tions to apprehend and deliver the same to their proper owners.” Our account next goes on to state, that the harmony which existed at the conclusion of this treaty was very great, and that the Indians were so well satisfied with its provisions, “ that they had a clause expressly inserted, by which the United States agent, Major Gad. Humphreys, and the interpreter, Richards, were to have each one mile square, in fee simple, as a mark of the confidence they reposed in these officers of the government.” Before this treaty was carried into effect, the Indians were intruded upon, and they gradually began to be rather slow in the delivery of the runaway negroes. Clamors were therefore loud against them, and difficulties followed, in quick succession, for several years. At length it was determined that the Seminoles should be, somehow or other, got out of Florida, and the treaty of Payne’s Landing was got up for this object. Accordingly, in 1832, on the 9th of May, a treaty was entered into “on Ocklawaha River, known by the name of the treaty of Payne’s Landing, by which they stipulated to relinquish all their possessions in Florida, and emigrate to the country allotted to the Creeks, west of the Mississippi ; in con- sideration of which the government was to pay 15,400 dollars, on their arrival at their new home, and give to each of the warriors, women and children one blanket and one homespun frock. The whole removal was stipulated to take place within three years after the ratification.” What object the government could have had in view by stipulating that the Indians should deliver into its hands all their cattle and horses, previous to their emigration, I know not, unless it was the intention efi its agents to speculate in stocks ; or perhaps the mode by which the Indians were to he transported would not admit of their being transported with them. Be this 412 EXECUTIONS.— COUNCIL AT CAMP KINO. [Book IV ns it might, we shall see that this stock affair was among the beginning of the sparks of w ir. It appears that between 1832 and 1834, it had become very apparent that no removal was intended by the Indians ; and it was equally apparent that those who had engaged a removal for the nation, were not the first people in it, — and, consequently, a difficulty would ensue, let the matter be urged when it would. General Thompson was the government agent in Florida, and he (whether with advice or without, I am not informed) thought it best to have a talk with some of the real head men of the nation, upon the subject of removal, which he effected about a year before the time of removal expired, namely, in the fall of 1834. Meanwhile, the chief who had been put in the place of Neamaihla, by Gov- ernor Duval , had been executed, by some of the nation, for adhering to the whites, and advocating a removal beyond the Mississippi. The name of the chief executed upon this account was Hicks. To him succeeded one named Charles, or, as he is sometimes called, Charles Omathla, and he shared the same fate not long after. Nine warriors came into his council, and learning that he insisted upon a removal, shot nine bullets through his heart! No more doubt- ful characters were now raised to the chieftaincy, but a warrior, named Louis, well known for his hostility to the whites, was made chief. In the council which General Thompson got together for the purpose of holding a talk, as has been remarked, appeared Osceola, and several other distinguished chiefs. This council was held at Fort King, and was opened by General Thompson in a considerable speech, wherein he endeavored to convince the Indians of the necessity of a speedy removal ; urging, at the same time, that their own safety, as well as that of their property, required it ; and requested their answer to the subject of his discourse, which he presented in form of propositions. “ The Indians retired to private council, to discuss the subject, when the present young and daring chief Aceola (Powell) [Osceola] addressed the council, in an animated strain, against emigration, and said that any one who should dare to recommend it should be looked upon as an enemy, and held responsible to the nation. There was something in his manner so impressive and bold, that it alarmed the timid of the council ; and it was agreed, in private talk, that the treaty should be resisted. When this was made known to the agent, he made them a long and eloquent harangue, setting forth the dangers that surrounded them if they were subjected to the laws of the pale faces, where a red man’s word would not be taken ; that the whites might make false charges against them, and deprive them of their negroes, horses, lands, &c. All this time Aceola was sitting by, begging the chiefs to remain firm.” When this was finished, a chief, named “ Holatee Mico, said the great Spirit made them all — they had come from one woman — and he hoped they would not quarrel, but talk until they got through.” The next chief who spoke was named Micanopee. He was the king of the nation. All he is reported to have said was, that he had no intention to remove. “ Powell then told the agent he had the decision of the chiefs, and that the council was broken up. In a private talk, an old chief said he had heard much of his great father’s regard for his red children. It had come upon his ears, but had gone through them ; he wanted to see it with his eyes ; — that he took land from other red skins to pay them for theirs, and by and by he would take that also. The while skins had forked tongues, and hawks’ fingers; that David Blount told him the people in the great city made an Indian out of paint, and then sent after him and took his lands, (alluding to the likenesses of the chiefs, in the war department, at Washington.) He wonted, he said, to sleep in the same land with his fathers, and wished his children to sleep by his side.” The plea set up, that Spain cede' 1 . Florida to the United States in 1819, without any provision for those Indians, need only to be noticed to show its absurdity. It is worthy of remark, that when the right of the Seminoles to the lands of Florida was talked about, the idea was derided by many influential men ; but when such persons desired to take possession of some of the territory, they seemed more inclined to acknowledge the Indians’ rights by agreeing to pay them for them, than of exercising either their own right, or that Chap. VIII.] OSCEOLA IS PUT IN IRONS. 413 of the United States, by taking unceremonious possession. This can be accounted for in the same way that we account for one’s buying an article that he desires, because he dares not take it without. When a removal was first urged upon the Seminole Indians, their chiefs said, “Let us see what kind of a country this is of which you talk, then if we like it, it is time enough to exchange ours for it.” But it is said, the govern- ment agent had no authority to authorize a deputation of Indians to visit the promised land, and here the matter rested awhile. How long after this it was, I shall not undertake to state, that the Indians made known their desire of exchanging their country ; but this was said to have been the fact, and the result was the treaty of Payne’s Landing, already described. It appears that General Thompson, nothing discouraged at the result of the council which had been terminated by the wisdom of Osceola, without the slightest concurrence in any of his measures, by unceasing efforts had pre- vailed upon a considerable number of “chiefs and sub-chiefs to meet him afterwards and execute a writing, agreeing to comply with the treaty of 1832.” This was evidently done without Osceola's consent, but its being done by some whom he had considered his partisans, irritated him exceedingly. He now saw that in spite of all he could do or say, the whites would get terms of agreement of some of the Indians ; enough, at least, for a pretence for their designs of a removal. In this state of things, Osceola remonstrated strongly with the agent for thus taking the advantage of a few of his people, who doubtless were under much greater obligation to him than to the people of the United States. Remon- strance soon grew into altercation, which ended in a ruse de guerre, by which Osceola was made prisoner by the agent, and put in irons, in which situation he was kept one night and part of two days. Here then we see the origin of Osceola's strong hatred to General Thompson. While lying in chains he no doubt came to the fixed resolution to resist the whites to his utmost ability, and therefore, with perfect command over himself, dissembled his indignation, and deceived the agent by a pretended compliance with his demands. The better to blind the whites, he not only promised to sign the submission which he had so strongly objected to, but promised that his friends should do so, at a stated time ; and his word was kept with the strictest accuracy. He came to Fort King with 79 of his people, men, women, tnd children, and then the signing took place. This punctuality, accompanied with the most perfect dissimulation, had the effect that the chief intended it should — the dissipation of all the fears of the whites. These transactions were in the end of May and beginning of June, 1835. Thus we have arrived very near the period of open hostilities and blood- shed ; but before proceeding in the details of these sanguinary events, it may not be improper to pause a moment in reviewing some of the matters already touched upon. The first to which the attention is naturally called, is so prominent as scarcely to need being presented, but I cannot refrain asking attention to a comparison between the number of “chiefs and sub-chiefs, (which was Sixteen) who on the 23 April, 1835, agreed to “acknowledge the validity of the treaty of 9 May, 1832,” and the number of warriors and chiefs now in open hostility. These have not been rated below 2000 able men. Does any body suppose that those 16 “ chiefs and sub-chiefs,” (among whom was not the “ king of the nation ” nor Osceola,) had full power to act for 2000 warriors on so extraordinary an occasion ? The question, in my mind, need only be stated ; especially when it is considered how ignorant every body was of the actual force of these Indians. It will doubtless be asked, how it happens that the Indians of Florida, who, a few years since, were kept from starving by an appropriation of congress, should now be able to maintain themselves so comfortably in their fastnesses. The truth undoubtedly is, that the “starving Indians” were those then lately forced down into the peninsula, who had not yet learned the resources of the country; for not much has been said about the “starving Indians of Florida’ for several years past. In addition to the great amount of cattle, hogs, corn, grain, &c. takes 35 * 414 DEVASTATIONS BEGIN. Book IV from the whites, from the commencement of the war to the present time, the Seminoles make flour of a certain root, called coonty, upon which they can subsist without inconvenience for a considerable length of time, which is of incalculable advantage to them in their ivar operations. _ The strength of the Indians has been not a little augmented by the blacks, Some accounts say there are 800 among them, some of whom have joined them, on absconding from their white owners ; but it is well known that the Florida Indians own many slaves. Old Micanopy is said to have 80. CHAPTER IX. Vic Indians prepare for war — Affair of Hogtown — A mail-carrier killed — Sales of the Indians' cattle and horses advertised by the Indian agent, but none takes place — Burnings and murders are committed — Settlement at JVew River destroyed — Re markable preservation of a Mr. Godfrey’s family — Colonel Warren’s defeat — Swamp fight — Destruction of Mcio Smyrna — Defeat and death of Major Dade, with the destruction of nearly his whole party — Visit to his battle-ground. From April until harvest time, preparations had gone on among the Indians, and they only waited for the whites to begin to compel a removal, when the blow should he struck. The time allowed them over and above the three years, to prepare for their journey to the prairies of the Arkansaw, was spent in making ready to resist at the termination of it. As early, however, as the 19 June, 1835, a serious affray took place between some whites and Indians, at a place called Hogtown, not far from Mickasauky in which the former were altogether the aggressors. The Indians, about seven in number, were discovered by a gang of whites, hunting “ beyond their bounds,” upon whom they undertook to inflict corporal punishment. Two of the Indians were absent when the whites came up to them, and they seized and disarmed them, and then began to whip them with cowhide whips. They had whipped four, and were in the act of whipping the fifth, when the other two Indians came up. On seeing what was going on, they raised the war-whoop and fired upon the whites, but whether they received any injury, we are not told ; but they immediately returned the fire, and killed both the Indians. When General Thompson was made acquainted with the affair, lie summoned the chiefs together, and stated the facts to them, and they disclaimed all knowledge of it, and, it is said, agreed to deliver the offenders into the hands of the whites, to be dealt with according to their laws. This must be taken as the story of the whites ; for in this case they, and not the Indians, were the “offenders.” It was altogether a singular report, that after the Indians had all been whipped and killed, they should he required to stive up the offenders ; but such was stated to be the fact, and I know not that it htis been contradicted. Frequent signs of uneasiness had been manifested during the summer among the Indians, some of whom could not be restrained from acts of vio- lence by the chiefs, although, it is pretty evident, such acts were against their advice. A mail-carrier was killed and robbed between St. Augustine and Camp King, and two or three houses had from time to time been broken open indifferent places; but it is not impossible but that these acts might have been committed by other people than Indians. However, the Indians were mistrusted, atid not only mistrusted, but reported as the perpetrators • and whether they were or not is but of small moment, as affairs turned out. Things remained in this state until December following, when the Indian agent notified such of the Indians as he was able, that their time had expired, and that they must forthwith prepare for their journey over the Mississippi, and to that end must bring it} their 'at tie and horses according to the term* of the treaty. And so confident was he that they would be brought in, that be had advertised them for sale, ant the 1st and 15th of the month were the ESCAPE OF MRS. GODFREY. 415 Jhap. IX.] lays in which the sales were to be made. The appointed days passed, and nc Indians appeared ; and it was immediately discovered that they had sent then women and children into the interior, and the warriors were marching from place to place with arms in their hands, ready to strike. Consternation and dismay was depicted on the countenances of the bor- dering whites, and they began to fly from their dwellings, which were imme- diately destroyed by the Indians. One of the first places attacked was the plantation of Captain Priest, the buildings on which were burned. Small companies of whites were immediately organized for scouring the country. One of these was fired upon by some Indians in ambush, who wounded two, one supposed mortally, and a son of Captain Priest had his horse killed under him. Soon after, as 30 or 40 men were at work getting out ship-timber on Drayton’s Island, in Lake George, they were fired upon and driven from the place. None were wounded, although the bullets ptissed through the clothes of some of them. On the 5th of Jan. 1836, a small party, supposed to be about 30, of Indians struck a fatal blow on a poor family at New River, which is about 22 miles to the north of Cape Florida. It was the family of the light-house keeper of this place, named Cooley. And what renders the case peculiarly aggravating is, that this family, like that of Clark, at Eel River near Plimouth, in Philip's war, were, and had always been, on terms of great intimacy with the very Indians who destroyed them. Mr. Cooley, being absent when the attack was made, escaped the butchery. The number murdered was six, one of whom was a man named Flinton, from Cecil county, Maryland, who had been hired as a family teacher, his mother, wife, and three children. Flinton he found shockingly mutilated, apparently with an axe ; his two older children were ’ying near him shot through the heart, with the books they were using at the time they were murdered by their sides; from which circumstance it is evident they met death at the same moment they knew of the vicinity of the fee. His wife, with the other child at her breast, he found about 100 yards from the others, both apparently killed by the same bullet. Mrs. Cooley had formerly been a captive among the Indians, understood their language, as did one of the children, a boy, and both were much liked by them. Here the Indians found a rich booty. They carried off about 12 barrels of provisions, 30 hogs, 3 horses, 480 dollars in silver, one keg of powder, above 200 pounds of lead, and 700 dollars worth of dry goods. A family of several persons in the neighborhood of Cooley's, witnessed the murder, and barely made their escape. Also another, that of the widow Rig- ley ; herself, two daughters and a son ; these escaped by flight to Cape Florida Hare were soou gathered about 60 persons, who had escaped from along the coast, and not being able to subsist long for want of provisions, made a signal of distress, and were soon discovered by a vessel, which took them to St. Augustine. There was, among the families who fled to save their lives about this time, one, very remarkably preserved. The family of Thomas Godfrey, viz. his wife and four female children, having escaped to a swamp unobserved, were relieved by a negro, about the end of the fourth day. This man was drawn to the spot by the moans of one of the children, whose poor famished mothei could no longer give it its usual support at the breast. This negro belonged to the hostile Indians, and came upon these sufferers with an uplifted axe ; but when he saw the children in their distress, his arm was unnerved by the recollection that his own children were then in the power of the whites. He therefore came to the humane resolution of setting them at liberty, which could not be done, without great hazard, for the Indians were yet in posses- sion of all the adjacent country ; but he directed them to remain as rjuiet ;is possible until night, when he would bring them something to eat. This he did, aud also brought them blankets to sleep upon. The next day a company of mounted whites dispersed the Indians, and the negro conveyed Mrs. Godfrey and her children in sight of them, and then made his escape. The husband of Mrs. Godfrey had some time before been ordered out in defence »f the country. Nothing but devastations of the most alarming and destructive character 41G DESTRUCTION OF NEW SMYRNA. [Book IV • eeem to have occurred in the region of East Florida, so long as there was a place left, which was not strong enough to withstand an attack. About the 18 of December, Colonel Warren, at the head of a small detach- ment of his regiment, was ordered to convoy a train of wagons loaded with provisions and munitions from St. Augustine to the main body, which was encamped at Fort Crooni, near Micanopy's town. While on their march they were attacked by a superior force of Indians, who killed 8 or 10 of them, and put the rest to flight, almost in sight of the force they were sent to relieve. All the wagons fell into the hands of the Indians, which, after taking from them what they desired, broke them up and burnt them. On the 20 of December, as General Call , with the Middle Florida troops, was marchiug for Fort Draine, his advanced guard discovered a house on fire near Micanopy, and a trail of Indians was discovered leading to a pond, which was full of bushes and logs. This pond the whites nearly encircled, and although at first no Indians were seen, yet the flashes of their guns soon pointed out their hiding-places, and considerable firing ensued on both sides , but the fire of the Indians was soon silenced, and on searching the bog four Indians were found dead, but all the others, if there were any more, had effected their escape. In this swamp fight, three whites were badly wounded, and one killed. On the 26 of December, a band of about 100 Indians, under a chief named Philip, and a number of Indian negroes, made an attack on New Smyrna, to the south of Mosquito Inlet, on the east side of the Peninsula, where they found nothing to obstruct their ravages. They began with the house of Mr. Dunham, which when they had plundered, “parties of them scattered about the neighboring plantations of Cruger, Depeyster, and Hunter. The Indian negro, John Ccesar, endeavored to decoy Mr. Hunter from his house, on pre- tence of selling him cattle and horses ; he, however, having heard by his negroes that large numbers of Indians were about, and in the afternoon he crossed the river to Colonel Dummet's. The Indians held possession of Dun- ham's house all day, and about one the next morning set it on fire, together with all the out-buildings. In the course of the 27, they burned and destroyed all the buildings on Cruger's and Depeyster’s plantations except a corn-house, and, on Hunter's, all except a corn-house. They now crossed over the river to Colonel Dummet's house, and after destroying every thing in it, set that on fire, but from some cause the fire did not burn it. They next burnt the house of Mr. Ratcliff, a little to the north of Colonel Dummet's, and broke and destroyed the lantern and every thing belonging to the light-house.” The war having now become serious, and the Indians no longer looked upon as a despicable lbe, the most melancholy forebodings were entertained for the very existence of the strongest places in Florida, and the call for protection from that quarter had become loud and frequent ; but notwith- standing war had been expected all the preceding autumn, no effectual meas- ures had been taken by the proper authorities to check the Indians in such an event. There had, however, late in December, arrived at Fort Brooke a small number of United States’ troops under Major Dade, of the 4th regiment of infantry, the official account of whose operations and defeat, I give as follows, in the language of Major Belton. It should be observed, that Major Dade was detached for the relief of General Clinch at Camp King, who was supposed to be in the most imminent danger from the Indians, and also in great want of supplies. His despatch was dated at Fort Brooke, 1 January, 1836, and proceeds as follows : — “The schooner Motto arrived on the 21 December from Key West, with brevet Major Dade and his company, A infantry, 39 strong, with a small supply of musket-ball cartridges, after looking in at several points between the Key and this place. Being thus reinforced, I hesitated no longer to put Gardiner's company, C 2d artillery, and Frazer's company, B 3d infantry, in motion for Fort King, pursuant to General Clinch's orders ; which movement had been ordered on the 16th, and suspended the same day, on account of intelligence I had received of the force of the Mickasukies, and their strong position, near the forks of the Wythlacoochee. I despatched the public schooner Motto on 23d, with Lieutenant Duncan, 2d artillery, to Kev West Chap. IX.] DEFEAT OF MAJOR DADE. 417 for a battery of two twelve-pounders, and such stores as co. d be serviceable and at 6 o’clock, on 24th, the companies, Gardiner’s and Frazier’s, made fifty bayonets each, by details from those companies remaining here, and with one «.f the two six-pounders of this post with four oxen, I had ordered to be purchased, one light wagon and ten days’ provisions were put in march. •'The first halt of this command was at Little Hillsboro’ River, seven miles from this post, the bridge of which I had reconnoitred by Indians of Emathla's band the day before. From this I heard from Maj. Dade pressing me to forward the six-pounder, by all means, it having been left by the failure of the team four miles out. I accordingly ordered the purchase of three horses and harness, and it joined the column at nine that night. On the night of the 24th, I heard that the transport with Maj. Mountford and com- pany, long and anxiously expected, was in the bay. I sent at one o’clock a letter to him, (received at day-light) by an Indian express, urging him on. He landed with his strong company on the 25th about noon, and informed me that Legate's company, under Lieut. Grayson, nearly full, must be near at hand. Of this Maj. Dade was informed by a gallant volunteer, Jewell, C company, 2d artillery, who had left the detachment with the news of the burning of Rig Hillsboro’ bridge, near which Maj. D. had halted the second day, 25th. I also informed him that I was using every exertion to push on about thirteen hundred rations on pack-horses, with what ammuni- tion could be spared. A duplicate of this was sent die next day by a young Indian, who became lame and could not overtake the column, and returned with his letters. Pr. Jewell joined Maj. Dade about 11 o’clock on the night of the 25th. “In the chain of events, it is proper that 1 should mention, that three Tallahassee Indians came in on the evening of the 22d, and caused great excitement in ltolast Emathla's camp. They brought a talk of Inicanopas of a pacific or neutral character, or they affected it ; but I believe not dis- tinctly, until after I had made them prisoners, while in full council with Enudhla's warriors, which step I considered imperative, if they were spies, and as much so if they were charged with any propositions likely to detach the chiefs from the treaty ; or indeed by an act of self-devotion, to take the scalps of Emathla, Black Dirt, and Big Warrior, faithful chiefs, who have been hunted in this way since the scalping of Charles Emathla. In a council with Emathla that night, Maj. Dade expressed every confidence in Indian charac- ter ; and particularly upon the salutary influence of Abraham upon Micanopa, On reflection I detained two of the imprisoned Tallahassees, as hostages, and sent the youngest and best runner with letters to General Clinch, and General T'wmpson, via Inicanopa, as I could do no better, and of course, through Abraham's lands. “ These letters of course involved many details ; but numbers and other facts, to guard against treachery, were stated in French. The runner returned two days beyond his time, with a message from Abraham and Broken Sticks, stating my talk was good, and that I might expect him on the 30th. This we freely rendered that he would be at the attack fixed for Christmas week. A negro, his intimate, named Harry, controls the Pea Creek band of about a hundred warriors, forty miles south-east of us, who have done most of the mischief, and keep this post constantly observed, and communicate with the Mickasukians at Wythlacoocliee by means of powerful bands of Eufollahs and Alafiers, under Little Clovul, and the Alligator. In tracing Maj. Dade's movements, I have every reason to believe that he made on the 2Gth six miles, 27th to Big Wythlacoochee ; on the fifth day, 28th, to the battle-ground, sixty-five miles. “ Here it may be proper to state that Maj. MountforcTs command was ready ,o move on the 26th, but the transport, in which was a company of the 2d artillery under Lieut. Grayson, unfortunately entered the wrong bay, and got into shoal water, and was not seen, or certainly heard of, till the morning of the 28th of December, when, by sending a party with a flog as a signal, Lieut. Grayson was put in possession of instructions, and landed his company at a point four miles west of us, on the east side of Tampa Bay (proper) and joined at sunset that evening ; his transport did not get round to 418 DEFEAT OF MAJOR DADE [Book IV. land nis baggage till the 30th ; so long an interval as to put all hope of junc- tion out of the question, and Maj. Mountford's baggage was unladed. “Now it becomes my melancholy duty to proceed to the catastrophe of this fated band, an elite of energy, patriotism, military skill, and courage. On the 29th, in the afternoon, a man of my company, John Thomas , and temporarily transferred to C company, second artillery, came in, and yesterday Pr. Ransom Clark, of same company, with four wounds very severe, and stated, that an action took place on the 28th, commencing about 10 o’clock, in which every officer fell, and nearly every man. The command entrenched every night, and about four miles from the halt, were attacked, and received at least fifteen rounds before an Indian was seen. Maj. Dade and his horse were both killed on the first onset, and the interpreter, ‘ Louis .’ Lieut. Mudge, third artillery, received his mortal wound the first fire, and afterwards received several other wounds. Lieut. Basenger, third artillery, was not wounded till after the second attack ; and, at the latter part of that, he was wounded several times before he was tomahawked. Capt. Gardiner , second artillery, was not wounded until the second attack, and at the last part of it. Mr. Basenger, after Capt. Gardiner was killed, remarked, “lam the only officer left ; and, boys, wo will do the best we can.” Lieut. Keays, third artillery, hail botli arms broken the first shot ; was unable to act, and was tomahawked the latter part of the second attack, by a negro. Lieut. Henderson had his left arm broken the first fire, and after that, with a musket, fired at least thirty or forty shot. Dr. Gatlin was not killed until after the second attack, nor was he wounded ; he placed himself behind the breastwork, and with two double- barrelled guns, said, “he had four ban-els for them.” Capt. Frazier fell early in the action with the advanced guard, as a man of his company, B third artillery, who came in this morning, wounded, reports. “ On the attack they were in column of route, and after receiving a heavy fire from the unseen enemy, they then rose up in such a swarm, that the ground, covered, as was thought, by light infantry extension, showed the Indians between the files. Muskets were clubbed, knives and bayonets used, and parties were clenched ; in the second attack, our own men’s muskets from the dead and wounded, were used against them ; a cross-fire cut down a succession of artillerists at the fence, from which forty-nine rounds were fired; the gun-carriages were burnt, and the guns sunk in a pond; a war- dance was held on the ground. Many negroes were in the field, but no scalps were taken by the Indians ; but the negroes, with hellish cruelty, pierced the throats of all, whose loud cries and groans showed the power of life to be yet strong. The survivors were preserved by imitating death, excepting Thomas, who was partly stifled, and bought his life for six dollars, and in his enemy recognized an Indian whose axe he had helved a few days before at this post. About one hundred Indians were well mounted, naked, and painted. The last man who came in brought a note from Capt. Frazier, uddressed to Maj. Mountford, which was fastened in a cleft stick, and stuck in a creek, dated, as is supposed, on 27th, stating that they were beset every night, and pushing on. F. S. Belton, Capt. 2d Artillery .” Such was the fate of Major Dade and his gallant companions. Osceola was present, as was the old chief Mxcanopy. Of the latter, it is said, he had, in the beginning of the troubles, avowed that he would neither leave his country, nor would he JigM ; but when the force under Major Dade approached his town, he altered his resolution, seized his rifle, and shot that officer. The situation of affairs, at this period cannot better be described than ai the language of a gentleman attached to Major Mountford's command, stationed at Fort Brooke, and is contained in a letter, dated on the first day of the year “We are,” says he, “really in the theatre of war of the most horrible Kind. We arrived here on Christmas day. and found the inhabitants flying in from all quarters to camp. Major Dade, with seven officers and 110 men, started, the day before we arrived, for Fort King. We were all prepared to overtake them the next day, and were upon the eve of departure, when an intervention of circumstances deferred it for one day ; and, in the course of that day, three Chap. IX.] VISIT TO DADE’S BATTLE-GROUND. 419 soldiers, horribly mangled, came into camp, and brought the melancholy tid- ings that Major Dade and every officer and man, except themselves, were murdered and terribly mangled. We are at work, night and day, entrenching ourselves in every possible manner. We expect every moment to be attacked, as the savages have sworn we should all be massacred before the 6th of Jan- uary. We are only about 200 strong, with officers and men, and about 50 citizens, and 100 friendly Indians, under their chief, Black Dirt. The savages are said to number 4000.” After the arrival of General Gaines in Florida, he ordered a detachment- under Captain Hitchcock, to visit the battle-ground of Major Dade. And when be had performed his orders, he gave the following report of that distressing spectacle. His report is dated “Fort King, Florida, Feb. 22, 1836,” and is addressed to General Gaines, as follows: — “Agreeably to your directions, I observed the battle-ground, six or seven miles north of the Ouithlecooche river, where Major Dade and his command were destroyed by the Seminole Indians, on the 28 Dec. last, and have the honor to submit the following report : — “The force under your command, which arrived at this post to-day from Tampa Bay, encamped, on the night of the 19th inst., on the ground occupied by Major Dade on the night of the 27th of December. He and his party were destroyed on the morning of the 28th December, about four miles in advance of that position. He was advancing towards this post, and was attacked from the north, so that on the 20th instant we came on the rear of his battle-ground, about nine o’clock in the morning. Our advanced guard had passed the ground without halting, when the General and his staff came upon one of the most appalling scenes that can be imagined. We first saw some broken and scattered boxes ; then a cart, the two oxen of which were lying dead, as if they had fallen asleep, then - yokes still on them ; a little to the right, one or two horses were seen. We then came to a small enclosure, made by felling trees in such a manner as to form a triangular breastwork for defence. With- in the triangle, along the north and west faces of it, were about thirty bodies, “ mostly mere skeletons, although much of the clothing was left upon them. These were lying, almost every one of them, in precisely the position they must have occupied during the fight, — their heads next to the logs over which they had delivered their fire, and their bodies stretched, with striking regular- ity, parallel to each other. They had evidently been shot dead at their posts, and the Indians had not disturbed them, except by taking the scalps of most of them. Passing this little breastwork, we found other bodies along the road, and by the side of the road, generally behind trees, which had been resorted to for covers from the enemy’s fire. Advancing about two hundred yards further, we found a cluster of bodies in the middle of the road. These were evidently the advanced guard, in the rear of which was the body of Major Dade, and, to the right, that of Capt. Fraser. “ These were all doubtless shot down on the first fire of the Indians, except, perhaps, Capt. Fraser, who must, how r ever, have fallen very early in the fight. Those in the road, and by the trees, fell during the first attack. It was during a cessation of the fire, that the little band still remaining, about thirty in num- ber, threw up the triangular breastwork, which, from the haste with which it was constructed, was necessarily defective, and could not protect the men in the second attack. “We had with us many of the personal friends of the officers of Major Dade’s command ; and it is gratifying to be able to state, that every officer was identified by undoubted evidence. They were buried, and the cannon, a six- pounder, that the Indians had thrown into a swamp, was recovered, and placed vertically at the head of the grave, where, it is to be hoped, it will long remain. The bodies of the non-commissioned officers and privates were buried in '.wo graves ; and it was found that every man was accounted for. The command was composed of eight officers, and one hundred and two non-commissioned officers and privates. The bodies of eight officers and ninety-eight men were interred, — four men having escaped, three of whom reached Tampa Bay ; the fourth was killed the day after the battle. “ It may be proper to observe, that the attack was not made from a ham- mock, but in a thinly- wooded country ; the Indians being concealed by palmettt and grass, which has since been burned. 420 PRINCIPAL SEMINOLE CHIEFS. IBook IV “ The two companies were Capt. Fraser's, of the 3d artillery, and Capt Gardiner's, of the 2d artillery. The officers were Major Dade, of the 4th infantry, Capts. Frazer and Gardiner, second Lieutenant Basinger, brevet second Lieut. R. Henderson, Mudge [late of Boston! and Keais, of the artillery, and Dr. J. S. Gatlin .” , J From a comparison of the above report with the official account before given, of Captain Belton, nearly every thing concerning this signally great disaster is learned ; but from the report of the three men that had the singular fortune to escape, many incidents have, from time to time, been gathered, and communicated through the newspapers. In fact, until the late visit to the battle-ground, no other account, but such as could be gathered from the three poor half-murdered soldiers, could be obtained ; and yet it appears that they gave the facts as they really were. They all came in separately, sorely wounded, — one of them with no less than eight wounds. He was supposed to be dead, and was thrown promiscuously into a heap of the slain, about which a dance was held by the Indians, before leaving the ground. This man crawled away in the following night, and thus effected his escape. CHAPTER X. Of the principal chiefs and war leaders of the Seminoles — Osceola — Micanopy — Jumper — Massacre of General Thompson and others at Fort King — Battle of the Ouithlecooche — Fight near IVetumka — Great distress of the country — Action of Congress upon it — Battle at Musquito — Many Creeks join the Seminoles — Fight on the Suanee River. There has been occasion already pretty fully to sketch t.ie character of the chief generally called Powell by the whites, but whose real name is Osceola, or Oseola. This chief has shown himself to be, thus far, equal to the desperate cause in which he is engaged. We, at a distance from the Indians, marvel that they should be so short-sighted as not to see that to wage a war is only to hasten their ruin ; but, when we thus reflect, we do not consider the scanty information which the Indians have of the real strength of the whites. Our means of getting a knowledge of the Indians, is incalculably greater than theirs is of getting a knowledge of us. They cannot read, neither can they converse (or but very few of them) with intelligent white men ; therefore, that they know much less of us than we do of them, must be very apparent. They know nothing of geography. If an Indian, in the interior of Florida, should be told that >New England was a great place, without considerable trouble he could not be made to understand whether it were a great town, as large as n village of 50 wigwams in his own country, or as large as the whole of Florida. We learn every thing of this nature by comparison ; and how shall the Indian comprehend our terms, but by comparing them with his own ? Hence it is owing, mainly, to the unavoidable ignorance of the Indians of our actual con- dition, that induces them to hazard a war with us. I know, from the best authority, that the western Indians, previous to Black Hawk's war, were gen- erally of the opinion that they were far more numerous than the whites ; and when a trader told them they certainly were not, they laughed at him with scornful gestures. We have no reason to believe the Florida Indians any better informed ; and, besides, they are cheated and baffled so often by knaves who go among them for that purpose, that they imagine all the whites to be of the same character, and they cannot tell whether a talk really comes from their great father, the president, or whether some impostor be cheating them with one of his own, to get their lands for his particular benefit. With this view of the case before us, it will not appear altogether unac- countable that a daring chief, like Osceola, should engage in a war. He is said not to be a chief by birth, but has raised himself by his courage and peculiar abilities to that station. His father is said to have been an Englishman, and Chap. X.] MASSACRE OF GENERAL THOMPSON AND OTHERS. 421 hi? mother a Creek woman. He belongs to the Red Stick tribe. In person he is slender, but well formed, muscular, and capable of enduring great fatigue ; is an excellent tactician, and an admirer of order and discipline. He would frequendy practise military manoeuvres with the whites, and none of them, it was observed, could excel him. His complexion is rather light, deep resdess eyes, clear and shrill voice, and not more than about 35 years of age. He is said to have conducted in person every important action from the time of Warren's defeat to the battle of the Ouithlecoochee. General Thompson imprisoned him, as we have before related, because he would not acknowl- edge his authority, and for asserting that the country was the Indians’, “ diat they wanted no agent, and that he had better take care of himself.” Of old Micanopy as well as Osceola I have already had occasion to speak. He was said to have joined the latter widi 500 men : lie is a short, thick-set, “ ugly-looking Indian, and much given to intoxication.” Jumper is Micano- py's chief counsellor, and a warrior of great perseverance, activity, and courage. We shall now take up the narrative of events in the order of their occurrence, and the next of importance was the massacre near Camp King, which happened on the same day, but at a later hour than the destruction of the detachment under Major Dade. Osceola, it will be remembered, had been roughly treated at this place, not many months before, and had been by coercion obliged to comply with the demands of Mr. Agent Thompson, about a removal, &c. He was known afterwards to declare that Thompson should pay with his life for his conduct. Accordingly, with a small band of warriors, at noon day, on the 28 of Decem- ber, he approached Camp King for this avowed purpose. Thompson resided here, and was in the employ of the United States’ government, as agent for the removal of the Seminole Indians, and otti* ‘ affairs concerning them. He was a man of considerable consequence, and had formerly, it is believed, been a member of congress. Whether it was his usual custom to dine out of the fort, we are not informed, but on this fatal day, it seems, he, with nine other gentlemen, met at the store house of Sir. Rogers, which was but 250 yards from the fort, and while seated at dinner there, they were attacked by Osceola ; and what was remarked, at the time, as very singular, was, that those people should be beset and slain, and all scalped, within reach of two six-pound cannon then mounted upon the fort, which was garrisoned with 50 men ; but such are the facts upon record. Mr. Rogers was sitting at the head of his table, and the first intimation of the presence of Indians was a volley of, as was judged, 100 guns. The door of the house being open, nothing prevented the deadly aim of the foe, who, after the first discharge, rushed upon the house with savage fury. Those who were not killed jumped out of the windows, on each side, and fled; five, who ran to the fort, escaped ; the others, in running for a hammock near by, were shot down. The negro woman, a cook, ran behind the counter and hid behind a barrel. Osceola, at the head of his warriors, rushed into the house, but did not discover her, and immediately left it. The names of the five that were killed, were, General Thompson, Lieutenant Constantine Smith, Erastus Rogers, sutler, a Mr. Suggs and Hitzler. Fifteen be 'lets were found to have been shot through General Thompson, arid 16 through Mr. Rogers. Their heads were scalped all over, as far as the hah- extended. Bloody events now followed each other in quick succession. We have seen that upon the same day happened the two massacres last related, and scarcely had the news of them ceased ribrating on the ear, when the battle of the Ouithlecoochee was announced. The movements of General Clinch, in the very end of the year 1835, brought about this event, which will presently be detailed in his own words. He was lying in garrison at Fort Drane, a stockade about 30 miles from Camp King, He had here a plantation, upon which was a large crop of com; this he liberally dealt out to the soldiers; other supplies having failed. On the arrival of General Call, an expedition was immediately set on foot for the head-quarters of the Indians. As the narrative of every transaction is of increased importance and value, in proportion to the means of knowledge and veracity of the narrator, we are always led to a desire to hear the history of such transactions from the rery 36 422 BATTLE OF THE OU1THLECOOCHE. [Be ok IV. actors in them ; because, from such sources, we seldom fail of arriving at the truth. A commander or leader in a battle or expedition, if he would wish to misrepresent a transaction, would, in scarce one time in a thousand, dare to do so ; because all his followers, or at least all those wronged by a false statement, would rise in evidence against him. I need not, however, have prefaced General Clinch's official account of the Battle of Ouithlecoochee with these observations, for, from the very face of it, his aim at the strictest veracity is apparent. But it is proper that we know how to value the real sources of history ; it was to this end that the above observations were made. I will now proceed with General Clinch's account of his battle with Osceola. “ Head Quarters, Territory of Florida, Fort Drane, Jan. 4, 1836. “ Sir — On the 24 ultimo, brigadier Gen. Call, commanding the volunteers called into service by his excellency, G. R. Walker, acting governor of Flori- da, formed a junction with the regular troops at this post, and informed me that his command had been raised to meet the crisis ; that most of their terms of service would expire in a lew days, which made it necessary to act promptly. Two large detachments were sent out on the 15th [Dec.] to scour the country on our right and left flank. Lieut. Col. Fanning, with three companies from Fort King, arrived on the 27th ; and, on the 29th, the detachment having returned, the brigade of mounted volunteers, composed of the 1st and 2d regiments, commanded by Brig. Gen. Call, and a battalion of regular troops commanded by Lieut. Col. Faiming, took up the line of march for a point on the Ouithlecooche river, which was represented by our guides as being a good ford. About 4 o’clock on the morning of the 31st [of Dec.] after leaving all our baggage, provisions, &c., protected by a guard commanded by Lieut. Dancy, we pushed on with a view of carrying the lord, and of surprising the main body of the Indians, supposed to be concentrated on the west bank of the river; but on reaching it, about day-light, we found, instead of a good ford, a deep and rapid stream, and no means of crossing, except in an old and damaged canoe. Lieut. Col. Fanning, however, soon succeeded in crossing; the regular troops took a position in advance, whilst Brig. Gen. Call was actively engaged in crossing his brigade, and in having their horses swam over the river. But before one half had crossed, the bat- talion of regulars, consisting of about 200 men, were attacked by the enemy, who were strongly posted in the swamp and scrub, which extended from the river. This little band, however, aided by Col. Warren, Maj. Cooper, and Lieut. Yeoman, with 27 volunteers, met the attack of a savage enemy, nearly three times their number, headed by the chief Oseola, with Spartan valor. The action lasted nearly an hour, during which time the troops made three brilliant charges into the swamp and scrub, and drove the enemy in every direction. And after the third charge, although nearly one third of their number had been cut down, they were found sufficiently firm and steady to fortify the formation of a new line of battle, which gave entire protection to the flanks, as well as the position selected for recrossing the troops. Brig. Gen. Call, after using every effort to induce the volunteers remaining on the east bank, when the action commenced, to cross the river, and in arranging the troops still remaining on that bank, crossed over and rendered important service by his coolness and judgment in arranging part of his corps on the right of the regulars, which gave much strength and security to that flank. Col. Fanning displayed the greatest firmness throughout the action, and added much to the high reputation long since established. Captains Drane and Mellon exhibited great bravery and judgment, tud likewise added to the character they acquired ill the late war. Nor was Capt. Gates wanting in firmness. Capt. Wm. M. Graham, 4th infantry, was fearlessly brave, and although very severely wounded early in the engagement, continued to head his company in the most gallant manner, until he received another severe wound, when he was taken from the field. His brother, Lieut. Campbell Gra- ham, commanding the adjacent company, was likewise severely wounded early in the fight, but continued with his men until another wound forced him, from loss of blood, to retire from the field. Lieut. Maitland, who com- manded a company, contributed much, by his gallantry, to encourage his mea Chap. X.] BATTLE OF THE OUI1 HLKCOOCHE. 423 Lieuts. Talcot, C apron, John Graham, Ridgely, (who was wounded early ill the action,) and Brooks, ail displayed good courage and coolness throughout the action. When almost every non-commissioned officer and private exhibited such firmness, it was almost impossible to discriminate between them ; but the commanding-general cannot withhold his high approbation of judgment and courage displayed by sergeant Johnson of H company, tim'd artillery, on whom the command of the company devolved, after Lieut. Graham, was removed from the field ; and who, although severely wounded, continued at the head of the company till the action was over. Also of sergeants Kenton aud Lofton, and corporal Paget, 4th infantry. Sergeants Scofield and Potter D company, 2d artillery; sergeant Smith, C company, first artillery, and cor poral Chapin, C company, 3d artillery. Colonel John Warner, commandan 1st regiment volunteers, Maj. Cooper, and Lieut. Yeoman of same corps, whc had formed on the left flank, were all severely wounded, while leading theii little band to the charge, and all behaved with great bravery, as well as adjutant Phillips. Lieut. Col. Mills displayed great coolness and judgment during the action, and in recrossing the river with his command. Lieuts. Stewart and Hunter of the 2d regiment, with a few men of that regiment, were judiciously posted on the right, and, from their reputation for firmness, would have given a good account of the enemy, had he made his appearance in that quarter. Col. Parkill, of the F. volunteers, who performed the duties of adjutant-general, displayed much military skill and the utmost coolness and courage throughout the whole action ; and his services were of the first importance. Col. Reid, inspector-general, displayed much firmness, but he had his horse shot, and received a slight wound early in the engagement, and was sent with orders to the volunteers. My volunteer aid, Maj. Lytle, and Maj. Welford, aid to Brig. Gen. Call, were near me throughout the action, aud displayed the most intrepid courage and coolness. Col. J. H. McIntosh, one of my aids, and Maj. Gamble, aid to Gen. Call, both displayed much firmness and courage, and were actively employed on the left flank. I also feel it due to Lieut. Col. Bailey, Capt. Scott, and Lieut. Cuthbert, to say, that, although the action was nearly over before they could cross the river with a few of the 2d regiment, they took a judicious position, and showed much firmness. Capt. If’yatt, of the same corps, was entirely employed in erecting a tempora- ry bridge, and manifested much firmness. Much credit is also due to the medical department, composed of Doctors Wightman, Hamilton, Randolph, and Bradon, for their activity and attention to the wounded. “ The time of service of the volunteers having expired, and most of them having expressed an unwillingness to remain longer in the service, it was considered best, after removing the dead and taking caie of the wounded, to return to this post, which we reached on the 2d instant, without the least interruption, and, on the following day, the volunteers from Middle Florida took up the line of March for Tallahassee ; and this morning those from East Florida proceeded to their respective homes, leaving me a very few men to guard this extensive frontier. I am now fully convinced that there has been a great defection among the Florida Indians, and that a great many Creeks have united with them , consequently it will require a strong force to put them down. “ I also have the honor to enclose you a list of the killed and wounded of the respective regiments and corps. I am, sir, with high respect, your most obedient, D. L. Clinch, Brevet B. General U. S. Army, Commanding. “ R. Jones, Adjutant- General U. S. Army “Return of the killed and wounded at the battle of the Ouithlecooche on the 31st day of December, 1835. — C company, 1st artillery, Capt. Gates com- manding — one artificer killed; 1 corporal and 3 privates wounded. D com- pany, 2d artillery, Capt. G. Drane commanding — 1 private killed ; 1 second Lieut, 1 corporal, and 12 privates wounded. F company, 2d artillery, bt Capt. Mellon commanding — 1 artificer killed. C company, 3d artillery, 1st Lieut. Maitland commanding — 1 artificer killed, and 7 privates wounded. H FIGHT NEAR WETUMKA. 424 [Book IV. company, 3d artillery, 1st Lieut C. Graham commanding — 1 private lulled 1 first Lieut, 1 sergeant, 2 corporals, and 12 privates wounded. “ Total— 4 killed, and 52 wounded.” How many of the wounded died after the return was made out, I cannot ascertain ; but no doubt many did, as is always the case. The loss of the Indians is, as usual on such occasions, variously estimated. Some friendly Indians who came into Tallahassee, said that Osceola lost 104 men, and was himself twice wounded during the battle. There were with General Clinch , as guides in his expedition, three or four Indians of the white party, relatives of the chief, Charles Omathla, who doubt- less rendered eminent service. Osceola was observed foremost of all his men in this battle, and was well known to General Clinch and many of his men. He wore a red belt, and three long feathers. Having taken his stand behind a tree, he would step boldly out, level his rifle, and bring down a man at every fire ; nor was he dislodged until several volleys from whole platoons had been fired upon him. The tree behind which he stood was literally cut to pieces. It is almost a wonder that he had not now fulfilled the measure of his threat made on a former occasion, which was to kill General Clinch. He probably tried his best to do it, for the general received several shots through his clothes. General Thompson , Charles Omathla, and General Clinch were the three per- sons he had declared vengeance against. An officer in General Clinch's army wrote the next day after the battle, to a friend in Washington, “You will see from Gen. Clinch's official letter, giving an account of tire battle, that he says nothing of himself. I was in this battle, and allow me to say to you respecting him, what I saw and know to be true. Throughout the engagement he was in the hottest of the fight. His horse was shot under him in two places, neck and hip. A ball passed through his cap, entering the front, and passing out at the back part of the top. An- other ball passed through the sleeve of the bridle-arm of his coat. This was my first battle, and I may not be the best judge, but I do not believe that any man ever displayed more intrepid courage than Gen. Clinch did on this occasion. At one moment a little confusion occurred among the troops, in consequence of some soldiers giving the word “ Retire!" The general immediately threw himself in front of the men, and his horse staggering under him, he dismounted, advanced to the front, and, amidst a shower of bullets from the Indians, said, that before he would show his back to the enemy, he would die upon the field. The high and chivalric bearing of the general kindled among the men an enthusiasm, which, I believe, was never surpassed. A gallant charge followed, which routed and drove the enemy from the field, and they did not again snow themselves. We kept the field about three hours, and then recrossed the river in good order, and without disturbance.” The next events which occurred were not of so much moment as those immediately preceding them ; but it is our duty to notice all, which we will do in the order of time. On the 12 January, “ Col. Parish, at the head of 200 mounted volunteers, composed of the companies of Capt. Alston, Bellamy, and Caswell, had a sharp encounter with a large body of Indians near Wetumka, in Middle Florida. The attack commenced with the advanced guard under Capt. Bellamy, who had been allowed by the enemy to pass their main body. Col. Parish imme- diately hastened forward to his support, when suddenly he was attacked o:n both flank* by the enemy in ambush. The volunteers made an unsuccessful attempt to charge on horseback; they were then dismounted and formed in admirable order. They then charged the enemy in a manner worthy of veterans. In the mean time, Capt. Bellamy, having routed the attacking party opposed to him, fell back on the main body. The enemy were soon forced to take shelter in a thicket. By this time, night coming on, it was not thought prudent to follow them, where the localities of the place and the darkness would have given them great advantages. Our men rested on their arms in the open pine woods, prepared to renew the action at day-light; but during the night the savages effected their retreat. Their loss must have been con- siderable. as six dead bodies were counted in one part of the field of battle. Chap N.J CONGRESS.— BATTLE OF DUNLAWTON. 425 Two days after, Col. Parish marched for Fort King, and arrived there in safety. He then proceeded to Powell’s [ Osceola’s ] town, and destroyed it. The volunteers then returned to Fcrt Drane.” The best opinion can be formed of the distress of the people of Florida at this period, troin the sufferers themselves, or those momentarily expecting to become such. On the 16 January, a newspaper published at Tallahassee contained as follows: — “Since the engagement on the Wythlacoochee, no intelligence has been had of the main body of the Indians. The situation of the inhabitants east of the St. John’s and south of St. Augustine, is truly deplorable. New Smyrna has been burnt, and all the fine plantations in that neighborhood are broken up. Many of the negroes have been carried off, or have joined the savages. The Indians are dispersed in small parties, and when pursued they take refuge in the thickets, which abound every where, and fight with desperation, until they are dead, no matter by what numbers they are assailed. It is literally a war of extermination, and no hope is entertained of putting an end to it, but by the most vigorous measures. In the mean time, the number of the enemy is daily increasing by desperadoes from other tribes, and absconding slaves. The Mickasooky tribe is considered the leading [one] of the Seminoles. They have always been noted as the most ruthless and determined of the savage race.” But it must not be supposed, that the measure of the sufferings of the Floridians was yet full, at this date of our history, nor even at the very writing hereof, (20 July,) although the whole coast from St. Augustine to Cape Florida is in the hands of the Indians, and has remained so ever since the 11 Febru- ary. Nevertheless, nothing seems yet to have occurred sufficiently alarming to awaken the sympathies of the heads of the nation. But on the 30 January, Mr. White, in the house of representatives, asked leave to introduce the fol- lowing resolution : — “Resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the United States ot America, in Congress assembled, That the president of the U. States be authorized to cause rations to be delivered from the public stores to the unfortunate sufferers who have been driven from their homes by Indian depredations, until they can be re-established in then- possessions, and enabled to procure provisions for the sustenance of themselves and families.” This resolution, after some debate, was passed, and became a law. The notice of this act of congress is in anticipation of the order of events ; but one thing is certain, that if I have noticed congress a little prematurely, they have not committed the like fault in noticing the affairs of Florida. Upon the 17 January, as George W. Rocldeff and Jerry Bowers, pilots in the sloop Pilot, of Mosquito, were proceeding up Halifax River, and when nearly opposite Mrs. Anderson’s plantation, they were fired upon by Indians, about 100 in number, as they judged, who continued then - fire about a quarter of an hour. They overshot the men, but the sail and rigging of their vessel was much injured; 30 bullets having passed through the mainsail. The next day, 18 January, Major Putman, who was at the head of the independent company, styled the St. Augustine Guards, stationed at Mos- quito, proceeded to Mrs. Anderson’s plantation, at a place called Dun Lawton, about 50 miles south of St. Augustine, on the Halifax River, upon discovery. It will be remembered that the whole of the Mosquito country was destroyed on the 26 and 27 of December as we have before related, and the buildings of Mrs. Anderson were at that time burned. While there, this company, com- posed of the generous and spirited young men of St. Augustine, joined by a few from Mosquito, making about 40 men, was attacked by 150 Indians, as was supposed. Mr. Geo. Anderson and Mr. Douglas Dammit, standing on guard, saw two Indians approaching, upon whom they fired, killing one and wounding the other. Dummit ran to the fallen Indian, and as he was stooping over him, received a wound in the back of the neck. At the same moment the whole body of the Indians rushed out of a scrub, distant a little more than musket shot, and commenced a furious attack upon Major Putman’s men, who, from behind the fragments and broken walls of the burnt buildings gave the Indians a warm reception ; and although but 40 in number, having coverts from which to fight, and the Indians being in open space, they keot 426 CONGRESS AND THE SEMINOLE WAR. [Book IV, them at hay for about an hour During this time but one had been wounded. The Indians now charged them with such determined fury upon their flanks, that they were obliged to fly to their boats, which were at considerable distance from the shore, and were closely pursued by the Indians. In their hurry, the whites rendered all their guns, but one, useless, by wetting them, with this one, however, they fired as often as possible, and pushed oft' with energy; but the water being shallow for a great distance, they were in the most imminent danger of being boarded by the numerous Indians; in such event, every man must have perished. However, they escaped with 19 badly wounded, and several of these mortally. One boat fell into the hands of the Indians, in which were eight or ten men, who all jumped overboard and escaped, except one, a Mr. Edward Gould, who swam to Pelican Island, and was there left; nor was it in the power of the others to relieve him, they being pursued by the Indians in the boat which they had just taken. He was not heard of afterwards, and was supposed to have been drowned next day in endeavoring to swim from the island. A Mr. Marks swam to the opposite beach, and escaped to Bulowville ; the others were taken into the boats again. Great fears having, all along, been entertained that the Seminoles would be aided by the Creeks, it is now confidently affirmed that at least 1000 of them have gone down into Florida for that end. About the 20 January, Captain Hooder, on the lower Suanee River, finding the opposite side in possession of the Indians, crossed over with nine men to attack them. As they landed, two of his men were shot down ; one with nine balls, the other with five. With his remaining men he charged the Indians with great boldness. In the mean time his boat got adrift, and no other alternative was left but victory or death. After a close and deadly con- test of some minutes, the Indians were routed with severe loss. CHAPTER XI. Congress makes an appropriation for carrying on the war — Remarks in the Senate of the United States on the war with the Seminoles — Debate in the house of repre- sentatives on the bill for the relief of the inhabitants of Florida — Attack on some Creeks at Bryant’s Ferry — General Games’s campaign in Florida — Fights the Indians on the Ouithlacoochee — His conference with Osceola — Resigns his com- mand, and leaves the country — Captain Allison’s skirmish — The chief Ouchee Billy killed — Siege of Camp McLemorc — Great sufferings of its garrison — Deliv- ered by Captain Read — The chief Mad Wolf slain. Towards the close of the preceding chapter, notice was taken of the delay in congress, and by the executive of the nation, to agitate the subject of this war. At length Mr. Webster of the senate, from the committee on finance, reported, without amendment, a bill making further appropriation for sup- pressing hostilities with the Seminole Indians, and asked for its immediate consideration, as the state of the country required its passage with the utmost despatch. The amount of the appropriation was 500,000 dollars, and the bill was passed after some explanatory remarks ; which remarks, as they not only set the affairs of the war forth as they were known in Washington at that period, but discover to us something by which we can judge whoriias been in fault there, shall here be laid before the reader. “ Mr. Clay said he should be glad to hear the communications from the departments read, in order to see whether they gave any account of the causes of this war. No doubt, he said, whatever may have been the causes, it was necessary to put an end to the war itself, by all the possible means within our power. But it was a condition, altogether without precedent, in which the country was now placed. A war was raging with the most ran- corous violence within our borders ; congress had been in session nearly two months, during which time this conflict was raging ; yet of the causes of CONGRESS AND THE SEMINOLE WAR. 427 Chap. XI.] the war, how it was produced, if the fault was on one side or on both sides, in short, what had lighted up the torch, congress was altogether uninformed, and no inquiry on the subject had been made by either branch of the legis- lature. He should be glad, he said, if the chairman of the committee on finance, or of the committee on Indian affairs, or any one else, would tell him how this war had burst forth, and what were its causes, and to whom the blame of it was to be charged. “ Mr. Webster replied, that he could not ^ive any answer to the senator from Kentucky. It was as much a matter of surprise to him, as to any one, that no official communication hai 'ai made to congress of the causes of the war. All he knew on the street he had gathered from the gazettes The communications from the departments spoke of the war. as a war grow ing out of the relations between the Indians and the government of the U. States, and gave no reason to suppose that it had its origin in any quarrel with the citizens. It probably grew out of the attempts to remove these Indians beyond the Mississippi. According to the latest accounts, the country between Tallahassee and St. Augustine was overrun by hostile Indians, and the communication between those places was interrupted. The view taken by the gentleman from Kentucky was undoubtedly the true one. But the war rages, the enemy is ki force, and the accounts of their ravages are dis- astrous. The executive government has asked for the means of suppressing these hostilities, and it was entirely proper that the bill should pass. “ Mr. White expressed hts regret that he could add nothing to the informa- jon given on this subject He knew nothing of the cause of the war, if it ommenced in any local quarrel or not. It was the object of the government .o remove these Indians to the west side of the Mississippi, and he was appre- hensive that die difficulty had arisen out of this measure. He had, however, no information, which was not in the possession of every other senator. He was for the bill. “ Mr. Benton said he was also ignorant of the causes of the war. Some years ago, he said, he was a member of the committee on Indian affairs. At that time these Indians in Florida were in a state of starvation ; they would not work, and it was necessary that they should be fed by the U. States, or thay must subsist on the plunder of our citizens. These Indians are a very bad tiffbe, as their very name signifies, the word Seminole, in Indian, being, ‘ wild runaway Indians' They were therefore considered a bad race. It was obviously the best policy to remove these Indians to a place where they would be aide to obtain plenty.” When the bill for the relief of the distressed inhabitants of Florida was before the house of representatives, which was noticed in our last chapter, the follow- ing interesting debate arose upon it, which shall be laid before the reader, for the same reasons which caused the remarks in the senate to be given above. “The resolution having been twice read, the house, on motion of Mr. Whitq, agreed to consider it now. “Mr. W. said that he would not occupy the time of the house further than to say, that in East Florida, five hundred families were driven from their homes, and had had their possessions destroyed in the progress of a war, which had commenced in consequence of relations between the Indians and this government, and with which the' suffering inhabitants of that country have had nothing to do. “Appropriations had frequently been made to succor Indians when in cir- cumstances of distress, and he hoped that no member of the house would object to the adoption of the resolution for the succor of our own citizens. “Mr. Granger of New York rose and said, — Mr. Speaker, in the little observation I have had of men and things, I have learned that precedent is often used to restrain our generous impulses, but seldom to impel us to gen- erous action. In the little time I have been here, I have not been so much gratified with any thing that has occurred, as I have at the prompt manner in which this house has stepped forward to provide means for carrying on the war in Florida. Whilst we have been without any official information from the executive department of government — whilst the newspapers have been discussing the question, whether censure should rest upon one of the depart 428 FIGHT AT BRYANT’S FERRY. [Book IV. incut ’, «r upon the commanding officer in Florida, this .house and the other brunch of the legislature have stepped forward to sustain this wat, although no requisition has been made by the chief magistrate ol the nation. Sir I rejoice that they have done so. “ Mr. Cambreleng rose to explain, and Mr. Granger yielded the floor. “ Mr. Cambreleng said, that great injustice had been done in the newspapers to the conduct- pursued by the departments. The committee of ways and means had been furnished with the first communication on which they acted bv the secretary of war. They next day received a second communication with all the documents relating to the Indian war, and which contained all the information that was requisite. The documents had not gone forth to the public — which was an extraordinary circumstance. They certainly were sent by the committee to this house, an^fc^-nt to have accompanied the bill and been printed and sent to the senate. It they had, the erroneous impression as to the remissness of the department, or the executive, would not have gone into the newspapers. It was not the fault of the executive, or of the committee on ways and means, that this had not been done. “Mr. Granger resumed. If the gentleman had listened to me a little longer, he would have discovered that I intended no censure on the executive ; but as he has chosen to challenge me to speak, I do say that the history of this nation can present nothing like the silence which has existed on this subject I do say that whilst this hall has been ringing with plaudits upon one administra- tion, and whilst we have been called upon day after day to hunt up the bones of dead quarrels here — whilst your settlements have been laid waste and desolate, no communication has been made to this house as a branch of the government. Whatever information you have, even upon the gentleman’s own showing, is a letter from the secretary of war to the chairman of the committee of ways and means. “Mr. Cambreleng. That letter contained all that was necessary. “Mr. Granger continued : Sir, I repeat that, with a war known to exist in this country, we have been occupied in hunting up the possibility, not only of a war which might take place hereafter with a foreign nation, but also to discover whether a war was last year likely to have existed. “ Wethave war enough upon our hands to take care of. The war-cry is up in the woods ; the tomahawk glitters in the sunbeam ; the scalping-knife is urged to its cruel duty; the flower of your chivalry is strewed along the plain, and yet every department of this administration is as dumb as the bleeding victims T this inglorious contest. “ In legislating foi^a suffering people, I want no precedent but that which my Creator has implanted in my bosom. I do not believe that we stand here with the sympathies of our nature chilled and^'rozen by the mere force of the oath which we have taken ; I do not believe that our duty requires that we should be thus chilled and frozen. I believe that the existence of this govern- ment depends upon its extending its fostering hand to the unfortunate when- ever it can be done within the limits of the constitution. Especially should this be the case, where the sufferers reside within a territory, and have no state government to which they can look for succor. “ Such is the true course to be pursued in this nation ; and then our people will feel that they are indeed members of one common family, and that, whilst they bear equal burdens, they are the equal recipients of the bounty and protection of the government. “On motion of Mr. White, the resolution was read a third time and passed.’ We have now to return to the recital of warlike operations. About the middle of January, great alarm spread through the confines of Georgia, that the Creek Indians were imbodying in various parts of their country, and the utmost consternation prevailed. On the 23 January, it being reported at Columbus, that the Indians were in force at Bryant’s Ferry, 15 miles below that place, a company of whites, consisting of about 20 or 30 men, under Captain Watson, marched down upon discovery. They discovered 30 or 40 Indians, some of whom had rifles, but it does not appear that they had done, or intended, any mischief However, the whites pursued them, and pretty noon a firing commenced, staid, though of short duration, two were killed o* Chap. XI.] GAINES’S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN. 420 each side, and the whites were driven from the ground, having several of their number wounded. The next operations of importance were those between the forces under General Gaines and Osceola, and upon the memorable Ouithlecooehee. Gen- eral Gaines was upon a tour of inspection and duty, when he first learned that serious disturbances had occurred between the whites and Seminoles. This was about the 15 January, and the general was arrived at New Orleans. His previous head-quarters had been at Memphis, in Tennessee. He therefore called on the governor of Louisiana, to have a body of volunteers in readiness for military service, and set out himself immediately for the scene of hostilities. At Pensacola he found some vessels of war, under Commodores Dallas and Bolton, and Captain Webb, who had already commenced operations in the neighborhood of Tampa Bay, and other adjacent inlets. Colonel Twiggs had Deen ordered to receive into service eight companies of volunteers, to be raised by the governor of Louisiana, and the regular force at Baton Rouge, New Orleans, and other stations in the immediate vicinity of New Orleans, and to hold himself in readiness for a movement towards Tampa. This force con- sisted of about 1100 men. That no time should be lost, General Gaines returned immediately to New Orleans (about 26 January), and, on the 4 February, was under way again for Florida, with his forces organized. He arrived at Tampa, with his forces, in three steam-boats, on the 9th, and, on the 13th began to proceed into the In- dian country. His first movement was to the east, on the Alafia River, having understood there had been a fight in that direction, near Fort Brooke, between the hostile and friendly Indians ; but after two days, no enemy being discov- ered. the line of march was altered for Fort King. General Gaines's army had but ten ..ays’ rations ; but, by advices, he was assured that there was plenty at Fort King. On the 20 February, the army passed Major Dade's fatal field, on which was found 106 men, all of whom they decently interred. All the officers who fell in that disastrous fight were identified, and, what was very remarkable, every man was accounted for ; but what struck every one with the greatest surprise, was, that the dead were in no instance pillaged ; articles the most esteemed by savages were untouched ; the officers’ bosom-pins remained in their places ; their watches were found in their pockets, and money, in silver and gold, was left to decay with its owner, — a lesson to all the world — a testi- mony that the Indians are not fighting for plunder! — nay, they are fighting for their rights, their country, their homes, their very existence ! The arms and ammunition were all that had been taken, except the uniform coat of Major Dade. On the 22 February, the army arrived at Fort King, much to the agreeable surprise of the garrison, which it had been reported was cut off by the Indians. Owing to the country’s being in possession of the Indians, no supplies had arrived ; and, the next day, a troop of horse was despatched to Fort Drane, (22 miles north-west,) in hopes to obtain further supplies. They returned the 24, but with only seven days’ additional rations. To this they added two days’ more at F ort King. The general scarcely knew what course next to take ; but he finally concluded to move down the Ouithlecooehee, over Genet al Clinch's battle-ground, and so to Tampa, thinking such a route might bring him in contact with the main body of the Indians. Accordingly the army moved, on the 26th, from F ort King, and, at two o’clock on the 27th, arrived at General Clinch's crossing-place. Here, while examining and sounding the river, the Indians fired upon them, and set up a fierce war-cry ; but their numbers were not sufficient to make any material impression, although they continued the fight for about half an hour. The whites lost one killed, and eight wounded. On the 28th, the army, having resumed its march, was again attacked, about two miles from its former position, and a fire was kept up about half of the day. At the commencement of the action, Lieutenant Izard, of the United States dragoons, fell, mortally wounded. In the course of the fight, another was killed, and two wounded. In the evening, express was sent to Fort Drane, with directions for the commanding officer to march down with a #>rce upon the opposite side of the Ouithlecooehee and thus come upon the 430 GAINES’S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN. [Book IT. rear of the Indian? widen movement, should it succeed, it was hoped, wouid finish the war. On the morning of the 29th, no Indians were to be seen ; but the general did not relax his precautions. A party was preparing timber and canoes for cross- ing the river, when, about 9 o’clock, they were sharply fired upon, and, at the same time, the encampment was attacked upon every side, but that towards the river. The Indians now seemed in great force, (12 or 1500, as was supposed,) having been collecting, from all quarters, since the fight on the previous day. They continued the contest two hours, in which time one man was killed and 33 wounded. Among the latter was the general himself, — a rifle ball having passed through his lower lip, knocked out one tooth, and damaged two others. When it was found that the general was wounded, his companions expressed much regret ; but he talked of it as a matter of small moment ; said “ it was very unkind in the rascals to take away a tooth which he valued so highly.” On recoimoitcring the enemy’s ground, after he. had fled, Gaines's men found one of their dead, which had been dragged a considerable distance and left; unburied, from which circumstance they conjectured he had fled in haste. His rifle had been taken away, but he was found to be well provided with ammunition, having plenty of powder and sixty bullets. The place of this attack Gaines called Camp Izard. The flight of the Indians was no security for their not appearing again ; for, on the 2d of March, they returned, aiid commenced pouring in their shot upon the whites, which, at intervals, they continued to do until the 5th. Meantime all of then - provisions were exhausted, and they began the slaughter of their horses to sustain life. But it is said that, during all this time, no one was heard to murmur or complain. On the night of the 5th, about 10 o’clock, a call was heard from the woods, and some one requested a parley. On the officer of the guard’s demanding what was wanted, it was answered that the Indians were tired of fighting, and wished for peace. The general ordered the officer of the guard to answer, that if the In- dians wished to treat, to send a messenger the next morning, with a white flag, and he should come and go in safety. He replied, “ veiy well,” and added that “ he desired to have a friendly talk, and to shake hands.” Accordingly, on the morning of the 6th, about 300 Indians filed out from the river, and took a position in the rear of the whites, about 500 yards off. They expected nothing now but a most bloody contest, supposing the main body of the Indians to be concealed in a neighboring hammock. Both parties remained a short time in suspense, each doubting what the other would do. At length, one or two advanced within hailing distance, and, being joined with others, repeated what had been said the night before. The general now sent out to them a staff officer, and they told him they did not wish to fight any more, but requested that the army should withdraw from the Ouithlecoochee. Osceola was at the head of the Indian deputation. When the officer who had met the Indians reported this talk to Gaines, he ordered him to return to Osceola, and to inform him, in the plainest terms, that they would be subdued, that a large force was on the way into their country, and that, unless they submitted, every Indian found in arms would be shot. When this was communicated to the Indians, they said they would go and hold a council, and would meet them again in the afternoon. The meeting in the afternoon, accordingly, took place, and the Indians urged what they had said in the morning, and added that they had lost many of their men by death and wounds, and were tired of the war ; but as their governor (as they styled Micanopy) was not there, they must first con- sult him, and asked to have the war suspended until he could be consulted. They were told that if they would cease from acts of hostility, go south of the Ouitlilacoochee, and attend a council when called upon by the United State? commissioners, they should not be molested. This they agreed to, and, at the same moment, General Clinch came upon the main body of the Indians, and they all fled with the utmost precipitation, probably concluding this was a stratagem which the whites had prepared to cut them off. Clinch came with 500 men and supplies, which was doubtless more agreeable to the starving army, than even a treaty with Osceola. The Indians seem to have been well acquainted with the condition of Gen- SIEGE OF CAMP M’LEMORE. 431 Chap. XI.] eral Gaines's army ; for, during the interview with Osceola, he asked hew they were oft’ for provisions, and when they told him they had enough, he shook his head, saying, “ It is not so ; you have nothing to eat ; bur, if you will come over the river, I will give you two beeves, and some brandy.” It is therefore surprising that he should have been now asking for peace. It shows, however, that he was well aware of the hopelessness of his case ; and, although he was able to deal with General Gaines, he early knew of the approach of General Clinch, and it was, probably, on his gaining that knowledge, that he concluded to see what kind of terms could be got of the whites, as the affairs ol was then stood. . General Gaines, having transferred his command to General Clinch, left lot New Orleans about the 9 March, and General Clinch proceeded with his united forces to Fort Drane. A negro spy, who had been sent among the hostile Indians, from Camp Izard, soon after returned, and confirmed the peaceable intentions of the chiefs: they told him, that in their various skir- mishes with General Gaines on the Oufthlacooche they had lost 30 men. Of the whites but 5 were killed, and 60 wounded. It is rather uncommon that there should be so great a disproportion between the slain of the parties, when it is considered that the Indians almost always fought from coverts. On the 9 March, Captain Jillison of the Florida volunteers had a skirmish near his camp, not far from Fort Brooke. He routed the Indians, whom he judged to be a thousand strong, and took considerable plunder. Hence, not- withstanding the Indians were supposed to desire peace, skirmishes continued. And on the 23 March, a company of volunteers were attacked about six miles from Volusia, in which the whites lost three men killed, and six wounded, and the Indians five or six. Among the latter was their chief, called Ouchee Billy, or Billy Hicks. He was found the day after the fight, concealed in some brush. About the 5 April, Major McLemore, by order of General Scott, took a position on the Ouithlacoochee, and erected a block-house, which was called Camp McLemore. Here, about 40 men, far removed into the heart of the Indian country, were to remain until relieved by the General, or Major McLemore. who, it appears, after establishing the post, immediately left it. This small force seems to have arrived here at a most fortunate time, for it was four days before they were discovered by the Indians, and during this period they had completed a block-house for their protection. It is scarcely to be credited that this little company of men, sent here by the commander-in-chief of the army, should be left without the means of escape in extremity of circumstances, and no way kept open by which their situation from time to time might be known ; such, however, was the case, and for about six weeks nothing was heard of them. They had not been provided with provisions for more than two weeks, and it was the general impression of every one that they had all perished by famine or the hands of the Indians. The following account of the siege of Camp McLemore by Dr. Laivrence, surgeon there at the time, shall be given in his own words: — “We had just completed building the block-house, and dug out a spring near the edge of the fort, when, on the morning of the 9th of April, at a little before dawn of day, we were attacked by the Indians, who had encompassed us on three sides, and were in number about 150 or 200. The engagement lasted one hour and three quarters, when they found out, to their sorrow, that our reception was not ouly too warm, but that they had ventured too near us without due reflec- tion. On the next da,y, we had one man killed on his post by an Indian rifle, fired from the opposite side of the river. On the 15 April, we were attacked by a body of the savages who had completely surrounded us, and wlnse num- ber we computed at 4 to 500, though we have since heard that Powell had 1000 to 1500 of them. This was the hottest engagement we had during our stay on the Ouithlacoochee. They fired their guns by hundreds at the same moment at our block-house, and succeeded in taking our only means of escape, our boat — which they took down the river and destroyed after the battle. The engagement continued two hours and 45 minutes, and we had three men slightly wounded. On the 24th, we had a very severe battle, in which they displayed thee 432 DEATH OF MAD WOLF. fBooK IV. ingenuity by shooting fire-arrows on fire upon the roof of the house, which destroyed the roof and left us exposed to the inclemency of the weather. This arrow-firing was performed hy 26 of their men, whilst about 3 to 500 used their guns. We had, on this occasion, two or three of our men wounded. We probably killed 40 or 50 of the Indians. The night after the battle, we heard their chief hail us, and say, “that he was going away in the morning, and would trouble us no more.” He kept his promise very well, though lit, did give us about 100 guns the next morning, ere he left. Our captain, Hollo- man, was killed on the 3 May, whilst endeavoring to fortify and strengthen our position. The Indians continued to give us a passing shot, from 50 to 100 guns, every five or six days, though he kept a spy upon us at other times. The officers were 21 days living on corn, without salt or meat, and the men about 28 days.” It appears that the great danger of ascending the Ouithlacoochee, together with the known circumstances of the garrison, had fixed in the minds of all those who were able to lend them aid, that they had been cut off ; and there- fore, to hazard any thing to clear up this extremely doubtful case, was con- sidered next to crime itself. At length, the poor distressed handful at Camp McLemore, found among their number, three that would venture out for succor, and they arrived at Tallahassee in a canoe, about the 16 April. This circumstance, in all probability, proved the safety of their fellows, as well as themselves. A company was made up at St. Marks, and under Captain Leigh Read, proceeded in a steam-boat for the Ouithlacoochee on the 22 May, and on the 24 took off the garrison without the loss of a man. While these affairs were being transacted on the Ouithlacoochee, a consid- erable force marched from Volusia to a point on the Oklawaha River, distant 30 miles, on their way to Fort Brooke. The river being higher than usual, the force was obliged to halt to build a bridge for the passage of their cannon and baggage wagons. On the opposite side of a lake, on the left of the detachment, two fires were soon discovered, which it was supposed were made as signals by two parties of Indians. Colonel Butler immediately pro- ceeded to cross over the river with his battalion, and when he had marched about three miles, some Indians were discovered and pursued by the advanced guard. General Joseph Shelton was of Butler's party, who, being ahead of the advanced guard, charged upon one of the Indians, who was in the rear of the retreating party. At about 25 paces from him, the Indian turned, and they both levelled their rifles — Shelton fired first, and mortally wounded the Indian in the neck, who then endeavored to make his escape. Shelton dropped his gun, and rushed on him with his pistol, which missed fire at five or six paces from him. The Indian now turned and shot Shelton in the hip, and at the same moment another white came up and shot the Indian in the back, and he was immediately despatched. The ball which entered Shelto?i’s hip passed round near the spine, and was cut out, and he was recovering. I have been particular in detailing this affair, as the Indian who fell in it, proved to be a chief of distinction, known among the whites by the name of Mad Woff, which was the English signification of his name. In Indian it was Kohahajo. He was of Micanopy's tribe, and had under him 40 or 50 warriors, and was probably one of the leaders on the Ouithlacoochee, who beset General Gaines so long. His name was given in among them by Black Dirt, as Coahatjo. It is also to the treaty of Payne’s Landing, and he wae one of the Indian deputation who visited the country west of the Mississippi afterwards. The next day after Kohahajo was killed, Colonel Butler and Goodivin, with a battalion of mounted men, were sent to reconnoitre Pilaklikaha, the resi- dence of Jumper and Micanopy. When they had proceeded about six miles, their advanced guard received a sharp fire from a hammock on the left, but were soon dislodged by a charge from the main body. Two of the whitee were badly wounded, one horse killed, and four wounded. After another considerable swamp-fight, in which several were wounded, the army pro- ceeded to the Indian town, but it had been deserted for a long time. They burnt it, and then proceeded to Fort Brooke. An officer in General Scott's army at Tampa wrote or the 15 April: — “Al Chat. XII.] CREEK WAR. 433 the militia will leave us by the 20 May, and the regulars will go into summer quarters at this place, Key West, Volusia, Mosquito, and one or two more posts at the south. Without the greatest good luck nothing will he done this summer, and the war must be renewed in the autumn.” About the time General Gaines left Fort Draine, General Scott arrived there, with instructions to assume the chief command of the forces in Florida. Since that time the operations have been of not much importance. About the 20 March, Captain Hitclicock communicated the following valuable information respecting the hostile Indians, which was given hun by the friendly chief, Black Dirt, whose Indian name is Tuck-aluster Harjo. He says that in the fights with General Gaines were the following chiefs and warriors, viz.: — Jumper with 30, Asschola [ Osceola 1 with 7, Allburtu- harjo with 30, Jarharto Chee with 30, Carchar Tosknusk (Mecosukee) with 470, Mecanop (principal chief) with 80, Abram (Negro) with 80, Weea Flocko Mattez with 70, Yarharhacjo with 160, Toskieucar with 5C, Echua Mattez with 50, Hat How Emattez with 30, Charles (a Negro) with 3, Coaharjo with 1, and Toparlagee with 40. There had been about 400 Seminoles collected at Tampa, chiefly women and children of Black Dirt’s tribe, who were on the 12 April shipped off for “beyond the Mississippi” by General Scott. CHAPTER XIL Creek War — Murders ana, devastations begin — Eleven persons killed near Colum bus — Mail routes in possession of the Indians — A steam-boat attacked and men killed — Chiefs of the war parties — Mail stages destroyed — The town of Roanoak burnt — Colonel Lindsay’s Florida affair — Excessive dismay of the people of Geor- gia — Murder of families — Fight on the Chattahoochie — Capture of Jim Henkv and Neamathla — Account of the chiefs — Surrender of the Indians. Adjutant-General McIntosh wrote from Fort Mitchel, Alabama, (or die Chattahoochie, 15 miles above Columbus,) 7 May last, as follows: — “It has just been reported to me, that Col. Flournoy was shot dead by the Indians on the 5th instant, about 15 miles below this post. I atn also informed that a report is currently circulating among the Creeks, that the Seminole Indians have defeated the whites in Florida. This report will no doubt imbolden them to many acts of hostility that they would not otherwise dare commit. A constant communication must be kept up between them, as the Creeks are conversant with every transaction that occurs in Florida. Marshal, the half- breed, says he is apprehensive mischief will be done by the Indians before long. Other friendly Indians are of this opinion. Opothleyohola, principal of the upper Creeks, says he cannot keep his people together, or restrain them.” At the same time Colonel Flournoy was killed, ten others met a like fate, some of them within 12 miles of Co-lumbus, at the Ochee Bridge on the Old Federal Road. “The Indians have entire possession of that road, and all the settlers have fled. A train consisting of 150 wagons, with about 150 fugitives, on their way to Columbus, were fired upon, on the 10 April.” Up to the 18 May, at Augusta, (Ga.) it was reported that all the southern mail routes were in possession of the Indians, except that to Mobile. The day before, all the mails were brought back. Colonel Cowell's plantation, and many others, h id been burnt, and a stage agent and two drivers had been killed. The governor of Georgia had ordered two regiments of volunteers to take the field. Ab >ut this time the steam-boat Hyperion was attacked on her passage up the Cb< ttahoochie, and two pilots anil one passenger were killed. She was then run >n shore on the Georgia side, and after being abandoned, was taken and det roved by the Indians. The Creek tow s and tribes which have declared themselves hostile are ft 37 2C 434 CREEK WAR— STEAM-BOAT LESTROYED. [Book IV. part of the Ocliees, the Hitchetas, tlie Pah-lo-clio-ko-los, the So-wok-ko-los, and it part ot the Ulidlays. The principal chiefs who have showed themselves as their leaders, are old NeaMathla, of whom we have already several times spoken, chief of the Hitchetas, Jim Henry, and Neo Mico. Many friendly Indians immediately joined the whites, one of the principal leaders of whom is a chief called Jim Bor. The war party have discovered great boldness. About the 10 May a party came within 30 or 40 yards of Fort Mitchell, a strong and well-defended place, entered the hospital, and carried oft' what they pleased, and the garrison thought it not best to disturb them. On the 14 following, the mail from Montgomery to Columbus was attacked about 20 miles from the latter place. A driver on that route was riding along the road on horseback, about 50 yards ahead of the stage, when he was fired upon by about 30 Indians, yet he unaccountably escaped injury. His horse took fright and threw him, and he escaped into a thicket. Wlren he arrived at the next stage relay, the horses had got there, but without any carriage, but had about them some fragments of their harnesses. Mr. Adaiws. who was in the stage, made his escape by leaping into the woods when the stage upset. A driver and two others were killed. There were 19 horses belonging to the line in the company, of which but three were recovered, and these were wounded. About this time the old steam-boat Georgian was burnt while lying at Roanoak, and all on board, except the engineer, perished. The town of Roanoak was at the same time laid in ashes, but the citizens escaped to a fort. Irwinton, a flourishing town on the Georgia side of the river, soon after shared the same fate. Meanwhile some affairs of considerable moment were transpiring in Flori- da. Colonel Lindsay had been despatched, at the head of about 750 men, from Fort Brooke, with orders to proceed to Fort Alabama, to destroy it, and bring away the sick, wounded, and provisions. Having proceeded there, and effected their object, the forces marched again for Fort Brooke. Before leaving the fort, a mine was prepared, by leaving powder in the magazine, which should explode on its 'being opened. They had got but a mile or two, when the mine was sprung with a fearful noise, but what effect it hail pro- duced was not known. The whites had missed two of their number the day before, whom they found on their return march, about 12 miles from Fort Alabama, killed in the way, and one shockingly mangled. While the army was contemplating this spectacle, it was fired upon by 500 Indians, as was supposed, from a hammock, no more than 30 yards off. The whites immedi ately formed, and fired in their turn, and a regular fight ensued. The Indians could not be dislodged until several rounds of grape shot from the artillery had been poured in upon them. This was a bloody affray for them, but their loss was not fully known ; several were found dead on the field, and numerous traces of others who had been dragged oft’ dead or severely wounded were discovered. The whites had 3 killed and 22 wounded. A letter addressed to the editor of the Richmond Enquirer gives a fearful picture of the affairs in the Creek country. It was written at Talbotton, (Ga.) 11 May, and is in these words: — “I wrote you yesterday, informing you of the hostile movements of the Creek Indians, and the commencement of their murderous career. We have full information here to-day of the distressing state of tilings among the whites wno have settled over in that territory. The Indians are killing all — men, women, and children. Vast numbers have been butchered without doubt ; and the whole country on this side of the Chatta- hoochie is in uproar and confusion. The population of the territory had become considerable, and they who have been fortunate enough to escape are come over in droves on the Georgia side; some with a part of their children some who have lost their children; some their husbands; and many children without father or mother ; some are found as they were wandering about so young that they could give no account who their parents were. So perfect a mixture and confusion as never was witnessed before. Many have seen a part of their families murdered. One gentleman saw his father shot down near him, and his mother and sisters. Some of the dead have been brough over shockingly mangled. It is thought the whole nation is in hostile array j Chap. XII.] MURDER OF MANY FAMILIES. 435 their warriors are computed at 6 or 7000 sLong. The general impression is, that a part of the Seminoles have come up among them. The town of Co- lumbus is in great danger of an attack, as they have threatened it strongly. A company of 40 or 50 men left Columbus yesterday morning, and went over. On their return at night they brought in seven children, which they had found scattered about.” Such are the accounts which have been daily circulated for two months together and although they are distorted in many particulars, yet out of them we are ai present to collect all that is known of this war. The Columbus Centinel of the 13 May contains the following facts, which are confirmed from other quarters : — “ On Monday we received information that hostilities Sad commenced on the road between Columbus and Montgomery, at the Uchee bridge, and further on, and in the evening the bridge at this place, the streets leading from it were thronged with the unfortunate refugees, who were fleeing before their savage neighbors. The pitiable condition of many of them was past the power of description. Wives severed from their hus- bands, and parents from their children ; all dismayed, all terror-stricken ; pre- sented a scene which we never again desire to see. An interesting-looking girl, just blooming into womanhood, was brought in on horseback, behind a benevolent stranger, who had found her in the nation, making her way, unat- tended, to this place. She started with her parents, but before they had proceeded far, they were brutally shot down before her eyes. She fled to the woods and escaped from her savage pursuers, and was found and brought to Columbus as above stated. A young man arrived at this place also witnessed the savage murder of his parents. Another young man, in the act of fleeing, perceived the Indians dragging away his sister. He returned, declaring he would rescue her or die in the attempt, and he has not been heard of. From this time their deeds of savage barbarity have been too numerous to particu- larize. A woman was brought in on Tuesday, wounded in the hand, whose husband had been shot the preceding evening at the Uchee bridge. Col. A. B. Dawson's negroes, who were taken by the Indians, and made their escape, state that they saw three corpses on the road near the Uchee bridge; a man, woman and child, who had all been murdered. We leant that about 150 friendly Indians have reported themselves at Fort Mitchell, and are ready to assist the whites. Accounts to the 17 May further state that the Indians had entered the house of one family, and murdered the whole — including husband, wife, and six children. All were scalped, and the children beheaded. The house of a Mr. Colton had been attacked, and himself killed.” Generals Scott and Jesup were at Fort Mitchell on the 3 June ; the for- mer left that place on that day with an escort of 150 men for Alabama, to take the command of the troops of that state. On the 4th, Capt. Page reported to General Scott that a party of Indians was about to cross the Chattahoochie in their way to Florida, and steps were immediately made to stop them. The day before a party was stopped by a company of Georgia militia, after a sharp skirmish, in which one white and several Indians were supposed to have been killed. Two chiefs were wounded, Ealahayo in the shoulder, and Jim Henry in the head. The action took place across the river, which being high and wide, little was effected. The Indians dared the whites to come over, called them dogs and cowards, .and the most the whites could do was to retaliate in the same sort of language. About the end of June, a party of whites, who were scouting on Flint Rivet, accidentally found a young woman about three miles from Cambridge, who had been wounded by a shot in the breast. She stated that, on the 26 of June, about 300 Indians killed all the family to which she belonged, 13 in number, except herself, and her father, who made his escape. After being shot, she feigned death, and as the murdered were not scalped, she made her escape after the Indians left the scene of butchery. Up to the 16 June, all the houses of the whites in the Creek country had been burned. On the 13th, in an attack on an Indian town by some whites, 24 persons were taken, among whom were three chiefs. These were held as hostages at Fort Mitchell, and word was sent to the hostile party, that if they ^11 not come in and surrender they should be put to death. The next day 430 CAPTURE OF JIM HENRY AND NEAMATHLA. [Book TV. 120 came in and declared themselves friendly. As late as the 28th of June, it was reported at Columbus, Ga., that the Creek war was probably at an end, “as far as fighting was concerned. Jim Henry's party have nearly all been taken. They were confined at Fort Mitchell, and all the smiths were at work making handcuffs for them.” These will doubtless be sent beyond the Mis- sissippi, “ except the chiefs, five or six in number, who will lie punished with death,” as was supposed. On the 1st of July, Jim Henry fell into the hands of a band of friendly In- dians, under a chief named Jim Boy. For a few days previous he was sup- posed to have been on his way for the “promised land;” but lie was found in the Creek nation, a few miles from Tuskegee. About the same time old Neamathla gave himself up to the whites, and was, on the day of the cap- ture of Jim Henry, with about 1500 others, sent off for Arkansas. The circuin stance of his falling in with the whites is said to be as follows: — General Jessup had lelt Tuskegee with about 700 men, intending to make a direct march for Neamalhla's camp, which was on Hatchahubbee River. As Jesup marched along, his forces increased to 2700 men, of which 1500 were In- dians, under the chiefs Hopoithleyohola and Jim Boy. When he had arrived within about seven miles of Neamalhla's camp, he ordered a halt, to refresh his men and horses, at the expense of the beautiful oatfiehls of the Indians. While the army lay here, a scout discovered Neamathla on horseback. He had concluded to surrender, and had a white cloth tied about his head, and some white garment for a flag, extended upon a stick, and was approaching towards them. They ordered him to halt, but he gave no heed to them, until within a few paces. He was taken to Gen. Jessup's camp, and made prisoner. With him were his son and daughter, and a niece of Nea Mico. The two females were released, but his son was confined with him at Fort Mitchell On being asked where he was going when he was taken, he said his life had been threatened by his own people, and he was hastening to Fort Mitchell, to give himself up. Nea Mico had some days before given himself up. He was considered a great chief. David Hardige, a half-breed, was taken by surprise, with about a hundred of his men, with their women and children. By the 8th of June, there had been secured between 3 and 4000 Indians, which were despatched for the west as fast as circumstances would admit. A party of about 60 warriors, who were endeavoring to escape into Florida, were overtaken by Col. Beal, in Chickasatchie Swamp, Baker county, Alabama, and a considerable skirmish ensued. Nine Indians were killed and 20 wound- ed. Of Col. Beal’s men, two were killed and seven wounded. The Indians were left in possession of the swamp. The following account was published in the Georgia Herald of the 28 June, at Columbus. It is headed, “Grand Entree into Fort Mitchell,” and then proceeds: — “On the 22 June, we witnessed the grand entree of a drove of savages into the Fort [Mitchell] consisting of men, women and children, in all about 1000 ; among them 200 warriors ; they were brought in by a bat- talion of Alabama cavalry, under the command of Maj. Gen. Patterson. The men were placed within the walls of the fort, while the women and children were encamped on the outside. It was an assemblage of human beings, such as we had never before witnessed, and the sight filled us with thoughts and feel- ings to which we shall not give vent at this time. They were of all ages, from a month ofll to a hundred years, — cf all sizes, from the little papoosie to the giant warrior. The old “ Blind King," as he is called, rode in the centre of the throng, and although it has been many years since he beheld the light of day, yet has the feelings of hostility continued to rankle at his heart. The names of the hostile chiefs who have been taken and have come in, are Nr. E-Mathla, Octo Archo-Emathla, probably son of Neamathla,] Miccocholey it Blind King, Tuslee-Nuggee, C\opko- Yar-bar-Hadjo.” Chap XIII.] HISTORY OF TIIE CHEROKEES. 437 CHAPTER XHL HISTORY OF THE EXPATRIATION OF THE CHEROKEES. ■‘Some entert.in, 1 hat the history of these present times must not be written by any one alive ; which, in my opinion, is disgraceful to an histori m, and very prejudicial to posterity; as if they were to write at a distance, that obscurity might protect thoir mistakes from discovery. Others also say the truth is not lipe enough to be writ in the age we live in: So politicians would not li ve the historian to tread on the heels of the times, lest the times tread on his 1 uela.” Wi nsta nl v u Still to the white man’s wants there is no end : He said, 4 beyond those hills he would not come.’ But to the western seas his hands extend, Ere yet his promise dies upon his tongue.” — U npublished Poem. While tlie war is progressing in Florida, we will proceed to lay opc n a few pages of Cherokee history, praying, in the mean time, tor its speedy conclusion. Tl*i situation of the Cherokee country is most delightful; it is every thing that heart could wish, whether actuated by the best or worst of motives. It lies in about thirty-five degrees of northern latitude, bounded north and west by Tennessee, on the south by Alabama, and easterly by Georgia and North Carolina, comprising about 8,000 square miles. In 1802 it contained 11,175; the difference having been sold to the United States for the use of Georgia. That country is well watered by living springs, in every part, whose foun- tains are like reservoirs raised to a great height by the art of man ; they hav- ing the superior advantage of being natural reservoirs, raised by springs in their lofty range of mountains which stretch across the whole nation. In the north it is hilly ; but in the south arc numerous fertile plains, in part covered with tall trees, through which beautiful streams of water glide. Here cattle, in vast herds, roam, and horses are plenty, and in all the ordinary uses among the Indians. Flocks of sheep, goats, and swine, live on the slopes of the hills. On their navigable rivers the Cherokees have vessels engaged in commerce. Their spring opens in great beauty; the soil is excellent for corn, cotton, tobacco, wheat, oats, indigo, sweet and Irish potatoes; and the people had, in 1825, begun to export cotton to New Orleans in their own vessels. They have public roads, and taverns with good accommodations, and butter and cheese are common upon the ordinary tables of the Indian inhab- itants. Neat and flourishing villages have already sprung into being. Cotton and woollen cloths are manufactured, and by native Indian hands. There is scarcely a family which does not raise cotton sufficient for its own use. Their trade is almost wholly carried on by native Cherokees. The mechanic arts are considerably cultivated, although agriculture chiefly engages the at- tention of the inhabitants. In 181‘J, there were about 10,000 inhabitants, and in 1825 they had in- creased to 13,563, all natives; there were, in addition, 147 white men married in the nation, and 73 white women. Of slaves there were 1,277. Hence it is plain that the Cherokees do not decrease, but have, in about five t ears, in- creased over 3,500. This is equal, at least, to the increase of white popula- tion under similar circumstances. By the laws of the nation, the whites are allowed the privileges of natives, except that of suffrage, together with their ineligibility to hold offices. Some of the Cherokees, following the example of their southern neighbors, have become slave-holders; buying their negroes of white men who bring them into the nition. And here the reflection naturally arises in the inquiry upon tne relative barbarity of the white and red men. It was strongly urged by some southern statesmen, that the Indians were such barbarous wretches that they could not think of living beside them ; and yet poor Africans are sold hv them to these barbarians! But, unlike the whites in one particular, they null not mix with their slaves. The nation was reorganized in 1820, and by a resolve of its national coun oil, divided into eight districts, each of which had the privilege of sending 37 * 438 HISTORY OF THE CHEKOKEES. [Boor IV. four members to tne legislature. The pay of members vas established at one dollar per day; that of the speaker being fixed at one and a half dollars and the principal chiels were to receive 150 dollars a year. Some of theii principal laws and regulations were — a prohibition of spirituous liquors be- ing brought into the nation by white men. If a white man took a Cherokee wife, he must marry her according to their laws ; hut her property was not affected by such union. No man was allowed but one wife. A judge, mar- shal, sheriff’ and deputy, and two constables, were commissioned in each dis- trict. Embezzlement, intercepting and opening sealed letters, was punished by a fine of 100 dollars, and 100 lashes on the bare back. No business was aliowed on Sundays; and fences were regulated by statute. They also had a statute of limitations, which, however, did not affect notes or settled ac counts. A will was valid, if found, on the decease of its maker, to have been written bv him, and witnessed by two creditable persons. A man leaving no will, all his children shared equal, and his wife as one of them ; if he left i?o children, then the widow to have a fourth part of all property ; the other three fourths to go to his nearest relations. And so if the wife died, leaving property. Before the division of the nation into districts, and the appoint ment of the above-named civil officers, there was an organized company of light-horse, which executed the orders of the chiefs, searched out offenders, and brought them to justice. It was a fundamental law, that no land should be sold to the white people, without the authority of a majority of the nation. Transgressors of this law were punished with death. The Cherokees were similarly situated to the Creeks, in respect to the Um- ted States. They had been treated with from the earliest days of the repub- lic, as an independent nation, with only this difference — the United States regarding treaty stipulations with them without any regard to their weakliest, or inability to defend themselves against unjust intrusions. And thus weie they considered through the early administrations of this government; until political intrigue had become the order of the day, and to strengthen a party by the accession of a state, it was found necessary to disregard sacred trea- ties, not at first by an open denial of obligations, but by a perversion of lan- guage, authorizing “any means to encompass the end.” And like the Creek nation, the Cherokees were tampered with, and eventually divided and ruined ; thus verifying that remarkable passage of Scripture, namely, “a house divided against itself cannot stand.” The consequences which, by every thinking mind, were considered sure to follow, did lollow ; but not so immediately as had been anticipated, reasoning from the summary course which the Creeks had pursued in executing ven- geance upon the heads of a similar faction, for a precisely similar outrage upon the will and the laws of that nation. But the day of retribution was at hand, and the heads of the Cherokee faction have met a like fate if. the distant land to which they had forced their despairing executioners. The history of the fate of Ridge and his associates will go down upon the same page of history with that of Mackintosh ; over which the philanthropist of succeeding ages will mourn, and the philosopher will frown with just indig- nation, as he contemplates the source of guilt whence the stream flowed. But the bare recital of the events in the history of the Cherokees is suffi- cient to create the deepest feelings of commiseration in every breast, without any reflections from the historian. Georgia, finding she could not drive the United States government into her measures for the forcible possession of the Cherokee country, resolved to do soon her own account; but not having the courage to go sword in hand, and do it at a blow, she resorted to the equally condemnable course of management, which was to seize upon the country under color of law. And those laws, made for the very occasion, wore so exceedingly oppressive that the Indians could not live under them. The laws alluded to were passed on the 20th of December, 1820, by the legislature of the state of Georgia, and were of this complexion : “It is here- by ordained that all the laws of Georgia are extended over the Cherokee country. That after the 1st day of June, 1830, all Indians then and at that time residing in said territory, shall be liable and subject to such laws and Chap. XIII.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 43£ regulations as the legislature may hereafter prescribe. That all laws, usages, and customs, made and established, ami enforced in the said territory, by the said Cherokee Indians, be, and the same are hereby, on and after the 1st day oi' June, 1830, declared null and void ; and no Indian, or descendant of an Indian residing within the Creek or Cherokee nations of Indians, shall be deemed a competent witness, or party to any suit in any court, where a white man is a defendant.” Such is a specimen of the laws alluded to; framed to throw the Indians into entire confusion, that they might be the more easily overcome, destroyed, or forced from the land of their nativity. That the Clierokees could not live under the laws of Georgia is most manifest, ana it is equally manifest that said laws were never made in expec- tation that they could be submitted to. Thus the constitution of the United States was trampled on with impunity, by an utter disregard of one of its e xpress provisions, “That no state shall pass any law or laws going to impair the obligation of contracts.” Now, how could a Cherokee compel a Georgian *o perform a contract? Thus was the axe not only laid at the foot of the tree of Cherokee liberty, but it was shortly to be wielded by the strong arm of power with deadly effect. Alarm now, as well it might, was seen perched upon the brow of every true Cherokee, and they began to revolve in their minds the nature of their condition, and to inquire of one another what they were to do. They remon- strated, but remonstrance was met with contumely, and all the haughtiness that characterizes the triumph of might over right Though conscious of the rectitude of their intentions, the Clierokees were determined not to persist in any course, however just it might appear to them, without first consulting some of the ablest jurists and best men, as well as the most devoted to the good of their country, among the eminent men of the United States. There was but one opinion among them. Chief Justice Mar- shall, Chancellor Kent, William Wirt, Mr. Justice M’Lane, Daniel Webster, and Henry Clay, are names carrying authority with them; an array of talent which other nations may equal, but not surpass. Accordingly the Indians brought their case before the supreme court of the United States, where it was argued with fidelity and ability by Mr. Sargent and Mr. Wirt, and finally and clearly given in favor of the Clierokees. Mr. Wirt happily adverted, in his argument, to the past and present conduct of Georgia ; reminded her that, with the other states, she had cooperated with the most Christian assiduity and perseverance to bring about a change in the intellectual and moral condition of that people; and having completely effected the purpose, she found in this very change a ground of quarrel with them, as well as with her sister states, her auxiliaries in the laudable work; accusing these of hypocrisy and an affected benevolence, by which they were violating Georgia’s sovereignty in bringing up an independent government within her chartered limits ; that so long as they were savages and barba- rians, Georgia had no objection to their governing themselves, but having now become civilized, and consequently capable of governing themselves, their right of self-government must cease. “Hence we ask,” says Mr. Wirt, “what can this unfortunate people do?” “ The existence of this remnant of a once great and mighty nation,” added Mr. Wirt, “is at stake, and it is for this court to say whether they shall be blotted out from creation, in utter disregard of all our treaties. They are here in the last extremity, and with them must perish forever the honor of the American name. The faith of our nation is fatally linked with their existence, and the blow which destroys them quenches forever our own glory ; for what glory can there be of which a patriot can De proud, after the good name of bis country shall have departed? We may gather laurels on the field of battle, and trophies on the ocean, but pthey will never hide this foul blot upon our escutcheon. ‘ Remember the Cherokee nation.’ will be answer enough to the proudest boasts that we can ever make. Such, it is possible, there may be who are willing to glory in their own shame, but thank Heaven, they are comparatively few. The great majority of the American people see this subject in its true light. And I cannot believe that this hone r- able court, possessing the power of preservation, will stand by and see th ;s« 40 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Book IV people stripped of their property and extirpated from the earth, while they are li siding up to us their treaties and claiming' the fulfilment of our engage* ments. 1; truth, and laith, and honor, and justice, have fled from every other part of our country, we shall find them here, if not, our sun has gone down in treachery, blood, and crime, in the face of the world; and instead of being proud of our country, we may well call upon the rocks and mountains to hide our shame from earth and heaven.” such were the opinions of the great and good upon the Cherokee question : but how was he mistaken in respect to the virtue of a government, of which he was a pillar and chief supporter in all its just dealings! With what grief must he have seen, notwithstanding the sacrifices and efforts he had made to obtain justice, and the decision of the highest tribunal of his country, all disregarded, this decision set at naught, and that country’s sun go down in treachery, blood, and crime ! And it is with deep melancholy we add, that the great statesman and philanthropist saw the near approach to the horizon of the once glowing star of empire of a noble people! He saw, as his own lamp flickered on the eve of departure to another world, that deep stain fall upon the escutcheon of his country’s honor, which he had so much feared. \\ i i.i. i am Wirt descended to the tomb in the beginning of the year 18115. The Cherokees, like the Creeks, had, by designing and avaricious men, been divided into two parties, which were distinguished tiom one another by very marked differences. The people composing the first were generally temperate, industrious, and frugal ; had made great advancement in the arts of civilized life, and hence had become far more attached to their country than those of an opposite character. The other part of the nation consisted of a majority of indolent, intemperate, roving, and ignorant citizens; always restless, ever ready to hear to any new smooth-tongued miscreant, who might throw himself among them upon any design. Yet there were many among the second party whose character was good, and who were made seriously io think that it would be for their interest to sell out their possessions, and take up a new country beyond the Mississippi. Hut the talent and learning were not with them, and consequently they had not the ability to judge Oi such a project, according to the admonitions of the true policy of the nation. At the period of Cherokee history now under consideration, that nation contained a population of 18,000 souls. How near it was divided in respect to numbers is not precisely known, but that part I have denominated the first was by far the most numerous, as well as the most respectable. These two parties had each its head or leader, and was known by his name. Mr. John Ross led the first, and Major Ridge the second. Mr. Ross had become an eminent citizen, and being possessed of a fine education, respectable talents, and extensive and enlarged views upon all subjects, soon became prominent without any efforts to make himself so. On the other hand Mr. Ridge, though greatly beloved by his own people, and highly respected among the whites, had not the moral courage to withstand tempations that a true patriot requires. Such was the condition of things, when it was decided by the supreme court of the United States, that Georgia must not execute her pernicious laws in and over the Cherokee country. Yet, as has already been observed, she did proceed to execute them, and finding that many of the Indians would not at once be forced away by their cruel and oppressive execution, but continued to suffer under them, resort was had to buying up such of the chiefs and head men of the nation as money would succeed with. And, finally, a treaty was made with such men as bribery influenced, and on its strength, eve nt- ually, the Cherokees were forced beyond the Mississippi. The engagement entered into with Georgia by the United States govern- ment in 1802, has, in a former chapter,* been noticed. In that compact there was no stipulation that the Cherokees should, at any time, be forced to sell their remaining lands; but when they were wUling , if" any such time should ever arrive, and the price should not be an objection, then the United States had the power, and not till then, to buy out the Cherokees. Book IV., page 53, ante. Chat. XIII.] History ok the cherokees. 441 Hut, in 1835, Georgia hud become so clamorous, that “the government thought best to make an attempt to treat with these Indians to go west, on some terms or other. Accordingly, the president appointed one Rev. J. F. Schernierhorn, of New York, to proceed to the Cherokee country lor that purpose, ile proceeded to the nation, and, with some trouble, got the chiefs together, and opened the nature of his mission before them. He was informed tlui they would not treat for the sale of their country on any con ditions, and the commissioner gave up the design and returned to Wash- ington. Rut there is no safety to the innocent where the cupidity of designing Knaves can be brought to bear upon them. The plan immediately adopted by Schermerhorn was to seduce some of the chiefs by gratuities of money, and thereby to get together such as he could of the nation, and, if possible, make a treaty with them which should bind ah the rest; but to the honor of the secretary at war, Gen. Cass, it will be re- membered, that when such a project was made known to him, he rejected it with disdain. Whether this instrument of injustice was countenanced by men higher in office than the secretary at war, I leave to be determined; but however that might be, it is certain that Schermerhorn was found without loss of time pursuing that nefarious plan, which Gov. Cass had set his seal of unqualified disapprobation upon. He circulated notices of his design through- out the Cherokee nation, requesting them to meet him in council ; and finally he got a number of the nation together, which he called a council of the nation, and made a treaty with them. By the stipulations of this treaty, (falsely so called,) the whole country was to be given up to the whites within two years from the time it should he ratified by the senate of the United States. The great majority of the Cherokees, as has been observed, would have nothing to do with Schermerhorn, and consequently, whatever he did had nothing to do with them ; and when its acknowledgment and acceptance were urged at Washington, it was rebutted with the astounding memorial, signed by near fifteen thousand of the nation, protesting in the strongest terms, that the instrument procured by Schermerhorn was utterly false, and unau- thorized by the Cherokees. Yet after all that those 15,000 people could do, that treat}) was, with some little variation, published to the world, at the city of Washington, on the 14th of March, 1830, as the act of that nation ! When the nation found that the party which had executed the treaty were going to Washington to further its ratification, the council of the nation im- mediately appointed a delegation of twenty of its best men to proceed there also, clothed with authority to represent their countrymen truly. It had be- come now apparent that if they would not sell their country for ivhat it was the pleasure of the government to give, they would be driven from it without any thing ; therefore, all that was left for them to do, was to get the best terms they could. And it was finally agreed by the authorized delegation, that they would abide by such an award as the senate should make for their lands, pro- vided that when it was laid before the nation, it should be consented to by it; accordingly, a paper was signed by the Indians, agreeing to abide the action of the senate. Of that action, Mr. Ross, the principal chief, says, lie would not have complained, if it had been “fully and fairly” obtained ; but “a res- olution was submitted at midnight, on the 3d of March, just as the senate ■were about to separate, premising, that, in its opinion, the president ought to allow a sum not exceeding 5,000,000 of dollars. This resolution, proposed in a hurry, was carried in as great a hurry, and, though a mere opinion, not pledging either the president or the senate to any consequent action, was represented to us as an ‘ award,' and we were told we had engaged ourselves to be bound by it.” The delegation next proceeded to lay the matter before the nation ; which having done, the “award” of the senate was unanimously rejected. But Gen Jackson had now taken the matter into his hands, and whatever might be said or done by an Indian council, would make no difference with his deter- mination. And when he found that they were reluctant to submit to what they had never had- any intention of agreeing to, he ordered Mr. Secretary Hams to inform them, “that no propositions for a treaty would hereafter be made, more favorable than those now offered. The sum of five millions of 442 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Book IV dollars was fixed upon by the senate, as an ample equivalent for the relin- quishment of all their rights and possessions ; that most assuredly the presi- dent would not sanction any expectation, that more favorable arrangements would hereafter be held out to them ; that this was the last proposition the president would make them while he was president, and they might abide the consequences; that they need not expect either branch of the government would ever do any more, and that, therefore, they need not expect another dollar.”* Thus all further negotiation was cut off, and the Indians had nothing fur- ther to do, but to submit to what they had long foreseen would probably be their only alternative. With regard to the treaty of December, 1835, procured by Schermerhorn, and since called by his name, as also “ the treaty of New f id iota,” we have but a remark or two more to make ; and, firstly, it will be inquired, who or what part of the Cherokee nation made that treaty? According to the ac- count of Schermerhorn himself, the number which he got together to treat with, did not exceed 600 persons, men, women, and children; of which num- ber but 70 were men, and of these, about 30 were Arkansas emigrants, or Cherokees enrolled for emigration, and consequently had no real interest in the nation, and had no right to act in matters affecting its affairs. The reader lias only to compare this statement with the memorial before spoken of, signed by 15,000 persons, to enable him to decide on the magnitude of the injustice done that people. Secondly, of the course “this great and mighty government” has pursued to disinherit Indians in certain cases. In May, 1839, Gen. Carroll was sent with instructions by our government, to induce the Cherokees to remove. Some passages in those instructions would never be believed, were they not past contradiction, and staring us by thousands in the face. They recite, that, whereas nothing could probably be effected in open council, by negotiation, “ he must go to them, not as a nego- tiator, but as a friend ; appeal to the chiefs and influential men, not together, but apaii ; make offers to them of extensive reservations in fee simple, and other rewards ; secure, even from the chiefs, your official character ; move upon them in the line of their prejudices ; tell them, unless they remove, their laws will be trodden under foot; enlarge upon the advantages of their condition in the west.” Such is another specimen of another slate paper, which emanated from diis administration. The case has changed. The whites have become powerful, and the red men have become weak. They are able to destroy, or drive them before them to another comma , and how has it turned? The red men have gone. Who are the “cruel savages?” In the “great debate,” as it was termed, on the “Indian bill,” in 1830, some of its supporters pointed to the east, and cried out, “Savages! savages!” because the voice of humanity had been heard in that direction; but they might with almost equal propriety, have pointed to the capital of the state of Georgia — even that, where those most oppressive laws originated, contained philanthropists too. The votes in that house stood out little more than equally divided, on the bill to take forcible possession of the Cherokee country. But the philanthropist is derided and scorned ; and that people have only escaped the iron grasp of superstition’s hand, to die by that of avarice. It used to be a proverb, that Justice had leaden feet, but yet was sure to overtake her enemies ; but where her feet are clogged with gold, the proverb requires a new explication. We have seen how the Schermerhorn treaty was disposed of in the senate of the United States. The house of representatives must vote the appropria tion, or it could not be carried into effect. When it came up there lor action., some gave as a reason for voting for it, that they had no choice, but were bound to do so, because the treaty had been ratified by the president and senate, and it was hence the law of the land. On the other hand, it was * This certainly was a state paper worthy jf “ My government,” “ My currency,” and above all, “My responsibility.” Mr. Jac.ksor had before told certain Indians that all the lands fceyond the Mississippi belonged to him If the Cherokees believed he told the truth, no oDe will wonder they did not wish to gr there 1 Chap. XIV.] HISTORY OF THE CHLROKEES. 443 argued that the action of the president and senate could never make that in- strument a treaty which was false, and had not been agreed to by but one party ; that this was true abundantly appeared by a protest then before the house, signed by almost the entire Clierokee nation. And besides this, the most zealous advocates for removal did not pretend that the treaty was luirly made by the nation, or by any body authorized by it ; but they argued that the hill ought to pass from necessity, as it was to benefit the Indians more than any body else. And with this kind of argument the bill passed, 102 to 97. Thus we are to be judges of what is best for our neighbor, and if he does not conform to our wishes, we will force him to do so. On the same princi- ple we may say, that it is decreed by unerring fate that the red men must be swept from the face of the earth ; but does it follow that we must hasten their ruin? With as much reason all mankind might commit suicide, because fiite lias decreed that we must all die, sooner or later. As soon as congress had disposed of the Cherokee question, the executive of the nation, apprehensive that trouble would arise between Georgia and the Cherokees, ordered Gen. Scott to repair thither without delay. He was soon on the way, with about 2,000 men. This was early in the year 18118. Mean- while Gov. Gilmer had threatened “collision,” unless the work of expulsion was immediately begun. How much in fear Mr. Van Buren stood of this and other bravadoes, we do not undertake to say; but he pressed matters as last as lie' could, more afraid, doubtless, of the votes, than the steel of Georgia. But what did that excellent old general find on his arrival in the Cherokee country ? Armed Indians behind every bush, prepared to shed the last drop of their blood in defence of their beloved country? No. Not a semblance of opposition was there; all was quietness; all were about their ordinary affairs, in their own fields, and by their own habitations. Having established his head quarters in the nation, he issued a proclamation, requesting them to assemble at certain points, from whence they would be sent to Arkansas. They obeyed the summons, and thus, in due time, the whole nation were removed. -reives* CHAPTER XIV EXPATRIATION OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUED “ Whore is mv home — my fort st home ? the proud land of my sires ? Where stands the wigwam of my pride ? VVhere gleam the council tires Where are my fathers’ hallowed graves ? my friends, so light and free? Gone, gone, — forever from my view! Great Spirit! can it be?” — A. W. B. It has somehow or other happened that great changes have taken place in the minds of our rulers, or some of them, within a few years, in regard to what certain laws and treaties mean. As late as 182G, no question was raised about the rights of the Indians ; nothing was attempted to be done, by government, on their lands, without their consent being first obtained ; no one even dreamed of laying out a road through their lands without their permis- sion. But, of a sudden, it is discovered that the government has been labor- ing under a great mistake all the time of its existence ; that during the ad- ministration of Andrew Jackson, wisdom had shed her light so abundant, that numbers had risen up in her full armor, and unhesitatingly declared that the very men who formed our constitution knew very little about it; that under its provisions no valid treaty could be made with Indians ; that neither Washington, .Iefferson, nor John Adams, could make the discovery; but it must be reserved to add lustre to the era of which we are speaking. The compact between the general government and Georgia, in 1802, is the principal theme of their oppressors. Now every body knows that with that compact the Cherokees had nothing to do ; they had no hand in forming it, nor never consented to it. A treaty is a compact of mutual concessions ana 444 HISTORY OF THE CIIEROKEES. [Rook IV agreements between nations. The Cherokees agreed that if they ever sold their lands, or ;uiy [tart of them, it should be to the United States. Now this was, as times have been, a very important, concession on the part of the In- dians; but if the faith of the United States had been kept inviolate, it would as yet have amounted to but little, — a small tract of land here and there, — but it has now amounted to an entire country. When the treaties were formed, it was supposed that against this concession the United States had put one of much greater moment, namely, that o {' protection. What have we seen? the whites in possession of all the lands of the Indians, the Indians protected? Not by the United States; lor it has driven them where it can- not, from the nature of their situation, protect them. These conclusions inevitably follow, and we challenge proof in contradiction. That we have given the Indians more than their lands were worth, has been urged as an argument that no wrong has been done them. That has nothing to do with the point at issue. Unenviable must the mind of that man he, who holds nothing above price, mere pecuniary compensation. What though the government did stipulate that it would buy out the Chero- kees as soon as it could be done, (a very foolish bargain, by the way,) on reasonable and equitable terms; is it to be understood that they must sell their lands just when a demand is made for them? This argument is tow fallacious to be thought of by rational men. Hence the only way left to dis- possess a nation, too weak to defend themselves by force, is to declare they have no right where they are. And, to the astonishment of all the world, such were the grounds of argument, and such the arguments that succeeded in an American congress in ruining a nation. What though the nation were small, and consequently weak ? So much the greater the crime. Are not laws made tor the protection of the weak against the strong? as well in property as person? Shall the United States of enlightened America deal worse with their friends and allies than ancient despotic Home? Even na- tions subdued by the Romans, and included in their dominions, were suffered “to live under their own laws, and he governed by their own magistrates.”* It has been urged as a reason lor disinheriting the Cherokees, that it is ab- surd to allow a nation to exist under a separate government, within another government or state, and hence unconstitutional. Allowing all this to he true, (which we do not,) what has it to do with the Cherokees? Had not '.lie Cherokees as good a right to say to a state which had undertaken to extend aline beyond them, “You have no authority to do this, and must instantly desist.” Now there can he no question hut that a state would he compelled to desist, if the party so included were able to defend itself against usurpa- tion. This happening not to be the case with the Cherokees, a cordon is passed about them, at first, merely nominal ; but, at length, like the coil of the serpent, it is drawn tighter and tighter, until they discover, too late, that a death-blow is aimed at their very existence. Who, or what is Georgia, that it should claim priority to the Cherokees? Were not the Cherokees a nation long before it was heard of? Which permitted the other to grow up bv its side? How long is it since the Cherokees were able to drive that hand- ful of white intruders beyond a more formidable boundary than the Missis- sippi? They did not attempt it. Their “avarice” was not strong enough to tempt them to so cruel an action. No. 'They took them by the hand at Yamacraw Bluff) and at Holston, and said, “Brothers, here is land enough for us and for you. Lie down upon our skins until you can make wigwams and mats for yourselves.” How have these kindnesses been returned? We will hear what Georgia herself said about the validity of Indian trea ties, no longer ago than 1825. In that year a treaty was made with the Creeks, by which a cession of a portion of their territory in Georgia was made; and by an article in said treaty, it was provided, that the United States should protect the Indians against the encroachments and impositions pi die whites, until their removal should take place. The governor of Georgia, G.M. Troup , issued his proclamation in accordance with the treaty, a p«a.sage of which is in these words: Vattel, “ Law of Nations,” it. 1. ch. i. sec. li Chap. XIV.] HISTORY CF l.fE CHEROKEES. 44 5 “ I have thought proper to issue this, my proclamation, warning all per- sons, citizens of Georgia, or others, against trespassing or intruding upon lands occupied by the Indians within the limits of this state, either lor the purpose of settlement or otherwise; as every such act will be in direct viola- tion of the provisions of the treaty , aforesaid, and will expose the aggressors to the most certain and summary punishment by the authorities of the state, and of the United States. All good citizens, therefore, pursuing the di; fates of good faith, will unite in enforcing the obligations of the treaty as the supreme law” 1 low does this accord with a resolve of the legislature of that state, but a few years afterwards, to take torcible possession of the country of the Chero- kees r A comparative view of these enactments led a high-minded senator* to declare, “ that treaties were very lawful when made for the use of Georgia.” . In 1824, the Georgia delegation in congress, in an address to the president of the United States, complained, in no very moderate terms, of the injustice done to their state, by the delay of the government in not extinguishing the Cherokee title to lands within its limits ; thereby acknowledging what they denied afterwards, namely, that the Cherokees had any title. They say, “If the Cherokees are unwilling to remove, the causes of that unwillingness are to be traced to the United States. If peaceable purchase cannot be made in the ordinary mode, nothing remains to be done but to order their removal to n designated territory beyond the limits of Georgia.” And, in conclusion, they add, “ O i ir duty is performed by remonstrating against the policy hereto- fore pursued, by which the interests of Georgia have been disregarded ; and by insisting, as we do, most earnestly, upon an immediate fulfilment of the obligations of the articles of cession of 1802.” Such is a specimen of the language of two senators and six representatives of Georgia, to the president of the United States, upon this question. And we venture to assert that the autocrat of all the Russias is not more despotic in his decrees, than these gentlemen were on this occasion. A few days after the address of the Georgia delegates, the secretary of war, the Hon. John C. Calhoun, issued his report on our Indian relations, in which lie says, “ The United States have ever been solicitous to fulfil, at the earliest period, the obligation of the convention, by the extinguishment of the Indian titles within the limits of Georgia; a most satisfactory proof of which may be found in the number of treaties which have been held lor that purpose, the quantity of lands winch has been acquired, and the price paid. In fact, such has been the solicitude of the government, that but little regard has been had to the price, whenever it has been found possible to obtain a cession of lands to the state. The price given has far exceeded that which has ever been given in other purchases from the Indians.” Thus a mighty clashing of opinions is apparent on a comparison of these two extracts. From certain other facts in Mr. Calhoun's report, it appears that, in 1802, the Cherokees owned 7,152,110 acres of land in the limits of Georgia. Since the late war with England, they had held two treaties with the United States, by which they had ceded 995,310 acres. Emigration had been uniformly encouraged, and many had voluntarily gone to Arkansas. To this course nobody objected. But in this way matters progressed too slow for greedy speculators, and it was urged that, as many Cherokees had emigrated, a pro- portionate quantity of the country should be set off lor Georgia. An enumer- ation or census had been attempted, to ascertain what the proportion would be, and it was eventually concluded that one third of the nation had left the country, and a treaty was entered into at Washington, in 1819, by which that amount of territory was ceded. Between 1819 and 1824, two attempts to treat with them for further cessions of territory had been made, and both proved abortive. “It cannot be doubted,” says Mr. Calhoun, “that much of the difficulty of acquiring additional cession from the Cherokees, and the other southern tribes, results from their growing civilization and knowledge, by which they have learned to place a higher value upon their lands than more rude and savage tribes. Many causes have contributed to placid them 38 Hir. Frelinghmjsen, of New Jersey. 446 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Hook IV higher in the scale of civilization than other Indians within our limits — the genial nature of their climate, which enables them to pass more readily from the hunter to the herdsman state; and the fertility of their soil, and the value ol their staple articles, particularly cotton. To these, however, must he added the humane and benevolent policy of the government, which has ever directed a fostering care to the Indians within our limits. This policy is as old as the government itself; and has been habitually and strongly extended to the Cherokee nation.” Such, in 1824, were allowed to be the reasons why the Cltgrokecs could not be prevailed upon to forsake their country. Now, if they had no right there, but that of sufferance, why is it that “this fostering policy, as old as the government,” has been held forth and maintained towards them? The reason is obvious: no president before Gen. Jackson, could bring his mind to do as he has done. At some future day, ask some remnant of the G'herokees, of the Creeks, or of the Senunoles., if any should remain, why they should leave the lands of their lathers to become wanderers beyond the Mississippi, and their reply can be no other than this: “We were forced away by the white men. Some of our men were traitors; of them they bought our rights, knowing them to he false." Compare the language held by Gen. Jackson, in 1821, with what lie nas since said and done. On the 18th of January of that year, he wrote from his head quarters at Nashville, to Path Killer, and other Cherokee chiefs, as follows: “Friends and brothers: 1 have never told a red brother a lie nor deceived him. The intruders [on your lands,] if they attempt to return, will lie sent off! Hut your light-horse should not let them settle down on your land. You ought to drive the stock away from your lands, and deliver the intruders to the agent; but if you cannot keep intruders from your land, report it to the agent, and on his notice, I will drive them from your land." On the 6th of June, 1830, he informs the Cherokees, “that, having no power to interfere and oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any state, over and- upon all who may be within the limits of any state, they will prepare themselves to abide the issue of such new relations, without any hope that he will interfere.” It must be borne in mind, that the Indians had done nothing meanwhile to forfeit any one right, or the protection promised them by all the treaties, sanctioned by all the presidents, including Jackson himself! In April, 1824, a deputation of Cherokees was at Washington, and on the 15th day of that mouth they laid before congress a memorial “on matters of vast importance” to them. In this memorial they refer to the oppressive stand taken by the governor of Georgia, as communicated by him in a letter to the secretary of war, and to the acrimonious and incongruous address of the Georgia delegation to the president, already noticed. Upon these the delegation remark: “We cannot but view the design of those letters as an attempt, bordering on a hostile disposition towards the Cherokee nation, to arrest from them, by arbitrary means, their just rights and liberties.” And this is the harshest language they any where complain in, in answer to the grossest insults. In regard to the cession of more land, they declare their sentiments in the following words: “In relation to the disposition and determination of the nation, never again to cede another foot of land is positively the production and voice of the nation, and what has been uttered by us, in the communications which we have made to the government, since our arrival in this city, is expressive of the true sentiments of the nation, agreeably to our instructions and not one word of which has been put into our mouths by a while man. Aviv surmises or statements to the contrary tire ill-founded and ungenerous.” it should be remembered, that it had been basely insinuated by their enemies, in every public, way, that the Indians were influenced by designing white men from the north, in all their opposition to the will of Georgia. This memorial was signed by John Ross, George Lowrec, the mark of Major Ridge, and Elijah IIicks. immediately after this, Gov. Troup writes from Milledgeville a very uon- eltisive letter to Mr. Calhoun, secretary of war so far as sophistry and angry words can lie conclusive on a subject. As a specimen of his logic, we wif HAP. XIV.] HISTORY OF THE c HEROKEES. 447 cite as follows from his communication. Forasmuch “as the Puritans of New England, and Quakers of Pennsylvania, had never repaired the wrongs done Indians, why is Georgia to he called upon to make propitiatory offer- ings ?” And “if the principle of Penn’s treaty was right, all others that have followed are wrong.” About the same time the Cherokee memorial was before the house of representatives, of which we have spoken, its authors, to counteract certain false reports of their traducers, published in the National Intelligencer a statement of their case, from which we note the following passages: “Not satisfied with wishing the executive of the United States violently to rupture the solemn bond of our rights to our lands, and to put at defiance the pledges which existing treaties contain, guarantying to us our lands, it is attempted to take from us the intellect which has directed us in conducting the several negotiations with commissioners appointed to treat with us for our lands, and with the executive government, by the unfounded charge, that ‘ the last letter of the Clierokees to the secretary at war contains internal evidence that it was never written or dictated by an Indian .’ Whilst we profess to be complimented on the one hand by this blow at our intelligence, we cannot, in justice, allow it to pass, upon the other, without a flat contradiction. That letter, and every other letter, was not only written , but dictated by an Indian.” We are not surprised that the Georgia statesmen are not willing to allow that they have insulted so much intellect and intelligence, aware, as they must have been, that in point of manner and matter, their own compositions, side by side with the Clierokees, would suffer in no inconsiderable degree by comparison. In closing they say, “ It is not for us to vindicate, or attempt to vindicate, our great father the president; he does not need an Indian’s aid, nor an Indian’s eulogy; but, however we are bound to love him, yet it is due to justice to state, that we have been often pained, and especially of late, at the earnestness with which he has pressed upon us the subject of ceding our lands. Why he has acted thus we are at a loss to conceive. We are not ignorant of the nature of the convention of 1802. We know every one of its promises. ItJ however, these are to be violated, and the fell war-whoop should ever be raised against us, to dispossess us of our lands, we will gratify the delegation of Georgia, in their present earnestness to see us removed or destroyed, by adding additional fertility to our land, by a deposit of our body and our bones ; for ice are resolved never to leave them but by parting from them and our lives together." Such was the resolution of the Clierokees at this period. But fifteen years’ suffering overcame them, and they were compelled to submit to a fate they could not avert. We have, in an earlier page,* stated the manner in which the Creeks had been divested of their country, and the fatal catastrophe that fell upon the heads of the chiefs, who, against the will of the nation, had bargained it away. The most prominent character in that work among the Creeks was Gen. William M’Intosh. We have, in the same place, stated the attempt made by that chief to bribe Mr. Ross to undermine his nation, in the same corrupt manner as himself had done in regard to his own ; and the part enacted by the Clierokees, upon that occasion, is now necessary to be stated. A meeting of the legislative council of the Cherokees was held in October, 1823, to heai - what the agents of our government had to say to them, they having procured the meeting. The object, of course, was well understood, and the agents urged their case in every possible form ; but they were answered in the most manly manner, that the nation would never part with another foot of land. Gen. M’Intosh was present at this conference, and with his son was treated with every kindness, and during the proceedings were seated by the side of Mr. Ross, as was customary with both nations at their councils, when any distinguished chiefs were present, to signify that good correspondence between them existed. At, or about this time, M’Intosh ven- tured to recommend a cession to some of the chief men in conversations, what feigned encouragement he met with, to draw out his real character, is ryot upon our records, but it is certain that a communication in writing waa Of this Book, Chap, vi., p. 52. 448 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [1)0 jk IV, thereupon made to Mr. Ross, who, without delay, laid it before the council, when it was decided that it should be read in M’lntosh’s presence. He was accordingly called in, and his letter was read,* after which Mr. Ross made the following address: “My friends: five years have elapsed since 1 have been called to preside over the national committee; and your approbation of my conduct in the dis- charge of my official duties, is manifested by the successive reappointments which you have bestowed on me. The trust which you have reposed in me has been sacredly maintained, and shall ever be preserved. A traitor, in all nations, is looked upon in the darkest color, and is more despicable than the meanest reptile that crawls upon the earth. An honorable and honest char- acter is more valuable than the filthy lucre of the whole world. Therefore, 1 would prefer to live as poor as the worm that inhabits the earth, than to gain the world’s wealth and have my reputation as an honest man tarnished by the acceptance of a pecuniary bribe, for self-aggrandizement, it has now become my painful duty to inform you that a gross contempt is offered to my character, as well as to that of the members of the general council. This letter which 1 hold in my hand will speak for itself. But. fortunately, the author of' it has mistaken our character and sense of honor.” This took place on the 24 October, 1823, and was but the commencement of the denunciations M’lntosh was to receive. As chief sjteaker of the nation, the duty of severely reprimanding the traitor devolved on Major Ridge. This was an exceedingly painful fluty to him, especially as they had been old friends and officers together; had fought under Jackson, side by side, at Taladega, Tohopeka, and in numerous other battles; they had been co- laborers in die civil field ; frequently called together to settle and adjust important matters between their respective nations; and they were, at this time, under an appointment as commissioners to run the boundary' line between the two nations. But all these considerations and circumstances did not cause Major Ridge to shrink from his duty. He said that what he was about to say must not only be heard by the Cherokees, but by others, far and wide. He adverted to their acknowledged maxims in reference to the duties of those intrusted with their government, who, if once found astray from their duty, were never again to be trusted. M’lntosh, he said, had borne the character of high moral rectitude among his own people, the Creeks, but how stands his character now? “1 cast him behind my back. He may depart in peace. I here publicly disgrace him. He now knows we are not to be bought with money. We will not exult over fallen greatness. He may go to his own nation, and in the bosom of his family mourn the loss of a good name.” Such is the substance of the speech of Major Ridge, who him- self fell into the same snare afterwards, and suffered the same fate, with the man he now so pointedly and justly condemned. In 1829, a society was formed in New York, “for the emigration, preserva- tion, and improvement, of the aborigines of America,” an account of which was transmitted to the president of the United States, then at the Rip Rujm. in Virginia. The president replied to a letter which accompanied the ac- count, through Major Eaton, in a very conciliatory and gracious manner. Oi:e passage is especially worthy of notice, from its surprising contrast wmi what was afterwards avowed by the same authors. “1 beg leave to assure you,” says the general, “tha: nothing of a compulsory course, to effect lhe removal of this unfortunate race of people, has ever been thought of by ti e president; although it has been so asserted.” Now, all the world knows what has since been said and done. In a son of a reply which Mr. Bentor made to Mr. Clay in the senate, in 1835, he said he rose not for the purpose of taking any part in the little discussion, [about Indians,] but of calling up a voice far more powerful than bis own— that of Mr. Jefferson.' 1 ' But us he said nothing in his half hour’s talk that he attributed to Mr. Jefferson , or that Mr. Jefferson ever thought of, except that good man’s name, it is fair to presume that that was the extent of his argument. We are prepared to use something more than the name of Jefferson against the oppressors of the In- * 'Plie same we have given, ante, page 52. Chap. XV.| HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 449 dians, and we here offer some of his sound and sober convictions. “ I am of opinion,” lie says in a letter to Gen. Knox , of 10 August, 1791,.“ that govern- ment should firmly maintain this ground ; that the Indians have a right to the occupation of their lands, independent of the states within whose chartered limits they happen to be ; that, until they cede them by treaty, or other trail sac tiou equivalent to a treaty, no act of a state can give a right to such lands ; that neither under the present constitution, nor the ancient confederation, had any state, or persons, a right to treat with the Indians without the consent of the general government : that that consent has never been given to any treaty for the cession of the lands in question ; that the government is determined to exert all its energy for the patronage and protection of the rights of the Indiars, and the preservation of peace between the United States and them ; and that if any settlements are made on lands not ceded by them, without the previous consent of the United States, the government will think itself bound, not only to declare to the Indians that such settlements are without the authority oi vro- tedion of the United States, but to remove them also by the public force" Siicn was the “ voice ” Col. Benton said lie was to “ call up,” to drown that of the friend of the Indians. But “ how are the mighty fallen ! ” The helpless In- dians have been forced to fly before the steel of the white man to inhospi- table regions, leaving their fine fields and comfortable houses to their ava- ricious oppressors. But aider all that has happened, all the wrong that has been done the Indian, all the wrong that has been done to every countryman of Jefferson, we would not change our condition with a subject of Algiers, because we have well-grounded hopes that good men will ere long stand in the place where justice emanates ; yet it fills the heart of the philanthropist with sor- row, that their coming cannot relieve the Cherokees. The dey of Algiers holds out no pretensions to Christians that they may expect justice at his hands ; but he says to them, “ Do you not know that mj people are a band of robbers, and that I am their captain ?” * A president of t le United States has said that he hi tended no harm to the Cherokees; but what has he done ? It is painful to be compelled to reproach the government of a beloved country with acts like these ; but we have no alternative, excepting in a der eliction of duty. We would gladly have been spared this part of our under taking; but Justice has claims upon us nov; as strong as she had upon our government, and we cannot so deliberately disregard them. CHAPTER XV. HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUED. “ They have taken the realm which our ancestors gave ; They have thrown their chains o’er the hind and the wave j The forest is wasted with sword and with liame ; And what have we left but our once honored name?” — A lonzo btwu. We have seen now Jefferson viewed the rights of the Indians, as guaran- tied to them in the times of Washington ; and what have the Cherokees since done, that they are to forfeit those rights P Have they forfe'ted them by adopt- ing the manners and customs of a civilized people ? or bv fighting their bat- tles? That a president of this day should say to them, when they are about to be grossly 1 tyrannized over by a state, “that he has no power to interfere and to oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any state, over or upon all who may be within the limits of any state ; that, therefore, they must prepare themselves to abide the issue of such new relations, without any hope that he will interfere;” — thus did Gen. Jackson speak to the insulted Cherokees, on * See Mr. Blind' s Brief Examination, &c., page 15. 2D 450 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Book IV. the 0 June, 1836 He, at the same time, assured them “that he loves them;(f that he is their friend ; that he feels for them as a father feels for his chil- dren.” With whatever truth this might have been spoken, we do not hesitate to presume that such was not die way the Cherokees felt “for their children.” W)d in an address to the. people of the United States, which they published on the 17 F dyofthe same year, they say, “It would be impossible to describe the sorrow which affects their minds, on learning that the chief magistrate of the Unf ed States has come to this conclusion, that all his illustrious prede- cessor had held interc ourse with them on erroneous principles; principles that could not be sustained ; that they had made promises of vital importance to them, which cotdd not be fulfilled — promises made hundreds of times, in almost every conceivable manner — often in the form of solemn treaties — sometimes in letters written by the chief magistrate with his own hand — very often in letters written by the secretary of war under his direction — these, all these, are now discovered to be upon false principles.” The Cherokees had now become capable of meeting the white people with the arguments of reason, and not with steel ; and they were capable of judg- ing between sincerity and mere pretension. This was well portrayed by the chief Speckled Snake, in a speech which he made in a council which had been summoned to hear a talk from President Jackson read to them. It was as follows : “ Brothers ! We have heard the talk of our great father; it is very kind. He says he loves his red children. Brothers ! When the wifite man first came to these shores, the Muscogees gave him land, and kindled him a fire to make him comfortable; and when the pale faces of the south* made war on him, their young men drew the tomahawk, and protected his head from the scalp- ing knife. But when the white man had warmed himself before the Indian’s fire, and filled himself with the Indian’s hominy, he became very large ; he stopped not for the mountain tops, and his feet covered the plains and the valleys. His hands grasped the eastern and the western sea. Then he be- came our great father. He loved his red children ; but said, ‘You must move a little farther, lest I should, by accident, tread on you.’ With one foot he pushed the red man over the Oconee, and with the other he trampled down the graves of his fathers. But our great father still loved his red children, and lie soon made them another talk. He said much ; but it all meant noth- ing, but ‘ move a little farther ; you are too near me.’ I have heard a great many talks from our great father, and they all begun and ended the same. Brothers! When he made us a talk on a former occasion, lie said, ‘Get a little farther ; go beyond the Oconee and the Oakmulgee ; there is a pleasant coun try.’ He also said, ‘I shall be yours forever.’ Now he says, ‘ The land you live on is not yours ; go beyond the Mississippi ; there is game ; there you may remain while the grass grows or the water runs.’ Brothers ! Will not our great father come there tdso ? He loves his red children, and his tongue is not forked.” The doctrine of a right inherent in the government of the United States to remove the Cherokees by force, is comparatively new. It was not thought or even dreamed of before 1808. In that year a deputation from that nation was encouraged to visit the seat of government, more for the renewal of friend- ship than any thing else perhaps, who, in a conference they had with Presi- dent Jefferson, “ declared their anxious desire to engage in the pursuit of agri- culture and civilized life, in the country they then occupied;" but said, “as all their countrymen could not be induced to exchange the hunter’s life for an agricultural one, they requested that their country might be divided by a line between the upper and lower towns, so as to include all the waters of the Highwassee River to the upper towns ; that, by thus contracting their societj within narrower limits, they might begin the establishment of fixed laws and a regular government. Those wishing to lead the hunter’s life, owing to the scarcity of game in their country, requested liberty to go over the Mississippi, and occupy somj vacant lands belonging to the United States. To these ' The Spaniards of Florida endeavored to break up the English settlement under Ge» Oglethorpe in Georgia Chap. XV.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES 45 1 propositions tlie president gave his entire and unqualified approbation. No objection is heard of against their erecting a government for themselves, or a wish to restrain them in any manner. Eventually, some four or five thousand of the lower town Cherokees did emigrate to Arkansas, and there a wretched life many of them worried out many fell in wars with die Osages, some lew got back to dieir own couutry, and sickness swept off many more. Such fruits of emigration tended to strengthen the upper towns in their resolution of cultivating the land; and when, in 1823, commissior ers were appointed to treat with them for their country, and for their removal west, they directly refused, and showed liovr much better off they were for continuing in their own nation than those who had emigrated. And here ended for some years all attempts on the part of the United States to treat with diem for a removal. The seeds of avarice, although sown, had not come to maturity, but, like a plant in an uncongenial soil, remained without seeming to flourish or decay ; yet at length a prosper- ous cultivator being found in a president of the United States, its growth soon astonished all beholders, and its branches cast a deathlike shade over a pros- perous nation, and withered it away. We have before remarked upon the discovery made by the southern poli- ticians, namely, that from the time of Washington, there had been no presi- dent (including drat great man) who knew what laws and treaties meant ; diat all the time and money which had been spent in making treaties, had been thrown away ; for it was now discovered that Indians were only tenants at will, and had no right on any lands within certain state boundaries, any longer than the charity of the good people near diem would humanely per- mit In fact, all these treaties were now found out to be unconstitutional. This doctrine was finally the hinge on which the whole business turned. But Georgia herself could condescend to treat with the Cherokees in 1 783, and obtained from them a considerable tract of country. Did that state con- descend. then to acknowledge the Cherokees an independent nation to get from them by treaty that which she was not strong enough to take by force ? I will not aver that it was so. One thing, however, there is, about which there can he no misconception ; the Cherokees were then powerful ; and though, in the war with England, which had just terminated, they fought against us, diey now came forward and declared for us ; and their alliance was considered of no small account, situated as we then were in relation to the Spaniards in Florida. And, besides, it must be considered that at the close of the revolution, our people desired peace with the Cherokees as much as they with us; and, in the language of Chief Justice Marshall,* “When the United States gave peace, did they not also receive it ? Did the Cherokees come to us, to our seat of government, to solicit peace ; or did our govern- ment send commissioners to them to ask it P ” The result, however, was the treaty of Hopewell, “within the Cherokee nation,” and not at New York, that that celebrated treaty was made. The series of usurpations commenced upon the Cherokees and other Indians, has at length, in this present year, 1840, reached the climax of oppression contemplated by its originators. That people had long viewed further encroachments upon them as certain, inasmuch as such encroach- ments had never actually ceased from the day of their acquaintance with the white man ; but the awful thunder which burst upon them hi our day had never been thought of by the whites, much less by themselves, until within a few years. They had, indeed, as early as 1823, observed a dark cloud gather- ing in the north-east, but they rationally thought that the extent of country it must pass over, before it should reach them, would qualify its rage, and waste its deadly effects; happy for them had it proved as they had hoped, and as every friend of humanity and justice had hoped it would; but it came and swept away the Cherokees. The monstrous project of a removal of all the Indians within our limits beyond the Mississippi, is not chargeable to any one of our chief magistrates, but Mr. Monroe is conspicuous among them. He proposed it with diffidenos Opinion in the ease, Worcester vs. the State of Georgia, p. 14. 452 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Rook IV iu his opening message to congress, on the 7th of December, 1824 ; and here let us observe, that the suggestion was made upon the same month, and nearly the same day of the month, that our fathers came to these shores; and on tlie 27th of January, following, he strongly recommended the measure. He was induced to propose such a plan, he sakl, as the only one he could devise to relieve the country from the difficulty by which its executive was surrounded, and which every day thickened. Georgia was pressing with severe earnest- ness ; alleging that the time had arrived when the Indian title to lands Within its limits should be extinguished, and the new states were crowding on all sides with undue importunity, that their claim for Indians’ lands was as good as their neighbors’. The president, therefore, like a bankrupt, who, to get rid of a difficult demand to-day, obligates himself to pay a greater one to-morrow, disregards the dictates of his own judgment it was under these circum- stances that a removal was recommended Hut with this recommendation of removal, Mr. Monroe, although he speaks of force, repudiates in the strongest terms its employment. And we cannot doubt his suggestion was dictated by the purest benevolence. He says, “The condition of the aborigines within our limits, and especially those who are within the limits of any of the states, merits peculiar attention. Experience has shown, that unless the tribes be civilized, they can never be incorporated into our system, in any form whatever. It has likewise shown, that in the regular augmentation of our population, with the extension of our settle- ments, their situation will become deplorable, if their extinction is not met need. Some well-digested plan, which will rescue them from such calamities, is due to their rights, to the rights of humanity, and to the honor of the nation. Their civilization is indispensable to their safety, and this can be accomplished only by degrees. Difficulties of the most serious character present themselves to the attainment of this very desirable result, on the territory on which they now reside. To remove them from it by force, even with a view to their own security or happiness, would be revolting to humanity, and utterly unjustifiable.” And touching this matter we have a very clear view of the opinions of Mr. Monroe, regarding Indian rights, in another message, in w r hich he expresses himself as follows: “I have no hesitation, however, to declare it as my opinion, that the Indian title was not affected in the slightest circumstance by the compact with Georgia, and that there is no obligation on the United States to remove the Indians by force. The express stipulation of the compact, that their title should be extinguished at the expense of the United States, when it may be done peaceably, and on reasonable conditions, is a full proof that it was the clear and distinct understanding of both parties to it, that the Indians had a right to the territory, in the disposal of which they were to be regarded as free agents. An attempt to remove them by force would, in my opinion, be unjust In the future measures to be adopted in regard to the Indians within our limits, and, in consequence, within the limits of any state, the United States have duties to perforin, and a character to sustain, to which they ought not to be indifferent” But what have the admonitions of all good men availed P And the more we meet with, the more we are astonished at the result of things, and the more severely do we deprecate and denounce the advocates of the course pursued. The president evidently had not thought very seriously about the removal of the Indians at this time, and knew little of the history, or actual state of the Cherokees; they had then become considerably civilized, and instead of decreasing, were increasing. But about two months after, he again makes the Indian subject the object of a special message, in the outset of which he holds this language: “Being deeply impressed with the opinion, that the removal af the Indian tribes from the lands which they now occupy within the limits of the several states and territories, to the country lying westward and northward thereof, within our acknowledged boundaries, is of very high importance to our Union, and may be accomplished on conditions and in a manner to promote the interest and happiness of those tribes, the attention of gover iment has been long drawn, with great solicitude, to the subject” First a removal is barely thought about, then talked about, then proposed, Chap. XV.] HISa'CRY OF THF. CHEROKEES. 453 then strongly recommended; so far there must be no compulsion, because u would be too barefaced an outrage on the common sense of the people ; because the Indians mil remove without force; tliey can be bought out. Time showed that they could not be obliged to sell them country; then the project of extending state laws over them is started, which, though unconsti- tutional, can be enforced in spite of the general government, to the incal- culable mischief of the Indians; and besides, could it be supposed that the general government would resist state laws unto a drop of white blood in defence of the rights of Indians ? A preposterous idea 1 A result which could not be allowed to happen in these days of light and reason in abundance. While the executive of the general government is pondering the matter, not only Indians, but citizens of the United States, among them as instructors, and by the direction and under the authority of the president himself, are seized by an armed force, dragged to a distant region, and thrown into prison! Months pass away, and the government is still pondering on what is to be done. In the mean time Georgia sends out an armed force to protect the Indians, and we will hear how this force performed the service, as set forth in a memorial to congress from some of the most respectable of the Cherokees, in 1831. “ In the name and authority of G. R. Gilmar, governor of Georgia, a bill was filed in chancery, in the superior court of Hall county, in July last, ( 1830,) against certain Cherokees, praying for an injunction to stop them from digging and searching for gold within the limits of their own nation; and the bill being sworn to before Judge Clayton, he awarded an injunction against the parties named in the bill as defendants, commanding them, forthwith, to desist from working on those mines, under the penalty of 20,000 dollars ; at the same time and place there were unmolested several thousand intruders from Georgia and other states, engaged in robbing the nation of gold, tor which the owners were ordered not to work by the said writ. Under the authority of this injunction, the sheriff of Hall county, with an armed force, invaded the nation, consisting of a colonel, a captain, and 30 or 40 of the militia of the state of Georgia, who arrested a number of Cherokees engaged in digging for gold, who were at first rescued by the troops of the United States, stationed near the place, and the sheriff and his party themselves made prisoners, and conducted fifteen miles to the military camp, when a council of examination was held, and the exhibition of their respective authorities made, which resulted in the release of the sheriff and his party, and a written order by the commanding officer of the United States troops, directing the Cherokees to submit to the authority of Georgia, and that no further protection could be extended to them at the gold mines, as he could no longer interfere with the laws of Georgia, but would afford aid in carrying them into execution. On the return of the sheriff and his party, they passed by the Cherokees who were still engaged in digging for gold, and ordered them to desist, under the penalty of being committed to jail, and proceeded to destroy their tools and machinery for cleaning gold, and after committing some further aggression, they returned. Shortly afterwards, the sheriff, with a guard of four men, and a process from the state of Georgia, arrested three Cherokees for disobeying the injunction, while peaceably engaged in their labors, and conducted them to Wadkinsvilie, a distance of 75 miles, before the same judge, A. S. Clayton, who then and there sentenced them to pay a fine of 93 dollars, costs, and to stand committed to prison until paid; and also compelled them to give their bond in the sum of 1,000 dollars, for their personal appearance before his next court, to answer the charges of violating the writ of injunction aforesaid. They were retained in custody five days, uien paid the costs, and gave the required bond. They appeared agreeably to the bonds, and Judge Clayton dismissed them, on the ground that the governor of Georgia could not become a prosecutor in the case. For these unwarrantable outrages, committed on their persons and property, no apology was offered, nor to this day has any of their money been refunded.” If there are any blacker cases of outrage any where committed in » Christian country, we are not informed of them. Such would not l>e sub- mitted to in Turkey or China. The manner in which affairs were managed 454 [Book IV HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. in Georgia, under color of law, is a disgrace to the least civilized community. Gen. Macomb marched the troops of the United States into the Cherokee country, he said, to guard against the difficulties which it was apprehended would grow out of the conflicting operations of the Cherokees and the lawless intruders upon the mineral district, and having fulfilled the instructions of the government , the troops were directed to return lor the winter to theii respective quarters.” About the same time Gov. Gilmar wrote to the secretary of war, requesting the withdrawal of the troops, observing that Georgia could enforce her own laws. When this notice was received at Washington, the secretary -wrote to Gilmar that he had “just ordered their withdrawal, because the object for which they had been sent was, in a great measure, accomplished!” Now, if the Cherokee country belonged to Georgia, it is difficult to see what business the general government had to send its troops into her territory, to remove gold diggers or any other kind of diggers, whether digging lawfully in their “own diggings,” or unlawfully in those of another It was a new doctrine, but of a tenor with all the rest, that the United States must enforce the laws of Georgia. That is to say, she must enforce them for Georgia, if Georgia desired it, or if not, there would be no interference on the part of the general government. CHAPTER XVL HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES, CONCLUDED.