THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE :o ike UNITED STATES, DISCUSSED IX J[TS MORAL AND POLITICAL BEARINGS. By Rev'. B. M. PALMER, D. D. LATE OF NEW ORLEANS. PUBLISHED BY THE SOLDIERS' TRACT ASSOCIATION CHURCH, SOUTH. r M. E. I RICdMONP: * Macsarlak-e & Fergusson, • 1868 r#2B I The Duties o.nd Obligations of those Cftizens of the Confederate States falling within the lines of the enemy discussed, in their Mo- ral and Political Bearings, with particular reference to the atroci- ties-practiced by Gen. Butler in New Orleans, in a lettej: addrdfesed to the Hon. John Perkins, of Louisiana, upon the introduction of the following resolutions in the Confederate Congress, commending those persons who refused to take the oath. By Rev*. B. M. Palmer, D. D., late of New Orleans. Joint Resolutions in commendation of the eonduct of those citi» aens of Louisiana and other States who, falling within the lines of the enemy, have refused to take the oath of allegiance to the # United States. Resolved, That Congress views with pride the course pursued by the true men and women of the Confederacy, who, falling within the lines of the enemy, have resisted all appeals to their pecuniary interest and refused, in spite of pains and penalties, to foreswear their o vn government by taking an oath of allegiance to support that o( the United States, and regards with peculiar satisfaction the conduct of those citizens of Louisiana, who, by refusing the oath and openly registering themselves enemies to the United States in the immediate presence and in defiance of General Butler's mili- tary authorities, have borne most nob^ testimony by their martyr- like courage to the patriotic spirit and Christian faith of oiu people. • Resolved, That while such conduct has secured them the present respect and sympathy of all good people, it will be esteemed, in the future, a most honorable claim upon the gratitude of their coun- try, and the highest evidence of their devotion to truth and princi- ple. The Oath of Allegiance to the United Stales, Columbia, S % C./Feby 10, 1863. Hon. JOHN PERKINS: Mij Tbear Sir— -The joint resolutions submitted by you on the 13th of January, for die consideration of Con- gress, "in commendation t>f. certain citizens of Louisiana and of other States within the lines of the enemy in refusing- to take the oath of allegiance" to the United States," have re- cently passed under my -eye. The impulse eannot be resisted of addressing to you some reflections which have long been maturing in my own mind, and which you are at liberty to use in any wa} T you may think conducive to the public good. Permit me, in the outset, to express my approval, not only, of the matter, but also of the form of j 7 our resolutions. It appears- to me eminently proper that Congress should signa- lize the fidelity of our fellow-citizens who have withstood all appeals to self interest and to fear, in their country's darkest trial. But I specially commend the moderation which pre- termits in the resolutions any mention of those who have been caught in the snares of the enemy, and duped into conces- sions which have filled the land with sorrow. So long as these unfortunate parties are debarred the privilege of a hearing — the government, from paternal. "lenjty, if not from a sense of rigid justice, may well -feel itself restrained from open and direct censure. From the language of your paper, the world is not to know that a solitary individual is excepted from the encomium pronounced by Congress. Those familiar with nil the facts cannot fail, indeed, to perceive a discrimination in favor of some, which, by implication, contains a censure of others. This, however, is unavoidable, and those who may writhe beneath the torture of this implied censure, will yet be compelled to admire the generosity which forebore. to stig- matize them in the legislative records of the country. Nev- ertheless, from some quarter, and precisely at this juncture, a protest should be uttered against the weakness of those who have succumbed beneath the tyranny of Gen. Butler, and sworn allegiance to the government of the "United States. It may not be too late to rouse those who are involved in this *dire calamity to retrieVe their lost position, and to wipe off ' the dishonor which must else cleave to ^hem forever. Or, iailing in this, it is still a duty to attempt the arrest of prin- ciples whkh, I fear, are secretly sapping in Louisiana, the foundations of pubJio morality, and destroying the basis on which rest at last the permanence and security of all govern- ment. ' I undertake, therefore, in this letter, to present the reverse of your. medal, and assume the painful responsibility of giving utterance to strictures, from which, as a legislator, you have wisely refrained. Should apology be needed for this obtrusion of private criticism, let it be found in the rela- tion I have long sustained as a religious teacher to the people of Louisiana, and my common participation as a citizen in any approach which may tarnish the fame of that gallant State. . We should clearly distinguish betwixt two classes of our fellow-citizens, who have submitted to the oath exacted by Gen. Butler. The first class, inconsiderable both as to num- . bers and influence, embraces those who were never 'true' to our cause. * Some of them, from misconception of the rela- tion between the States and the general 'government, secretly denied the right of secession, and simply drifted -with the popular current which they felt it fdle to oppose. Of course, ■ upon the first appearance of the enemy, they ranged them, selves, without solicitation, upon the side of the Union, to which they were borne by their political affinities. Others destitute of all principle, alike political and moral, having no eye but to present gain, and only intent upon opening the ob- structed channels of trade, chose to make interest with those who had blocked their ports. Both these are simply traitors to the South— they went out from us because they were not # of us — and it is "to be hoped, upon the recovery of our terri- tory, they will find' it convenient to leave with their new allies and purge our society of their presence. The other classes embraces those who, in their secret hearts, are still loyal* to the Confederacy, and have taken the oath under constraint, regarding it as one of the necessities of war. The universal compaseion felt for their distress has almost extinguished cen- sure of the act- -Avhilst the conviction entertained of their substantial loyalty retains them within the embrace of our affection's. The general integrity of many in this class af- fords a guarantee that conscience has been snared through the sophistry of the understanding; and that by subtlety of argument they have been persuaded into the belief that the rjafh could be taken salra fide. In adjudicating this ques- tion, I caunot but think some considerations were overlooked, which should have formed an element ifi the decision to be rendered, and, which, if entertained must have wholly chang- ed its complexion. • » Before canvassing, however, the grounds upon which this oath-taking has been justified, that we may make due allow- ance for rruinan infirmity, let us look at the peculiar pressure under which these parties were put. Tn the first place, the demand made upon tlieni xvoa a novelty.; and we all know how men flounder in uncertainty without acknowledged precedents for their guidance. 1 liave .in vain Searched the records of modern history for its -parallel. The famous contest between Philip of Spain and the States pf Holland presents some fea- tures of resemblance to the conflict now waging between the North and ourselves. -The Spanish power then, as the North does now, branded the attempt of a brave people to frame their own- constitution and laws as flagrant rebellion;- and condrfecl a long and bitter war to reduce, as they alleged, a revolted province to allegiance. But in no instance "did the cruel Alva — fitting tool though he was of a treacherous and bigoted despot, force a reluctant oath upon the cit.ies-which he conquered. They were held, indeed, by military garrisons until such time as the State of which they formed a constitu- ent part should in like manner be reduced. JNe attempt was made to cancel. their tics of allegiance but through the con- stituted authorities to whom that allegiance had been sworn. It has been reserved to our time and to our foes to, invent the shameful and cowardly device of dealing with single cojnmu- nhies, and even with individual- persons, as if they were in- dependent of higher authority. A- magnanimous enemy .might have held New Orleans oy right of capture; but would Jiave refrained from the' imposition of oaths until the Statf that august being. Hence moralists have not hesitated to describe the oath as a twofold covenant made both vith society and with God; and in this latter aspect it rises into the solemnity of an act of religious worship. Thus it is that "men swear by the greater, and ah oath for confir- mation is to them an end of all strife." The pledge of ve- racity is deposited with the Judge of all the earth, and upon its forfeiture are suspended the fearful retributions of eternity* If this does not bind* the conscience, nothing can bind, and society is without a guarantee for that truthfulness upon which human intercourse must at last hinge. To trifle, therefore, with the sanctity of the oath, is to strike a fatal blow both at religion and at law. It destroys' religion by weakening the sense of God's presence in the feoul, and by debauching the very faculty to which ail her sanctions are addressed: "he that cometh unto God must be- lieve that He is, and that He js.the rewarder of them that diligently seek Him." It also undermines the foundation on which civil government is built whiph cannot lose its hold upon the conscience without destroying the very source of its authority. No increase of civil penalties can compensate for the loss of this moral control ; for, besides the fact that every addition to the criminal legislation of a country only increases the friction and wears out the machinery of government, there are many offences which' cannot be reached by it; and in any case it is but a collateral ^security which it affords. I freely confess my alarm at the ventilation of a doctrine which thus summarily dispenses with the obligation of the oath. If it be. not arrested, the most complete demoralization of our 15 people must ensue, which will render all government impossi- ble save*lhat of brute physical •force. The prevalence, in- deed, of this corrupt sentiment is the remote cause of all the troubles in which we are now involved." Covenants and trea- ties solemnly instituted by our* fore fathers were no longer in- terpreted in their simple and obvious meaning. Ingenuity itself was put to- the torture to devise expositions which should eviscerate them of the principles which they were ordained' to conserve until at length our modern alchemists found in the doctrine of "a higher law," the mighty solvent which de- stroyed the power of oaths and covenants at once. Men swore with due solemnity to uphold the constitution and the laws, but with a mental reservation to. uproot these very in- stitutions which that constitution had been framed to defend $ until the universal perfidy of the North suddenly burst every ligature by which the States were held together in the Fede- ral Union. Are our people willing to walk in the footsteps or our foes? And is it a suitable preparation for a new his- toric career to inoculate this young nation with the virus of that perfidy which has already destroyed before our eyes one of the most colossal governments upon earth? Nor is it dif- ficult to trace the practical operation of this secret poison as it diffuses itself through the body politic. If the juror may swear no longer u hi+ani'mum ~imponenti$y but according to a secret intention of his own, then he alone can judge when or how far. he is bound. The magistrate may, by this sweeping dispensation, absolve himself from* the guilt of malfeasance in office; the juryman upon the panel -and the witness upon the stand may combine to defeat all the ends of justice through an oath which open- and shuts conveniently at the bidding of caprice, until, in the total overfhrow. of morality, society itself shall crumble through universal distrust. The « application may bo ma he subterfuges for the evasion of duty. It is al- ii d class, that the control and protec- tion of the Confederacy being, through the fortunes of war, wholly Buspenc^ecl, upon the principle of submitting to the powers th;:f lie, they took the* oath to the only authority which 1, and which made this the only condition upon which it protection coujd be enjoyed. 1 hey took it moie- over in good faith, intending to keey^jt so long as the Fede- ral rule should . but in the hope that this rule would, in elite season, terminate and restore them^o the civil connec- tions from which their hearts were never estranged. This ion Is impregnable so far as a < Lod to mil- itary force its concerned.. Neither the laws of war nor those of reason oblige men 'to continue a factious and unavailing opposition againfet overwhelming and crushing force; and no blame could attach to them for dimply yielding to the ri warfare, which con?. rets with ion of ac- tive hostility. But it is an immense ic^p from this to the making of "a solemn covenant, transforming into a govern- ment of law what was before only a government of force; for the oath of allegiance t. I with the citizenship all its* moral -obligations, and invested the authority of Butfer, with the sanctions of a recognized and legal government. Had the«e pa;\ >a€hed the Federal commander with lan- ;tially this: "as a . o, wholly within ydffc .. \\uiry force, and without conceding this submission to be obedic: no censure could attfUb to them; amt they would then be . 18 embraced within the terms of the eulogy conveyed in the resolutions you have presented before Congress. If it be said that allegiance was the only condition upon which protection would be afforded to property and life, my answer is that the hazard should have been incurred along with the thousands who chose to be registered as alien enemies to the United States father than forfeit their loyalty to the South. Actual submission to military supremacy was all that could be de- manded of them by the rules of civilized warfare; and it was their privilege to stand upon the assertion of this right before the nations of the earth. Notwithstanding the ghos% terrors by which they were s^rounded, the government at Washing- ton dared not, under the eyes of mankind, to exact more. A few victims mighty perhaps, be selected from the mass, upon whom to vent disappointment and spleen, and a firief persis- tence in tyranny might have tested the endurance of , 'the com- munity; but a little firmness w T ould have carried them over the trial, and won for the sufferers an immortality of glory; in proof of which I adduce the fact, y that wherever else in the Confederacy the enemy has been stoutly defied, with all his bluster, he has been compelled to yield a reluctant acqui- esence in the moral pode established by civilized' nations for the regulation of war. But suppose the reverse ,of this, and a long dispensation of 'suffering to ensue, are we to avow the doctrine that the most cherished convictions of the soul must be surrendered upon the pleaof coercive necessity. I will put the argument in a. form most likely to be appreciated by tne Christian men who have taken refuge under this plea^ Should the days of reli- « gious persecutions again appear, would it be right, ?h order to .. save property and life, to abjure Christianity and to offer sac-, rifices upon the altar %f Jupiter, as w& done in the second 19 century? The frailty of human nature might yield now, as it did then, under the fiery ordeal; and knowing that we are men, we might weep tears of compassion, nay, almost *of for- gftenesS* over an apostacy thus extorted. But what judgment would we pronounce upon a cool argument framed to justify this defection ? If we could be brought to pardon the one, we could not tolerate the other. Yet, after all, why is not the argument of coercive necessity as conclusive in this case, as in that we are now considering? I freely admit the dis- parity between the two; in that one relates to the ^duties which. we owe to man; but I see not why the obligation may not be as imperative to abide by our principles in the one sphere as well as in the other — why duty to our country may not be is paramount in the earthly kingdom as duty to our God is in the spiritual and heavenly. 1 have been educated, sir, in a school which regards the obligations we owe to coun- try as only next to those which we owe to God. Our coun- try! what doea not the # terni embrace? It means ouf homes and the cheerful firesides, and the prattling babes that gather jound the paternal knee; it means swe*ei neighborhood and friendship, and the tender charities which -solace life from the cradle to the tomb; it means the memories of our youth as they grow fresh again in the twilight of age; it means an- cestry and the proud recollection of honored sires, who be- queathed their blessing with the names we inherit; it means our altars and sanctuaries where we have worshipped God and held communion with his saints on earth ; it means the graves where our loved ones are lying, consecrated by the tears of a bitter parting when they were laid out of sight forever ; it means all that the human heart can remember and love ; all the associations which sprea'd their secret network over human life ; all tho scattered leaves on which are written the sorrows • ' 2fi • # and the joys through which man travels onward to" lfcs rest above: Our country and our God! 'The two l>l£hd evermore iirthe*Ohristian patriot's thought, and shall it be said there arc no martyrdoms for the one, when the gibbet- and *he m#ie are welcomed for the other ? . True heroism may be displayed in endurance not less than in action; and our fellow-citizens in Louisiana enjoyed a most distinguished opportunity of rendering a service to the Con- federacy quite as valuable as that of the army in the field. Can any good reason be assigned why they should not run the hazard of confiscation, of* imprisonment and of death, equally with those who encountered the risk of capture, of wounds, and of death upon the field of slaughter? If those may be justified in their apostacy because of the perils by wind* they were surrounded, why may not these be justified on precisely the same grounds for declining the guage of battle in the presence of the foe? In short, the plea now under discus- sion serins to resolve patriotism into an affair of simple con- track The inability of the Confederacy for thc^ time being to protect them, is ^'iewed as dissalymg the'bond between them and it; and, like traders in the market, they bargain with another party, purchasing protection with loyalty. Upon this pri-nciple patriotism is a word without moaning, and alla- gianco becomes the sport oT accident and chance. I have not the heart to pursue the discussion under this aspect. I can- not believe that our friends have deliberately brought them- selves to rest in this bleak and desolate conclusion. By the instin t which recoils from it let them detect the sophistry of the whole plea frcmi which it is deduced by the rigor of a re- morseless logic. I close this long- letter by suggesting two . considerations which alone should have deterred these iurors from subscribe -i m" tJie oath in question, la tlie Ihvt place ite,iiBpdsition in contravention of aright whicli ought never to have been conceded. I have already -stated that the acknowledged !. o£ warfare required the .subjugation of 'the whole, before tests of loyalty should be exacted of the constituent parts. V\'hy . was not the attempt to establish a contrary precedent, full of mischief to the world at large, promptly met with a manly protest and with an appeal to the verdict of mankind? Duty, not to their country alone but to the race of man, forbade the concession of such a claim. In the second place, the distinc- tive ground on which this war is waged by the North is, that the South has embarked in a wicked rebellion, upon crushing which the very life of the aation depends. It totally ignores the authority of sovereign States intervening between tl>e cit- izen .and the central power, and simply for this reason an oath of allegiance is exacted of individuals. A monstrous despo- tism has grown up whicli swallows up all the States alive, and treats their jurisdiction as no morS than that of a municipal corporation. Are the jurors in Louisiana willing to lend the "sanction of their names to a doctrine which has already con- verted'the freest government on earth into the most corrupt and reckless despotism upon which the sun ever slione? And • are they prepared to brand with the infamy of rebellion that sacred cause for which their own brothers and their own sons arc perilling life and limb upon many a fjpld of battle? Yet , the oath they have sworn sanctions this foul calumny pro- nounced against the heroes and the martyis of their own blood. Could my voice, sir, be heard in Louisiana, I would s&y to those who once listened to me with affection and respect, can- cel this dreadful oath. Before it is too late, retrieve your po- sition by a bold and manly retraction. Before, this war rushes