MARCUS AURELIUS •ANTONINUS* THE ETHEL CARR PEACOCK MEMORIAL COLLECTION Matris amori monumentum trinity college library DURHAM, N. C. 1903 Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Dred Peacock Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 X https://archive.org/details/thoughtsofempero01marc_0 I. it' - 1 \ i ■ 1 THE THOUGHTS OF THE EMPEROR MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS llh THE THOUGHTS ^ % OF THE EMPEROR Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, TRANSLATED BY GEORGE LONa PHILADELPHIA: HENRY ALTEMUS. A.LTEMUS’ BOOKBINDERY, PHILADELPHIA. f 'Sy-.b ? CONTENTS. PAGE Biographical Sketch 9 Philosophy of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus . 45 The Thoughts . . - 99 Index of Terms 305 General Index • 311 Z5ZZlc PREFACE. I HAVE carefully revised the Life and Phil- osophy of Antoninus, in which I have made a few corrections and added a few notes. I have also made a few alterations in the translation where I thought I could approach nearer to the author’s meaning; and I have added a few notes and references. There still remain difficulties which I cannot remove, because the text is sometimes too cor- rupt to be understood, and no attempt to restore the true readings could be successful. George Long. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. M ANTONINUS was bom at Rome, A. d. . 1 2 1, on the 26th of April. His father, Annins Vems, died while he was praetor. His mother was Domitia Calvilla, also named Lu- cilla. The Emperor T. Antoninus Pius mar- ried Annia Galeria Faustina, the sister of An- nins Vems, and was consequently the uncle of M. Antoninus. When Hadrian adopted An- toninus Pius and declared him his successor in the empire, Antoninus Pius adopted both L. Ceionius Commodus, the son of Aelius Caesar, and M. Antoninus, whose original name was M. Annius Vems. Antoninus then took the name of M. Aelius AureHus Verus, to which was added the title of Caesar in A. D. 139: the name Aelius belonged to Hadrian’s family, and Anrelius was the name of Antoninus Pius. When M. Antoninus became Augustus, he dropped the name of Vems and took the name (9) lo asiograpbical Sftetcb. of Antoninus. Accordingly he is generally named M. Aurelius Antoninus, or simply M. Antoninus. The youth was most carefully brought up. He thanks the gods (i. 17) that he had good grandfathers, good parents, a good sister, good teachers, good associates, good kinsmen and friends, nearly everything good. He had the happy fortune to witness the example of his uncle and adoptive father Antoninus Pius, and he has recorded in his word (i. 16; vi. 30) the virtues of the excellent man and prudent ruler. Like many young Romans he tried his hand at poetry and studied rhetoric. Herodes Atticus and M. Cornelius Fronto were his teachers in eloquence. There are extant letters between Fronto and Marcus,* which show the great af- fection of the pupil for the master, and the master’s great hopes of his industrious pupil. M. Antoninus mentions Fronto (i. ii) among those to whom he was indebted for his educa- tion. When he was eleven years old, he assumed the dress of philosophers, something plain and coarse, became a hard student, and lived a most laborious, abstemious life, even so far as to in- jure his health. Finally, he abandoned poetry and rhetoric for philosophy, and he attached * M. Cornelii Frontonis Reliquiae, Berlin, 1816. There are a few letters between Fronto and Antoni- nus Pius. /Iftarcu 0 Hurelius 2lnton{nus. II himself to the sect of the Stoics. But he did not neglect the study of law, which was a use- ful preparation for the high place which he was designed to fill. His teacher was L. Volusianus Maecianus, a distinguished jurist. We must suppose that he learned the Roman discipline of arms, which was a necessary part of the edu- cation of a man who afterwards led his troops to battle against a warlike race. Antoninus has recorded in his first book the names of his teachers, and the obligations which he owed to each of them. The way in which he speaks of what he learned from them might seem to savor of vanity or self-praise, if we look carelessly at the way in which he has expressed himself; but if any one draws this conclusion, he will be mistaken. Antoninus means to commemorate the merits of his several teachers, what they taught, and what a pupil might learn from them. Besides, this book, like the eleven other books, was for his own use ; and if we may trust the note at the end of the first book, it was written during one of M. Anto- ninus’ campaigns against the Quadi, at a time when the commemoration of the virtues of his illustrious teachers might remind him of their lessons and the practical uses which he might derive from them. Among his teachers of philosophy was Sextus of Chaeroneia, a grandson of Plutarch. What he learned from this excellent man is told b}^ himself (i. 9). His favorite teacher was Q. 12 JSiOfltapbfcal Sftetcb. Junius Rusticus (i. 7), a philosopher, and also a man of practical good sense in public affairs. Rusticus was the adviser of Antoninus after he became emperor. Y oung men who are destined for high places are not often fortunate in those who are about them, their companions and teachers ; and I do not know any example of a young prince having had an education which can be compared with that of M. Antoninus. Such a body of teachers distinguished by their acquirements and their character will hardly be collected again ; and as to the pupil, we have not had one like him since. Hadrian died in July A. D. 138, and was suc- ceeded by Antoninus Pius. M. Antoninus married Faustina, his cousin, the daughter of Pius, probably about A. D. 146, for he had a daughter born in 147. He received from his adoptive father the title of Caesar, and was as- sociated with him in the administration of the state. The father and the adopted son lived together in perfect friendship and confidence. Antoninus was a dutiful son, and the emperor Pius loved and esteemed him. Antoninus Pius died in March, A. D. 16 1. The Senate, it is said, urged M. Antoninus to take the sole administration of the empire, but he associated with himself the other adopted son of Pius, ly. Ceionius Commodus, who is generally called I,. Verus. Thus Rome for the first time had two emperors. Verus was an in- dolent man of pleasure, and unworthy of his /Biarcue Bureltua Bntoninue. 13 station. Antoninus however bore with him, and it is said Verus had sense enough to pay to his colleague the respect due to his charac- ter. A virtuous emperor and a loose partner lived together in peace, and their alliance was strengthened by Antoninus giving to Verus for wife his daughter Lucilla. The reign of Antoninus was first troubled by a Parthian war, in which Verus was sent to com- mand; but he did nothing, and the success that was obtained by the Romans in Armenia and on the Euphrates and Tigris was due to his generals. This Parthian war ended in A. D. 165. Aurelius and Verus had a triumph (a. d. 166) for the victories in the East. A pestilence followed, which carried off great numbers in Rome and Italy, and spread to the west of Europe. The north of Italy was also threatened by the rude people beyond the Alps, from the borders of Gallia to the eastern side of the Hadriatic. These barbarians attempted to break into Italy, as the Germanic nations had attempted near three hundred years before; and the rest of the life of Antoninus, with some inten^als, was em- ployed in driving back the invaders. In 169 Verus suddenly died, and Antoninus adminis- tered the state alone. During the German wars Antoninus resided for three years on the Danube at Camuntum. The Marcomanni were driven out of Pannonia and almost destroyed in their retreat across the 14 JSlograpbical Sftetcb. Danube; and in A. d. 174 the emperor gained a great victory over the Quadi. In A. D. 175, Avidius Cassius, a brave and skilful Roman commander who was at the head of the troops in Asia, revolted, and declared himself Augustus. But Cassius was assassi- nated by some of his officers, and so the rebel- lion came to an end. Antoninus showed his humanity by his treatment of the family and the partisans of Cassius; and his letter to the Senate, in which he recommends mercy, is ex- tant. (Vulcatius, Avidius Cassius, c. 12.) Antoninus set out for the East on hearing of Cassius’ revolt. Though he appears to have returned to Rome in A. D. 174, he went back to prosecute the war against the Germans, and it is probable that he marched direct to the East from the German war. His wife Faustina, who accompanied him into Asia, died suddenly at the foot of the Taurus, to the great grief of her husband. Capitolinus, who has written the life of Antoninus, and also Dion Cassius, accuses the empress of scandalous infidelity to her husband, and of abominable lewdness. But Capitolinus says that Antoninus either knew it not or pre- tended not to know it. Nothing is so common as such malicious reports in all ages, and the history of imperial Rome is full of them. An- toninus loved his wife, and he says that she was “obedient, affectionate, and simple.” The same scandal had been spread about Faustina’s mother, the wife of Antoninus Pius, and yet he /Iftarcu0 Burelius antoninus. 15 too was perfectly satisfied with his wife. An- toninus Pius says after her death, in a letter to Fronto, that he would rather have lived in exile with his wife than in his palace at Rome with- out her. There are not many men who w'ould give their wives a better character than these two emperors. Capitolinus wrote in the time of Diocletian. He may have intended to tell the truth, but he is a poor, feeble biographer. Dion Cassius, the most malignant of historians, always reports, and perhaps he believed, any scandal against anybody. Antoninus continued his journey to Syria and Egypt, and on his return to Italy through Athens he was initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries. It was the practice of the emperor to conform to the established rites of the age, and to perform religious ceremonies with due solemnity. We cannot conclude from this that he was a superstitious man, though we might perhaps do so if his book did not show that he was not. But that is only one among many instances that a ruler’s public acts do not al- ways prove his real opinions. A prudent gov- ernor will not roughly oppose even the super- stitions of his people ; and though he may wish they were wiser, he will know that he cannot make them so by offending their prejudices. Antoninus and his son Commodus entered Rome in triumph, perhaps for some German victories, on the 23d of December, A. D. 176. In the following year Commodus was associated i6 JSlograpbical Sftctcb. with his father in the empire, and took the name of Augustus. This year A. d. 177 is memorable in ecclesiastical history. Attains and others were put to death at L,yon for their adherence to the Christian religion. The evi- dence of this persecution is a letter preserved by Eusebius (E. H. v. i ; printed in Routh’s Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. i, with notes). The letter is from the Christians of Vienna and Eugdunum in Gallia (Vienna and Lyon) to their Christian brethren in Asia and Phrygia ; and it is preserved perhaps nearly entire. It contains a very particular description of the tortures inflicted on the Christians in Gallia, and it states that while the persecution was go- ing on, Attains, a Christian and a Roman citi- zen, was loudly demanded by the populace and brought into the amphitheatre ; but the gover- nor ordered him to be reserved, with the rest who were in prison, until he had received in- structions from the emperor. Many had been tortured before the governor thought of ap- plying to Antoninus. The imperial rescript, says the letter, was that the Christians should be punished, but if they would deny their faith, they must be released. On this the work began again. The Christians who were Roman citizens were beheaded ; the rest were exposed to the wild beasts in the amphithe- atre. Some modern writers on ecclesiastical history, when they use this letter, say nothing of the wonderful stories of the martyrs’ suffer- flbarcus aurclius antoninus. 17 ings. Sanctus, as the letter says, was burnt with plates of hot iron till his body was one sore and had lost all human form ; but on being put to the rack he recovered his former appear- ance under the torture, which was thus a cm-e instead of a punishment. He was afterwards torn by beasts, and placed on an iron chair and roasted. He died at last. The letter is one piece of evidence. The writer, whoever he was that wrote in the name of the Gallic Christians, is- our evidence both for the ordinary and the extraordinar}' circum- stances of the story, and we cannot accept his evidence for one part and reject the other. We often receive small evidence as a proof of a thing we believe to be within the limits of probability or possibility, and we reject exactly the same evidence, when the thing to which it refers appears very improbable or impossible. But this is a false method of inquiry, though it is followed by some modern writers, who se- lect what they like from a story and reject the rest of the evidence; or if they do not reject it, they dishonestly suppress it. A man can only act consistently by accepting all this letter or rejecting it all, and we cannot blame him for either. But he who rejects it may still admit that such a letter may be founded on real facts; and he would make this admission as the most probable way of accounting for the existence of the letter; but if, as he would suppose, the writer has stated some things falsely, he can- 2 i8 :©iogtapbical Shctcb. not tell what part of his story is worthy of credit. The war on the northern frontier appears to have been uninterrupted during the visit of Antoninus to the East, and on his return the emperor again left Rome to oppose the barba- rians. The Germanic people were defeated in a great battle A. d. 179. During this campaign the emperor was seized with some contagious malady, of which he died in the camp at Sir- mium (Mitrovitz), on the Save, in Rower Pan- nonia, but at Vindebona (Vienna), according to other authorities, on the 17th of March, A. D. 180, in the fift5^-ninth year of his age. His son Commodus was with him. The body, or the ashes probably, of the emperor were carried to Rome, and he received the honor of deification. Those who could afford it had his statue or bust; and when Capitolinus wrote, many peo- ple still had statues of Antoninus among the Dei Penates or household deities. He was in a manner made a saint. Commodus erected to the memory of his father the Antonine column which is now in the Piazza Colonna at Rome. The bassi rilievi which are placed in a spiral line round the shaft commemorate the victories of Antoninus over the Marcomanni and the Quadi, and the miraculous shower of rain which refreshed the Roman ’soldiers and dis- comfited their enemies. The statue of Antoni- nus was placed on the capital of the column, but it was removed at some time tmknown, and Marcus aurelius Bntontnus. 19 a bronze statue of St. Paul was put in the place by Pope Sixtus the fifth. The historical evidence for the times of An- toninus is very defective, and some of that which remains is not credible. The most curi- ous is the story about the miracle which hap- pened in A. D. 174, during the war with the Quadi. The Roman army was in danger of perishing by thirst, but a sudden storm drenched them with rain, while it discharged fire and hail on their enemies, and the Romans gained a great victory. All the authorities which speak of the battle speak also of the miracle. The Gentile writers assign it to their gods, and the Christians to the intercession of the Chris- tian legion in the emperor’s army. To confirm the Christian statement it is added that the emperor gave the title of Thundering to this legion; but Dacier and others, who m.aintain the Christian report of the miracle, admit that this title of Thundering or Lightning was not given to this legion because the Quadi were struck with lightning, but because there was a figure of lightning on their shields, and that this title of the legion existed in the time of Augustus. Scaliger also had observed that the legion was called Thundering (/cfpawo^oAof, or Kepawo(p6pog') before the reigm of Antoninus. We learn this from Dion Cassius (Lib. 55, c. 23, and the note of Reimarus), who enumerates all the legions of Augustus’ time. The name Thundering of Lightning also occurs on an inscription of the 20 3Bioflrapbical Sftctcb. reign of Trajan, which was found at Trieste. Eusebius (v. 5), when he relates the miracle, quotes Apolinarius, bishop of Hierapolis, as authority for this name being given to the legion Melitene by the emperor in consequence of the success which he obtained through their prayers; from which we may estimate the value of Apolinarius’ testimony. Eusebius does not say in what book of Apolinarius the statement occurs. Dion says that the Thundering legion was stationed in Cappadocia in the time of Augustus. Valesius also observes that in the Notitia of the Imperium Romanum there is mentioned under the commander of Armenia the Praefectura of the twelfth legion named “Thundering Melitene;’’ and this position in Armenia will agree with what Dion sa}^s of its position in Cappadocia. Accordingly Valesius concludes that Melitene was not the name of the legion, but of the town in which it was stationed. Melitene was also the irame of the district in which this town was situated. The legions did not, he says, take their name from the place where they were on duty, but from the country in which they were raised, and therefore what Eusebius says about the Melitene does not seem probable to him. Yet Valesius, on the authority of Apolinarius and Tertullian, believed that the miracle was worked through the prayers of the Christian soldiers in the emperor’s army. Rufinus does not give the name of Melitene to this legion, says Valesius, ^arcu8 aurelius anton'nus. 21 and probably he purposely omitted it, because he knew that Melitene was the name of a town in Armenia Minor, where the legion was sta- tioned in his time. The emperor, it is said, made a report of his victory to the Senate, which we may believe, for such was the practice; but we do not know what he said in his letter, for it is not extant. Dacier assumes that the emperor’s letter was purposely destroyed by the Senate or the enemies of Christianity, that so honorable a te.stimony to the Christians and their religion might not be perpetuated. The critic has however not seen that he contradicts him.self when he tells us the purport of the letter, for he says that it was destroyed, and even Eusebius could not find it. But there does exist a letter in Greek addressed by Antoninus to the Roman people and the sacred Senate after this memorable victory. It is sometimes printed after Justin’s first Apology, but it is totally unconnected with the apologies. This letter is one of the most stupid forgeries of the many which exist, and it cannot be possibly founded even on the gen- uine report of Antoninus to the Senate. If it were genuine, it would free the emperor from the charge of persecuting men because they were Christians, for he says in this false letter that if a man accuse another only of being a Christian, and the accused confess, and there is nothing else against him, he must be set free; with this monstrous addition, made by a man 22 asiograpbfcal Sftctcb. inconceivably ignorant, that the informer must be burnt alive.* During the time of Antoninus Pius and Mar- cus Antoninus there appeared the first Apology of Justinus, and under M. Antoninus the Ora- tion of Tatia:i against the Greeks, which was a fierce attack on the established religions ; the address of Athenagoras to M. Antoninus on be- half of the Christians, and the Apology of Melito, bivShop of Sardes, also addressed to the emperor, and that of Apolinarius. The first Apology of Justinus is addressed to T. Antoni- nus Pius and his two adopted sons, M. Antoni- nus and L. Verus; but we do not know whether they read it.f The second Apology of Justinus is entitled “to the Roman Senate;’’ but this * Eiisebius (v. 5) quotes Tertullian’s Apology to the Roman Senate in confirmation of the story. Tertul- lian, he says, writes that letters of the emperor were extant, in which he declares that his army was saved by the prayers of the Christians ; and that he “threat- ened to punish with death those who ventured to ac- cuse us.” It is possible that the forged letter which is now extant may be one of those which Tertullian had seen, for he uses the plural number, “letters.” A great deal has been written about this miracle of the Thundering Region, and more than is worth read- ing. There is a dissertation on this supposed miracle in Moyle’s Works, London, 1726. fOrosius, vii. 14, says that Justinus the philosopher presented to Antonins Pius his work in defence of the Christian religion, and made him merciful to the Christians. fllbarcue Surclius :Hntonlnus. 23 superscription is from some cop3'ist. In the first chapter Justinus addresses the Romans. In the second chapter he speaks of an affair that had recently happened in the time of M. Antoninus and L. Verus, as it seems; and he also directly addresses the emperor, sajdng of a certain woman, “she addressed a petition to thee, the emperor, and thou didst grant the peti- tion. ’ ’ In other passages the writer addresses the two emperors, from Avhich we must conclude that the Apology was directed to them. Eusebius (E. H. iv. 18) states that the second Apology AA'as addressed to the successor of Antoninus Pius, and he names him Antoninus Verus, meaning M. Antoninus. In one passage of this second Apolog}^ (c. 8), Justinus, or the writer, whoever he may be, saj's that even men who folloAved the Stoic doctrines, when the}' ordered their lives according to ethical reason, rvere hated and murdered, such as Heraclitus, Muso- nius in his own times, and others; for all those who in any way labored to live according to reason and avoided wickedness were alwaj'S hated; and this was the effect of the work of daemons. Justinus himself is said to have been put to death at Rome, because he refused to sacrifice to the gods. It cannot have been in the reign of Hadrian, as one authority states; nor in the time of Antoninus Pius, if the second Apology Avas AA'ritten in the time of M. Antoninus; and there is evidence that this event took place 24 asfograpblcal Sftetcb. under M. Antoninus and L,. Verus, when Rusti- cus was praefect of the city.* The persecution in which Polycarp suffered at Smyrna belongs to the time of M. Antoni- nus. The emdence for it is the letter of the church of Smyrna to the churches of Philome- *See the Martyriuni Sanctorum Justiiii, &c., in the works of Justinus, ed. Otto, vol. ii. 559. “Junius Rusticus Praefectus Urbi erat sub imperatoribus M. Aurelio et L. Vero, id quod liquet ex Themistii Orat. xxxiv Dindorf. p. 451, et ex quodam illorum rescripto, Dig. 49. I. I, ? 2 ” (Otto). The rescript contains the words “Junium Rusticum amicum nostrum Prae- fectum Urbi.’" The Martyrium of Justinus and others is written in Geeek. It begins, “ In the time of the wicked defenders of idolatry impious edicts were pub- lished against the pious Christians both in cities and country places, for the purpose of compelling them to make offerings to vain idols. Accordingly the holy men (Justinus, Chariton, a woman Charito, Paeon, Liberiaiius, and others) were brought before Rusticus, the praefect of Rome.” The Martyrium gives the examination of the ac. cused by Rusticus. All of them professed to be Christians. Justinus was asked if he expected to as- cend into heaven and to receive a reward for his suf- ferings, if he was condemned to death. He answered that he did not expect : he was certain of it. Finally, the test of obedience was proposed to the prisoners ; they were required to sacrifice to the gods. All re- fused, and Rusticus pronounced the sentence, which was that those who refused to sacrifice to the gods and obey the emperor’s order should be whipped and beheaded according to the law. The martyrs were then led to the usual place of execution and beheaded. Some of the faithful secretly carried off the bodies and deposited them in a fit place. flbatcus aurelius Antoninus. 25 Hum and the other Christian churches, and it is preserved by Eusebius (E. H. iv. 15). But the critics do not agree about the time of Poly- carp’s death, differing in the two extremes to the amount of twelve years. The circumstances of Polycarp’s martyrdom were accompanied by miracles, one of which Eusebius (iv. 15) has omitted, but it appears in the oldest Latin ver- sion of the letter, which Usher published, and it is supposed that this version was made not long after the time of Eusebius. The notice at the end of the letter states that it was tran- scribed by Caius from the copy of Irenaeus, the disciple of Poly carp, then transcribed by Socra- tes at Corinth; “after which I Pionius again wrote it out from the copy above mentioned, having searched it out by the revelation of Polycarp, who directed me to it,’’ &c. The story of Polycarp’s martyrdom is embellished with miraculous circumstances which some modern writers on ecclesiastical history take the liberty of omitting.* In order to form a proper notion of the con- * Conyers Middleton, An Inquiry into the Miracu- lous Powers, &c. p. 126. Middleton says that Euse- bius omitted to mention the dove, which flew out of Polycarp’s body, and Dodwell and Archbishop Wake have done the same. Wake says, “I am so little a friend to such miracles that I thought it better with Eusebius to omit that circumstance than to mention it from Bp. Usher’s Manuscript,” which manuscript however, says Middleton, he afterwards declares to be so well attested that we need not any further assur- ance of the truth of it. 26 asiograpbical Sftetcb, dition of the Christians under M. Antoninus we must go back to Trajan’s time. When the younger Pliny was governor of Bithynia, the Christians were numerous in those parts, and the worshipers of the old religion were falling off. The temples were deserted, the festivals neglected, and there were no purchasers of vic- tims for sacrifice. Those who were interested in the maintenance of the old religion thus found that their profits were in danger. Chris- tians of both sexes and all ages were brought before the go^’ernor, who did not know what to do with them. He could come to no other con- clusion than this, that those who confessed to be Christians and persevered in their religion ought to be punished; if for nothing else, for their invincible obstinancy. He found no crimes proved against the Christians, and he could only characterize their religion as a de- praved and extravagant superstition, which might be stopped if the people were allowed the opportunity of recanting. Pliny wrote this in a letter to Trajan (Plinius, Ep. x. 97). He asked for the emperor’s directions, because he did not know what to do. He remarks that he had never been engaged in judicial inquiries about the Christians, and that accordingly he did not know what to inquire about, or how far to inquire and punish. This proves that it was not a new thing to examine into a man’s pro- fession of Christianity and to punish him for it.* *Orosius (vii. 12) speaks of Trajan’s persecution of Marcus 2lureHus Bntoninus. 27 Trajan’s rescript is extant. He approved of the governor’s judgment in the matter, but he said that no search must be made after the Christians; if a man was charged with the new religion and convicted, he must not be pun- ished if he affinned that he was not a Christian, and confirmed his denial b5^ showing his rever- ence to the heathen gods. He added that no notice must be taken of anon3'mous informa- tions, for such things were of bad example. Trajan was a mild and sensible man; and both motives of mercy and policy' probabty also in- duced him to take as little notice of the Chris- tians as he could, to let them live in quiet if it were possible. Trajan’s rescript is the first legislative act of the head of the Roman state with reference to Christianity, which is known to us. It does not appear that the Christians were further disturbed under his reign. The martyrdom of Ignatius by the order of Trajan himself is not universally admitted to be an historical fact.* the Christians, and of Pliny’s application to him hav- ing led the emperor to mitigate his severity. The punishment b}’ the Mosaic law for those who at- tempted to seduce the Jews to follow new gods was death. If a man was secretly enticed to such new worship, he must kill the seducer, even if the seducer were brother, sou, daughter, wife, or friend. (Dent, xiii. ) * The Martyrium Ignatii, first published in Latin by Archbishop Usher, is the chief evidence for the cir- cumstances of Ignatius’ death. 28 asfograpbical Shetcb. In the time of Hadrian it was no longer pos- sible for the Roman government to overlook the great increase of the Christians and the hostility of the common sort to them. If the governors in the provinces were willing to let them alone, they could not resist the fanaticism of the heathen community, who looked on the Christians as atheists. The Jews too, who were settled all over the Roman Empire, were as hostile to the Christians as the Gentiles were.* With the time of Hadrian begin the Christian Apologies, which show plainly what the popu- lar feeling towards the Christians then was. A rescript of Hadrian to Minucius Fundanus, the Proconsul of Asia, which stands at the end of Justin’s first Apology, f instructs the gover- * We have the evidence ofjustinus (ad Diognetum, c. 5) to this effect; “The Christians are attacked by the Jews as if they were men of a different race, and are persecuted by the Greeks; and those who hate them cannot give the reason of their enmity.’’ t And in Eusebius (E. H. iv. 8, 9). Orosius (vii. 13) says that Hadrian sent this rescript to Minucius Eundanus, proconsul of Asia after being instructed in books written on the Christian religion by Quad- ratus, a disciple of the Apostles, and Aristides, an Athenian, an honest and wise man, and Serenus Grauius. In the Greek test of Hadrian’s rescript there is mentioned Serenius Granianus, the prede- cessor of Minucius Fundanus in the government of Asia. This rescript of Hadrian has clearly been added to the Apology by some editor. The Apology ends with the words : 6 (ptXov tC> Oeu, tovto yeveaOu fllbarcus aurelius Zlntonfnus. 29 nor that innocent people must not be troubled, and false accusers must not be allowed to extort money from them; the charges against the Christians must be made in due form, and no attention must be paid to popular clamors; when Christians were regularly prosecuted and convicted of illegal acts, they must be punished according to their deserts; and false accusers also must be punished. Antoninus Pius is said to have published rescripts to the same effect. The terms of Hadrian’s rescript seem very favorable to the Christians; but if we under- stand it in this sense, that they were only to be punished like other people for illegal acts, it would have had no meaning, for that could have been done without asking the emperor’s advice. The real purpose of the rescript is that Christians must be punished if they persisted in their belief, and would not prove their re- nunciation of it by acknowledging the heathen religion. This was Trajan’s rule, and we have no reason for supposing that Hadrian granted more to the Christians than Trajan did. There is also printed at the end of Justin’s first Apol- ogy a rescript of Antoninus Pius to the Com- mune of (rd KOIVOV Tfjq 'kaiaq), and it is also ill Eusebius (E. H. iv. 13). The date of the re- script is the third consulship of Antoninus Pius.* The rescript declares that the Chris- * Eusebius (E. H. iv. 12), after giving the beginning of Justinus’ first Apology, which contains the address 30 JSiOQrapbical Sftctcb. tians — for they are meant, though the name Christians does not occur in the rescript — were not to be disturbed unless they were attempt- ing something against the Roman rule ; and no man was to be punished simply for being a Christian. But this rescript is spurious. Any mau moderately acquainted with Roman his- tory will see by the style and tenor that it is a clumsy forgery. In the time of M. Antoninus the opposition between the old and the new belief was still to T. Autoniuus and liis two adopted sons, adds; ‘‘The same emperor being addressed by other breth- ren in Asia, honored the Commune of Asia with the following rescript.” This rescript, which is in the next chapter of Eusebius (E. H. iv. 13) is in the sole name of Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus Armenius, though Eusebius had just before said that he was going to give us a rescript of Antoninus Pius. There are some material variations between the two copies of the rescript besides the difference in the title, which difference makes it impossible to say whether the forger intended to assign this rescript to Pius or to M. Antoninus. The author of the Alexandrine Chronicum says that Marcus, being moved by the entreaties of Melito and other heads of the church, wrote an Epistle to the Commune of Asia in which he forbade the Christians to be troubled on account of their religion. Valesius supposes this to be the letter or rescript which is con- tained in Eusebius (iv. 13), and to be the answer to the Apology of Melito, of which I shall soon give the substance. But Marcus certainly did not write this letter which is in Eusebius, and w’e know not what answer he made to Melito. fliiarcus Burelius Bntoninus. 31 stronger, and the adherents of the heathen religion urged those in authority to a more regular resistance to the invasions of the Chris- tian faith. Melito in his Apology to M. Antoninus represents the Christians of Asia as persecuted under new imperial orders. Shame- less informers, he says, men who were greedy after the property of others, used these orders as a means of robbing those who were doing no harm. He doubts if a just emperor could have ordered anything so unjust; and if the last order was really not from the emperor, the Christians entreat him not to give them up to their enemies.* We conclude from this that * Eusebius, iv. 26; and Routh’s Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. I, and the notes. The interpretation of this Frag- ment is not easy. Mosheim misunderstood one pas- sage so far as to affirm that Marcus promised rewards to those who denounced the Christians ; an interpre- tation which is entirely false. Melito calls the Chris- tian religion “our philosophy,” which began among barbarians (the Jews), and flourished among the Roman subjects in the time of Augustus, to the great advantage of the empire, for from that time the power of the Romans grew great and glorious. He says that the emperor has and will have as the successor to Augustus’ power the good wishes of men, if he will protect that philosophy which grew up with the em- pire and began with Augustus, which philosophy the predecessors of Antoninus honored in addition to the other religions. He further says that the Christian religion had suffered no harm since the time of Au- gustus, but on the contrary had enjoyed all honor and respect that any man could desire. Nero and Donii- 32 asioflrapbical Sftctcb. there were at least imperial rescripts or consti- tutions of M. Antoninus which were made the foundation of these persecutions. The fact of being a Christian was now a crime and pun- ished, unless the accused denied their religion. Then come the persecutions at Smyrna, which some modern critics place in A. d. 167, ten tian, lie says, were alone persuaded by some malicious men to calumniate the Christian religion, and this was the origin of the false charges against the Chris- tians. But this was corrected by the emperors who immediately preceded Antoninus, who often by their rescripts reproved those who attempted to trouble the Christians. Hadrian, Antoninus’ grandfather, wrote to many, and among them to Fundanus, the governor of Asia. Antoninus Pius, when Marcus was asso- ciated with him in the empire, wrote to the cities that they must not trouble the Christians ; among others, to the people of Larissa, Thessalonica, the Athenians, and all the Greeks. Melito concluded thus; “We are persuaded that thou who hast about these things the same mind that they had, nay rather one much more humane and philosophical, wilt do all that we ask thee.” — This Apology was written after a. d. i6g, the year in which Verus died, for it speaks of Marcus only and his son Commodus. According to Melito’s testimony, Christians had only been punished for their religion in the time of Nero and Domitian, and the persecutions began again in the time of M. Antoninus, and were founded on his orders, which were abused, as he seems to mean. He distinctly affirms “ that the race of the godly is now' persecuted and harassed by fresh imperial orders in Asia, a thing which had never happened before.” But we know that all this is not true, and that Christians had been punished in Trajan’s time. fliatcus aucelius antonffttt^. 33 years before the persecution of Lyon. The governors of the provinces under M. Antoni- nus might have found enough even in Trajan’s rescript to warrant them in punishing Chris- tians, and the fanaticism of the people would drive them to persecution, even if they were unwilling. But besides the fact of the Chris- tians rejecting all the heathen ceremonies, we must not forget that they plainly maintain that all the heathen religions were false. The Christians thus declared war against the hea- then rites, and it is hardly necessary to observe that this was a declaration of hostility against the Roman government, which tolerated all the various forms of superstition that existed in the empire, and could not consistently tolerate another religion, which declared that all the rest were false and all the splendid ceremonies of the empire only a worship of devils. If we had a true ecclesiastical history, we should know how the Roman emperors at- tempted to check the new religion; how they enforced their principle of finally punishing Christians, simply as Christians, which Justin in his Apology affirms that they did, and I have no doubt that he tells the truth; how far popular clamor and riots went in this matter, and how far many fanatical and ignorant Chris- tians — for there were many such — contributed to excite the fanaticism on the other side and to embitter the quarrel between the Roman government and the new religion. Our extant 3 34 asioflrapbical Sftetcb. ecclesiastical histories are manifestl}" falsified, and what truth they contain is grossly exag- gerated; but the fact is certain that in the time of M. Antoninus the heathen populations were in open hostility to the Christians, and that under Antoninus’ rule men were put to death because they were Christians. Eusebius, in the preface to his fifth book, remarks that in the seventeenth year of Antoninus’ reign, in some parts of the world, the persecution of the Christians became more violent, and that it proceeded from the populace in the cities; and he adds, in his usual style of exaggeration, that we may infer from what took place in a single nation that myriads of martyrs were made in the habitable earth. The nation which he alludes to is Gallia; and he then proceeds to give the letter of the churches of Vienna and Lugdunum. It is probable that he has assiged the true cause of the persecutions, the fanati- cism of the populace, and that both governors and emperor had a great deal of trouble with these disturbances. How far Marcus was cog- nizant of these cruel proceedings we do not know, for the historical records of his reign are very defective. He did not make the rule against the Christians, for Trajan did that; and if we admit that he would have been willing to let the Christians alone, we cannot affirm that it was in his power, for it would be a great mistake to suppose that Antoninus had the un- limited authority which some modern sove-. Jiarcue Bureltus antonlnu0. 35 reigns have had. His power was limited by- certain constitutional forms, by the Senate, and by the precedents of his predecessors. We cannot admit that such a man was an active persecutor, for there is no evidence that he was,* though it is certain that he had no good opinion of the Christians, as appears from his own words. t But he knew nothing of them * Except that of Orosius (vii. 15), -who says that during the Parthian -war there -were grievous perse- cutions of the Christians in Asia and Gallia under the orders of Marcus (praecepto ejus), and “many -were crowned with the martyrdom of saints.” t See xi. 3. The emperor probably speaks of such fanatics as Clemens (quoted by Gataker on this pas- sage) mentions. The rational Christians admitted no fellowship with them. “Some of these heretics,” says Clemens, “ show their impiety and cowardice by loving their lives, saying that the knowledge of the really existing God is true testimony (martyrdom), but that a man is a self-murderer who bears witness by his death. We also blame those who rush ta death; for there are some, not of us, but only bearing the same name, who give themselves up. We say of them that they die without being martyrs, even if they are publicly punished; and they give themselves up to a death which avails nothing, as the Indian Gym- nosophists give themselves up foolishly to fire.” Cave, in his primitive Christianity (ii. c. 7), says of the Christians: “They did flock to the place of tor- ment faster than droves of beasts that are driven to the shambles. They even longed to be in the arms of suffering. Ignatius, though then in his journey to Rome in order to his execution, yet by the way as he went could not but vent his passionate desire of it ; 36 aSiograpbical Sftetcb. except their hostility to the Roman religion, and he probably thought that they were dan- gerous to the state, notwithstanding the pro- fessions, false or true, of some of the Apologists. So much I have said, because it would be un- fair not to state all that can be urged against a man whom his contemporaries and subse- quent ages venerated as a model of virtue and benevolence. If I admitted the genuineness of some documents, he would be altogether clear from the charge of even allowing any persecu- tions; but as I seek the truth and am sure that they are false, I leave him to bear whatever blame is his due.* I add that it is quite cer- tain that Antoninus did not derive any of his ‘ Oh that I might come to those wild beasts that are prepared for me; I heartily wish that I may presently meet with them; I would invite and encourage them speedily to devour me, and not be afraid to .set upon me as they have been to others; nay, should they re- fuse it, I would even force them to it;’ ” and more to the same purpose from Eusebius. Cave, an honest and good man, says all this in praise of the Christians; but I think that he mistook the matter. We admire a man who holds to his principles even to death; but these fanatical Christians are the Gymnosophists whom Clemens treats with disdain. * Dr. F. C. Baur, in his work entitled “ Das Christenthum und die Christliche Kirche der drei ersten Jahrhunderte, ” &c., has examined this ques- tion with great good sense and fairness, and I believe he has stated the truth as near as our authorities en- able us to reach it. /Iftatcu5 aurellue Bntonlnus. 37 ethical principles from a religion of which he knew nothing.* There is no doubt that the Emperor’s Re- flections — or his Meditations, as they are gen- erally named — is a genuine work. In the first book he speaks of himself, his family, and his teachers; and in other books he mentions him- self. Suidas (v. Map/cof) notices a work of Antoninus in twelve books, which he names the “conduct of his own life;’’ and he cites the book under several words in his Dictionary, giving the emperor’s name, but not the title of the work. There are also passages cited by Suidas from Antoninus without mention of the emperor’s name. The true title of the work is unknown. Xy lander, who published the first edition of this book (Zurich, 1558. 8vo, with a Latin version), used a manuscript which con- tained the twelve book^, but it is not known where the manuscript is now. The only other complete manuscript which is known to exist is in the Vatican library, but it has no title and no inscriptions of the several books: the eleventh only has the inscription, yidpKov av-oKpa- -opog marked with an asterisk. The other Vatican manuscripts and the three Florentine contain only excerpts from the emperor’s book. * In the Digest, 48, 19, 30, there is the following ex- cerpt from Modestinus: “ Si quis aliquid fecerit, quo leves hominum animi superstitione numinis terreren- tur, divus Marcus hujusmodi homines in insulam re- legari rescripsit.” 38 asiogcapbical Sftetcb. All the titles of the excerpts nearly agree with that which Xylander prefixed to his edition, MdpKov 'Avruvivov AiiTOKparopog tuv etf iavrbv (iipTiia This title has been used by all subsequent editors. We cannot tell whether Antoninus divided his work into books or somebody else did it. If the inscriptions at the end of the first and second books are genuine, he may have made the division himself. It is plain that the emperor wrote down his thoughts or reflections as the occasions arose; and since they were intended for his own use, it is no improbable conjecture that he left a complete copy behind him written with his own hand; for it is not likely that so diligent a man would use the labor of a transcriber for such a purpose, and expose his most secret thoughts to any other eye. He may have also intended the book for Ijis son Commodus, who however had no taste for his father’s philos- ophy. Some careful hand preserved the precious volume; and a work by Antoninus is mentioned by other late writers besides Suidas. Many critics have labored on the text of Antoninus. The most complete edition is that by Thomas Gataker, 1652, qto. The second edition of Gataker was superintended by George Stanhope, 1697, There is also an edition of 1704. Gataker made and suggested many good corrections, and he also made a new Latin version, which is not a very good speci- men of Latin, but it generally expresses the ^arcu0 aureliue Bntoninus. 39 sense of the original, and often better than some of the more recent translations. He added in the margin opposite to each para- graph references to the other parallel passages; and he wrote a commentary, one of the most complete that has been written on any ancient author. This commentary contains the editor’s exposition of the more difficult passages, and quotations from all the Greek and Roman writers for the illustration of the text. It is a w'onderful monument of learning and labor, and certainly no Englishman has yet done anything like it. At the end of his preface the editor says that he wrote it at Rotherhithe near Eondon, in a severe winter, when he was in the seventy-eighth year of his age, 1651 — a time when Milton, Selden, and other great men of the Commonwealth time were living; and the great French scholar Saumaise (Salma- sius), with whom Ga taker corresponded and received help from him for his edition of An- toninus. The Greek test has also been edited by J. M. Schultz, Leipzig, 1802, 8vo; and by the learned Greek Adamantinus Corais, Paris, 1816, 8vo. The text of Schultz was repub- lished by Tauchnitz, 1821. There are English, German, French, Italian, and Spanish translations of M. Antoninus, and there may be others. I have not seen all the English translations. There is one by Jeremy Collier, 1702, 8vo, a most coarse and vulgar copy of the original. The latest French trans- 40 :©iO0vapbical Sftctcb. lation by Alexis Pierron in the collection of Charpentier is better than Dacier’s, which has been honored with an Italian version (Udine, 1772). There is an Italian version (1675), which I have not seen. It is by a cardinal. “ A man illustrious in the church, the Cardinal Francis Barberini the elder, nephew of Pope Urban VIII., occupied the last years of his life in translating into his native language the thoughts of the Roman emperor, in order to diffuse among the faithful the fertilizing and vivifying seeds. He dedicated this translation to his soul, to make it, as he says in his ener- getic style, redder than his purple at the sight of the virtues of this Gentile” (Pierron, Preface). I have made this translation at intervals after having used the book for many years. It is made from the Greek, but I have not always followed one text; and I have occasionally compared other versions with my own. I made this translation for my own use, because I found that it was worth the labor; but it may be useful to others also; and therefore I deter- mined to print it. As the original is some- times very difficult to understand and still more difficult to translate, it is not possible that I have always avoided error. But I be- lieve that I have not often missed the meaning, and those who will take the trouble to compare the translation with the original should not hastily conclude that I am wrong, if they do /IBarcus aurclius Bntoninus. 41 not agree with me. Some passages do give the meaning, though at first sight they may not appear to do so; and when I differ from the translators, I think that in some places they are wrong, and in other places I am sure that they are. I have placed in some passages a 4-, which indicates corruption in the text or great uncertainty in the meaning. I could have made the language more easy and flowing, but I have preferred a ruder style as being better suited to express the character of the original; and sometimes the obscurity which may ap- pear in the version is a fair copy of the obscur- ity of the Greek. If I should ever revise this version, I would gladly make use of any cor- rections which may be suggested. I have added an index of some of the Greek terms with the corresponding English. If I have not given the best w’ords for the Greek, I have done the best that I could; and in the text I have always given the same translation of the same word. The last reflection of the Stoic philosophy that I have observed is in Simplicius’ Com- mentary on the Enchiridion of Epictetus. Simplicius was not a Christian, and such a man was not likely to be converted at a time when Christianity was grossly corrupted. But he was a really religious man, and he concludes his commentary with a prayer to the Deity- which no Christian could improve. From the time of Zeno to Simplicius, a period of about 42 :©io0rapbical Sftetcb. nine hundred years, the Stoic philosophy formed the characters of some of the best and greatest men. Finally it became extinct, and we hear no more of it till the revival of letters in Italy. Angelo Poliziano met with two very inaccurate and incomplete manuscripts of Epictetus’ Enchiridion, which he translated into Latin and dedicated to his great patron Lorenzo de’ Medici, in whose collection he had found the book. Poliziano’s version was printed in the first Bale edition of the Enchir- idion, A. D. 1531 (apud And. Cratandrum). Poliziano recommends the Enchiridion to- Lorenzo as a work well suited to his temper, and useful in the difficulties by which he was surrounded. Epictetus and Antoninus have had readers ever since they were first printed. The little book of Antoninus has been the companion of some great men. Machiavelli’s Art of War and Marcus Antoninus were the two books which were used when he was a young man by Captain John Smith, and he could not have found two writers better fitted to form the char- acter of a soldier and a man. Smith is almost unknown and forgotten in England, his native country, but not in America, where he saved the young colony of Virginia. He was great in his heroic mind and his deeds in arms, but greater still in the nobleness of his character. For a man’s greatness lies not in wealth and station, as the vulgar believe, nor yet in his jiftarcus aureliu6 Hntonfnue. 43 intellectual capacity, which is often associated with the meanest moral character, the most ab- ject servility to those in high places, and arro- gance to the poor and lowly; but a man’s true greatness lies in the consciousness of an honest purpose in life, founded on a just estimate of himself and everything else, on frequent self- examination, and a steady obedience to the rule which he knows to be right, without troubling himself, as the emperor says he should not, about what others may think or say, or whether they do or do not do that which he thinks and says and does. THE PHILOSOPHY OF MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. THE PHILOSOPHY OF MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. I T has been said that the Stoic philosophy first showed its real value when it passed from Greece to Rome. The doctrines of Zeno and his successors were well suited to the grav- ity and practical good sense of the Romans; and even in the Republican period we have an example of a man, M. Cato Uticensis, who lived the life of a Stoic and died consistently with the opinions which he professed. He was a man, says Cicero, who embraced the Stoic philosophy from conviction; not for the purpose of vain discussion, as most did, but in order to make his life conformable to the Stoic precepts. In the wretched times . from the death of .4pgustus to the murder of Domitian, there was nothing but the Stoic philosophy which could console and support the followers of the old religion under imperial tyranny and amidst universal corruption. There were even then ( 47 ) 48 IPbtlosopbg. noble minds that, could dare and endure, sustained by a good conscience and an elevated idea of the purposes of man’s existence. Such were Paetus Thrasae, Helvidius Priscus, Cor- nutus, C. Musonius Rufus,* and the poets Persius and Juvenal, whose energetic language and manly thoughts may be as instructive to us now as they might have been to their con- temporaries. Persius died under Nero’s bloody reign; but Juvenal had the good fortune to survive the tyrant Domitian and to see the better times of Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian. t His best precepts are derived from the Stoic school, and they are enforced in his finest verses by the unrivalled vigor of the Ratin language. The best two expounders of the later Stoical philosophy were a Greek slave and a Roman emperor. Epictetus, a Phrygian Greek, was * I have omitted Seneca, Nero’s preceptor. He was in a sense a Stoic, and he has said many good things in a very tine way. There is a judgment of Gellius (xii. 2.) on Seneca, or rather a statement of what some people thought of his philosophy, and it is not favorable. His writings and his life must be taken together, and I have nothing more to say of him here. The reader will find a notice of Seneca and his phil- osophy in “Seekers after God,” by the Rev. F. W. Farrar. Macmillan and Co. t Ribbeck has labored to prove that those Satires, which contain philosophical precepts, are not the work of the real, but of a false Juvenal, a Declamator. Still the verses exist, and were written by somebody who was acquainted with the Stoic doctrines. flBarcu6 Hurelfue Bntonfnus. 49 brought to Rome, we know not how, but he was there the slave and afterwards the freed- man of an unworthy master, Kpaphroditus by name, himself a freedman and a favorite of Nero. Epictetus may have been a hearer of C. Musonius Rufus, while he was still a slave, but he could hardly have been a teacher before he was made free. He was one of the philosophers^ whouj„X)omitian’s order banished from Rome. He retired to Nicopolis in Epi- rus, and he may have died there. Like other great teachers he wrote nothing, and we are indebted to his grateful pupil Arrian for what we have of Epictetus’ discourses. Arrian wrote eight books of the discourses of Epictetus, of which only four remain and some fragments. We have also from Arrian’s hand the small Enchiridion or Manual of the chief precepts of Epictetus. This is a valuable commentary on the Enchiridion by Simplicius, who lived in the time of the emperor Justinian.* Antoninus in his first book (i. 7), in which he gratefully commemorates his obligations to his teachers, says that he was made acquainted by Junius Rusticus with the discourses of Epictetus, whom he mentions also in other passages (iv. 41; xi. 34, 36). Indeed, the doc- trines of Epictetus and Antoninus are the same, * There is a complete edition of Arrian’s Epictetus ■with the commentary of Simplicius by J. Schweig- haeuser, 6 vols. 8vo. 1799, 1800. There is also an English translation of Epictetus b}' Mrs. Carter. 4 Pbtlosopbi?. and Epictetus is the best authority for the ex- planation of the philosophical language of An- toninus and the exposition of his opinions. But the method of the two philosophers is en- tirely different. Epictetus addressed himself to his hearers in a continuous discourse and in a familiar and simple manner. Antoninus wrote down his reflections for his own use only, in short, unconnected paragraphs, which are often obscure. The Stoics made three divisions of philoso- phy, — Physic ((jtvaiKdv), Ethic (j’/6ik6v), and Eogic (?^oyiK 6 v) (viii. 13). This division, we are told by Diogenes, was made by Zeno of Citium, the founder of the Stoic sect, and by Chrysip- pus; but these philosophers placed the three divisions in the following order, — Logic, Physic, Ethic. It appears, however, that this division was made before Zeno’s time, and ac- knowledged by Plato, as Cicero remarks (Acad. Post. i. 5). Logic is not synonymous with our term lyOgic in the narrower sense of that w'ord. Cleanthes, a Stoic, snbdivided the three di- visions, and made six, — Dialectic and Rhet- oric, comprised in Logic ; Ethic and Politic ; Physic and Theology. This division was merely for practical nse, for all Philosophy is one. Even among the earliest Stoics Logic, or Dialectic, does not occupy the same place as in Plato: it is considered only as an instrument which is to be used for the other divisions of Marcus Burelius Bntoninus. 51 Philosophy. An exposition of the earlier Stoic doctrines and of their modifications would require a volume. My object is to explain only the opinions of Antoninus, so far as they can be collected from his book. According to the subdivision of Cleanthes, Physic and Theology go together, or the study of the nature of Things, and the study of the nature of the Deit}q so far as man can under- stand the Deity, and of his government of the universe. This division or subdivision is not formally adopted by Antoninus, for, as already observed, there is no method in his book ; but it is virtually contained in it. Cleanthes also connects Ethic and Politic, or the study of the principles of morals and the study of the constitution of civil society; and undoubtedly he did well in subdividing Ethic into two parts. Ethic in the narrower sense and Politic; for though the two are intimately con- nected, they are also very distinct, and many questions can only be properly discussed by carefully observing the distinction. Antoninus does not treat of Politic. His subject is Ethic, and Ethic in its practical application to his own conduct in life as a man and as a gover- nor. His Ethic is founded on his doctrines about man’s nature, the Universal Nature, and the relation of everj' man to everything else. It is therefore intimately and inseparably con- nected with Physic, or the Nature of Things, and with Theology, or the Nature of the Deity. 52 IPbilosopbg. He advises us to examine well all the impres- sions on our minds {^avraaiai) and to form a right judgment of them, to make just conclu- sions, and to inquire into the meanings of words, and so far to apply Dialectic; but he has no attempt at an}^ exposition of Dialectic, and his philosophy is in substance purely moral and practical. He says (viii. 13), ‘ ‘ Constantly and, if it be possible, on the oc- casion of every impression on the soul,* apply to it the principles of Physic, of Ethic, and of Dialectic:” which is only another way of tell- ing us to examine the impression in every pos- sible way. In another passage (iii. ii) he sa3's, ‘ ‘ To the aids which have been men- tioned, let this one still be added: make for thyself a definition or description of the object (76 (pavraa-dv) which is presented to thee, so as to see distinctly what kind of a thing it is in its substance, in its nudity, in its complete en- tirety, and tell thyself its proper name, and the names of the things of which it has been com- The original is knl TTaorj^ pavractag. We have no word w'hich expresses pavrama, for it is not only the sensuous appearance which comes from an external object, which object is called to (pavraardv^ but it is also the thought or feeling or opinion which is pro- duced even when there is no corresponding external object before us. Accordingly everjdhing which moves the soul is pavraa-dv, and produces a tpavraaia. In this extract Antoninus says (pvacoAoyelv^ TTaOoXoyeiv, (haP^KTiKEveudac. I have translated naOoXoyelv by using the word Moral (Ethic), and that is the meaning here. Marcus Burelius Bntoninus. 53 pounded, and into which it will be resolved.” Such an examination implies a use of Dialectic, which Antoninus accordingly employed as a means toward establishing his Physical, Theo- logical, and Ethical principles. There are several expositions of the Physical, Theological, and Ethical principles, which are contained in the work of Antoninus; and more expositions than I have read. Ritter (Ge- schichte der Philosophie, iv. 241), after explain- ing the doctrines of Epictetus, treats very briefly and insufiiciently those of Antoninus. But he refers to a short essay, in which the work is done better.* There is also an essay on the Philosophical Principles of M. Aurelius Antoninus by J. M. Schultz, placed at the end of his German translation of Antoninus (Schles- wig, 1799). With the assistance of these two useful essays and his own diligent study, a man may form a sufficient notion of the principles of Antoninus; but he will find it more difficult to expound them to others. Besides the want of arrangement in the original and of connec- tion among the numerous paragraphs, the corruption of the text, the obscurity of the lan- guage and the style, and sometimes perhaps the confusion in the writer’s own ideas — besides all this, there is occasionally an apparent con- * De Marco Aurelio Antonino ... ex ipsius Cotn- mentariis. Scriptio Philologica. lustituit Nicolaus Bachius, Bipsiae, 1826. 54 ff»bllosopbB. tradiction in the emperor’s thoughts, as if his principles were sometimes unsettled, as if doubt sometimes clouded his mind. A man who leads a life of tranquillity and reflection, who is not disturbed at home and meddles not with the affairs of the world, may keep his mind at ease and his thoughts in one even course. But such a man has not been tried. All his Ethical philosophy and his passive virtue might turn out to be idle words, if he were once exposed to the rude realities of human existence. Fine thoughts and moral dissertations from men who have not worked and suffered may be read, but they will be forgotten. No religion, no Ethical philosophy is worth anything, if the teacher has not lived the “ life of an apostle,” and been ready to die ‘ ‘ the death of a martyr. ’ ’ “Not in passivity (the passive effects) but in activity He the evil and the good of the rational social animal, just as his virtue and his vice lie not in passivity, but in activity” (ix. i6). The emperor Antoninus was a practical moralist. From his youth he followed a laborious disci- pline, and though his high station placed him above all want or the fear of it, he lived as fru- g'ally and temperately as the poorest philospher. Epictetus wanted little, and it seems that he always had the little that he wanted and he was content with it, as he had been with his servile station! But Antoninus after his accession to the empire sat on an uneasy seat. He had the administration of an em- flRarcua 2lurelius antonlnue. 55 pire whicli extended from the Euphrates to the Atlantic, from the cold anountains of Scot- land to the hot sands of Africa; and we may imagine, though we cannot know it by expe- rience, what must be the trials, the troubles, the anxiety, and the sorrows of him who has the world’s business on his hands, with the wish to do the best that he can, and the cer- tain knowledge that he can do very little of the good which he wishes. In the midst of war, pestilence, conspiracy, general corruption, and with the weight of so unwieldy an empire upon him, we may easily comprehend that Antoninus often had need of all his fortitude to support him. The best and the bravest men have moments of doubt and of weakness; but if they are the best and the bravest, they rise again from their depression by recurring to first principles, as Antoninus does. The emperor says that life is smoke, a vapor, and St. James in his Epistle is of the same mind; that the world is full of envious, jealous, malignant people, and a man might be well content to get out of it. He has doubts perhaps sometimes even about that to which he holds most firmly. There are only a few passages of this kind, but they are evi- dence of the struggles which even the noblest of the sons of men had to maintain against the hard realities of his daily life. A poor remark it is which I have seen somewhere, and made in a disparaging way, that the emperor’s re- 56 IPbtlosopbB. flections show that he had need of consolation and comfort in life, and even to prepare him to meet his death. True that he did need comfort and support, and we see how he found it. He constantly recurs to his fundamental principle that the universe is wisely ordered, that every man is a part of it and must conform to that order which he cannot change, that whatever the Deity has done is good, that all mankind are a man’s brethren, that he must love and cherish them and try to make them better, even those who would do him harm. This is his conclusion (ii. 17): “What then is that which is able to conduct a man ? One thing and only one. Philosophy. But this consists in keeping the divinity within a man free from violence and unharmed, superior to pains and pleasures, doing nothing without a purpose nor yet falsely and with hypocrisy, not feeling the need of another man’s doing or not doing anything; and besides, accepting all that hap- pens and all that is allotted, as coming from thence, wherever it is, from whence he himseP came; and finally waiting for death with a cheerful mind as being nothing else than a dis- solution of the elements of which every living being is compounded. But if there is no harm to the elements themselves in each continually changing into another, why should a man have any apprehension about the change and dissolution of all the elements [himself]? for it is according to nature; and nothing is evil that is according to nature.’’ Marcus Hucellue antoninus. 57 The Physic of Antoninus is the knowledge of the Nature of the Universe, of its govern- ment, and of the relation of man’s nature to both. He names the universe (Jj tov oXuv ovaia, vi. i),* “the universal substance,’’ and he adds that ‘ ‘ reason ’ ’ (Myoc) governs the uni- verse. He also (vi. 9) uses the terms ‘ ‘ uni- versal nature ’ ’ or “ nature of the universe. ’ ’ He (vi. 25) calls the universe “ the one and all, which we name Cosmos or Order’’ {Kdojxog). If he ever seems to use these general terms as significant of the All, of all that man can in any way conceive to exist, he still on other oc- casions plainly distinguishes between Matter, * As to the word ovaia, the reader ma}' see the Index. I add here a few examples of the use of the word ; Antoninus has (v. 24), y avfnraaa ovaia, “the universal substance.” He says (xii. 30 and iv. 40), “there is one common substance” {ovaia), distributed among countless bodies. In Stobaeus (tom. i. lib. i, tit. 14) there is this definition, ovaiav Si erception of the order of the universe. Like Socrates (Xen. Mem., iv. 3, 13, etc.) he says that though we cannot see the forms of divine powers, we know that they exist because we see their works. ^arcu0 Hurelius Hntonlnu0. 69 “To those who ask, Where hast thou seen the gods, or how dost thou comprehend that they exist and so worshipest them ? I answer, in the first place, that they may be seen even with the eyes; in the second place, neither have I seen my own soul, and yet I honor it. Thus then with respect to the gods, from what I constantly experience of their power, from this I comprehend that they exist, and I ven- erate them.” (xii. 28, and the note. Comp. Aristotle de Mundo, c. 6; Xen. Mem. i. 4, 9; Cicero, Tuscul. i. 28, 29; St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, i. 19, 20; and Montaigne’s Apol- ogy for Raimond de Sebonde, ii. c. 12.) This is a very old argument, which has always had great weight with most people, and has ap- peared sufficient. It does not acquire the least additional strength by being developed in a learned treatise. It is as intelligible in its simple enunciation as it can be made. If it is rejected, there is no arguing with him who re- jects it: and if it is worked out into innumer- able particulars, the value of the evidence runs the risk of being buried under a mass of words. Man being conscious that he is a spiritual power, or that he has such a power, in what- ever way he conceives that he has it — for I wish simply to state a fact — from this power which he has in himself, he is led, as Antoni- nus says, to believe that there is a greater power, which, as the old Stoics tell us, per- 70 IPbflosopbB. vades the whole universe as the intellect* (voi'c) pervades man. (Compare Epictetus’ Dis- courses, i. 14; and Voltaire a Mad^ Necker, vol. Ixvii., p. 278, ed. Lequien.) have always translated the word voi'c, “intelli- gence” or “intellect.” It appears to be the word used by the oldest Greek philosophers to express the notion of “ intelligence ” as opposed to the notion of “matter.” I have always translated the word ^6yoc by “reason,” and Aoywdf by the word “rational,” or perhaps sometimes “ reasonable,” as I have translated voepdg by the word “intellectual.” Every man who has thought and has read any philosophical writings knows the difficulty of finding words to express cer- tain notions, how imperfectly words express these notions, and how carelessly the words are often used. The various senses of the word Hdyof are enough to perplex any man. Our translators of the New Testa- ment (St. John, c. I.) have simply translated <5 loyoc b}' “the word,” as the Germans translated it by “das Wort;” but in their theological writings they some- times retain the original term Logos. The Germans have a term Vernunft, which seems to come nearest to our word Reason, or the necessary and absolute truths which we cannot conceive as being other than what they are. Such are what some people have called the laws of thought, the conceptions of space and of time, and axioms or first principles, which need no proof and cannot be proved or denied. Ac- cordingly the Germans can say, “ Gott ist die hochste Vernunft,” the Supreme Reason. The Germans have also a word Verstand, which seems to represent our word “understanding,” “ intelligence,” “ intellect,” not as a thing absolute which exists by itself, but as a thing connected with an individual being, as a man. Accordingl}- it is the capacity of receiving impressions /Hbarcus Burelius Bntoninus. 71 God exists then, but what do we know of his nature ? Antoninus says that the soul of manj.s an efdux from the divinity. We have bodies’ like animals, but we have reason, in- telligence, as the gods. Animals have life (ijjvxn), and what we call instincts or natural principles of action: but the rational animal man alone has a rational, intelligent soul {ijvxv loytKT], voepa). Autoniiius- insists on this (Vorstelluugen, (pavraniai), and forming from them distinct ideas (Begriffe), and perceiving differences. I do not think that these remarks will help the reader to the understanding of Antoninus, or his use of the words roi'f and Adyof. The emperor’s meaning must be got from his own words, and if it does not agree altogether with modern notions, it is not our business to force it into agreement, but simply to find out what his meaning is, if we can. Justinus (ad Diognetum, c. vii.) says that the om- nipotent, all-creating, and invisible God has fixed truth and the holy, incomprehensible Logos in men’s hearts ; and this Logos is the architect and creator of the Universe. In the first Apology (c. xxxii.), he says that the seed (urrippa) from God is the Logos, which dwells in those who believe in God. So it ap- pears that according to Jnstinus the Logos is only in such believers. In the second Apology (c. viii.) he speaks of the .seed of the Logos being implanted in all mankind ; but those who order their lives accord- ing to Logos, such as the Stoics, have only a portion of the Logos {Kara a-eppariKov Myov pepog), and have not the knowledge and contemplation of the entire Logos, which is Christ. Swedenborg’s remarks (An- gelic Wisdom, 240) are worth comparing with Justi- nus. The modern philosopher in substance agrees with the ancient ; but he is more precise. 72 ff>bllosopbg. continuallj^; God is iu man,* and so we must constantl}^ attend to the divinity within us, for it is onl3^ in this way that we can have any knowledge of the nature of God. The human soul is in a sense a portion of the divinity, and the soul alone has any communication with the Deity; for as he says (xii. 2): “With his intellectual part alone God touches the intelli- gence onljr which has flowed and been derived from himself into these bodies.’’ In fact he says that .which is hidden within a man is life, that is, the man himself. All the rest is vesture, covering, organs, instrument, which the living man, the realf man, uses for the *Conip. Ep. to the Corinthians, i. 3, 17, and James iv. 8, “ Drawuigh to God and he will draw nigh to you.” jThis is also Swedenborg’s doctrine of the soul. “ As to what concerns the soul, of which it is said that it shall live after death, it is nothing else but the man himself, who lives in the body, that is, the interior man, who by the body acts in the world and from whom the bod}' itself lives” (quoted by Clissold, p. 456 of “The Practical Nature of the Theological Writings of Emanuel Swedenborg, in a Letter to the Archbishop of Dublin (Whately),” second edition, 1859 ! 3, book which theologians might read with profit). This is an old doctrine of the soul, which has been often proclaimed, but never better expressed than by the “ Auctor de Mundo,” c. 6, quoted by Gataker in his “Antoninus,” p. 436. “The soul by which we live and have cities and houses is invisible, but it is seen by its works ; for the whole method of life has been devised by it and ordered, and by it is Jftarcus 2luceUu8 Bntonfnue, 73 purpose of his present existence. The air is universally diffused for him who is able to re- spire; and so for him who is willing to partake of it the intelligent power, which holds within it all things, is diffused as wide and free as the air (viii. 54). It is by living a divine life that man approaches to a knowledge of the divin- ity.^ It is by following the divinity within, beld together. In like manner we must think also about the Deity, who in power is most mighty, in beauty most comely, in life immortal, and in virtue supreme : wherefpre though he is invisible to human nature, he is seen by his very works.” Other pas- sages to the same purpose are quoted by Gataker (p. 382). Bishop Butler has the same as to the soul : “Upon the whole, then, our organs of sense and our limbs are certainly instruments, which the living persons, ourselves, make use of to perceive and move with.” If this is not plain enough, he also says: “It follows that our organized bodies are no more our- selves, or part of ourselves, than any other matter around us.” (Compare Anton, s. 38). *The reader may consult Discourse V., “ Of the ex- istence and nature of God,” in John Smith’s “Select Discourses.” He has prefixed as a text to this Dis- course, the striking passage of Agapetus, Paraenes. § 3: “He who knows himself will know God ; and he who knows God will be made like to God ; and he will be made like to God, who has become worthy God; and he becomes worthy of God, who does noth- ing unworthy of God, but thinks the things that are Bis, and speaks what he thinks, and does what he speaks.” I suppose that the old sa}dng, “ Know thy- self,” which is attributed to Socrates and others, had a larger meaning than the narrow sense which is gen- 74 f>bil06opbT3. 6 atiiuv or ^£0f, as Antoninus calls it, that man comes nearest to the Deity, the supreme good; for man can never attain to perfect agreement with his internal guide (to yye/xoiHKdv) . “Live with the gods. And he does live with the gods who constantly shows to them that his own soul is satisfied with that which is assigned to him, and that it does all the daemon (Mfiuv) wishes, which Zeus hath given to every man for his guardian and guide, a portion of him- self And this daemon is every man’s under- standing and reason ’’ (v. 27). There is in man, that is in the reason, the intelligence, a superior faculty which if it is- exercised rules all the rest. This is the ruling faculty (to ’^yejj.ovmdv') , which Cicero (De Natura Deorum, ii. ii) renders by the Latin word Principatus, “ to which nothing can or ought to be superior.’’ Antoninus often uses this term and others which are equivalent. He names it (vii. 64) “the governing intelli- gence. ’ ’ The governing faculty is the master of the soul (v. 26). A man must reverence only his ruling faculty and the divinity within him. As we must reverence that which is supreme in the universe, so we must reverence that which is supreme in ourselves; and this is that which is of like kind with that which is supreme in the universe (v. 21). So, as erally given to it. (Agapetus, eel. Stephan. Schon- ing, Franeker, 1608. This volume contains also the Paraeneses of iSfilus.) Marcus Burelius Bntoninus. 75 Plotinus says, the soul of man can only know the divine so far as it knows itself. In one passage (xi. 19) Antoninus speaks of a man’s condemnation of himself when the diviner part within him has been overpowered and yields to the less honorable and to the perishable part, the body, and its gross pleasures. In a word, the views of Antoninus on this matter, however his expressions may vary, are ex- actly what Bishop Butler expresses when he speaks of ‘ ‘ the natural supremacy of reflection or conscience,” of the faculty ‘‘ which surve}-s, approves, or disapproves the several affections of our mind and actions of our lives. ’ ’ Much matter might be collected from Anto- ninus on the notion of the Universe being one animated Being. But all that he says amounts to no more, as Schultz remarks, than this : the soul of man is most intimately united to his body, and together they make one animal, which we call man ; so the Deity is most inti- mately united to the world, or the material universe, and together they form one whole. But Antoninus did not view God and the ma- terial universe as the same, any more than he viewed the body and soul of man as one. An- toninus has no speculations on the absolute nature of the Deity. It was not his fashion to waste his time on what man cannot under- stand.* He was satisfled that God exists, that * “God, who is infinitely be}-ond the reach of our 76 IPbilosopb^. he governs all things, that man can only have an imperfect knowledge of his nature, and he must attain this imperfect knowledge by rever- encing the divinity which is within him, and keeping it pure. From all that has been said, it follows that the universe is administered by the Providence of God (■n-povota), and that all things are wisely ordered. There are passages in which Anto- ninus expresses doubts, or states different pos- sible theories of the constitution and govern- ment of the universe ; but he always recurs to his fundamental principle, that if we admit the existence of a deity, we must also admit that he orders all things wisely and well (iv. 27; vi. I ; ix. 28; xii. 5; and many other passages). Epictetus says (i. 6) that we can discern the providence which rules the world, if we possess two things, — the power of seeing all that hap- pens with respect to each thing, and a grateful disposition. But if all things are wisely ordered, how is the world so full of what we call evil, physical and moral? If instead of saying that there is evil in the world, we use the expression which I have used, “what we call evil,’’ we have partly anticipated the emperor’s answer. We see and feel and know imperfectly very few things in the few years that we live, and all the knowledge and all the experience of all the hu- uarrow capacities” (Locke, Essay concerning the Human Understanding, ii. chap. 17). flRatcus aurellue antonfnus. 77 man race is positive ignorance of the whole, which is infinite. Now, as our reason teaches us that everything is in some way related to and connected wdth every other thing, all notion of evil as being in the universe of things is a contradiction ; for if the whole comes from and is governed by an intelligent being, it is impossible to conceive anything in it which tends to the evil or destruction of the whole (viii. 55 ; x. 6). Everything is in constant mutation, and yet the whole subsists; we might imagine the solar system resolved into its elemental parts, and yet the whole would still subsist “ever young and perfect.’’ All things, all forms, are dissolved, and new forms appear. All living things undergo the change which we call death. If we call death an evil, then all change is an evil. Living be- ings also suffer pain, and man suffers most of all, for he suffers both in and by his body and by his intelligent part. Men suffer also from one another, and perhaps the largest part of human suffering comes to man from those whom he calls his brothers. Antoninus says (viii. 55), “Generally, wickedness does no harm at all to the universe; and particularly, the wickedness [of one man] does no harm to another. It is only harmful to him who has it in his power to be released from it as soon as he shall choose.’’ The first part of this is per- fectly consistent with the doctrine that the whole can sustain no evil or harm. The sec- 78 pbiloBopbig. ond part must be explained by the Stoic prin- ciple that there is no evil in anything which is not in our power. What wrong we suffer from another is his evil, not ours. But this is an admission that there is evil in a sort, for he who does wrong does evil, and if others can endure the wrong, still there is evil in the wrong-doer. Antoninus (xi. i8) gives many excellent precepts with respect to wrongs and injuries, and his precepts are practical. He teaches us to bear w'hat we cannot avoid, and his lessons may be just as useful to him who denies the being and the government of God as to him who believes in both. There is no direct answer in Antoninus to the objections which may be made to the existence and provi- dence of God because of the moral disorder and suffering which are in the world, except this answer which he makes in reply to the suppo- sition that even the best men may be extin- guished by death. He says if it is so, we may be sure that if it ought to have been otherwise, the gods would have ordered it otherwise (xii. 5). His conviction of the wisdom which we may observe in the government of the world is too strong to be disturbed by any apparent ir- regularities in the order of things. That these disorders exist is a fact, and those who would conclude from them against the being and gov- ernment of God conclude too hastily. We all admit that there is an order in the material world, a Nature, in the sense in which that word /iBarcits Bureliua Bntonmua. 79 has been explained, a constitution {KaramEwf)^ what we call a system, a relation of parts to one another and a fitness of the whole for some- thing. So in the constitution of plants and of animals there is an order, a fitness for some end. Sometimes the order, as we conceive it, is in- terrupted, and the end, as we conceive it, is not attained. The seed, the plant, or the animal sometimes perishes before it has passed through all its changes and done all its uses. It is ac- cording to Nature, that is a fixed order, for some to perish early and for others to do all their uses and leave successors to take their place. So man has a corporeal and intellectual and moral constitution fit for certain uses, and on the whole man performs these uses, dies, and leaves other men in his place. So society exists, and a social state is manifestly the natural state of man— the state for which his uature fits him, and society amidst innumer- able irregularities and disorders still subsists; and perhaps we may say that the history of the past and our present knowledge give us a rea- sonable hope that its disorders will diminish, and that order, its governing principle, may be more firmly established. As order then, a fixed order, we may say, subject to deviations real or apparent, must be admitted to exist in the whole nature of things, that which we call dis- order or evil, as it seems to us, does not in any way alter the fact of the general constitution of things having a nature or fixed order. No- 8o lPbilo6opbs. body will conclude from the existence of disor- der that order is not the rule, for the existence of order both physical and moral is proved by daily experience and all past experience. We cannot conceive how the order of the universe is maintained: we cannot even conceive how our own life from day to day is continued, nor how we perform the simplest movements of the body, nor how we grow and think and act, though we know many of the conditions which are necessary for all these functions. Know- ing nothing then of the unseen power which acts in ourselves except by what is done, we know nothing of the power which acts through what we call all time and all space; but seeing that there is a nature or fixed order in all things known to us, it is conformable to the nature of our minds to believe that this universal Nature has a cause which operates continually, and that we are totally unable to speculate on the reason of any of those disorders or evils which we perceive. This I believe is the answer which may be collected from all that Antoni- nus has said.* The origin of evil is an old question. Achil- * Cleanthes says in his Hymn : — “ For all things good and bad to One thou formest, So that One everlasting reason governs all.” See Bishop Butler’s Sermons. Sermon XV., “ Upoit the Ignorance of Man.” /IC>arcu6 Burclius Bntonfnue. 8i les tells Priam (Iliad, 24, 527) that Zeus has two casks, one filled with good things, and the other with bad, and that he gives to men out of each according to his pleasure; and so w^e must be content, for we cannot alter the will of Zeus. One of the Greek commentators asks how must we reconcile this doctrine with what we find in the first book of the Odyssey, where the king of the gods says. Men say that evil comes to them from us, but they bring it on themselves through their own folly. The an- swer is plain enough even to the Greek com- mentator. The poets make both Achilles and Zeus speak appropriately to their several char- acters. Indeed, Zeus says plainly that men do attribute their sufferings to their gods, but they do it falsely, for they are the cause of their own sorrows. Epictetus in his Enchiridion (c. 27) makes short work of the question of evil. He says, “As a mark is not set up for the purpose of missing it, so neither does the nature of evil ex- ist in the universe.’’ This will appear obscure enough to those who are not acquainted with Epictetus, but he always knows what he is talking about. We do not set up a mark in order to miss it, though we may miss it. God, whose existence Epictetus assumes, has not ordered all things so that his purpose shall fail. Whatever there may be of what we call evil, the nature of evil, as he expresses it, does not exist,; that is, evil is not a part of the constitu- 6 82 IPbilosopbg. tiou or nature of things. If there were a prin- ciple of evil (apAv) in the constitution of things, evil would no longer be evil, as Simplicius argues, but evil would be good. Simplicius (c. 34, [27]) has a long and curious discourse on this text of Epictetus, and it is amusing and instructive. One passage more will conclude this matter. It contains all that the emperor could say (ii. ii): “To go from among men, if there are gods, is not a thing to be afraid of, for the gods will not involve thee in evil; but if indeed they do not exist, or if they have no concern about human affairs, what is it to me to live in a uni- verse devoid of gods or devoid of providence ? But in truth they do exist, and they do care for human things, and they have put all the means in man’s power to enable him not to fall into real evils. And as to the rest, if there was any- thing evil, they would have provided for this also, that it should be altogether in a man’s power not to fall into it. But that which does not make a man worse, how can it make a man’s life worse? But neither through igno- rance, nor having the knowledge but not the power to guard against or correct these things, is it possible that the nature of the universe has overlooked them; nor is it possible that it has made so great a mistake, either through want of power or want of .skill, that good and evil should happen indiscriminately to the good and the bad. But death certainly and life, /Ibarcus 2lureI(U5 Bntonfnus. 83 honor and dishonor, pain and pleasure, all these things equally happen to good and bad men, being things which make us neither better nor worse. Therefore they are neither good nor evil.” The Ethical part of Antoninus’ Philosophy follows from his general principles. The end of all his philosophy is to live conformably to Nature, both a man’s own nature and the nature of the universe. Bishop Butler has explained what the Greek philosophers meant when they spoke of living according to Nature, aud he says that when it is explained, as he has explained it and as they understood it, it is ‘ ‘ a manner of speaking not loose and undeterminate, but clear and distinct, strictly just and true.” To live according to Nature is to live according to a man’s whole nature, not according to a part of it, and to reverence the divinity within him as the governor of all his actions. ‘ ‘ To the rational animal the same act is according to nature and according to reason”^ (vii. ii). That which is done contrarj^ to reason is also an act contrary to nature, to the whole nature, though it is certainly confonnable to some part of man’s nature, or it could not be done. Man is made for action, not for idleness or pleasure. As plants and animals do the uses of their nature, so man must do his (v. i). * This is what Juveual means when he says (xiv. 321) — “Nunquam aliud Natura aliud Sapieutia dicit.” 84 IPbilosopbg. Man must also live conformably to the uni- versal nature, conformably to the nature of all things of which he is one; and as a citizen of a political community he must direct his life and actions with reference to those among whom, among other purposes, he lives.* A man must not retire into solitude and cut himself off from his fellow-men. He must be ever active to do his part in the great whole. All men are his kin, not only in blood, but still more by par- ticipating in the same intelligence and by be- ing a portion of the same divinity. A man cannot really be injured by his brethren, for no act of theirs can make him bad, and he must not be angry with them nor hate them: “For we are made for co-operation, like feet, like hands, like eyelids, like the rows of the upper and lower teeth. To act against one another then is contrary to nature; and it is acting against one another to be vexed and to turn away” (ii. i). Further he says: “Take pleasure in one thing and rest in it in passing from one social act to another social act,, thinking of God” (vi. 7). Again: “Tove mankind. Follow God” (vii. 31). It is the characteristic of the rational soul for a man to love his neighbor (xi. i). Antoninus teaches in various passages the forgiveness of injuries, and we know that he also practised what he taught. Bishop *See viii. 52; and Persius iii. 66 ^ibatcus :aureliu6 IHntontnus. 85 Butler remarks that “this divine precept to forgive injuries and to love our enemies, though to be met with in Gentile moralists, yet is in a peculiar sense a precept of Christianity, as our Saviour has insisted more upon it than on any other single virtue. ’ ’ The practice of this pre- cept is the most difficult of all virtues. Anto- ninus often enforces it and gives us aid towards following it. When we are injured, we feel anger and resentment, and the feeling is nat- ural, just, and useful for the conservation of society. It is useful that wrong-doers should feel the natural consequences of their actions, among which is the disapprobation of society and the resentment of him who is wronged. But revenge, in the proper sense of that word, must not be practised. “The best way of avenging thyself,” says the emperor, “is not to become like the wrong-doer. ’ ’ It is plain by this that he does not mean that we should in any case practise revenge; but he says to those who talk of revenging wrongs. Be not like him who has done the wrong. Socrates in the Crito (c. 10) says the same in other words, and St. Paul (Ep. to the Romans, xii. 17). “When a man has done thee any wrong, immediatel}^ consider with what opinion about good or evil he has done wrong. For when thou hast seen this, thou wilt pity him and wilt neither won- der nor be angry ’ ’ (vii. 26). Antoninus would not deny that wrong naturally produces the feeling of anger and resentment, for this is im- 86 IPbUoeopb^. plied in the recommendation to reflect on the nature of the man’s mind who has done the wrong, and then 3mu will have pit}^ instead of resentment; and so it comes to the same as St. Paul’s advice to be angry and sin not; which, as Butler well explains it, is not a recommen- dation to be angry, which nobody needs, for anger is a natural passion, but it is a warning against allowing anger to lead us into sin. In short the emperor’s doctrine about wrongful acts is this; wrong-doers do not know what good and bad are: the>' offend out of ignorance, and in the sense of the Stoics this is true. Though this kind of ignorance will never be admitted as a legal excuse, and ought not to be admitted as a full excuse in any way by society, there may be grievous injuries, such as it is in a man’s power to forgive without harm to society; and if he forgives because he sees that his enemies know not what they do, he is acting in the spirit of the sublime pra5?er, ‘‘Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.” The emperor’s moral philosophy was not a feeble, harrow system, which teaches a man to look directly to his own happiness, though a man’s happiness or tranquillity is indirectly promoted by living as he ought to do. A man must live conformably to the universal nature, which means, as the emperor explains it in many passages, that a man’s actions must be conformable to his true relations to all other Marcus aucellus Sntonlnus. 87 - human beings, both as a citizen of a political community and as a member of the whole human family. This implies, and he often ex- presses it in the most forcible language, that a man’s words and actions, so far as thej" affect others, must be measured by a fixed rule, which is their consistency with the conserva- tion and the interests of the particular society of which he is a member, and of the whole human race. To live conformably to such a rule, a man must use his rational faculties in order to discern clearly the consequences and full effect of all his actions and of the actions of others: he must not live a life of contempla- tion and reflection only, though he must often retire within himself to calm and purify his soul by thought,* but he must mingle in the work of man and be a fellow laborer for the general good. A man should have an object or purpose in life, that he may direct all his energies to it ; of course a good object (ii. 7). He who has not one object or purpose of life, cannot be one and the same all through his life (xi. 21). Bacon has a remark to the same effect, on the best means of ‘ ‘ reducing of the mind unto virtue and good estate ; which is, the electing and propounding unto a man’s self good and virtu- ous ends of his life, such as may be in a reas- onable sort within his compass to attain. ’ ’ He *Utnemo iu sese tentatdescendere, nemo. — Persius, iv-. 21. •88 IPbilosopbs. is a happy man who has been wise enough to do this when he was 3"oung and has had the op- portunities; but the emperor seeing well that a man cannot always be so wise in his 3'outh, encourages himself to do it when he can, and not to let life slip away before he has begun. He who can propose to himself good and virtu- ous ends of life, and be true to them, cannot fail to live conformably to his own interest and the universal interest, for in the nature of things they are one. If a thing is not good for the hive, it is not good for the bee (vi. 54). One passage may end this matter. “ If the gods have determined about me and about the things which must happen to me, they have determined well, for it is not easy even to imagine a deity without forethought; and as to doing me harm, why should they have any desire towards that ? For what advantage would result to them from this or to the whole, which is the special object of their providence ? But if they have not determined about me in- dividually, they have certainlj^ determined about the whole at least; and the things which happen b}^ way of sequence in this general ar- rangement I ought to accept Avith pleasure and to be content wdth them. But if they deter- mine about nothing — which it is wicked to be- lie\"e, or if we do belie\"e it, let us neither sac- rifice nor pra}^ nor swear bj" them, nor do anything else which we do as if the gods were present and Ih^ed with us; but if howe\'er the Marcus ZlureUue Hntoninue. 89 gods determine about none of the things which concern us, I am able to determine about my- self, and I can inquire about that which is useful; and that is useful to every man which is conformable to his own constitution (KaraaKev^) and nature. But my nature is rational and social; and my city and country, so far as I am Antoninus, is Rome; but so far as I am a man, it is the world. The things then which are useful to these cities are alone useful to me’ ’ ' thing is necessary, the observation of what a man is doing ; for, it may be said, it is characteristic of the .social animal to perceive that he is working in a social manner, and indeed to wish that his social partner also shonld perceive it. — It is true that thou sayest, but thou dost not rightly understand what is now said : and for this reason thou wilt become one of those of whom I spoke before, for even they are misled b}" a certain show of reason. But if thou wilt choose to understand the meaning of what is said, do not fear that for this reason thou wilt omit any social act. 7. A prayer of the Athenians: Rain, rain, O dear Zeus, down on the ploughed fields of the Athenians and on the plains. — In truth we ought not to pray at all, or we ought to pray in this simple and noble fashion. i6o JCboufibts. [fiook V. 8. Just as we must understand when it is said, That Aesculapius prescribed to this man horse-exercise, or bathing in cold water, or go- ing without shoes, so we must understand it when it is said. That the nature of the universe prescribed to this man disease, or mutilation, or loss, or anything else of the kind. For in the first case Prescribed means something like this: he prescribed this for this man as a thing adapted to procure health; and in the second case it means. That which happens * to [or suits] every man is fixed in a manner for him suitably to his destiny. For this is what we mean when we say that things are suitable to us, as the workmen say of squared stones in walls or the pyramids, that they are suitable, when they fit them to one another in some kind of connection. For there is altogether one fit- ness [harmony]. And as the universe is made up out of all bodies to be such a body as it is, so out of all existing causes necessity [destiny] is made up to be such a cause as it is. And even those who are completely ignorant under- stand what I mean; for they say. It [necessity, destiny] brought this to such a person. — This then was brought and this was prescribed to him. I,et us then receive these things, as well as those which Aesculapius prescribes. Many as a matter of course even among his prescrip- tions are disagreeable, but we accept them in * In this section there is a play on the meaning of cvuQa'iveiv. Book Y.] Marcus Surelfus antoninu6. i6i the hope of health. Let the perfecting and accomplishment of the things which the com- mon nature judges to be good, be judged by thee to be of the same kind as thy health. And so accept everything which happens, even if it seem disagreeable, because it leads to this, to the health of the universe and to the pros- perity and felicity of Zeus [the universe]. For he would not have brought on any man what he has brought, if it were not useful for the whole. Neither does the nature of anything, whatever it may be, cause anything which is not suitable to that which is directed by it. For two reasons then it is right to be content with that which happens to thee; the one, be- cause it was done for thee and prescribed for thee, and in a manner had reference to thee, originally from the most ancient causes spun with thy destiny; and the other, because even, that which comes severally to ever}^ man is to the power which administers the universe a cause of felicity and perfection, nay even of its very continuance. For the integrity of the whole is mutilated, if thou cuttest off anything whatever from the conjunction and the contin- uity either of the parts or of the causes. And thou dost cut off, as far as it is in thy power, when thou art dissatisfied, and in a manner triest to put anything out of the way. 9. Be not disgusted, nor discouraged, nor dissatisfied, if thou dost not succeed in doing everything according to right principles, but II i 62 ^Cbougbts. [Book V. when thou hast failed, return back again, and be content if the greater part of what thou doest is consistent with man’s nature, and love this to which thou returnest; and do not return to philosophy as if she were a master, but act like those who have sore eyes and apply a bit of sponge and egg, or as another applies a plaster, or drenching with water. For thus thou wilt not fail to + obey reason, and thou wilt repose in it. And remember that philos- ophy requires only things which thy nature re- quires; but thou wouldst have something else which is not according to nature. — It may be objected. Why, what is more agreeable than this [which I am doing]? But is not this the very reason why pleasure deceives us ? And consider if magnanimity, freedom, simplicity, equanimity, piety, are not more agreeable. For what is more agreeable than wisdom itself, when thou thinkest of the security and the happy course of all things which depend on the faculty of understanding and knowledge ? lo. Things are in such a kind of envelop- ment that they have seemed to philosophers, not a few nor those common philosophers, alto- gether unintelligible; nay even to the Stoics themselves they seem difficult to understand. And all our assent is changeable; for where is the man who never changes? Carry thy thoughts then to the objects themselves, and consider how short-lived they are and worth- less, and that they may be in the possession of BookV.] Marcus aurellue Jlntomnus. 163 a filthy wretch or a whore or a robber. Then turn to the morals of those who live with thee, and it is hardly possible to endure even the most agreeable of them, to say nothing of a man being hardly able to endure himself In such darkness then and dirt, and in so constant a flux both of substance and of time, and of motion and of things moved, what there is worth being highly prized, or even an object of serious pursuit, I cannot imagine. But on the contrary it is a man’s duty to comfort him- self, and to wait for the natural dissolution, and not to be vexed at the delay, but to rest in these principles only: the one, that nothing will happen to me which is not conformable to the nature of the universe; and the other, that it is in my power never to act contrary to my god and daemon: for there is no man who will compel me to this. 11. About what am I now employing my own soul ? On every occasion I must ask my- self this question, and inquire. What have I now in this part of me which they call the rul- ing principle? and whose soul have I now, — that of a child, or of a young man, or of a feeble woman, or of a tyrant, or of a domestic animal, or of a wild beast? 12. What kind of things those are which ap- pear good to the many, we may learn even from this. For if any man should conceive certain things as being really good, such as prudence, temperance, justice, fortitude, he 164 u:bougbts. [Book Y. would not after having first conceived these endure to listen to anythingd- which should not be in harmony with what is really good.+ But if a man has first conceived as good the things which appear to the many to be good, he will listen and readily receive as very appli- cable that which was said by the comic writer. +TI1US even the many perceive the difference. -h For were it not so, this saying would not offend and would not be rejected [in the first case], while we receive it when it is said of wealth, and of the means which further luxury and fame, as said fitly and wittily. Go on then and ask if we should value and think those things to be good, to which after their first conception in the mind the words of the comic writer might be aptly applied, — that he who has them, through pure abundance has not a place to ease himself in. 13. I am composed of the formal and the material ; and neither of them will perish into non-existence, as neither of them came into ex- istence out of non-existence. Every part of me then will be reduced by change into some part of the universe, and that again will change into another part of the universe, and so 0!i for- ever. And by consequence of such a change I too exist, and those who begot me, and so on forever in the other direction. For nothing hinders us from saying so, even if the universe is administered according to definite periods [of revolution]. BookV.] fliiarcus BureUus Bntoninus. 165 14. Reason and the reasoning art [philoso- phy] are powers which are sufficient for them- selves and for their own works. They move then from a first principle which is their own, and they make their way to the end which is proposed to them ; and this is the reason why such acts are named Catorthoseis or right acts, w'hich word signifies that they proceed by the right road. 15. None of these things ought to be called a man’s, which do not belong to a man, as man. They are not required of a man, nor does man’s nature promise them, nor are they the means of man’s nature attaining its end. Neither then does the end of man lie in these things, nor yet that which aids to the accom- plishment of this end, and that which aids to- ward this end is that which is good. Besides, if any of these things did belong to man, it would not be right for a man to despise them and to set himself against them ; nor would a man be worthy of praise who showed that he did not want these things, nor would he who stinted himself in any of them be good, if in- deed these things were good. But now the more of these things a man deprives himself of, or of other things like them, or even when he is deprived of any of them, the more patiently he endures the loss, just in the same degree he is a better man. 16. Such as are thy habitual thoughts, such also will be the character of thy mind; for the ^Tbougbts. [Book V. 1 66 soul is dyed by the thoughts. Dye it then with a continuous series of such thoughts as these: for instance, that where a man can live, there he can also live well. But he must live in a palace; well then, he can also live well in a palace. And again, consider that for what- ever purpose each thing has been constituted, for this it has been constituted, and towards this it is carried ; and its end is in that towards which it is carried; and where the end is, there also is the advantage and the good of each thing. Now the good for the reasonable ani- mal is society ; for that we are made for society has been shown above.* Is it not plain that the inferior exists for the sake of the superior ? But the things which have life are superior to those which have not life, and of those which have life the superior are those which have reason. 17. To seek what is impossible is madness: and it is impossible that the bad should not do something of this kind. 18. Nothing happens to any man which he is not formed by nature to bear. The same things happen to another, and either because he does not see that they have happened, or because he would show a great spirit, he is firm and remains unharmed. It is a shame then that ignorance and conceit should be stronger than wisdom. 19. Things themselves touch not the soul, *ii. I. Book?.] Marcus Burelius Bntoninus. 167 not in the least degree; nor have they ad- mission to the soul, nor can they turn or move the soul; but the soul turns and moves itself alone, and whatever judgments it maj' think proper to make, such it makes for itself the things which present themselves to it. 20. In one respect man is the nearest thing to me, so far as I must do good to men and en- dure them. But so far as some men -make themselves obstacles to my proper acts, man becomes to me one of the things which are in- different, 110 less than the sun or wind or a wild beast. Now it is true that these may impede my action, but they are no impediments to my affects and disposition, which have the power of acting conditionally and changing: for the mind converts and changes every hindrance to its activity into an aid; and so that which is a hindrance is made a furtherance to an act; and that which is an obstacle on the road helps us on this road. 21. Reverence that which is best in the uni- verse; and this is that which makes use of all things and directs all things. i\.nd in like manner also reverence that which is best in thyself; and this is of the same kind as that. For in thyself also, that which makes use of everything else is this, and thj^ life is directed by this. 22. That which does no harm to the state, does no harm to the citizen. In the case of every appearance of harm apply this rule: if i68 ^Tbougbts. [Book Y. the state is not harmed by this, neither am I harmed. But if the state is harmed, thou must not be angry with him who does harm to the state. Show him where his error is. 23. Often think of the rapidity with which things pass by and disappear, both the things which are and the things which are produced. For substance is like a river in a continual flow, and the activities of things are in con- stant change, and the causes work in infinite varieties; and there is hardly anything which stands still. And consider this which is near to thee, this boundless abyss of the past and of the future in which all things disappear. How then is he not a fool who is puffed up with such things or plagued about them and makes himself miserable? for they vex him only for a time, and a short time. 24. Think of the universal substance, of which thou hast a very small portion; and of universal time, of which a short and indivis- ible interval has been assigned to thee; and of that which is fixed by destiny, and how small a part of it thou art. 25. Does another do me wrong? Let him look to it. He has his own disposition, his own activity- I now have what the universal nature now wills tne to have; and I do what my nature now wills me to do. 26. Let the part of thy soul which leads and governs be undisturbed by the movements in the flesh, whether of pleasure or of pain; and Book¥.] Marcus Hurelius Bntontnue. 169 let it not unite with them, but let it circum- scribe itself and limit those affects to their parts. But w’hen these affects rise up to the mind by virtue of that other sympathy that naturally exists in a body which is all one, then thou must not strive to resist the sensa- tion, for it is natural: but let not the ruling part of itself add to the sensation the opinion that it is either good or bad. 27. Live with the gods. And he does live with the gods who constantly shows to them that his own soul is satisfied with that which is assigned to him, and that it does all that the daemon washes, which Zeus hath given to every" man for his guardian and guide, a portion of himself And this is every" man’s under- standing and reason. 28. Art thou angry with him whose armpits stink ? art thou angry with him whose mouth smells foul? What good w'ill this anger do thee? He has such a mouth, he has such arm- pits: it is necessary, that such an emanation must come from such things: but the man has reason, it w"ili be said, and he is able, if he takes pains, to discover wherein he offends; I wish thee well of thy discovery. Well then, and thou hast reason: by thy rational faculty stir up his rational faculty; show him his error, admonish him. For if he listens, thou wilt cure him, and there is no need of anger. [+ Neither tragic actor nor whore. +]* *This is imperfect or corrupt, or both. There is XTbouabte. [Book T. 170 29. As thou intendest to live when thou art gone out, . . . so it is in thy power to live here. But if men do not permit thee, then get away out of life, yet so as if thou wert suffering no harm. The house is smoky, and I quit it.* Why dost thou think that this is any trouble ? But so long as nothing of the kind drives me out, I remain, am free, and no man shall hin- der me from doing what I choose; and I choose to do what is according to the nature of the rational and social animal. 30. The intelligence of the universe is social. Accordingly it has made the inferior things for the sake of the superior, and it has fitted the superior to one another. Thou seest how it has subordinated, co-ordinated, and assigned to everything its proper portion, and has brought together into concord with one another the things which are the best. 31. How hast thou behaved hitherto to the gods, thy parents, brethren, children, teachers, to those who looked after thy infancy, to thy friends, kinsfolk, to thy slaves? Consider if thou hast hitherto behaved to all in such a way that this may be said of thee, — “Never has wronged a man in deed or word.” also something wrong or incomplete in the beginning of S. 29, where he says ojc i^eWuv Siavo^, which Gataker translates “as if thou wast about to quit life;” but we cannot translate l^eWuv in that way. Other translations are not much more satisfactory. I have translated it literally and left it imperfect. * Epictetus, i. 25, 18. Book¥.] /Hbarcu6 Burelius Bntonfnus. And call to recollection both how many things thou hast passed through, and how many things thou hast been able to endure, and that the history of thy life is now complete and th}^ service is ended; and how many beautiful things thou hast seen; and how many pleasures and pains thou hast despised; and how many things called honorable thou hast spurned; and to how many ill-minded folks thou hast shown a kind disposition. 32. Why do unskilled and ignorant souls disturb him who has skill and knowledge? What soul then has skill and knowledge? That which knows beginning and end, and knows the reason which pervades all substance, and though all time by fixed periods [revolu- tions] administers the universe. 33. Soon, verj" soon, thou wilt be ashes, or a skeleton, and either a name or not even a name ; but name is sound and echo. And the things which are much valued in life are empty and rotten and trifling, and [like] little dogs biting one another, and little children quarrel- ing, laughing, and then straightway weeping. But fidelity and modest}^ and justice and truth are fled Up to Olympus from the wide-spread earth. Hesiod, Works, etc. v. 197. What then is there which still detains thee here, if the objects of sense are easil}^ changed and never stand still, and the organs of per- 172 ITbougbte. [Book V. ception are dull and easily receive false im- pressions, and the poor soul itself is an exha- lation from blood ? But to have good repute amid such a world as this is an empty thing. Why then dost thou not wait in tranquillity for thy end, whether it is extinction or removal to another state? And until that time comes, what is sufficient? Why, what else than to venerate the gods and bless them, and to do good to men, and to practise tolerance and self-restraint ; * but as to everjdhing which is beyond the limits of the poor flesh and breath, to remember that this is neither thine nor in thy power. 34. Thou canst pass thy life in an equable flow of happiness, if thou canst go by the right way, and think and act in the right way. These two things are common both to the soul of God and to the soul of man, and to the soul of every rational being : not to be hindered by another ; and to hold good to consist in the disposition to justice and the practice of it, and in this to let thy desire find its termina- tion. 35. If this is neither my own badness, nor an effect of my own badness, and the common weal is not injured, why am I troubled about it, and what is the harm to the common weal? *This is the Stoic precept avizoy koI aT^exov. The first part teaches us to be content with men and things as they are. The second part teaches us the virtue of self restraint, or the govermnent of our passions. Book V.] /iBarcuB Hutelius Antoninus. 173 36. Do not be carried along inconsiderately by the appearance of things, but give help [to all] according to thy ability and their fitness ; and if they should have sustained loss in mat- ters which are indifferent, do not imagine this to be a damage ; for it is a bad habit. But as the old man, when he w'ent away, asked back his foster-child’s top, remembering that it was a top, so do thou in this case also. When thou art calling out on the Rostra, hast thou forgotten, man, what these things are? — Yes; but they are objects of great con- cern to these people — wilt thou too then be made a fool for these things? I was once a fortunate man, but I lost it, I know not how. — But fortunate means that a man has assigned to himself a good fortune : and a good fortune is good disposition of the soul, good emotions, good actions.* *This section is unintelligible. Many of the words may be corrupt, and the general purport of the section cannot be discovered. Perhaps several things have been improperly joined in one section. I have trans- lated it nearly literally. Different translators give the section a different turn, and the critics have tried to mend what they cannot understand. 174 ?Tbougbt0. [Book 71. VI. T he substance of the universe is obedient and compliant; and the reason which governs it has in itself no cause for doing evil, for it has no malice, nor does it do evil to any- thing, nor is anything harmed b5^ it. But all things are made and perfected according to this reason. 2. Let it make no difference to thee whether thou art cold or warm, if thou art doing thy duty; and whether thou art drowsy or satis- fied with sleep; and whether ill-spoken of or praised; and whether dying or doing some- thing else. For it is one of the acts of life, this act by which we die; it is sufficient then in this act also to do well what we have in hand (vi. 22, 28). 3. Look within. Let neither the peculiar quality of anything nor its value escape thee. 4. All existing things soon change, and they will either be reduced to vapor, if indeed all substance is one, or they will be dispersed. 5. The reason which governs knows what its own disposition is, and what it does, and on what material it works. 6. The best way of avenging thyself is not to become like [the wrong-doer]. Book¥L] Marcus Burelius Bntoninus. 175 7. Take pleasure in one thing and rest in it, in passing from one social act to another social act, thinking of God. 8. The ruling principle is that which rouses and turns itself, and while it makes itself such as it is and such as it wills to be, it also makes everything which happens appear to itself to be such as it wills. g. In conformity to the nature of the uni- verse ever}’ single thing is accomplished; for certainly it is not in conformity to any other nature that each thing is accomplished, either a nature which externally comprehends this, or a nature which is comprehended within this nature, or a nature external and independent of this (xi. i; vi. 40; viii. 50). 10. The universe is either a confusion, and a mutual involution of things, and a dispersion, or it is unity and order and providence. If then it is the former, why do I desire to tarry in a fortuitous combination of things and such a disorder ? and why do I care about anything else than how I shall at last become earth ? and why am I disturbed, for the dispersion of ni}' elements will happen whatever I do ? But if the other supposition is true, I venerate, and I am firm, and I trust in him who governs (iv. 27). 11. When thou hast been compelled b}" cir- cumstances to be disturbed in a manner, quickly return to th}’self, and do not continue out of tune longer than the compulsion lasts; 176 ^Tbougbts. [Book VI. for thou wilt have more mastery over the har- mony by continually recurring to it. 12. If thou hadst a step-mother and a mother at the same time, thou wouldst be dutiful to thy step-mother, but still thou wouldst con- stantly return to thy mother. Let the court and philosophy now be to thee step-mother and mother: return to philosophy frequently and repose in her, through whom what thou meet- est with in the court appears to thee tolerable, and thou appearest tolerable in the court. 13. When we have meat before us and such eatables, we receive the impression that this is the dead body of a fish, and this the dead body of a bird or of a pig; and again, that this Faler- nian is only a little grape-juice, and this purple robe some sheep’s wool dyed with the blood of a shell-fish: such then are these impressions, and they reach the things themselves and pene- trate them, and so we see what kind of things they are. Just in the same way ought we to act all through life, and where there are things which appear most worthy of our approbation, we ought to lay them bare and look at their worthlessness and strip them of all the words by which they are exalted. For outward show is a wonderful perverter of the reason, and when thou art most sure that thou art em- ployed about things worth thy pains, it is then that it cheats thee most. Consider then what Crates says of Xenocrates himself. 14. Most of the things which the multitude Book¥l.] Marcus Sutelius Antoninus. 177 admire are referred to objects of the most gen- eral kind, those which are held together by cohesion or natural organization, such as stones, wood, fig-trees, vines, olives. But those which are admired by men, who are a little more reasonable, are referred to the things which are held together by a living principle, as flocks, herds. Those which are admired by men who are still more instnicted are the things which are held together by a rational soul, not however a universal soul, but rational so far as it is a soul skilled in some art, or ex- pert in some other way, or simply rational so far as it possesses a number of slaves. But he who values a rational soul, a soul universal and fitted for political life, regards nothing else ex- cept this; and above all things he keeps his soul in a condition and in an activit3" conform- able to rea.son and social life, and he co-oper- ates to this end with those who are of the same kind as himself 15. Some things are hurrjdng into existence, and others are hurrying out of it; and of that which is coming into existence part is already extinguished. Motions and changes are con- tinually renewing the world, just as the unin- terrupted course of time is alwaj's renewing- the infinite duration of ages. In this flowing stream then, on which there is no abiding, what is there of the things which hurr\' by on which a man would set a high price ? It would be just as if a man should fall in love 12 178 ^Tbougbte. [Book ¥1. with one of the sparrows which fly by, but it has already passed out of sight. Something of this kind is the very life of every man, like the exhalation of the blood and the respiration of the air. For such as it is to have once drawn in the air and to have given it back, w'hich we do every moment, just the same is it with the whole respiratory power, which thou didst receive at thy birth yesterday and the day before, to give it back to the element from which thou didst first draw it. 1 6. Neither is transpiration, as in plants, a thing to be valued, nor respiration, as in domesticated animals and wild beasts, nor the receiving of impressions by the appearances of things, nor being moved by desires as puppets by strings, nor assembling in herds, nor being nourished by food ; for this is just like the act of separating and parting with the u.seless part of our food. What then is worth being valued ? To be received with clapping of hands? No. Neither must we value the clapping of tongues ; for the praise which comes from the many is a clapping of tongues. Suppose then that thou ha.st given up this worthless thing called fame, what remains that is worth valuing? This, in my opinion : to move thyself and to restrain thyself in confonnit}" to thy proper constitu- tion, to which end both all employments and arts lead. For every art aims at this, that the thing w'hich has been made should be adapted to the work for w^hich it has been made ; and Book Tl.] Marcus aurelius antoninus. both the vine-planter who looks after the vine, and the horse-breaker, and he who trains th« dog, seek this end. But the education and the teaching of youth aim at something. In thi? then is the value of the education and the teaching. And if this is well, thou wilt not .seek anything else. Wilt thou not cease te value many other things too? Then thou wilt be neither free, nor sufficient for thy own hap- piness, nor without passion. For of necessity thou must be envious, jealous, and suspicious of those who can take away those things, and plot against those who have that which is valued by thee. Of necessity a man must be altogether in a state of perturbation who wants any of these things ; and besides, he must often find fault with the gods. But to reverence and honor thy own mind will make thee con- tent with thyself, and in harmony with society, and in agreement with the gods, that is, prais- ing all that they give and have ordered. 17. Above, below, all around are the move- ments of the elements. But the motion of virtue is in none of these : it is something more divine, and advancing by a way hardly observed, it goes happily on its road. 18. How strangely men act ! They will not praise those who are living at the same time and living with themselves ; but to be them- selves praised by posterity, by those whom they have never seen nor ever will see, this they set much value on. But this is very much the i8o ZTbouflbtg. [Book VL same as if thou shouldst be grieved because those who have lived before thee did not praise thee. 19. If a thing is difficult to be accomplished by thyself, do not think that it is impossible for man : but if anything is possible for man and conformable to his nature, think that this can be attained by thyself too. 20. In the gymnastic exercises suppose that a man has torn thee with his nails, and by dashing against thy head has inflicted a wound. Well, we neither show any signs of vexation, nor are we offended, nor do we suspect him afterwards as a treacherous fellow ; and yet we are on our guard against him, not however as an enemy, nor yet with suspicion, but we quietly get out of his way. Something like this let thy behavior be in all the other parts of life ; let us overlook many things in those who are like antagonists in the gymnasium. For it is in our power, as I said, to get out of the way, and to have no suspicion nor hatred. 21. If any man is able to convince me and show me that I do not think cr act right, I will gladly change ; for I seek the truth, by which no man was ever injured. But he is injured who abides in his error and ignorance. 22. I do my duty : other things trouble me not ; for they are either things without life, or things without reason, or things that have rambled and know not the way. 23. As to the animals which have no reason, Book Yi.] rtSarcus Burelius Hntoninus. i8i and generally all things and objects, do thou, since thou hast reason and they have none, make use of them with a generous and liberal spirit. But towards human beings, as they have reason, behave in a social spirit. And on all occasions call on the gods, and do not perplex thyself about the length of time in which thou shalt do this ; for even three hours so spent are suflScient. 24. Alexander the Macedonian and his groom by death were brought to the same state ; for either they were received among the same seminal principles of the universe, or they were alike dispersed among the atoms. 25. Consider how many things in the same indivisible time take place in each of us, — things which concern the body and things which concern the soul : and so thou wilt not wonder if many more things, or rather all things which come into existence in that which is the one and all, which we call Cosmos, exist in it at the same time. 26. If any man should propose to thee the question, how the name Antoninus is written, wouldst thou with a straining of the voice utter each letter ? What then if they grow angry, wilt thou be angry too? Wilt thou not go on with composure and number every letter ? Just so then in this life also remember that every duty is made up of certain parts. These it is thy duty to observe, and without being dis- turbed or showing anger towards those wb« i 82 tTbougbts. [Book VI. are angty with thee, to go on th}^ way and fin- ish that which is set before thee. 27. How cruel it is not to allow men to strive dfter the things which appear to them to be suitable to their nature and profitable! And yet in a manner thou dost not allow them to do this, when thou art vexed because they do wrong. For they are certainly moved towards things because they suppose them to be suit- able to their nature and profitable to them. But it is not so. Teach them then, and show them without being angry. 28. Death is a cessation of the impressions through the senses, and of the pulling of the strings which move the appetites, and of the discursive movements of the thoughts, and of the service to the flesh (ii. 12). 29. It is a shame for the soul to be first to give way in this life, when thy body does not give way. 30. Take care that thou art not made into a Caesar, that thou art not dyed with this dye; for such things happen. Keep thyself then simple, good, pure, serious, free from affecta- tion, a friend of justice, a worshipper of the gods, kind, affectionate, strenuous in all proper acts. Strive to continue to be such as philoso- phy wished to make thee. Reverence the gods, and help men. Short is life. There is only one fruit of this terrene life — a pious disposi- tion and social acts. Do everything as a dis- ciple of Antoninus. Remember his constancy Book Ml] /Iftarcus Burelius Bntontnus. 183 in every act which was conformable to reason, and his evenness in all things, and his piety, and the serenity of his countenance, and his sweetness, and his disregard of empty fame, and his efforts to understand things; and how he would never let anything pass without hav- ing first most carefully examined it and clearly understood it; and how he bore with those who blamed him unjustly without blaming them in return; how he did nothing in a hurry; and how he listened not to calumnies, and how ex- act an examiner of manners and actions he was; and not given to reproach people, nor timid, nor suspicious, nor a sophist; and with how little he was satisfied, such as lodging, bed, dress, food, servants; and how laborious and patient; and how he was able on account of his sparing diet to hold out to the evening, not even requiring to relieve himself by any evacu- ations except at the usual hour; and his firm- ness and uniformity in his friendships; and how he tolerated freedom of speech in those who opposed his opinions; and the pleasure that he had when any man showed him an3'thing beb ter; and how religious he was without super- stition. Imitate all this, that thou mayest have as good a conscience, when thy last hour comes, as he had (i. 16). 31. Return to thy sober senses and call thy- self back; and when thou hast roused th^-self from sleep and hast perceiv^ed that the}' were only dreams which troubled thee, now in thy 184 Cbougbte. [Book VI. waking hours look at these [the things about thee] as thou didst look at those [the dreams]. 32. I consist of a little body and a soul. Now to this little body all things are indiffer- ent, for it is not able to perceive differences. But to the understanding those things only are indifferent which are not the works of its own activity. But whatever things are the works of its own activity, all these are in its power. And of these however only those which are done with reference to the present; for as to the future and the past activities of the mind, even these are for the present indifferent. 33. Neither the labor which the hand does nor that of the foot is contrary to nature, so long as the foot does the foot’s work and the hand the hand’s. So then neither to a man as a man is his labor contrary to nature, so long as it does the things of a man. But if the labor is not contrary to his nature, neither is it an evil to him. 34. How many pleasures have been en- joyed by robbers, patricides, tyrants. 35. Dost thou not see how the handicrafts- men accommodate themselves up to a certain point to those who are not skilled in their craft — nevertheless they cling to the reason [the principles] of their art, and do not endure to depart from it? Is it not strange if the architect and the physician shall have more re- spect to the reason [the principles] of their own arts than man to his own reason, which is common to him and the gods ? Book YL] j®arcu0 Aurelius antoninus. 185 36. Asia, Europe, are corners of the uni- verse; all the sea a drop in the universe; Athos a little clod of the universe: all the present time is a point in eternity. All things are little, changeable, perishable. All things come from thence, from that universal ruling power, either directly proceeding or by way of sequence. And accordingly the lion’s gaping jaws, and that which is poisonous, and every harmful thing, as a thorn, as mud, are after- products of the grand and beautiful. Do not then imagine that they are of another kind from that which thou dost venerate, but form a just opinion of the source of all (vii. 75). 37. He who has seen present things has seen all, both everything which has taken place from all eternity and everything which will be for time without end; for all things are of one kin and of one form. 38. Frequently consider the connection of all things in the universe and their relation to one another. For in a manner all things are im- plicated with one another, and all in this way are friendly to one another; for one thing comes in order after another, and this is by virtue of the + active movement and mutual conspiration and the unity of the substance (ix. i). 39. Adapt thyself to the things with which thy lot has been cast: and the men among whom thou hast received thy portion, love them, but do it truly [sincerely]. G:boUgbt0. [Book ?I. 1 86 40. Every instrument, tool, vessel, if it does that for which it has been made, is well, and yet he who made it is not there. But in the things which are held together by nature there is within, and there abides in them the power which made them; wherefore the more is it fit to reverence this power, and to think, that, if thou dost live and act according to its will, everything in thee is in conformity to intelli- gence. And thus also in the universe the things which belong to it are in conformity to intelligence. 41. Whatever of the things which are not within thy power thou shalt suppose to be good for thee or evil, it must of necessity be that, if such a bad thing befall thee, or the loss of such a good thing, thou wilt not blame the gods, and hate men too, those who are the cause of the misfortune or the loss, or those who are suspected of being likely to be the cause; and indeed we do much injustice because we make a difference between these things [because we do not regard these things as indifferent 4 ].* But if we judge only those things which are in our power to be good or bad, there remains no reason either for finding fault with God or standing in a hostile attitude to man.f * Gataker translates this "because we strive to get these things,” comparing the use of diaifitpeadai in v. i, and X. 27, and ix. 38, where it appears that his refer- ence should be xi. 10. He may be right in his inter- pretation, but I doubt. t Cicero, De Natnra Deorum. iii. 32. Book VI.] flibarcus BurcHus Bntonlnus. 187 42. We are all working together to one end, some with knowledge and design, and others without knowing what they do; as men also when they are asleep, of whom it is Heraclitus, I think, who says that they are laborers and co-operators in the things which take place in the universe. But men co-operate after differ- ent fashions: and even those co-operate abun dantly, who find fault with what happens and those who try to oppose it and to hinder it; for the universe had need even of such men as these. It remains then for thee to understand among what kind of workmen thou placest thy- self; for he who rules all things will certainly make a right use of thee, and he will receive thee among some part of the co-operators and of those whose labors conduce to one end. But be not thou such a part as the mean and ridiculous verse in the play, which Chrysippus speaks of.* 43. Does the sun undertake to do the work of the rain, or Aesculapius the work of the Fruit-bearer [the earth] ? And how is it with respect to each of the stars — are they not differ- ent and yet they work together to the same end? 44. If the gods have determined about me and about the things which must happen to me, they have determined well, for it is not easy even to imagine a deity without fore- thought; and as to doing me harm, why should * Plntarch, adversus Stoicos, c. 14. i88 ^Tbou0bt6. [Book TL they have any desire towards that ? for what advantage wonld result to them from this or to the whole, which is the special object of their providence ? But if they have not determined about me individually, they have certainly de- termined about the whole at least, and the things which happen by way of sequence in this general arrangement I ought to accept with pleasure and to be content with them. But if they determine about nothing, — which it is wicked to believe, or if we do believe it, let us neither sacrifice nor pray nor swear by them, nor do anything else which we do as if the gods were present and lived with us, — but if however the gods determine about none of the things which concern us, I am able to de- termine about myself, and I can inquire about that which is useful; and that is useful to every man which is conformable to his own constitution and nature. But my nature is rational and social; and my city and country, so far as I am Antoninus, is Rome, but so far as I am a man, it is the world. The things then which are useful to these cities are alone use- ful to me. 45. Whatever happens to every man, this is for the interest of the universal: this might be sufficient. But further thou wilt observe this also as a general truth, if thou dost observe, that whatever is profitable to any man is prof- itable also to other men. But let the word profitable be taken here in the common sense BookTi.] Marcus Sutelius Bntoninus. 189 as said of things of the middle kind [neither good nor bad]. 46. As it happens to thee in the amphitheatre and such places, that the continual sight of the same things, and the uniformity, make the spectacle wearisome, so it is in the whole of life; for all things above, below, are the same and from the same. How long then ? 47. Think continually that all kinds of men and all kinds of pursuits and of all nations are dead, so that thy thoughts come down even to Philistion and Phoebus and Origaniou. Now turn thy thoughts to the other kinds [of men]. To that place then we must remove, where there are so many great orators, and so many noble philosophers, Heraclitus, Pythagoras, Socrates; so many heroes of former days, and so many generals after them, and tyrants; be- sides these, Eudoxus, Hipparchus, Archimedes, and other men of acute natural talents, great minds, lovers of labor, versatile, confident, mockers even of the perishable and ephemeral life of man, as Menippus and such as are like him. As to all these consider that they have long been in the dust. What harm then is this to them; and what to those whose names are altogether unknown ? One thing here is worth a great deal, to pass thy life in truth and just- ice, with a benevolent disposition even to liars and unjust men. 48. When thou wishest to delight thj^self, think of the virtues of those who live with ?Tbou0bt0. [Book VI. 190 thee; for instance, the activity of one, and the modesty of another, and the liberality of a third, and some other good quality of a fourth. For nothing delights so much as the examples of the virtues, when they are exhibited in the morals of those who live with us and present themselves in abundance, as far as is possible. Wherefore we must keep them before us. 49. Thou art not dissatisfied, I suppose, be- cause thou weighest only so many litrae and not three hundred. Be not dissatisfied then that thou must live only so many years and not more ; for as thou art satisfied with the amount of substance which has been assigned to thee, so be content with the time. 50. Tet us try to persuade them [men]. But act even against their will, when the principles of j ustice lead that way. If however any man by using force stands in thy way, be- take thyself to contentment and tranquillity, and at the same time employ the hindrance towards the exercise of some other virtue; and remember that thy attempt was with a reser- vation [conditionally], that thou didst not de- sire to do impossibilities. What then didst thou desire? — Some such effort as this. — But thou attainest thy object, if the things to which thou wast moved are [not] accomplished. + 51. He who loves fame considers another man’s activity to be his own good; and he who loves pleasure, his own sensations ; but he who has understanding considers his own acts to be his own good. Book VI.] ^ftarcu0 Sutelius antonlnus. igi 52. It is in our power to have no opinion about a thing, and not to be disturbed in our soul ; for things themselves have no natural power to form our j udgments. 53. Accustom thyself to attend carefull}" to w^hat is said by another, and as much as it is possible, be in the speaker’s mind. 54. That which is not good for the swarm, neither is it good for the bee. 55. If sailors abused the helmsman, or the sick the doctor, would they listen to anybody else ? or how could the helmsman secure the safety of those in the ship, or the doctor the health of those whom he attends? 56. How many together with whom I came into the world are already gone out of it. 57. To the jaundiced honey tastes bitter, and to those bitten by mad dogs water causes fear ; and to little children the ball is a fine thing. Why then am I angrj’? Dost thou think that a false opinion has less power than the bile in the jaundiced or the poison in him who is bitten by a mad dog? 58. No man will hinder thee from living ac- cording to the reason of thy own nature : noth- ing will happen to thee contrary to the reason of the universal nature. 59. What kind of people are those whom men wish to please, and for what objects, and by what kind of acts? How soon will time cover all things, and how many it has covered already. 192 ^boudbts. [Book Vn. VII. W HAT is badness? It is that which thou hast often seen. And on the occasion of everything which happens keep this in mind, that it is that which thou hast often seen. Everywhere up and down thou wilt find the same things, with which the old histories are filled, those of the middle ages and those of our own day ; with which cities and houses are filled now. There is nothing new : all things are both familiar and short-lived. 2. How can our principles become dead, un- less the impressions [thoughts] which corre- spond to them are extinguished ? But it is in thy power continuously to fan these thoughts into a flame. I can have that opinion about anything which I ought to have. If I can, why am I disturbed? The things which are external to my mind have no relation at all to my mind. — Eet this be the state of thy affects, and thou standest erect. To recover thy life is in thy power. Look at things again as thou didst use to look at them ; for in this consists the recovery of thy life. 3. The idle business of show, plays on the stage, flocks of sheep, herds, exercises with •spears, a bone cast to little dogs, a bit of bread Book m] /nbarcus aurellua Bntonlnus. 193 into fishponds, laborings of ants and burden- carrying, runnings about of frightened little mice, puppets pulled by strings — [all alike]. It is thy duty then in the midst of such things to show good humor and not a proud air; to understand however that every man is worth just so much as the things are worth about which he busies himself. 4. In discourse thou must attend to what is said, and in every movement thou must ob- serve what is doing. And in the one thou shouldst see immediatel)^ to what end it refers, but in the other watch carefully what is the thing signified. 5. Is my understanding sufiicient for this or not ? If it is sufiicient, I use it for the work as an instrument given by the universal nature. But if it is not sufficient, then either I retire from the work and give way to him who is able to do it better, unless there be some reason why I ought not to do so; or I do it as well as I can, taking to help me the man who with the aid of my ruling principle can do what is now fit and useful for the general good. For what- soever either by myself or with another I can do, ought to be directed to this only, to that which is useful and well suited to society. 6. How many after being celebrated by fame have been given up to oblivion ; and how many who have celebrated the fame of others have long been dead. 7. Be not ashamed to be helped; for it is thy 13 194 ^Tbougbts. [Book VII. business to do thy duty like a soldier in the assault on a town. How then, if being lame thou canst not mount up on the battlements alone, but with the help of another it is pos- sible ? 8. Let not future things disturb thee, for thou wilt come to them, if it shall be necessary, having with thee the same reason which now thou usest for present things. 9. All things are implicated with one another, and the bond is holy; and there is hardly any- thing unconnected with any other thing. For things have been co-ordinated, and they combine to form the same universe [order]. For there is one universe made up of all things, and one god who pervades all things, and one substance,* and one law, [one] com- mon reason in all intelligent animals, and one truth; if indeed there is also one perfection for all animals which are of the same stock and participate in the reason. 10. Everything material soon disappears in the substance of the whole; and everything formal [causal] is very soon taken back into the universal reason; and the memory of every- thing is very soon overwhelmed in time. 11. To the rational animal the same act »s according to nature and according to reason. 12. Be thou erect, or be made erect (iii. 5). 13. Just as it is with the members in those bodies which are united in one, so it is with * “Oue substance,” p. 42, note i. BookYii,] /liiarcue BureHus Bntoninue. 195 rational beings which exist separate, for they have been constituted for one co-operation. And the perception of this will be more appar- ent to thee if thou often sayest to thyself that I am a member of the system of rational beings. But if [using the letter r] thou sayest that thou art a part [jiipog], thou dost not yet love men from th}' heart ; beneficence does not yet delight thee for its own sake ; * thou still doest it barely as a thing of propriety, and not yet as doing good to thyself. 14. Let there fall externally what will on the parts which can feel the effects of this fall. For those parts which have felt will complain, if they choose. But I, unless I think that what has happened is an evil, am not injured. And it is in my power not to think so. 15. Whatever any one does or says, I must be good ; just as if the gold, or the emerald, or the purple, were always saying this. What- ever any one does or says, I must be emerald and keep my color. 16. The ruling faculty does not disturb it- self ; I mean, does not frighten itself or cause itself pain.-f But if any one else can frighten or pain it, let him do so. For the faculty it- self will not by its own opinion turn itself into such wa5"S. Let the body itself take care, if it can, that it suffer nothing, and let it speak, if *I have used Gataker’s conjecture Kara?ir/KTCKog in- stead of the common reading Kara?i. 7 /TrrcKoc : compare iv. 20; ix. 42. 196 ^bougbts. [Book VIL it suffers. But the soul itself, that which is subject to fear, to pain, which has completely the power of forming an opinion about these things, will suffer nothing, for it will never deviate + into such a judgment. The leading principle in itself wants nothing, unless it makes a want for itself ; and therefore it is both free from perturbation and unimpeded, if it does not disturb and impede itself. 17. Eudaemonia [happiness] is a good daemon, or a good thing. What then art thou doing here, O imagination ? Go away, I en- treat thee by the gods, as thou didst come, for I want thee not. But thou art come according to thy old fashion. I am not angry with thee : only go away. 18. Is any man afraid of change? Why, what can take place without change ? What then is more pleasing or more suitable to the universal nature ? And canst thou take a bath unless the wood undergoes a change? and canst thou be nourished, unless the food un- dergoes a change ? And can anything else that is useful be accomplished without change? Dost thou not see then that for thyself also to change is just the same, and equally necessary for the universal nature ? 19. Through the universal substance as through a furious torrent all bodies are carried, being by their nature united with and co-oper- ating with the whole, as the parts of our body with one another. How many a Chrysippus, Bookm] /iiiarcus BurcUus Zlntonfnus. 197 how many a Socrates, how many an Epictetus has time already swallowed up ! And let the same thought occur to thee with reference to every man and thing (v. 23 ; vi. 15). 20. One thing only troubles me, lest I should do something which the constitution of man does not allow, or in the way which it doe^ not allow, or what it does not allow now. 21. Near is thy forgetfulness of all things; and near the forgetfulness of thee bj all. 22. It is peculiar to man to love even those who do wrong. And this happens, if when they do wrong it occurs to thee that they are kinsmen, and that they do wrong through ignorance and unintentionally, and that soon both of you will die ; and above all, that the wrong-doer has done thee no harm, for he has not made th}" ruling faculty worse than it was before. 23. The universal nature out of the universal substance, as if it were wax, now moulds a horse, and when it has broken this up, it uses the material for a tree, then for a man, then for something else ; and each of these things sub- sists for a very short time. But it is no hard- ship for the vessel to be broken up, just as there was none in its being fastened together (viii. 50). 24. A scowling look is altogether unnatural ; when it is often assumed,* the result is that all comeliness dies away, and at last is so com- *This is corrupt. ITbougbts. [Book VIL 198 pletely extinguished that it cannot be again lighted up at all. Try to conclude from this very fact that it is contrary to reason. For if even the perception of doing wrong shall de- part, what reason is there for living any longer ? 25. Nature which governs the whole will soon change all things thou seest, and out of their substance will make other things, and again other things from the substance of them, in order that the world may be ever new (xii. 23)- 26. When a man has done thee any wrong, immediately consider with what opinion about good or evil he has done wrong. For when thou hast seen this, thou wilt pity him, and wilt neither wonder nor be angry. For either thou thyself thinkest the same thing to be good that he does, or another thing of the same kind. It is thy duty then to pardon him. But if thou dost not think such things to be good or evil, thou wilt more readily be well disposed to him who is in error. 27. Think not so much of what thou hast not as of what thou hast : but of the things which thou hast select the best, and then reflect how eagerly they would have been .sought, if thou hadst them not. At the same time, how- ever, take care that thou dost not through be- ing so pleased with them accustom thyself to overvalue them, so as to be disturbed if ever thou shouldst not have them. Book m] Marcus aurellus Antoninus. 199 28. Retire into thyself. The rational prin- ciple which rules has this nature, that it is con- tent with itself when it does what is just, and so secures tranquillity. 29. Wipe out the imagination. Stop the pulling of the strings. Confine thyself to the present. Understand well what happens either to thee or to another. Divide and distribute every object into the causal [formal] and the material. Think of thy last hour. Ret the wrong which is done by a man stay there where the wrong was done (viii. 29). 30. Direct thy attention to what is said. Let thy understanding enter into the things that are doing and the things which do them (vii. 4). 31. Adorn thyself with simplicity and modesty, and with indifference towards the things which lie between virtue and vice. Love riiankind. Follow God. The poet says that law rules all — + And it is enough to re- member that law rules all.+* 32. About death : whether it is a dispersion, or a resolution into atoms, or annihilation, it is either extinction or change. 33. About pain : the pain which is intoler- able carries us off ; but that which lasts a long time is tolerable; and the mind maintains its own tranquillity by retiring into itself, and the ruling faculty is not made worse. But the * The end of this section is unintelligible. 200 XTbouQbts. [Book YU parts which are harmed by pain, let them, if thej^ can, give their opinion about it. 34. About fame : look at the minds [of those who seek fame], observe what they are, and what kind of things they avoid, and what kind of things they pursue. And consider that as the heaps of sand piled on one another hide the former sands, so in life the events which go before are soon covered by those which come after. 35. From Plato :* The man who has an ele- vated mind and takes a view of all time and of all substance, dost thou suppose it possible for him to think that human life is anything great? It is not possible, he said. — Such a man then will think that death also is no evil. — Certainly not. 36. From Autisthenes : It is royal to do good and to be abused. 37. It is a base thing for the countenance to be obedient and to regulate and compose itself as the mind commands, and for the mind not to be regulated and composed by itself. 38. It is not right to vex ourselves at things. For they care nought about it.f 39. To the immortal gods and us give joy. 40. Fife must be reaped like the ripe ears of corn. One man is born ; another dies.| * Plato, Pol. vi. 486. t From the Bellerophoii of Euripides. t From the Hypsipyle of Euripides. Cicero (Tuscul. BookYiL] /Biarcue aurcHus Bntoninus. 201 41. If gods care not for me and my children, There is a reason for it. 42. For the good is with me, and the just.* 43. No joining others in their wailing, no violent emotion. 44. From Plato :f But I would make this man a sufficient answer, which is this: Thou sayest not well, if thou thinkest that a man who is good for anything at all ought to com- pute the hazard of life or death, and should not rather look to this only in all that he does, whether he is doing what is just or unjust, and the works of a good or bad man. 45. fFor thus it is, men of Athens, in truth: wherever a man has placed himself thinking it the best place for him, or has been placed by a commander, there in my opinion he ought to stay and to abide the hazard, taking nothing into the reckoning, either death or anything else, before the baseness [of deserting his post], 46. But, my good friend, reflect whether that which is noble and good is not something different from saving and being saved; for+ as to a man living such or such a time, at least one who is really a man, consider if this is not iii. 25) has translated six lines from Euripides, and among them are these two lines, — “ Reddenda terrae est terra: turn vita omnibus Metenda ut fruges; Sic jubet necessitas.” * See Aristophanes, Acharnenses, v. 661. f From the Apologia, c. 16. 202 tTbougbts. [Book Vn. a thing to be dismissed from the thoughts and there must be no love of life : but as to these matters a man must intrust them to the Deity and believe what the women say, that no man can escape his destiny, the next in- quiry being how he may best live the time that he has to live.* 47. Dook round at the courses of the stars, as if thou wert going along with them ; and constantly consider the changes of the elements into one another, for such thoughts purge away the filth of the terrene life. 48. This is a fine saying of Plato :f That he who is discoursing about men should look also at earthly things as if he viewed them from some higher place ; should look at them in their assemblies, armies, agricultural labors, marriages, treaties, births, deaths, noise of the courts of justice, desert places, various nations of barbarians, feasts, lamentations, markets, a mixture of all things and an orderly combina- tion of contraries. 49. Consider the past, — such great changes of political supremacies; thou mayest foresee also the things which will be. For they wdll * Plato, Gorgias, c. 68 (512). In this passage the- text of Antoninus has iarcov, which is perhaps right; but there is a difficulty in the words fif/ -yap rovro p.ev, TO ^fjv biTooovfifj xp^'^ov rdvyE wf a\rjdC>^ avdpa eareov eari, ml oil, &c. The conjecture evureov for eareov does not mend the matter. t It is said that this is not in the extant writings of Plato. Book VII.] Marcus :aurclius Bntoninus. 203 certainly be of like form, and it is not possible that they should deviate from the order of the things which take place now; accordinglj^ to have contemplated human life for forty years is the same as to have contemplated it for ten thousand years. For what more wilt thou see? 50. That which has grown from the earth to the earth, But that which has sprung from heavenly seed. Back to the heavenly realms returns.* This is either a dissolution of the mutual in- volution of the atoms, or a similar dispersion of the unsentient elements. 51. With food and drinks and cunning magic arts Turning the channel’s course to ’scape from death. t The breeze which heaven has'sent We must endure, and toil without com- plaining. 52. Another may be more expert in casting his opponent; but he is not more social, nor more modest, nor better disciplined to meet all that happens, nor more considerate with re- spect to the faults of his neighbors. 53. Where any work can be done conform- ably to the reason which is common to gods * From the Chrysippus of Euripides. t The first two lines are from the Supplices of Euripides, v. iiio. 204 ITbougbte. [Bookm and men, there we have nothing to fear; for where we are able to get profit by means of the activity which is successful and proceeds ac- cording to our constitution, there no harm is to be suspected. 54. Everywhere and at all times it is in thy power piously to acquiesce in thy present con- dition, and to behave justly to those who are about thee, and to exert thy skill upon thy present thoughts, that nothing shall steal into them without being well examined. 55. Do not look around thee to discover other men’s ruling principles, but look straight to this, to what nature leads thee, both the uni- versal nature through the things which happen to thee, and thy own nature through the acts which must be done by thee. But every being ought to do that which is according to its con- stitution; and all other things have been con- stituted for the sake of rational beings, just as among irrational things the inferior for the sake of the superior, but the rational for the sake of one another. The prime principle then in man’s constitu- tion is the social. And the second is not to yield to the persuasions of the body, — for it is the peculiar office of the rational and intelligent motion to circumscribe itself, and never to be overpowered either by the motion of the senses or of the appetites, for both are animal; but the intelligent motion claims superiority, and does not permit itself to be overpowered by the Bookvn.] Marcus Hurelfus Sntoninus. 205 others. And with good reason, for it is formed by natnre to use all of them. The third thing in the rational constitution is freedom from error and from deception. L,et then the ruling principle holding fast to these things go straight on, and it has what is its own. 56. Consider thyself to be dead, and to have completed thy life up to the present time ; and live according to nature the remainder which is allowed thee. 57. Love that only which happens to thee and is spun with the thread of th}^ destiny. For what is more suitable ? 58. In everything which happens keep be- fore thy eyes those to whom the same things happened, and how they were vexed, and treated them as strange things, and found fault with them : and now where are they ? Nowhere. Wlty then dost thou too choose to act in the same way ? and wh}^ dost thou not leave these agitations which are foreign to nature to those who cause them and those who are moved by them; and wh>^ art thou not al- together intent upon the right way of making use of the things which happen to thee ? For then thou wilt use them well, and they will be a material for thee [to work on]. Onl}" attend to thyself, and resolve to be a good man in every act which thou doest : and remember . . .* * This section is obscure, and the conclusion is so corrupt that it is impossible to give any probable meaning to it. It is better to leave it as it is than to patch it up, as some critics and translators have done 2o6 tIbougbt6. [Book Vn. 59. Look within. Within is the fountain of good, and it will ever bubble up, if thou wilt ever dig. 60. The body ought to be compact, and to show no irregularity either in motion or atti- tude. For what the mind shows in the face by maintaining in it the expression of intelligence and propriety, that ought to be required also in the whole body. But all these things should be observed without affectation. 61. The art of life is more like the wrestler’s art than the dancer’s, in respect of this, that it should stand ready and firm to meet onsets which are sudden and unexpected. 62. Constantly observe who those are whose approbation thou wishest to have, and what ruling principles they possess. For then thou wilt neither blame those who offend involun- tarily, nor wilt thou want their approbation, if thou lookest to the sources of their opinions and appetites. 63. Every soul, the philosopher says, is in- voluntarily deprived of truth; consequently in the same way it is deprived of justice and tem- perance and benevolence and everything of the kind. It is most necessary to bear this con- stantly in mind, for thus thou wilt be more gentle towards all. 64. In every pain let this thought be pres- ent, that there is no dishonor in it, nor does it make the governing intelligence worse, for it does not damage the intelligence either so far Eookvii.] /Hbatcus BureUus Hntoninus. 207 as the intelligence is rational* or so far as it is social. Indeed in the case of most pains let this remark of Epicurus aid thee, that pain is neither intolerable nor everlasting, if thou bearest in mind that it has its limits, and if thou addest nothing to it in imagination: and remember this too, that we do not perceive that many things which are disagreeable to us are the same as pain, such as excessive drow- siness, and the being scorched by heat, and the having no appetite. When then thou art discontented about any of these things, say to thyself that thou art yielding to pain. 65. Take care not to feel towards the inhu- man as they feel towards men.f 66. How do we know if Telauges was not superior in character to Socrates ? For it is not enough that Socrates died a more noble death, and disputed more skilfully with the sophists, and passed the night in the cold with more endurance, and that when he was bid to arrest LeonJ of Salamis, he considered it more noble to refuse, and that he walked in a swag- * The text has v’kiKtj, which it has been proposed to alter to loytKy, and this change is necessary. We shall then have in this section loyiKrj and koivuvikt/ associated, as we have in s. 68 XoyiKfj and and in s. 72. fl have followed Gataker’s conjecture ol a-rra.vdpoTroi instead of the MSS. reading oi avdpunoi. j; Leon of Salamis. See Plato, Epist. 7; Apolog. c. 20; Epictetus, iv. i, 160; iv. 7, 30. 2o8 tlbou0bt6. [Book Vn. gering way in the streets* — though as to this fact one may have great doubts if it was true. But we ought to inquire what kind of a soul it was that Socrates possessed, and if he was able to be content with being just towards men and pious towards the gods, neither idly vexed on account of men’s villainy, nor yet making him- self a slave to any man’s ignorance, nor receiv- ing as strange anything that fell to his share out of the universal, nor enduring it as in- tolerable, nor allowing his understanding to sympathize with the affects of the miserable flesh. 67. Nature has not so mingled+ [the intelli- gence] with the composition of the body, as not to have allowed thee the power of circum- scribing thyself and of bringing under subjec- tion to thyself all that is thy own ; for it is very possible to be a divine man and to be recognized as such by no one. Always bear this in mind ; and another thing too, that very little indeed is necessary for living a happy life. And because thou hast despaired of becoming a dialectician and skilled in the knowledge of nature, do not for this reason renounce the hope of being both free and modest, and social and obedient to God. 68. It is in thy power to live free from all compulsion in the greatest tranquillity of mind, * Aristophau. Nub. 362. ort j 3 pevdvei r’ iv ralciv- b 6 olg ml rt) bfdaXjui) napa^aXksi. Book YIL] ynbarcus BurcHus Bntonlnus. 209 even if all the world cry out against thee as much as they choose, and even if wild beasts tear in pieces the members of this kneaded matter which has grown around thee. For what hinders the mind in the midst of all this from maintaining itself in tranquillity and in a just judgment of all surrounding things and in a ready use of the objects which are pre- sented to it, so that the judgment may say to the thing which falls under its observation ; This thou art in substance [reality], though in men’s opinion thou mayest appear to be of a different kind ; and the use shall say to that which falls under the hand : Thou art the thing that I was seeking ; for to me that which pre- sents itself is alwa5^s a material for virtue both rational and political, and in a word, for the exercise of art, which belongs to man or God. For everything which happens has a relation- ship either to God or man, and is neither new nor difficult to handle, but usual and apt mat- ter to work on. 69. The perfection of moral character con- sists in this, in passing every day as the last, and in being neither violently excited nor torpid nor playing the hypocrite. 70. The gods who are immortal are not vexed because during so long a time they must tolerate continually men such as they are and so many of them bad ; and besides this, they also take care of them in all ways. But thou, who art destined to end so soon, art thou 14 210 ^Tbougbte. [Book VU. wearied of enduring the bad, and this too when thou art one of them ? 71. It is a ridiculous thing for a man not to fly from his own badness, which is indeed pos- sible, but to fly from other men’s badness, which is impossible. 72. Whatever the rational and political [social] faculty finds to be neither intelligent nor social, it properly j udges to be inferior to itself. 73. When thou hast done a good act and another has received it, why dost thou still look for a third thing besides these, as fools do, either to have the reputation of having done a good act or to obtain a return ? 74. No man is tired of receiving what is u.seful. But it is useful to act according to nature. Do not then be tired of receiving what is useful by doing it to others. 75. The nature of the All moved to make the universe. But now either everything that takes place comes by way of consequence or [continuity] ; or even the chief things towards which the ruling power of the universe directs its own movement are governed by no rational principle. If this is remembered, it will make thee more tranquil in many things (vi. 44 ; ix. 28).* * It is not easy to understand this section. It has been suggested that there is some error in ^ aXdyiara, &c. Some of the translators have made nothing of the passage, and they have somewhat perverted the Book VII.] flbarcus Burelius Bntonfnus. 21 1 words. The first proposition is, that the universe was made by some sufficient power. A beginning of the universe is assumed, and a power which framed an order. The next question is. How are things pro- duced now? Or, in other words, by what power do forms appear in continuous succession ? The answer, according to Antoninus, may be this: It is by virtue of the original constitution of things that all change and succession have been effected and are effected. And this is intelligible in a sense, if we admit that the universe is always one and the same, a continuity of identity; as much one and the same as man is one and the same — which he believes himself to be, though he also believes, and cannot help believing, that both in his body and in his thoughts there is change and succession. There is no real discontinuity then in the universe; and if we say that there was an order framed in the beginning, and that the things which are now produced are a consequence of a previous ar- rangement, we speak of things as we are compelled to view them, as forming a series of succession, just as we speak of the changes in our own bodies and the sequence of our own thoughts. But as there are no intervals, not even intervals infinitely small, between any two supposed states of any one thing, so there are no intervals, not even infinitely small, between what we call one thing and any other thing which we speak of as immediately preceding or following it. What we call time is an idea derived from our notion of a succession of things or events, an idea which is a part of our constitution, but not an idea which we can sup- pose to belong to an infinite intelligence and power. The conclusion then is certain that the present and the past, the production of present things and the sup- posed original order, out of which we say that present things now come, are one, and the present productive power and the so-called past arrangement are only different names for one thing. I suppose theu that Antoninus wrote here as people sometimes talk now. 212 ^Cbouflbte. [BonkTIL and that his real meaning is not exactly expressed by his words. There are certainly other passages from which I think that we may collect that he had notions of production something like what I have expressed. We now come to the alternate: “or even the chief things . . . principle.” I do not exactly know what he means by ra Kvpiurara, “the chief,” or “the most excellent,” or whatever it is. But as he speaks else- where of inferior and superior things, and of the infe- rior being for the use of the superior, and of rational beings being the highest, he may here mean rational beings. He also in this alternative assumes a govern- ing power of the universe, and that it acts by directing its power towards these chief objects, or making its spe- cial, proper motion towards them. And here he uses the noun {oppr/) “movement,” which contains the same notion as the verb {appy/ae) “moved,” which he used at the beginning of the paragraph, when he was speaking of the making of the universe. If we do not accept the first hypothesis, he says, we must take the conclusion of the second, that the “chief things, to- wards which the ruling power of the universe directs its own movement are governed by no rational prin- ciple.” The meaning then is, if there is a meaning in it, that though there is a governing power which strives to give effect to its efforts, we must conclude that there is no rational direction of anything, if the power which first made the universe does not in some way govern it still. Besides, if we assume that any- thing is now produced or now exists without the ac- tion of the supreme intelligence, and yet that this intelligence makes an effort to act, we obtain a con- clusion which cannot be reconciled with the nature of a supreme power, whose existence Antoninus al- ways assumes. The tranquillity that a man may gain from these reflections must result from his rejecting the second hypothesis and accepting the first — what- ever may be the exact sense in which the emperor un- derstood the first. Or, as he says elsewhere, if there Book VII.] fliarcus Burellus Bntoninus. 213 is no Providence which governs the world, man has at least the power of governing himself according to the constitution of his nature; and so he may be tran- quil if he does the best that he can. If there is no error in the passage, it is worth the labor to discover the writer’s exact meaning — for I think that he had a meaning, though people may not agree what it was. (Compare ix. 28.) If I have rightly explained the emperor’s meaning in this and other passages, he has touched the solution of a great question. 214 Cbouflbta. [Book VIII. VIII. T his reflection also tends to the removal of the desire of emptj^ fame, that it is no longer in thy power to have lived the whole of thy life, or at least thy life from thy youth up- wards, like a philosopher; but both to many others and to thyself it is plain that thou art far from philosophy. Thou hast fallen into disorder then, so that it is no longer easy for thee to get the reputation of a philosopher; and thy plan of life also opposes it. If then thou hast truly seen where the matter lies, throw away the thought. How thou shalt seem [to others], and be content if thou shalt live the rest of thy life in such wise as thy nature wills. Observe then what it wills, and let nothing else distract thee; for thou hast had experience of many wanderings without having found hap- piness anywhere, — not in syllogisms, nor in wealth, nor in reputation, nor in enjoyment, nor anywhere. Where is it then? In doing what man’s nature requires. How then shall a man do this? If he has principles from which come his affects and his acts. What principles? Those which relate to good and bad: the belief that there is nothing good for man which does not make him just, temperate, BookVni.] flibarcus aurcHue Bntoninus. 215 manly, free; and that there is nothing bad which does not do the contrary to what has been mentioned. 2. On the occasion of every act ask th5^self, How is this with respect to me ? Shall I repent of it ? A little time and I am dead, and all is gone. What more do I seek, if what I am now doing is the work of an intelligent living being, and a social being, and one who is under the same law with God ? 3. Alexander and Caius* and Pompeius, what are they in comparison with Diogenes and Heraclitus and Socrates ? For they were acquainted with things, and their causes [forms], and their matter, and the ruling prin- ciples of these men were the same [or conform- able to their pursuits]. But as to the others, how many things had they to care for, and to how many things were they slaves ! 4. [Consider] that men will do the same things nevertheless, even though thou shouldst burst. 5. This is the chief thing : Be not per- turbed, for all things are according to the nature of the universal ; and in a little time thou wilt be nobody and nowhere, like Had- rianus and Augustus. In the next place, hav- ing fixed thy eyes steadily on thy business,, look at it, and at the same time remembering that it is thy duty to be a good man, and what *Caius is C. Julius Caesar, the dictator; and Pompe- ius is Cn. Pompeius, named Magnus. 2i6 C:bc»ugbt0. [Book VIII. man’s nature demands, do that without turn- ing aside ; and speak as it seems to thee most just, only let it be with a good disposition and with modesty and without hypocrisy. 6. The nature of the universal has this work to do, — to remove to that place the things which are in this, to change them, to take, them away hence, and to carry them there. All things are change, yet we need not fear anything new. All things are familiar [to us] ; but the distribution of them still remains the same. 7. Every nature is contented with itself when it goes on its way well ; and a rational nature goes on its way well when in its thoughts it assents to nothing false or uncer- tain, and when it directs its movements to social acts only, and when it confines its desires and aversions to the things which are in its power, and when it is satisfied with everything that is assigned to it by the common nature. For of this common nature every particular nature is a part, as the nature of the leaf is a part of the nature of the plant ; except that in the plant the nature of the leaf is part of a nature which has not perception or reason, and is subject to be impeded ; but the nature of man is part of a nature which is not subject to impediments, and is intelligent and just, since it gives to everything in equal portions and according to its worth, times, substance, cause [form], activity, and incident. But ex- Book ¥lll,] Marcus Burelius Bntoninus. 217 amine, not to discover that any one thing compared with any other single thing is equal in all respects, but by taking all the parts to- gether of one thing and comparing them with all the parts together of another. 8. Thou hast not leisure [or ability] to read. But thou hast leisure [or ability] to check arro- gance: thou hast leisure to be superior to pleas- ure and pain: thou hast leisure to be superior to love of fame, and not to be vexed at stupid and ungrateful people, nay even to care for them. 9. Let no man any longer hear thee finding fault with the court life or with thy own (v. 16). 10. Repentance is a kind of self-reproof for having neglected something useful; but that which is good must be something useful, and the perfect good man should look after it. But no such man would ever repent of having re- fused any sensual pleasure. Pleasure then is neither good nor useful. 11. This thing, what is it in itself, in its own constitution ? What is its substance and mater- ial? And what its causal nature [or form]? And what is it doing in the world? And how long does it subsist? 12. When thou risest from sleep with reluct- ance, remember that it is according to thy con- stitution and according to human nature to per- form social acts, but sleeping is common also to irrational animals. But that which is ac 2i8 ^Tbouflbta. [Book Vin. cording to each individual’s nature is also more peculiarly its own, and more suitable to its nature, and indeed also more agreeable (v. i). 13. Constantly, and, if it be possible, on the occasion of every impression on the soul, apply to it the principles of Physic, of Ethic, and of Dialectic. 14. Whatever man thou meetest with, im- mediately say to thyself: What opinions has this man about good and bad ? For if with re- ' spect to pleasure and pain and the causes of each, and with respect to fame and ignominy, death and life, he has such and such opinions, it will seem nothing wonderful or strange ta me if he does such and such things; and I shall bear in mind that he is compelled to do so.* 15. Remember that as it is a shame to be surprised if the fig-tree produces figs, so it is to be surprised if the world produces such and such things of which it is productive; and for the physician and the helmsman it is a shame to be surprised if a man has a fever, or if the wind is unfavorable. 16. Remember that to change thy opinion and to follow him who corrects thy error is as consistent with freedom as it is to persist in thy error. For it is thy own, the activity which is exerted according to thy own movement and judgment, and indeed according to thy own understanding too. * Antoninus v. 16. Thucydides, iii. 10; tv yap tu 6ia7CkaaacfVTi rij^ yv(vpriq Kal al Siacftopal to>v epyivv KadiaTavrai. Book ¥III.] Marcus Hurelius antoninuB. 219 17. If a thing is in thy own power, why dost thou do it? but if it is in the power of another, whom dost thou blame, — the atoms [chance] or the gods? Both are foolish. Thou must blame nobody. For if thou canst, correct [that which is the cause]; but if thou canst not do this, correct at least the thing itself; but if thou canst not do even this, of what use is it to thee ^ to find fault ? for nothing should be done with* * out a purpose. 18. That which has died falls not out of the universe. If it stays here, it also changes here, and is dissolved into its proper parts, which are elements of the universe and of thyself. And these too change, and thej^ murmur not. 19. Everything exists for some end, — a horse, a vine. Why dost thou wonder? Even the sun will say, I am for some purpose, and the rest of the gods will say the same. For what purpose then art thou, — to enjoy pleasure?’ See if common sense allows this. 20. Nature has had regard in everything no less to the end than to the beginning and the continuance, just like the man who throws up a ball. What good is it then for the ball to be thrown up, or harm for it to come down, or even to have fallen ? and what good is it to the bubble while it holds together, or what harm when it is burst ? The same may be said of a light also. 21. Turn it [the body] inside out, and see what kind of thing it is; and when it has 220 ^Cbouflbts. [Book Vin. grown old, what kind of thing it becomes, and when it is diseased. Short lived are both the praiser and the praised, and the rememberer and the remem- bered: and all this in a nook of this part of the world; and not even here do all agree, no, not any one with himself : and the whole earth too is a point. 22. Attend to the matter which is before ^ thee, whether it is an opinion or an act or a word. Thou sufferest this justly : for thou choosest rather to become good to-morrow than to be good to-day. 23. Am I doing anything? I do it with reference to the good of mankind. Does any- thing happen to me ? I receive it and refer it to the gods, and the source of all things, from which all that happens is derived. 24. Such as bathing appears to thee, — oil, sweat, dirt, filthy water, all things disgusting, — so is every part of life and everything. 25. Ducilla saw Verus die, and then Ducilla ■died. Secunda saw Maximus die, and then Secunda died. Epitynchanus saw Diotimus die, and then Epitynchanus died. Antoninus saw Faustina die, and then Antoninus died. Such is everything. Celer saw Hadrianus die, and then Celer died. And those sharp-witted men, either seers or men inflated with pride, where are they, — for instance the sharp-witted men, Charax and Demetrius the Platonist, and BookTiii.] Marcus Burelius Hntoninue. 221 Eudaemon, and any one else like them ? All ephemeral, dead long ago. Some indeed have not been remembered even for a short time, and others have become the heroes of fables, and again others have disappeared even from fables. Remember this then, that this little compound, thyself, must either be dissolved, or thy poor breath must be extinguished, or be removed and placed elsewhere. 26. It is satisfaction to a man to do the proper works of a man. Now it is a proper work of a man to be benevolent to his own kind, to despise the movements of the senses, to form a just judgment of plausible appearances, and to take a survey of the nature of the universe and of the things which happen in it. 27. There are three relations [between thee and other things] : the one to the bod}^* which surrounds thee ; the second to the divine cause from which all things come to all ; and the third to those who live with thee. 28. Pain is either an evil to the bod^’ — then let the body say what it thinks of it — or to the soul ; but it is in the power of the soul to main- tain its own serenity and tranquillity, and not to think that pain is an evil. For ever}^ judg- ment and movement and desire and aversion is within, and no evil ascends so high. * The text has ai-iov, which in Antoninus means “form," “formal.” Accordingly Schultz recom- mends either Valkenaer’s emendation ay-yeiov, “body,” or Corais’ aauariop. Compare xii. 13; x. 38. 222 ^Ebougbts. [Book YIII. 29. Wipe out thy imaginations by often saying to thyself : Now it is in my power to let no badness be in this soul, nor desire, nor any perturbation at all ; but looking at all things I see what is their nature, and I use each accord- ing to its value. — Remember this power which thou hast from nature. 30. Speak both in the senate and to every man, whoever he may be, appropriately, not with any affectation : use plain discourse. 31. Augustus’ court, wife, daughter, de- scendants, ancestors, sister, Agrippa, kinsmen, intimates, friends; Areius,* Maecenas, physi- cians, and sacrificing priests, — the whole court is dead. Then turn to the rest, not consider- ing the death of a single man [but of a whole race], as of the Pompeii ; and that which is in- scribed on the tombs, — The last of his race. Then consider what trouble those before them have had that they might leave a successor ; and then, that of necessity some one must be the last. Again, here consider the death of a whole race. 32. It is thy duty to order thy life well in every single act ; and if every act does its duty as far as is possible, be content ; and no one is able to hinder thee so that each act shall not do its duty. — But something external will stand in the way. Nothing will stand in *Areius {"Apeiog) was a philosopher, who was inti- mate with Augustus; Suetou. Augustus, c. 89; Plu- tarch, Antoninus, 80; Dion Cassius, 51, c. 16. Book VIII.] jfiRarcus Burelius Bntoninue. 223 the way of thy acting justly and soberly and considerately. — But perhaps some other active power will be hindered. Well, but by acquiescing in the hindrance and by be- ing content to transfer thy efforts to that which is allowed, another opportunity of action is im- mediately put before thee in place of that which was hindered, and one which will adapt itself to this ordering of which w'e are speak- ing. 33. Receive [wealth or prosperity] without arrogance ; and be ready to let it go. 34. If thou didst ever see a hand cut off, or a foot, or a head, lying anywhere apart from the rest of the body, such does a man make himself, as far as he can, who is not content with what happens, and separates himself from others, or does anything unsocial. Sup- pose that thou hast detached thyself from the natural unity, — for thou wast made by nature a part, but now thou hast cut thyself off,- — }'et here there is this beautiful provision, that it is in thy power again to unite thyself. God has allowed this to no other part, after it has been separated and cut asunder, to come together again. But consider the kindness by which he has distinguished man, for he has put it in his power not to be separated at all from the universal; and when he has been separated, he has allowed him to return and to be united and to resume his place as a part. 35. As the nature of the universal has given 224 ^Tbougbtg. [Book VIIL to every rational being all the other powers that it has, + so we have received from it this power also. For as the universal nature con- verts and fixes in its predestined place every- thing which stands in the way and opposes it, and makes such things a part of itself, so also the rational animal is able to make every hindrance its own material, and ^o use it for such purposes as it maj" have designed.* 36. Do not disturb thyself by thinking of the whole of thy life. Let not th}^ thoughts at once embrace all the various troubles which thou mayest expect to befall thee : but on every occasion ask thyself. What is there in this which is intolerable and past bearing ? for thou wilt be ashamed to confess. In the next place remember that neither the future nor the past pains thee, but only the present. But this is reduced to a very little, if thou only cir- cumscribest it, and chidest thy mind if it is unable to hold out against even this. 37. Does Panthea or Pergamus now sit by the tomb of Verus?t Does Chaurias or Dioti- mus sit by the tomb of Hadrianus? That would be ridiculous. Well, suppose they did *The text is corrupt at the beginuiiig of the .para- graph, hut the meaning will appear if the second y^oyucuv is changed into oAwr: though this change alone will not establish the grammatical completeness of the text. t“Verus” is a conjecture of Saumaise, and per- haps the true reading. Book VIII.] /iftarcua :aurcliu6 Antoninus. 225 sit there, would the dead be conscious of it ? and if the dead were conscious, would they be pleased ? and if thc}^ were pleased, would that make them immortal ? Was it not in the order of destiny that these persons too should first become old women and old men and then die ? What then would those do after these were dead ? All this is foul smell and blood in a bag. 38. If thou canst see sharp, look and judge wisely, 4 - says the philosopher. 39. In the constitution of the rational animal I see no virtue which is opposed to justice; but I see a virtue which is opposed to love of pleasure, and that is temperance. 40. If thou takest away thy opinion about that which appears to give thee pain, thou th^'- self standest in perfect securitj'. — -Who is this self? — The reason. — But I am not reason. — Be it so. Let then the reason itself not trouble itself. But if any other part of thee suffers, let it have its own opinion about itself (vii. 16). 41. Hindrance to the perceptions of sense is an evil to the animal nature. Hindrance to the movements [desires] is equall}" an evil to the animal nature. And something else also is equally an impediment and an evil to the constitution of plants. So then that which is a hindrance to the intelligence is an evil to the intelligent nature. Apply all these things then to thyself. Does pain or sensuous pleas- ure affect thee ? The senses will look to that* 15 226 ^Tbousbts. [Book YIII. Has any obstacle opposed thee in thy efforts towards an object ? If indeed thou wast mak- ing this effort absolutely [unconditionally, or without any reservation], certainly this obstacle is an evil to thee considered as a rational ani- mal. But if thou takest [into consideration] the usual course of things, thou hast not yet been injured nor even impeded. The things however which are proper to the understanding no other man is u.sed to impede, for neither fire, nor iron, nor tyrant, nor abuse, touches it in any way. When it has been made a sphere, it continues a sphere (xi. 12). 42. It is not fit that I should give myself pain, for I have never intentionally given pain even to another. 43. Different things delight different people ; but it is my delight to keep the ruling faculty sound without turning away either from any man or from any of the things which happen to men, but looking at and receiving all with welcome eyes and using everything according to its value. 44. See that thou secure this present time to thyself ; for those who rather pursue posthum- ous fame do not consider that the men of after time will be exactly such as these whom they cannot bear now ; and both are mortal. And what is it in any way to thee if these men of after time utter this or that sound, or have this or that opinion about thee ? 45 . Take me and cast me where thou wilt ; Book VIII.] Marcus 2lurcUu6 Bntoninue. 227 for there I shall keep my divine part tranquil, that is, content, if it can feel and act comform- ably to its proper constitution. Is this [change of place] sufficient reason why my soul should be unhappy and worse than it was, depressed, expanded, shrinking, affrighted ? and what wilt thou find which -is .sufficient reason for this 46. Nothing can happen to any man which is not a human accident, nor to an ox which is not according to the nature of an ox, nor to a vine which is not according to the nature of a vine, nor to a stone which is not proper to a stone. If then there happens to each thing both what is usual and natural, why shouldst thou complain ? For the common nature brings nothing which may not be borne by thee. 47. If thou art pained by any external thing, it is not this thing that disturbs thee, but thy own judgment about it. And it is in thy power to wipe out this judgment now. But if anything in thy own disposition gives thee pain, who hinders thee from correcting thy opinion ? And even if thou art pained be- cause thou art not doing some particular thing which seems to thee to be right, why dost thou not rather act than complain ? — But some * bpeyonEvr) in this passage seems to have a passive sense. It is difficult to find an apt expression for it and some of the other M'ords. A comparison with xi. 12, will help to explain the meaning. 228 ^Ebouflbts. [BookYnL insuperable obstacle is in the way ? — Do not be grieved then, for the cause of its not being done depends not on thee. — But it is not worth while to live, if this cannot be done.^ — Take thy departure then from life contentedly, just as he dies who is in full activity, and well pleased too with the things which are ob- stacles. 48. Remember that the ruling faculty is in- vincible, when self-collected it is satisfied with itself, if it does nothing which it does not choose to do, even if it resist from mere obsti- nacy. What then will it be when it forms a judgment about anything aided by reason and deliberately ? Therefore the mind which is free from passions is a citadel, for man has no- thing more secure to which he can fly for refuge and for the future be inexpugnable. He then who has not seen this is an ignorant man ; but he who has seen it and does not fly to this refuge is unhappy. 49. Say nothing more to thj^self than what the first appearances report. Suppose that it has been reported to thee that a certain person speaks ill of thee. This has been reported ; but that thou hast been injured, that has not been reported. I see that my child is sick. I do see ; but that he is in danger, I do not see. Thus then always abide by the first appear- ances, and add nothing thyself from within, and then nothing happens to thee. Or rather add something like a man who knows every- thing that happens in the -world. Book Till.] /iftarcue Burellus Bntontnus. 229 50. A cucumber is bitter — Throw it away. — There are briers in the road — Turn aside from them. — This is enough. Do not add, And wTy were such things made in the world ? For thou wilt be ridiculed by a man who is acquainted with nature, as thou wouldst be ridiculed by a carpenter and shoemaker if thou didst find fault because thou seest in their workshop shavings and cuttings from the things which they make. And yet they have places into which they can throw these shav- ings and cuttings, and the universal nature has no external space ; but the wondrous part of her art is that though she has circumscribed herself, everything within her which appears to decay and to grow old and to be useless she changes into herself, and again makes other new things from these ver}' same, so that she requires neither substance from without nor wants a place into which she may cast that which decays. She is content then with her own space, and her own matter, and her own art. 51. Neither in thj^ actions be sluggish nor in thy conversation without method, nor wan- dering in thy thoughts, nor let there be in thy soul inward contention nor external effusion, nor in life be so busy as to have no leisure. Suppose that men kill thee, cut thee in pieces, curse thee. What then can these things do to prevent thy mind from remaining pure, wise, sober, ju.st? For instance, if a man 230 ^Tbougbte. [Book m should stand by a limpid pure spring, and curse it, the spring never ceases sending up potable water ; and if he should cast clay into it or filth, it will speedily disperse them and wash them out, and will not be at all polluted. How then shalt thou possess a perpetual fount- ain [and not a mere well]? By forming + thy- self hourly to freedom conjoined with content- ment, simplicity, and modest}’. 52. He who does not know what the world is, does not know where he is. And he who does not know for what purpose the world exists, does uot know who he is, nor what the world is. But he who has failed in any one of these things could not even say for what purpose he exists himself. What then dost thou think of him who [avoids or] seeks the praise of those who applaud, of men who know not either where they are or who they are ? 53. Dost thou wish to be praised by a man who curses himself thrice every hour ? wouldst thou wish to please a man who does not please himself? Does a man please himself who re- pents of nearly everything that he does? 54. No longer let thy breathing only act in concert with the air which surrounds thee, but let thy intelligence also now be in harmony with the intelligence which embraces all things. For the intelligent power is no less diffused in all parts and pen^ades all things for him who is willing to draw it to him than the aerial power for him who is able to respire it. Book VIII.] /iftarcus aurclius :antomnu0. 231 55. Generally, wickedness does no harm at all to the universe ; and particularly the wick- edness [of one man] does no harm to another. It is only harmful to him who has it in his power to be released from it as soon as he shall choose. 56. To m}^ own free will the free v/ill of my neighbor is just as indifferent as his poot breath and flesh. For though we are made es- pecially for the sake of one another, still the ruling power of each of us has its own office, for otherwise my neighbor’s wickedness would be my harm, which God has not willed, in order that my unhappiness may not depend on another. 57. The sun appears to be poured down, and in all directions indeed it is diffused, j^et it is not effused. For this diffusion is extension : Accordingly its rays are called Extensions [ami-Ef] because they are extended [d-o rov eKTdveadai^.^ But one may judge what kind of a thing a ra}^ is, if he looks at the sun’s light passing through a narrow opening into a dark- ened room, for it is extended in a right line, and as it were is divided when it meets with any solid body which stands in the way and intercepts the air beyond ; but there the light remains fixed and does not glide or fall off. Such then ought to be the outpouring and dif- fusion of the understanding, and it should in no way be an effusion, but an extension, and * A piece of bad et}'mology. 232 ?Ebougbt0. [Book YIIL it should make no violent or impetuous col- lision with the obstacles which are in its way ; nor yet fall down, but be fixed, and enlighten that which receives it. For a body will deprive itself of the illumination, if it does not admit it. 58. He who fears death either fears the loss of sensation or a different kind of sensation. But if thou shalt have no sensation, neither wilt thou feel any harm ; and if thou shalt acquire another kind of sensation, thou wfilt be a different kind of living being and thou wilt not cease to live. 59. Men exist for the sake of one another. Teach them then, or bear with them. 60. In one way an arrow moves, in another way the mind. The mind indeed, both when it exercises caution and when it is employed about inquiry, moves straight onward not the less, and to its object. 61. Enter into every man’s ruling faculty; and also let every other man enter into thine.* * Compare Epictetus, iii. 9, 12. Book IX.] fliarcus Burellus Bntomnus. 233 IX. H e who acts unjustly acts impiously. For since the universal nature has made ra- tional animals for the sake of one another, to help one another according to their deserts, but in no way to injure one another, he who transgresses her will is clearly guilty of impi- ety towards the highest divinity. And he too who lies is guilty of impiety to the same divin- ity; for the universal nature is the nature of things that are; and things that are have a re- lation to all things that come into existence.* * “ As there is not any action or natural event, which we are acquainted with, so single and unconnected as not to have a respect to some other actions and events, so possibly each of them, when it has not an immedi- ate, may yet have a remote, natural relation to other actions and events, much beyond the compass of this present world. ” Again; “ Things seemingly the most insignificant imaginable are perpetually observ^ed to be necessary conditions to other things of the greatest importance, so that any one thing whatever may, for aught we know to the contrary, be a necessary condi- tion to any other.” — Butler’s Analogy, Chap. 7. See all the chapter. Some critics take rd vndpxovTa in this passage of Antoninus to be the same as rd ovra : but if that were so he might have said 7rpd? oXkrfAa instead of rrpdf rd vndpxovTa. Perhaps the meaning of Trpdf rd i'-apxovTa may be “to all prior things.” If so, the translation is still correct. See vi. 38. 234 ^Tbougbts. [Book IX. And further, this universal nature is named truth, and is the prime cause of all things that are true. He then who lies intentionally is guilty of impiety, inasmuch as he acts unjustly by deceiving; and he also who lies uninten- tionally, inasmuch as he is at variance with the universal nature, and inasmuch as he disturbs the order by fighting against the nature of the world; for he fights against it, who is moved of himself to that which is contrary to truth, for he had received powers from nature through the neglect of which he is not able now to dis- tinguish falsehood from truth. And indeed he who pursues pleasure as good, and avoids pain as evil, is guilty of impiety. For of necessity such a man must often find fault with the uni- versal nature, alleging that it assigns things to the bad and the good contrary to their deserts, because frequently the bad are in the enjoy- ment of pleasure and possess the things which procure pleasure, but the good have pain for their .share and the things which cause pain. And further, he who is afraid of pain will sometimes also be afraid of some of the things which will happen in the world, and even this is impiety. And he who pursues pleasure will not abstain from injustice, and this is plainly impiety. Now with respect to the things towards which the universal nature is equally affected — for it would not have made both , un- less it was equally affected towards both — towards these they who wish to follow nature Book IX.] flftarcus Surellus antonfnus. 235 should be of the same mind with it, and equally affected. With respect to pain, then, and pleasure, or death and life, or honor and dis- honor, which the universal nature employs equally, whoever is not equall5^ affected is manifestly acting impiously. And I sa}" that the universal nature employ's them equally, instead of saying that they happen alike to those who are produced in continuous series and to those who come after them by virtue of a certain original movement of Providence, according to which it moved from a certain beginning to this ordering of things, having conceived certain principles of the things which were to be, and having determined powers pro- ductive of beings and of changes and of such like successions (vii. 75). 2. It would be a man’s happiest lot to depart from mankind without having had any taste of lying and hypocrisy and luxur}- and pride. However, to breathe out one’s life when a man has had enough of these things is the next best voyage, as the saying is. Hast thou deter- mined to abide with vice, and hast not exper- ience yet induced thee to fly from this pesti- lence ? For the destruction of the understand- ing is a pestilence, much more, indeed, than any such corruption and change of this atmos- phere which surrounds us. For this corruption is a pestilence of animals so far as they are animals ; but the other is a pestilence of men so far as they are men. 236 c:bougbts. [Book IX. 3. Do not despise death, but be well content with it, since this too is one of those things which nature wills. For such as it is to be young and to grow old, and to increase and to reach maturity, and to have teeth and beard and gray hairs, and to beget and to be preg- nant and to bring forth, and all the other natural operations which the seasons of thy life bring, such also is dissolution. This, then, is consistent with the character of a reflecting man — to be neither careless nor impatient nor contemptuous with respect to death, but to wait for it as one of the operations of nature. As thou now waitest for the time when the child shall come out of thy wife’s womb, so be ready for the time when thy soul shall fall out of this envelope.* But if thou requirest also a vulgar kind of comfort which shall reach thy heart, thou wilt be made best reconciled to death by observing the objects from which thou art going to be removed, and the morals of those with whom thy soul will no longer be mingled. For it is no way right to be offended with men, but it is thy duty to care for them and to bear with them gently; and yet to re- member that thy departure will not be from men who have the same principles as thyself. For this is the only thing, if there be any, which could draw us the contrary way and at- tach us to life, — to be permitted to live with those who have the same principles as our- * Note I of the Philosophy, p. 76. Book IX.] /liiarcus 2lurcliu5 :antoninu6. 237 selves. But now thou seest how great is the trouble arising from the discordance of those who live together, so that thou niayst say, Come quick, O death, lest perchance I, too, should forget myself 4. He who does wrong does wrong against himself He who acts unjustly acts unjustly to himself because he makes himself bad. 5. He often acts unjustly who does not do a certain thing; not only he who does a certain thing. 6. Thy present opinion founded on under- standing, and thy present conduct directed to social good, and thy present disposition of con- tentment with everything which happens-f- — that is enough. 7. Wipe out imagination; check desire: ex- tinguish appetite: keep the ruling faculty in its own power. 8. Among the animals which have not reason one life is distributed; but among reasonable animals one intelligent soul is distributed: just as there is one earth of all things which are of an earthly nature, and we see by one light, and breathe one air, all of us that have the faculty of vision and all that have life. 9. All things which participate in anything which is common to them all, mor^e towards that which is of the same kind with themselves. Everything which is earthy turns towards the earth, evei^dhing which is liquid flows to- gether, and everything which is of an aerial 238 ^bougbtB. [Book IX. kind does the same, so that they require some- thing to keep them asunder, and the applica- tion of force. Fire indeed moves upwards on account of the elemental fire, but it is so ready to be kindled together with all the fire which is here, that even every substance which is somewhat dry is easily ignited, because there is less mingled with it of that which is a hin- drance to ignition. Accordingly, then, every- thing also which participates in the common intelligent nature moves in like manner to- wards that w'hich is of the same kind with itself, or moves even more. For so much as it is superior in comparison with all other things, in the same degree also is it more ready to min- gle with and to be fused with that which is akin to it. Accordingly among animals devoid of reason we find swarms of bees, and herds of cattle, and the nurture of young birds, and in a manner, loves; for even in animals there are souls, and that power which brings them to- gether is seen to exert itself in a superior de- gree, and in such a way as never has been observed in plants nor in stones nor in trees. But in rational animals there are political com- munities and friendships, and families and meetings of people; and in wars, treaties, and armistices. But in the things which are still superior, even though they are separated from one another, unity in a manner exists, as in the stars. Thus the ascent to the higher degree is able to produce a sympathy even in things Book II.] Marcus :aureliu0 Antoninus. 239 which are separated. See then, what now takes place; for only intelligent animals have now forgotten this mutual desire and inclina- tion, and in them alone the property of flowing together is not seen. But still, though men strive to avoid [this union], thej’ are caught and held by it, for their nature is too strong for them; and thou wilt see what I say, if thou only obsercest. Sooner, then, will one find anything earth}" which comes in contact with no earthy thing, than a man altogether sepa- rated from other men. 10. Both man and God and the universe pro- duce fruit ; at the proper seasons each produces it. But and if usage has especially fixed these terms to the vine and like things, this is noth- ing. Reason produces fruit both for all and for itself, and there are produced from it other things of the same kind as reason itself 11. If thou art able, correct by teaching those who do wrong ; but if thou canst not, re- member that indulgence is given to thee for this purpose. And the gods, too, are indulgent to such persons ; and for some purposes they even help them to get health, wealth, reputa- tion; so kind they are. And it is in thy power also; or say, who hinders thee? 12. Labor hot as one who is wretched, nor yet as one who would be pitied or admired ; but direct thy will to one thing only — to put thyself in motion and to check thyself as the social reason requires. 240 ITbouflbts. [Book IX. 13. To-day I have got out of all trouble, or rather I have cast out all trouble, for it was not outside, but within and in my opinions. 14. All things are the same, familiar in ex- perience, and ephemeral in time, and worthless in the matter. Everything now is just as it was in the time of those whom we have buried. 15. Things stand outside of us, themselves by themselves, neither knowing aught of them- selves, nor expre.ssing any judgment. What is it, then, which does judge about them ? The ruling faculty. 16. Not in passivity but in activity lie the evil and the good of the rational social animal, just as his virtue and his vice lie not in pas- sivity but in activity.* 17. For the stone which has been thrown up it is no evil to come down, nor indeed any good to have been carried up (viii. 20). 18. Penetrate inwards into men’s leading principles, and thou wilt see what judges thou art afraid of, and what kind of judges they are of themselves. 19. All things are changing : and thou thy- self art in continuous mutation and in a man- ner in continuous destruction, and the whole universe too. 20. It is thy duty to leave another man’s wrongful act there where it is (vii. 29; ix. 38). 21. Termination of activity, cessation from * Virtutis omnis laus in actione consistit. — Cicero, De Off., I 6. Book IX.] ^liarcus Bureltus Bntoninug. 241 movement and opinion, and in a sense their death, is no evil. Turn thy thoughts now to the consideration of thy life, thy life as a child, as a youth, thy manhood, thy old age, for in these also every change was a death. Is this anything to fear? Turn thy thoughts now to thy life under thy grandfather, then to thy life under thy mother, then to th}^ life under thy father ; and as thou findest many other differ- ences and changes and terminations, ask thy- self, Is this anything to fear? In like manner, then, neither are the termination and cessation and change of thy whole life a thing to be afraid of. 22. Hasten [to examine] thy own ruling faculty and that of the universe and that of thy neighbor : thy own, that thou ma5'-st make it just ; and that of the universe, that thou mayst remember of what thou art a part; and that of thy neighbor, that thou mayst know whether he has acted ignorantly or with knowledge, and thou mayst also consider that his ruling faculty is akin to thine. 23. As thou thyself art a component part of a social system, so let every act of thine be a component part of social life. Whatever act of thine then has no reference either immedi- ately or remotely to a social end, this tears asunder thy life, and does not allow it to be one, and it is of the nature of a mutiny, just as when in a popular assembly a man acting by himself stands apart from the general agreement. 16 242 ^Tbougbte, [Book IL 24. Quarrels of little children and their sports, and poor spirits carrying about dead bodies [such is everything]; and so what is exhibited in the representation of the mansions of the dead * strikes our eyes more clearly. 25. Examine into the quality of the form of an object, and detach it altogether from its material part, and then contemplate it; then determine the time, the longest which a thing of this peculiar form is naturally made to en- dure. 26. Thou hast endured infinite troubles through not being contented with thy ruling faculty when it does the things which it is con- stituted by nature to do. But enough -b [of this]. 27. When another blames thee or hates thee, or when men say about thee anything injurious, approach their poor souls, penetrate within, and see what kind of men they are. Thou wilt discover that there is no reason to take any trouble that these men may have this or that opinion about thee. However, thou must be well disposed towards them, for by nature they are friends. And the gods too aid them in all ways, by dreams, by signs, towards the attainment of those things on which they set a value. + * -6 rfjq Ne/cw'af may be, as Gataker conjectures, a dramatic representation of the state of the dead. Schultz supposes that it may be also a reference to the 'SeKv'ia of the Odyssey (lib. xi. ). Book IX.] .®atcu6 2lutelfus antonfnus. 243 28. The periodic movements of the universe are the same, up and down from age to age. And either the universal intelligence puts it- self in motion for every separate effect, and if this is so, be thou content with that which is the result of its activity; or it puts itself in motion once, and everything else comes by way of sequence* in a manner; or indivisible elements are the origin of all things. — In a word, if there is a god, all is well; and if chance rules, do not thou also be governed by it (vi. 44; yii. 75). Soon will the earth cover us all: then the earth, too, will change, and the things also which result from change will continue to change forever, and these again forever. For if a man reflects on the changes and transfor- mations which follow one another like wave after wave and their rapidity, he will despise everything which is perishable (xii. 21). 29. The universal cause is like a winter torrent: it carries everything along with it. But how worthless are all these poor people who are engaged in matters political, and, as they suppose, are playing the philosopher ! All drivellers. Well then, man: do what na- ture now requires. Set thyself in motion, if it is in thy power, and do not look about thee to see if any one will observe it; nor yet expect * The words which immediately follow /car’ iTzano- TMvdrjaLv are corrupt. But the meaning is hardly doubtful. (Compare vii. 75.) 244 ^Tbouflbte. [Book IX, Plato’s Republic:* but be content if the small- est thing goes on well, and consider such an event to be no small matter. For who can change men’s opinions ? and without a change of opinions what else is there than the slavery of men who groan while they pretend to obey ? Come now and tell me of Alexander and Philippus and Demetrius of Phalerum. They themselves shall judge whether they discovered what the common nature required, and trained themselves accordingly. But if they acted like tragedy heroes, no one has condemned me to imitate them. Simple and modest is the work of philosophy. Draw me not aside to insolence and pride. 30. Look down from above on the countless herds of men and their countless solemnities, and the infinitely varied voyagings in storms and calms, and the differences among those who are born, who live together, and die. And consider, too, the life lived by others in olden time, and the life of those who will live after thee, and the life now lived among bar- barous nations, and how many know not even thy name, and how many will soon forget it, and how they who perhaps now are prais- ing thee will very soon blame thee, and that neither a posthumous name is of any value, nor reputation, nor anything else. * Those who wish to know what Plato’s Republic is may now study it in the accurate translation of Davies and Vaughan. Book IX.] flfcarcus autclius Bntoninus. 245 31. Let there be freedom from perturbations with respect to the things which come from the external cause; and let there be justice in the things done by virtue of the internal cause, that is, let there be movement and action ter- minating in this, in social acts, for this is ac- cording to thy nature. 32. Thou canst remove out of the way many useless things among those which disturb thee, for they lie entirely in thy opinion; and thou wilt then gain for thyself ample space by com- prehending the whole universe in thy mind, and by contemplating the eternity of time, and observing the rapid change of every several thing, how short is the time from birth to dis- solution, and the illimitable time before birth as well as the equally boundless time after dis- solution ! 33. All that thou seest will quickly perish, and those who have been spectators of its dis- solution will very soon perish too. And he who dies at the extremest old age will be brought into the same condition with him who died prematurely. 34. What are these men’s leading principles, and about what kind of things are they busy, and for what kind of reasons do they love and honor? Imagine that thou seest their pool souls laid bare. When they think that they do harm by their blame or good by their praise, what an idea ! 35. Loss is nothing else than change. But 246 ^Cbouflbts. [Book IX. the universal nature delights iu change, and in obedience to her all things are now done well, and from eternity have been in like form, and will be such to time without end. What, then, dost thou say,- -that all things have been and all things always will be bad, and that no power has ever been found in so many gods to rectify these things, but the world has been condemned to be bound in never ceasing evil (iv. 45, vii. 18)? 36. The rottenness of the matter which is the foundation of everything ! water, dust, bones, filth: or again, marble rocks, the callos- ities of the earth; and gold and silver, the sed- iments; and garments, only bits of hair; and purple dye, blood; and everything else is of the same kind. And that which is of the na- ture of breath is also another thing of the same kind, changing from this to that. 37. Enough of this wretched life and mur- muring and apish tricks. Why art thou dis- turbed? What is there new in this? What unsettles thee ? Is it the form of the thing ? Look at it. Or is it the matter ? Look at it. But besides these there is nothing. Towards the gods then, now become at last more simple and better. It is the same whether we exam- ine these things for a hundred years or three. 38. If a man has done wrong the harm is his own. But perhaps he has not done wrong. 39. Either all things proceed from one intel- ligent source and come together as in one body. Book IX.] ^Barcue SureUus Sntonlnus. 247 and the part ought not to find fault with M'hat is done for the benefit of the whole ; or there are only atoms, and nothing else than mixture and dispersion. Why, then, art thou disturbed ? Say to the ruling faculty. Art thou dead, art thou corrupted, art thou playing the hypocrite, art thou become a beast, dost thou herd and feed with the rest ?* 40. Either the gods have no power or they have power. If, then, the}’ have no power, why dost thou pray to them ? But if the}’ have power, why dost thou not pray for them to give thee the faculty of not fearing any of the things which thou fearest, or of not desiring any of the things which thou desirest, or not being pained at anything, rather than pray that any of these things should not happen or hap- pen ? for certainly if they can co-operate with men, they can co-operate for these purposes. But perhaps thou wilt say the gods have placed them in thy power. Well, then, is it not bet- ter to use what is in thy power like a free man than to desire in a slavish and abject way what is not in thy power ? And who has told thee that the gods do not aid us, even in the things which are in our power? Begin, then, to pray for such things, and thou wilt see. One man * There is some corruption at the end of this section, but I think that the translation expresses the em- peror’s meaning. Whether intelligence rules all things or chance rules, a man must not be disturbed. He must use the power that he has and be tranquil. 248 ^Tbouflbts. [Book IX. prays thus: How shall I be able to lie with that woman ? Do thou pray thus: How shall I not desire to lie with her? Another prays thus: How shall I be released from this ? Pray thou : How shall I not desire to be released ? Another thus: How shall I not lose my little son ? Thou thus: How shall I not be afraid to lose him ? In fine, turn thy prayers this way, and see what comes. 41. Epicurus says. In my sickness my con- versation was not about my bodily sufferings, nor, says he, did I talk on such subjects to those who visited me; but I continued to dis- course on the nature of things as before, keep- ing to this main point, how the mind, while participating in such movements as go on in the poor fiesh, shall be free from perturbations and maintain its proper good. Nor did I, he says, give the physicians an opportunity of put- ting on solemn looks, as if they were doing something great, but my life went on well and happily. Do, then, the same that he did both in sickness, if thou art sick, and in any other circumstances; for never to desert philosophy in any events that may befall us, nor to hold trifling talks either with an ignorant man or with one unacquainted with nature, is a prin- ciple of all schools of philosophy; but to be intent only on that which thou art now doing and on the instrument by which thou doest it. 42. When thou art offended with any man’s shameless conduct, immediately ask thyself. Book IX.] .flBarcue Sureliue Bntonfnue. 249 Is it possible, then, that shameless men should not be in the world ? It is not possible. Do not, then, require what is impossible. For this man also is one of those shameless men who must of necessity be in the world. Let the same considerations be present to thy mind in the case of the knave, and the faithless man, and of every man who does wrong in any way. For at the same time that thou dost remind thyself that it is impossible that such kind of men should not exist, thou wilt become more kindly disposed towards every one individually. It is useful to perceive this, too, immediately when the occasion arises, what virtue nature has given to man to oppose to every wrongful act. For she has given to man, as an antidote against the stupid man, mildness, and against another kind of man some other power. And in all cases it is possible for thee to correct by teaching the man who is gone astray; for every man who errs misses his object and is gone astray. Besides, wherein hast thou been in- jured ? For thou wilt find that no one among those against whom thou art irritated has done anything by which thy mind could be made worse; but that which is evil to thee and harm- ful has its foundation only in the mind. And what harm is done or what is there strange, if the man who has not been instructed does the acts of an uninstructed man ? Consider whether thou shouldst not rather blame thy- self, because thou didst not expect such a man 250 trbougbts. [Book II. to err in such a way. For thou hadst means given thee by thy reason to suppose that it was likely that he would commit this error, and yet thou hast forgotten and art amazed that he has erred. But most of all when thou blamest a man as faithless or ungrateful, turn to thyself. For the fault is manifestly thy own, whether thou didst trust that a man who had such a disposition would keep his promise, or when conferring thy kindness thou didst not confer it absolutelJ^ nor yet in such way as to have received from thy very act all the profit. For what more dost thou want when thou hast done a man a service ? art thou not content that thou hast done something conformable to thy nature, and dost thou seek to be paid for it ? just as if the eye demanded a recompense for seeing, or the feet for walking. For as these members are formed for a particular purpose, and by working according to their several con- stitutions obtain what is their own;* so also as man is formed by nature to acts of benevolence, when he has done anything benevolent or in any other way conducive to the common inter- est, he has acted conformably to his constitu- tion, and he gets what is his own. * ’knex^i- TO Wlov. This sense of anexeiv occurs in xi. I, and iv. 49; also in St. Matthew, vi. 2, anexovat TQV fuadov, and in Epictetus. Book!.] Marcus Burelius Bntoninue. 251 X. W ilt thou, then, my soul, never be good and simple and one and naked, more manifest than the body which surrounds thee ? Wilt thou never enjoy an affectionate and con- tented disposition? Wilt thou never be full and without a want of any kind,< longing for nothing more, nor desiring anything, either animate or inanimate, for the enjoyment of pleasures? nor yet desiring time wherein thou shalt have longer enjoyment, or place, or pleasant climate, or society of men with whom thou mayst live in harmony ? but wilt thou be satisfied with thy present condition, and pleased with all that is about thee, and wilt thou convince thyself that thou hast every- thing, and that it comes from the gods, that everything is well for thee, and will be well whatever shall please them, and whatever they shall give for the conservation of the perfect living being,* the good and just and beautiful, which generates and holds together all things, and contains and embraces all things which are dissolved for the production of other like things ? Wilt thou never be such that thou * That is, God (iv. 40), as he is defined by Zeno. But the confusion between gods and God is strange. 252 ^Tbougbts. [Book X. shalt so dwell in community with gods and men as neither to find fault with them at all, nor to be condemned by them ? 2. Observe what thy nature requires, so far as thou art governed by nature only: then do it and accept it, if thy nature, so far as thou art a living being, shall not be made worse by it. And next thou must observe what thy nature requires so far as thou art a living being. And all this thou mayst allow thyself, if thy nature, so far as thou art a rational animal, shall not be made worse by it. But the rational animal is consequently also a political [social] animal. Use these rules, then, and trouble thyself about nothing else. 3. Everything which happens either happens in such wise as thou art formed by nature to bear it, or as thou art not formed by nature to bear it. If, then, it happens to thee in such way as thou art formed by nature to bear it, do not complain, but bear it as thou art formed by nature to bear it. But if it happens in such wise as thou art not formed by nature to bear it, do not complain, for it will perish after it has consumed thee. Remember, however, that thou art formed by nature to bear everything, with respect to which it depends on thy own opinion to make it endurable and tolerable, by thinking that it is either thy interest or thy duty to do this. 4. If a man is mistaken, instruct him kindly and show him his error. But if thou art not able, blame thyself, or blame not even thyself. Book!.] /ffi»arcus aurclius Antoninus. 253 5. Whatever may happen to thee, it was pre- pared for thee from all eternity; and the impli- cation of causes was from eternity spinning the thread of thy being, and of that which is inci- dent to it (hi. II ; iv. 26). 6. Whether the universe is [a concourse of] atoms, or nature [is a system], let this first be established, that I am a part of the whole which is governed by nature; next, I am in a manner intimately related to the parts which are of the same kind with myself. For re- membering this, inasmuch as I am a part, I shall be discontented with none of the things which are assigned to me out of the whole; for nothing is injurious to the part if it is for the advantage of the whole. For the whole con- tains nothing which is not for its advantage; and all natures indeed have this common prin- ciple, but the nature of the universe has this principle besides, that it cannot be compelled even by any external cause to generate any- thing harmful to itself. By remembering, then, that I am a part of such a whole, I shall be content with eveiy^thing that happens. And inasmuch as I am in a manner intimately re- lated to the parts which are of the same kind with myself, I shall do nothing unsocial, but I shall rather direct myself to the things which are of the same kind with m3^self, and I shall turn all my efforts to the common interest, and divert them from the contrary. Now, if these things are done so, life must flow on happily. 254 ^Tbougbts. [Book I. just as thou mayst observe that the life of a citizen is happy, who continues a course of action which is advantageous to his fellow- citizens, and is content with whatever the state may assign to him. 7. The parts of the whole, everything, I mean, which is naturally comprehended in the universe, must of necessity perish; but let this be understood in this sense, that they must un- dergo change. But if this is naturally both an evil and a necessity for the parts, the whole would not continue to exist in a good condi- tion, the parts being subject to change and constituted so as to perish in various ways. For whether did Nature herself design to do evil to the things which are parts of herself, and to make them subject to evil and of neces- sity fall into evil, or have such results happened without her knowing it ? Both these supposi- tions, indeed, are incredible. But if a man should even drop the term Nature [as an effi- cient power], and should speak of these things as natural, even then it would be ridiculous to affirm at the same time that the parts of the whole are in their nature subject to change, and at the same time to be surprised or vexed as if something were happening contrary to na- ture, particularly as the dissolution of things is into those things of which each thing is com- posed. For there is either a dispersion of the elements out of which everything has been compounded, or a change from the solid to the BookX.] /iBarcue Hurelius Bntoninus. 255 earthy and from the airy to the aerial, so that these parts are taken back into the universal reason, whether this at certain periods is con- sumed by fire or renewed by eternal changes. And do not imagine that the solid and the airy part belong to thee from the time of generation. For all this received its accretion only yester- day and the day before, as one may say, from the food and the air which is inspired. This, then, which has received [the accretion], changes, not that which thy mother brought forth. But suppose that this [which thy mother brought forth] implicates thee verj^ much with that other part, which has the peculiar quality [of change], this is nothing in fact in the way of objection to what is said.* 8. When thou hast assumed these names, good, modest, true, rational, a man of equa- nimity, and magnanimous, take care that thou dost not change these names; and if thou shouldst lose them, quickly return to them. And remember that the term Rational was in- tended to signify a discriminating attention * The end of this section is perhaps corrupt. The meaning is very obscure. I have given that meaning which appears to be consistent with the whole argu- ment. The emperor here maintains that the essential part of man is unchangeable, and that the other parts, if they change or perish, do not affect that which really constitutes the man. See the Philosophy of Antoninus, p. 56, note 2. Schultz supposed “thy mother” to mean nature, ?/ But I doubt about that. 256 ^TbouQbts. [Book X. to every several tjbing, and freedom from neg- ligence; and that Equanimity is the voluntary acceptance of the things which are assigned to thee by the common nature; and that Mag- nanimity is the elevation of the intelligent part above the pleasurable or painful sensations of the flesh, and above that poor thing called fame, and death, and all such things. If, then, thou maintainest thyself in the possession of these names, without desiring to be called by these names by others, thou wilt be another person and wilt enter on another life. For to continue to be such as thou hast hitherto been, and to be torn in pieces and defiled in such a life, is the character of a very stupid man and one over- fond of his life, and like those half-devoured fighters with wild beasts, who though covered with wounds and gore, still intreat to be kept to the following day, though they will be ex- posed in the same state to the same claws and bites.* Therefore fix thyself in the possession of these few names: and if thou art able to abide in them, abide as if thou wast removed to certain islands of the Happy. f But if thou *See Seneca, Epp. 70, on these exhibitions which amused the people of those days. These fighters were the Bestiarri, some of whom may have been criminals; but even if they were, the exhibition was equally characteristic of the depraved habits of the spectators. t The islands of the Happy, or the Fortunatae Insu- lae, are spoken of by the Greek and Roman writers. They were the abode of Heroes, like Achilles and Book I.] /iRarcus Bureliue Bntonfnus. 257 shalt perceive that thou fallest out of them and dost not maintain thy hold, go courageously into some nook where thou shalt maintain them, or even depart at once from life, not in passion, but with simplicity and freedom and modesty, after doing this one [laudable] thing at least in thy life, to have gone out of it thus. In order, however, to the remembrance of these names, it will greatly help thee if thou remem- berest the gods, and that they wish not to be flattered, but wish all reasonable beings to be made like themselves; and if thou remember- est that what does the work of a fig-tree is a fig-tree, and that what does the work of a dog is a dog, and that what does the work of a bee Diomedes, as we see in the Scolion of Harmodius and Aristogiton. Sertorius heard of the islands at Cadiz from some sailors who had been there, and he had a wish to go and live in them and rest from his troubles (Plutarch, Sertorius, c. 8). In the Odyssey, Proteus told Menelaus that he should not die in Argos, but be removed to a place at the boundary of the earth where Rhadamanthus dwelt (Odyssey, iv. 565): — “ For there in sooth man’s life is easiest: Nor snow nor raging storm nor rain is there But ever gently breathing gales of Zephyr Oceanus sends up to gladden man.” it is certain that the writer of the Odyssey only fol- lows some old legend, without having any knowledge of any place which corresponds to his description. The two islands which Sertorius heard of may be Ma- deira and the adjacent island. Compare Pindar, Ol. ii. 129. 17 258 ^Tbougbts. [Book X. is a bee, and that what does the work of a man is a man. 9. Mimi,*war, astonishment, torpor, slavery, will daily wipe out those holy principles of thine. + How many things without studying nature dost thou imagine, and how many dost thou neglect ? f But it is thy duty so to look on and so to do everything, that at the same time the power of dealing with circumstances is perfected, and the contemplative faculty is exercised, and the confidence which conies from the knowledge of each several thing is maintained without showing it, but yet not concealed. For when wilt thou enjoy sim- plicity, when gravity, and when the knowledge of every several thing, both what it is in sub- stance, and what place it has in the universe, and how long it is formed to exist, and of what things it is compounded, and to whom it can belong, and who are able both to give it and take it away ? 10. A spider is proud when it has caught a fly, and another when he has caught a poor hare, and another when he has taken a little fish in a net, and another when he has taken wild boars, and another when he has taken bears, and another when he has taken Sar- * Corais conjectured iilaog “hatred” in place of Mimi, Roman plays in which action and gesticulation were all or nearly all. t This is corrupt. See the addition of Schultz. Book X.] ifiibarcua Surclius Bntonfnus. 259 matians. Are not these robbers, if thou ex- aminest their opinions ? * 1 1 . Acquire the contemplative way of seeing how all things change into one another, and constantly attend to it, and exercise thyself about this part [of philosophy]. For nothing is so much adapted to produce magnanimity. Such a man has put off the body, and as he sees that he must, no one knows how soon, go away from among men and leave everything here, he gives himself up entirely to just doing in all his actions, and in everything else that happens he resigns himself to the universal nature. But as to what any man shall say or think about him or do against him, he never even thinks of it, being himself contented with these two things — with acting justly in what he now does, and being satisfied with what is now assigned to him; and he lays aside all dis- tracting and busy pursuits, and desires nothing else than to accomplish the straight course through the law,t and by accomplishing the straight course to follow God. 12. What need is there of suspicious fear, since it is in thy power to inquire what ought to be done ? And if thou seest clear, go by * Marcus means to say that conquerors are robbers. He himself warred against Sarmatians, and was a rob- ber, as he says, like the rest But compare the life of Avidius Cassius, c. 4, by Vulcatius. f By the law he means the divine law, obedience to the will of God. 26 o c:bou0bt6. [Book X. this way content, without turning back; but if thou dost not see clear, stop and take the best advisers. But if any other things oppose thee, go on according to thy powers with due consideration, keeping to that which appears to be just. For it is best to reach this object, and if thou dost fail, let thy failure be in at- tempting this. He who follows reason in all things is both tranquil and active at the same time, and also cheerful and collected. 13. Inquire of thyself as soon as thou wakest from sleep whether it will make any difference to thee if another does what is j ust and right. It will make no difference (vi. 32; viii. 55). Thou hast not forgotten, I suppose, that those who assume arrogant airs in bestowing their praise or blame on others are such as they are at bed and at board, and thou hast not forgotten what they do, and what they avoid, and what they pursue, and how they steal and how they rob, not with hands and feet, but with their most valuable part, by means of which there is produced, when a man chooses, fidelity, modesty, truth, law, a good daemon [happiness] (vii. 17)? 14. To her who gives and takes back all, to nature, the man who is instructed and modest says. Give what thou wilt; take back what thou wilt. And he says this not proudly, but obediently, and well pleased with her. 15. Short is the little which remains to thee of life. Live as on a mountain. For it makes SookX.] /iBarcus aureliu6 Hntoninu0. 261 no difference whether a man lives there or here, if he lives everywhere in the world as in a state [political community]. Let me see, let them know a real man who lives according to nature. If they cannot endure him, let them kill him. For that is better than to live thus [as men do]. 16. No longer talk at all about the kind of man that a good man ought to be, but be such. 17. Constantly contemplate the whole of time and the whole of substance, and consider that all individual things as to substance are a grain of a fig, and as to time the turning of a gimlet. 18. Look at ever^dhing that exists, and ob- serv’e that it is already in dissolution and in change, and as it were putrefaction or dis- persion, or that everything is so constituted by nature as to die. 19. Consider what men are when they are eat- ing, sleeping, generating, easing themselves, and so forth. Then what kind of men they are when they are imperious + and arrogant, or angry and scolding from their elevated place. But a short time ago to how many they were slaves and for what things; and after a little time consider in what a condition they will be. 20. That is for the good of each thing, which the universal nature brings to each. And it is for its good at the time when nature brings it. 21. “The earth loves the shower;’’ and “the solemn ether loves;’’ and the universe loves to make whatever is about to be. I say 262 ?Tbougbt0. [Book X. then to the universe, that I love as thou lovest. And is not this too said that ‘ ‘ this or that loves [is wont] to be produced ?”* 22. Either thou livest here and hast already accustomed thyself to it, or thou art going away, and this was thy own will; or thou art dying and hast discharged thy duty. But be- sides these things there is nothing. Be of good cheer, then. 23. Let this always be plain to thee, that this piece of land is like any other ; and that all things here are the same with things on the top of a mountain, or on the sea-shore, or wherever thou choosest to be. For thou wilt find just what Plato says. Dwelling within the walls of a city as in a shepherd’s fold on a mountain. [The three last words are omitted in the translation.]! * These words are from Euripides. They are cited by Aristotle, Ethic. Nicom. viii. i. Athenaeus (xiii. 296) and Stobaeus quote seven complete lines begin- ning ipa piv bpppov yaXa. There is a similar fragment of Aeschylus, Danaides, also quoted by Athenaeus. It was the fashion of the Stoics to work on the meanings of words. So Antoninus here takes the verb “loves,” which has also the sense of “is wont,” “uses,” and the like. He finds in the com- mon language of mankind a philosophical truth, and most great truths are expressed in the common language of life; some understand them, but most people utter them without knowing how much they mean. t Plato, Theaet. 174 D. E. But compare the orig- inal with the use that Antoninus has made of it. Booi X.] ^Barcus Aurelius Bntotunus. 263 24. What is my ruling faculty now to me ? and of what nature am I now making it ? and for what purpose am I now using it? is it void of understanding ? is it loosed and rent asun- der from social life ? is it melted into and mixed with the poor flesh so as to move together with it ? 25. He who flies from his master is a runa- way; but the law is master, and he who breaks the law is a runaway. And he also who is grieved or angry or afraid, + is dissatisfied be- cause something has been or is or shall be of the things which are appointed b}" him who rules all things, and he is Law and assigns to every man what is fit. He then who fears or is grieved or is angry is a runaway.* 26. A man deposits seed in a womb and goes away, and then another cause takes it and labors on it, and makes a child. What a thing from such a material ! Again, the child passes food down through the throat, and then an- other cause takes it and makes perception and motion, and in fine, life and strength and other things; how many and how strange ! Observ'e then the things which are produced in such a hidden wa5^ and see the power, just as we see the power which carries things downwards and upwards, not with the eyes, but still no less plainly (vii. 85). * Antoninus is here playing on the etymology, of vdfioc^ law, assignment, that which assigns {vi/^ei) to every man his portion. 264 ^Tbougbts. [Book X. 27. Constantly consider how all things such as they now are, in time past also were; and consider that they will be the same again. And place before thy eyes entire dramas and stages of the same form, whatever thou hast learned from thy experience or from older history; for example, the whole court of Hadrianus, and the whole court of Antoninus, and the wdiole court of Philippus, Alexander, Croesus; for all those were such dramas as we see now, only with different actors. 28. Imagine every man who is grieved at anything or discontented to be like a pig which is sacrificed and kicks and screams. Like this pig also is he who on his bed in silence laments the bonds in which we are held. And consider that only to the rational animal is it given to follow voluntarily what happens; but simply to follow is a necessity imposed on all. 29. Severally on the occasion of everything that thou dost, pause and ask thyself if death is a dreadful thing because it deprives thee of this. 30. When thou art offended at any man’s fault, forthwith turn to thyself and reflect in what like manner thou dost err thyself ; for example, in thinking that money is a good thing, or pleasure, or a bit of reputation, and the like. For by attending to this thou wilt quickly forget thy anger, if this consideration i,lso is added, that the man is compelled: for Book X.] /iBarcus Hurclius Antoninus. 265 -what else could he do ? or, if thou art able, take away from him the compulsion. 31. When thou hast seen Satyron* the So- cratic,+ think of either Eutyches or Hymen, and when thou hast seen Euphrates, think of Eutj^chion or Silvanus, and w’hen thou hast seen Alciphron think of Tropaeophorus, and when thou hast seen Xenophon, think of Critof or Severus, and when thou hast looked on thyself, think of any other Caesar, and in the case of every one do in like manner. Then let this thought be in thy mind. Where then are those men? Now'here, or nobody knows where. For thus continuously thou wilt look at human things as smoke and nothing at all; especially if thou reflectest at the same time that what has once changed will never exist again in the infinite duration of time. But thou, in what a brief space of time is thy ex- istence? And w’hy art thou not content to pass through this short time in an orderly way ? What matter and opportunity [for thy activity] * Nothing is known of Sat}’ron or Satyrion; nor, I helieve, of Eutyches or Hymen. Euphrates is honor- ablj’ mentioned by Epictetus (iii. 15, 8; iv. 8, 17). Pliny (Epp. i. 10) speaks very highly of him. He ob- tained the permission of the Emperor Hadrian to drink poison, because he was old and in bad health (Dion Cassius, 69, c. 8). t Crito is the friend of Socrates ; and he was, it ap- pears, also a friend of Xenophon. When the em- peror says “seen ” {Iduv), he does not mean with the eyes. 266 ^bougbts. [Book X. art thou avoiding ? For what else are all these things, except exercises for the reason, when it has viewed carefully and by examination into their nature the things which happen in life ? Persevere then until thou shalt have made these things thy own, as the stomach which is strengthened makes all things its own, as the blazing lire makes flame and brightness out of everything that is thrown into it. 32. Let it not be in an}" man’s power to say truly of thee that thou are not simple or that thou art not good; but let him be a liar who- ever shall think anything of this kind about thee; and this is altogether in thy power. For who is he that shall hinder thee from being good and simple ? Do thou only determine to live no longer unless thou shalt be such. For neither does reason allow [thee to live], if thou art not such.* 33. What is that which as to this material [our life] can be done or said in the wa}' most conformable to reason ? For whatever this may be, it is in thy power to do it or to say it, and do not make excuses that thou art hindered. Thou wilt not cease to lament till thj" mind is in such a condition that what luxury is to those who enjoy pleasure, such shall be to thee, in the matter which is subjected and pre- sented to thee, the doing of the things which are conformable to man’s constitution ; for a * Compare Epictetus, i. 29, 28. Book X.] /iRarcue Burclius Bntonlnus. 267 man ought to consider as an enjoyment every- thing which it is in his power to do according to his own nature. And it is in his power every- where. Now, it is not given to a cylinder to move everywhere by its own motion, nor }’et to water nor to fire, nor to anything else which is governed by nature or an irrational soul, for the things which check them and stand in the way are many. But intelligence and reason are able to go through everything that opposes them, and in such manner as they are formed b}^ nature and as they choose. Place before thy e3^es this facility with which the reason will be carried through all things, as fire up- wards, as a stone downwards, as a cjdinder down an inclined surface,- and seek for nothing further. For all other obstacles either affect the body only, which is a dead thing; or, ex- cept through opinion and the yielding of the reason itself, they do not crush nor do any harm of any kind; for if they did, he who felt it would immediately become bad. Now, in the case of all things which have a certain con- stitution, whatever harm may happen to any of them, that which is so affected becomes con- sequently worse; but in the like case, a man becomes both better, if one may say so, and more worthy of praise by making a right use of these accidents. And finally remember that nothing harms him who is really a citizen, which does not harm the state; nor yet does anything harm the state, which does not 268 tTbougbts. [Book X. harm law [order]; and of these things which are called misfortunes not one harms law. What then does not harm law does not harm either state or citizen. 34. To him who is penetrated by true prin- ciples even the briefest precept is sufficient, and any common precept, to remind him that he should be free from grief and fear. For ex- ample: — “ Leaves, some the wind scatters on the ground — So is the race of men.”* Leaves, also, are thy children; and leaves, too, are they who cry out as if they were worthy of credit and bestow their praise, or on the con- trary curse, or secretly blame and sneer; and leaves, in like manner, are those who shall re- ceive and transmit a man’s fame to after-times. For all such things as these “are produced in the season of spring,’’ as the poet says; then the wind casts them down; then the forest produces other leaves in their places. But a brief existence is common to all things, and yet thou avoidest and pursuest all things as if they would be eternal. A little time, and thou shalt close thy eyes; and him who has attended thee to thy grave another soon will lament. 35. The healthy eye ought to see all visible things and not to say, I wish for green things; for this is the condition of a diseased eye. * Homer, II., vi. 146. Book X.] /lBarcu0 Burelius Bntoninus. 269 And the healthy hearing and smelling ought to be ready to perceive all that can be heard and smelled. And the healthy stomach ought to be with respect to all food just as the mill with respect to all things which it is formed to grind. And accordingly the healthy under- standing ought to be prepared for everything which happens: but that which says, Let my dear children live, and let all men praise what- ever I may do, is an eye which seeks for green things, or teeth which seek for soft things. 36. There is no man so fortunate that there shall not be by him when he is dying some who are pleased with what is going to happen.* Suppose that he was a good and wise man, will there not be at least some one to say to him- self, Let us at last breathe freely, being relieved from this schoolmaster ? It is true that he was harsh to none of us, but I perceived that he tacitly condemns us. — This is what is said of a good man. But in our own case how many other things are there for which there are many who wish to get rid of us? Thou wilt con- sider this, then, when thou art dying, and thou wilt depart more contentedly by reflecting thus: I am going away from such a life, in which even my associates in behalf of whom I have striven so much, prayed, and cared, themselves * He says kukSv, but as he affirms in other places that death is no evil, he must mean what others may call an evil, and he means only “what is going to happen.” 270 tTbougbts. [Book X. wish me to depart, hoping perchance to get some little advantage by it. Why then should a man cling to a longer stay here? Do not, however, for this reason go away less kindly disposed to them, but preserving thy own character, and friendly and benevolent and mild, and on the other hand not as if thou wast torn away; but as when a man dies a quiet death, the poor soul is easily separated from the body, such also ought thy departure from men to be, for nature united thee to them and associated thee. But does she now dissolve the union ? Well, I am separated as from kins- men, not however dragged resisting, but with- out compulsion ; for this, too, is one of the things according to nature. 37. Accustom thyself as much as possible on the occasion of anything being done by any person to inquire with thyself. For what ob- ject is this man doing this? But begin with thyself, and examine thyself first. 38. Remember that this which pulls the strings is the thing which is hidden within : this is the power of persuasion, this is life, this, if one may so say, is man. In contemplating thyself never include the vessel which sur- rounds thee and these instruments which are attached about it. For they are like to an axe, differing only in this, that they grow to the body. For indeed there is no more use in these parts without the cause which moves and checks them than in the weaver’s shut- Book!.] iiBarcus Hureltue Hntonfnus. 271 tie, and the writer’s pen, and the driver’s whip.* * * See the Philosophy of Antoninus, p. 72, note. 272 c:bougbt0. [Book XL XI. T hese are the properties of the rational soul: it sees itself, analyzes itself, and makes itself such as it chooses; the fruit which it bears itself enjoys— for the fruits of plants and that in animals which corresponds to fruits others enjoy — -it obtains its own end, wherever the limit of life may be fixed. Not as in a dance and in a play and in such like things, where the whole action is incomplete if any- thing cuts it short; but in every part, and wherever it may be stopped, it makes what has been set before it full and complete, so that it can say, I have what is my own. And fur- ther it traverses the whole universe, and the surrounding vacuum, and surveys its form, and it extends itself into the infinity of time, and embraces and comprehends the* periodical renovation of all things, and it comprehends that those who come after us will see nothing new, nor have those before us seen anything more, but in a manner he who is forty years old, if he has any understanding at all, has seen by virtue of the uniformity that prevails all things which have been and all that will be. This too is a property of the rational soul, love * TItJv nepioSiKrjv ‘Kokiyyeveaiav. See v. 13, 32 ; x. 7. Book XI.] /Bbarcue HurelUis :antonlnus. 273 of one’s neighbor, and truth and modesty, and to value nothing more than itself, which is also the property of Law.* Thus the right reason differs not at all from the reason of justice. 2. Thou wilt set little value on pleasing song and dancing and the pancratium, if thou wilt distribute the melody of the voice into its several sounds, and ask thyself as to each, if thou art mastered by this; for thou wilt be prevented b}' shame from confessing it : and in the matter of dancing, if at each movement and attitude thou wilt do the same; and the like also in the matter of the pancratium. In all things, then, except virtue and the acts of virtue, remember to apply thyself to their sev- eral parts, and by this division to come to value them little: and apply this rule also to thy whole life. 3. What a soul that is which is ready, if at any moment it must be separated from the body, and ready either to be extinguished or dispersed or continue to exist ; but so that this readiness comes from a man’s owm judgment, not from mere obstinacj", as with the Chris- tians, t but considerately and with dignity and in a way to persuade another; without tragic show. 4. Have I done something for the general * Law is the order by which all things are governed. t See the Life of Antoninus. This is the only pas- sage in which the emperor speaks of the Christians. Epictetus (iv. 7, 6) names them Galilaei. 18 274 n:bougbts. [Book XL interest ? Well then, I have had my reward. Let this always be present to thy mind, and never stop [doing such good], 5. What is thy art ? To be good. And how is this accomplished well except by gen- eral principles, some about the nature of the universe, and others about the proper constitu- tion of man ? 6. At first tragedies were brought on the stage as means of reminding men of the things which happen to them, and that it is according to nature for things to happen so, and that, if you are delighted with what is shown on the stage, you should not be troubled with that which takes place on the larger stage. For you see that these things must be accom- plished thus, and that even they bear them who cry out,* ‘ O Cithaeron.” And, indeed, some things are said well by the dramatic writers, of which kind is the following es- pecially: — “ Me and my children if the gods neglect. This has its reason too.”f And again, — “ We must not chafe and fret at that which happens.’' And, — “ Life's harvest reap like the wheat’s fruitful ear.” And other things of the same kind. * Sophocles, Oedipus Rex. f See vii. 41, 38, 40. Book XL] /iftarcus Jlureliue Antoninus. 275 After tragedy the old comedy was intro- duced, which had a magisterial freedom of speech, and by its very plainness of speaking w'as useful in reminding men to beware of in- solence; and for this purpose too Diogenes used to take from these writers. But as to the middle comedy, which came next, observe what it was, and again, for what object the new comedy was introduced, which gradually sank down into a mere mimic arti- fice. That some good things are said even by these writers, everybody knows: but the whole plan of such poetr}^ and dramaturgy, to what end does it look ? 7. How plain does it appear that there is not another condition of life so well suited for phil- osophizing as this in which thou now happen- est to be. 8. A branch cut off from the adjacent branch must of necessity be cut off from the whole tree also. So too a man when he is separated from another man has fallen off from the whole social community. Now as to a branch, an- other cuts it off; but a man by his own act sep- arates himself from his neighbor when he hates him and turns away from him, and he does not know that he has at the same time cut himself off from the whole social system. Yet he has this privilege certainly from Zeus, who framed society, for it is in our power to grow again to that which is near to us, and again to become a part which helps to make up the 276 ^Tbougbts. [Book XL whole. However, if it often happens, this kind of separation, it makes it difficult for that which detaches itself to be brought to unity and to be restored to its former condition. Fi- nally, the branch, which from the first grew together with the tree, and has continued to have one life with it, is not like that which after being cut off is then ingrafted, for this is something like what the gardeners mean when they say that it grows with the rest of the tree, but+ that it has not the same mind with it. 9.. As those who try to stand in thy way when thou art proceeding according to right reason will not be able to turn thee aside from thy proper action, so neither let them drive thee from thy benevolent feelings toward them, but be on th}^ guard equally in both matters, lot only in the matter of steady judgment and action, but also in the matter of gentleness to those who try to hinder or otherwise trouble thee. For this also is a weakness, to be vexed at them, as well as to be diverted from thy course of action and to give way through fear ; for both are equally deserters from their post, — the man who does it through fear, and the man who is alienated from him who is by nature a kinsman and a friend. 10. There is no nature which is inferior to art, for the arts imitate the natures of things. But if this is so, that nature which is the most perfect and the most comprehensive of all natures, cannot fall short of the skill of art. Book XL] /iRatcus Hutelius Hntonlnu6. 277 Now all arts do the inferior things for the sake of the superior; therefore the universal nature does so too. And, indeed, hence is the origin of justice, and injustice the other virtues have their foundation: for justice will not be ob- served, if we either care for middle things [things indifferent], or are easily deceived and careless and changeable (v. 16. 30; vii. 55). 11. If the things do not come to thee, the pursuits and avoidances of which disturb thee, still m a manner thou goest to them. Let then thy judgment about them be at rest, and they will remain quiet, and thou wilt not be seen either pursuing or avoiding. 12. The spherical form of the soul maintains its figure when it is neither extended towards any object, nor contracted inwards, nor dis- persed, nor sinks down, but is illuminated by light, by which it sees the truth, — the truth of all things and the truth that is in itself (viii. 41, 45; xii. 3). 13. Suppose any man shall despise me. Let him look to that himself. But I will look to this, that I be not discovered doing or saying anjdhing deserving of contempt. Shall any man hate me ? Let him look to it. But I will be mild and benevolent towards every man, and ready to show even him his mistake, not reproachfully, nor yet as making a display of my endurance, but nobly and honestly, like the great Phocion, unless indeed he only assumed it. For the interior [parts] ought to be such, 278 JCbougbts. [Book XL and a man ought to be seen by the gods neither dissatisfied with anything nor complaining. For what evil is it to thee, if thou art now doing what is agreeable to thy own nature, and art satisfied with that which at this moment is suit- able to the nature of the universe, since thou art a human being placed at thy post in order that what is for the common advantage may be done in some way ? 14. Men despise one another and flatter one another; and men wish to raise themselves above one another, and crouch before one an- other. 15. How unsound and insincere is he who- says, I have determined to deal with thee in a fair way! — What are thou doing, man? There is no occasion to give this notice. It will soon show itself by acts. The voice ought to be plainly written on the forehead. Such as a man’s character is,+ he immediately shows it in his eyes, just as he who is beloved forthwith reads everything in the eyes of lovers. The man who is honest and good ought to be ex- actly like a man who smells strong, so that the bystander as soon as he comes near him must smell whether he choose of not. But the af- fectation of simplicity is like a crooked stick. * Instead of aKokjiri Saumaise reads There is a Greek proverb, anafipov ^v^ov ovdsnoT’ bp66v : “ You cannot make a crooked stick straight. ’ ’ The wolfish friendship is an allusion to the fable of the sheep and the wolves. Book XI.] Jftarcus Surelius Sntoninus. 279 Nothing is more disgraceful than a wolfish friendship [false friendship]. Avoid this most of all. The good and simple and benevolent show all these things in the eyes, and there is no mistaking. 16. As to living in the best waj", this power is in the soul, if it be indifferent to things which are indifferent. And it will be indiffer- ent, if it looks on each of these things sepa- rately and all together, and if it remembers that not one of them produces in us an opinion about itself, nor comes to us; but these things remain immovable, and it is we ourselves who produce the judgments about them, and, as we may say, write them in ourselves, it being in our power not to write them, and it being in our power, if perchance these judgments have imperceptibly got admission to our minds, to wipe them out; and if we remember also that such attention will only be for a short time, and then life will be at an end. Besides, what trouble is there at all in doing this? For if these things are according to nature, rejoice in them and they will be easy to thee: but if con- trary to nature, seek what is conformable to th}^ own nature, and strive towards this, even if it bring no reputation; for every man is allowed to seek his own good. 17. Consider whence each thing is come, and of what it consists,-}- and into what it changes, and what kind of a thing it will be when it has changed, and that it will sustain no harm. 28 o ^Tbougbts. [Book XI 1 8. [If any have offended against thee, con- sider first]: What is my relation to men, and that we are made for one another; and in an- other respect I was made to be set over them, as a ram over the flock or a bull over the herd. But examine the matter from first principles, from this. If all things are not mere atoms, it is nature which orders all things: if this is so, the inferior things exist for the sake of the superior, and these for the sake of one another (ii. i; ix. 39; V. 16; iii. 4). Second, consider what kind of men they are at table, in bed, and so forth; and particularly, under what compulsions in respect of opinions thc3^ are; and as to their acts, consider with what pride they do what they do (viii. 14; ix. 34). Third, that if men do rightly what they do, we ought not to be displeased: but if they do not right, it is plain that they do so involunta- rily and in ignorance. For as every soul is unwillingly deprived of the truth, so also is it unwillingly deprived of the power of behaving to each man according to his deserts. Accord- ingly men are pained when they are called un- just, ungrateful, and greedy, and in a word wrong-doers to their neighbors (vii. 62, 63; ii. i; vii. 26; viii. 29). Fourth, consider that thou also doest man}" things wrong, and that thou art a man like others; and even if thou dost abstain from cer- tain faults, still thou hast the disposition to Book XI.] /iftarcus Burelius Bntoninue. 281 commit them, though either through coward- ice, or concern about reputation, or some such mean motive, thou dost abstain from such faults (i. 17). Fifth, consider that thou dost not even understand whether men are doing wrong or not, for many things are done with a certain reference to circumstances. And in short, a man must learn a great deal to enable him to pass a correct judgment on another man’s acts (ix. 38; iv. 51). Sixth, consider when thou art much vexed or grieved, that man’s life is only a moment, and after a short time we are all laid out dead (vii. 58; iv. 48). Seventh, that it is not men’s acts which disturb us, for those acts have their foundation in men’s ruling principles, but it is our own opinions which disturb us. Take away these opinions then, and resolve to dismiss thy judg- ment about an act as if it were something grievous, and thy anger is gone. How then shall I take away these opinions ? By reflect- ing that no wrongful act of another brings shame on thee: for unless that which is shame- ful is alone bad, thou also must of necessit}^ do many things wrong, and become a robber and everything else (v. 25; vii. 16). Eighth, consider how much more pain is brought on us by the anger and vexation caused by such acts than by the acts them- selves, at which we are angry and vexed (iv. 39, 49; \di. 24). 282 ^Tbougbts. [Book XL Ninth, consider that a good disposition is invincible if it be genuine, and not an affected smile and acting a part. For what will the most violent man do to thee, if thou continuest to be of a kind disposition towards him, and if, as opportunity offers, thou gently admonishest him and calmly correctest his errors at the very time when he is trying to do thee harm, sa5ung. Not so, my child: we are constituted by nature for something else: I shall certainly not be injured, but thou art injuring thyself, ni5' child. — And show him with gentle tact and by general principles that this is so, and that even bees do not do as he does, nor any ani- mals- which are formed by nature to be gre- garious. And thou must do this neither with any double meaning nor in the way of re- proach, but affectionately and without any rancor in thy soul; and not as if thou wert lecturing him, nor yet that any bystander may admire, but either when he is alone, and if others are present ... * Remember these nine rules, as if thou hadst received them as a gift from the Muses, and begin at last to be a man while thou livest. But thou must equally avoid flattering men and being vexed at them, for both are un- social and lead to harm. And let this truth be present to thee in the excitement of anger, that to be moved by passion is not manly, but that mildness and gentleness, as * It appears that there is a defect in the text here. Book XL] ilBarcus Zlurelius Bntonfnus. 283 they are more agreeable to human nature, so also are they more manly; and he who pos- sesses these qualities possesses strength, nerves, and courage, and not the man who is subject to fits of passion and discontent. For in thie same degree in which a man’s mind is nearer to free- dom from all passion, in the same degree also is it nearer to strength: and as the sense of pain is a characteristic of weakness, so also is anger. For he who yields to pain and he who yields to anger, both are wounded and both submit. But if thou wilt, receive also a tenth present from the leader of the Muses [Apollo], and it is this, — that to expect bad men not to do wrong is madness, for he who expects this de- sires an impossibility. But to allow men to be- have so to others, and to expect them not to do thee any wrong, is irrational and tyrannical. 19. There are four principal aberrations of the superior faculty against which thou shouldst be constantly on thy guard, and when thou hast detected them, thou shouldst wipe them out and say on each occasion thus: This thought is not necessary: this tends to destroy social union: this which thou art going to say comes not from the real thoughts; for thou shouldst consider it among the most absurd of things for a man not to speak from his real thoughts. But the fourth is when thou shalt reproach thyself for anything, for this is an evi- dence of the diviner part within thee being overpowered and yielding to the less honorable 284 O:bougbt 0 . [Book XI. and to the perishable part, the body, and to its gross pleasures (iv. 24; ii. 16). 20. Thy aerial part and all the fiery parts which are mingled in thee, though by nature the}^ ha've an upward tendency, still in obe- dience to the disposition of the universe they are overpowered here in the compound mass [the bod}^]. And also the whole of the earthy part in thee and the watery, though their tendency is downward, still are raised up and occupy a position which is not their natural one. In this manner then the elemental parts obey the uni- versal; for when they have been fixed in any place, perforce they remain there until again the universal shall .sound the signal for dissolu- tion. Is it not then strange that thy intelli- gent part only should be disobedient and dis- contented with its own place? And yet no force is imposed on it, but only those things which are conformable to its nature: still it does not submit, but is carried in the opposite direction. For the movement towards injustice and intemperance and to anger and grief and fear is nothing else than the act of one who de- viates from nature. And also when the ruling faculty is discontented with anything that hap- pens, then too it deserts its post: for it is con- stituted for piety and reverence towards the gods no less than for justice. For these qual- ities also are comprehended under the generic term of contentment with the constitution of Book XL] iHbarcue Burclius 2lntonlnu9. 285 things, and indeed they are prior* to acts of j ustice. 21. He who has not one and always the same object in life, cannot be one and the same all through his life. But what I ha\ns said is not enough, unless this also is added, what this object ought to be. For as there is not the same opinion about all the things which in some way or other are considered by the ma- jority to be good, but only about some certain things, that is, things which concern the com- mon interest, so also ought we to propose to * The word npea^vrepa, which is here translated “ prior,” may also mean “superior but Antoninus seems to say that piety and reverence of the gods pre- cede all virtues, and that other virtues are derived from them, even justice, which in another passage (xi. 10) he makes the foundation of all virtues. The ancient notion of justice is that of giving to every one his due. It is not a legal definition, as some have supposed, but a moral rule which law cannot in all cases enforce. Besides, law has its own rules, which are sometimes moral and sometimes immoral; but it enforces them all simply because they are general rules, and if it did not or could not enforce them, so far Law would not be Law. Justice, or the doing what is just, implies a universal rule and obedience ta it ; and as we all live under universal Law, which commands both our body and our intelligence, and is the law of our nature, that is, the law of the whole constitution of a man, we must endeavor to discover what this supreme Law is. It is the will of the power that rules all. By acting in obedience to this will, we do justice, and by consequence everything else that we ought to do. 286 ^Cbougbte. [Book XI. ourselves an object which shall be of a common kind [social] and political. For he who directs all his own efforts to this object, will make all his acts alike, and thus will always be the same. 22. Think of the country mou.se and of the town mouse, and of the alarm and trepidation of the town mouse.* 23. Socrates used to call the opinions of the many by the name of Lamiae, — bugbears to frighten children. 24. The Lacedaemonians at their public spectacles used to set seats in the shade for strangers, but themselves sat down anywhere. 25. Socrates excused himself to Perdiccasf for not going to him, saying. It is because I would not perish by the worst of all ends; that is, I would not receive a favor and then be un- able to return it. 26. In the writings of the [Ephesians] J there was this precept, constantly to think of some one of the men of former times who practiced virtue. 27. The Pythagoreans bid us in the morning look to the heavens that we may be reminded * The story is told by Horace in his Satires (ii. 6), and by others since but not better. t Perhaps* the emperor made a mistake here, for other writers say that it was Archelaus, the son of Perdiccas, who invited Socrates to Macedonia. f Gataker suggested ’EmKovpe'iuv for Book XI.] /iRarcus aucellu6 Bntoninu6. 287 of those bodies which continually do the same things and in the same manner perform their work, and also be reminded of their pur- ity and nudity. For there is no veil over a star. 28. Consider what a man Socrates was when •he dressed himself in a skin, after Xanthippe had taken his cloak and gone out, and what Socrates said to his friends who were ashamed of him and drew back from him when they saw him dressed thus. 29. Neither in writing nor in reading wilt thou be able to lay down rules for others before thou shalt have first learned to obey rules thy- self. Much more is this so in life. 30. A slave thou art : free speech is not for thee. 31. And my heart laughed within. Odyssey, ix. 413. 32. And virtue they will curse, speaking harsh •words. Hesiod, Works and Days, 184. 33. To look for the fig in winter is a mad- man’s act; such is he who looks for his child w^hen it is no longer allowed (Epictetus, iii. 24, 87). 34. When a man kisses his child, said Epictetus, he should whisper to himself, ‘ ‘ To- morrow perchance thou wilt die.” — But those are words of bad omen. — ‘‘No word is a word of bad omen,” said Epictetus, ‘‘which ex- presses any work of nature; or if it is so, it is 288 (Tbouflbts. [Book XI. also a word of bad omen to speak of the ears of corn being reaped” (Epictetus, iii. 24, 88). 35. The unripe grape, the ripe bunch, the dried grape, are all changes, not into nothing, but into something which exists not 3'et (Epictetus, iii. 24). 36. No man can rob us of our free will* (Epictetus, iii. 22, 105). 37. Epictetus also said, a man must discover an art [or rules] with respect to giving his as- sent; and in respect to his movements he must be careful that they be made with regard to circumstances, that they be con.sistent with social interests, that they have regard to the value of the object; and as to sensual desire, he should altogether keep away from it; and as to avoidance [aversion], he should not show it with respect to any of the things which are not in our power. 38. The dispute then, he .said, is not about any common matter, but about being mad or not. 39. Socrates u.sed to say. What do you want, souls of rational men or irrational ? — Souls of rational men. — Of what rational men, sound or unsound? — Sound. — Why then do you not seek for them ? — Because we have them. — Why then do you fight and quarrel ? Book XII.] flibarcus Burelius Antoninus. 289 XII. A L,L those things at which thou wishest to arrive by a circuitous road thou canst have now, if thou dost not refuse them to thyself. And this means, if thou wilt take no notice of all the past, and trust the future to providence, and direct the present only conformably to piety and justice. Conformably to piety that thou mayest be content with the lot which is assigned to thee, for nature designed it for thee and thee for it. Conformably to justice, that thou mayst always speak the truth freely and without disguise, and do the things which are agreeable to law and ac- cording to the worth of each. And let neither another man’s wickedness hinder thee, nor opinion nor voice, nor yet the sensations of the poor flesh which has grown about thee; for the passive part will look to this. If, then, what- ever the time may be when thou shalt be near to thy departure, neglecting everything else thou shalt respect only thy ruling faculty and the divinity within thee, and if thou shalt be afraid not because thou must some time cease to live, but if thou shalt fear never to have be- gun to live according to nature — then thou wilt be a man worthy of the universe which has produced thee, and thou wilt cease to be a 19 290 ^Tbouflbts. [Book XII. stranger in thy native land, and to wonder at things which happen daily as if they were something unexpected, and to be dependent on this or that. 2. God sees the minds [ruling principles] of all men bared of the material vesture and rind and impurities. For with his intellectual part alone he touches the intelligence only which has flowed and been derived from himself into these bodies. And if thou also usest thyself to do this, thou wilt rid thyself of thy much trouble. For he who regards not the poor flesh which envelops him, surely will not trouble himself by looking after raiment and dwelling and fame and such like externals and show. 3. The things are three of which thou art composed; a little body, a little breath [life], intelligence. Of these the first two are thine, so far as it is thy duty to take care of them; but the third alone is properly thine. There- fore if thou shalt separate from thyself, that is, from thy understanding, whatever others do or say, and whatever thou hast done or said thyself, and whatever future things trouble thee because they may happen, and whatever in the body which envelops thee or in the breath [life], which is by nature associated with the body, is attached to thee independent of thy will, and whatever the external circum- fluent vortex whirls round, so that the intel- lectual power exempt from the things of fate can live pure and free by itself, doing what is Book XII.] ^ibarcus ZlurcHus Sntoninue. 291 just and accepting what happens and saying the truth: if thou wilt separate, I say, from this ruling faculty the things which are at- tached to it by the impressions of sense, and the things of time to come and of time that is past, and wilt make thyself like Empedocles’ sphere, “ All round and in its joyous rest reposing * and if thou shalt strive to live only what is really thy life, that is, the present, — then thou wilt be able to pass that portion of life which remains for thee up to the time of thy death free from perturbations, nobly, ani obedient to thy own daemon [to the god that is within thee] (ii. 13, 17; iii. 5, 6; xi. 12). 4. I have often wondered how it is that every man loves himself more than all the rest of men, but yet sets less value on his own opinion of himself than on the opinion of others. If then a god or a wise teacher should present himself to a man and bid him to think of nothing and to design nothing which he would not express as soon as he conceived it, he could not endure it even for a single day.f So much more respect have we to what our neighbors shall think of us than to what we shall think of ourselves. * The verse of Empedocles is corrupt in Antoninus. It has been restored by Peyron from a Turin manu- script, thus : — 20aZpof KVK^OTcpf/g fioviy TTBpcyr/dii ya'iuv. t iii. 4. 2Q2 JTbougbts. [Book XIL 5. How can it be that the gods, after having arranged all things well and benevolently for mankind, have overlooked this alone, that some men, and very good men, and men who, as we may say, have had most communion with the divinity, and through pious acts and religious observances have been most intimate with the divinity, when they have once died should never exist again, but should be com- pletely extinguished ? But if this is so, be assured that if it ought to have been otherwise, the gods would have done it. For if it were just, it would also be possible; and if it were according to nature, nature would have had it so. But because it is not so, if in fact it is not so, be thou con- vinced that it ought not to have been so: for thou seest even of thyself that in this inquiry thou art disputing with the Deity; and we should not thus dispute with the gods, unless they were most excellent and most just; but if this is so, they would not have allowed any- thing in the ordering of the universe to be ne- glected unjustly and irrationally. 6. Practise thyself even in the things which thou despairest of accomplishing. For even the left hand, which is ineffectual for all other things for want of practice, holds the bridle more vigorously than the right hand; for it has been practised in this. 7. Consider in what condition both in body and soul a man should be when he is overtaken Book XII.] jflRarcue aureliue antoninus. 293 by death; and consider the shortness of life, the boundless abyss of time past and future, the feebleness of all matter. 8. Contemplate the formative principles [forms] of things bare of their coverings; the purposes of actions; consider what pain is, what pleasure is, and death, and fame; who is to him- self the cause of his uneasiness; how no man is hindered by another: that everything is opinion. 9. In the application of thy principles thou must be like the pancratiast, not like the gladi- ator; for the gladiator lets fall the sword which he uses and is killed; but the other always has his hand, and needs to do nothing else than use it. 10. See what things are in themselves, dividing them into matter, form, and purpose. 11. What a power man has to do nothing except what God will approve, and to accept all that God may give him. 12. With respect to that which happens con- formably to nature, we ought to blame neither gods, for they do nothing wrong either volun- tarily or involuntarily, nor men, for they do nothing wrong except involuntarily. Conse- quently we should blame nobody (ii. ii, 12 , 13; vii. 62; 18 viii. 17). 13. Hov/ ridiculous and what a stranger he is who is surprised at anything which happens in life. 14. Either there is a fatal necessity and in- vincible order, or a kind providence, or a con- fusion without a purpose and without a direc- 294 ^bouflbte. [Book XII. tor (iv. 27). If then there is an invincible ne- cessity, why dost thou resist? But if there is a providence which allows itself to be propiti- ated, make thyself worthy of the help of the divinity. But if there is a confusion without a governor, be content that in such a tempest thou hast in thyself a certain ruling intelli- gence. And even if the tempest carry thee away, let it carry away the poor flesh, the poor breath, everything else; for the intelligence at least it will not carry away. 15. Does the light of the lamp shine without losing its splendor until it is extinguished? and shall the truth which is in thee and justice and temperance be extinguished [before thy death] ? 16. When a man has presented the appear- ance of having done wrong [say]. How then do I know if this is a wrongful act ? And even if he has done wrong, how do I know that he has not condemned himself? And so this is like tearing his own face. Consider that he who would not have the bad man do wrong, is like the man who would not have the fig-tree to bear juice in the figs, and infants to cry, and the horse to neigh, and whatever else must of necessity be. For what must a man do who has such a character? If then thou art irri- table,+ cure this man’s disposition.* * The interpreters translate yopydc by the words “ acer, validusque,” and “skilful.” Butin Epictetus (ii. 16, 20; iii. 12, 10) yopy 6 g means “vehement,” “prone to anger,” “irritable.” Book XII.] /iiiarcus 2lurcUu0 Zlntonlnus. 295 17. If it is not right, do not do it: if it is not true, do not say it. [For let thy efforts be — ]* 18. In everything always obser\’e what the thing is which produces for thee an appear- ance, and resolve it by dividing it into the formal, the material, the purpose, and the time within which it must end. 19. Perceive at last that thou hast in thee something better and more divine than the things which cause the various affects, and as it were pull thee by the strings. What is there now in my mind, — is it fear, or suspicion, or desire, or anything of the kind (v. ii)? 20. First, do nothing inconsiderate!}', nor without a purpose. Second, make thy acts refer to nothing else than to a social end. 21. Consider that before long thou wilt be nobody and nowhere, nor will any of the things exist which thou now seest, nor any of those who are now living. For all things are formed by nature to change and be turned and to perish, in order that other things in contin- uous succession may exist (ix. 28). 22. Consider that everything is opinion, and opinion is in thy power. Take away then, when thou choosest, thy opinion, and like a mariner who has doubled the promontory, thou wilt find calm, everything stable, and a waveless bay. 23. Any one activity, whatever it may be, when it has ceased at its proper time, suffers * There is something wrong here, or incomplete. 2g6 ITbougbts. [Book XII. no evil because it has ceased; nor he who has done this act, does he suffer any evil for this reason, that the act has ceased. In like man- ner then the whole, which consists of all the acts, which is our life, if it cease at its proper time, suffers no evil for this reason, that it has ceased; nor he who has terminated this series at the proper time, has he been ill dealt with. But the proper time and the limit na- ture fixes, sometimes as in old age the peculiar nature of man, but always the universal nature, by the change of whose parts the whole uni- verse continues ever young and perfect.* And everything which is useful to the universal is always good and in season. Therefore the termination of life for every man is no evil, be- cause neither is it shameful, since it is both independent of the will and not opposed to the general interest, but it is good, since it is sea- sonable, and profitable to and congruent with the universal. For thus too he is moved by the Deity who is moved in the same manner with the Deity, and moved towards the same thing in his mind. 24. These three principles thou must have in readiness: In the things which thou doest, do nothing either inconsiderately or otherwise than as justice herself would act; but with re- spect to what may happen to thee from with- out, consider that it happens either by chance or according to providence, and, thou must *vii. 25. Book XII.] fliatcue Butelius antoninus. 297 neither blame chance nor accuse providence. Second, consider what every being is from the seed to the time of its receiving a soul, and from the reception of a soul to the giving back of the same, and of what things every being is compounded, and into what things it is resolved. Third, if thou shouldst suddenly be raised up above the earth, and shouldst look down on human things, and observe the variety of them how great it is, and at the same time also shouldst see at a glance how great is the number of beings who dwell all around in the air and the ether, consider that as often as thou shouldst be raised up, thou wouldst see the same things, sameness of form and shortness of duration. Are these things to be proud of? 25. Cast away opinion; thou art saved. Who then hinders thee from casting it away ? 26. When thou art troubled about an5’thing, thou hast forgotten this, that all things happen according to the universal nature; and forgotten this, that a man’s wrongful act is nothing to thee; and further thou hast forgotten this, that everything which happens, always happened so and will happen so, and now happens so everywhere; forgotten this too, how close is the kinship between a man and the whole human race, for it is a community, not of a little blood or seed, but of intelligence. And thou hast forgotten this too, that every man’s intelli- gence is a god and is an efflux of the Deity;* * See Epictetus, ii. 8, 9, etc. 298 tCbougbts. [Book XII and forgotten this, that nothing is a man’s own, but that his child and his body and his very soul came from the Deity; forgotten this, that everything is opinion; and lastly thou hast forgotten that every man lives the present time only, and loses only this. 27. Constantly bring to thy recollection those who have complained greatly about any- thing, those who have been most conspicuous by the greatest fame or misfortunes or enmities or fortunes of any kind: then think where are they all now ? Smoke and ash and a tale, or not even a tale. And let there be present to thy mind also everything of this sort, how Fabius Catellinus lived in the country, and Lucius Lupus in his gardens, and Stertinius at Briae, and Tiberius at Capreae, and Velius Rufus [or Rufus at Velia]; and in fine think of the eager pursuit of anything conjoined with pride;* and how worthless everything is after which men violently strain; and how much more philosophical it is for a man in the op- portunities presented to him to show himself just, temperate, obedient to the gods, and to do this with all simplicity: for the pride which is proud of its want of pride is the most intol- erable of all. 28. To those who ask. Where hast thou seen the gods, or how dost thou comprehend that they exist and so worshippest them, I answer, ■ in the first place, they may be seen even with ol-^aeug. OlTjcng KaiTvfoc, Lpict. i. 8, 6. Book XII.] Marcus Bureltus Bntontnus. 299 the eyes;* in the second place, neither have I seen even my own soul, and yet I honor it. Thus then with respect to the gods, from what I constantly experience of their power, from this I comprehend that they exist, and I vene- rate them. 29. The safety of life is this, to examine everything all through, what it is itself, that is its material, what the formal part; with all thy soul to do justice and to say the truth. What *“Seen even with the eyes.” It is supposed that this may be explained by the Stoic doctrine, that the universe is a god or living being (iv. 40), and that the celestial bodies are gods (viii. 19). But the emperor may mean that we know that the gods exist, as he afterwards states it, because we see what they do ; as we know that man has intellectual powers, because we see what he does, and in no other way do we know it. This passage then will agree with the passage in the Epistle to the Romans (i. v. 20), and with the Epistle to the Colossians (i. v. 15), in which Jesus Christ is named “the image of the invisible god and with the passage in the Gospel of St. John (xiv. v. 9). Gataker, whose notes are a wonderful collection of learning, and all of it sound and good, quotes a pas- sage of Calvin which is founded on St. Paul’s language (Rom. i. V. 20): “God by creating the universe [or world, mundum], being himself invisible, has pre- sented himself to our eyes conspicuously in a certain visible form.” He also quotes Seneca (De Benef. iv. c. 8): “ Quocunque te flexeris, ibi ilium videbis occur- rentem tibi : nihil ab illo vacat, opus suum ipse im- plet.” Compare also Cicero, De Senectute (c. 22), Xenophon’s Cyropaedia (viii. 7), and Mem. iv. 3 ; also Epictetus, i. 6, de Providentia. I think that my interpretation of Antoninus is right. 300 ITbougbts, [Book XII. remains, except to enjoy life by joining one good thing to another so as not to leave even the smallest intervals between ? 30. There is one light of the sun, though it is interrupted by walls, mountains, and other things infinite. There is one common sub- stance,* though it is distributed among count- less bodies which have their .several qualities. There is one soul, though it is distributed among infinite natures and individual circum- scriptions [or individuals]. There is one intel- ligent soul, though it seems to be divided. Now in the things which have been mentioned, all the other parts, such as those which are air and matter, are without sensation and have no fellowship: and yet even these parts the intelli- gent principle holds together and the gravita- tion towards the same. But intellect in a pecu- liar manner tends to that which is of the same kin, and combines with it, and the feeling for communion is not interrupted. 31. What dost thou wish — to continue to exist? Well, dost thou wish to have sensa- tion, movement, growth, and then again to cease to grow, to use thy speech, to think ? What is there of all these things which seems to thee worth desiring ? But if it is easy to set little value on all these things, turn to that which remains, which is to follow reason and God. But it is inconsistent with honoring reason and God to be troubled because by death a man will be deprived of the other things. * iv. 40. Book XII.] /Dbarcus Sucellus Antoninus. 301 32. How small a part of the boundless and unfathomable time is assigned to every man, for it is very soon swallowed up in the eternal ! And how small a part of the whole substance; and how small a part of the universal soul; and on what a small clod of the whole earth thou creepest! Reflecting on all this, consider nothing to be great, except to act as thy na- ture leads thee, and to endure that which the common nature brings. 33. How does the ruling faculty make use of itself? for all lies in this. But everything else, whether it is in the power of thy will or not, is only lifeless ashes and smoke. 34. This reflection is most adapted to move us to contempt of death, that even those who think pleasure to be a good and pain an evil still have despised it. 35. The man to whom that only is good which comes in due season, and to whom it is the same thing whether he has done more or fewer acts conformable to right reason, and to whom it makes no difference whether he con- templates the world for a longer or a shorter time — for this man neither is death a terrible thing (hi. 7; vi. 23; x. 20; xii. 23). 36. Man, thou hast been a citizen in this great state [the world] ;* what difference does it make to thee whether for five years [or three] ? for that which is conformable to the laws is just for all. Where is the hardship *ii. 16 ; iii. ii ; iv. 29. 302 Ebougbte. [Book XII. then, if no tyrant nor yet an unjust judge sends thee away from the state, but nature, who brought thee into it ? the same as if a praetor who has employed an actor dismisses him from the stage.* — “ But I have not finished the five acts, but only three of them.” — Thou sayest well, but in life the three acts are the whole drama; for what shall be a complete drama is determined by him who was once the cause of its composition, and now of its dissolution : but thou art the cause of neither. Depart then satisfied, for he also who releases thee is satisfied. * iii. 8 ; xi. i. INDEXES. 5 5 '5 "■X )■ INDEX OF TERMS. a6idd>opa (indifferentia, Cicero, Seneca, Epp. 82) ; things indifferent, neither good nor bad ; the same as piaa. aiaxpdc (turpis, Cic.), ugly ; morally ugly. alr'ia, cause. aiTiUdeg, alriov, t6, the formal or formative principle, the cause. aKoivavr/Tog. unsocial. dvatfiopd, reference, relation to a purpose. dvvTie^aiptTUQ, unconditionally. aiToppoia^ efflux. aTTpoaipera, rd, the things which are not in our will or power. dpx^, a first principle. aropoL (corpora individua, Cic.), atoms. avrdpK.ua est quae parvo contenta omne id respuit quod abundat (Cic.) ; contentment. avrdpKTig, sufficient in itself ; contented. dfoppai, means, principles. The word has also other significations in Epictetus. Index ed. Schweig. yiyvdpeva, rd, things which are produced, come into existence. daipuv, god, god in man, man’s intelligent principle. 6/ddeciic, disposition, affection of the mind. dtaipEcng, division of things into their parts, dissection, resolution, analysis. 6ia?[£KTiKp, ars bene disserendi et vera ac falsa dijudic- andi (Cic.). didXvm^, dissolution, the opposite of avyKpiaiQ. (305) 20 3o6 UnOcE. <'iiavoia, understanding ; sometimes, the mind generally, the whole intellectual power. ^o'/fiara (decreta, Cic.), principles. 6'vvafu^ voepd, intellectual faculty. iyKpnreia, temperance, self-restraint. fMof in divisione formae sunt, quas Graeci eldr/ vocant ; nostri, si qui haec forte tractant, species appellant { Cic. ). But sldoc is used by Epictetus and Antoninus less exactly and as a general term, like genus. Index Epict. ed. Schweig. — 6i ye ai Trpurac ovaiai Tipbg rd ciXAa exovaiv, ovt(j Kal rb elSog Trpdf to yevog exei' v7TOK.elTai yap to elSog ro yevei. (Aristot. Cat. c. 5 .) elpappevrj (fatalis necessitas, fatum, Cic.), destiny, necessity. cKKAiaeig, aversions, avoidance, the turning away from things ; the opposite of bpe^ecg. ipTpvxa., Ta, things which have life. hepyeia, action, activity. evvoia, evvotai, notio, notiones (Cic.), or “notitiae rerum notions of things. (Notionem appello quam Graeci turn hvoiav, turn npoAjjfiv, Cic.). ivoxn^, r), the unity. iKWTpof^, attention to an object. evdvfi'ia, animi tranquillitas (Cic.). evpeveg, t 6, evpeveia, benevolence ; evfievric sometimes means well-contented. evvoia, benevolence. i^ovcia, power, faculty. enaKoXovO'/jaiv, Kara, by way of sequence. TjyepovLKdv, to, the ruling faculty or part ; principatus (Cic.). 6eap?/paTa, percepta (Cic.), things perceived, general principles. KaOr/KEiv, t6, duty, “officium.” KaMg, beautiful. KaTalrjipig, comprehension ; cognitio, perceptio, com- prehensio (Cic.). naTaanevri, constitution. ITn&ej. 307 Karopduasic, Karopdo/iara ; recta, recte facta (Cic.) ; right acts, those acts to which we proceed by the right or straight road. Koapoc, order, world, universe. Kdapoc, 6 blog, the universe, that which is the One and the all (vi. 25). Kp'ipa, a judgment. KvpiEvov, TO iviov, that which rules within (iv. i), the same as rb pyepovindv. Diogenes Daertius vii., Zeno. 7/yEpovtKov 6 e Elvai to avpiurarov Tijg 'tpvxpg. loyiKo, -a, the things which have reason. loyiKog, rational. loyog, reason. ?Myog a-nEppariKbg, seminal principle. pEca, TO, things indifferent, viewed with respect to virtue. voEpbg, intellectual. vdpog, law. vovg, intelligence, understanding. olrjcng, arrogance, pride. It sometimes means in An- toninus the same as rv^og ; but it also means “ opin- ion.” oiKovopia (dispositio, ordo, Cic.) has sometimes the peculiar setjse of artifice, or doing something with an apparent purpose different from the real purpose. blav, TO, the universe, the whole : p tC>v bluv (pvcng. bvTa, TO., things which exist ; existence, being. bpE^ig, desire of a thing, which is opposed to SKulwig, aversion. bpprj, movement towards an object, appetite ; appetitio, naturalis appetitus, appetitus animi (Cic.). ovaia, substance (vi. 49). Modern writers sometimes incorrectly translate it “ essentia.” It is often used by Epictetus in the same sense as vlp. Aristotle (Cat. c. 5) defines ovaia, and it is properly translated “substantia” (ed. Jul. Pacius). Porphyrins (Isa^. C. 2 ) p ovaia avuTaTO) ovaa Tip ppdiv irpb avTfjg yivog rp> rb yeviKoiTaTov. 3o8 1In5ej. ■jrapaKo^vdTjTtK^ 6 vva/uc, 7 /, the power which enables us to observe and understand. irelcHi, passivity, opposed to evlpyeta : also, affect. Treptardaeig, circumstances, the things which surround us ; troubles, difficulties. TeTTpupivrij 7}, destiny. iTpoaipemg, purpose, free will (Aristot. Rhet. i. 13). ■Kpoa'iptra, to., things which are within our will or power. irpoaipETiKdv, rd, free will. TTpddtcng, a purpose, proposition. ■rrpdvoia (providentia, Cic.), providence. OKondg, object, purpose. aroixtlov, element. avyKarddeaig (asseusio, approbatio, Cic.), assent; avyKara- Seaeig (probationes, Gellius, xix. i). avyKpipara, things compounded (ii. 3). avyKpiaig, the act of combining elements out of which a body is produced, combination. cvvdeaig, ordering, arrangement (compositio). avGTripa, system, a thing compounded of parts which have a certain relation to one another. vlr/, matter, material. vXck6v, t6, the material principle. vne^aipEGLg, exception, reservation ; ped' vne^aipkaeug, conditionally. vnodeaig, material to work on ; thing to employ the reason on ; proposition, thing assumed as matter for argument and to lead to conclusions. (Quaestionum duo sunt genera ; alterum iufiuitum, definitum alterum. Definitum est, quod imddeaiv Graeci, nos causam : infinitum, quod diciv illi appellant, nos propositum possumus nominare. Cic. See Aristot. Anal. Post. i. c. 2). vTTOKe'tpem, rd, things present or existing, vi. 4 ; or things which are a basis or foundation. vTiS'krjptg, opinion. v-KoGTaaig, basis, substance, being, foundation (x. 5). Epictetus has to inroaraTiKov koX ovaiCideg. (Justin us ad Diogn. c. 2.) •ffnDcs. 309 {xpiaraadai, to subsist, to be.