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 LIBRARY 
 
 The Glenn Negley Collection 
 of Utopian Literature 
 
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 http://www.archive.org/details/properheadsofselOOfn 
 
PROPER HEADS 
 
 O F 
 
 SELF-EXAMINATION 
 
 FOR A 
 
 ; KING. 
 
 Drawn up for the Ufe of the late Da up hint 
 of France y Father to his prefent Majefty 
 King Lewis XV. whilft Duke of Bur- 
 gundy. 
 
 By M. DE FENELON, 
 
 Archbilhop and Duke of Cambkay, 
 
 Together with the 
 
 A U T H O R's L I F E, 
 
 A complete Catalogue of his Works. 
 
 and 
 
 MEMOIRS of hisF AMILY. 
 
 Tr an dated from the French. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 Printed by.GEORct Faulkner in EJfex-flreety 1747 
 
r - . ,r 
 
 ■ — , 44" 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 1 
 T O T H E 
 
 READER, 
 
 Prefixed to the French Edition. 
 
 ^HE Heads of Self-examination 
 for a King % which we here 
 prefent to the publick, is a genuine 
 piece of the late M. de Fenelon, Arch- 
 biihop of Cambray, that was actually 
 printed in Holland, and defigned to 
 have been added to the beautiful edi- 
 tion of his Telemachus ; together with 
 his Life, and a complete Catalogue of 
 his works, drawn up by very good 
 hands. But thefe pieces being then 
 fuppreffed by an order from the mini- 
 ftry of France, and fortunately falling 
 
 A % into 
 
 175168 
 
[iv] 
 into the hands of the Bookfeller, he 
 judged it would be doing an injury to 
 the publick, if he any longer kept 
 from them fuch curious productions, 
 more efpecially as they in fome degree 
 complete the works of the illuftrious 
 Author. 
 
 The original, printed in Holland, is 
 in the Bookfeller's hands, ready to be 
 produced in proof of what he has here 
 advanced, in cafe any perfon fliall be 
 defirous of enquiring farther into the 
 truth of it. 
 
 Pro- 
 
'^ 
 
 I si 
 
 Proper Heads 
 
 O F 
 
 SELF-EXAMINATION 
 
 F O R A 
 
 KING. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 NO one more earneftly defires, that 
 you may live many years re- 
 moved from the dangers infepa- 
 rably attendant upon the exercife of 
 the government than myfelf. I am 
 led to defire it, through a zealous re- 
 gard for the prefervation of his Maje- 
 sty's facred perfon, fo neceiTary to his 
 kingdom, and for the fafety of the 
 Dauphin. I wifli it for the good of 
 the publick in general, and for your 
 own fake in particular ;. as the greateft 
 
 A 3 mif- 
 
 175168 
 
6 Proper Heads 
 
 misfortune that could poffibly befal 
 you, would be to become the mafter of 
 others, at an age, when you are as yet 
 fo little mafter of yoiirfelf : it is requi- 
 lite, however, to prepare you before- 
 hand againft the dangers of a conditi- 
 on, from which I pray God to keep 
 you till you are far advanced in years. 
 And the beft method of making a 
 prince that fears God, and is well affedt- 
 ed towards religion, acquainted with 
 this condition, is to lay before him pro- 
 per heads of Self-examination upon the 
 duties of kingly government ; and this 
 is what I am now about to attempt. 
 
 I. 
 
 InftriKtion. Are you thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with all the truths 
 of the Christian religion ? You will be 
 judged according to the Gofpel, in like 
 manner as the leaft of your fubjecSts. 
 Do you ftudy to learn your duty out of 
 that divine law ? Would you fuffer a 
 magistrate to judge the people daily in 
 your name, without knowing your 
 
 laws 
 
of Self-Examination, &c. 7 
 
 laws and ordinances, which were to be 
 the rule of his judgment ? And do you 
 expect, that God will overlook your 
 ignorance in his law, according to which 
 he requires you to live, and to govern 
 his people ? Do you read the Gofpel, 
 not through curiofity, but with an 
 humble and tractable fpirit, ready to 
 practice what you read, and difpofed to 
 condemn yourfelf in all thofe things 
 which that law fhall reprove in you ? 
 
 II. 
 
 Have you not given way to an ima- 
 gination, that the Gofpel was not to be 
 a like rule for Kings, as for their fub- 
 jects ; that their political capacity ex- 
 empted them from being humble, juft, 
 fincere, mild, compaffionate, and wil- 
 ling to forgive injuries ? Has no loofe, 
 corrupted, ilatterer, fuggefted to you, 
 that kings ought to conduct themfelves 
 towards their fubjects by certain max- 
 ims of haughtinefs, cruelty, and diffi- 
 mulation, rifing above the common 
 rules of juftice and humanity 5 and 
 
 A 4 have 
 
8 Proper Heads 
 
 have not you been too apt to yield to 
 the fuggeftion ? 
 
 III. 
 
 Have you not fought out for coun- 
 fellors of all forts, who have been mod 
 difpofed to flatter you in your notions 
 of ambition, vanity, pride, wantonnefs, 
 and artifice ? And have you not with 
 difficulty given ear to men of courage 
 and difintereflednefs, who defiring no 
 favours from you, nor dazzled with your 
 greatnefs, would, with all due refped:, 
 have laid before you the truths it be- 
 came you to know, and oppofed your 
 will in order to prevent your doing a- 
 mils ? 
 
 IV. 
 
 Have you not, in the moil: fecret 
 foldings of your heart, rejoiced at not 
 feeing the good you had no defire to 
 do, as it would have been too great a 
 ielf-denial to have purfued it - y and have 
 vou not fought for reafons to excufe the 
 ill. to which vour inclination has carried 
 vou ? 
 
 V. Have 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 9 
 
 y. 
 
 Have you negledted to afk of God 
 in prayer, that he would enlighten your 
 understanding ? Have you defired of 
 him in your prayers, the grace of pro- 
 fiting by what you have read ? If you 
 have negleded to pray to him, you 
 have brought upon yourfelf the guilt of 
 all the ignorances, wherein you have 
 lived, and which the fpirit of prayer 
 would have removed far from you. It is 
 of little confequence to read eternal 
 truths, if we pray not to obtain the gift 
 of underftanding them aright. If you 
 have not prayed as you ought, you 
 have deferved to be left by God in 
 darknels, and to have the proper means 
 of correding your faults, and fulfilling, 
 of your duty, hid from you. Thus 
 negligence, wearinefs, and wilful di- 
 ftra&ion in prayer, which are ufually 
 confidered as the flighteft of all faults, 
 are, notwithstanding, the real fource of 
 that fatal blindnefs, wherem the rnofl 
 partof Princes live. 
 
 A 5 VI, 
 
io Proper Heads 
 
 VI. 
 
 Have you chofen for the directors 
 of your conference, men of the greateft 
 piety, courage, and underftanding ; as 
 the beft Generals are chofen to com- 
 mand over armies in war, or the ableft 
 Phyficians in cafe of ficknefs ? Have 
 you herein confulted with feveral per- 
 fon s, that the judgment of one might 
 keep you from being influenced by the 
 prejudices of another ; as the moft able 
 and upright perfon in the world is al- 
 ways liable to be prejudiced? Have 
 you dreaded the inconveniencies of give- 
 ing up yourfelf entirely to the dictates 
 of a fingle man ? Or, have you allow- 
 ed the feveral perfon s you have con- 
 fulted with, the abfolute liberty of lay- 
 ing before you, without referve, what- 
 ever you are in confeience obliged to 
 perform ? 
 
 VII. 
 
 Have you taken pains to in fluid: 
 nieif in the laws, cuftoms, and u- 
 
 fages 
 
of Self -Examination^ &c. n 
 
 fages of your kingdom ? The King is 
 the chief judge in his dominions : It is 
 he who makes the laws j and it is he 
 who interprets them, when occafion 
 requires it ; it is he who frequently paf- 
 feth judgment in his council, according 
 to the laws which himfelf has made, 
 or which were eftabliflied before his 
 acceffion to the throne : it is he who is 
 to correct all the other Judges : In a 
 word, it is his office to fuperintend the 
 adminiftration of juftice during peace, 
 as it is his to prefide at the head of an 
 army in a time of war. And as war 
 ought never to be engaged in but with 
 regret, nor carried on farther than can 
 poffibly be avoided, and always with 
 a view to peace ; it follows, that the 
 office of commanding over armies is 
 but a tranfitory office, undertaken by 
 conftraint, and difigreeable to good 
 kings; whereas that of judging the 
 people, and keeping a watchful eye o- 
 ver all the judges, is their natural, ef- 
 iential, ordinary function, and insepa- 
 rable from royalty. To judge well, is 
 
 to 
 
12 Proper Heads 
 
 to judge according to the laws : But in 
 order to judge according to the laws, it is 
 requilite to know them. Do you know 
 them, and are you able to fet right the 
 judges, who are ignorant of them ? 
 Are you well enough fkilled in the 
 principles of law, to comprehend eafi- 
 ly what is right, when a matter is 
 brought before you ? Are you able to 
 diftinguifh amongft your counfellors, 
 thofe who flatter you, from thofe who 
 do not ; thofe who religioufly keep up 
 to rules, from thofe who would wreft 
 them in an arbitrary manner to their 
 own views ? Do not fay, that you are 
 guided by a plurality of voices ; for be- 
 fides that there are cafes, wherein your 
 council will be divided, and the deci- 
 fion muft abfolutely depend upon your 
 own opinion, you are not there like the 
 president of a fociety, but are withal 
 the fole real judge. Your couniellors 
 or minifters of ftate are per Ions merely 
 to advife with ; it is you alone, who in 
 reality decide. The voice of a iingle 
 man of probity and underftanding, ought 
 
 frequently 
 
of Self-Examination, &c. 1 3 
 
 frequently to be preferred to the fenti- 
 ments of ten judges, who are weak and 
 cowardly, or obftinate and corrupt. 
 The matter advanced ought rather here 
 to be well weigh'd, than the number 
 of voices regarded. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Have you ftudied the true form of 
 government eftabliflied in your king- 
 dom ? It is not enough to know the 
 laws, which fecure and fettle the pro- 
 perty of your fubjedrs; that is, doubt- 
 lefs, the leaft part of juftice : But you 
 muft alio be acquainted with the duties 
 required of you, in cafes depending be- 
 tween your nation and yourfcl^ between 
 you and your neighbours. Have you 
 ferioufly ftudied what is call'd the law 
 of nations \ a law, which a king is the 
 lefs allow'd to be unacquainted with, 
 as it is to be the rule of his condud: 
 upon the moft important occafions, and 
 is reducible to the moft evident prin- 
 ciples of the law of nature, which 
 was inftituted for all mankind ? Have 
 
 you 
 
r 4 Proper Heads 
 
 you ftudied the fundamental laws, and 
 the conftant cuftoms which have the 
 force of law, by which your own na- 
 tion in particular is governed ? Have 
 you, without partiality, enquired into 
 the bounds of your own authority ? Do 
 you know the feveral forms, by which 
 the kingdom was governed under the 
 kings of different races ? what the an- 
 cient parliaments were ; and what the 
 ftates- general, who fucceeded them ? 
 what was the fubordination of feuds ? 
 how things have paffed into their pre- 
 fent ftate ? and upon what this change 
 has been found ? Know you, what 
 anarchy is, what arbitrary power, and 
 what the regal authority eftablifhed by 
 the laws, the medium that lies between 
 the two extremes ? Would you allow a 
 judge to fit in judgment without know- 
 ledge of the law ; or a general of an ar- 
 my to command, without fkill in the 
 art of war ? And do you think that God 
 will allow that you mould reign, with- 
 out being inftru&ed in the properbounds 
 and exercife of your power ? You muft 
 
 not 
 
of Self "^Examination , &c. i j 
 
 not therefore look upon the ftudy of 
 hiftory, morality, and the feveral par- 
 ticulars belonging to the ancient form 
 of government, as a matter of mere 
 curioflty and indifference, but as an 
 effential duty of the crown. 
 
 IX. 
 
 It is not enough to know what is 
 paft, you mull alfo be acquainted with 
 the prefent. Do you know the number 
 of perfons, whereof your nation confifts? 
 how many men ? how many women ? 
 how many are employed in tillage ? how 
 many are handicraftfmen ? how many 
 of other profeffions ? how many are 
 concerned in trade ? how many are 
 priefts and religious perfons ? how 
 many nobles and gentlemen ? and how 
 many foldiers ? What would be faid 
 of the fhepherd, who did not know 
 the number of his flock ? It is as eafy 
 for a king to know the number of his 
 people -, it may be done with a word's 
 fpeaking. It becomes him to know, 
 whether there are a fufficient number 
 
 to 
 
1 6 Proper Heads, 
 
 to till the ground * whether there 
 are too many handicraftfmen in pro- 
 portion; too many of other profeffi- 
 ons ; too great a number of troops for 
 the ftate to fupport. He (hould know 
 the temper and difpofition of the in- 
 habitants of different provinces, their 
 principal cuftoms, their privileges and 
 freedoms, their commerce, and the 
 laws of their refpective trade, both 
 within and without the kingdom. He 
 (hould know the nature of the feveral 
 courts of juftice in every province ; 
 what are the privileges annexed to par- 
 ticular employments ; what the abufes 
 of thofe employments, &c. otherwife, 
 he can never be able to know the real 
 value of what is continually paffing be- 
 fore his eyes ; his minifters will eafily 
 impofe upon him every moment ? and 
 at the fame time that he thinks nothing 
 efcapes his view, he will fee every thing 
 but by halves. A king who is igno- 
 rant in all thefe particulars, is but a 
 king by halves ; his ignorance renders 
 him incapable of reforming what is a- 
 
 mifs, 
 
ef Self-Examination, &c. 17 
 
 mifs, and does more mifchief than the 
 corruption of the perfons who govern 
 under him. 
 
 X. 
 
 It is ufuaHy faid of kings, 
 ,1 „ ,,. It • & ' Of Example, 
 
 that their private vices are r 
 
 lefe to be dreaded, than their mifcon- 
 dudt in the difcharge of their royal au- 
 thority. For my part, I boldly affert 
 the contrary, and maintain, that what- 
 ever faults they commit, of the moft 
 private nature, are of infinite confe- 
 quence to the kingdom. Examine, 
 therefore, your morals very minutely „ 
 Subjects are fervile followers of their 
 princes, efpecially in fuch points, as 
 gratify their own paffions. Have they 
 feen in you the bad example of a loofe 
 and criminal amour? Iffo, yourau- 
 thority has fixed a mark of honour up- 
 on infamy ; you have broke down the 
 pale of chaftity and modefty ; you have 
 made vice and impudence to triumph, 
 and taught your fubje&s no longer to 
 blufh at fhame ; a fatal leffon, which 
 
 they 
 
1 8 Proper Heads 
 
 they will never ceafe to remember. 
 Whofo offendeth one of thefe little ones, 
 faith Jefus Chriji, it were, better for 
 htm, that a milftone were hanged about 
 his neck, and that he were caji into the 
 depth of the fea. How great then is 
 the fcandal given by aJKing, who ex- 
 pofeth vice as feated by him on the 
 throne, not only to be gazed on by 
 his own fubjedts, but withal by all the 
 courts and all the nations of the known 
 world ? Vice is in itfelf a contagious 
 poifon. Mankind are always difpofed 
 to receive the infe&ion, and by their 
 inclinations prone to fhake off the yoke 
 of all modefty. A fmall fpark kindles 
 a great flame. What a King does, fhall 
 oft occafion a multiplication and fuc- 
 ceflion of crimes, which fhall extend 
 to divers nations and feveral ages. Are 
 thefe mortal examples none of them 
 chargeable upon you ? Perhaps you 
 imagine that your irregularities have 
 not been taken notice of. No, the ill 
 that princes do is never kept fecret; 
 what good they do, may poffibly re- 
 main 
 
of Self -Examination > &c. 1 9 
 
 main concealed ; for people are hardly- 
 brought to believe, that they ad: upon 
 any good motive ; but for evil, ima- 
 gination fhall fuggeft it of them, and 
 it fhall gain credit upon the flighteft 
 fufpicions. The publick are extremely 
 curious ; and whilft the prince pleafeth 
 himfelf with thinking that his weak- 
 neffes are not known, he is the only 
 perfon that does not know how fevere- 
 ly they are cenfured. In him, every 
 ambiguous word is liable to a bad con- 
 ftrudtion j every appearance of gallan- 
 try, every paffionate air, or over-ear- 
 neft look, fhall give fcandal, and have 
 a tendency to corrupt the manners of a 
 whole nation. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Have you not countenanced an im- 
 modeft freedom in the women ? Do 
 you admit none into your court, but 
 fuch as are abfolutely necefiary ? none, 
 but fuch as are about the Queen, or 
 the Princefles of your houfe ? Do you 
 chufe for fuch places women of an ad- 
 vanced 
 
20 Pro per Heads 
 
 vanced age and approved virtue ? Dor 
 you exclude from fuch places the 
 yoting women, whofe beauty may be 
 a fnare to your courtiers ? It were bet- 
 ter by far, that fuch perfons mould 
 live privately in their own families, at 
 a diftance from the court. Do you 
 admit no ladies to re fide in your court, 
 as attendants upon the PrincefTes, but 
 fuch as are necerfary to wait upon them > 
 Have you taken care, that the Princef- 
 fes themfelves be modeft, referved, and 
 regular in their condudt ? In leffening 
 the number of the women, and make- 
 ing the heft choice you have been able, 
 have you particularly been careful to 
 remove fuch as are fond of dangerous 
 liberties, and to prevent the loofer fort 
 of your courtiers from feeing them in 
 private, at fuch hours as the whole 
 court do not appear in pubiick ? Thefe 
 cautions, at this time of day, feem all 
 of them too fcrupulous and extrava- 
 gantly fevere. But if we go back to 
 the times which preceded the reign of 
 Francis I. we (hall find, that before the 
 
 fcan- 
 
of Self-Examination^ &c. 2, J 
 
 fcandalous licence introduced by that 
 Prince, ladies of the firft rank, and 
 efpecially fuch as were young and hand- 
 fome, did not come to court ; at leaft, 
 they appeared there very feldom, and 
 only to pay their duty to the Queen ; 
 and then, it was their honour to refide 
 in the country in their own families. 
 The great number of women that now 
 frequent the court, is a monftrous abufe, 
 to which the nation has been accuftom- 
 ed. Have not you countenanced this 
 pernicious cuftom ? Have you not 
 brought to your court, or kept there in a 
 diftinguifhed manner, fome female of a 
 fufpe&ed cha; after, or one who has ac- 
 tually, in the former part of her life, been 
 guilty of mifconduft ? The court is by 
 no means a proper place for fuch ungod- 
 ly perfons to do penance in ; let them 
 withdraw into places of retirement, if 
 they are at their own liberty ; or if 
 they have husbands ftill living, and are 
 o' T ed to be abroad in the world, let 
 t. repent in their own houfes. But 
 do you remove from your court what- 
 ever 
 
2% Proper Heads 
 
 ever has not been regular, as you have 
 all the ladies of uality in your king- 
 dom to chufe out of, wherewithal to 
 fupply their places. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Have you been careful to reftrain 
 luxury, and put a flop to the ruinous 
 inconftancy of falhions ? It is this which 
 corrupts the greateft part of the wo- 
 men 5 they put themfelves to more ex- 
 pence by coming to court, than they 
 are able to fupport without a crime ; 
 luxury increafes in them the defire of 
 pleafing, and their paffion to pleafe is 
 principally employed in laying fnares 
 for the King. A Prince muft be in- 
 fenfible and invulnerable, to refift all 
 the allurements of the pernicious wo- 
 men he has about him ; it is a tempta- 
 tion conftantly at hand, to which he 
 is perpetually expofed. Have not you 
 permitted perfons of great vanity and 
 prodigality to invent new fafhions, which 
 have increafed the general expences ? 
 Have not you yourfelf contributed to 
 
 the 
 
of Self ^Examination , &c. 23 
 
 the growth of this evil, by the excefs 
 of your magnificence ? Though you be a 
 King, you fhould avoid whatever is 
 very coftly, and which others would 
 have as well as you. It is ufelefs to al- 
 ledge, that none of your fubjects ought 
 to allow himfelf a garb, which is fuit- 
 able only to your rank. The Princes, 
 who are nearly allied to you, will drefs 
 themfelves very much in the fame man- 
 ner with yourfelf ; the Lords will ftrive 
 to emulate the Princes ; the Gentry will 
 vye with the Lords 5 the Officers of 
 the revenue will even go beyond them ; 
 and the Citizens will tread in the foot- 
 fleps of thefe Officers, whom they have 
 feen to fpring up from a dunghil. No- 
 body values himfelf in due proportion, 
 or fets a juft eftimate upon his own 
 condition. Luxury pafleth from neigh- 
 bour to neighbour, by imperceptible de- 
 grees, from perfons in the higheft Na- 
 tion to the lowed of the people. If 
 you put on embroidered apparel, the 
 whole world will foon wear it. The 
 only means of putting a flop to luxury 
 
 at 
 
24 Proper Heads 
 
 at once, is by giving yourfelf the ex- 
 ample, which S. Lewis gave, of great 
 plainnefs. Have you given this necef- 
 fary example in every particular ? Not 
 only in your apparel, for that is ineffi- 
 cient, but alfo in your furniture, your 
 equipage, your tables, and your build- 
 ings ? Inform yourfelf how the Kings, 
 your predeceflbrs, were lodged, and in 
 what manner their apartments were 
 fitted up ; inform yourfelf what were 
 their meals, and in what manner they 
 were carried abroad ; and you will be 
 aftonifhed at the prodigious luxury in- 
 to which we are fallen. There are 
 at this time more coaches and fix in 
 Paris, than there were mules an hun- 
 dred years ago. It was not every one 
 then that had a chamber to himfelf ; 
 a fingle chamber, with feveral beds in 
 it, would fuffice for feveral perfons; 
 now no one can do without large apart- 
 ments, and a fucceffion of rooms one 
 within another. Every one muft have 
 gardens, fountains, ftatues, parks with- 
 out limits, and houfes, which ihall 
 
 coft 
 
 
of Self -Examination, GV. 25 
 
 coft more to keep in repair than the 
 rent of the lands where they are fitu- 
 ated. Whence comes all this, but 
 from the example which fome derive 
 from others. Example alone is capa- 
 ble of reforming the manners of a 
 whole nation. We even fee that the 
 folly of our fafhions is contagious a- 
 mongft all our neighbours. All Eu- 
 rope, jealous as it is of France, cannot 
 avoid fubmitting ferioufly to our laws 
 in the moil frivolous and pernicious 
 thing that belongs to us. Once more, 
 fuch is the force of the prince's exam- 
 ple, that by his difcreuon he is capable 
 of reftoring both his own people, and 
 his neighbours to a good underftand- 
 ing. And as it is in his power, it is 
 doubtlefs his duty, Have you done 
 it? 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Have you not fet a bad example, ei- 
 ther by ufing too great freedom in 
 your cxpreffions, or by drollery and 
 qerifion, or by a mifbecoming manner 
 
 B of 
 
2 6 Proper Heads 
 
 .of fpeaking concerning religion ? Cour- 
 tiers are fervile imitators, and take a 
 pride in having all the faults of their 
 Prince. Have you rebuked irreligion, 
 fo as to {hew your difapprobation of 
 the leaft word that had a tendency to 
 introduce it ? Have you exprefTed a 
 fincere indignation againft impiety ? 
 And in fuch manner, as not to leave 
 the leaft room to doubt of your fenti- 
 ments ? Have you never been reftrained 
 by a falfe fhame, fo as to blufli at the 
 profeffion of the gofpel : Have you, 
 both by your difcourfe and actions, 
 fhewn your faith to be fincere, and gi- 
 ven proof of your zeal for Chriftianity ? 
 Have you made ufe of your authority 
 to fupprefs infidelity ? Have you de- 
 clined with abhorrence all obfcene jeft- 
 ing, all equivocal difcourfes, with every 
 ©ther badge of libertinifm ? 
 
 XIV. 
 
 _ T a . Have you taken nothing 
 
 from any or your lubjecrs by 
 
 mere authority, and in oppofiticn to the 
 
 rules 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 27 
 
 rules eftablifhed ? Have you made the 
 reparation a private man would hive 
 done, when you have taken away his 
 houfe, or inclofed his field in your 
 park, or fupprelTcd his office, or funk 
 his revenues ? Have you thoroughly 
 examined the real neceffities of the ftate, 
 to compare them with the inconveni- 
 encies of taxes, before you have laid 
 them upon your people ? Have you con- 
 fulted upon fueh an important point 
 the men of the beft understanding, 
 moft zealous for the public good, and 
 moft capable of laying the truth before 
 you, without flattery or fear ? Have you 
 not given the name of neceffiry of 
 ftate, to what hath ferved only to grati- 
 fy your own ambition, fuch as a war 
 undertaken for the Hike of conqueft, and 
 to acquire glory ? Have you not called 
 your own pretentions the neceffity of 
 the (late ? If you have a perfonal claim 
 to any fucceflion in a neighbouring ter- 
 ritory, you ought to fupport that war 
 out of the income of your patrimonial 
 poffeffions, your own private purfe, or 
 
 B z perfonal 
 
 
28 Proper Heads 
 
 perfonal loans ; at leaft you ought on- 
 ly to apply to this ufe the voluntary 
 aids granted by the affedion of your 
 people, and not load them with taxes 
 to fupport a pretenfion wherein they 
 have no concern ; for your fubje<5ts 
 will not be at all the happier, by your 
 adding one province more to your do- 
 minions. When Charles VIII. march- 
 ed to Naples, to recover the fucceffion 
 of the houfe of Anjou, he undertook 
 the war at his own perfonal charge ; 
 the ftate did not think themfelves ob- 
 liged to defray the expences of that en- 
 terprize. At moft you can do no more 
 upon fuch occafions than receive the 
 free-will offerings of an affe&ionatc 
 people, prefented in confideration of 
 the united intereft of a loyal nation 
 and a King who governs it as a father. 
 In which view you will be far from 
 heaping taxes upon your people, to ferve 
 your own private intereft. 
 
 XV, 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 29 
 
 XV. 
 
 Have you not tolerated wrongs at the 
 fame time that you abftained from doing 
 them ? Have you been fufficiently care- 
 ful in the choice of the feveral perfons 
 whom you have put in authority under 
 you, fuper-intendants, governors, mi- 
 nifters, &c. Have you chofen none 
 of them through fear of difobliging the 
 perfons who recommended them, or 
 from a fecret defire that they mould 
 carry your authority, or augment your 
 revenue, beyond their proper bounds ? 
 Have you duly informed yourfelf of 
 their adminiftration ? Have you figni- 
 fied that you was ready to hear the 
 complaints that could be made againft 
 them, and to do juftice to thofe who 
 had been injured by them ? Have you 
 done ir, when at any time you have 
 difcovered their mifdemeanors ? Have 
 you not given to your minifters, or 
 fuffered them to take, exceffive profits, 
 which their fervices had not defer ved ? 
 The rewards which the prince beftows 
 
 B 3 upon 
 
30 Proper Heads 
 
 upon thofe who ferve the ftate under 
 him, ought always to be limited with- 
 in certain bounds. It is not fit, that 
 he mould raife their fortunes above 
 thofe of perfons of the higheft rank > 
 or difproportion them to the prefent 
 wants of the ftate. Let a minifter have 
 done ever fo much fervice, he ought 
 not at once to attain to an immenfe 
 eftate, whilft the people are diftreffed, 
 and the Princes and Lords of the firft 
 quality are neceffitous. Much lefs is 
 the King permitted to beflow fuch for- 
 tunes upon his favourites, who ufually 
 do the ftate ftill lefs fervices than his 
 minifters. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Have you appointed reafonable fala- 
 ries for the fecretaries of your minifters, 
 and fuch other perfons as are employed 
 in fubaltern offices, fufficient to afford 
 them a decent fubfiftence, without taking 
 any thing for the difpatch of bufinefs ? 
 At the fame time, have you laid a re- 
 ftraint upon the luxury and ambition 
 
 of 
 
of Self Examination ^ &c. 3 r 
 
 of fuch fort of people ? if not, you are 
 refponfible for all the fecret exactions 
 they have made in their refpeclive pofts. 
 On the one hand, they are admitted 
 into thefe places, with an expectation of 
 living in them in a handfome manner, 
 and of fpeedily railing fortunes by 
 them. And on the other hand, their 
 falaries feldom amount to a third part 
 of what they are obliged to fpend in 
 the genteel manner they and their fa- 
 milies live. They are ufually born to 
 no eilates ; and what would you have 
 them do ? You lay them under a kind 
 of neceffity to get privately whatever 
 they are able for the difpatch of bufi- 
 nefs. This is evident ; and a man mufl 
 defignedly mut his eyes, that does not 
 difcern it. You mud therefore give 
 them more, and at the fame time pre- 
 vent them from living in too expensive 
 a manner. 
 
 I XVII. 
 
 Have you fought out for means to 
 eaie your people, and to take nothing 
 
 B 4 from 
 
32 Proper Heads 
 
 from them but what the real neceffi- 
 ties of the ftate have compelled you to 
 take for their own advantage ? The 
 fubftance of the people ought not to 
 be otherwife employed, than for the 
 real benefit of the people themfelves. 
 You have the rents and profits of your 
 crown-lands, which vou fhould receive 
 and manage - y they are defigned for the 
 fubfiftence of your houfhold. This 
 domeftick expence you ought to leffen, 
 if at any time your royal revenue is 
 overcharged with debts, and your peo- 
 ple drained. The fubfidies granted by 
 the people, ihould be folely employed 
 upon the real ufes of the ftate. And in 
 a time of publick poverty, you fhould 
 ftudy to retrench all offices that are not 
 abfolutely neceflfary. Have you advifed 
 with the moft able and beft difpofed 
 perfons, capable of informing you con- 
 cerning the condition of the provinces, 
 the culture of the lands, the fruitful- 
 nefs of the lafl years, the ftate of trade, 
 &c. to know what the ftate can pay 
 without fuffering ? And have you there- 
 upon 
 
 
of Self- Examination, &c. 33 
 
 upon fettled the taxes of each refpe&ive 
 year ? Have you given a favourable ear 
 to the remon (trances of men of probi- 
 ty ? Inftead of difcountenancing them, 
 have you fought for them, and anti- 
 cipated them, as a good Prince ought 
 to do ? You know, that formerly the 
 King exa&ed nothing from the people 
 by his fole authority ; it was the Par- 
 liament, or affembly of the nation, that 
 granted him the funds neceffary for the 
 extraordinary demands of the ftate. 
 Except in this cafe, he lived upon the 
 rents and revenues of his crown-lands. 
 And what has changed this order, but 
 the abfolute authority which Kings 
 have affumed ? Even in our days, we 
 have feen parliaments, which are bo- 
 dies infinitely inferior to the ancient 
 parliaments or ftates of the nation, re- 
 monftrate againft enregiftering pecuni- 
 ary edifts. At leaft, you ought not to 
 publifh any, till after you had advifed 
 well with perfons incapable of flatter- 
 ing you, and diftinguifhed by a fincere 
 rrgard for the publick welfare, Have 
 
 B 5 you 
 
34 Proper Heads 
 
 you not laid new burdens upon your 
 people, to fupport your fuperfluous ex- 
 pences, the luxury of your tables, your 
 equipages and furniture, the embellifh- 
 ment of your gardens and palaces, and 
 the exceflive gifts you have lavifhly be- 
 flowed upon your favourites ? 
 
 xvrir. 
 
 Have you not multiplied offices and 
 employments, in order to draw frefh 
 fums from their creation ? Such crea- 
 tions are no more than taxes in dif- 
 guife ; they all tend to the oppreffion 
 of the people, and are fiibje£t to three 
 inconveniences, which ordinarily taxa- 
 tions are not. Firft, They are perpe- 
 tual, when not reimburfed ; and if at 
 any time a reimburfement is made, 
 what is very deftructive to your fubjects, 
 new creations are prefently fet on foot 
 again. Secondly, Thofe who purchafe 
 thefe new-created offices take care to 
 repay themfelves with ufury, as foon 
 as poffible ; you give up your people to 
 be fleeced by them : For an hundred 
 
 thoufand 
 
of S elf -Exami fiat io?j y &c. 35 
 
 thoufand livres, for inftance, which 
 they give you for a creation of offices, 
 you give up your people to five hundred 
 thoufand livres of vexation, which they 
 will fuffer without remedy. Thirdly, 
 By thefe multiplications of offices you 
 ruin the civil government of the ftate ; 
 you render the adminiftration of juftice, 
 by degrees, more venal ; you make the 
 reformation of abufes more and more 
 impracticable - y you run the whole na- 
 tion in debt, for thefe creations become 
 a kind of debts wherein the whole na- 
 tion is involved; in fine, you reduce 
 all arts and employments to monopo- 
 lies, which corrupt and fpoil the whole, 
 Have you no fuch creations to reproach 
 yourlelf with, whofe confequences will 
 be pernicious for feveral ages ? The 
 wife ft and beft Prince that ever fat on 
 the throne, during a peaceable reign of 
 fifty years, would not be able to make 
 amends for the mifchiefs which a King 
 may have wrought by this fort of crea- 
 tions within the fpace of a ten years 
 war ? Have you not been too com- 
 
 B 6 Paying 
 
36 Proper Heads 
 
 plying with the courtiers, who under 
 a pretence of fparing your revenues in 
 the rewards they have afked of you, 
 have propofed what they call Affaires ? 
 Thefe Affairs are always impofitions up- 
 on the people, which difturb the order 
 of civil government, enervate the exe- 
 cution of juftice, degrade all arts, dif- 
 courage trade, and lay a burden upon 
 the publick, to fatisfy, for a little time, 
 the greedinefs of an haughty and pro- 
 digal courtier. Send your courtiers in- 
 to the country to pafs fome time upon 
 their eftates and look after their affairs ; 
 teach them to live frugally -> let them 
 fee that you value none but fuchas live 
 regularly, and manage with ceconomy ; 
 fhew a contempt for all thofe who ruin 
 themfelves through their folly ; and by 
 this means you will do them more good, 
 without cofting either yourfelf or your 
 people a fingle penny, than if you la- 
 vifhed away upon them all the pubiick 
 money within your dominions. 
 
 XIX. 
 
of Self -Examination, £fr. 37 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Have you never tolerated your mi- 
 nitters in taking away the fubftance of 
 private perfons for your ufe, without 
 paying the juft value of it, or at leaft 
 retarding the payment in fuch a man- 
 ner, as to be detrimental to the perfons 
 who have been obliged to fell, or never 
 been wilfully ignorant that they have 
 done fo ? It is thus, that minifters take 
 the houfes of private perfons, to enclofe 
 them within the king's palaces, or in 
 their fortifications. It is thus, that they 
 difpoflefs proprietors of their lordfhips, 
 or fiefs, or lands of inheritance, to 
 throw them into parks. It is thus, 
 that they eredl eftablifhments for the 
 regulation of the game, in which the 
 officers commiflioned by the Prince fhall 
 take away the liberty of purfuing the 
 game from the lords in their own 
 lands even to the gates of their caries, 
 and commit a thoufinJ disturbances in 
 the country. The Prince knows no- 
 thing of it, and probably, through wil- 
 ful 
 
38 Proper Heads 
 
 ful ignorance. But it is your duty tcl 
 be made acquainted with the- mifchief 
 that is wrought by your authority. In- 
 form yourfelf of the truth, and fuffer 
 not your authority to be carried beyond 
 its proper bounds.* Give a favourable 
 ear to fuch as lay before you its juft ex- 
 tent ; chufe inch miniflers as are not 
 afraid to tell you wherein it is carried, 
 too far , and remove from you all fuch 
 as are hard-hearted, haughty, and bold. 
 
 XX.. 
 
 In your agreements v/ith private 
 people, are you as juft as if you was 
 upon an equal footing with that perfon 
 with whom you treat ? Is he free with 
 you, as with one of his neighbours ? 
 Does he not rather chufe to lofe, in or- 
 der to get out of your hands, and de- 
 liver himfelf from vexation,, than to 
 maintain his right ? The farmers of 
 your revenues, fte wards, &c. do they 
 not behave with an haughtinefs, which 
 yourfelf would decline ; and ftifle the 
 cries of the weak, when difpofed to 
 
 complain ? 
 
of Self. .Examination, &c. 39 
 
 complain ? Do you not frequently pay 
 the man you contract with in rents, in 
 draughts upon your demefhe lands, in 
 offices of novel creation, which one 
 ftroke of your fucceffor's pen is capable 
 of taking from him ; becaufe Kings 
 are always minors, and their demefhe 
 lands unalienable. Thus private perfons 
 {hall give up their certain patrimony, 
 to receive in its ftead what (hall after- 
 wards be taken from them, to the in- 
 evitable ruin of their families. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Have you never, to raife their farms, 
 granted edicts, or declarations, or de- 
 crees, to the farmers of your revenue?, 
 drawn up in ambiguous terms, to en- 
 large your pretentions at the expence 
 of trade, and even to lay traps for the 
 traders, to confifcate their goods, or at 
 leaft to put them to trouble, and lay 
 them under difficulties in the carrying 
 on of their bufmefs, in order to make 
 them pay for their deliverance out of 
 them. This is doing a great injury -to 
 
 trade fm en 
 
40 Proper Heads 
 
 tradefmen and the publick, whofe bu- 
 finefs is by this means gradually reduced 
 to nothing. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 Have you never fuffered foldiers to 
 be enlifted againft their inclinations ? 
 It is true, the people are obliged to 
 defend the ftate in perfon; but then 
 Princes fhould engage only in juft and 
 neceffary wars - y and in every village, 
 choice fhould be only made of young 
 perfons under no engagement, whofe 
 prefence might well be fpared without 
 any injury either to agriculture, or trade, 
 or other neceffary arts ; and who have 
 no families depending upon them $ and 
 farther, they fhould be infallibly dif- 
 miffed after a few years fervice, and 
 others fent to fupply their places, 
 and ferve in their turn : Whereas, to 
 pick up what men they pleafe, againft 
 their own inclination - y to impoverifh, 
 and frequently ruin, a whole family, by 
 carrying away the head of it ; to force 
 the labourer from his cart, and keep 
 
 him 
 
of Self-Examination, &c. 41 
 
 him ten or fifteen years in the fervice, 
 where he frequently dies miferably in 
 hofpitals, unprovided of proper neceffa- 
 ries ; is what nothing can excufe, either 
 in the fight of God or man. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Have you taken care to fet every 
 galley-flave at liberty, immediately af- 
 ter the time allotted for his punifhment 
 is expired? The condition of thefe 
 people is very terrible ; nothing is more 
 inhuman, than to prolong it beyond 
 the term. It is no excufe to fay, that 
 in this cafe men would be wanting to 
 make up the whole crew; juflice is 
 preferable to having the crew com- 
 pleat : You (hould never look upon any 
 power as true and real, but that which 
 belongs to you without tranfgrefling 
 the rules of juflice, or taking what is 
 not yours. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Do you give your troops the pay 
 that is fufficient to maintain them with- 
 out 
 
42 Proper Heads 
 
 out plunder? if you do not, you lay 
 them under a neceffity of committing 
 the robberies and wrongs you feem dif- 
 pofed to forbid them. Would you pu- 
 nifh them for having done what you 
 know they could not avoid, and with- 
 out which they muft of neceffity have 
 quitted your fervice ? "And,, on the o- 
 ther hand, would you not punifh them, 
 when they rob publickly againft your 
 exprefs prohibition ? Would you make 
 the laws contemptible, and fuffer fuch 
 an indignity to be offered to your au- 
 thority? Will you openly ad: incon- 
 fiftently with yourfelf; and will not 
 your authority be a meer farce, in feem- 
 ing to difcountenance diforders, and at 
 the fame time making your advantage 
 of them every moment ? What difci- 
 pline or order can be hoped for in 
 troops, where the officers cannot live 
 but by plundering the King's fubjecls, 
 by tranfgreffing his ordinances every 
 moment, and obliging men to enlift by 
 force and fraud; where the foldiers 
 
 would 
 
of Self-Exami?iation, &c. 43 
 
 would be ftarved to death, if they did 
 not every day deferve to be hanged. 
 
 j XXV. 
 
 Have you done no injuftice to foreign 
 nations ? A poor wretch is hanged for 
 an high-way robbery of a fingle piftole, 
 committed in extreme neceffity ; and 
 the man who makes a conqueft, or, in 
 other words, who brings under an un- 
 juft yoke the territories of a neighbour- 
 ing ftate is refpected as an hero. The 
 unjuft feizure of a meadow or a vine- 
 yard, is confidered as a fin not to be 
 forgiven by God without reditu tion ; 
 and the usurpation of towns and pro- 
 vinces is counted as nothing. To take 
 a field from a private man is a great 
 fin ; but to take a large country from 
 a nation, is an innocent and a glorious 
 action. Where then are the ideas of 
 juftice ? Will God judge in like man- 
 ner ? Exi/lima/Ii iniqni>, quod ero tui 
 fimilh'y " Thou thoughteft wickedly, 
 " that I mall be fuch a one as thyfelf." 
 Does juftice depend upon what is great- 
 er 
 
44 Proper Heads 
 
 er or lcfs ? Or, does it ceafe to be any 
 longer juftice, when converfant about 
 objedts of the higheft concern ? Are 
 the millions, which make up a nation, 
 lefs our brethren than a (ingle man ? 
 Or, fhall we, without fcruple, do that 
 injury to millions of men where a whole 
 country is concerned, which we dare 
 not do to a fingle man in the cafe of a 
 particular field ? Whatever therefore is 
 taken away by mere conqueft, is taken 
 away unjuftly, and ought to be reftored. 
 And the cafe is the fame with what- 
 ever is taken away in a war, that is 
 engaged in upon a wrong account. 
 Treaties of peace hide nothing, when 
 you are the ftronger, and oblige your 
 neighbour to fign the treaty to avoid 
 a greater mifchief 5 he then figns, as a 
 private man gives his purfe to a thief 
 who holds a piftol to his breaft. The 
 war you have wrongfully begun, and 
 carried on with fuccefs, inflead of pro- 
 curing you peace of confcience, engages 
 you not only to reftorc the territories 
 you have ufurped, but alfo to repair 
 
 the 
 
ef Self-Examination, &c. 45 
 
 the damages you have done, without 
 caufe, to your neighbours. As to trea- 
 ties of peace, they are to be reckoned 
 null, not only in all the unjuft points, 
 which have been confented to through 
 violence, but likewife in all thofe where 
 you have found means to infert any 
 artful and ambiguous expreflion, that 
 fcay be capable of ferving your turn 
 upon a favourable occafion. Your ene- 
 my is your brother ; nor can you be 
 unmindful of it, unlefs you forget your- 
 felf to be a man. You are never allowed 
 to do ill to him, when you can avoid it 
 without injuring yourfelf ; nor can you 
 ever feek to gain any advantage againft 
 him by arms, but in a very great ne- 
 ceffity. In treaties, neither arms, nor 
 war, have place any longer ; the fubjecl: 
 then only is peace, juftice, humanity, 
 and fincerity. It is far more infamous 
 and criminal, to over-reach in a treaty 
 of peace with a neighbouring people, 
 than to be guilty of tricking in a con- 
 tract with a private perfon. To infert 
 ambiguous and captious terms in a trea- 
 ty, 
 
46 Proper Heads 
 
 ty, is to prepare the feeds of war for 
 the generation to come, it is to lay bar- 
 rels of powder under houfes that are 
 inhabited. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 When the fubjecl: of a war was in 
 debate, did you, from the beginning, 
 examine your pretenfions, and caufe 
 them to be enquired into by others, 
 who were men of diftinguifhed under- 
 standing, and leaft liable to flatter you ? 
 Have you been upon your guard againft 
 the advice of fuch minifters, as have 
 an intereft in engaging you in a war, 
 or at leaft feek to comply with your 
 paffions, with a view of procuring from 
 you wherewithal to gratify their own ? 
 Have you enquired into all the reafons 
 that may be urged againft you ? Have 
 you lent a favourable ear to fuch as 
 have fearched thoroughly into them ? 
 Have you allowed yourfelf time to 
 know the fentiments of the wifeft of 
 your counfellors, without anticipating 
 their judgments ? Have you not con- 
 
 fidered 
 
of Self-Examimtiofi, &c. 47 
 
 fidered your perfonal glory as a reafon 
 for engaging you in any attempt, for 
 fear of pafliflg your life without dif- 
 tinguiming yourfelf from other Princes ? 
 As if Princes could find any folid glory 
 in molefting the happinefs of the peo- 
 ple, towards whom they ought to bear 
 a paternal affection : as if a parent 
 could gain efteem by fuch actions as 
 make his children unhappy : or, as if 
 a King could hope for any real glory, 
 that was not founded in his virtue, 
 that is, in his juftice, and in the good 
 government of his people ? Have you 
 not judged the war to be neceflary for 
 acquiring fuch places as were commo- 
 dious to you, and a better fecurity for 
 your frontiers ? A ftrange rule ! Were 
 fuch conveniencies to take place, one 
 might go from one neighbouring iitu- 
 ation to another, till we reach'd to 
 China. As to the fecurity of a fron- 
 tier, it may be found without encroach- 
 ing upon the property of another. 
 Fortify your own places, and do not 
 wrongfully feize upon thofe of your 
 
 neigh- 
 
48 Proper Heads 
 
 neighbours. Would you allow your 
 neighbour to take whatever he mould 
 judge commodious for his fecurity ? 
 Your fecurity gives you no right to 
 another's property. Your fafeft fecuri- 
 ty is to ad: juftly ; it is to keep good 
 allies, by an upright and difcreet con- 
 dud: ; it is to have a numerous people, 
 in profperous circumftances, well-af- 
 fe&ed, and well-difciplined. But what 
 can be more contrary to your fecurity, 
 than to let your neighbours fee they 
 can expeft none from you, and that 
 you are always difpofed to take from 
 them whatever ihall be commodious to 
 yourfelf ? 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 Have you thoroughly examined, 
 whether the war in debate was necef- 
 fary to your people ? Perhaps the point 
 in queftion concerned only fome per- 
 fonal claim of your own, wherein your 
 people had no real intereft ? What im- 
 ports it to them, whether you have a 
 province more ? They may, out of af- 
 fection 
 
of Self -Examination, &c 49 
 
 fection to you, if you carry it to them 
 as a father, affift you in the recovery 
 of fuch territories, as by right of fuc- 
 ceffion lawfully belong to you ; but 
 can you load them with taxes againft 
 their inclination, to fupply yourfelf 
 with the funds neceflary to carry on a 
 war, wherein they have no advantage r 
 Farther, let us fuppofe the war direct- 
 ly to concern the iiate ; it is your duty 
 to confider, whether the profit or lofs 
 is likely to be greater. You mould 
 compare the benefits that may be drawn 
 from it, or at leaft the mifchiefs that 
 may be apprehended from not engaging 
 in it, with the inconveniencies that will 
 neceffarily follow after it. When all is 
 over, there is fcarce any war, however 
 happily executed, that is not attended 
 with greater mifchief than advantage 
 to a ftate. Confider but how many fa- 
 milies it ruins, how many lives it cofts, 
 how many countries it ravages and de- 
 populates, how many diforders it brings 
 upon an eftate, how it fubverts the 
 laws, how it countenanced! licentiouf- 
 
 C nefs, 
 
jjo Proper Heads 
 
 nefs, and how many years it requires 
 to fet right what fhall be done amifs in 
 only two years war, with refpedt to 
 the good government of a ftate. Would 
 any fenfible man, that was not influ- 
 enced by his paffion, engaged in a law- 
 fuit, tho' fure of his right, if he was 
 convinced before -hand, that though he 
 gained his caufe, it would do more 
 mifchief than fervice to the large fa- 
 mily he had to take care of? This 
 iuft weighing of the good and ill ari- 
 ling from the war, would always deter- 
 mine a good King to decline it, by 
 reafon of its fatal confequenees ; for, 
 where are the advantages, that can 
 counterbalance fo many inevitable mif- 
 chieft, without mentioning; the dangers 
 following- upon ill fuccefs ? There can 
 be biit one cafe, where a war, notwith- 
 ftanding all its ills, becomes neceffary ; 
 and that is- when we cannot avoid it 
 without giving too great advantage to 
 an unjufband crafty enemy, who is al- 
 ready too : powerful. Then, indeed, by 
 endeavouring weakly to avoid a war, 
 
 we 
 
€f Self -Examination, &c+ 51 
 
 we fhould only fall more dangerouily 
 into it) we fhould make a peace, which 
 fn reality would be no peace, and only 
 cany the deceitful appearance of being 
 fo. Then, indeed, however difinclined 
 to it, it would be a duty to pufli on 
 the war with vigour, through a fincere 
 defire of promoting a good and lading 
 peace. But this fingle cafe more fel* 
 dom happens than we are apt to- ima- 
 gine ; and frequently is judged to be 
 real, when it is highly chimerical. 
 When a' King is jufr, fincere, inviola- 
 bly fnithful to all his allies, and power- 
 ful in his own country through the 
 wifdom of his government, he has 
 wherewithal to put a flop to the en- 
 croachments of his reftlefs and unjuft 
 hbou; ■■, w}io arc difpofed to fall 
 upon him. All the world is concerned, 
 in fupportjng him. If his caufc be juft, 
 he may firft purfae all the mildeft me- 
 thods, 1 he enters upon war; having 
 
 1 all eve • er- 
 
 fully arching himfelf, he may offer to 
 take the didvicfc of certain neutral and 
 
 C 2 diiin- 
 
52 T? roper Heads 
 
 difinterefted neighbours ; he may take 
 fomething upon himfelf for the fake of 
 peace, avoid all fteps that may exafpe- 
 rate, and try all the ways of accom- 
 modation ; and if all this proves to 
 be of no purpofe, he will fight with 
 greater confide* ice in the protection of 
 God, with greater %fA in his fubjedts, 
 and more firmly fuccour'd by his allies. 
 But it will feldom happen, that he will 
 be obliged to make war under fuch 
 circumftances. Three fourths of the 
 wars that are engaged in, arife from 
 pride and haughtinefs, from craft, co- 
 ve toufnefs, and precipitation. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Have you faithfully kept your word 
 with your enemies, in capitulations, 
 cartels, &c. War has its laws, which 
 are no lefs ftrictly to be obferved, than 
 thofe of peace. Even when two parties 
 are at war, there fub fills a cer- 
 tain Law of Nations, which is the 
 ground-plot of humility itfelf; it is a 
 facred and inviolable obligation between 
 
 People, 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 53 
 
 people, which no war can diflblve ; 
 othefwife, war would be no more than 
 plunder^ and a perpetual Series of trea- 
 cheries, aflaffinations, abominations, and 
 barbarities. You fhoulcl do to your 
 enemies what you think they have a 
 right ro do to you. There are violences 
 and ftratagems in war which are mu- 
 tual, and are expected on both fides. 
 Iia all other refpects, there ought to be 
 a Uriel fincerity and a true humanity. 
 It is not allowed, to render fraud for 
 fraud. It is not allowed, for inftance, 
 to enter into engagements with a view 
 of breaking them, becaufe the enemy 
 has made promifes to you, which he 
 has not kept. Farther, In a war be- 
 tween two independent nations, the 
 more noble or more mighty crown is 
 not to decline fubmitting equally to all 
 the laws that are common to war. A 
 Prince, who plays with a private man, 
 is no lefs obliged than he, to obferve 
 ftrictly all the laws of the game, from 
 the time that he plays with him ; in 
 that refpecl, tho* in that only, he puts 
 C 3 himfelf 
 
£4 Proper Heads 
 
 himfelf upon the fame footing with 
 him. The moil high and mighty 
 Prince ought to be the moft fcrupu- 
 lous in rigidly keeping up to * all the 
 rules required inthecontributions, which 
 fecure his people from captures, marTa- 
 cres > and conflagrations ; in cartels, ca- 
 pitulations, &c. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 It is not enough to obferve the ca-» 
 prtulatibns made with enemies; thofe 
 that are made with a conquered people 
 rnuft likewife be religioufly kept. As 
 you mould keep your word with the 
 enemy's garrifon, which is withdrawn 
 from a conquered town, without any 
 fraudulent interpretation of ambiguous 
 terms ; fo ought you to keep ftrictly 
 your word with the people of the town, 
 and its dependencies. Of what import- 
 ance is it, to whom you promifed the 
 conditions agreed to in favour of the 
 people ? The cafe is the fame, whether 
 the engagement was made with them- 
 felves or the garrifon. Certain it lL 
 
 that 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 55 
 
 that you have promifed fuch conditi- 
 ons for the people, and it is your duty 
 to keep them inviolably. Who can 
 truft you if you break them ? Or what 
 will ever be facred, if fuch a promife 
 is not ? It is a contract entered into 
 with the people, to make them your 
 fubjects ; and will you begin with the 
 violation of your fundamental title ? 
 They owe you obedience only by vir- 
 tue of this contract, and if you break 
 it, you no longer deferve to have them 
 keep it. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 Have you not, during the war, done 
 ufelefs mifchief to your enemies ? Thofi 
 enemies are always men, and always 
 your brethren. If you are yourfelf a 
 true man, you ought to do them no 
 other mifchief than what you cannot 
 avoid doing, to fecure yourfelf from the 
 harm they would do you, and to bring 
 them to a juft peace. Have you not 
 invented and introduced purely for the 
 fake of deftroying them, through paf- 
 
 C 4 fion 
 
56 Proper Heads 
 
 fion or pride, new kinds of hoftilities ? 
 Have you not countenanced ravages, 
 burnings, facrileges, and maflacres, 
 which have not been deciiive, without 
 which you might have defended your 
 caufe, and notwithstanding which your 
 enemies have equally carried on their 
 oppofition againft you ? You muft give 
 an account to God, and make repa- 
 ration to the utmoft of your power for 
 all the ills which you have authorized, 
 and which have been done without ne- 
 ceffity. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 Have you punctually executed trea- 
 ties of peace r Have you never broken 
 them under fpecious pretences ? As to 
 the articles in the antient treaties 
 which are ambiguous, inftead of mak- 
 ing them the ground-work of a war, 
 they ought to be interpreted by the 
 execution which immediately followed 
 them. This immediate execution is the 
 infallible interpretation of the words. 
 The parties, immediately after the trea- 
 ty, 
 
of Self Examination > &c. 57 
 
 ty, underftood each other perfectly 
 well ; they knew better what they in- 
 tended to fay, than other perfons can 
 know fifty years after. Thus pof- 
 feflion is decifive in this refpect ; and to 
 endeavour to difturb it, is an attempt 
 to elude what is mod certain and in- 
 violable amongft mankind. To give 
 fome {lability to the world, and fecu- 
 rity to nations, there are two points to 
 be fuppofed preferable to all others, 
 which are as the two poles of the whole 
 earth. The one, that every treaty of 
 peace confirmed by oath between two 
 princes is inviolable with refpect to 
 them, and muft always be taken fim- 
 ply in its moft natural fenfe, and in- 
 terpreted by the immediate execution. 
 The other, that every quiet and unin- 
 terrupted pofleffion for a length of 
 time, equivalent to the term required 
 by law for fixing the moft unfavour- 
 able prefcription, muft procure a cer- 
 tain and lawful property to the poffef- 
 for, however defective the poffeflion 
 rruy have originally been. Without 
 C c thefe 
 
58 Proper Heads 
 
 thefe two fundamental rules, there ;£ 
 no reft nor fecurity amongft mankind.. 
 Have you conftantly followed them ? 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 Have you done juftice to the merit 
 of all the principal fubjects whom you 
 was able to put into employments ? In 
 not doing juftice to private perfons in 
 their fubftance, their lands* rents, &c.. 
 you wrong only thofe private perfons 
 and their families ; but in not paying 
 a proper regard to virtue and abilities 
 in the choice of men, you do an ir- 
 reparable injuftice to your whole ftate^ 
 The Perfons you have not chofe into 
 places have in reality loft nothing- as 
 thofe places would have been to them 
 but opportunities* dangerous both to 
 then* eternal falvation, and their tem- 
 poral cafe -, but it is your whole king- 
 dom that you have umuftjy deprived 
 of an afnftance which God had pre- 
 pared for it. Men of fuperior genius 
 and integrity are more fcarce than can* 
 well be imagined • they ih 011 Id he 
 
 fjiTeht 
 
cf Self-Examination y &c. 59 
 
 fought for even to the ends of the 
 earth : Procul & dc ultimis jinibus pre- 
 tium ejus ; as the wifeman exprefles 
 himfelfof the virtuous woman. Why 
 have you deprived the ftate of the af- 
 firmance of fuch men as have been fu- 
 periour to others ? Was it not your 
 duty to fill the higheft places with the 
 choiceft men ? Was it not the princi- 
 pal part of your office ? A king does 
 not difcharge the duty of a king, by 
 attending to fuch particulars, as others 
 who govern under him are capable of 
 directing 5 his eflential function is to 
 do that which nobody but hirriftlf can 
 do ; it is, to make a good choice of 
 fuch as are to exercife his authority un- 
 der him ; it is to aflign to every one the 
 place which properly fuits him; and 
 to do all in the fhte, not by himfelf 
 (for that were impoflible) but by cau- 
 fihe all to be done by the men he 
 makes choice of, animates, jnftrufts, 
 and puts into the right w y This is 
 the proper bufinefs of the King. H tve 
 you quitted all the refr, which others, 
 
 under 
 
6o Proper Heads 
 
 under you were capable of doing, in order 
 to apply yourfelf to this effential branch 
 of your duty, which you alone was ca- 
 pable of difcHarging ? Have you been 
 careful to mark out a certain number 
 of fenfiblc and well-minded perfons, 
 by whom to be informed of the feveral 
 fubjects, who have diftinguifhed them- 
 felves in every profeffion ? Have you 
 queftioned them all feparately, in or- 
 der to fee if their teftimonies concern- 
 ing each f.ibjecl agreed together ? Have 
 you had patience to enquire, by thefe 
 different channels, into the fentiments, 
 inclinations, habits, and conduct of 
 every man, whom you have had it in 
 your power to put into a place? Have 
 you feen the men themfelves ? To be 
 continually fhut up in a clofet, and 
 difpatchingbufinefs there, is to rob the 
 ftate of the moft precious part of your 
 time. A King mufl fee, talk to, and 
 hear abundance of perfons ; he muft 
 learn by his experience to ftudy men, 
 &nd muft know them, by frequent con- 
 verfaiion and a free accefs. If you 
 
 ftudy 
 
of Self -"Examination^ &c. 61 
 
 ftudy men well, without feeming to 
 do it, converfation will be far more 
 ufeful to you than many points which 
 are judged important : you will there- 
 by difcern their levity, indifcietion, va- 
 nity, and artifice, their flatteries, and 
 their falfe maxims. Princes have an 
 infinite power over thofe that are about 
 them ; and thofe who are about them 
 have an equal weaknefs in approach- 
 ing them. The fight of princes awa- 
 kens every pafiion, and lays open all 
 the wounds of the heart. If a prince 
 knows how to make an advantage of 
 this afcendant, he will foon difcover 
 the principal weaknefTes of every man. 
 Another way of making trial of men 
 is by putting them into lower employ- 
 ments, to fee if they will be fit for 
 fuch as are higher. Have an eye upon 
 the behaviour of the men in their of- 
 fice, whom you truft with any em- 
 ployment, follow them clofe, never lofe 
 fight of them, learn what they do, and 
 make them give you an account of 
 what you have committed to their 
 
 charge, 
 
62 Proper Heads 
 
 charge, turn your difcourfe upon this 
 head when you fee them. Thus you 
 will never want fuhjedl for conversa- 
 tion. You will find out their natural 
 difpofition by the parts they have taken 
 of themfelves. It may fome times not 
 be amifs to conceal your own real {en- 
 timents, in order to difcover theirs ; 
 afk their advice, you may follow what 
 you pleafe. This is the proper duty 
 of a King. Have you difcharged it? 
 Have you not neglected to know men, 
 thro' an indolence of temper, thro* 
 particularity of humour, thro' an 
 haughtinefs of difpofition which has 
 made you decline fociety, thro' en- 
 gaging in matters which are but tri- 
 fles in comparifon of this ftudy of 
 mankind - 7 or laftly, by amufement in 
 your clofet under a mew of purfuing 
 bufinefs in private ? Have you not 
 dreaded, and for that reafon removed 
 far from you fuch fubjedts as have been 
 diftinguimed from others by their cou- 
 rage and virtue ? Have you not b^eii 
 afraid left they mould pry too nar- 
 rowly 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 65 
 rawly into your conduct, and make 
 too great discoveries of your weak- 
 ness, if placed too near your perfon ? 
 Have you not been afraid that thev 
 would not flatter you, that they would 
 oppofe your unjuil paffions, your bad 
 talles, your mean and unbecoming de- 
 signs ? Have you not rather chofe to 
 make uje of certain interefted and 
 crafty perfons, who make it their bu- 
 finefs to flatter you, who feem not to 
 fee any of your faults, and applaud all 
 your whims; or rather of certain mean 
 iervile people whom you eafily fway, 
 whom you hope to blind, without 
 courage ever to contradict you, and 
 who govern you the more as you 
 have nodiftrufr of their authority, and 
 are not afraid that they fhould (hew 
 themfelves to be of a genius fuperior 
 to your own ? Have you not, through 
 fuch bad motives as theft, advanced 
 weak or wicked men to the hiirheft 
 places ; and removed far from you what 
 was better able toaflift you in affairs of 
 the gr< t confequence? To rob an- 
 other of his lands, pods, or money, is 
 
 an 
 
64 Proper Heads, 
 
 an injuftice by no means comparable 
 with this that I have mentioned. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Have you not accuftomed your do- 
 meftics to a more expenfive way of 
 living than their condition has required, 
 and to falaries which have been a bur- 
 den to the flate ? Do not your valets 
 de chambre, valets de garderobe, &c. 
 live like lords, whilft perfons of real 
 quality pine away in your anti-cham- 
 ber without any benefit, and many 
 others of the moil illuftrious houfes live 
 retired in the provinces, under necef- 
 fity of concealing their wretchednefs ? 
 Have you not, under the pretext of 
 keeping up the fplendour of your 
 court, countenanced luxury of drefs, 
 equipages and furniture, in all fubal- 
 tern officers, who have neither birth, 
 nor folid merit, and who think them- 
 felves fuperiour to perfons of quality, 
 becaufe they talk familiarly to you, 
 and eafily obtain favours from you ? 
 Have you not been too much afraid of 
 
 . their 
 
Of Self -Examination, &c. 65 
 
 their importunity ? Have you not been 
 ; more afraid of difobliging them, than 
 of neglecting to do juftice ? Have you 
 not been too much influenced by the 
 vain marks of zeal and attachment to 
 your perfon, which they eagerly ex- 
 prefs towards you, with a view to pleafe 
 you, and advance their own fortune ? 
 Have you not made them wretched, 
 by letting them conceive hopes that were 
 difproportioned to their own condition 
 and your affection for them ? Have you 
 not ruined their families, by lettin'g 
 them die without any folid fubftance 
 to leave to their children, after having 
 fuffered them to live in a ridiculous 
 pomp, which con fumed the great pro- 
 fits they received from you during their 
 life-time? And has not the cafe been 
 the fame with your other courtiers, ac- 
 cording to their refpective degrees ? 
 Whilft they live, they drain the whole 
 kingdom ; and when they die, they 
 leave their families worth nothing. You 
 give them too much, and at the fame 
 time make them fpend too much ; and 
 
 thus 
 
66 Proper Beads 
 
 thus thofe who ruin the ftate, ruin al~ 
 fo themfelves. It is you who are the 
 caufe of it, by keeping fo many ufelefs 
 proud fpendthrifts about you, who 
 from their foolifh extravagancies have 
 a right to demand frefh contributions 
 from you, which they may ftill be able 
 tofquander away. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 Have you taken up no prejudice 
 againft any particular perfon, without 
 making a fufficient enquiry into the 
 fads laid to his charge ? This would 
 be to open a. paffage to calumny and 
 mifreport, or at leaft unadvifedly to 
 fall m with the prejudices of the perfons 
 that are about vou, and in whom you 
 place your confidence. You muft not 
 liften and give credit only to a certain fet 
 of men ; they are certainly men, and 
 though they were even incorruptible, 
 they are at leaft not infallible. What- 
 ever confidence you have in their judg- 
 ment and virtue, you are obliged to 
 examine whether they are not deceived 
 
 by 
 
Of Self-Examination, £§c. 67 
 
 by others, or obftinately blind them- 
 felves. As often as you give yourfelf 
 up to a certain fet of men, who are al- 
 lied by the fame intereft, or by the 
 fame fentiments, you wilfully expoii 
 yourfelf to be milled, and to aft wrong- 
 fully. Have you not fome times clofed 
 your eyes again ft certain ftrong rea- 
 fons, or ac lead have you not afted ri- 
 goroufly in a doubtful cafe, to fatisfy 
 thofe about you, whom you feaied to 
 difobli'^c ? Have you not thrown out 
 of places perfons of diftinguiihed merit 
 nnd abilities, upon uncertain reports ? 
 It is a natural iuggeflion, Thcfe accu- 
 fations cannot pofjibly 0? *ot Vver, the 
 Jureji way is to put the man out of place. 
 But this pretended caution is the moft 
 dangerous fnare, that can be laid. For 
 by this means there is made no difco- 
 very, and the informers gain all that 
 they aim at. A final judgment is pa fled 
 without due examination; merit is 
 excluded, and frightful images are 
 formed of the Perfons, whom the in- 
 formers would have fufpefted. By an 
 
 informer 
 
68 Proper Heads 
 
 informer, is meant a man who takes 
 up this trade, and by this horrid em- 
 ployment feeks to infinuate himfelf in- 
 to favour, and by confequence is evi- 
 dently undeferving of any credit. To 
 believe him, is wilfully to expofe one's 
 felf todeftroy the innocent. A Prince 
 who lends an ear to profeffed inform- 
 ers, deferves neither to be acquainted 
 with truth nor virtue. Thefe pefts 
 fhould be put out of Countenance and 
 driven from court. But as the Prince 
 ought to know what is done, he fhould 
 have about him fome honeft men, 
 whom he muft oblige even againfl their 
 inclination to have a watchful eye up- 
 on all that paries, and to give him no- 
 tice of it in fecret. For this office he 
 fhould make choice of perfons the mod 
 oppofite to it, and who moft abhor the 
 infamous pradtice of informing. Thefe 
 will lay before him only real and im- 
 portant fadts, which are of ufe to the 
 publick without troubling him with 
 every trifle, which it imports him not 
 to know. At leaft they will fpeak of 
 
 doubt- 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 69 
 
 doubtful matters as doubtful j and it 
 will be his part to fearch more narrow- 
 ly into them, or to fufpend his judgment 
 if they cannot be cleared up. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 Have you not beftowed too many 
 good offices upon your minifters, your 
 favourites, and their creatures, whilfl 
 you have differed perfons of merit, who 
 have ferved long, and want protection, 
 to live neceffitous ? Ufually the great 
 failing of Princes is, that they are weak, 
 voluptuous, and indolent. They are 
 feldom guided either by merit, or the 
 real faults of mankind ; the true nature 
 of things does not reach them •> their 
 determination ordinarily proceeds from 
 their not daring to decline compliance 
 with thofe whom they are accuftomed 
 to fee and believe. They often bear 
 them with impatience, and yet conti- 
 nue flaves to them ; they fee their faults 
 and are content with feeing them. 
 They pleafe themfelves with not being 
 duped by them, and after that they 
 
 blindly 
 
yo Proper Heads 
 
 blindly follow them. To them they 
 facrifice merit, innocence, diftinguifhed 
 talents, and the longeft fervices. Some- 
 times they (hall lend a favourable ear 
 to the man that mall prefume to fpeak 
 againft thofe minifters or favourites, 
 and upon feeing the charge clearly 
 made out, they mall ftorm, and pro- 
 mife to fupport the accufer againft the 
 minifter, or the favourite. But foon 
 the Prince (hall grow weary of protect- 
 ing the man, whole fole dependance is 
 upon himfelf; the protection is too pain- 
 ful to him in the end - y and for fear of 
 feeing a dhTatisfied countenance in the 
 perfon of the minifter, the honeft man, 
 who hath told him the truth, (hall be 
 given up to his indignation. After this, 
 do you deferve to be informed ? Can 
 you hope that any one will inform 
 you ? What wife man will prefume to 
 •apply himfelf diredtly to you, without 
 taking the minifter in his Way, whofe 
 jealoufy is implacable ? Do you not 
 deferve to fee only with his eyes ? And 
 are you not given up to his moft iin- 
 
 juft 
 
of ' Self -Examination, &c. ft 
 
 juft paflions, and moil: unreafonable 
 prejudices ? And have you any remedy 
 left againft fo great an evil ? 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 Do you not fuffer yourfelf to be 
 
 blindly carried away by certain vain 
 
 en tei prizing men, who have the art to 
 
 fet themfelves off, whilft you nec;ledt 
 
 and take no notice of plain, mode ft, 
 
 bafhful, and concealed merit ? A Prince 
 
 fhews the groffhefs of his tafte, and the 
 
 jWeaknefs of his judgment, when he 
 
 cannot difcern how fuperiicial and full 
 
 of contemptible faults thefe bold and 
 
 impofing perfons are. Light-headed 
 
 people, great talkers, pragmatical and 
 
 pofitive perfons, fcornful criticifers, and 
 
 banterers, who turn every thing into a 
 
 joke, are never efteemed by a wife and 
 
 judicious Prince. He defpifeth fuch as 
 
 find every thing eafy, who applaud 
 
 every thing he likes, and who watch 
 
 his eyes, or the tone of his voice, to 
 
 find out his intention, and to approve 
 
 of it. He keeps out of all places of 
 
 truft 
 
j2 Proper Heads 
 
 truft fuch perfons as are meer outfides 
 without depth ; and on the contrary 
 fearches after, anticipates, and invites 
 judicious and folid perfons, who are not 
 eager after employment, but diftruft 
 themfelves, and are afraid of being em- 
 ployed, who promife little and endea- 
 vour to do a great deal, who fpeak 
 feldom and think much, who exprefs 
 themfelves in a doubtful manner, and 
 know how to contradict with refped. 
 Such fubjeds often remain obfcure in 
 inferior places, whilft the higher pofts 
 are filled by bold and ignorant men, 
 who have impofed upon the Prince, 
 and ferve only to fhew how much he 
 wants difcretion. Whilft you negled 
 to enquire after concealed merit, and 
 to difcourage forward men without fo- 
 lid talents, you will be anfwerable to 
 God for all the faults that fhall be 
 committed by thofe who ad: under 
 you. The trade of an artful courtier 
 is very deftrudive to a ftate. The 
 lead underftanding, and the moft cor- 
 rupted, are often tfyofe who are beft 
 
 {killed 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 73 
 
 (killed in this unworthy profeffion. 
 It is a profeffion which fpoils all others. 
 The doctor neglects his practice ; the 
 prelate overlooks the duties of his mi- 
 niftry ; the general of an army thinks 
 more of making his court, than of de- 
 fending the ftate -, the ambaflador ne- 
 gotiates more for his own intereft at 
 his matter's court, than for the true 
 intereft of his mafter at the court to 
 which he is fent. The art of making 
 court corrupts men of all profeffions, 
 and ft'fles real merit. Bring down then 
 thofe men whofe whole talent lies in 
 pleafing, in flattering, in carting fa Ife ap- 
 pearances before your eyes, and in in- 
 linuating themfelves to make their for- 
 tune. If you do not, you will fill all 
 places unworthily, and true merit will 
 be always left behind. It is your duty 
 to put back thofe who truft them- 
 felves too forward, and to bring for- 
 ward thofe, who by doing their duty, 
 flay too far behind. 
 
 D XXXVII. 
 
74 Proper Heads 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 Have you not heaped too many em- 
 ployments upon the head of a fingle 
 man, either to gratify his ambition, or 
 to fave yourfelf the trouble of having 
 too many people, whom you {hall be 
 obliged to fpeak to ? When once a man 
 comes to be the man in fafhion, all is 
 given to him; and it is judged right, 
 that he only fhould do every thing. 
 Not that he is loved, for nothing is fo; 
 nor that he is depended on, for the pro- 
 bity of all mankind is diftrufted ; nor 
 that he is found perfect, for it is a plea- 
 fure frequently to find fault with him ; 
 but merely from indolence and felf- 
 will. One cares not to have to do with 
 abundance of People -, to converfe with 
 fewer, and not be too narrowly obferv- 
 ed by fo many, one {hall make a fingle 
 man do, what four would find a great 
 difficulty in doing. The public fufTers 
 by it, difpatches linger, overfights and 
 wrongs are more frequent, and lefs ca- 
 pable of being remedied. The man is 
 
 over- 
 
of Self -Examination, <SV. 7 £ 
 
 over-burdened, and would be highly 
 difpleafed if he were not. He has no 
 time either to think, or to make a 
 thorough enquiry, or to form fchemes, 
 or to fludy the men whom he employs, 
 but is conftantly dragged on, from day 
 to day, by a torrent of bufinefs which 
 he has to difpatch. Befides, fuch a 
 number of employments in one (ingle 
 perfon, frequently weak enough, ex- 
 cludes all the better fubje&s, that were 
 capable of forming and executing great 
 things. No opportunity is given for 
 the improvement of any talent; and 
 the Prince's indolence is the real caufe 
 of it. The moft weighty affairs are 
 determined by the flighted reafons. And 
 thence arife innumerable wrongs. Pau- 
 ca de te y faid St. Augufline to Count 
 Boniface, fed multa propter te. Pofli- 
 bly you may not do much harm in your 
 fingle perfon, but infinite mifchief by 
 putting your authority into bad hands. 
 
 D 2 Here 
 
 
7 6 Proper Heads 
 
 Here ended the heads of Self-examina- 
 tion : But the following difcourfe, 
 whereof the manufcript alfo is entirely 
 remainijig in the hand-writing of 
 Monf. de Fenelon, Archbi/hop of Cam- 
 bray, has been judged a proper Sup- 
 plement to them^ and fit to make up one 
 * piece with the foregoing. 
 
 Neighbouring ftates are not only 
 obliged to behave mutually to- 
 wards each other according to the rules 
 of jufticeand honefty, but ought like- 
 wife, as well for the fake of their own 
 fecurity, as of their common intereft, 
 to form themfelves into a kind of fo- 
 ciety and general republick. 
 
 It fhould be held as a maxim, that 
 the greateft power will in time always 
 prevail over and overthrow the reft, 
 unlefs the latter unite to keep the ba- 
 lance even. There is no reafonto hope 
 
 * This is the piece which is fuppofed to have moll 
 difpleafcd, in fome ftnpe, certain of -the French mi- 
 oiftry, and principally determined them to fupprefs 
 
 this whole work. 
 
 that 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. yy 
 that amongft mankind a fuperior power 
 fhould conflantly be kept within the 
 bounds of a ftricl: moderation, or that 
 it ihould not be difpofed to defire more 
 when ftrong, than it was able to ob- 
 tain in its greateft weaknefs. Though 
 there even was a prince of fo much 
 perfection as to make fuch a wonderful 
 ufe of his profperity, the wonder would 
 ceafe with his reign. The natural am- 
 bition of fovereign princes, the flatteries 
 of their counfellors, and the prejudice 
 of whole nations, will not allow us to 
 think it poffible, that one nation which 
 has it in its power to conquer others, 
 fhould abftain from it for whole ages ; 
 one reign diftinguifhed by fuch an ex- 
 traordinary difplay of juftice, would be 
 the ornament of hiftory, and a prodigy 
 never more to be feen again. We muft 
 therefore rely upon facl: and daily ob- 
 fervation, that every nation is defirous 
 Df prevailing over all the others that lie 
 round it. Every nation, therefore, is 
 Dbliged, for its own fecurity, to be con- 
 tinually upon its guard, to prevent the 
 
 D 3 excefiive 
 
7 8 T roper Heads 
 
 exceffive growth of power in every 
 neighbour. To hinder a neighbour 
 from growing too powerful, is not to do 
 evil ; it is to fecure ourfelves from flave- 
 ry, and our neighbours alfo -, it is to 
 ftand up in the caufe of liberty, tran- 
 quility, and the public fafety ; for the 
 aggrandizing of a nation beyond certain 
 bounds, changes the general fyftetn 
 of all the nations that have any rela- 
 tion to it. For inftance, the feveral 
 fucceffions that fell into the houfe of 
 Burgundy, and then thofe which ad- 
 vanced the houfe of Auftria, changed 
 the face of all Europe. All Europe 
 had reafon to apprehend an universal 
 monarchy under Charles V. efpecially 
 after Francis I. had loft the battle of 
 Pa via, and was taken prifoner. It is 
 certain, that a nation, which had no 
 direct quarrel with Spain, had, not- 
 withftanding, at that time a right, in 
 regard to the publick liberty, to op- 
 pofe the rapid courfe of that power, 
 which feemed ready to fwallow up all 
 before it. 
 
 Private 
 
of Self -Examination y &c. yg 
 
 Private perfons have no right to 
 oppofe the increafe of riches in their 
 neighbours, becaufe we may fuppofe, 
 that this increafe in one cannot be the 
 ruin of the reft. There are written 
 laws, and magistrates, to reftrain the 
 wrongs and violences committed be- 
 tween families unequal in fubftance ; 
 but with ftates, the cafe is far other- 
 wife. The too great increafe of one 
 only may be the ruin and flavery of 
 all the others, who are neighbours to it ; 
 nor are there either written laws, or 
 judges appointed, to ferve as a barrier 
 againft the invafions of the moft pow- 
 erful. They have always a right to 
 fuppofe, that the moft powerful will at 
 length exert its ftrength, when there 
 fhall be no other force of a like degree 
 to put a flop to its progrefs. Thus 
 every Prince has a right, and is even 
 obliged, to prevent fuch an increafe of 
 power in his neighbour, as will expofe 
 both his own people, and all the other 
 neighbouring people, to the approach- 
 
 D 4 ing 
 
80 Proper Heads 
 
 ing danger of flavery without redemp- 
 tion. 
 
 For inftance, Philip II. King of Spain, 
 after he had conquered Portual, had 
 a mind to make himfelf mafter of Eng- 
 land. I know well, that his title was 
 ill-grounded, for he had no claim but 
 by Queen Mary his wife, who died 
 without children. Elizabeth, who was 
 illegitimate, had no right to reign. 
 The crown belonged to Mary Stuart, 
 and her fon. But fuppofing that the 
 right of Philip II. had been inconteft-^ 
 able, all Europe would have had rea- 
 fon, notwithftanding, to have oppofed 
 his fettlement in England ; becaufe the 
 addition of fo mighty a kingdom to 
 his dominions in Spain, Italy, Flan- 
 ders, the Eaft and Weft Indies, would 
 have enabled him to give law, efpeci- 
 ally by his maritime force, to all the 
 other powers of Chriftendom. In this 
 cafe, Summum jus, fumma injuria. A 
 particular right of fucceffion, or dona- 
 tion, ought to yield to the natural law 
 
 of 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 81 
 
 of the fecurity of fo many nations. In 
 a word, whatever overthrows the equi- 
 librium, and gives the decifive ftroke 
 for Univerfal Monarchy, cannot be juft, 
 though it were even founded upon the 
 written laws of a particular country. 
 The reafon is, that thefe written laws 
 of a particular people, cannot prevail 
 over the natural law of liberty and the 
 common fecurity, engraven in the hearts 
 of all the other people of the world. 
 Where power rifes to fuch a height, 
 that all the other neighbouring powers 
 together are no longer able to refill: it, 
 all the others have a right to combine 
 together to prevent that encreafe, in 
 confequence of which it would be too 
 late to defend the common liberty. But 
 before fuch leagues, which tend to pre- 
 vent the too great encreafe of power in a 
 ftate, can be lawfully formed the cafe 
 mud: be real and preffing ; the league 
 muft likewise be only defenfive ; or at 
 lead made no farther offenfive, than as 
 a juft and neceffary defence fhall find 
 itfelf include. I in the fcheme of an ag- 
 
 D 5 greflion; 
 
Sz Proper Heads 
 
 greffion ; there muft alfo, in treaties oi 
 offenfive leagues, fuch fixed bounds be 
 always fet, as never to deftroy a power 
 under a pretence of limiting it. 
 
 This care to keep up a kind of e- 
 quality and equilibrium amongft neigh- 
 bouring nations, is that which fecures 
 the common repofe. In this refpecT:* 
 all the nations that are neighbours to 
 each other, and united by commerce, 
 make up a great body, and a kind of 
 community. For inftance, Chriften- 
 dom makes a kind of general repub- 
 lick, which has its interefts, its appre- 
 henfions, its precautions to obferve. 
 All the members, which compofe this 
 great body, are under obligations to 
 each other for the fake of the common 
 good, and to themfeives for the fecu- 
 rity of their country, to prevent fuch 
 a rjrogrefs in any one of their mem- 
 bers, as would fubvert the equilibrium > 
 and turn to the inevitable ruin of all 
 the other members of the fame body. 
 Whatever changes or alters this general 
 fyftem of Europe, is too dangerous, 
 
 and 
 
of Self-Examination, &c. 83 
 
 and draws after it an infinite train of 
 evils. 
 
 All the neighbouring Nations are fo 
 united by their interefts to each other, 
 and to the whole body of Europe, that 
 the leaft particular advances are capable 
 of altering this general fyftem, which 
 conftitutes the equilibrium, and where- 
 in alone thepublick fecurity can confift. 
 Take away one ftone from an arch, and 
 the whole building fhall fall, becaufe all 
 the flones are fupported by their preffure 
 againft each other. 
 
 Humanity therefore lays the neigh- 
 bouring nations under a mutual obliga- 
 tion to defend the common fafety a- 
 gainft a neighbouring ftate, which be- 
 comes too powerful ; as there are mu- 
 tual obligations amongft fellow-citizens 
 for the liberty of their country. If 
 a citizen owes much to his country, 
 whereof he is a member, every nation 
 owes ftill more to the repofe and fafety 
 of the univerfal republick, whereof it 
 is a member, and in which all the 
 
 countries 
 
84 Proper Heads 
 
 countries of particular perfons are in- 
 cluded. 
 
 Defenfive leagues are therefore juft 
 and neceffary, when the bufinefs really 
 is to prevent a particular power from 
 growing to fuch a height, as to be able 
 to invade the whole. Nor has this fu- 
 perior power a right to break the peace 
 with the other inferior powers, merely 
 upon account of their defenfive league ; 
 becaufe they have a right to make it, 
 and are even under obligations fo to 
 do. 
 
 As to an offenfive league, it depends 
 upon circumftances. It mould be 
 grounded upon breaches of the peace, 
 or upon the detention of fome coun- 
 try belonging to the allies, or upon the 
 certainty of fome other refembling foun- 
 dation. Farther, as I have already ob- 
 ierved, fuch treaties mould be always 
 limited to conditions, that may prevent 
 the confequences which are frequently 
 Iccn to follow, when one nation lays 
 hold of the necemty of humbling ano- 
 ther, 
 
of Self -Examination, &c. 8^ 
 
 ther, which afpires to univerfal tyranny, 
 in order to afpire to it itfelf in its turn. 
 The proper way of making treaties of 
 alliance, as well as the jufteft and ho- 
 nefteft, is to make them very exprefs, 
 free from all equivocal terms, and pre- 
 cifely limited to the certain benefit you 
 more immediately defire to obtain from 
 them. If great care is not taken of 
 this, your engagements will turn to 
 your difadvantage, by reducing your 
 enemies too low, and advancing your 
 ally too high. In this cafe, you muft 
 either fufFer what is deftructive to you, 
 or depart from your engagements ; both 
 which particulars are almoft equally 
 fatal. 
 
 Let us go on to argue upon thefe 
 principles in the particular cafe of 
 Chriflendom, as it is that wherein we 
 are mod concerned. 
 
 There are here only four kinds of 
 fyftems. The firft is to be abfoltitely 
 fuperior to all the other powers, even 
 when united. This is the ftate of the 
 Romans, and that of Charlemagne. 
 
 The 
 
86 Proper Heads 
 
 The fecond is to be the fuperior pow- 
 er in Ohriftendom to the others iingly, 
 who, /notwithstanding, when united, 
 fhall Jzie nearly equal. The third is to 
 be a power inferior to another, but fup- 
 ported by its union with all its neigh- 
 bours againft the predominant power. 
 Laftly, the fourth is to be a power as 
 near as may be equal to another, which 
 keeps all quiet by this kind of equili- 
 brium, which it honeftly fuftains with- 
 out ambition. 
 
 The ftate of the Romans and Char- 
 lemagne is by no means a ftate to be 
 defired. Firft, as it cannot be obtained 
 without committing great wrongs and 
 violences of all forts ; you muft feize 
 upon what does not belong to you, and 
 do it by wars, abominable both as to 
 their duration and extent. Secondly, 
 The defign is very dangerous ; for 
 ftates are often ruined by the folly of 
 thefe ambitious purfuits. Thirdly, 
 Thofe immenfe empires, which have 
 wrought fo much mifchief in their 
 formation, have foon after fuffered 
 
 more 
 
of $ elf -Examination y &c. 87 
 more terribly by their fall. The firft 
 minority, or weak Prince upon the 
 throne, fhakes the too heavy mafs, and 
 feparates the people, who are not as 
 yet accuftomed to the yoke, or not 
 thorougly united; and then what di- 
 vifions arife, what confufion, what an- 
 archy, without remedy ? We need but 
 recoiled: the ills which fell out in the 
 Weft, upon the fudden fall of the em- 
 pire of Charlemagne ; and the over- 
 throw of that of Alexander in the Eaft, 
 whofe captains did more mifchief in di- 
 viding his Spoils, than himfelf had done 
 in ravaging Afia. This is the fyftem 
 moft apt to dazzle, moft flattering, and 
 mofl fatal to thofe who are able to exe- 
 cute it. 
 
 The fecond fyftem is of a power fu- 
 perior to all the others fingly, but as 
 near as may be equal to them when 
 united. This fuperior power has the 
 advantage over the reft, of being en- 
 tirely uniform, uncompounded, abfo- 
 lute in its orders, and certain in its mea- 
 fures. But in courfe of time, if by 
 
 raifing 
 
88 Proper Heads 
 
 raifing the jealoufy of the reft it ceafes 
 not to unite them againft it, it cannot 
 but fall ; it exhaufts itfelf, and is ex- 
 pofed to numberlefs unforefeen acci- 
 dents from within, or may fuddenly be 
 overthrown by attacks from without. 
 Befides, it fpends itfelf to no purpofe, 
 and makes deftrudtive efforts for a fu- 
 periority, which gives it no real ad- 
 vantage, and expofes it to all manner 
 of difhonour and danger. Of all ftates 
 it is certainly the worft - y and the more 
 fo, as it can never tend, in its moft 
 profperous condition, but to pafs into 
 the former fyftem, which we have al- 
 ready {qcti to be unjuft and pernicious. 
 The third fyftem is of a power in- 
 ferior to another, but fo that the in- 
 ferior, united with the reft of Europe, 
 conftitutes the equilibrium againft the 
 fuperior, and the fecurity of all the 
 other leffer ftates. This fyftem has its 
 difadvantages and inconveniences ; but 
 is lefs hazardous than the foregoing, as 
 it is upon the defenlive, is lefs liable 
 to be exhaufted, has allies, and is not 
 
 ufually, 
 
of Self "-Examination ', &c. 89 
 
 ufually, whilft in this ftate of inferi- 
 ority fo inconliderate and prefuming, 
 as to threaten the ruin of thofe which 
 are fuperior. We almoft conftantly 
 fee, that in a little time the prevailing 
 powers decline and begin to fall. Pro- 
 vided that this inferior ftate be wife, 
 difcreet, firm in its alliances, careful to 
 give no umbrage to its allies, not to do 
 any thing but by their advice for the 
 common intereft, it will find work for 
 the fuperior, till at laft it humbles it. 
 
 The fourth fyftem, is of a power 
 very nearly equal to another, with 
 which it forms the equilibrium for the 
 publick fecurity. To be in this con- 
 dition, without an inclination to de- 
 part from it, is the wifeft and happieft 
 ftate. You are the common arbiter; 
 your neighbours are all your friends ; 
 at leaft, thofe who are not fo, for that 
 very reafon become fufpected by all the 
 reft. You do nothing which does not 
 feem done for your neighbours, as well 
 as for your people. You grow ftronger 
 every day ; and if, as in courfe of time 
 
 it 
 
90 Proper Heads 
 
 it will almoft infallibly happen, that 
 by a wife government you fhall come 
 to fee more forces within, and more 
 alliances without, than the power has 
 which is jealous of yours, you mull 
 then more firmly perlift in that wife 
 moderation, which confines you to fup- 
 port the equilibrium and the common 
 fecurity. You muft always bear in 
 mind the ills which large conquefts 
 bring upon a ftate, both from without 
 and within ; that they are without pro- 
 fit, and cannot be undertaken without 
 great hazard -, think, laftly, of the va- 
 nity, inutility, and lhort duration, of 
 large empires, and ©f the ravages they 
 occafion when they fall. 
 
 But as it is not to be expected, that 
 a power fuperior to all the reft fhould 
 continue long without abufing that fu- 
 periority, a wife and a juflrPrince fhould 
 never wilh to leave his fucceflbrs, who 
 in all probability will be lefs difcreet 
 than himfelf, the continual and violent 
 temptation of too plain a fuperiority. 
 Even for the welfare of his fucceflbrs 
 
 and 
 
of Se!f-Examination y &c. 91 
 
 and his people, he fhould confine him- 
 felf to a kind of equality. It is true, 
 there are two forts of fuperiority ; the 
 one exterior, which confifts in extent 
 of territory, in fortified places, in open 
 paffages into the countries of his neigh- 
 bours, &c. This ferves only to lay 
 temptations, as fatal to himfelf as to 
 his neighbours, to raife hatred, jealoufy, 
 and leagues. The other is internal and 
 folid, and confifts in a more numerous 
 people, well inclined, and better ex- 
 ercifed in tillage and neceffary arts. 
 This fuperiority is ufually eafy to be 
 acquired, fecure, fheltered from envy 
 and leagues, and e ven more adapted 
 than conquefts and ftrong places to 
 make a people invincible. This fecond 
 fort of fuperiority cannot be too much 
 fought after, nor the former too much 
 avoided, which has only a falfe appear- 
 ance of glory. 
 
 A Short 
 
[ 93 3 
 A 
 
 Short Account 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 Of the late 
 
 M. FRANC. DE SALIGNAC DE 
 LA MOTHE FENELON, 
 
 Preceptor to the Princes of France, 
 
 And afterwards 
 
 Archbifhop and Duke of Cambray, 
 Prince of the HOLY EMPIRE. 
 
 THE account we now lay before 
 the publick, muft be confidered 
 only as a very fhort abridgment. 
 It will fuffice, however to give a jufl 
 idea of the character and virtues of the 
 ArchbiQiop of Cambray. He was born 
 
 at 
 
94 The Life of 
 
 at the caftle of Fenelon in Perigord, 
 on the 6th of Auguft, 1 651. He be- 
 gan his ftudies in the province and at 
 the univerfity of Cahors. He finifhed 
 them at Paris, under the name of the 
 Abbe de Fenelon. His uncle the 
 Marquis de Fenelon, fuperintended his 
 education there. He was a man dif- 
 tinguifhed by a gtfeat degree of merit 
 and virtue. During the youth of Lewis 
 XIV. he was the principal perfon con- 
 cerned in the tranfaftions that paffed 
 concerning duels. One fingle circum- 
 flance may enable us to pafs a judg- 
 ment of his charadter. In making his 
 compliments to M. de Harlay, with 
 whom he lived in great familiarity, 
 upon his nomination to the Arch- 
 biflioprick of Paris, he added to it this 
 reflexion ; There is a confiderable differ- 
 ence between the day wherein fuch a no- 
 mination draws upon you the compliments 
 of the whole kingdom of France, and the 
 day of your death, when you muft give 
 an account to God of your adminijlra- 
 tion. 
 
 This 
 
M % de Fenelon. 95 
 
 This uncle brought his nephew ac- 
 quainted very early with a number of 
 friends, who were perfons of great 
 weight in the world. They immedi- 
 ately found him to be a young man of 
 extraordinary talents; and the idea they 
 conceived of him gave the firft rife to 
 a reputation, which was in a fhort time 
 to be advanced to the higheft degree. 
 He was no fooner entered into priefts 
 orders, than they conferred upon him 
 the fuperiority of the Nouvelles-Catho- 
 liques, and another community of fe- 
 males. His great talents for preaching 
 were difplayed in the fermons and dif- 
 courfes which this office gave him fre- 
 quent occafion to make. Thofe of his 
 fermons which have been preferved, 
 and of which there is a collection print- 
 ed, were compofed at this time. We 
 muft alfo refer to the fame time his 
 Dialogues upon Eloquence in general^ and 
 upon that vf the pulpit in particular -> 
 which were not published until after his 
 i death. The family having found the 
 I manufcript among his papers, written 
 
 entirely 
 
g6 M. de Fenelon. 
 
 entirely with his own hand, caufed 
 them to be printed. There is in them a 
 juftnefs of tafte, and a knowledge of the 
 rules, wh^ch may ferve as fure guides to 
 judge of the compofitions of the greateft 
 mafters of the art now in vogue. Preach- 
 ing became afterwards fo familiar to 
 him, that he did not compofe any more 
 fermons. A very little preparation ferved 
 him to form, in general, the plan of 
 his difcourfe, and the order he defigned 
 to obferve in it ; after which, he did 
 no more than yield to the copioufnefs 
 wherewith he abounded. It was an 
 overflowing fpring, which difcharged 
 itfelf upon his auditory ; and his elo- 
 quence had the beautiful charm of 
 reaching the heart to affecft it, which 
 is not ordinarily found in ftudied dif- 
 courfes. Whilft he was Bifhop, he 
 preached regularly during Lent in one 
 of the churches in the city, and upon 
 fome folemn days in the Cathedral, 
 without giving the fame fermons over 
 again the following year. The fame 
 fubjedt was conftantly handled with a 
 
 different 
 
M % de Fenelon. 97 
 
 different turn by a fruitful genius, 
 which had no need at any time to 
 copy itfelf. He vifited every parifh in 
 his diocefe, both in the towns and coun- 
 try, without exception, and accompa- 
 nied his vifitation with inftructions to 
 the people; but of fo many fublimc 
 and facred difcourfes there are now no 
 remains, except what has been pre- 
 ■ferved in the hearts of his hearers. The 
 dignity of the perfons, to whom he 
 owed this refpect, obliged him however 
 to fet down in writing the fermon he 
 preached at the confecration of the 
 Elector of Cologne, Jofeph Clement of 
 Bavaria. Except this piece of Chriftian 
 eloquence, from his cuftom of preach- 
 ing without notes, he has left behind 
 him no other performances of this na- 
 ture, befides the fermons of his youth 
 we have already mentioned. Their 
 beauty, and the interefting manner 
 wherein the truths of the gofpel are 
 there handled, do fully demonftrate to 
 us what he was in his earlier age, both 
 as a Chriftian, and an orator, and at 
 
 E the 
 
98 The Life of 
 
 the fame time point out to us the great 
 value of what we have loft. 
 
 It was alfo in the younger part of 
 his life, that having contracted a ftridt 
 friendship with a perfon of diftinction, 
 who had feveral daughters, he drew 
 up for him, at his requeft, his Treatife 
 of the education of daughters. * This 
 difcourfe, with another entituled, The 
 office of pajlors, were the firft produc- 
 tion of his pen that were made public. 
 The rules he lays down for the educa- 
 tion of daughters, and his manner of 
 treating this fubjecl:, fhew how tho- 
 roughly acquainted the author was 
 with the heart of man, and the in- 
 comparable talent he had for the edu- 
 cation of youth. In his treatife of the 
 office of paftors, he lays down the fame 
 principles concerning the authority of 
 the church which he ever afterwards 
 maintained. 
 
 To thefe great abilities the young 
 Abbe joined a kind of piety, to which 
 he had been ftrongly inclined from his 
 infancy, and which confided in fuch 
 
 a difin- 
 
 
M. de Fend on. 99 
 
 a difintereftednefs for himfelf, as to 
 leave nothing to man, and afcribe all 
 to God. Such principles did not per- 
 mit him to purfue the common me- 
 thods, which are practifed by thofe 
 who ftudy to advance themfelves in the 
 world. Mr. de Harlav, at that time 
 Archbifhop of Paris, at firft received 
 him extremely well. But obferving 
 him not to be over-earnelr in feeking 
 his favour, he was offended at it, and 
 faid to him one day, Sir, you have a mind 
 to be forgotten, andyoufoall be fo. Pro- 
 vidence, however, did not fuffer it. K. 
 Lewis IV. having cafl his eyes upon the 
 Duke of Beauvilliers,(whofe great virtue 
 was the example of the court) to make 
 him governor to the princes his grand- 
 children ; this nobleman, who was the 
 fame perfon for whom he had drawn 
 up his treatife of the education of 
 daughters, caufed his friend to be 
 chofen preceptor. The choice of the 
 Abbede Fenelon for this important of- 
 fice, procured a very remarkable tefti- 
 mony of his virtue and impartiality, as 
 
 E 2 it 
 
ioo The Life of • 
 
 it was given by that very M. Bonuet, 
 who was afterwards his profecutor. 
 Tejlerday, Madam, I was wholly em- 
 ployed upon the happinefs of the church 
 and fate-, to-day I have had leifure to 
 reflect with more attention upon your 
 joy -, which has given me a very fenfible 
 pleafure. Tour father, my very good 
 and deferving friend, was recalled to my 
 mind. Ireprefented to myfelf how pleafed 
 he mufl be upon this cccafon, in feeing 
 the luflreof a virtue fhine forth, which 
 had concealed itfelf withfo much care. — 
 This letter was written by the Bifhop 
 to the March, de la Laval, the daughter 
 of that uncle of the Abbe de Fenelon's 
 we have already mentioned already. It 
 was dated at Germigny, the country 
 houfeof the bi (h ops of Meaux, on the 
 9th of Aug. 1689. 
 
 The Abbe de Fenelon immediately 
 entered upon his office of preceptor to 
 the Duke of Buro-undv, the eldeft 
 of the Princes he was appointed to 
 inflruft. No education had ever 
 
 produced 
 
ifef. de Fen don. ioj 
 
 produced fo good an effect. France 
 was juft ready to reap the fruits of it, 
 when an untimely death carried off the 
 Prince, whom inch an in ft ruction, as 
 had been hitherto without example in 
 a royal palace, had fo happily formed 
 for the felicity of the people. The 
 large compafs which the Abbe de Fe- 
 nelon had taken into this in ft ruction, 
 led him to draw up thofe valuable 
 pieces which are now left of him, and 
 which one may always read without 
 ever being weary. WiCdom there af- 
 fumes all forms, in order to engage 
 the heart of a young Prince to the pur- 
 fuit of virtue. It lays fucceffively before 
 his eyes every particular of moment, 
 that is fupplied either by philofophy, 
 the ftudy of nature and its wonders, 
 hiftory, the poets or fable, and the 
 different characters of the in oft re- 
 nowned perfons both among the an dents 
 and moderns. And at the fame time, 
 as he thus inftrucls him in all that he 
 ought to know,, the incomparable ma- 
 fter conftantly directs the heart of his 
 
 E 3 pupil 
 
io2 The Life of 
 
 pupil to the love of a virtue, which 
 refers all to the deity. With Tele- 
 rnachus, to ufe the exprefflons of the 
 approbation of the moil extraordinary 
 of thefe compofitions, we learn an in- 
 violable attachment to religion , both in 
 pro/peri ty and adverfity ; to love our pa- 
 rents and our country ; to be kings , ci- 
 tizens, friends, or even Jlaves y if fate 
 will have it Jo, — Too happy the nation, 
 for whom this work may fome day form 
 a Telemachus and a Mentor ! Mentor, 
 and the Prince, whom he had made a 
 Telemachus, were then no more, when 
 the approbator of the work expreffed 
 himfelf thus. 
 
 A Mentor could not live in the midft 
 of a court, without being a fpe&acle 
 there. The Abbe de Fenelon even be- 
 came a favourite, but his favour was 
 of an extraordinary nature. He was a 
 favourite who never afked any thing 
 either for himfelf, or for any of his 
 friends. He made no other ufe of his 
 credit, than to eradicate the notions 
 which the corrupters of kings inftil 
 
 into 
 
M. de Fenelon. 103 
 
 into them of their grandeur and their 
 power. Six years had palTed in this 
 high favour, without his being thought 
 of in the distributions which were dai- 
 ly made of ecclefiaftical benefits. And 
 indeed it is not eafy, that any perfon 
 fhould be thought of in iiich diitribu- 
 tions, who takes no pains to pufh 
 himfelf forwards, and joins prac- 
 tice with the precepts of a ftrict dif- 
 intereftednefs. The King however 
 thought of him at laft, and gave him 
 a eonfidcrable abbey ; and foon after 
 nominated him to the archbiihoprick of 
 Cambray. The Abbe de Fenelon did 
 not confent to accept of his great port:, 
 until after the King had told him, that 
 as the courfe of education was near at an 
 end, the deferving perfons he had un- 
 der him might fupply his abfence. Up- 
 on this he yielded to the King's plea- 
 fure, and gave back into his hands at 
 the fame time the abbey, which had 
 been given him fome months before. 
 The King feemed much furprized at 
 it ; he had not been accuftomed to find 
 
 E 4 fuch 
 
i<>4 The Life of 
 
 fuch a degree of difintereftednefs in 
 his court -, but the example was no 
 other in the eyes of the perfon who 
 gave it, than a common adtion, which 
 did not deferve the commendation it 
 received. A nephew, for whom he 
 had a very great affection, and who is 
 now the bifhop of Xaintes, and ano- 
 ther * Abbe, a friend whom he dear- 
 ly loved, were the only two that were 
 under him about the Princes. He took 
 no pains to recommend either of them 
 to the abbey he had quitted. They 
 had both of them the fame principles 
 with himfelf, in being willing to leave 
 all to the difpofition of providence, 
 without any intermixture of human in - 
 duftry. Three years after they became 
 victims to their attachment for him, 
 were driven from court, deprived of the 
 falaries annexed to their employment, 
 without any benefice, or other advan- 
 tage, in having attended nine years 
 upon the Princes of France, except the 
 
 honour 
 
 * M. PAbbe de Longeron. 
 
M. de Fenelon. 105 
 
 honour of having been employed 111 
 their education ; fo ftrictly careful was 
 he who could fo eafily have provided 
 for them, during a favour which laft- 
 ed fo many years, to afk nothing either 
 for himfelf, or for the perfons that were 
 deareft to him. 
 
 So pure a virtue was not to want 
 the trial of adverfity. The new arch- 
 bilhop found himfelf infenfibly involved 
 in the perfecution which was revived 
 againft a lady, whofe prayer was 
 brought under fufpicion, and who had 
 before been in trouble upon that ac- 
 count. A life of the greateft purity, 
 the conftant practice of every virtue 
 from her infancy, and the moft holy 
 exercifes of devotion, were not able to 
 fecure Madam Guion from the ma- 
 lice of thofe who declared againft her. 
 The little enlargement we are obliged 
 to give here upon the ftory of this lady, 
 will not appear mifplaced in an account 
 which has no other object than the life 
 of the Archbilhop of Cambray. It 
 would not be fufficient, in moit, for a 
 
 E 5 man 
 
106 The Life of 
 
 man like him, the excellence of whofe 
 morals, in a time of the hotter! per- 
 fection, his greater!: enemies never 
 ventured to call in queftion. It would 
 not be enough, that thofe who have 
 been moll: tranfported with fury againft 
 him in their moft bitter invedtives, 
 fhould find themfelves obliged,, to pre- 
 vent the indignation of the publick, to 
 acknowledge, as they ftill do to this 
 day, that in this refped: he was always 
 free from the lean: reproach. Neither 
 would his' memory be juftified, if Ma- 
 dam Guion herfelf had given the leaft 
 caufe to doubt of the conftant regula- 
 rity of her conduct, if (he had writ- 
 ten nothing but extravagancies, and 
 had no other merit than of fubmitting 
 to confefs her errors, if in reality fhe 
 had maintained any. It would always 
 be an unpardonable weaknefs in an 
 archbiihop to have efteemed and fuf^. 
 fered his beft friends to have confided 
 in a pcrfon of a fufpicious conduit, 
 and in whom nought elfe was to be 
 fcen but fanaticism. We ibould then 
 
 be 
 
M. de Fenelon. 107 
 
 be obliged to own frankly, that his ve- 
 neration for her had been a blemifh in 
 his life. It is therefore requifite, that 
 the publick fhould find here at leaft 
 fomething, whereby to form an idea 
 of that lady's character, of the eleva- 
 tion of her foul, of the true {brings of 
 the clamour that was raifed againft her, 
 and of the purity of her life, which 
 was confirmed to the laft by the tefli- 
 monies and confeflions of thofe who 
 had taken the moft pains to prove her 
 guilty. Such as are defirous to make 
 a more particular enquiry into this af- 
 fair, need only confult the writings of 
 thofe times ; not excepting even thofe, 
 which M. BofTuet, bifhop of Meaux, 
 publimed under the odious title of A 
 relation concerning Quietifm, &c. of 
 Remarks, &c. provided the anfwers are 
 compared with them, and the prelate 
 confronted with the different manners > 
 in which he has both thought and ex- 
 prefled himfelf concerning that lady, 
 at different conjunctures. It is by this 
 comparifon, added to what has been 
 
 E 6 faid 
 
jo8 The Life of 
 
 faid upon this fubject, in the life of 
 Madam Guion, written by herfelf, that 
 we may be able to obtain a thorough 
 knowledge of the affair, and mew on 
 which fide truth and candour are moft 
 to be found. 
 
 The rage againft this lady was fu- 
 rioully increafed, when certain perfons 
 of diftindtion about the court, were 
 found to place their confidence in her. 
 The fudden change of life in thefe 
 perfons, who before had been very con- 
 verfant in the world, appeared to the 
 directors, who were alarmed with the 
 good they did not do, to be no other 
 than the effect of being dangeroufly 
 feduced. 
 
 The clamour was already begun, 
 when the Abbe de Fenelon was nomi- 
 nated to the archbifhoprick of Cambray. 
 He was brought acquainted with this 
 lady. The natural prejudice againft an 
 extraordinary woman, who was become 
 already fufpected and perfecuted upon 
 that fcore, was changed into a Angu- 
 lar veneration for her, as foon as he had 
 
 examined 
 
M. de Fendon. i 09 
 
 examined her, and converged with her 
 himfelf. It was a furprizing fight to 
 the court, to fee the archbifhop indi- 
 rectly attacked, and tottering irr the 
 king's favour, by an attempt to- reflect 
 upon him the furious zeal which was 
 expreffed againft a perfon , whom he did 
 not difown, he had very much efteem- 
 ed, and ftill continued to efteem. And 
 yet he never undertook to defend her, 
 but contented himfelf with conftantly 
 refufing to join with thofe, who from 
 the condemnation they had made of 
 fome of her writings proceeded to the 
 moft violent perfecution of her perfon. 
 When they pre (Ted him to act farther 
 againft her, he made anfwer, that the 
 errors they imputed to Madam Guion, 
 could not be excufed by the ignorance 
 of her fex ; that what they had charged 
 her with teaching would have raifed an 
 horror in the grofleft villager; that 
 the imputation did not only relate to 
 certs in expreffions of which fhe had 
 not perceived the consequences, but a- 
 mounted to a diabolical defign, which 
 
 accord- 
 
I 10 
 
 The Life of 
 
 according to her accufers, was the foul 
 of all that fhe had written ; that he 
 had often feen her, as all the world 
 knew ; that he had efteemed her, and 
 fuffered her to enjoy the efteem of fe- 
 veral eminent perfons, whofe reputa- 
 tion was dear to the church, and who 
 confided in him; that chough he had 
 not thoroughly read at that time all her 
 writings, yet he neither could, nor 
 ought to be wholly ignorant of them ; 
 that he had known enough to think 
 it his duty to examine her very ftrict- 
 ly; that he had often done it, at a 
 time when, having nothing to fear, lhe 
 was more open with him, more free, 
 and more difpofed to exprefs her natu- 
 ral fentiments ; that he had obliged her 
 to explain what fhe thought upon the 
 matter in debate ; he had required her 
 to explain the meaning of every one of 
 the myftical terms fhe had ufed in her 
 writings > and that he had always found 
 the fenfe in which lhe underftood them 
 to be very innocent, and very catho- 
 lkk j that he had very narrowly ob- 
 served 
 
M. de Fenelon. 1 1 i 
 
 ferved her practice, and the eounfels 
 fhe gave to the moft ignorant and un- 
 wary perfons, and had never difcovered 
 the leaft footfteps of the hellifh max- 
 ims that were afcribed to her. And 
 how could he in cbnfcience charge her 
 with them, by authorizing, with an 
 approbation, the defamations that were 
 publifhed againft her ? He owned that 
 he did not comprehend the conduct of 
 M. Boffuet. On the one hand, this 
 prelate was inflamed with indignation, 
 if the impious fyftem which he im- 
 puted to Madam Guion was ever fo 
 little called in queftion ; on the other, 
 he feemed himfelf to have thought 
 very differently of her. This lady had 
 freely fubmitted herfelf to a precede- 
 ing examination, which, on her part, 
 had been quite voluntary. During the 
 courfe of this examination, the bilhop 
 had written him a long letter, wherein 
 he had pointed out to him his objec- 
 tions to her prayer and experiences, 
 minutely mentioning the feveral parti- 
 culars 
 
ii2 The Life of 
 
 culars which offended him in her write- 
 in gs, for (he -had put all of them into 
 his hands without the lead referve; 
 and at the fame time acknowledging, 
 That he could not di/own, that he dif- 
 cerncd Jomething in her which very much 
 affefted him ; and this was (he faid) 
 that infatiable defer e of crojfes and" re* 
 proachcs, and the choice that God made 
 for her of certain humiliations and fuf- 
 ferings^ wherein his finger and his will 
 feemed to be expreffed. Is it ufual to 
 write thus of a perfon, whofe writings 
 after a thorough examination fhould 
 have no other tendency than to pro- 
 more irregularity, and the moft extra- 
 vagant fanaticifm ? For it was this that 
 M. de Meaux pretended afterwards to 
 difcover in them, when he attempted 
 to reproach M. de Cam bray with the 
 monftrous errors he imputed to his 
 friend. During this examination of 
 pure confidence, he had made extracts 
 out of the MSS. which Madam Guion 
 had put into his hands with fo little 
 
 refer v« 
 
M. de Fenekn. 113 
 
 referve, and efpecially out of the ac- 
 count of her life *, which fhe had writ- 
 ten out of pure obedience, and wherein 
 her moft fecret difpofitions were related 
 with great ingenuity. Thefe were the 
 very extracts, which M. de Meaux 
 had kept in his hands, and which in 
 the heat of the difpute he was after- 
 wards led to make ufe of by giving 
 them odious and ridiculous turns, which 
 without doubt he had not feen, when 
 he difcerned fomething in the lady that 
 very much qffefted him. The cafe was 
 the fame with the journies (he had un- 
 dertook. She returned from them in 
 1686. In the firft perfection- railed 
 againft her, and which was foon after 
 her return to Paris, fhe was taken into 
 cufrody, and afterwards fet at liberty 
 in 1688, by the king's order, when 
 
 informed 
 
 * It was not till long afterwards, and only fince 
 the death of Madam Guicn, which was in 171 7, 
 thirteen years after the deceafe of M. Boffuet, Bilhop 
 of Meaux, that this Lite, written by herfelf, was 
 made pubUck by an impreffiori. What goe3 beyond 
 the account of her firft confinement, and her difcharge 
 from it in 1688, is a continuation of what M. de 
 Meaux had in his hands. 
 
H4 The Life of 
 
 informed of her innocence. The affair 
 had been publick. This detention, the 
 artifices made ufe of to bring it upon 
 her, the journies which had preceded 
 it, their motives, the great number of 
 fouls which had been drawn over to 
 piety through her means, and what 
 ihe was to luffer from men ; all this was 
 defcribed at large, in the MS. of her 
 life, which (lie had put into the hands 
 of M. de Meaux, and which he had 
 read when he wrote the letter to him, 
 wherein be told him, that he could not 
 difown but that he difcerned fomething in 
 her which very much affe tied him. This 
 letter wa* written in March 1694, that 
 is, feveral years after her return from 
 all her travels, and her firft perfecution 
 which was over in 1688. It was fix 
 years after all this, that M. Boffuet ac- 
 knowledged the exprefs finger of God in 
 all that (he had to fuffer, and the choice 
 that he made of certain crojfes and hu- 
 miliations for her ; and that he difcern- 
 ed nothing more in thofe croffes and 
 humiliations than the infatiabk dejirejhe 
 
 had 
 
M. de Fenehn. 115 
 
 had of them, wherewith he was edified. 
 At the fame time he had given her the 
 communion with his own hand, and 
 had a lowed her the daily ufe of the 
 facraments, in his own diocefe. Laft- 
 iy, it was after having detained her fix 
 months at Meaux, whither (he had 
 voluntarily retired, in order to undergo 
 a more ftri£t examination, that he fuf- 
 fered her to depart thence with a full 
 atteftation, bearing date in the month 
 of July 1695, without requiring any 
 aft from her, whereby (he formally re- 
 traced any error whatfoever. In this 
 atteftation the bifhop faid, that he had 
 continued her in the participation of the 
 facraments, wherein he had found her; 
 declaring, that he had not found her in 
 any fort involved in the abominations of 
 Molinos, or any other condemned opinions, 
 and that he had ?iot meant to imply it in 
 the mention he had made thereof in bis 
 ordinance of the 16th of April 1695. 
 This ordinance, which he recalled, was 
 that which contained the condemnation 
 of two fmall books of Madam Guion's, 
 
 that 
 
n6 The Life of 
 
 that were the only ones then printed. 
 M. BofTuet had required of her an 
 a£l ot fubmiflion to this cenfure ; he 
 had even di&ated the terms of it to 
 her, and made her fay, that Jhe haa 
 never maintained any of the errors men- 
 tioned in the faid pajloral letter, having 
 always intended to write in a catholic k 
 fenfe, not imagining then that any other 
 could have been put upon her words. 
 The fuperior of the monaftery of 
 Meaux, had on her fide likewife gi- 
 ven her another atteftation, figned by 
 herfelf and the principal perfonsof her 
 community, wherein they certified, 
 that Madam Guion having refided fix 
 months in their houfe, by the order and 
 permiffion of the Bifhop of Meaux, their 
 illujlrious prelate and lord, Jhe had not 
 given them the leafl pain or trouble du- 
 ring her reftdence there, but very conji- 
 derable edification — as they had obferved 
 in all her conducJ, and in all her words, 
 great ^ regularity, Jimplicity, Jincerity> 
 humility, mortification, Chriflian pa- 
 tience and gentlenefs, with a true de* 
 
 votiom- 
 
M. de Fenelon. 1 1 7 
 
 votion and regard for every thing that 
 is of faith , — and that if the f aid lady 
 was difpofed to make choice of their houfe 
 wherein to fpend the reft of her days in 
 retirement^ their community fhould ejieem 
 it as a favour and fat is fat! ion *. This 
 
 attefta- 
 
 * There are here fupprefled only a few lines of the 
 atteftation, which are of no importance to the fubjeft 
 it treats of. F. Dom Touflaints du Pleffis, a Benedic- 
 tin, has given it entire in his Hiftory of the Church 
 of Meaux, printed at Paris in 1731, where it may be 
 feen. He has been equally juft as to the other attefta- 
 tion given by M. Bofluet himfelf, asalfo in freely own- 
 ing, that this prelate, going immediately after to Ver- 
 failles, teemed to repent of his having given in, and 
 tried in vain, fome few days after, to get it back into 
 his hands, and fubilitute a different one in the room of 
 it. Certain writers, who value not their being un- 
 faithful when it is their bufineis to impofe, and who 
 have been fully fenfible of the weight of this circum- 
 ftance related by the writer of the Hiftory of Meaux, 
 have endeavoured to give a different turn to it, and in- 
 directly to deftroy the know'n truth of the fa<ft, in a 
 printed piece, which they have difperfed as the genuine 
 text of the journal of a man, who had been dead twenty 
 years before ; wherein they have fo difpofed what we 
 have here related concerning thefe two attteftations, 
 that any one who mould read it without miftrufting 
 their defigns to difguife the truth, would be apt to be- 
 lieve, that the fecond atteftation, which M. de Meaux 
 attempted to fubilitute in the place of the other, had 
 been given before it, and upon another occafion. 
 
 We 
 
n8 The Life of 
 
 atteftation, like that of the bifhop's, 
 was drawn up in the month of Jul) 
 1695, and differs only in the date ol 
 a few days. 
 
 This was what paffed at Meaux af- 
 ter upwards of a year's examination, 
 and eight years after Madam Guion's 
 return from all her travels, which were 
 fo well known to M. Boffuet. Whence 
 comes it, faid the Archbifhop of Cam- 
 bray, that fo great remiffnefs preceded 
 fo much rigour ? For his own part, he 
 had never found any other than a can-* 
 did and docible difpofkion in the lady, 
 fo as to be always ready to fubmit to 
 others the judgment of her own expe- 
 riences, 
 
 We muft not therefore be furprized. that the Bene- 
 dictin's candour in this point, as alio in fome other 
 paffages, has been judged infupportable by men of this 
 character j notwithstanding that in other Places he has 
 thought fit to make M. Bofiuet the principal hero of his 
 hiftory, and upon this principle to foften abundance of 
 particulars relating to the difference between him and 
 the Archbifhop of Cambray, and to pafs over others in 
 filence. This conduct could not fecure him from the 
 rage of theie people, who have fallen furioufly upon 
 him, becaufe the refpecl he bore to truth had pre- 
 vailed on him not to be over-partial in the account he 
 gave of this famous 'quarrel. 
 
M. de Fenelon. 1 1 9 
 
 riences, and even to condemn them if 
 difapproved by them ; for which reafon 
 he could not in confcience join with 
 her accufers. He farther added, " the 
 Bifhops who condemn her, have done 
 it by writings which they have pub- 
 lifhed ; they have fince confined her, 
 and loaded her with ignominy ; I have 
 " never faid one fingle word either to 
 " juftify or excufeher, or to alleviate her 
 " prefent condition ; and is not that go- 
 €l ing a great way, confidering all that 
 cc I know ? The leaft I can do to an un- 
 <c fortunate perfon, whofe converfation 
 <c was always edifying to me, is to keep 
 <c filence whilft others condemn her/' 
 But this filence was not fufficient for 
 thofe who wanted of him a publick ap- 
 probation, which might ferve to juftify 
 their cenfures again ft her writings, and 
 their feverity towards her perfon. His 
 conftant refufal provoked them, and be- 
 came an occafion of their falling upon 
 himfelf. It was already feen, by their 
 manner of proceeding againft Madam 
 Guion, that he was rather the object 
 
 they 
 
1 20 The Life of 
 
 they aimed at than herfelf. To flop 
 the mouths of all who fought to ren- 
 der him fufpedted of illufion, he de- 
 termined to publifh a book, wherein, 
 without taking any notice as before of 
 what concerned Madam Guion, he 
 applied himfelf folely to diflinguifh the 
 true fpirituality from the falfe. The 
 publication of this book, wherein the 
 author laid open his fentiments very 
 clearly, cut off all pretext of including 
 him in an affair, with which he could 
 have nothing farther to do, unlefs there 
 were fome objections to be made to his 
 book. And this chanced to be the cafe. 
 All the expreffions in it were hardly 
 interpreted, that they might have fome- 
 thing to find fault with. The inclina- 
 tion of mankind, who are always dif- 
 pofed to grow tired of a virtue incapa- 
 ble of fwerving from the truth, was 
 favourable to thofe who imputed dan- 
 gerous fentiments to the preceptor of 
 the Princes of France. The King faw 
 a Bifhop of the age and reputation of 
 M. Boffuet in thepofture of a penitent 
 
 begging 
 
M, de Fenelon. tz\ 
 
 begging pardon of him for not having 
 fooner acquainted him with the fana- 
 ticifm of his brother Bifhop. The 
 non-compliance of the accufed Arch- 
 bifhop, who refufed to abandon his 
 book, was reprefented as a proof of his 
 obftinacy in the errors they imputed to 
 him. Upon which he was difgraced. 
 They could not, however, refufe him 
 the liberty of appealing to the judg- 
 ment of the Pope his fuperior. But 
 at the fame time he received orders to 
 retire from court, from whence he 
 departed, never more to return. " Be 
 " under no concern about me," fays 
 he, in a letter to one of his friends, 
 the affair of my book is carried to 
 Rome. If I am miftaken, the au- 
 thority of the holy fee will unde- 
 <c ceive me, which is what I feek for, 
 " with an humble and rcfigned heart. 
 " If I have exprefTed myfelf amifs, they 
 
 cc will correct my expreilions. If 
 
 cc the Pope condemns my book, if it 
 <c fo pleafe God, I will be the firft to 
 < c condemn it, and to iflue out an edidt 
 
 F « to 
 
<< 
 *c 
 
 <IC 
 
 .<€ 
 i€ 
 If 
 << 
 <C 
 
 <4 
 
 122 77^ Z,//tf e/' 
 
 u to fcrbid the reading of it. 1 am 
 
 going to Cambray, having facrificed 
 to God, from the bottom of my 
 heart, all that I am capable of facri- 
 ficing to him. Permit me to exhort 
 you to enter into the fame fpirit. 
 Nothing worldly or temporal has had 
 any fhare in what I have done for 
 the doctrine I have judged to be 
 true ; nor have I omitted to lay be- 
 fore the Pope any of the reafons, 
 which may fupport that doctrine. 
 €i Enough has been done on my part ; 
 *' it belongs to God to do the reft, if 
 " it is his caufe that I have defended. 
 *' Let us neither regard the defigns of 
 " men, nor the fteps they take; it is 
 cl God alone that we mould look up 
 " to in all this. Let us be the children 
 of peace, and peace will reft upon 
 us; if it be bitter, it will be only 
 the more pure. Let us not marr the 
 uprightnefs of our intentions by 
 any obftinacy,any pafiionate warmth, 
 <f any human induftry, any over-ear- 
 <c neft defire to juftify ourfelves. Only 
 
 <c let 
 
 € C 
 
 CC 
 
 tt 
 
 (C 
 
M. de Feneion. 12% 
 
 * c let us give an account of our faith, 
 x let us correct ourfelves if we have 
 c need of it, and let us bear correction 
 <c patiently, even tho' we fhould not 
 u dcferve it. As to you, Sir, your part 
 Cc in the affair is filence, fubmiffion, 
 * c and prayer. Pray for me, upon fo 
 £c prefling an occafion. Pray for the 
 <c Church, which fuffers thefe fcandals. 
 <c Perfection is become fufpedtedj Co 
 ic much was not required to divert remifs 
 cc and conceited Chriftians from it. Dif- 
 c * interefted love feems a fource of illu- 
 " lion and abominable impiety. Chri- 
 £< ftians, under a pretext of fecurity 
 <c and caution, have been accuflomed 
 <c to feek God only through motives 
 ic offelf-intereft and happinefs. Souls, 
 " which have made the greateft pro- 
 4i ficiencies, are forbidden to ferve God 
 cc through the motive, by which it has 
 if hitherto been wiflied, that even fin- 
 " ners fhould return from their wick- 
 li ed ways, I mean, the goodnefs of 
 w God infinitely amiable. I know the 
 <c terms of pure love and abandoning are 
 
 F 2 <£ abufed 5 
 

 4C 
 
 it 
 it 
 t< 
 
 j 24 The Life of 
 
 abufed ; I know that hypocrites, un- 
 der fuch fpecious names, fubvert the 
 u Gofpel. But pure love is, notwith- 
 ftanding, no lefs the perfection of 
 Chriftianity ; and it is the worft re- 
 medy that can be, to endeavour to 
 abolifh what is perfed:, only to hin- 
 der it from being abufed. God can 
 c< better provide in this cafe, than men. 
 * c Let us humble ourfelves, and keep 
 " filencej and inftead of reafoning up- 
 *« c on prayer, let us take care that we 
 '* pray. It is thus that we defend our- 
 * c felves •, it is in filence that our ftrength 
 " will lie." 
 
 With fuch difpofitions M. de Cam- 
 bray thought only of waiting peaceably 
 for the judgment of Rome upon his 
 book; but thofe who had begun to 
 profecute him, did not judge it con- 
 venient to aft in the fame manner. He 
 found himfelf violently attacked by 
 three bifhops at once, who were the 
 fame that had publifhed their cenfures 
 upon the fmall printed books of Ma- 
 dam Guion. The attack was too vi- 
 olent 
 
M. de Fenelon. il$ 
 
 olent to allow him to keep filence -> it 
 was a duty owing to himfelf, owing to 
 the defence of his caufe at Rome, not 
 to countenance the reproaches of his 
 adverfaries by his filence. But he con- 
 ftantly confined himfelf to a defence a- 
 bounding with moderation, and to fuch 
 explications of his fentiments, as juftified 
 his doctrine. 
 
 M. Bofluet had fuffered himfelf to 
 be carried fo far in the heat of the dif- 
 pute, that he faw himfelf abandoned 
 in an efTential point by almoft all the 
 divines of the fchool, and particularly 
 by the Bifhop of Chartres himfelf, 
 tho' otherwife united in intereft with 
 him in this quarrel. They found that 
 M. Bofluet, in order the better to efta- 
 blifh hope, had deftroyed charity. M. 
 de Cambray was advifed to make a di- 
 verfion, by attacking the books of his 
 principal adverfary at Rome, as the 
 latter had fallen upon his. The pious 
 Archbifhop made anfwer, that he had 
 wrote his book merely out of the ne- 
 ceflity they had laid him under of di- 
 
 F 3 ftinguilh- 
 
lib The Life of 
 
 ftinguifhing the true fpirituality from 
 the falfe, and to fhew how far he was, 
 by defending the one, from counte- 
 nancing the other - y but that he too 
 much lamented the fcandal of the dif- 
 pute under which the church groaned, 
 to have any inclination to perpetuate it 
 by recriminating againft his brother. 
 
 In the mean time, the writings both 
 for and againft the book of the Max- 
 ims were multiplied. Thofe of the 
 Archbiftiop were fo drawn up, as to 
 make his adverfarics repent that they 
 had laid him under a neceffity of pub- 
 lifhing his defences. They did him, 
 by this means, contrary to their ex- 
 pectation, a confiderable fervice. We 
 ihall fee, in the following letter, of the 
 month of May 1698, the anfwer he 
 gave to M. Brifacier of the foreign 
 millions, who had wrote to him after 
 the publication of the firft of his de- 
 fences, in aggravation of the extremities 
 to which the matter was reduced by 
 them. 
 
 €J Sir, 
 
M. de Fenelon. 127 
 
 Sir, It was unwillingly, and under 
 extreme neceflity, that I wrote to 
 defend my faith, when violently at- 
 tacked. I delayed the Affair at Rome 
 for two months, refuting constantly 
 to print my defences, and fitisfying 
 myfelf with fending them thither in 
 manufcript. At laft I was informed, 
 
 cc 
 
 St 
 
 It 
 
 €1 
 
 •i 
 
 <C 
 IC 
 iC 
 
 cc that it was ufual at the tribunal of 
 cc 
 
 «< 
 CC 
 <( 
 
 t( 
 Si 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 tc 
 
 €€ 
 
 the Holy Office, to print the pro- 
 ductions ; that my manufcripts could 
 be neither fo legible, nor fo correct, 
 as the judgment in fo nice and im- 
 portant an affair required ; that they 
 muft be in the hands of a great num- 
 ber of people, and communicated to 
 my adverfaries; and that thus it 
 would be impoffible to keep them 
 fecret ; and that, laftly, my anfwers 
 ought to be as publick as the accu- 
 fations. I then yielded to the necef- 
 fity of printing them ; but I was fo 
 averfe to expofe this fcene to the 
 publick, that my printed tracts were 
 <c fent to Rome above fix weeks before 
 ' I could refolve to publiili them iii 
 
 F 4 €t France 
 
 <c 
 
2? The Life of 
 
 France. When they were publiflied 
 at Rome, and I found that mv ad- 
 verfaries ported up and difperfed their 
 performances againfl: me in every part 
 of my diocefe, I thought it then my 
 duty not to be referved in my own 
 vindication, nor to fuffer myfelf to 
 be defamed in the midft of my own 
 flock, 
 
 " As to the manner in which I have 
 wrote them, I may be miftaken, and 
 herein fubmit to the reader's judg- 
 ment; but as, in my own opi- 
 nion, I was neither influenced by 
 paffion or refentment, whilft I was 
 writing them, fo I think I have not 
 expreffed any indecent warmth in a- 
 ny of them . I took great care to fup- 
 prefs whatever did not appear to me 
 effential to my cafe. I have behaved 
 refpedlfully to the perfons who have 
 treated me otherwife ; but I could 
 not avoid taking notice of fome par- 
 ticulars, which, againft my inclina- 
 tion, reflected upon them, as they were 
 matters of importance, either to the 
 
 t€ dodtrine, 
 
M. de Fe?ielon. 129 
 
 lc doctrine, or to the trial. If there is 
 <{ any paflage, wherein my caufe is 
 " not concerned, and which offends 
 " againft either truth or charity, or the 
 refpect which is due to my brethren, 
 I will make them a publick repara- 
 tion, without requiring the like from 
 them, tho' manifeftly due to me, for 
 the injurious and abulive treatment 
 they have given me in their write- 
 
 <c 
 
 <c 
 <c 
 cc 
 cr 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 <c 
 
 Ci 
 
 u 
 cc 
 
 ings. 
 
 CC 
 
 Let but any one compare, with- 
 out prejudice, their words with mine. 
 Their expreflions are all artful, haugh- 
 ty, and infulting ; their very writings, 
 which they would have pafs for mild 
 ones, are full of ingenious turns to 
 <c blacken me, under a (hew of civility 
 i( towards me. For my part, I ha/e 
 confined myfelf to expofe their fo- 
 phiftry; to reftore the text of my 
 book, which they have mifq noted, 
 <c and to refute the tenets, which de- 
 " ftroy charity, which confound the 
 " order of nature with that of grace, 
 " and which overthrow all medium 
 F 5 " be- 
 

 130 The Life of 
 
 between fupernatural virtues and vi- 
 cious concupifcence. All the lovers 
 of found doctrine, who dread novel- 
 ties, have reafon to be pleafed with 
 me, for having oppofed fo dangerous 
 a confpiracy againft the whole fchool. - 
 Laftly, I have (hewn, that my ad- 
 verfaries have clearly underftood, that 
 the intereft which a man has in be- 
 ing favcd is very different from the 
 falvation itfelf 3 and that they have 
 approved in other authors, what they 
 would have accounted impious in 
 my book. And now, Sir, are not 
 all theie particulars elTential to my 
 defence ? Ought I to fupprefs them, 
 for fear of opening the eyes of the 
 publick in what concerns the con- 
 duel' of my brethren ? Ought I to 
 conceal the wrongs they have done 
 me, and fuffer myfelf to be defamed 
 as a fecond Molinos, who is a plain 
 teacher of blafphemies ? Had I not 
 frequently declared, that they would 
 at laft compel me to vindicate my- 
 felf in a manner which would retort 
 
 fl back 
 
 
 • <- 
 
 %<■■ 
 
< c 
 
 M. de Petition. 131 
 
 back upon my adverfaries ? Did 
 they vouchfafe to liften to me ? Have 
 they not taken pains to carry matters 
 to extravagant lengths, in order to 
 render all accommodation impoflible? 
 Have they not taken my patience for 
 a weaknefs without refource ? Have 
 they not reduced me to fuch a ftate, 
 that I could not have vindicated my- 
 felf from horrible impiety, and an in- 
 excufable defpair, unlefs I had laid 
 open the injuftice of the accufation 
 in the face of the whole church ? 
 Was it right, to throw me into thefc 
 extremities againft my own inclina- 
 tion, and then complain of them as 
 tho' they had no (hare in them ? 
 Any other Perfon but mylelf, I dare 
 venture to fay, Sir, would demand 
 a cenfu;e to be palled on M. de 
 Meaux's books, and a publick repa- 
 ration for the grievous accufations 
 they have groundlefly brought againft 
 me ? The lefs I demand fuch a re- 
 paration, the more it is due to the 
 Church from my brethren. For my- 
 
 " felf 
 
<< 
 cc 
 
 CI 
 
 C< 
 cc 
 <c 
 
 132 * The Life of 
 
 * % GIF, I go no farther than to juftify 
 <c my belief, and they muft blame 
 " themfelves for having reduced me 
 li to fuch a condition, that I cannot 
 prove rnyfelf not to be impious, but 
 by proving the odioufnefs of their 
 proceedings againft me. If the truth 
 fimply told, in its natural force, when 
 delivered with mildnefs, with refpefl:, 
 and under. the moil: preffing neceffity 
 " that ever a biihop was laid, lhall 
 " offend the nice ears of thofe who have 
 i€ plainly laid him under that neceffity, 
 * c what can be faid to them ? 
 
 €€ When they fhall be difpofed to 
 keep filence, I fhall alfo gladly keep 
 it ; for in the midft of thefe wordy 
 wars, I breathe nought but peace, 
 •* and a conclufion of the fcandal. But 
 *• the more they write, the more ob- 
 c< liged I fhall be to prove clearly their 
 * { injurious treatment, which I could 
 wifli it were in my power to conceal. 
 If, after having wrote fo much, they 
 can only repeat what has been al- 
 ready faid, they will do no harm to 
 
 «< their 
 
 cc 
 
 iC 
 <c 
 
 e.1 
 >:t. 
 «c 
 
M. de Fenelon. i 3 3 
 
 cc their caufe by being filent liereafter. 
 <c According to rule, Sir, as you know, 
 Cf the accufers who have been the firft 
 <c to fpeak, fhould be alfo the firft to 
 (< hold their tongues. If, on the other 
 <c hand, they have any new proofs to 
 V urge, or any new turns to give to 
 <c the old ones they have already pro- 
 li duced, it is but juft, that I fhould 
 €( be allowed time to make a reply to 
 § * them. The accufed ought to fpeak 
 •• laft, efpecially when he is a Bifhop, 
 " whom they would convict of impi- 
 " ety in the face of the whole church. 
 " It may be ken by the difpatch, where- 
 €i with I have already anfwered the 
 " principal points in the laft volume of 
 " M. de Meaux, how little difpofed I 
 <c am, either to perplex the queftion, 
 i€ or prolong the difpute. I hope, by 
 c< God's affiftance, that my adverfaries 
 <( will advance nothing fo fpecious, ei- 
 <4 ther in point of doctrine or fact, as 
 lt not to be confuted by me upon very 
 " good reafons. For my part, what- 
 " ever happens, I more than ever fub- 
 
 • c mit 
 
1 34 The Life of 
 
 mit all my works to the holy fee, 
 with a docility without referve, and 
 without distinction of faci and right. 
 I wifh thofe who have wrote again ft 
 me were as fubmiifive,. and as tract- 
 able, with refpect to the tenets which 
 they have advanced. Judge, Sir, by 
 the freedom wherewith I anfwer you y 
 how much I honour you, and with 
 what refpedt I receive your advice 
 concerning the temper and patience 
 I itand in need of. Pray to God, that 
 he would grant them me, I beg of 
 you, and Monf. Tiberge, to whom 
 I fend my refpects, and believe me 
 to be, with the fincereit regard, &fc." 
 The affair lafted near two years at 
 Rome. His adverfaries were fupported 
 with all the credit, that their fitua- 
 tion in France could give them. And 
 they made ufe of it with fo much the 
 lefs referve, as they were provoked to 
 fee the Archbifhop, though in difgrace, 
 make no abatement of his refolution in 
 the defence of his caufe ; that not only 
 the publick was inclined to favour the 
 
 perfe- 
 
M. de Fenrfon. 135 
 
 perfecuted iide, but that there were 
 alio divided fentiments at Rome con- 
 cerning the book they had fo highly 
 traduced. Of ten examiners, that were 
 chofen to deliberate concerning it, there 
 were five who declared in favour of it j 
 and amongil thefe fome perfons of the 
 greateft character and diftindlion, who 
 have been fince honoured with the pur- 
 ple 3 . They had then recourfe to a 
 blow, which was judged neceffary to 
 let them fee at Rome, how much the 
 court of France, which openly follicited 
 the condemnation of the book, had the 
 affair at heart. They prevailed on the 
 King to difmifs the Abbe de Beiui- 
 mont, the Archbifhop of Cambray's 
 nephew b , the Abbe de Langeron, his 
 
 very 
 
 a Rodolvich, Archbifhon of Chicti, and father Ga- 
 
 briciis, a monk of the order of S. Bernard, and whofe 
 
 name is fomrtimes written Gabriellio, were of the 
 
 number of thofe five ccnfulter-, who in the ccngrega- 
 
 ci nftantly perfiAed in defending the book and the 
 
 fitions which had been ex trailed from it. They 
 
 both f.n.e in.. !c Cardinals. 
 
 His filler's ion. ile is at prefent biihop of 
 
 Xainte:. 
 
136 The Life of 
 
 very old friend, and Meff! Du Puy and 
 De TEchelle, whofe attachment to him 
 had remained firm notwithstanding his 
 disgrace and the danger of their being 
 involved ink, from their attendance on 
 the Princes his grandchildren. They 
 difpofed of the Archbifhop's apartment 
 at Verfailles, which till this time had 
 not been done ;. and both himfelf, and 
 thofe who were difmiffed upon this 
 occafion, were ftruck off from the 
 ftate-lift, and denied the falaries which 
 were ufually given to fuch perfons du- 
 ring life, as had been honoured with 
 any fhare in the education of the 
 Princes of France. The fame treat- 
 ment would have farther extended to 
 fome others of the mod: valuable per- 
 fons about the court, if the folicitors 
 of this affair had found credit enough 
 to have carried it to the utmofl lengths 
 that they defired. Nothing can enable 
 us to form a better judgment of the 
 temper which the Archbiihop of Cam- 
 bray maintained in the midft of fo vio- 
 lent a ftorm, than the following letter, 
 
 which 
 
M. de Fenelon. 137 
 
 which he wrote to the Duke of Beau- 
 villiers, at the time when it raged moft 
 furioufly again ft him. 
 
 " I cannot avoid telling you, my 
 c< good Duke, what I have at my heart. 
 " Yefterday I fpent the day, which 
 11 was the feaft of St. Lewis, in devo- 
 <c tion and prayer for the King. If 
 my prayers were good, he will be 
 fenfiblc of it, for I prayed very hear- 
 tily. I did not afk for him any tem- 
 V poral profperity; for of that he has 
 " enough. I only begged that he might 
 " make a good ufe of it, and that, 
 <c amidft fuch great fuccefs, he might 
 "be as humble, as tho' he had un- 
 lc dergone fome deep humiliation. I 
 t€ wifhed he might be not only the fa- 
 « c ther of his people, but withal the 
 " arbiter of his neighbours, the mode- 
 " rator of all Europe, fo as to fecure the 
 <c tranquillity of it, and laftly, the pro- 
 c ' te&or of the church. I begged that 
 " he might not only go on to fear God 
 cc and refpeft religion, but that he might 
 <c alfo love God, and feel how eafy 
 
 « c and 
 
*3 8 The Life of 
 
 u and light his yoke is to thofe who 
 
 bear it lefs through fear than love* 
 
 I never found in myfelf a greater 
 
 '* degree of zeal, or, if I may venture 
 
 w toufe the expreffion, of affection to 
 
 <c his perfon. Though I am full of ac~ 
 
 c knowledgment, it was not the good 
 
 eafinefs at my prefent fituation, I 
 would have offered myfelf with joy 
 to God, to merit the fandtifieation 
 cr of the King. I even confldered his 
 cc zeal againft my book as a commen- 
 tx dable effect of his religion, and his 
 cc juft abhorrence of whatever has to 
 cc him the appearance of novelty. I 
 <c looked upon him as an object defer- 
 cC ving of the favour of God. I called 
 <c to mind his education without folid 
 <c inftru&ion, the flatteries which have 
 c< furrounded him, the fnares laid for 
 " him in his youth, the profane coun- 
 <c fels that were given him, the diftruft 
 Cf that was with fo much pains initilled 
 <c into him againft the exceffes of cer- 
 
 " tain 
 
M.dc Fenelon. 139 
 
 " tain profeffors of devotion, and the 
 cc artifice of others , and laftly, the pe- 
 <c rils of greatnefs, and fuch a multi- 
 <c plicity of nice affairs. I own, that 
 <£ with all thefe things in view, not- 
 V withftanding the great refpect that is 
 " due to him, I had great compaf- 
 " lion for a foul fo much expofed. I 
 " judged his cafe deferved to be la- 
 " merited, and I wiihed him a more 
 f£ plentiful degree of mercy to fupport 
 " him in fo formidable a ftate of prof- 
 4f perity. I heartily prayed S. Lewis 
 " to obtain for his grandfon the grace 
 u to imitate his virtues. I reprefented 
 " his majefly to myfelf, as humble, 
 " confiderate, weaned from all earthly 
 <c en'ioyments, thoroughly porTefTed with 
 <c the love of God, and placing his 
 ct confolation in the hope of a glory 
 i£ and crown infinitely more defirable 
 cc than his own; in a word, I reprefented 
 " him to myfelf as another St. Lewis. 
 " In all this I had not, as I appre- 
 " hend, the leaft interefted view; for 
 <c I was difpofed to remain all my life 
 
 deprived 
 
<c 
 
 14° The Life of 
 
 " deprived of the comfort of feeing hi 
 " majefly in this ftate, provided hi 
 c was in it. I would ' have confcntecj' 
 " to a perpetual difgrace, provided i 
 " knew that the King was entirely af- 
 €l ter God's own heart. I only defiri 
 u he may have folid virtues, and fucr 
 c< as are fuitable to the duties of hisf 
 " ftation. Thus, my good duke, I 
 €C yefterday employed my feftival.' I 
 c prayed alfo moll heartily for our 
 young prince, for whofe falvation I 
 would give up my life with joy. 
 <c Laftly, I prayed for the principal 
 " perfons who are about the King, 
 " and wiihed you all the renewal of 
 cc grace in the difficult times wherein 
 " you live. For my own part, I am 
 <c at peace, in the midft of almoft 
 " continual fufFerings. By carting fcan- 
 " dal upon me, they (hall not, by 
 €€ God's will, exafperate me, neither 
 <c fhall they difcourage me; they will 
 " not make me an heretick, by faying 
 " that I am one. I have a greater ab- 
 < c horrence of novelty, than thofe who 
 
 <c feem 
 
M. de Fenelon. 144 
 
 feem fo much to ftart at it. I am 
 more firmly attached to the Church. 
 I thank God, I breathe nothing but 
 Sincerity, and fubmiffion without re- 
 ferve. After laying my reafons before 
 the pope, my confcience will be dis- 
 charged, and I fhall have nothing 
 more to do than to be filent and obey. 
 They ihall never fee me, as fome 
 others have done, feek for distincti- 
 ons to elude the cenfures of Rome. 
 There would have been no occafion 
 to have gone thither, if the affair 
 had been carried on with that equi- 
 ty, fair dealing, and Chriftian cha- 
 rity, which they owed to their bro- 
 ther. I pray God to undeceive me, 
 if I am under a miftake ; and if I 
 am not, that he will open the eyes 
 of thofe who have confided too much 
 in paflionate perfons." 
 The condemnation of the book, fo 
 owerfully follicited at Rome, came 
 t laft ; not indeed as the archbifhop's 
 dverfaries required, with the qualifi- 
 ations which Rome referves for the 
 
 books 
 
142 The Life of 
 
 books fhe finds to be heretical ; but 
 fuch however, as made them to tri- 
 umph in the humiliation of the au- 
 thor. He experienced upon this occa- 
 fion, how vain is the dependance upon 
 human prudence and policy, which 
 the pureft virtue in time can hardly 
 efcape fome fmall degree of in a court, 
 and which had led him fo far to con- 
 fult his own intereft as to decline the 
 taking any part in the caufe of his 
 friend. This wifdom did not prevent 
 the ftorm, which was firft railed againft 
 her, from falling upon him, againft 
 whom they intended ir, nor from in- 
 volving him at laft in a difgrace which 
 he at firft apprehended he might have 
 avoided. It even fo fell out, that the 
 little books of Madam Guion, about 
 which the noife firft was made, and 
 which nobody undertook to defend 
 againft the bifhops who had cenfured 
 them, continued in the ftate they 
 were, whilft the judgment of Rome 
 regarded only the book of the archbi- 
 {hop of Cambray. They could not 
 
 however 
 
M. de Penelon. 143 
 
 however, prevail upon the Holy See 
 to include the pieces he wrote m his 
 vindication within the condemnation. 
 They urged, in vain, that the author 
 had himfelf declared in his defences, 
 that if his book was underftood accord- 
 ing to the fenfe which his adverfaries 
 put upon it, and the confequences they 
 drew from it, it would be from be- 
 ginnning to end impious, facrilegious, 
 and heretical; that the not affigning 
 any of thofe qualifications to the book 
 and propofitions condemned, which 
 himfelf had pronounced, and at the 
 fame time the not comprehending his 
 defences in the condemnation, was vi- 
 fibly charging his adverfaries with ha- 
 ving proceeded too far in their impu- 
 tations againft him y notwithstanding 
 Rome perfjfted in her refolution to pro- 
 nounce no judgment againft what the 
 archbifiiop had urged in the courfe of 
 the difpute, either in his own vindica- 
 tion, or in the explanation of his do- 
 ctrine. They even debated about termi- 
 nating the conteft only by making ca- 
 nons 
 
144 The I**fi °f 
 
 nons, which fhould explain what was to 
 be held with relation to the matter con- 
 tefted. This was what the Pope was 
 very much inclined to, with a confi- 
 derable part of the Roman church $ 
 but upon the fight of this project, they 
 made fo loud a clamour about the ne- 
 ceffity of fatisfying France, which de- 
 manded a judgment, that the defign 
 of ending the affair by the publication 
 of the projected canons fell to the 
 ground. As to the Archbifhop, as foon 
 as he knew that Rome had fpoke, he 
 gave himfelf wholly up to finifh his 
 facrifice by the moft abfolute fubmif- 
 fion. " What you fend me word you 
 <c have done in obedience to the Pope 
 f c by parting with my book," fays he, 
 in a letter to the fame Duke de Beau- 
 villiers his friend *, "is very edifying to 
 cc me, and by no means furprizing; 
 
 * This letter and the foregoing were preferved 
 among the papers of the late Duke de Beauvilliers, 
 and fent by his widow the dowager Duchefs of Beau- 
 villiers to the Marquis de Fenelon, who has the ori- 
 ginals written in the Archbifhop of Cambray's own 
 hand writing. 
 
 ct I know 
 
M. de Fenelofi. 145 
 
 cc I know your attachment to a ftrid: 
 " obedience, nor could I expedt any 
 
 other conduct from you . You know 
 tc very well, Sir, that I never valued 
 
 or countenanced any piety, which has 
 tc not this folid foundation. For my 
 
 part, I endeavour to bear my crofs 
 tc with humility and patience. By 
 
 God's grace I remain in peace, in 
 
 the midft of forrow and bitternefs. 
 
 Amidft fo many troubles I have one 
 u confolation, of little confequence in 
 
 the eyes of the world, but a folid 
 cc comfort to thofe who feek God with 
 cc fincerity, and that is, my condud is 
 <c entirely fixed, nor have I any thing 
 c< more to deliberate upon ; all that is 
 
 left for me to do is, to fubmit and 
 
 be filent; and this is what 1 have 
 " ever dcfired. My only bnfinefs now 
 " is to fettle the terms of my fubmif- 
 cc fion ; the (horteft, the mod fimple, 
 " the mod abfolurc, and the moft re- 
 " mote from all reftridion, are fuch 
 €t as pleafe me the beft ; my confcience 
 f is difcharged in that of my fuperior. 
 
 G « In 
 
14 6 The Life of 
 
 <c In all this, fax* from confidering it 
 
 " as brought upon me by my adver- 
 
 <c faries, I look not on any man ; I fee 
 
 iC only the hand of God, and am con- 
 
 " tent with what he does. I am 
 
 <c fometimes tempted to fmile at the 
 
 ** apprehenfions which fome zealous 
 
 " perfons exprefs of me, that poffibly 
 
 <s I may not be able to refolve upon a 
 
 tff fubmiffion. Sometimes I am impor- 
 
 '■* tuned with long letters of exhortati- 
 
 €< on adviling me to fubmit, and telling 
 
 " me how glorious fuch an humilia- 
 te 
 
 ire 
 <c 
 cc 
 
 Cf 
 
 tc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 €C 
 
 tion will be, and what an heroic ac- 
 tion I mall do by it, This indeed is 
 fome what teazing, and I am tempted 
 to fay within my felf, What is it then 
 that I have done to thefe people, 
 that they mould think I (hall find fo 
 much difficulty in preferring the au- 
 thority of the Holy See to my own 
 weak underftanding, and the peace 
 of the church to my book ? Yet I 
 fee plainly, they have reafon to fup- 
 pofe that I have a great deal of im- 
 perfection and unwillingnefs to do 
 
 " an 
 
M. de Fenelon. 147 
 
 an act of humiliation. And thus I 
 pardon them very freely, and even 
 go fo for as to thank them for their 
 fears and exhortations. As to diffi- 
 culty, in an aft of full and abfolute 
 fubmiffion, I muft frankly own to 
 you, that I find none. The ad was 
 drawn up the day after I received 
 the news, but I thought it my duty 
 <e to fufpend the execution of it, till 
 fuch time as I knew how to proceed 
 in form. Bulls are not acknow- 
 ledged in France till after they are 
 " pailed in parliament. I know not 
 Cf whether the fame form is to be ob- 
 ferved in a brief, which contains a 
 cc doctrinal judgment againft an Arch- 
 bifhop. In doubt of this, I fufpend 
 my mandate; for no one, whatever 
 they may fay, is a more zealous 
 " Frenchman than myfelf. As foon 
 cc as I know the rule, my act /hall 
 " appear. Be pleafed to take notice, 
 
 f< Sir, I have not received the judgment 
 " of the Pope, either from Rome, or 
 U from the Nuncio. But indeed, I 
 
 G 2 '« will 
 
tfc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 «c 
 
 148 The Life of 
 
 <c will not lofe a moment, as foon as 
 " I mall be affured that I do not tranf- 
 grefs the ufages of France. I have 
 no confolation but in obedience ; and 
 if they had known my fentiments in 
 this refpeft, they would never have 
 had the vain alarms they have fuffered 
 <c themfelves to fall into." 
 
 " As to the Bifhop of Meaux, I own 
 it is impoffible for me to conceive how 
 he could tell you, That he should 
 
 THINK HIMSELF BLAMEABLE 
 " BOTH IN THE SIGHT OF GoD 
 * c AND MAN, IF HE IN THE LEAST 
 €€ DOUBTED OF THE INTEGRITYOF 
 cc MY HEART, AND THE SINCERI- 
 
 cC ty of my submission. Has he 
 forgot the frightful double dealing, 
 he hath fo often charged me with in 
 the face of the whole church, even 
 fo lately as in the laft printed piece 
 he publifhed againft me? Fifteen 
 days cannot have changed me into an 
 honeft man. However, the mean- 
 " ing of his w r ords is not our prefent 
 " bufinefs # and I leave that matter to 
 
 * c be 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 €f 
 CC 
 
 CI 
 
 cc 
 
M. de Fenelin. 149 
 
 \ be fettled between God and himfelf. 
 u He and I now have no longer any 
 ■■ contention. I very fincercly pray 
 " for him, and wifti him all that may 
 " be wifhed for thofe whom we love 
 " according to God." This letter was 
 written the 29th of March 1699, and 
 was followed on the 9th of April with 
 the publication of the Archbiftiop's 
 
 mandate *. 
 
 G 3 ? Twas 
 
 ♦The mandate was drawn up in the following terms, 
 M We owe ourfelues to you without referve, my veiy 
 " dear brethren, fince we are no longer our own, 
 " but the flocks which has been committed to us, Nos 
 H autemfervos vtjlros per Jefum. It is in this difpo- 
 4i fition, that we think ourfelves obliged here to open 
 «' our heart to you, and continue to communicate to 
 " you what concerns us relating to the book entitled, 
 " <Tbe Maxims of the Saints. Fn fhort, our holy fa- 
 •« ther the Pope hath condemned this book, with the 
 %< three and twenty proportions extracted out of it, 
 41 by a brief bearing date the- 12th of March, which 
 «• is now difperfed abroad, and which you have al- 
 H ready fcen. 
 
 " We adhere to this brief, my very dear brethren, 
 " as well with refpeft to the text of the book, as to 
 " the 2 3 proportions, precifely in the fame, and with 
 " the fame qualifications, fimply, abfolutely, and 
 " without fhadow of reftrrftion. Thus we condemn 
 " both the book and the 2} proportions, precifely in 
 
 11 the 
 
i$o The Life of 
 
 'Twas with an heart full of the no- 
 ble fimplicity, and difpofition to com- 
 ply without weaknefs, which are fo 
 
 vifible 
 
 " the fame form, and with the fame qualifications, 
 "I fimply, abfolutely, and without any reftriclion. 
 " Farther, we forbid, under the fame penalty, all the 
 " faithful of this diocefe, to read and keep the faid 
 " book. We would comfort ourfelves, my very dear 
 " brethren, in our humiliation, provided the miniilry 
 " of the word, which we have received of the Lord 
 " for your fanclification, be not weakened thereby, 
 " and that notwithstanding the humiliation of the 
 '* pallor, the flock may grow in grace in the fight of 
 " God. It is therefore with all our heart, that we 
 " exhort you to a fmcere fubmiffion, and a compliance 
 t( without referve, left you infenfibly depart from the 
 ■* fimplicity of obedience to the holy fee, whereof 
 " we are defirous, by the afliftance of God's grace, to 
 *' fet the example to the laft moment of our life. May 
 " it pleafe God, that my name may never be men- 
 '-' tioned, but with this remembrance, that a pallor 
 t: has thought it his duty to be more compliant than 
 k< the leaft fheep of his floe's, and that he hath fet no 
 " bounds to his fubmiffion. May the grace of our 
 " Lord ^e.fus Cbrift, my very dear brethren, the love 
 *' of God, and the communion of the Holy Ghoft, re- 
 " main with you all. Amen. Given at Cambray, 
 "■' April 9, 1699. 
 
 The affemblies of bifhops in each ecclefiaftical 
 province being afterwards held for the acceptation 
 of the brief, the King gave his letters patents for the 
 vegiftering of it, which was done in the parliament of 
 Paris on the 14th of Auguft following. 
 
M. de Fenelon. 1 5 1 
 
 vifible in this letter, that its generous 
 author was able, without departing 
 from the integrity of his fubmiffion, 
 to refufe going farther than the exprefs 
 judgment of the holy fee, which had 
 pronounced no fentence againft the 
 books he had written in his own vin- 
 dication. They determined however 
 lii France not to leave him without 
 mortification upon that fcore. In the 
 provincial affemblies, which were held 
 by the feveral Archbifliops throughout 
 the kingdom for the reception of the 
 brief, there were not wanting certain 
 bifhops, who propofed to offer a peti- 
 tion to the King, that he would be 
 pleafed to ifTue out an order for the 
 fuppreffion alfo of all that the author 
 had written in its defence. And yet 
 there were others, who declared that 
 they could not approve the carrying 
 matters fo high againfl: an Archbiihop 
 who deferved nothing but commenda- 
 tion from them ; but thefe were the 
 fmaller number, and the fuppreffion was 
 ordered in France. The affembly of 
 
 O 5 the 
 
J 52 The Life of 
 
 the province of Cambray was not more 
 favourable to their Archhifhop. He 
 itood in need of a refolution like his 
 own, and all the prefence of mind he 
 was mafter of, to oppofe in the af- 
 fembly, which was held in his own 
 palace, the fuggeftions that were made 
 %o turn his fubmiffion to the judgment 
 of Rome into a retraction of all that 
 he had urged in juftification of his doc- 
 trine. One of the bifhops in the af- 
 fembly attempted to maintain,, that the 
 judgment pronounced againfl: the book 
 of Maxims, extended to the condem- 
 nation of the pieces which had been 
 wrote in its defence. The Archbifhop 
 courageouily caufed the reafons to be 
 infer ted in the report of the aflem- 
 bly, which hindered him from ac- 
 knowledging that confequence. Thus 
 joined he refolution with a boundleis 
 fubmiffion to the judgment of the head 
 of the church. The fame great nefs 
 of foul, which made him fo firm, lead 
 him likewife to yield without refiftance 
 to whatever was regular. He drew up 
 
 the 
 
Ml do Fenelon. 153 
 
 the concluiion, as prefident of the af- 
 fembly, with the fame tranquility as 
 if the affair had concerned another per- 
 fon. The purport of it was, that the 
 King lhould be defired to order the 
 fuppreffion of what he had written in 
 his own defence. But tho* he thus dis- 
 charged what the rules of the affem- 
 bly required from his miniftry againfl 
 himfelf, he remained unmoveable as to 
 his own fentiments -, he caufed it to be 
 inferted, that in concluding for this pe- 
 tition he acted only as prefident accord- 
 ing to the plurality of voices, and con- 
 trary to his own opinion. He declared 
 at the fame time, that he mould be 
 as ready to give up his apologetical per- 
 formances as the book itfelf, if the 
 holy fee found any defect in his fub- 
 milTibn. For fuch was the character 
 of the piety, that reftrained this va(l 
 genius, that it bid him to clofe his 
 eyes upon all the glimmerings of hu- 
 man underftanding, to feek truth only 
 in the meannefs, obedience, and' Sim- 
 plicity of faith. This was the foarce 
 
 O S of 
 
J 54 ^e L(f e °f 
 
 of that fubmiffion, which deferveth only 
 to be admired, as it giveth glory to the 
 divine principle, from whence it lprung. 
 But the holy fee, whofe judgment was 
 his rule, was fo far from demanding 
 more of him, that it found what he 
 had already done highly deferving of its 
 commendation. 
 
 The year following, there was held 
 an affembly of the clergy of France, 
 wherein the province of Cambray is 
 not included. M. Bofluet, the bifhop 
 of Meaux, was above minding what 
 the publick mould think, when they 
 faw him take pen in hand to give an 
 account of his own quarrel, by virtue 
 of a commiffion granted for that pur- 
 pofe. He chofe rather to let them think 
 what they pleafed of a relation drawn 
 up by the principal party himfelf, than 
 to give up to another the office of pen- 
 ning the memorial which was to pre- 
 serve, in the annals of the clergy, the 
 remembrance of an affair, wherein it 
 was 10 much for his own reputation, 
 that poftenty fhonld fee it in the light 
 
 which 
 
M. de Fenelon. 155 
 
 which he put upon it. The archbi- 
 (hop of Cambray could not fail of be- 
 ing reprefented there as a man reco- 
 vered from error to truth. M. de 
 Meaux there difplayed at large the fame 
 monftrous opinions, which he had im- 
 puted to the Archbifhop of Cambrav 
 during the courfe of the difpute ; as if 
 the latter had not (hewn a hundred 
 times, that he had attributed to him 
 what he had never thought, At the^ 
 fame time he termed the fubmiffion of 
 his adverfary to the judgment pro- 
 nounced at Rome, a Judden and exem- 
 plary change, which had furprizeJ, he 
 faid, the enemies of the church. What 
 had paffed in the provincial afTembly at 
 Cambray, concerning the books writ- 
 ten by the Archbilhop in his own vin- 
 dication, did not hinder him from 
 fpeaking upon that foot of a fubmil- 
 fion, which he found at the fame time 
 to be absolute, and without referve. 
 This was vifibly to deftroy with one 
 hand what he had raifed with the other. 
 How could the fubmiiTion appear to 
 
 M 
 
i 56 The Life of 
 
 Mr. de Meaux to be abfolute and with- 
 out referve, unlefs he tacitly owned 
 himfelf the purity of the doctrine that 
 was largely explained in the faid vindi- 
 cations, which the author had refufed 
 to cenfure as it was going beyond the 
 judgment pronounced at Rome ? But if 
 this doctrine was pure, how blameable 
 muft M. Boffuet have thought himfelf 
 for having fo violently oppofed it in the 
 courfe of the difpute ? How, laftly, 
 could he reconcile to himfelf the re- 
 prefenting the Archbilhop of Cambray 
 as fuddenly changed, and calling his 
 fubmifTion abfolute and without referve, 
 when the Archbifhop in his provincial 
 affembly perfifted in not giving up the 
 doctrine contained in his defences, and 
 himfelf, the biihop of Meaux, had al- 
 ways openly 1 ejected the explications 
 therein delivered? But M. Boffuet was 
 defirous, that his own relation, inferted 
 in the annals of the clergy of France^ 
 mould ferve there to canonize his con- 
 duct againfi one of his brethren, whom 
 He had reprefented as a man unhap- - 
 
 piiy 
 
M. de Fenelon. 15- 
 
 pily fallen into monftrous errors, from 
 whence he was to be recovered. To 
 this end it was requifite to reprefent 
 him as a man who had furprized the 
 enemies of the church by a fudden change 
 of principles, though he had fo lately- 
 declared in the verbal procefs of the 
 provincial affembly, held in his own 
 diocefe for the reception of the brief, 
 that he could Jiot acknowledge againfi his 
 confcience, that he had ever believed any 
 of the errors which had been charged 
 upon him. It was requifite to treat the 
 fubmiffion of the Archbimop as an un- 
 expected event, which had furprized 
 the enemies of the church j though he 
 did no more than what he had conti- 
 nually declared he would do, as foon 
 as the Pope mould pafs the fentence. 
 It was requifite to join together in the 
 fame piece the condemnation of Moli- 
 nos, which had paffed in France, up- 
 on occafion of the little books and per- 
 fon of Madam Guion, and the mifchief 
 which had been renewed by an event 
 which could not be too much deplored, the 
 
 pub- 
 
1^8 The Life of 
 
 public at ion of the book which the Arch-* 
 bijhop of Cambray had fent abroad into 
 the world. So that, according to this 
 relation of M. de Meaux, one would 
 be apt to believe what thofe, who read 
 only what he has written, do ftill ima- 
 gine, that the whole affair was one 
 and the fame thing with the Quietifm 
 condemned in Molinos. M. Boffuet 
 might well be m after of the a (Terribly, 
 to be able fo to mifreprefent fuch re- 
 cent fadts. In the brief of condemna- 
 tion parTed at Rome there was no 
 mention of Molinos, nor were the 
 characters given to the book of Max- 
 ims, or to any of the proportions ex- 
 tracted from it, which could not have 
 been fpared, if there had been found 
 in it any dodtrine, defei ving to be ful- 
 minated as an abominable herefy. M. 
 de Meaux himfelf had declared five 
 years before, as we have feen above in 
 the atteftation he had given to Madam 
 Guion in July 1695, that not finding 
 her in any refpeSl involved in the abomi- 
 nations of Mourns, or any other con- 
 
 demned 
 
M. de Fenelon. i^q 
 
 demned opinions, he had not intended to 
 comprehend her in the mention that had 
 been made thereof by him i?i his ordi- 
 ?iance of the i 6th of April la ft. This 
 atteftation, and the other testimonies of 
 efteem, which he had given himfelf 
 to the virtue of that lady, and which 
 he had Suffered to be given her under 
 his eyes in his own cpifcopal city, 
 were notorioufly known. He could not 
 therefore avoid being a little upon his 
 guard, when he was to fp.^ak of her 
 again. For as to the abominations 
 which were looked upon as the confe- 
 quences of her principles, they were ne- 
 ver queflioned^ and by her own declara- 
 tion were held by her i?i abhorrence. 
 Thefe very words are to be found in 
 the relation inferted in the acts of the 
 clergy of the year 1 700, and concern- 
 ing which we muft always be mind- 
 ful that they were penn'd by M. de 
 Meaux. The following likewife are 
 to be feen there concerning the firft de- 
 tention of that lady in 1688. A cer- 
 tain woman had compofed the treatifes 
 
 entitled^ 
 
160 The Life of 
 
 entitled \ A fhort way, and A myftieal 
 interpretation of the Song of Songs. 
 The late Archbijhop of Paris (Harlay) 
 fent her into a monajlery^ where there 
 were fome proceedings againjl her^ of 
 which now no footfleps are to be found. . 
 From this confeffion the conclusion is 
 eafy to be drawn. For, in fhort, if 
 any thing had refuked from thefe pro- 
 ceedings, befides an entire juftifi cation 
 of Madam Guion, would they have 
 been fo far loft, as not to have had the 
 leaft footfteps of them recoverable?" 
 They were made by the Archbifhop's 
 officers \ and inftead of being carried 
 away from the archives of the Archbi- 
 fhoprickor its officiality, if any thing 
 had appeared befides the innocence of 
 the perfon accufed, it would have been 
 the Archbifhop's intereft to have kept 
 them there, to ferve as a teftimony a- 
 gainft a lady, whom he had caufed to 
 be confined. When the perfecution 
 was renewed againft her, he would 
 have been the firft to publifh a cen- 
 fure in O&ober 1694, againft the two 
 
 little 
 
M. de Fenelon. 161 
 
 little books of that lady. This was 
 what he did nor, even though he had 
 kept her confined fix years before, and 
 though thofe two little books had been 
 printed for fome time. We cannot 
 therefore imagine, that, with a diflike 
 fo ready to revive upon the firft occa- 
 fion, he would have fuffered fuch a tri- 
 al to have been loft, if any thing had 
 occurred in it to the lady's difadvantage. 
 It was ftill lefs probable that this fhould 
 have happened under the Pontificate 
 which immediately followed. The new 
 Archbifhop had cenfured the two little 
 books, in like manner as his prede- 
 ceffor, fome few months only before his 
 tranflation from the bifhoprick of Cha- 
 lons to the Archbifhoprick of the ca- 
 pital. From that time Madam Guion 
 had done nothing but pafs from one 
 prifon to another, firft fliut up at Vin- 
 cennes, after that in a nunnery at Vau- 
 girard, and laft of all in the Baftille, 
 when matters run high againft M. de 
 Cambray, and they were minded pub- 
 lickly to turn againft him the fpeftacle 
 
 of 
 
1 62 The Life of 
 
 of his friend confined in prifon as a 
 criminal. In the mean time ihe had 
 been examined again and again, with- 
 out any kind of pity, in order to find 
 her guilty, could it poffibly have been 
 done. Can we imagine, that, if the 
 proceedings againft her during her firft 
 confinement in 1688 had contained 
 any thing to her prejudice, they would 
 not have been at leaft recovered ? It is 
 notwithftanding after all this, that M. 
 Boffuet himfelf, writing in 1700 a re- 
 lation, which was to preferve in the 
 annals of the clergy an account of 
 what concerned Madam Guion, is ob- 
 liged to own, that the leaf! footfteps 
 of thofe proceedings were not left re- 
 maining ; and acknowledges alfo, a few 
 lines lower, that as to the abominations 
 which were looked upon as the confe- 
 quences of her principles, they were never 
 quejlioned, and by her own declaration 
 were held by her in abhorrence. But could 
 they be allured of the abhorrence that 
 feoe faidjhe held them in, if they had 
 never been queftioned ? It appeared far- 
 ther 
 
M. de Fenelon. 163 
 
 ther by the Tame account, by the attes- 
 tations which M. de Meaux had given 
 her, by divers ads which they had re- 
 quired of her, and wherewith they were 
 Satisfied, and by the preference of an- 
 other's judgment to her own, which 
 they had caufed her to make with great 
 Simplicity, that fhe had been always 
 very fubmiffive in what related to her 
 writings. Why then was (he impri- 
 foned, and continued to be kept in the 
 Baftille, where fhe lay confined at the 
 very time this affembly of the clergy 
 was held in 1700. For it was not till 
 about two years after, that (lie was at 
 laft fet at liberty. At firft they feflt 
 her home to her family, and not long 
 after gave her leave to retire to Blois. 
 The oblivion, wherein (he lay there to 
 the day of her death, and the retired 
 life {he led there for a great number 
 of years, are frefh proofs, that if (he 
 had made a noife in the world, it was 
 not through any inclination fhe had fo 
 to do. Affronts, imprifonments, re- 
 proaches, and the hatred of mankind, 
 
164 The Life of 
 
 to her always appeared as favours. Irri 
 this light me confidered them, not on- 
 ly in Speculation, but even at the time 
 when moft (lie fuffered them. That 
 infatiable thirjt after the roughefi crofJes y . 
 which had edified M. BofTuet himfelf, 
 though fo much prejudiced againft fpi- 
 rituality, made her free in the midfl 
 of chains -, it changed the heavinefs of 
 her imprifonment in the Baftille into 
 fongs, wherein (he chanted forth the 
 happy fallies, which the tranfport of 
 her love, for her God infpired her with a . 
 
 The 
 
 »The following hymns were atthis time 
 
 compofed by her. 
 
 Sur l'Air : Charmante Solitude. 
 
 Charmante folitude, . 
 Cachot, aimable Tour, , 
 Ou fans inquietude. 
 Je paife tout le jour \ 
 Eft-il tourment trop rude • 
 Pour mon fkiele Amour ? T 
 
 Les maux font mesdelices ;.,- 
 Les douleurs, mes plaifirs ; 
 Les plus afFreux fupplices,. 
 Le but de mes defirs :. 
 Et tous mes exercices, 
 L' Amour & les foupirs. 
 
M.de Fenelon. r6<- 
 
 The Archbifhop of Cambray faw 
 : rom the remoteft part of his diocefe 
 what they were continuing to do againft 
 him, and bore it in peace and filence. A 
 writer who was grown famous amongft 
 thofe of his party, F. Gerberon, of- 
 fered 
 
 Je ne crains point la peine, 
 Quoique fans nul foutien ; 
 Etant affez certaine 
 Que ce maleft mon bien/ 
 La Beaute fouveraine. 
 *VeutP Amour fouverain. 
 
 Je fouftre, Sc ma foufFrance 
 Caufe tout mon bonheur ; 
 Par fa douce preTence, 
 Dieu.confomme mon cceur : 
 II ell ma patience, 
 Ma force, & ma douceur. 
 
 Sur l'Air : Un tendre Engagement. 
 
 On me tienten prifon, mon cher & divin Maitre. 
 
 Soyez beni, j'y veux bien etre, 
 
 Tant que vous m'y voulez fouffrir. 
 Nul dt fir en mon cceur n'ofe m^nie parol trc, 
 Si ce n'eit pour vous obc'i'r. 
 
 Je fuis a vous, Seigneur, des ma plus tendre enfaacc. 
 
 Je n'ai point cherche PalMance, 
 
 Ni le fecoursdes Potentats: 
 Des lors je mis en vous toutc ma confiance. 
 
 Sans m'appuyer fur d'autres bras. 
 
 M'abandon 
 
<c 
 cc 
 
 Cf 
 
 cc 
 
 1 66 The Life of 
 
 fered to publifh a difcourfe in justifica- 
 tion of his faith. He afked only his 
 confent, and that he would contribute 
 to the expence of the impreflion. But 
 to this he made anfwer, " As diligent 
 <c as I was to write in niv own de- 
 fence before the judgment of Rome, 
 fo refolvedam I fince that judgment, 
 to be filent, to fufTer in peace, and 
 give up my reputation to providence. 
 
 You 
 
 M'abandonneriez-vous au terns de ma vieillefTe ? 
 
 Vous connoiflez notre foibleile, 
 
 Seigneur, a qui feul j'ai recours : 
 Mon coeur, deja livre a l'ennui qui le prefie, 
 
 Attend toutde votre fecours. 
 
 Entoure d'Ennemis, que faut-il que je faife ? 
 
 Je n'efpere qu'en votre Grace : 
 
 Elle feule adoucit mes raaux. 
 Que votre Volonte fur moi fe fatisfafle, 
 
 M'accablant de plus de travaux. 
 
 J'avois peine autrefois, voyant que l'lnnoceme, 
 
 Malgre fa ferme confiance, 
 
 Enduroit la nuit, & le jour : 
 Mais depuis j'ai connu, que le poids de fouffrance 
 
 Se mefure au poids de TAmour. 
 
 L'Amour pur & parfait va plus loinqu'on ne penfe : 
 On ne fait pas lorfqu'il commence, 
 
 Tout ce qu'il doit couter un jour. 
 Mon cceur eut ignore le prix de la fouffrance, 
 
 Sil n T eut goute le pur Amour. 
 
M. de Fenelon. 167 
 
 cc You have read without doubt my 
 two letters upon the twelve propo- 
 fitions, which feveralof the doclors 
 of Paris had judged worthy of cen- 
 fure. I fuppofe that you have alfo 
 " read the collection of b three and 
 <e thirty propofitions, which I endea- 
 * c voured to juflify by the authorities 
 
 " of 
 
 bTo underftand what is here (aid of the three and 
 thirty propofitions, inffead of the three and twenty- 
 only, which were inferted in the brief of condemna- 
 tion, we mult know, that the confulters of the ho- 
 ly office, who had been nominated to examine the 
 book, being divided in their fentiments, infomuch 
 that of ten, five were for the book, and five againit 
 it, they were obliged to agree upon a certain number 
 of propofitions in the book, wherein they fhoukl be 
 unanimous, in order to make them the foundation 
 of the queftion to be judged of. Thefe proportions 
 therefore being pitched upon by an uniform confent 
 amongff themfelves, iho' otherwife divided in their 
 different opinions concerning them, were depofited 
 in the holy office to the number of thirty-eight, and 
 afterwards taken from thence, to be laid before the 
 Congregation of Cardinals, with an order to the con- 
 fulters to give their return upon each of them. It 
 was not till after they had been difcufled in two and 
 fifty congregations, wherein the five confulters who 
 had declared for the book defended them all gra- 
 dually againil the rive confulters who judged them 
 proper to be condemned, that the motions being re- 
 doubled 
 
i-68 The Life vf 
 
 €t of the faints. The true meaning 
 " of what I intended to write is there 
 cc explained. Thefe works, and what 
 cc elfe I have wrote in my own vindi- 
 cc cation, have been feen at Rome, at 
 * c Paris, and in all other places. I 
 
 doubled for obtaining a cenfure of the book, and the 
 thing itfelf at lait refolved on, the extract of propo- 
 fitions was converted into the three and thirty men- 
 tioned in the brief of condemnation. It is eafy to 
 fee wherein they differ from thofe which had been 
 unanimoufly agreed on by the confulters, who had de- 
 clared for and againft the book, as the latter are infert- 
 ed in the libel in form of a journal, already mentioned 
 in the note at pag 1 1 . What was brought from 
 Rome concerning the propofitions debated in the 
 congregations, and which took up feveral months, 
 furnifhed the Archbifhop of Cambray with an op- 
 portunity of making the collection that is here fpoken 
 of. In this he had reduced his book to three and 
 thirty principal proportions; which, as we have 
 (hewn, are capable of being compared with the thir- 
 ty eight that were debated between the confulters 
 in the two and fifty congregations. In this collection 
 every propofition was attended with the paflages which 
 the archbifhep had quoted in order to juftify it by 
 the authorities of the faints. This was the laft of 
 the pieces which he wrote in his own vindication. It 
 was printed, fpread abroad in France, and, like all 
 the reft, carried to Rome ; but did not get thither 
 till after the condemnation of the book had been al- 
 ready pronounced. 
 
M. de Fenclon. 169 
 
 u have protefted before God in all 
 <c thefe writings, that they have con- 
 €< tained the utmoft of my belief, and 
 cc that I never intended to countenance 
 any of the errors which have been 
 imputed to me. Since the judgment 
 parted at Rome, I have repeated 
 lf the fame folemn declaration in the 
 r< report of our provincial affembiy, 
 which is no lefs public than the 
 reports of the other provinces, or 
 even than the acts of the general 
 aflembly of the clergy of France. 
 After fo many eclairciflements, what 
 
 CC 
 <( 
 CC 
 CC 
 fC 
 
 " farther can be added than ufelefs re- 
 " petitions ? What duplicity is there in 
 " this conduct ? I had rather die than 
 " defend either directly, or indirectly, 
 €< a book which I have condemned 
 & without reflridion, and from the 
 If bottom of my heart, in compliance 
 " with the holy fee. Whatever I 
 <€ ihould write concerning my own 
 €t perfonal fenfe, fetting afide the text 
 " of the book, would be looked upon 
 €t as a bye-method to rekindle the war, 
 
 H " and 
 
170 The Life of 
 
 " and re-enter into the defence of my 
 " work. It is neither juft nor edify- 
 <c ing for an author to be perpetually 
 " employing the church in his perfo- 
 " nal difputes, and chufing rather to 
 •? continue the trouble without end, 
 €C than bear his crofs with humility. 
 t£ When they hear not a bifhop con- 
 <c cerning his own meaning, which he 
 * c has fo often explained in writing, 
 <c to what purpofe fhould hefpeak any 
 " more ? There is no longer for him 
 " any edification to be given, or dig- 
 <£ nity to fuftain, but by a profound 
 " filence. I know too well what 
 cc fcandal the church fuffers by fuch 
 <c difputes, to have any inclination to 
 " renew them from a regard for my 
 €i own reputation. God will take care 
 of the honour of his minifter, if he 
 deigns to make ufe of it for the be- 
 nefit of the miniftry in this diccefe, 
 I am even perfuaded, that neutral 
 * c and equitable people are edified by 
 " my filence, and do not doubt of my 
 cc hone fly in the whole affair. No 
 
 " treatife 
 
 €t 
 CC 
 CC 
 CC 
 
cc 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 M. de Fenelon. 171 
 
 treatife would perfuade thofe who 
 would not be perfuaded. And you 
 know very well, that there would 
 be a double-dealing, unworthy of a 
 Chriftian, in declining to write my- 
 felf, and yet privately acting in con- 
 <c cert with another who fhould write . 
 " forme. Thus, I hope, you will nei- 
 <c ther be grieved nor furprized at the 
 " refolution I have taken to have no 
 ,c {hare,- either directly or indirectly, in 
 €C a work of this nature." 
 
 Thus ended, never to be renamed, 
 the affair of a book which found no 
 longer any defender, becaufe the author 
 himfelf had fincerely given it up. A 
 rare example! which fhews us what 
 the fimplicityof obedience, and a com- 
 pliance without referve, are capable of 
 doing for the peace of the church. 
 
 The readinefs and fimplicity of this 
 fubmiflion had furprized the King. 
 They had prejudiced him, by rcpre- 
 fenting the archbifhop of Cambray as 
 a man of an uncomplying temper, who 
 wouldnever fubmit. On the contrary 
 
 H 2 he 
 
i>]z The Life of 
 
 he faw, that if his refolution had been 
 
 immoveable in the defence of his caufe, 
 
 it was followed with the fubmifiion of 
 
 a child, as foon as the head of the 
 
 church had fpdke. The remembrance 
 
 of all the virtues which had heen an 
 
 impreffion, recurred to his mind. And 
 
 laftly, the inclination which the duke 
 
 of Burgundy ftill retained towards his 
 
 Mentor, and which did not efcape the 
 
 courtiers peri et rations, opened his eyes 
 
 to difcern what would be the event, 
 
 and to forefee the confidence of his 
 
 highnefs in the confequence. In this 
 
 difpofition of the court, means were 
 
 not wanting to the Archbifhop to have 
 
 raifed himfelf from his difgrace. It 
 
 would have coft him no more than 
 
 feme ftep to fhew he defired it, and was 
 
 willing to owe it to the perfons who 
 
 had procured it for him. But his foul 
 
 was in a fituation, which refembled the 
 
 happy tranquillity of mind, wherein his 
 
 Telemachus reprefents Philocles in the 
 
 ifleof Samos > when he wanted ;n ex- 
 
 prefs declaration of heaven to draw him 
 
 from 
 
M. de Fenehi. 173 
 
 from the place of his banifhment and 
 reftore him toldomeneus. In the por- 
 trait of the virtuous Cretan his own 
 character was very difcernible, who 
 had undesignedly defcribed' himfelf 
 there, without being then able to fore- 
 fee, that a difgrace would foon throw 
 him into the condition of figning the 
 refemblance. His virtues, during his 
 refidence at court had fornething of 
 the aufterity of Philocles, which in- 
 difpofed the heart of Idomeneus towards 
 him. What men, who do not well 
 know themfetves in perfection, are apt 
 to look upon as the height of virtue, 
 had been in the Archbiihop of Cam- 
 bray the effect of a natural difpofition, 
 which from a too eager purfuit after 
 what was perfect, had contracted 
 fornething of roughnefs and feverity. 
 It was this ftiff part of virtue, which 
 the hammer of adverlity and humilia- 
 tions was to mollify by an abatement. 
 This change had been foretold to him, 
 but it was not entirely effected till the 
 latter end of his life. It was a ftrong 
 
 and 
 
174 The Life of 
 
 and wonderful virtue, reduced to the 
 Simplicity of childhood, but a child- 
 hood divine, which, of a great man, 
 had made him a man capable of being 
 converfed with by all the world, and 
 at the fame time the moft amiable. 
 Virtues, learning, a fine tafte, talents, 
 and a general knowledge, were in him 
 only for the ufe of others. His mind, 
 dead to vanity, was in converfation 
 entirely given up to that of another. 
 The man of every profeffion, or the 
 proficient in every branch of know- 
 ledge, was quite eafy in his company. 
 He directed every one firft to the fub- 
 iedt he beft understood - y and then he 
 difappeared at once, feeming only to 
 give an opportunity to others to pro- 
 dace out of their own ftock the ma- 
 terials they were moft able to furnifh. 
 By this means no body parted from 
 him otherwife than well-pleafed with 
 himfelf.. He had always enjoyed in a 
 great degree that eminent talent of ma- 
 king others fet themfelves off, and fhew 
 their capacities y but this excellency was 
 
 brought 
 
M. de Fenelon, 1 7 5 
 
 brought to perfection by the eafy dif- 
 pofition of an heart difen gaged from 
 every thing in the world, and which the 
 hand of God had bowed down by adver- 
 fity to a (late of pliablenefs and docility, 
 which had not even fubfifted in his 
 earlier days. This lownefs, which was 
 the prevailing virtue of his old age, oc- 
 cafioned a ftranger, who had paffed 
 through Cambray out of a defire to 
 fee him, to let fall this memorable ex~ 
 preffion, I have formerly feen, faid he 
 upon taking his leave, great me?i great * % 
 hat I have now feen a great ma?i little. 
 When he was advifed to beware of the 
 artifices of mankind, which he had fo 
 well known, and fo often experienced, 
 he made anfwer, Moria?nur in /impli- 
 cit ate nojlrd. The love of this fimpli- 
 city had extinguifhed in him every 
 thing befides ; all the great qualities he 
 poffeffed, which would have been fo 
 apt to have puffed up another, were in 
 his eyes no more than the unhappy 
 reed,, which had pierced the hand of 
 
 him. 
 
176 The Life of 
 
 him who meant to have fupported 
 himfelf with it. 
 
 Jeune, fetois tropfage y 
 Et voulois tout f avoir. 
 ye n y ai plus en partage y 
 
 §>ue iadinage ; 
 JE/ touche an dernier age. 
 
 Sans rien prevoir 
 
 The unhappy dividons^, which in 
 171 3 ended in the famous constitution 
 of Pope Clement XI. and which itfelf 
 was followed by fo many difputes, had 
 begun to break out in France towards 
 the clofe of the year 1703. The du- 
 ty of his office did not permit the Arch- 
 bifhop of Cambray to continue filent 
 amidft thofe agitations, which fo near- 
 ly concerned the doctrine of the church. 
 Several volumes, which he publifhed 
 during the courfe of thofe ten years, are 
 a treafure to the church, from the pre- 
 cifenefs, clearnefs, and ftrength of rea- 
 foning, wherewith the catholick doc- 
 trine 
 
M. de Fenclon. 177 
 
 trine is there universally explained. We 
 here again find, what was peculiar to 
 him, fo great a clearnefs of ftyle in 
 w T riting upon the moft abftrafted fub- 
 jefts, that his books may be ready al- 
 moft as currently as though they were 
 merely hiftorical. 
 
 The Cardinal de Noailles in his 
 turn fell from the high favour, which, 
 after having placed him in the fee of 
 the capital, had like wife procured for 
 him the Cardinal's cap. The appro- 
 bation he had given, whilft bifhop of 
 Chalons, to the Moral Reflexions of F. 
 Quefnel, which it was intended to dis- 
 countenance, becaufe the occafion of the 
 jftorm which was gathering againft him. 
 In the affair of the book of the Maxims 
 "he had been drawn away by the bi- 
 /hip of Meaux, who was now dead, 
 and had joined with him againft M. de 
 Cambray. Notwithftanding this cir- 
 cumftance, thofe who interefted them- 
 felves in the troubles which were com- 
 ing upon the Cardinal, and forefaw 
 the confequence of them, did not fail 
 
 to 
 
173 The Life of 
 
 to caft their eyes upon M. de Fenelon. 
 They knew very well, that he was a 
 man whom the remembrance of paft 
 wrongs would have rather led to en- 
 deavour a return of good for evil, than 
 to take any advantage of the prefent 
 conjuncture. The Archbifhop of Cam- 
 bray found himfelf applied to in his 
 exile by the Cardinal's friends, who 
 fought to bring about a reconciliation 
 between them. They judged that the 
 return of fuch a man as he would be 
 a matter of great confequence, as he 
 would bring nothing with him but a 
 iincere intention to make peace, and 
 his capacity was fufficient to find out 
 proper means to effect it. This was a 
 tempting occafion to afTume a charac- 
 ter very grateful to felf-love. But he 
 replied, ie I own, a man, who had any 
 ** tafle for bufinefs, would more eafi- 
 " ly accept of the propofals you have 
 ** fo long preffed me to comply with; 
 " But I have not fogood an opinion of 
 ,c myfelf, as to prefume that I am 
 <f able to reftore the peace to the 
 
 <c church, 
 
cc 
 
 M. de Fenelon. 179 
 
 church, which you would have me 
 attempt. I have no inclination to 
 take fo much upon me, as you 
 ** would have me. 'Tis the Cardinal 
 fe de Noailles who muft reftore peace 
 <f to the church. I am not in any fe- : 
 fc cret; but I dare venture to fay, that 
 " he will reftore it, whenever he fliall 
 ct be difpofed to fucceed in it. It is 
 cc already in his hands. I heartily with 
 " him the merit and glory of it, both 
 <c in the fight of God and men. I. 
 <c mould die content, in feeing him at 
 <f a diftance bring this great work to 
 c< an happy conclufion." 
 
 Whilft the Archbimop of Cambray 
 was employed in his diocefe in dii— 
 charging the office of his miniftry, and 
 enjoyed there the peace of a mind, 
 which fets no value upon the world, 
 the war, which France continued to 
 maintain with great difficulties, drew 
 near to the city where he refuted. The 
 neighbourhood of Cambray became the 
 theatre of the laft campaigns. In the 
 midft of two itnmenic armies, con- 
 
 lifting 
 
1 8c *the Life of 
 
 filling of the greateft forces of almofl 
 all Europe, and the moll illuftrious 
 Commanders, he faw himfelf once more 
 become a fpeftacle. The court of 
 Verfailles refounded all the winter with 
 the accounts given of him, at their re- 
 turn, by the general officers and cour- 
 tiers who had been in the army. They 
 all agreed to publilh the order of his 
 houfhold, and the magnificence which 
 kept it open to all comers j his profu- 
 fions for the fuccour of the fick and 
 wounded, with whom he filled all his 
 apartments - y the fandtuary which whole 
 villages found at the fame time within 
 the inclofure of his palace, whither 
 they fled for refuge from the defolated 
 country • the care he took of the poor- 
 eft of thole wretched people, who 
 were no lefs the objects of his concern, 
 than the perfons of diftindtion, which 
 his houfe was always full of. Amidrt 
 all this incumbrance he found means 
 to leave all his guefts to their own li- 
 berty, and to allow himfelf time with- 
 al for die difcharge of all his occu- 
 pations 
 
M. de Fenelon. j8i 
 
 pations, of what kind foever they were. 
 Every one was admitted to interrupt 
 him, without any hindrance to the car- 
 rying on of his bufinefs ; fo well he 
 knew how to find time for everything. 
 To the charms of his converfation was 
 joined a polite and eafy manner, that 
 rendered him agreeable to the world, 
 and which he knew wonderfully weH 
 how to unite to the ftri<fl obfervance of 
 all the decorums that were due to his 
 ftation. He enchanted the hearts of 
 all the foldiers. What I here advance 
 is not the vain declamation of a man 
 v/ho ftudies to fet off the fubjedt he is 
 describing; the court and city are full 
 of eminent witneffes to the truth of 
 what I here report. Nor am I under 
 any apprehenfion, that they fhould 
 think what they then faw, admired 
 and honoured, in any refpeft here ex- 
 aggerated. 
 
 This veneration was not confined to 
 the French army alone. The know- 
 ledge of his writings, and particularly 
 cf his Telemaehus, had wrought fo 
 
 ftrong 
 
1 82 The Life of 
 
 ftrong an impreffion in foreign coun- 
 tries, that the fame fentiments were en- 
 tertained of him in the army of the 
 allies, as in that of France. There 
 was a day in the year, in. which he 
 ufally vifited a certain town in his dio- 
 cefe, to perform an office of devotion. 
 This was known in the army of the 
 allies, and he could not go without 
 paffing very near their camp. Upon- 
 this they took fuch meafures, that the 
 detachments which were ported on the 
 road migbt bung him. to the camp,, 
 that they might have the fatisfa&ion 
 of feeing and hearing him. He had 
 notice of it ; but did not think that ei- 
 ther his character as a fubjeft of the 
 King, with whom they were at war, 
 or his ftateof banimment into his own 
 diocefe, which ftill fubfifted, at leaft 
 as to the order which had been given 
 him, and which he had never taken 
 pains to have revoked would admit 
 of his yielding to the defign they had 
 upon him. Whatever there was in 
 this adventure to gratify his vanity, it 
 
 had 
 
M. dc Fenehn. 183 
 
 had no effect upon him, and therefore 
 he put off the journey he intended. If 
 the generals of the allies were at any 
 time informed, that anyplace which lay 
 near their army belonged peculiarly to 
 him, they immediately fet guards upon 
 it, and preferved the corn and the wood 
 with the fame care as if it had been 
 the property of one of the mofl con- 
 fiderable among themfdves. And thefe 
 places thus protected upon this account, 
 became even places of refuge to the 
 whole neighbourhood. At the clofe 
 of the campaign in 1711, the army 
 of the allies was in fuch a oofition as 
 to lie within view of the ramparts of 
 Cambray, and between the army of 
 France and the little town of Cateau- 
 Cambrefis, which is the principal do- 
 maine of the Archbimops of Cam- 
 bray. The place was filled with the Arch- 
 bifhop's corn, and the ftores which the 
 country people had repolited there for 
 fhelter. The Duke of Marlborough j m - 
 mediately ordered them to be taken care 
 of by a detachment which he fcrit thi- 
 ll 6 ther 
 
1 84 The Life of 
 
 ther for that purpofe. But, upon fore- 
 feeing that the fcarcity of provisions 
 for the fubfiftance of his army would 
 not permit him to hold out in refufing 
 to let his foldiers forage in that little 
 village, he gave M. de Cambray notice 
 of it. Accordingly the corn was put 
 into waggons, and conveyed, , within 
 fight of the camp of the allies, by an 
 efcort of their troops as far as the arfe- 
 nal of Cambray, which was a kind of 
 general quarters to the army of France^ 
 from its neighbouring poft on that fide 
 of the town. This very Angular cir^- 
 cumftance {hews to what a height the 
 regard for him was carried. 
 
 This honour, which was paid to 
 his virtue, was interrupted by a very 
 great affliction. The Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, who not a year ago was be- 
 come Dauphin, and immediate heir to 
 the throne, by the death of the Dau^ 
 phin his father, died himfelf. In the 
 height of his grief, the Archbifhop 
 was heard to intermingle thefe words 
 with his fighs, All my bonds are broken, 
 
 Thefe 
 
M.de Fenelon. 185 
 
 Thefe were lawful bonds indeed ; bat 
 it is God's will that they fhould be 
 broken in the fouls which he will have 
 devoted entirely to himfelf. 
 
 Certain childifh amufements, joined 
 to the trifling employments of time 
 which a court prefents to a young prince 
 upon his firft appearance in the world, 
 had for a while obfcured a little of 
 the precious feed which had been fown 
 in the heart of his highnefs, and which 
 ought to have brought forth fruit in 
 abundance^ but, for a long time be- 
 fore his death, the great principles he 
 had imbibed, and which had taken 
 deep root during the courfe of his 
 education, had entirely gotten the 
 upper hand. The difgrace he fuffered 
 in the campaign he made in 1708, 
 when France loft Lille, gave the fi- 
 niihing ftroke to his perfection. He 
 thereby learnt by experience the truth 
 of what they oft had told him, that 
 greatnefs, inftead of placing men above 
 the cenfures of the world, rendered 
 them far more liable to them than o*- 
 
 ther 
 
1 86 The Life of 
 
 thermert; thai the greateft Kings have j 
 but borrowed power ; that their con- 
 fidence is vain, when they imagine 
 themfelves ftrong from the multitude 
 of troops they draw together ; that the 
 divifion of the commanding officers, 
 an unlucky accident, a fhadow, a no- 
 thing, fhall fpread a terror in thofe vaft 
 bodies, and be capable of giving a {hock 
 to the greater! ftates. 
 
 The letters written by the Archbi- 
 ihop upon the miftakes of that fad 
 campaign, with the prince's anfwers, 
 whereof the originals are ftiU fubfifting 
 in his own hand-writing, fupply us 
 with valuable teftimonials concerning 
 the objecT: of their correfpondence and 
 confidence. In them we difcern in the 
 pupil a deep fenfe of Religion joined 
 with candour, goodnefs, and a fixed 
 refolution to learn the moft difficult 
 truths. I 'will endeavour to make ufe of 
 the advice you give me. Pray to God, 
 that he will give me his grace fo to do. 
 
 Dejire of God more and more 
 
 ■that he will grant me « the love of him. 
 
 above 
 
M. de'Femlon. 187 
 
 above all things, above my/elf \ friends, 
 enemies, for him, and in him. ■ I 
 
 lijlen to a great many fpeeches that are 
 made, and will ft ill be made. I condemn 
 myfelf, where I find I am to blame, and 
 I defpife the reft ; fincerely pardoning all 
 that wijh me ill, or do ill to me, and 
 praying for them. Thefe are my fenti- 
 ments, my dear Archbijhop, and notwith- 
 standing all my faults, an abfolute deter- 
 mination to give myfelf tip to God. Pray 
 to him without ceafing^ that he will be 
 p leafed to finijh in me what he has already 
 begun, and defiroy in me whatever pro- 
 ceeds from original fin and myfelf You 
 know that my friendfi:ip for you is always 
 the fame. 
 
 Ever fince the misfortunes of this 
 campaign he was become a new man. 
 He was continually employed in form- 
 ing of plans, which might one day be 
 of fervice, in providing remedies for 
 whatever flood in need of amendment 
 in the ftate, and give him before-hand 
 a thorough knowledge of the evils, and 
 their true remedies. 
 
 The 
 
1 88 "The Life of 
 
 The elevation of his genius, and the 
 integrity of his heart, began to make a 
 ftrong impreflion upon the King's 
 mind, and to gain him a very large 
 {hare in his confidence. He every day 
 acquired a greater weight in the coun- 
 cil- Upon an occafion, where their 
 ferrtiments were divided,, fome being 
 guided by the exprefs terms of a treaty, 
 and others urging the advantages which 
 would arife by not ftridtly adhering to 
 it, he gave his .opinion in one word, 
 There is a treaty,. The Duke of Bur- 
 gundy fpoke but that word, the reft 
 was all included,, and the King fol- 
 lowed his advice. 
 
 Some days after his death, the King 
 ordered the box to be brought him, 
 which contained the prince's moft pri- 
 vate papers. Upon this Madam de 
 Maintenon wrote the following letter 
 to the duke of Beauvilliers. i* would 
 have fen t you whatever was found there 
 of yours and the Archbijhops of Cam- 
 bray, but the King would burn it him- 
 felf I own to you, 1 was greatly con- 
 cerned 
 
M. de Fenelon. 1 89 
 
 cerned at it y for nothing can ever be 
 wrote fo beautiful and fo goody and if the 
 prince we lament has had fome faults , it 
 has not been for want of free advice \ 
 or from having been too much flattered. 
 We may fay^ that thofe who walk up- 
 right \ are never confounded. The let- 
 ter was dated from St. Cyr, Mar. 15, 
 1712. It fubfifts in the original, * writ- 
 ten by Madam de Maintenon's own 
 hand. 
 
 This teftimony of Madam de Main^ 
 tenon is very exprefs, who wrote this 
 fifteen years after (Tie had warmly de- 
 clared herfelf againft the Archbilhop 
 of Cam bray, and after having feen fo 
 long time pafs without any motion on 
 his fide to regain the old confidence fhe 
 had formerly placed in him to the high- 
 eft degree. 
 
 * This origin:.! is now in the hands of the Mar- 
 quis de Fenelon, and was given to him by the Duchcfs 
 of Beauvillierr. The original manufcript of the 
 Heads of Ser-xTiTi'nition f >r a King, came into his 
 hands likewife after the fame manner. It was depo- 
 fited in the hands of the Duke de Beanvillier.% who 
 nreterved it from the fate of all the other papers in the 
 dox, which were burnt. 
 
 Some 
 
ify o The Life of 
 
 Some perfons, who would be thought 
 to be very knowing, have given out as 
 of their own knowledge, that Madam de 
 Maintenon finding great oppofition to a 
 declaration which (he had much at heart, 
 the affair was referred to the decifion of 
 three perfons, whereof the Archbifhop 
 of Cambray was one ; that he had pre- 
 fided in this little affembly, and had 
 given the cafting vote againft the de- 
 claration ; that he had even written a 
 letter to Madam de Maintenon in ftrong 
 terms, to diffuade her from this declara- 
 tion, wherein he told her, that if fhe 
 prevailed to gain a confent to it, not- 
 withstanding the great diflike that there 
 was of it, in all probability it would 
 occafion a coldnefs of difpofition to- 
 wards herfelf; and that then having 
 nothing more to do, (he would lofe a 
 real credit for a vain reprefentation ; 
 and, laftly, that fhe ought rather to 
 love the glory of the perfon in debate, 
 than her own private advantage, and 
 that this motive of difintereftednefs 
 fhould induce her to lay afide her 
 
 views : 
 
M* ck Fenelon. 191 
 
 views : And that this was what begun 
 to create in her a diflike to the maxims 
 of pure love. However, the change 
 was not made all at once ; her confi- 
 dence for fome time continued to ap- 
 pear the fame ; but after a (hort fpace 
 it lefTened by imperceptible degrees, 
 till at length, when the difputes raifed 
 again ft Madam Guion were at the 
 height, and made ufe of to the dif- 
 fervice of the Archbifhop of Cambray, 
 her heart was the more readily inclined 
 to be prejudiced againft him. But fup- 
 pofing, that this anecdote was not a 
 iidtion invented by fuch perfons as pre- 
 tend to divine farther than others into 
 the myfteries of the court, it is at leaft 
 certain, that thofe who were mod con- 
 verfant with the Archbifhop of Cam- 
 bray, and had a very great mare in his 
 confidence, never heard any thing drop 
 from him, which could give the leaft 
 credit to the ftory. We even fee by 
 the letter, we have given above, from 
 Madam de Maintenon to the Duke of 
 Beauvilliers, how capable flie was of 
 
 doing 
 
192 ytb* Life of 
 
 doing juftice to thofe, with whom the 
 
 had not the leaft intercourfe, by reafon 
 
 of the part (he had afted againft 
 
 them. 
 
 In the mean while, what the Arch- 
 bifhop had fo little fought after was 
 brought about happily of itfelf. K. 
 Lewis XIV. had for fome time pail 
 been entirely reconciled to him in opi- 
 nion. A few months before the con- 
 clufion of the peace at Utrecht, the 
 bifhoprick of Ypres was vacant. This 
 preferment he gave to the Abbe de 
 Laval, who refided with the Archbi- 
 fhop of Cambray in his palace as his 
 friend, and whom he had drawn near- 
 er to himfelf, by making him vicar- 
 general of his diocefe. Thus by little 
 and little the difgrace wore off. His 
 majefty afterwards attempting to put 
 an end to the great affair which di- 
 fturbed the church within his domini- 
 ons, and which this great Prince had 
 not the fatisfadion to fee brought to 
 a conclufion before his death, had 
 thoughts of recalling the Archbifhop, 
 
 in 
 
M. de FeneloH. l9 , 
 
 in order to employ him In this great 
 work What had not been done in 
 the life-time of the Duke of Bureun 
 dy whofe death had been preceded 
 and followed by the deceafe of the b 
 Dukes of Chevreufe and Bauvilliers 
 was mfenfibly brought about by the 
 neceffity of affairs alone, at a time 
 when the billiop of Cambray had loft 
 all thofe who might have been a /im- 
 port to him at court. He f aw things 
 dilpofing themfelves to this return with 
 very different views from what man- 
 kind ufually have upon fuch occafions 
 He thought of nothing but retirement 
 If they had obliged him to come to 
 court, he would have gone thither on- 
 ly to give his thoughts upon the pro- 
 per methods of refroring a folid peace 
 to the church of France, ard then 
 have retired as foon as he had brought 
 about a reunion. This reunion was 
 all that he had in view. At the fame 
 time his fcheme of retiring made him 
 
 T 
 
 1 even 
 
 b The ArchbimopYtwo intimate friends. 
 
194 ^he Life of 
 
 even think of fetting himfelf entirely 
 at liberty, by giving up his archbifhop- 
 rick; and he had taken his meafures 
 accordingly. After the mod; exad: en- 
 quiries into the merits of different 
 fubjecls, to fix upon one whom he 
 might defire of the King, that his ma- 
 ]efty would be pleafed to appoint for 
 his fucceflbr, he was almoft determined 
 upon the Abbe de Tavanes, who is at 
 prefent bifhop of Chalons fur Marne. 
 This was a young clergyman who did 
 not appear in the great world till af- 
 ter the Archbifhop of Cambray had 
 left it, never more to come out of his 
 diocefe. He had not the leaft affinity 
 with him, either by parentage, or any 
 ©ther relation. He was not even per- 
 sonally acquainted with him, but was 
 ahfolutely determined by the teflimo- 
 nies which thofe w r hom he had con- 
 sulted had given of him, and who, be- 
 ing upon the fpot, were beft able to 
 judge of the fubjecfts that were mod 
 promifing. But all this was fo privately 
 carried on, that in all probability the 
 
 per fot 
 
M. de Fenelon. 195 
 
 perfon whom it moil concerned may at 
 this very time be ignorant of it. 
 
 Thefe were the difpofitions of the 
 Archbifhop of Cambray, when an acute 
 difeafe, which lafted but a few days, 
 carried him out of the w r orld on the 
 7th of January 1715, in the 64th year 
 of his age. The evening he died, he 
 wrote the following letter to F. Le 
 Tellier, his majefty's confeffor. 
 
 " I have juft received the extreme 
 cc un&ion. It is in this ftate, my 
 reverend father, wherein I prepare 
 myfelf to appear in the prefence of 
 God, that I beg of you inftantly to 
 lay my real fentiments before the 
 " King, I ever was difpofed to fub- 
 u mit to the church, and have always 
 c< held in abhorrence the novelties 
 cc which have been imputed to me. I 
 ** received the condemnation of my 
 cc book with the moft abfolute fim- 
 plicity. There never was a fingle 
 moment in my life, wherein I did 
 not bear the warmeft acknowledge- 
 ments of gratitude towards the King, 
 I 2 " the 
 
 c<r 
 
 cc 
 
 r. c 
 cc 
 
*9 6 The Life of 
 
 the fincereft zeal, the mod profound 
 refpeft, and moft inviolable attach- 
 ment to his perfon. 
 " I take the liberty of afking two 
 favours of his majefty, which do 
 not regard either myfelf, or any of 
 mine. The one is, that his majefty 
 would have the goodnefs to appoint 
 me a fucceffor, that is pious, regu- 
 lar, good, and zealous againft Janfe- 
 mfm, which has gained ground in 
 thefe quarters. The other is, that 
 he will be pleafed to accomplifh with 
 my fucceffor, what could not be 
 done with me, for Meff. de S. Sul- 
 pice. I am indebted to his majefty 
 for the fuccour I received from them; 
 nothing can be feen more apoftolical 
 and more venerable. If his majefty 
 will be pleafed to fignify to my' fuc- 
 ceffor, that he would do well to 
 conclude with thefe Gentlemen what 
 is already fo far advanced, the af- 
 
 l < fair will foon be finimed. I heartily 
 wiili his majefty a long life, which 
 the church, no lefs than the ftate, has 
 
 " infinite 
 
 << 
 
 <r 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 it 
 cc 
 
 CC 
 
 (€ 
 (C 
 
 <c 
 <c 
 
 ۤ 
 tff 
 <C 
 CC 
 <C 
 
 it 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 
M. de Fenelon. 197 
 
 €t infinite need of. If I am admitted 
 <c into the prefence of God, I will fre- 
 €e quently beg of him the fame fa- 
 
 •• vours." 
 
 The King, who had defigned to em- 
 ploy the Archbifhop of Cambray in the 
 affair we have mentioned, feemed very 
 much affli&ed with his lofs. When 
 the news of it was brought to him, he 
 anfwered very forrowfully, He is want- 
 ing to us at a time we have need of him. 
 His death was lamented at Cambray, 
 like that of a parent. Such of his con- 
 temporaries, as are now left in the 
 country, cannot fee any perfon who 
 recalls him to their mind without 
 tears. Several of thofe who had con- 
 fided wholly in him during his life- 
 time, for the direction of their confci-. 
 enccs, took pains, after his death, to 
 communicate the letters they had re- 
 ceived from him upon different occa- 
 fions, and which they had preferved a? 
 a treafure of great value. They were 
 formed into one collection, which makes 
 up feveral volumes, and has been printed 
 
 I 3 under 
 
io8 TJbe Life of 
 
 under the title of Spiritual Compofitiom* 
 In this collection were comprehended 
 (fivers pious difcourfes, which the Arch- 
 bifhop had fttn publifhed in his life- 
 time under different titles. Thofe per- 
 fons into whofe hands the manufcripts 
 had fallen, did not print them with- 
 out taking the liberty to alter them, 
 under a pretence of making fuch cor- 
 rections, as their want of judgment in 
 matters of this nature had led them 
 to think neceffary. In the edition of the 
 Spiritual Ccmpofiticns they were collated 
 with exacft copies, that were again at 
 this time found, and reftored to their 
 former integrity. There are, however, 
 tome fragments, tho' very fc\v 7 where- 
 in thofe copies were defective. But 
 the paffages wherein thefe alterations 
 have been made, are eafy to be difcerned 
 from the perplexed intermixture of 
 phrafes and thoughts, whereby the ge- 
 nuine text, which is plainly to be dif- 
 tinguifhed by the ftyle, is ftcn only 
 by intervals. The different editions 
 which have been already fent abroad 
 
 ef 
 
M. dcFenelon. 199 
 
 of thefe Spiritual Competitions, were alt 
 of them very greedily bought up by the 
 publick. There are found among them 
 letters and difcourfes written at all times 
 of the life of this illuftrious prelate, 
 both before, and after the affair of his 
 book of The Maxims of the Saints, and 
 all with the fame fpirit. It is in one of 
 the volumes of this collection, that the 
 letters written to the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy during his unfortunate campaign 
 in 1708, have been inferted, what 
 concerned private perfons only being 
 left out,. 
 
 The fame fpirit which the Archbi- 
 fhop had retained to the clofe of his 
 life,, without attempting to rajfe him- 
 felffrom his difgrace in France, had 
 likewife rendered him undefirous of the 
 dignity, which is the great object of 
 the ambition of prelates. All that had 
 panned in the affair of his book, the 
 conftant tenor of jhis conduct in it, 
 and the fimplicity of his fubmiffion af- 
 ter the judgment, had made a ftrong 
 
 I 4 impreffion 
 
2oo The Life of 
 
 impreffion upon the mind of Innocent 
 XII. This Pope died without decla- 
 ring two cardinals, which he had no- 
 minated in Petto. Letters from Rome 
 containing a particular account of the 
 circumftances of it, and from the befV 
 hands, (hewed in time, that the Arch- 
 bimopof Cambray was one of them. 
 They faid, that the holy father being 
 upon his death-bed would have de- 
 clared him, but he was diffuaded from 
 it by thofe who reprefented to him 
 the danger of thereby difobliging the 
 court of France, which had laid the: 
 condemnation of the Archbifhop's book 
 fo much to heart. They had urged, 
 that this might make a difference be- 
 tween the two courts, and even be 
 prejudicial to the Archbifhop, as it 
 would frill more exafperate his own 
 court, to fee him nominated to the 
 cardinalfhip, at a time when he was 
 looked upon there to be in difgrace. 
 The Pope yielded to thefe reprefen- 
 tations, and died without declaring ei- 
 ther 
 
M. de Fenelon. 201 
 
 trier of the two whom he had referved 
 in Petto*. 
 
 Cardinal Albani, who fucceeded 
 him under the name of Clement XL 
 was doubtlefs not ignorant of what his 
 predeceflbr had defigned. Befides, this 
 cardinal had been always one of thofc 
 who were moft inclined to favour the 
 Archbifhop in the affair of his book, 
 and he continued conftantly to have a 
 
 I 5 Angular 
 
 a The printed piece published in 1732, under the 
 form of a journal, whereof mention has been already 
 made in the notes at page 117, and 168, may leac 
 thofe into an error who fhall read what is there found 
 concerning MefT. Rodolovich and Sperelli, whom 
 Pope Innocent XII. had declared Cardinals fome 
 months before his death, and who were, fays the jour 
 ml, in Petto. He mould have alfo added, that there 
 were two others who remained in PettoiiW the Pope's 
 death, who died without declaring them; but thi? 
 the journal pafles over in filence. The omifTion is re- 
 markable, becaufe in this journal they have affefled 
 to fet down even the minuteft circumftances. But 
 this is fufneient to (hew that the writers who publifhed 
 that piece, have endeavoured artfully to convey fuch 
 notions, as in the minds of unwary readers would be 
 apt to con trad id the fads, which they were difpofed 
 not to have believed. This libel furnifhes us in al- 
 moft every page with inftances of this kind of artfully 
 endeavouring to elude, and of fubftituting (hocking in- 
 ventions initead of truth. 
 
2©2 The Life of 
 
 lingular regard for him. Any other 
 perfon befides the Archbifhop of Cam- 
 bray would have thence found means 
 not to have been forgotten in the pro- 
 motions that were made ; but then he 
 mull have departed from the principles 
 which he followed during his whole 
 life. F. d'Aubenton hadfpent at Rome 
 the interval, which paffed between his 
 departure from the court of Spain, and 
 the time of his being recalled to fupply 
 the place of Confeflbr to King Philip V. 
 a fecond time. The Archbifhop of 
 Cambray kept up a regular correfpon- 
 dence with him upon the {abject of re- 
 ligion, and he communicated what the 
 Archbifhop wrote to the Pope. This 
 was a very favourable channel, to make 
 himfelf be thought of to his own ad- 
 vantage. F. d'Aubenton was ftill at 
 Rome in 17 15, when the news was 
 brought thither of the Archbifhop's 
 death. Clement XL under the afflic- 
 tion he was in for it, reproached the 
 jefuit for not having ever recommended 
 the Archbifhop of Cambray to be 
 
 made 
 
M. de Fenehn. 203 
 
 made a Cardinal. This F. d'Aubenton 
 fent word of to one of his friends at 
 Paris, who is ftill living. Thus we 
 may fay, that the moft abfolute declen- 
 fion from any endeavour to procure 
 any fort of temporal advantage to him- 
 felf, was the conftant and real quiet ifm 
 of this great man. 
 
 The END. 
 
I 2°5 3 
 THE 
 
 GENEALOGY 
 
 O F 
 
 M. de FENELON, 
 
 Archbifhop of Cambray, 
 
 It was not judged proper to clog the 
 fhort account given above with a re- 
 cital of what might be alledged to 
 the advantage of the birth of the 
 ArchbiJl:op of Cambray, and there- 
 fore it has been referved for a chap- 
 ter by itfelf 
 
 •nr^HIS Great Man was defend- 
 ed from the houfe of Salignac 
 or Salagnac, a family of great note in 
 Perigord. The lands belonging to the 
 family are in the country called Salag- 
 nac. A like variation has been com- 
 mon 
 
20.6 The Genealogy of 
 
 mon to feveral other great families in 
 thofe Provinces. Armagnac, Armig- 
 nac "y CardaillaCy Cardillac ° y , PardaiU 
 lan^ Pardillan -, Salagnac 3 , Salignac^ 
 and fometimes alio Saleignac. The 
 orthography of the moft antient re- 
 cords was even Armanhac,. Salanhac, 
 Cardalbac, Pardalha?t y . &c. In the 
 fame record the fame name is fome- 
 times written according to thefe differ- 
 ent pronuntiations. 
 
 Formerly, the principal lands in the 
 country were Baronies and Chatelenies. 
 Salagnac was always the chief Chate- 
 lenie in Perigord. The lands at pre- 
 fent confift of feveral large parifhes; 
 before they v/ere difmembered, they 
 amounted to eighteen. 
 
 The children of Aimery de Salagnac 
 are mentioned in a record made in the 
 year 1281, containing a decree for a 
 partition of the lands of the family of 
 Salagnac. It allots to the parceners, 
 which were not of the name of Sa- 
 lagnac, and which could be only, col- 
 laterals 
 
M. do F melon. 207 
 
 laterals defcended from a wife of a 
 former pofleffor of the whole land, 
 their refpective portions. The one 
 half is at the fame time referved in a 
 lump to the coparceners of the name 
 of Salagnac, to be divided amongft 
 them (fays the decree) in fuch por- 
 tions, as are cuftomary. This parti- 
 tion therefore neceiTarily carries back 
 the defcent to a common ancertor, 
 from whom Aimery and the collate- 
 rals muft have fprung, with whom his 
 children were coparcerners of the fame 
 land, as of a common patrimony ; 
 and this Aimery de Salagnac muft have 
 been already very much advanced in 
 age in the year 1260, as by an inftru- 
 ment of his, bearing date the lame 
 year, he appears to have then had fe- 
 veral of his children married. In go- 
 ing ftill farther backward, we rind a 
 great number of other Salagnacs, pof- 
 feffors of the lordmip of that name, 
 and we fee in the moft antient feals 
 the fame arms the family now bears. 
 
 But 
 
20-8 The Genealogy of 
 
 But we have not certain proofs enough:: 
 to fix the filiation higher than this 
 Aimery. 
 
 Bozon de Salagnae was elected 
 Archbifhop of Bourdeaux irr 1296. 
 We cannot exactly find out what rela- 
 tion he bore to the Aimery above-men- 
 tioned ; but they both occur in an in- 
 ftrument of the family dated in 1 275, 
 where they are both mentioned toge- 
 ther, and with, the children of the 
 faid Aimery. This inftrument was- 
 executed at Sarlat, a town very nearly 
 adjacent to the lands of Salagnae. Bo- 
 zon is therein termed Archdeacon of 
 the church of Bourdeaux, in which: 
 flation he was> when he was after- 
 wards elected Archbifhop. A fecondi 
 Bozon de Salagnae, who was in like- 
 manner as the former Archdeacon of 
 Medoc in the church of Bourdeaux,. 
 was made Bifhop of Cominges in 1300. 
 Helias de Salignac was alfo Archbifhop 
 of Bourdeaux in 1361, after having 
 been before Bifhop of Sadat The 
 
 iaft. 
 
M. de Fenelon. 209 
 
 laft * Gallia Cbrijliana, in making 
 mention of thefe two Archbifhops, 
 fays of the former ; Ex vetujld et no- 
 bili gente Baronum de Salignaeo, in Pe- 
 troeoriis oriundus : and of the fecond, 
 Hie Archiepijcopus eognominabatur de 
 Salignac, qua gens in Pago Petrogori- 
 
 cenfi 
 
 * There are two Gallia Cbrijliana' s f or rather 
 two editions ; the firft in 1656, was publifhed by 
 the two brothers Ste. Martbe ; the fecond by F. Ste. 
 Martbe of the congregation of St. Maur, ^ in two 
 volumes, of which the firft was publifhed in 171?* 
 and the fecond in r 20. The olefeft of thefe Gallia 
 Chriflianas mentions no other Salignac ArchbifiVn of 
 Bourdeaux, but the firft elected in 1 296 ; but the Gallia 
 Cbrijliana of 1 7 1 5, and 172 , fpeak of both. At the 
 fame time it gives proofs of the fecond, named Helias, 
 which are indifputable, and thoroughly confute the 
 opinion of thofe perfons, who affign this Helias to an- 
 other family. But this new Gallia Cbrijliana falls in 
 its turn into another error. The agreement in the 
 nameofBozon, and the title of Archdeacon of the 
 fame Archdeaconry of Medoc in the Church of Bour- 
 deaux, lead the Author to think, that the two Bozons, 
 one Archbimop of Bourdeaux, and the other Bifhop of 
 Cominges, might be the fame ; and purfuant to this 
 notion of permutation, contrary to all probability, 
 fupported by the proofs arifmg from an exad enquiry 
 into the antient records, he makes Bozon de Salagnac 
 Archbimop of Bourdeaux, to be tranflated from that 
 Archbifhoprick to the Bifiioprjck of Cominges.. 
 
2io 6 The Genealogy of 
 
 cenji eft antiquiffima et nobiliftima. The 
 name of the family of Bozon, the 
 firft of thefe two Archbifhops,. is called 
 Salagnac in the writ of his ele&ion. 
 
 This family hath befides this given 
 five Bifhops to the town of Sarlat, ex- 
 clufive of the Bifhop who was tranfla- 
 ted from this fee to the Archbifhoprick 
 of Bourdeaux ; they are all mentioned 
 in both the Galllana Chrijlianas i and 
 three of them were of the branch of 
 La Mothe Fenelon. This branch, 
 which is now the eldefl, derives its 
 original from Raymond de Salignac or. 
 Salagnac, whofe father was John, and 
 his grandfather Maffroy de Salagnac, 
 the grandfon of Aimery above-men- 
 tioned. This Maffroy ; in 13 16, had 
 married one Eflaing, whofe name was 
 Hells, the fifter of Raymond cPE/lalng, 
 Senefchal of Rouergue, from whence 
 are derived all that are left remaining 
 of the illuftrious name of E/lalng. 
 John, the fon of Maffroy and Hells 
 d'Eftalng, married Gaillard de Mon- 
 tmirlol, a family which has been long 
 
 extincT;.. 
 
M.de Tendon. a\ i 
 
 extinct. Raymond de Salagnac their 
 fon was Lord of Salagnac, la Mot be, 
 Fenelon, and divers other lands. He 
 was Senefchal of Qnercy and Peri- 
 gord, an office at that time of great 
 power and authority in the provinces. 
 It is alfo laid in fome ancient memoirs, 
 that he was Lieutenant-general in the 
 government of Guienne, in the ab- 
 sence of the Sire d'Albret. The Hi- 
 ftorians, who fpeak of him, call him 
 Raymond de Salignac -, they place him 
 in the number of Lords, who towards 
 the end of the reign of Charles VI. 
 fupported the party of the Dauphin 
 beyond the Loire. They fay this of 
 him in particular, that he ferved with- 
 out pay for feveral years, having eigh- 
 teen Ecuyers under his banner. He 
 was married to a daughter of the 
 houfe of Peritfe Efcars, who amongft 
 other illuftrations had the honour of 
 contracting an alliance with a Bourbon 
 of the Blood Royal, and the heirefs 
 of the branch of Carency \ From the 
 children of this Raymond, who was 
 
 living 
 
212 The Genealogy of 
 
 living in 1444, were defcended the 
 branches of the name of Salignac, as 
 well the two elder which are extindl, 
 as that of La Mothe Fenelon, which 
 flill fubfifts, and has itfelf alfo been 
 divided. There were alfo other 
 branches, which formed great and iU 
 luftrious alliances, and fprung from 
 the brothers of the faid Raymond \ but 
 they are likewife all extind:. The el- 
 deft of his children, named Anthony ', 
 is called Chamberlain to the King, and' 
 Governor of Limozin and Perigord. 
 He married Jane de Caumont, the 
 daughter of Brandelis Lord of Cau- 
 mont, from which Brandelis de Cau- 
 mont fprung the two Marfhals de la 
 Force, and the Dukes of that name. 
 The eldeft fon of this Anthony was 
 twice married -, firft, with one Taille- 
 rand, of the il luftrious houfe of the 
 Princes of Chalais -> and the fecond 
 time with a daughter of the family of 
 Pierre Buffer e. He left only daugh- 
 ters by both thefe marriages ; two by 
 the firft marriage were themfelves mar- 
 ried, 
 
M. de Fenehn. 105 
 
 ried, one of them by a difpenfation 
 with the Lord of Taillerand, Prince of 
 Chalais, her coufin ; and the other 
 with * Francis d* Ay die Vifcount of Ri- 
 berac ; the other three Sifters by the 
 fecond marriage married all of them 
 Lords of the name of Gontaut de Bi- 
 ro?!. One of them, being appointed 
 principal heirefs, brought her hufband 
 the land of Sa/agnac, upon condition 
 that the children, which fliould be 
 born of this marriage, mould bear the 
 name and arms of Salignac with the 
 name and arms of Gontaut de Biron, 
 which was executed by their pofterity. 
 There were alfo three other daughters 
 of the name of Salagfiac, married in - 
 to the fame family of Biron. Gajion 
 de Gontaut Baron of Biron^ who was 
 great-grandfather to the famous Ar- 
 mandy the firft of the two Marshals 
 
 de 
 
 * Guy <? Jydie, Vifcount of Riberac, born of this 
 marriage, was married to Mary de Foix, the niece of 
 Anne de F»ix married to Ladisl^s VI King of Hun- 
 gary and Bohemia, and mother \o Anne of Hungary, 
 who married the Emperor Ferdinand I. 
 
214 The Genealogy of 
 
 de Biron, in 14^6, was married to Gz- 
 tharine de Salagnac, the father of Ray- 
 mond^ and from this marriage fprung 
 the whole houfe oiGontaut de Biron. 
 
 From a younger fori of Anthony de 
 Salagnac, the eldefr. of Raymonds chil- 
 dren, defcended another branch. Of 
 this branch was Geraud de Salagnac, 
 Lord of the lands of Rochefort and 
 Rochemeau in Limozin. He had been 
 governor to Henry IV. in the child- 
 hood of that great Prince. His fon 
 Francis was married to one St. Maure, 
 fifter to Francis de St. Maure Lord of 
 Montauzier, grand-father to the Tate 
 Duke of Montauzier, Peer of France. 
 Their fon Samuel de Salagnac married 
 Olympe Gram de St. Marfaut, who 
 furviving her hufhand was married a 
 fecond time to Aubujjbn Count de la 
 Feuillade, grand- father by another mar- 
 riage to the firft Marihal Duke de la 
 Feuillade. Achilles de Salagnac, the 
 fon of Samuel and Grain St. Marfaut, 
 was the laft of this branch. He mar- 
 ried a daughter of the name of Meil- 
 
 lers 
 
M. de Fenelon. 2 1 ? 
 
 Jen in Limozin, by whom he had fe- 
 veral children, but none of them were 
 left remaining except only daughters, 
 the eldefl of whom became an heirefs 
 fcy the death of her brothers, being at 
 this time married to the Marquis de 
 St. Abrc i of the name of La Cropte, 
 who was a Lieutenant-General in the 
 army of M. de Turenne, and flain in 
 1674. Thus ended the elder branches 
 derived from Anthony the eldefl of the 
 fons of Raymond. John their third 
 fon, the fecond being Bifhop of Sar- 
 lat, had for his partition La Moibe 
 Fenelon, « and Gualejac. From this 
 John and one Lauzieres Thcmines 
 whom he married, is defcended the 
 branch of La Mothe Fenelon. Hellas 
 their fon married one Segur Theaubon 
 by whom he had iffue. In the num- 
 ber of his children was Eer'rand, who 
 diflinguifhed himfelf by his merit. 
 There is mention made of him by the 
 name of Bertrand de Salignac de la 
 Mothe Fenelon in different places in the 
 hiflories and memoirs of the reigns of 
 
 Hen. 
 
2 1 6 The Genealogy of 
 
 Hen. II. and the Kings his children. 
 He was in Metz whilft very young, 
 at the time the Emperor Charles V. 
 laid fiege to it, which fiege he raifed. 
 He has left behind him a journal of it, 
 which has been commended and fol- 
 lowed by hiftorians of judgment in 
 the account they have given of that 
 famous fiege. He was employed alfo 
 in divers embaffies. He was returning 
 from England, where he had been fe- 
 veral years embafiador, when he was 
 nominated knight of the Holy Ghoft 
 at the inftitution of the order by King 
 Henry the third. He was not how- 
 ever inftituted in the firft chapter, nor 
 received till one of the nexjt, being ab- 
 fent and employed in the King's bufi- 
 nefs along with the Queen-mother in 
 Guienne, at the time this firft chapter 
 was held. He returned a fecond time 
 into England, being one of the Lords 
 who made up the famous embafly, 
 which had a Prince of the Blood at the 
 head of it, and was fent by King 
 Henry III. into England to fign in 
 
 his 
 
M. de Fenelon. 217 
 
 his name, and in the name of the 
 Duke of Alencon his brother then 
 Duke of Anjou, the contract of mar- 
 riage between that Prince and Queen 
 Elizabeth. This contract was ac- 
 tually figned on the 1 1 th of June 
 1 581. and we there fee Bert rand de 
 Salig?iac de la Mothe Fenelon amongft 
 the commiflioners and embaffadors of 
 Henry III. who figned it. He was 
 chofen, foon after the conclufion of the 
 peace oiVervins, by King Henry IV. 
 for his embaffador in Spain - y and died 
 at Bourdeaux in 1599, as he was upon 
 his way thither. He was never mar- 
 ried. His elder brother Armand, call- 
 ed gentleman of the chamber to the 
 King, and Knight of his order of St. 
 Michael, had feveral children by his 
 wife, Hunaud Lanta, a name of di- 
 ftincYion in Languedoc. Of thefe 
 children of Armand ^ jfohn, who was 
 the eldcft that furvived, married one 
 * Pelligrue, by whom he had iffue. 
 
 He 
 
 * A cardinal of this houfe of Pellegrue was Ie- 
 
 K 
 
2 1 8 The Genealogy of 
 
 He had begun to diftinguifh himfelf. 
 After the lofs of the battle of Cou- 
 tras by the Catholicks, he threw him- 
 felf into the town of Sarlat, which 
 the troops of the Vifcount de Turenne 
 were coming to befiege ; and he de- 
 fended it fo bravely, that the fiege was 
 raifed. In memory of this deliverance 
 there is kept every year a kind of feaft 
 in the town, with a fermon, wherein 
 there is always honourable mention 
 made of the family of Fenelon. Af- 
 ter this fuccefs, he marched himfelf 
 to attack the little town of Dome, but 
 was flain in the attack. His fon Fran- 
 cis married the only daughter of * Ho- 
 race de Bonneval, the eldeft of the 
 houfe of BonnevaL From this mar- 
 riage fprung Pons de Salignac de la 
 
 Mothe 
 
 gate in Italy for Pope Clement V. his uncle, who 
 then reiided at Avignon, and for whom thi3 cardinal 
 gained the battle of Francolin in 1 309, againft the 
 Venetians, and recovered the town of Ferrara. 
 
 * The great-grand-father and great-grand-mother 
 of this Horace were Anthony Lord of BonnevaJ, and 
 Margaret de Foix his wife, coufin-german to Gafton 
 Count of Foix, Prince of Navarre, and heir to that 
 crown. 
 
M. de Fenelon. 2 1 9 
 
 Mothe Fenelon, the father of Francis 
 de Salignac Archbiihop of Cambray. 
 Pons had this illuftrious child by a fe- 
 cond marriage, which he contracted 
 in an advanced age with * Louifa de la 
 Cropte, lifter to the Marquifs de St. 
 Abre already mentioned, who was 
 flain a lieutenant-general in the fervice, 
 and had himfelf married a Salignac. 
 Pojis had feveral brothers ; among o- 
 thers, Francis Bifhop of Sarlat, and 
 Anthony, who bore the title of Mar- 
 quis de Fenelon, and who had raifed 
 himfelf confiderably in the world by 
 his perfonal merit. He was the prin- 
 cipal mover in fetting on foot what 
 paffed in the younger days of King 
 Lewis XIV. concerning duels, and 
 which in its confequenccs was one of 
 the moft memorable circumftances of 
 the glorious reign of that great Prince. 
 
 K 2 He 
 
 * Mademoifcllc de Beauvait, who had the honour 
 10 marry M. the Count deSotffbns, elder brother to 
 the famous Prir.ce Eugene of Savej, and from whom 
 are defcended the Prjnces liis Nephews, was of the 
 fame name of La Crop/e, of the branch of Beauvais 
 Lbatiterac. 
 
220 The Genealogy of 
 
 He had in the time of the Queen- 
 mother a brevet of nomination for the 
 order of the Holy Ghoft, which how- 
 ever did not then take place at the pro- 
 motion made in 1661. He had mar- 
 ried a daughter of the illuftrious houfe 
 of Mant heron, who being an only child 
 was the heirefs of her branch of the 
 family. There was left by this mar- 
 riage only one daughter, married into 
 the houfe of Laval, and who v/as 
 mother to the Marquis of Laval, chief 
 of the name of that illuftrious houfe 
 of Laval- Montmorency . 
 
 It was this Marquis de Fenelon, 
 who, having taken notice of the ex- 
 traordinary talents in the young Abbe 
 de Fenelon his nephew, fent for him 
 to Paris, took care of his youth, and 
 contributed very much to make him 
 early known. The Abbe being no- 
 minated preceptor to the Princes of 
 France in 16P9, the confideration of 
 his diflinguiilied birth procured, from 
 the day that he entered upon the dif- 
 4 charge of his office towards the Duke 
 
 of 
 
of M. de Fenelon. 22 1 
 
 of Burgundy, the honour of eating at 
 his table, and fitting with him in the 
 coach ; an honour which had never 
 been granted to any preceptor in the 
 preceding educations. Six years after, 
 
 that is in 1695, the Abb ^ de # Fcnel ° n 
 was nominated to the archbifhoprick 
 of Cambray, and filled the fee near 
 twenty years, with the reputation which 
 all the world is acquainted with. 
 
 Pons de Salagnac tt la Mothe Fene- 
 lon, the father of this great Archbi- 
 fhop, had by his firft marriage with 
 a daughter of Francis d Efparbez, 
 Marquis of Aubeterre and Marfhal of 
 France, amongft other children, Fran- 
 cis, who married Anne du Lac de la 
 PSrede, heirefs by her mother, who 
 was of the name of the Marfhal du 
 Bourg, to an elder branch of that Mar- 
 shal's family. Their Ton, named alio 
 Francis, Marquis de la Mothe Fenelon, 
 is at prefcnt the head of the family. 
 By his lady, who was of the houle 
 of Bcaupoil St. Aulaire, a name of di- 
 ftinflion in Perigord, he had feyeral 
 
 K 3 children* 
 
222 The Genealogy of 
 
 children, and amongft others James 
 Gabriel de Salignac, Marquis oiFenelon, 
 who being brought up at Cambray 
 under his great-uncle the Archbifhop, 
 paffed from thence into the world. In 
 1 725, he came embaffador into Holland. 
 Three years after, he was removed 
 from thence to fill the place of fecond 
 plenipotentiary of the legation of France 
 at the congrefs of Soiffons, where Car- 
 dinal de Fleury was at the head. This 
 congrefs breaking up, he was fent a 
 fecond time into Holland, where he 
 now refides under the character of em- 
 baffador*. He hath feveral children 
 by Louifa Frances Le Peletier his lady, 
 the fitter of M. Le Peletier, the elder 
 of the prefidents a mortier in the Parlia- 
 ment of Paris, and daughter of the late 
 M. Le Peletier, the premier prefident. 
 
 * It is this minifter who was killed in the battle of 
 Liege on the nth of O&ober, N. S. 1746, and one 
 of whofe fons was dangeroufly wounded in the battle 
 of Dettingen, where he behaved extremely well, and 
 from whence he was carefully fent back to the army 
 of France, where he now ferves with diftin&ion. 
 
 A N 
 
[ 223 ] 
 
 AN EXACT 
 
 CATALOGUE 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 WORKS 
 
 Of the late 
 
 M. FRANCIS DE SALIGNAC 
 
 DELAMOTHEFENELON, 
 
 Archbiftiop of Cambray, and for- 
 merly Preceptor to the Princes of 
 France. 
 
 i . yf Treatife of the office of paftors y 
 -*•* printed in 1688. 
 2. A Treatife concerning the education 
 of daughters, augmented, inthefecond 
 edition, with an Advice to a lady oj 
 quality, concerning the education oj her 
 daughter. 
 
 K 4 3. 
 
034 -^ Catalogue of the Works 
 
 3. Maxims of the faints concerning 
 the inward life explained. 
 
 Pope Innocent XII. condemned this 
 book by a brief bearing date March 1 2, 
 1699. Rome however would not in- 
 clude in this condemnation the apo- 
 logetical difcourfes which the author 
 had wrote during the courfe of the dif- 
 pute, both to defend himfelf from the 
 unjuft reproaches of his adverfaries, 
 and to vindicate his doctrine. Thefe 
 apologetical difcourfes are thofe which 
 follow. 
 
 1. A pajioral injlruBion concerning 
 the book of the Maxims of the faint s % 
 
 2. An anfwer to the declaration of 
 the Archbijhop of Paris, the bijhop of 
 Meaux, and the bijhop of Chartres 9 
 againjl the book entitled^ The maxims 
 of the faints explained. 
 
 3. An anfwer to the book of the bijhop 
 de Meaux y entitled, Sum ma Doctrinae. 
 
 4. A differtation upon the real differ- 
 ences between the doSlrine of the bijhop 
 of Meaax, and that oj 'M. deCambray. 
 
 5. Four 
 
of M. de Fenelon. 225 
 
 5. Four letters to the Archbijhop of 
 Far is upon his pajioral injlruflion of the 
 2jth of October 1697. 
 
 6. Five letters to the bijhop of Meaux. 
 
 7. An anfwer to the difcourfe of the 
 biJJ:op of Meaux, entitled, A relation 
 concerning Quietifm. 
 
 8. A reply to the bijhop of Meaux' s 
 remarks upon the anfwer to the relation, 
 
 9. Three letters in anfwer to that of 
 the bijhop of Meaux. 
 
 10. Two letters in anfwer to the pas- 
 toral letter of the bijhop of Chartres con- 
 cerning the book entitled, The maxims 
 of the faints explained, 
 
 1 1 . Two letters to M. de Chartres y in 
 anfwer to the letter of a divine. 
 
 12. A letter to the bijhop of Meaux, 
 in anfwer to his latin treatife entitled, 
 Myftici in tuto, upon pajjive prayer* 
 
 13. A letter to M. de Meaux, in an- 
 fwer to his latin treatife entitled, Schc- 
 
 laftici in tuto, concerning charity. 
 
 14. A letter to the bijhop of Meaux 
 concerning charity. . 
 
 K 5 15. An 
 
226 A Catalogue of the Works 
 
 1 5. An anfwer to the tra£l of the 
 bifhop of Meaux entitled, Quaeftiun- 
 cula. 
 
 16. Decifive precedents again jl the 
 bifiop of Meaux. 
 
 17. A letter upon the bifhop of 
 Meaux' s anfwer to the work entitled > 
 Decifive precedents. 
 
 1 8. Two letters to the bifhop of Meaux 
 concerning the twelve proportions he 
 would have cenfured by the doctors of 
 Paris. 
 
 19. Two letters to the bijhop of 
 Meaux in anfwer to a piece intitled, 
 The paffages cleared up, &c. 
 
 20. An anfwer to the Archbifhop of 
 Paris. This is in latin. 
 
 2 1 . The principal proportions of the 
 book of the Maxims of the faint ! j, jujii- 
 
 fied by very fir ong exprejfions of the f acred 
 writers. 
 
 This collection was the laft of the 
 apologetical pieces of the Archbifhop 
 of Cambray. It came not to Rome 
 till after the judgment given agaiint the 
 book of the Maxims. 
 
 22. The 
 
M. de Feneion. 227 
 
 22. The mandate of the yth of April 
 1699, for the acceptation of the brief 
 of Pope Innocent XII. in condemnation 
 of the book of the Maxims of the faint s y 
 and the twenty -three propofitions extracted 
 from it. 
 
 23. The report of the ajjembly of 
 bijhops in the province ofCambray, of the 
 1 5th and 16th of May 1699, for the 
 acceptation of the faid brief. 
 
 24. The mandate of the ^oth of Sep- 
 tember 1700, reiterating the accepta- 
 tion of the fame brief 
 
 His Works again ft Janfenifm are thefe 
 which follow. 
 
 1 . A fir ft ordinance and pajloral in- 
 JiruBion, co?itaini?jg a condemnation of 
 
 a printed piece entitided y A cafe of 
 confcience. 
 
 2 . A fecond pajloral inftruclion, to 
 clear up feveral difficulties objected in 
 divers pieces again/l the firfl pajloral in- 
 fraction of the 10th of Feb. 1704. 
 
228 A Catalogue of the Works 
 
 3 . A third pajloral injlruBion, con- 
 taining proofs of the tradition concerning 
 the infallibility of the church, with 
 relation to orthodox or heretical texts. 
 
 4. A fourth pajloral inftruBion, 
 wherein it is proved, that it is the church 
 which requires the fgning of a form \ 
 and that the requiring this fubfcript ion 
 is grounded upon the infallibility , which 
 bath been promifed to her in judging of 
 dogmatical texts. 
 
 5. A letter to a divine upon the fubjeB 
 of his pajloral injlruBions. 
 
 6. An anfwer to a hi/loop upon feveral 
 difficulties, which he had propofed to 
 him upon the fubjebl of his pajloral 
 inflrudiions. 
 
 7. An anfwer to the letter of the bij/jop 
 of St. Pons. 
 
 8. An ordinance, and pajloral induc- 
 tion, for the publication of the conjliiution 
 of our holy father Pope Clement XL of the 
 i6tb of jfuly againjl fanfenifm. 
 
 9. A letter to a divine, by way of 
 anfwer to an anonymous latin libel, be- 
 ginning with thefe words, Revere nde 
 
 admodam 
 
cf M. de Fenelon. 229 
 
 admodum Domine, De formula fubfcri- 
 benda, &c. 
 
 10. A letter upon a work entitled \ 
 Defenfio autoritatis ecclefiar. 
 
 if. A letter to his bigbnefs the elector 
 of Cologne, concerning the protejlation of 
 the anonymous author of a latin letter, and 
 of the book en/i tilled, Defenfio autoritatis 
 ecclefias. 
 
 1 2. An anfwer to the fecond letter of 
 the bijloop of St. Pons. 
 
 13. A pa floral injlruBion concerning 
 the book entitled \ A ju unification of 
 humble filence. 
 
 14. A letter concerning the infalli- 
 bility of the church, with relation to 
 dogmatical texts, with an anfwer to the 
 principal objections. 
 
 1 5. An anfwer to a fecond letter of 
 the bijhop of 
 
 16. A letter to Mr. N. (Baron 
 Kark, Chancellor to the Eleffor of Co- 
 logne) concerning a treatife intitled, 
 The letter of his highnefs the Elector 
 of Cologne, Bifhop and Prince of 
 Liege, concerning the Archbifhop of 
 
 Cambray's 
 
230 A Catalogue of the Works 
 
 Cambray's letter to his electoral high* 
 nefs of Cologne, &c. againft a protefta- 
 tion of a divine of Liege. 
 
 17. Two letters to F. Quefnel, the 
 one touching a piece entitled, Denun- 
 ciatio folemnis Bullae, &c. the other 
 concerning the relation of Cardinal 
 Kofpigliof. 
 
 18. An ordinance and pajloral in- 
 flruEiion, in condemnation of a book 
 
 entitled, Theologia dogmatica & 
 moralis, adufum feminariiCatalaunenfis, 
 drawn up by M> Habere, dodlor of the 
 Sarbomie. 
 
 M. de Cambray, who carried his 
 refpedl towards all men beyond meafure, 
 when he thought it might be done 
 without injury to truth, fufpended the 
 publication of this work, though it was 
 printed. It did not come abroad in his 
 life-time. 
 
 19. A pajloral injlrudfion, in form 
 of dialogues, divided into three parts, 
 whereof the former lays open the fyftem 
 of J 'anfenius ', its conformity with that of 
 Cahin, concerning pleajure, and its 
 
 oppoftion 
 
M. de Fenelon. 231 
 
 oppofition to the doftrine of 5. Augufline, 
 infix dialogues -, the fecond, which makes 
 eight dialogues in the Jirfl edition, and 
 ten in the lajl, explains the pri?icipal 
 works of S. Augufline concerning grace, 
 the abufe which the yanfenifts make of 
 them, and the oppofition of their doctrine 
 to that of the Thomijls. The lajl eight 
 dialogues ?nake up the third part, and 
 Jhew the novelty of the fy ft em of f anfetiius , 
 and the pernicious cofifequences of that 
 doBrine to morality, 
 
 M. de Cambray was upon a fecond 
 edition of this work, when he was 
 feized with the difeafe, which carried 
 him off in a few days. The eleventh 
 dialogue was then in the prefs. He 
 had himfelf reviled the proofs of the 
 former ten, and made considerable 
 additions in them. He had alfo made 
 two new ones, concerning the will of 
 God o fave all mankind. Two days 
 before his death, he gave them to his 
 fecretiry (M. Stievenard, canon of the 
 church of Cambray, and author of the 
 preface which is let before this edition) 
 
 who 
 
232 A Catalogue of the Works 
 
 who had the care of the impreffion 
 tinder him, with orders to infert them 
 immediately after the eleventh dialogue, 
 which accordingly was done. 
 
 20. A mandate and pajioral inftru&ion^ 
 uddreffed to the clergy and people of the 
 diocefe of Cambray under his Imperial 
 Majrfy, for the reception of the conjli- 
 tution Un 1 gen it us of our holy father 
 Pope Clement XL of the 8th of Sept. 
 1713, which condemns the book c ailed y 
 Moral reflexions of F. Quefner, upon 
 the New Teftament, and one hundred 
 and one proportions extracted from it. 
 
 In that part of his diocefe, which 
 was fubjed: to France^ Mr. de Cambray 
 publifhed thepaitoralinftrodtion, drawn 
 up by the aflembly of the clergy of 
 France in 1714, for the reception of 
 the faid constitution. 
 
 DIVERS WORKS. 
 
 1 . "The Adventures of Telemachus, the 
 fon oj UlyJJes, printed in an authentick 
 manner for thefirjl time in 1 717. 
 
 This 
 
of M. dc Fenclon. 2^ 
 
 This Work drawn up foiely for the 
 inftrudlion of the Duke of Burgundy, 
 was published unknown to the author, 
 bv the unfaithfulnefs of fome one of the 
 perfons into whole hands the copy had 
 fallen. There were feveral editions of 
 it, but all of them very imperfeft. The 
 world is indebted to the family of the 
 Archbiihop of Cambray for that which 
 was publifhed at Paris in 1717, from an 
 original manufcript found amongft: his 
 papers. The difcourfe upon epick poe- 
 try, which is fet before this edition, was 
 drawn up by Mr. Ramfay, a Scotch 
 gentleman, whom the reputation of the 
 Archbiihop of Cambray, and a defire to 
 be fatisfied by him in his doubts concern- 
 ing the catholick religion, had brought 
 over into France. The fhort prefaces 
 are alfo his, which are placed at the 
 head of the four following works. 
 
 2. Prdper heads of Self-examination 
 
 for a King. This valuable piece is now 
 
 firft publifhed. It was placed after the 
 
 Telemachus in that new edition. Ic 
 
 was printed from a manufcript, all 
 
 written 
 
234 -^ Catalogue of the Works 
 written with the Archbifhop of Cam- 
 bray's own hand. It was accompanied 
 with a fhort account of the Archbifhop's 
 life, which is now firfl: publifhed alfo, 
 and comes from the fountain-head. 
 
 3. Dialogues of the dead, antient and 
 modern^ with fome fables, compofed for 
 the education of a Prince ; printed in an 
 authentick manner in 17 18. 
 
 It is alfo to the family of M. de 
 Cambray that the publick is indebt- 
 ed for this edition, as alfo for thofe 
 . that follow. The greateft number of 
 the dialogues, which make up this col- 
 lection, as alio the adventures of Ari- 
 ftonous, had been printed in the au- 
 thor's life-time ; but from copies which 
 had efcaped in a very incorredl ftate, 
 with a great many alterations, and 
 mixtures of other matters which did not 
 belong to him. In this edition the 
 whole was corrected by the originals. 
 It comprehends forty-feven dialogues of 
 the antient dead, nineteen of the mo- 
 dern, and twenty-fix fables. 
 
 4. Dia- 
 
M. de Fenehn. 235 
 
 4. Dialogues upon eloquence in gene- 
 ral and that of the pulpit in particular ; 
 with a letter written to the French 
 academy ; printed in 1 7 1 8. 
 
 The three dialogues contained in this 
 collection were never printed before. 
 The edition was made from a manu- 
 fcript of the author's, written whilft he 
 was young with his own hand, and 
 found amongft his papers after his 
 death. The letter to the academy, 
 who had confulted him about the choice 
 of proper fubjects for their occupations, 
 had been printed before. 
 
 5. Letters upon divers fubjeBs con- 
 cerning religion and metaphyficks j printed 
 for the firft time in 17 18. 
 
 This collection contains five letters. 
 The firft, concerning the exiftence of 
 God, the proper worfhip of God, and 
 the true church. Thefecond, upon the 
 worfhip of God, the immortality of 
 the foal, and free-will. This was 
 written to the Duke of Orleans, who 
 has fince been regent, in anfwer to three 
 metaphyfical queftions, which that 
 
 great 
 
% 3 6 A Catalogue of the Works 
 
 great prince had put to the Archbifhop 
 of Cambray, and which are to be feeft 
 at the head of this letter. In the third, 
 the author treats of the divinity, and of 
 religion. In the fourth, of the idea of 
 infinity, and the liberty of God to 
 create or not create. And laftly, the 
 fifth fpeaks of religion and the pra&ice 
 of it. None of thefe letters were pub- 
 lifhed in the author's life-time. 
 
 6. Philofophical works, or a demon- 
 Jlration of the exijlence of God, printed 
 in 171 8. 
 
 This work is divided into two parts. 
 The firft is a demonftration of the ex- 
 iftence of God, drawn from the know- 
 ledge of nature and of man in particu- 
 lar, adapted to the capacity of the moft 
 unlearned. This firft part had been 
 publifhed before under the different 
 titles of The art of nature, or of the 
 exijlence of God. The fecond part of 
 thefe Philofophical works is a demonftra- 
 tion of the. exiftence of God, and- of 
 his attributes, drawn from proofs pure- 
 
of M. de Fenelon. 237 
 
 ly intellectual, and even from the idea 
 of infinity. It was never before printed, 
 and the manufcript was taken from 
 among the author's papers after his 
 death. 
 
 7. SeleSt fermons upon different fub- 
 jetts. 
 
 This collection, printed in 1718, 
 confifts of ten fermons or difcourfes. 
 The firftis for the epiphany. The fe- 
 cond upon humility. The third for 
 the feaft of the afTumption of the bleffed 
 Virgin. The fourth for the feaft of 
 St. Bernard. The fifth, for that of 
 St. Therefa. The fixth, for the feaft 
 of a martyr. The feventh, for the 
 profeffion of a nun lately converted. 
 The eighth upon prayer. The ninth 
 upon the principal duties and advan- 
 tages of a religious life. The tenth, 
 upon Chriftian perfection, or upon true 
 and folid piety. Thefe difcourfes firft 
 appeared all together in this edition; 
 They had been printed before in the 
 author's life-time, but feparately, and 
 without his knowledge, in two differ- 
 ent 
 
238 A Catalogue of the Works 
 
 ent collections, the one entituled, Spi- 
 ritual difcourfes, and the other, Select 
 fermons apon divers fubjebls. 
 
 8. Prayers for morning and evenings 
 with devout reflections for every day of 
 the month-, printed in 1718. 
 
 The Reflexions for every day of the 
 month had long been published with- 
 out the author's name. It was only in 
 the latter part of his life, that M. de 
 Cambray, owning them to be of his 
 compofition, joined them to the Pray- 
 ers for morning and evening, which 
 were then printed by his order. The 
 edition was not finifhed till after his 
 death. Befides the Prayers for morn- 
 ing and evening, and the Reflexions for 
 every day of the month, the laft edition 
 of this fmall book contains a fhort Trea- 
 tife of Prayer, an explanation of the ce- 
 remonies of the Mafs y a fort way to ar- 
 rive at perfection, and fl:ort inflr uni- 
 ons upon all the facraments. The In- 
 fractions are not M. de Cambray's, 
 but for the molt part are taken only 
 from the ritual, which he had drawn 
 
 up 
 
of M. de Fenelon. 239 
 
 up for the ufe of his diocefe, and from 
 his other works. 
 
 9. Spiritual compojitions \ This col- 
 lection, which was published three years 
 after the death of the Archbifhop of 
 Carribray, was at firft divided into two 
 volumes. The greateft part of the 
 tracts which compofe the former 
 were written for the private inftruction 
 of divers perfons, and were afterwards 
 published without the author's know- 
 ledge. Thofe perfons into whofe hands 
 the manufcripts had fallen, had printed 
 them in different collections, under the 
 titles of Pious Thoughts, Thoughts co?i- 
 cerning repentance, Spiritual difcourfes\ 
 &c. But at the fame time they took 
 the liberty of altering them, under a 
 pretence of making corrections in them, 
 according to their own way of think- 
 ing. In the Spiritual compofitiom , as 
 exact copies were made ufe of as could 
 be found, to reftore them to the ftate 
 they were in at firft. The copies were* 
 defective only in a few inftances ; but 
 notwithftanding the alteration which is 
 
 vifible 
 
240 A Catalogue of the Works 
 
 vifible, and fhews itfelf at the firft 
 fight, by the difference of ftyle, and 
 perplexed intermixture of phrafes and 
 thoughts, yet even here the genuine 
 text of Mr. de Cambray is from time 
 to time plainly difcernible. They are 
 therefore left, notwithftanding the in- 
 terpolations. It may not however be 
 improper here to point out the palTages, 
 where they occur ; and they are thefe : 
 
 In the firft volume of the edition of 
 17 1 8. Part I. Art. 7. entitled, Of the 
 tears of repentance, pag, 55 and 56. 
 
 The nth Article of the fame firft 
 part, entitled, Upon the violence which 
 a Chrijlian muji continually offer to him- 
 felf in order to obtain the kingdom ofhea^ 
 ven, p. 78, 79, and 80, of the firft vol. 
 
 In the fame firft volume, Part II. 
 Art. 6. entitled, For the feajl of the 
 epiphany, or of the kings, beginning 
 with thefe words, Createur du del 
 & de la Terre ; and ending with thefe, 
 Occupe d'acJims de grace & de louanges 
 dans tous les Jieclcs. Ainfi foit-il. pag. 
 
 334> 335* 33 6 >337' and 33 8 - 
 
 The 
 
of M. de Fenelon. 241 
 
 The 1 5th Article of the fame fecond 
 part, entituled, For Ea/ler-day, begin- 
 ning with thefe words, Vous m'ajfurez, 
 Seigneur y and ending with thefe, fefup~ 
 plie voire mifericorde infnie de recevoir 
 mon indignite. Amen. Pag. 365 of 
 the firft volume, to pag. 374. 
 
 The 1 7th Article of the fame fecond 
 part entitled, For the day of pentecofl, 
 beginning with thefe words, Si je m y en 
 r jais y and ending thus, Dans un gloire 
 ineffable pour toute I'Eternite. Amen. 
 Pag. 337 of the firft volume to pag. 
 
 384. . 
 
 This firft volume of the Spiritual 
 compofitions is divided into three parts. 
 The firft contains divers Chrijiian 
 thoughts upon a great number of very 
 important points, relating to piety, mo- 
 rality, and the inward life. The fe- 
 cond part contains very Affecting dif- 
 courfes upon the principal feajis of the 
 year, to the number of four and twen- 
 ty ; and fourteen Meditations in time of 
 ficknefs. The third part contains no 
 more than what is found in the little 
 book already mentioned, called Prayers 
 
 L for 
 
2 4 % A Catalogue of the Works 
 for morning and evening, &c. The lit- 
 tle Treatife of prayer , which is alfo in 
 the fame book, is likewife found at the 
 beginning of the firft volume of Spiri- 
 tual compoftions under the title of Ad- 
 vice concerning the principal exercifes of 
 devotion. 
 
 The fecond volume contains only 
 Religious letters, written to different 
 perfons, and collected after the author's 
 death. They were at firft printed to 
 the number of two hundred and for- 
 ty-eight. In 171 9, there was a new 
 edition of them, with an addition of 
 twelve, whereof five being recovered 
 after the book was printed off, were 
 placed at the beginning, out of their 
 proper order. The feven others follow 
 after the two hundredth and forty-eight, 
 which were printed in the firft edition. 
 The five laft of thefe {qvqii were writ- 
 ten to a perfon, who was defirous of 
 embracing the catholick religion, and 
 had applied herfelf to M. de Cambray 
 for the inftrudtion fhe ftood in need of. 
 They were not written in vain. This 
 perfon was actually converted, and 
 
 figned 
 
of M. de Fenelon. 243 
 
 figned the ad: of abjuration, which was 
 drawn up by the Archbifhop, and is ad- 
 ded to thefe letters in the fecond edition, 
 which has not been the laft. 
 
 10. d collection of fome fmall tracts 
 upon different fubjects of importance; 
 printed in 1722. 
 
 This colle£tion, publiihed {even years 
 after the author's death, contains a Let- 
 ter upon frequent communion - y another 
 in anfiver to Mr. Guy de Seve de Roche- 
 chouart, bifhop of Arras, Upon reading 
 thefcripturcs in the vulgar tongue -, three 
 letters toF. Lami, a benedidtine monk 
 of the congregation of S. Maur, Upon 
 prede/li nation ; and a Difcourfe delivered 
 at the confecraiion of his royal highnefs 
 yofeph Clement of Bavaria, Eleclor of 
 Cologne, Bifiop and Prince of Liege, &c. 
 
 All the pieces contained in this col- 
 lediion are alfo found in an edition of 
 the Spiritual compo/itious in 5 volumes. 
 They make up the laft volume of it. 
 They have added alfo three letters more 
 of the Archbifhop to F. Lami, which 
 are not in this collection, and whereof 
 
 the 
 
244 A Catalogue, &c. 
 
 the moft confiderable treats of the na- 
 ture of grace. 
 
 The two following printed pieces may 
 alfo be added to this catalogue. 
 
 1 . A ritual for the ufe of the diocefe of 
 Cambray, printed in 1707. 
 
 The preface, which is fet before this 
 ritual, with the fhort exhortations or 
 inftrudlions how to receive the facra- 
 ment worthily, were written by M. de 
 Cambray. In the reft he has almoft en- 
 tirely followed the ritual of his prede- 
 ceffors, with very little alterations. 
 
 2. A collection of mandates publifoed 
 upon the lent s } jubilees, and publick pray- 
 ers, printed in 171 3. 
 
 Befides the mandates in this collec- 
 tion, there is one alfo extant for lent in 
 1714, bearing date Feb. 4, and a no-' 
 ther for the firft j ubilee of the year 1701, 
 granted by our holy father Pope Cle- 
 ment XI. at his entrance upon his pon- 
 tificate. This mandate bears date June 
 *£> 1701. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 X 
 
/