/ 
 
 ^'/i((l/ij. <f '-^r//rj "^r 
 
 *-% 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V- 
 
 
 <" 
 
 
 R 
 
 a: 
 
 < 
 
 
 o 
 
 K 
 
 k. 
 
 ••• 
 
 CQ 
 
 
 <w 
 
 ^^ 
 
 2; 
 
 
 V* 
 
 S5 
 
 cS 
 
 Tr, 
 
 ■ •^ 
 
 •^^ 
 
 oc 
 
 -< 
 
 •a 
 
 Ui 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 7. 
 
 ►-^ 
 
 5: 
 
 Zj 
 
 
 ;J 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 r^ 
 
 
 Q 
 
)c.'.'^ 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OF 
 
 Eertrand du GuesclirL 
 
//.f//,/ //// f/ f//'Jrf/ ?/ 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OF 
 
 BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN 
 
 A History of the Fourteenth Century. 
 
 By D. F. JAMISON, 
 
 Of South Carolina. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. L 
 
 CHARLESTON 
 JOHN RUSSELL. 
 
 MDCCCLXIV. 
 
Entered according to the Act of Congress of the Confederate States of America, 
 
 By JOHN RUSSELL, 
 
 In the District Court for the Dibtrict of South Carolina. 
 
TV.-K 
 
 Conf 
 
 TO 
 
 IV. GILMORE SIMMS, ESQ., LL.D. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 In looking abroad for one to whom I might inscribe 
 this volume, I know of no one to whom I can more worthily 
 dedicate it than to you — to you, my nearest neighbour and 
 one of my oldest friends ; to you, who first suggested the 
 work as one suited to my capacity, my tastes, and to what 
 little learning I possessed ; who watched over its progress 
 with scarcely less interest than if it had been your own ; 
 and who cheered me on, through the years of labour it has 
 cost me, to its final completion now. 
 
 To me it will be a pleasing reflection, that we, who have 
 lived under the same sky, who have looked to heaven for 
 the same refreshing rains, and for its grateful sunshine ; that 
 we, who have so long interchanged our thoughts on ques- 
 tions of deep interest, and who have sympathized in each 
 others' joys and sorrows, — should have our names associated 
 in the minds of men, when we shall no longer be afifected 
 either by their praise or their censure. 
 
 " . . . . . Inque sepulchro, 
 Si non uma, tamen junget nos littera. St non 
 Ossibus ossa meis, at nomen nomine langam." 
 
 Ever most truly yours, 
 
 I). F. JAMISON. 
 Bt'Rwoon, FS. 17///, 1862. 
 
 
ADVER TISEMENT. 
 
 HAVE attempted to rescue from oblivion the 
 name of a man whose deeds are now almost 
 unknown to the English, whom he opposed in 
 ' a life-long conflict, and are regarded somewhat 
 in the light of a myth by a large body of the French people, 
 whom he defended ; whose fame, during a great portion of 
 the fourteenth century, was only inferior, if it was inferior, 
 to that of Edward III. of England and his heroic son the 
 Black Prince. 
 
 Coming forth from the wild forests of Brittany, with no 
 advantages of education or birth, for he was the son of a 
 poor and obscure knight, he became the leader of a band 
 of adventurers, during the wars between John de Montfort 
 and Charles de Blois for the succession to the duchy of 
 Brittany ; and, by dint of personal prowess, courage, and 
 sagacity, he first extended his reputation throughout his 
 native province, and then, attracting the notice of the king 
 of France by his daring courage at the siege of Melun and 
 his triumphant victory at Cochercl, he led the Free Com- 
 panies into Spain, dethroned Peter the Cruel, and placed 
 Henry of Trastamara on the throne of Castille ; when, return- 
 ing to his own country, he was created constable over the 
 
viii Advertisement. 
 
 highest heads in the rcahii, and, by his prudence, firmness, 
 and mihtary skill, gradually drove the English out of all 
 their extended possessions in France, until little was left to 
 them but the city of Bordeaux in the south and Calais in the 
 north. Such were the achievements of Bertrand du Guesclin. 
 
 To the high qualities of mind and heart, which insured 
 success, were atlded the virtues of generosity, good faith, 
 and loyalty, which secured esteem ; and no one of his time 
 was more regarded in life or more regretted in death. It 
 seemed to me, therefore, a worthy object to sweep from his 
 memor}' the dust in which time was fast enveloping it, and 
 preser\e, for our own and subsequent years, the records of a 
 life that derived its chief lustre from the stem virtues of the 
 man, without those external advantages of fortune on which 
 we commonly set so high a value. 
 
 No period of the past has appeared to me more interest- 
 ing and instructive than that portion of mediaeval history 
 which is embraced within the limits of this work. It was a 
 period of transition from one state of civilization to another, 
 when the old elements of society began to give way : to be 
 replaced by new forms, or to be charged with new functions. 
 It was the period when the feudal system, which had at- 
 tained its utmost vigour during the eleventh, twelfth, and 
 thirteenth centuries, with its traditions, its isolation, and real 
 power, was forced to yield to the increasing authority of the 
 prince, the growing influence of the communes and of men 
 acting in masses. It was the i)eriod when the Crusades, 
 which had precipitated one continent upon another for the 
 recovery of the Holy Sepulchre, was little more than a re- 
 miniscence, and when the enthusiasm of Europe could no 
 longer be aroused to arms at the bidding of the church ; 
 
Advertisement. ix 
 
 and when tlie head of that church, which had for centuries 
 exercised a sway so potent over the Germanic nations after 
 they had been transplanted on the Roman soil — driven from 
 Rome, by schism and the factions of Italy, to "seventy years 
 of captivity " at Avignon — was scarcely respected by sove- 
 reigns, and little reverenced by the people. It was the period 
 when the institution of chivalry, which had so long exerted its 
 humanizing influences over the individual man, and softened 
 the manners of a barbarous age — with all its romance, its 
 tournaments, and pageants — began to decline ; and when 
 woman, who had been too much idolized before marriage 
 and too secluded after it, came to exert a more wholesome 
 influence on society, because it was more diffused. It was 
 the period when, by the discovery of gunpowder, the lance 
 and battle-axe began to give place to cannon and the 
 matchlock, and when a standing military force came to be 
 substituted for the hasty levies of the feudal militia ; and it 
 was the period when romantic literature disappeared with 
 the songs of the troubadours ; when, during the reigns of 
 Edward III. of England and Charles the Wise of P'rance, 
 the Latin language became less extensively used in the pre- 
 paration of state papers and the preservation of historical 
 records ; and when Chaucer in the first-named country, and 
 Froissart in the last, employed their native tongues to give 
 forth to the people the effusions of poetry, and to chronicle 
 the passing events of the times. 
 
 It was my design to introduce the work which is now 
 offered to the public by a brief sketch of the state of Europe, 
 from the commencement to the middle of the fourteenth cen- 
 tury; and, particularly, to show the general character of feudal- 
 ism, its influence on society and manners by the isolation of the 
 
X Advertisement. 
 
 individual man, by its destruction of all political unity, its 
 segregation of the people into a multitude of small sove- 
 reignties, and in the entire absence of a controlling head or 
 central government — that the feudal epoch, which may be 
 comimsed between the reigns of Hugh Capet and Philippe 
 de Valois in France, was marked by private wars, as distin- 
 guished from national, between one feudal lord and another, 
 for the increase of power and the extension of territory, and 
 by the Crusades which terminated with it ; and in what 
 manner feudalism gave way before the increasing influence 
 of the throne and the communities ; but neither the circum- 
 stances of the times nor my own situation permitted me to 
 carry out this jjurpose. 
 
 The original tlraft of the work was completed — after 
 seven or eight years of assiduous labour, during the intervals 
 of leisure from other and engrossing emiiloyments — a little 
 more than two years ago; and I had set myself to the task 
 of re-writing the whole, of which not above one hundred and 
 twenty pages of manuscript were completed, when the work 
 was suspended by my public duties, in the month of Decem- 
 ber, i860. About the ist of June of the following year I 
 resumed tlie revision, wliich was finished just one year ago, 
 about the gloomiest period of the great struggle between the 
 South and the North, when Fort Donelson fell and Nashville 
 was occupied by our enemies. Amidst the distractions of 
 passing events, I attempted to write the introduction which 
 I had designed ; but the times to me were then too sad to 
 in(iuire into the history of the jjast — the present absorbed all 
 my thoughts ; and now, if the i)rospect is less gloomy than 
 before, I have no leisure from my public engagements to 
 cany out my design. 
 
Advertisement. xi 
 
 After completing the revision, I placed the MS. in my 
 escritoir, to await more peaceable and happy times ; and the 
 work would not now have seen the light, but for the kind 
 offers of one whom I am happy to call my friend — of 
 Theodore D. Wagner, Esq., a distinguished member of the 
 patriotic and princely house of John Fraser and Co. of 
 Charleston, and Fraser, Trenholm, and Co. of Liverpool. 
 
 I am aware that I incur two serious risks in trusting the 
 work to the chances of capture by an ever-vigilant enemy 
 now blockading our harbour, and infesting the seas between 
 this i)ort and the place of its destination, as w-ell as in trust- 
 ing the proofs of its publication to any other eye than my 
 own. This risk is especially great, as, with few exceptions, 
 it w ill be found that I have used none but original materials 
 in the composition of the work ; and, as the references in the 
 notes, with which I have taken especial j^ains, are to autho- 
 rities in old French and Spanish of the fourteenth centur)', 
 mediaeval Latin, and occasionally in Gascon, the author 
 must incur the hazard of many errors in the publication. 
 As these risks are unavoidable, if I publish now at all, I will 
 entrust my labours of many years to the bosom of the At- 
 lantic and to a foreign hand, in the hope of realizing what 
 Solomon declares as the result of acts of beneficence done 
 at a venture : — " Cast thy bread upon the waters : for thou 
 shalt find it after many days." 
 
 Charleston, Feb. i^/i, 1863. 
 
CONTENTS OF VOL. I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 Birth, parerttage, and early training of Bcrtrarirl du Guesclin. 
 His first exploit at a tournament in the town of Rennes . . I 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 State of Brittany. Rival pretensions of the Count de Montfort 
 and Charles de Blois to the duchy l6 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 Continuation of the affairs of Brittany. The Countess do Mont- 
 fort Edward HI. and the Countess of Salisbury. Lord 
 Robert d'Artois 27 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Death of Lord Robert d'Artois. Bertrand du Guesclin reappears. 
 His adventure with the English knight. Edward III. renews 
 the war with France. Sir Godefroy de Harcourt ... 44 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The battle of Crecy. Defeat and imprisonment of Charles de 
 Blois. Jeanne la Boiteuse. The Great Plague. Unsuccessful 
 attempt of the French to recover Calais 59 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Death of Philippe de Valois. Accession of John Duke of Nor- 
 mandy. Battle of the Thirty. liertrand du Guesdin is 
 created a knight He takes the castle of Forgeray. Goes 
 over to England .... .... 72 
 
xiv Contents. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Expedition of the Black Prince into Langiictloc. Convocation of 
 the Slates-General. Arrest of the king of Navarre. Decapi- 
 tation of the Count de Ilarcourt and others, by order of the 
 king of France. Consequences of this step. Battle of Poitiers S4 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 Disastrous results of the battle of Poitiers. Convocation of the 
 States-General. Dissensions between the Dauphin and the 
 Assembly. Ikrtrand du Guesclin at the siege of Rcnnes. 
 He accepts the challenge of Sir William Blanclxjurg. Fight 
 with Trousscl 104 
 
 CHAITER I.\. 
 Renewed dissensions l)etwecn the Daupliin and the States-General. 
 Contrast Wlwecn the French and English in the formation of 
 their respective constitutions. Release of Clmrles the B-id from 
 prison. Insolence of Etienne Marcel. Insurrection of t/ie 
 Jcuqucrie. Death of Marcel 122 
 
 CIIAl'TKR .\. 
 Treaty of Ixindon between tlie kings of England and France. 
 Rejected by the St.ates-General. Anger of Edward III. In- 
 vasion of Brittany by the Duke of Lanoister. .Siege of Dinan. 
 Combat for life and death between Bertrand du Guesclin and 
 Sir Thomas Canterbury. Duelling. Result of the combat . 135 
 
 CHAPTER .\I. 
 Affairs of Brittany. MarrLoge of Bertrand <lu Guesclin. His feats 
 at tlie siege of .Mclun. Treaty of Vernon between the Dauphin 
 and Charles the Bad. Inv.xsion of France by Edward III. 
 Treaty of Bretigny. King of France returns home. Treaty of 
 ihc I.andc-d'Evrau between Ch.irles de Blois and the Count de 
 Montfort. W.iger of battle before the Pariiament of Paris . 14S 
 
 CHAPTER XH. 
 Bertrand du Guesclin t.akes the castles of Pestivieu and Trougof in 
 Brittany. The king of France returns to England, where he 
 
Contents. 
 
 dies. Character of John. Charles the Bad declares war against 
 the king of France. Du Guesclin takes the towns of Mantes 
 and Meulan from the Navaircsc, and the castle of Rolleboise . 164 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 Battle of Cocherel, between the French under Bertrand du Gues- 
 clin, and the Navarrese under the Captal de Buch. Victory 
 of the French 1 74 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 Results of the battle of Cocherel. Coronation of Charles V. 
 Success of Bertrand du Guesclin in Normandy. He goes to the 
 assistance of Charles de Blois in Brittany. Battle of Auray. 
 Defeat of the French, and capture of Du Guesclin . . . 1 89 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 The treaty of Guerrande. Peace between the kings of France and 
 Navarre. Release of the Captal de Buch. Release of Du 
 Guesclin. The Free Companies 211 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 Narrative of the Bascot de Mauleon, a leader of the Free Com- 
 panies, to Froissart. Efiforts of the king of France to expel the 
 Free Companies from the kingdom . . . . . • 23 1 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 Transition to the affairs of .Spain. Alfonso XI. Leonora dc 
 Guzman. Alburquerque. Peter the Cruel. Blanche de Bour- 
 bon. Maria de Padilla. Henry of Trastamara . . . 245 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 Bertrand du Guesclin undertakes to lead the F"ree Companies out 
 of France. His interview with the leaders. The Companies 
 assemble at Chalons, in Burgundy. The army marches to 
 Avignon. The Pope grants aljsolution, and contributes a large 
 sum of money, as ]>ay, to the troops . . . . -255 
 
xvi Contents. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CIIAPTKR XIX. 
 Bcrtrand du Gucsclin crosses the Pyrenees with liis army inlo 
 Spain. Declares his purpose on entering tlial kingdom. I Icnry 
 of Trastamara is proclaimed king of Castillc at Calahomu 
 Peter the Cruel first fortifies, then abandons Burgos, and retires 
 into Andalucia ......... 266 
 
 CH-MTER XX. 
 Burgos surrenders, and Henry of Trastam.irais then crowned king 
 of Castillc and Leon. Peter leaves Seville with his children and 
 treasures; passes through Portugal into (iallicia ; and then 
 embarks at Corunna for Bayonne ...... 277 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 Eirth, parentage, and early iraiiiingof Pcrtravd du GucscUu. His first 
 exploit at a tournament in the to7un of Rennes. 
 
 ERTRAND DU GUESCLIN, who was destined 
 to play a part so conspicuous in the affairs of 
 Europe during a great portion of the fourteenth 
 centur)', was bom about the year 1320, in the 
 castle of Mote-de-Bron, about six leagues from the town 
 of Rennes, in the province of Brittany. He was the son 
 of Regnault du Guesclin,* and Jeanne du Malemains, a lady 
 of Sens, near Fougeres, and the eldest of four sons and six 
 daughters. Of his brothers, Oliver was the only one who 
 reached the years of maturity, and who survived him.t 
 
 • " Regn.iult du Guesclin fu le pcre i I'enfant, 
 
 D'unc moult gentil dame et de moult bcl semblant." 
 — Chronique dc Bertrand du Gucsciifi, parCuvclier, Trouveredu XlVeme 
 Siecle. Public pour la premiere fois, par E. Charriere. Paris, 1839. 
 Verse 52. The poetical chronicle of Cuvelier has been edited by 
 M. Charriere from two manuscripts, f )f these he has published the first, 
 consisting of 22,790 lines, which came from the BtNiothtque du fioi, in 
 two vols. 4to, as the text, the lines regularly numbered ; and portions of 
 the seconfl, taken from the Bibliothi'que de P Arsenal, as variations 
 from the first, printed at the foot of the pages where they occur. The 
 first will be referred to by the numbers of the lines, and the second as 
 "MS. of the Arsenal," with the volume and page. 
 
 t Histoirc de Bertrand du Guaclin, Par Paul Hay, Seigneur du 
 Chastclet (Folio.) Paris, 1666, Page 4. In this work the author 
 vol.. I. R 
 
2 IJfc aud Times of [Chap. i. 
 
 The want of personal attractions in infancy, of which 
 Bertrand seemed fully conscious in after life, but only to 
 make his ugliness the subject of jest or banter, was assigned 
 as the chief cause of the little affection with which his parents 
 regarded him ; and their aversion was carried to such an 
 extent, that, in the language of the chronicler, "his fiither 
 and mother hated him so much, that often in their hearts 
 they wished him dead or drowned." 
 
 Infancy passed without love is sure to produce, in any 
 child of si>int, as its inevitable results, disobedience, ob- 
 stinacy, and rebellion ; and thus it turned out with the young 
 Bertrand : for, when he perceived that he was the object 
 of scorn and contempt to his parents — that he was slighted 
 by the ser\-ants, and that the most mortifying distinctions 
 were made from time to time between himself and his brothers 
 and sisters — the apparent injustice of the treatment aroused 
 all the fierce passions of his youthful nature, and he gave 
 early symi)toms of that jjugnacious and indomitable spirit 
 which the troubled events of that stormy period were so 
 well calculated to draw forth and develop in after life. 
 When he was but six years of age he made a bold, and, 
 as it turned out, a successful attempt to resent the ill- 
 treatment practised towards him, and to level the distinc- 
 tions daily made in the family to his i)rejudice. The inci- 
 dent took place at dinner, when his mother and the rest 
 of the children were at their usual i)laces around the table, 
 and Bertrand was seated apart on a low stool ; he suddenly 
 
 has cnlarfjcd upon llie extravagances of the contemporary chroniclers, and 
 made many fabulous additions from liis own stock. No talc could be 
 too exayj^erated for his credulity; and he gravely states, as an liistorical 
 fact, the verification of one of the iiro|)hecies of Merlin. As he makes 
 no reference to his authorities, the chief value of the work is his Ap- 
 pendix, entitled "Treuvcs de Bertrand du Ciuesclin," which contains 
 some original papers of interest. 
 
Chap. I.] Bert rand du Giiesclin. j 
 
 seized a stick, and, jumping on the table, exclaimed in great 
 passion : — 
 
 " Ought you all to sit there ] You eat the first, and I am 
 forced to wait like a slave : I will sit with you, and if you 
 say a word, I will destroy the bread, meat, and wine." 
 
 His brother Oliver, probably overawed by his menacing 
 look and gesture, kindly invited him to sit down amongst 
 them ; but when he had done so, and while he was seizing 
 upon the viands within his reach, his mother angrily cried 
 out: — 
 
 " Bertrand, if you do not begone, I will have you whip- 
 ped." 
 
 At this threat, Bertrand immediately got up, overturned 
 the table, and destroyed everything that was upon it ; "so 
 that there remained neither bread, wine, nor capon." 
 
 "By heaven!" said the astonished mother, "this rude 
 cartman ! Would to God he were dead ! I well know that 
 he will be no honour to his family : for there is in him 
 neither sense, manners, nor reason." 
 
 On another occasion, at the Feast of the Ascension, while 
 his father and guests of distinction were present, and when 
 Bertrand was again seated apart, on the floor, while his 
 brothers had places at the table, a Converse* from a neigh- 
 bouring abbey was introduced, who joined the company at 
 dinner. This person was much esteemed for her wisdom, 
 her skill in medicine, and her knowledge of palmistr)'; and 
 
 * A lay sister, perhaps a converted Jewess; for Cuvelier, vcr. 91, 
 says : — 
 
 "Juise avoit este en sa renacion." 
 
 Du Chastelet says, without giving any authority, that she was the 
 daughter of a learned Jewish physician, and that she had been converted 
 to Christianity after his death ; that, with the science of medicine, she 
 had acquired a perfect knowledge of the Cabala, and of divination, as 
 practised by the Hebrews and Chaldeans, — Hist, d^du Guaclin, p. 5. 
 
 P. 2 
 
4 Life and Times of [Chaj). i. 
 
 her attention was soon attracted by the position and treat- 
 ment of licrtrand, seated apart from the rest on his Httle 
 stool. After ol)ser\ing the boy for some time, and hearing 
 the harshest epithets applied to him — some calling him a 
 shepherd, some a cartman — the Converse said to him: — 
 
 " My child, may He who suffered passion bless thee !" 
 
 Berirand, little accustomed to kind words, and supposing 
 that she, like the others, was amusing herself at his expense, 
 haughtily replied : — 
 
 " Let me alone ! If you say anything ill of me, I will strike 
 you with this stick." 
 
 " Be not angry," replied the Converse, kindly, to this rude 
 speech ; " I have said nothing to displease you ; on the con- 
 trary, I mean to tell you something tliat will give you jjlea- 
 sure. Now show me your hand, and I will tell you of the 
 honour and good fortune that will befall you." 
 
 " By my faith," said the boy, still with passion, " I well 
 believe that I shall have neither joy nor honour ; for my father 
 and mother both harshly repel me, and I never could tell 
 why."* 
 
 " Lady," asked the Converse, then approaching the mother 
 of Bertrand, *' is not that your son 1" 
 
 "He is," replied the mother ; "but truly my lord never 
 loved him. A rude and ungracious boy he is ; he fights the 
 children and tumbles them over and over, for nothing can 
 withstand him. If any one, no matter how great he may be, 
 disjjleases him, Bertrand will strike him in a moment, lie 
 is a worthless blockhead, without sense or manners : I have 
 often wished that he were dead." 
 
 The Converse chided the mother for her harsh judgment, 
 and the unkind treatment of her own offspring ; and, after 
 examining the boy more attentively, she predicted that he 
 
 • Ciivclicr, "M.'^. of the Arsenal," toni. i. pp. 6, 7. 
 
Chap. I.] Bertratid dji Gitcsdin. 5 
 
 would be wise and fortunate, and that no one would be more 
 esteemed throughout the realm of France. 
 
 Bertrand was overcome by such unusual sympathy, and 
 his whole demeanour was at once changed. At that mo- 
 ment he took from a servant a dish containing a peacock, 
 which had been served up for dinner, and placing it before 
 the Converse, he made a childish apology for his rude return 
 for her kindness, and then filled a glass with wine, which he 
 offered her. The father, still incredulous, smiled at the pre- 
 diction of the Converse, telling her that she well understood 
 her art of deception ; but the mother, after observing the 
 change of manner in her son, under the influence of a few 
 kind words, was softened, perhaps convinced, by the pro- 
 phecy of her guest, and ever afterwards treated Bertrand 
 more kindly.* 
 
 The youth of Bertrand was not passed in the schools. 
 At that period all learning was almost exclusively confined 
 to the cloister, and knowledge was then acquired from men, 
 not from books. It might occasion suqjrise that the son of 
 a landed proprietor, at a time when the possession of land 
 always conferred position and rank, was suffered to grow up 
 to manhood with a profound ignorance of the simplest 
 elements of knowledge which are now imparted to the 
 meanest peasant ; but that surprise will cease when it is 
 remembered that, in the early part of the fourteenth centur)', 
 education, as now understood and appreciated, was scarcely 
 regarded as an accomplishment, and could not really be a 
 necessity, when books in general were unattainable, and, if 
 they could be procured, were chiefly devoted to theology 
 and the philosophical questions of the times, and for the 
 most part were sealed up, to all but the monkish scholar, in 
 an ancient and unspoken tongue. It was to a contemporary 
 
 • Cuvelicr, w. 78, 153; "MS. nf (he Arsenal," torn. i. pp. 7, 9. 
 
6 Life and Times of [Chap, i . 
 
 of (lu Gucsclin, the renowned Froissart, with his enlightened 
 curiosity, his large faith and his easy credulity, that France 
 was indcl)te(l for that preat record, in a living language, of 
 what has since become indispensable in making uj) the his- 
 ton»- of the greater portion of Europe in his times. But the 
 young Hertrand i)Ossessed none of these advantages. In the 
 rude school in which he was trained, his will was subjected 
 to no discipline, his mind was fettered by no rules, and his 
 taste improved by no art or accumulated wisdom of con- 
 temporaneous or past times. A rude narrative of an ad- 
 venturous crusader or a valiant knight ; a simple incident of 
 ever)- -day life; a feat of arms or tale of love, as sung by some 
 wandering minstrel ; — these were the chief, if not the only 
 means that were then j)ossessed by the many of accjuiring 
 knowledge. 
 
 One of his usual sports, when he had attained the age of 
 nine years, was to assemble the children on his father's 
 estate, to the number of forty or fifty, arrange them as in a 
 tournament, and compel them to fight against each other. 
 In these combats he fully particii)ated, and when the victory 
 seemed to incline to one side, he commonly renewed the 
 contest by joining the other party. These youthful battles 
 seldom ended without bloody noses and tattered garments, 
 to which Hertrand gave little heeil. He often excited the 
 ardour of the young combatants to the utmost, by shouting 
 his war-cr)' — "(Juesclin!" — a name which he and his com- 
 l)anions little dreamed would become so formidable in the 
 subse(iuent battles of his country. 
 
 When these contests had lasted sufficiently long, Bertrand 
 put an end to them by his command, which was always 
 obeyed. He would then invite his young companions to 
 some neighbouring tavern, telling them that he would pay 
 the reckoning as long as he had any money; and if the host 
 would trust him for the Ijalancc, he would pay him soon, if 
 
Chap. 1.] Bertrand du Guesclin. 7 
 
 he had to pawm a silver cup, or sell one of his father's horses 
 at Rennes.* 
 
 These rough pastimes of Bertrand, however annoying to 
 others, were sport to him. They were not so to his mother ; 
 for, when she saw him return with his face bloody and his 
 clothes all torn, she severely upbraided him for the life he 
 was leading, so unworthy of the son of a gentleman. She 
 sneeringly alluded to the prophecy of the Converse, as to 
 his future greatness, and threatened him with her sore dis- 
 pleasure, if he repeated such scenes. " But Bertrand," says 
 the chronicler, " on the morrow, did worse by half." He 
 set up quintainst for practice with the lance, and he made 
 lists for his companions to joust, as in a tournament, offering 
 a prize to the successful combatant as the reward of skill 
 or valour. The rude sports of young Bertrand at length 
 attracted the attention of his father, who, in order to put a 
 stop to them, forbade the children of his tenants to join his 
 son, and imposed a fine upon the parents who permitted 
 their children to accompany him. But, when the boys fled 
 from him in obedience to the injunction, he followed them 
 up and a.ssailed them, whether they would consent or 
 not. Upon the complaint of the parents of the children, 
 Bertrand was confined in a room in his father's castle, where 
 he was kept a close prisoner for four months. 
 
 The severity of such a punishment would have subdued 
 the spirit of almost any other boy ; but it had a contrary 
 
 • Cuvelier, w. 154, 212. 
 
 t Quittaincs. Cuvelier, v. 214. In the chronicle of Matthew of 
 Westminster — vol. ii. p. 324, "Bohn's Ant. Library"— the game is 
 called quintain. Du Cangc describes it as a ludicrous equestrian exercise, 
 which consisted in charging with the lance at a moveable and versatile 
 figure, dressed like a man, with a shield on the left arm, and a staff or 
 sword in the right hand. If the figure was struck anywhere but on the 
 breast, the assailant received a blow from the staff of the figure in passing. 
 —Glossarium Media et liifiiiUT IjcUnuUUii. I false, 1772, voc. Qwntatut. 
 
8 Life and Times of [Chap. i. 
 
 eflFect upon Bcrtrand : for, when he became weary with 
 waiting for his release, he one day seized the chambermaid 
 who brought his food, took away the keys of his prison, 
 locked her up in his stead, and fled from the castle. After 
 wandering about for some time, he saw a labourer plough- 
 ing with two horses belonging to his father, one of which 
 he took, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the plough- 
 man, and mounting it, rode to the house of his uncle, in 
 the X.QW'Xi of Rennes, where he was received with coldness 
 and reproaches on the part of his aunt, but with unreserved 
 kindness by his uncle. The latter reproved his wife for her 
 unkind greeting of the young Bertrand, excused the charges 
 alleged against him as the pardonable excesses of youth, 
 and kindly told him that he should not want good cheer 
 while his stores of old wine and salt meat lasted. 
 
 During his residence at the house of his uncle, an in- 
 cident occurred which shows that Bertrand had lost none 
 of his fondness for the rude sports of the peasantr}-, for 
 indulging which he was then an exile from his father's 
 house, and that he preferred rather to fight than to pray. 
 He had then reached the age of seventeen,* and, as his chief 
 amusement consisted in the rides which he was frequently 
 invited to take with his uncle and aunt in their excursions 
 on horseback, he was rejoiced to hear that a prize was to be 
 awarded at a wrestling match, which was to take place on 
 the following Sunday. But it ha])pened on that day that 
 the aunt of Bertrand desired him to accompany her to hear 
 service at church ; and, though reluctantly, he felt compelled 
 to comply with her wishes. After entering the church with 
 his aunt, Bertrand, in the expectation of witnessing the sport 
 and returning before the service was over, left the cliurch 
 
 • "N'eust (]uc xvii. ans, sc ristoiic ne niciil." Cuvclicr, "MS. of the 
 Arsenal," torn. i. p. 14. 
 
Chap. I.] Bcrtraiid dii Gucsdiii. 9 
 
 stealthily, after the sermon was commenced, and repaired to 
 the place where the contest had already begun. He was 
 joyously received by his acquaintances, who predicted his 
 success ; but he would only consent to participate in their 
 amusements on the condition that they would keep the 
 fact concealed from his aunt. Though young, he was well 
 grown, muscular, and strongly built. He was of middle 
 height ; his skin was brown, his nose flat, his eyes light grey ; 
 and he had broad shoulders, long arms, and small hands.* 
 It was his fortune to contend for the prize with a Breton 
 who had already thrown twelve of his companions ; but 
 Bertrand was skilful as well as strong, and in the end he 
 threw his antagonist, though in the fall he was severely 
 wounded in the knee by striking it against a sharp flint. 
 He was borne by his companions to the house of his aunt, 
 who was greatly displeased at finding in what manner, and 
 among whom, he had been spending his time ; telling him 
 how unbecoming it was for him, the son of a knight, to 
 contend with such base fellows, instead of amusing himself 
 at tournaments, with the shock of the lance. He bore this 
 reproof with unusual humility, and solemnly promised, as 
 soon as he was able to ride, that he would seek jousts and 
 tournaments, and never again offend in like manner.t 
 
 Bertrand remained a year at the house of his uncle before 
 he became reconciled to his father and was restored to the 
 paternal roof. Then, whenever he heard of jousts and 
 tournaments, he went to them, mounted on one of his 
 father's horses. He was well received everywhere, and he 
 made many friends by his profuse liberality: for if he met a 
 beggar who entreated an alms for the love of God, if he had 
 
 • Chroniquc (Anonymc) dc Sire PcrfrattJ dn Giwsclirt, ch. i. j>. 2. 
 .Edited by J. A. C. Ijuchon, in his Pantheon Ijttcrairc." Paris, 1842. 
 t Cuvclier, "M.S. of the Arsenal," torn. i. pp. 14, 15. 
 
lo Life atui Times of [Chap, i . 
 
 no other means, Bcrtrand would pull off his robe and give 
 it to \\\x\\. This conduct, observes the chronicler, gave his 
 father great pleasure.* 
 
 In the year 1338, when Bertrand was eighteen years of 
 age, the whole province of Urittany was put in commotion 
 on the occasion of the marriage of Jeanne la IJoiteuse, Coun- 
 tess of Penthidvre, and niece of the Duke of Brittany, with 
 Charles de Chastillon, son of the Count de Hlois. The 
 festival which was to be given in honour of this event was 
 to be held at the town of Rennes, where a tournament was 
 proclaimed by a number of noble knights and bold esijuires 
 in honour of their mistresses. Thither Berlrantl du Ciuesclin 
 also repaired, with the valiant knights and squires to the 
 number of one hundred and twenty, and the fair ladies "as 
 white as \\\ti flcur dc lis ;" but he was greatly cast ilown at his 
 own mean apparel and e(]uipments on such an occasion : for 
 armour he had none, and he was mounted on a miserable 
 pony, "which no one would have purchased for four petty 
 florins." To add to his mortification, he was subjected to 
 the taunts and ribald jests of the populace. " He is the 
 son of a knight," said one, " and he is riding the horse 
 of a miller." " He looks like a cowherd," said another. 
 "Hush !" said a third; "I have heard such things of that 
 youth, that if the Duke of Brittany knew him he would 
 make him his j)antlcr." 
 
 When Bcrtrand reached the market-place, where the lists 
 were erected, and saw the ladies seated in their places, and 
 richly clothed in silk, braid, and cendal;t the knights well 
 armed, and mounted on splcmlid coursers ; and tiie gooil 
 squires well provided for the jousts — while he, in shabby 
 
 • Cuvclicr, V. 405. 
 
 + "CVW<7/, or sctidal, is what wc call taflcty," says Du Canjjc, in his 
 "Notes to Joiiivillc's Memoirs of St. Louis," \>. 353. — "Lohii's Aut, 
 Library." Sec also DuCangc, Gloss, voc. Coidalum. 
 
Chap. I.] Betirand (ill Guesclin. ii 
 
 apparel, was astride of his bare-backed pony, he bitterly 
 ejaculated: "O God ! if I only had a good horse, and I were 
 well armed, I would assault all the bravest knights, and gain 
 more honour than Roland, Gauvain, Arthur, or Perceval. 
 My father does great wrong to treat me so vilely. He does 
 not maintain me like his own son. He is so rich, yet he 
 refuses me the value of four pins : moreover, he sets his 
 spies upon me, and tells every one that I am a bobusy 
 
 Bertrand, however, was not permitted long to indulge his 
 mingled feelings — of admiration, for the fair ladies who had 
 assembled to witness the greatest spectacle of the times; 
 of envy, on account of the splendid equipments of the com- 
 batants ; and of chagrin, at his own pitiful figure ; — for the 
 signal, on horn and trumpet, was given for the jousts* to 
 commence, and all eyes were turned with eager gaze on 
 the adventurous participants in that dangerous pastime. 
 Various were the incidents, various the fortunes of the com- 
 batants on that eventful day ; many lances were broken, 
 many heads uncasqued, and many knights and squires, with 
 their horses, overthro\\Ti. Of these brave knights and squires, 
 successful or unsuccessful, history has only preserved the 
 name of Sir Regnault du Guesclin, the father of Bertrand, 
 who, with the consent of all, was regarded as the best jouster 
 on that day, and who, with his lance lowered, remained 
 undisputed master of the field. 
 
 While these events were passing — the greater part of 
 which was unseen by Bertrand, and he was burning with 
 desire to participate in them — a squire was observed to ride 
 
 • "The joust," says St. Palaye, "was, properly speaking, a combat 
 with the lance, man to man ; but the meaning of the word was extended 
 to other kinds of combat, by the abuses of our ancient writers, who, in 
 thus confounding the terms, often produce confusion in our ideas." — 
 Mctnoira sur r Anricnne Chevaleric, p. 131, note (56). E^lition of Ch. 
 Nodier. Paris, 1826. 
 
12 Life and Tima of [Chap. i. 
 
 out of the lists, and proceed to his lodgings in the town ; 
 either satiated with tlie sport, or possibly disgusted with his 
 ill-success. Bertrand instantly followed this man, who turned 
 out to be a kinsman of his mother. Entering the chamber 
 where the squire was disarming, Bertrand threw himself 
 on his knees, and humbly entreated him, with rude but 
 touching eloquence, to lend him the use of his harness to 
 run three courses with the lance. The squire immediately 
 recognised Bertrand, and courteously replied : " Ha ! fair 
 cousin, this you shouKl not ask for, but take as your own." 
 He then quickly armed Bertrand, gave him the use of his 
 war horse and a valet to attend him. 
 
 Joyously came Bertrand into the field. This was un- 
 hoj)ed for good-fortune ; it was a complete triumph. He 
 had exchanged his wretched pony for a well-trained courser, 
 and covered his shabby apparel with a full suit of armour. 
 He first commended himself to God, passed the barriers, and 
 rode fearlessly into the lists. As soon as he entered, a knight 
 rode towards him and demanded a joust. 
 
 The institution of chivalry was on the decline when a 
 squire was permitted to joust with a knight. No otic, unless 
 he is a knight, should dare to offer combat to a knight, was the 
 maxim of ancient chivalry; and the law was in conformity 
 with the usage, for it did not accord to the squire the duel, 
 or gage of battle, against a knight. But, in process of time, 
 the knights lost many of the prerogatives which gave them 
 pre-eminence over the squires; and, from the commencement 
 of the fourteenth century, they admitted the latter to mingle 
 with them in the tournaments, and to claim the wager of 
 battle.* 
 
 Bertrand, then, as soon as he observed the intimation of 
 
 • St. I'.-il.iyc, Mvmoircs sur r.iiiciinitc Chci'alaic, loin. i. p. 49, note 
 (56), ami p. 280, note (6). 
 
Chap. I.] Brrtrand du Guesclin. 13 
 
 his antagonist, immediately assented by waving his hand; 
 and the two combatants, at the same moment, spurred their 
 horses against each other. When Bertrand saw his opponent 
 approach, he directed his lance against him with such good 
 aim, that the point, entering the vizor, carried off the helmet 
 from his head ; and so great was the impetuosity of the charge, 
 that both knight and horse rolled over on the ground. The 
 horse was killed by the onset, and the knight swooned away, 
 so that all the bystanders thought he was dead. Bertrand kept 
 his seat firmly; and the heralds, seeing the skilful thrust he 
 had made, and not knowing his name or his war-cry, all 
 began to cry out, "The Adventurous Squire !" 
 
 The knight who had been overthrown was quickly raised 
 up by his attendants, and his dead horse removed from the 
 lists. The discomfited knight was much commended for the 
 manner in which he had deported himself in the combat, and 
 as soon as he recovered his consciousness he exclaimed : — 
 
 " Ye gods ! by whom was I assailed ? Never was a lance 
 better aimed. Go," he continued, to a servant, " and de- 
 mand of the squire his name and family." 
 
 The messenger made the inquiry, and on his return said 
 to his master: — 
 
 "You will not find out who he is, unless he is unhelmeted 
 by yourself or another, then you will know." 
 
 "Bring me quickly another horse," replied the knight; " I 
 will never rest until I find out by whom I was overthrown. 
 Whoever he may be, he is a gentleman, and of gentle 
 blood." 
 
 The sudden appearance and gallant bearing of the young 
 horseman, whom nobody knew, produced some confusion 
 among the combatants, and there were few among them who 
 did not hesitate to cross lances with him. They thereupon 
 held a consultation about the stranger; but no one could 
 give any information concerning him. Sir Regnault du 
 
14 Life and Times of [Chap. i. 
 
 GuescHn, who, wnth his party, was in possession of the field, 
 when he saw the knights retreat from the stranger, was 
 anxious to attack him, and avenge the discomfiture of the 
 knight who had been unhorsed, and who belonged to his 
 side. He therefore put spurs to his horse, and took a posi- 
 tion to attack Bertrand, who was no less anxious for the 
 engagement ; but in the charge, when he recognised his 
 father by the device on his shield, he dropped the point of 
 his lance, passed him, and returned to his place on the field. 
 Another knight, who thought that Bertrand had avoided the 
 engagement with Sir Rcgnault du Guesclin through fear, 
 advanced towards him and ofi"ered him battle. Bertrand 
 readily accepted the challenge, and in the shock struck his 
 antagonist on the helmet with such force that it was carried 
 to the distance of twelve feet. The heralds, again witness- 
 ing the precision of Bertrand's aim, all cried out, " The Ad- 
 venturous Stranger !" 
 
 After fifteen courses, in which many lances were broken, 
 and in wliich Bertrand was successful, Sir Regnault du 
 Guesclin, who was surprised that the gallant stranger refused 
 to joust with him, ordered the knights of his party to as- 
 semble, and take counsel how they could discover who this 
 squire was that jousted so bravely. In that consultation it 
 was determined that a Norman knight of great prowess 
 should attack and endeavour to unlielmet him. This was 
 effected in the manner i)roposed, and Bertrand was recog- 
 nised, to the great astonishment and delight of his friends 
 and family. When his father saw him, he came up with 
 joyous face, and said aloud, " Fair son, I assure you that I 
 will never treat you so vilely again as I have done hereto- 
 fore. You shall have horses, silver and gold, at your desire; 
 and for the gallantry you have this day shown, you may go 
 whithersoever you will to acquire renown, if I have for a 
 long period to mortgage my lands." 
 
Chap. I.] Berttand dii Gucsdin. 15 
 
 To Bertrand the prize of valour was adjudged, and the 
 ceremony of awarding the prize closed the si)orts of the day. 
 He accompanied his father home, and when his mother 
 heard that he had gained the prize at the tournament at 
 Rennes, she received the intelligence with great pleasure, 
 and recalled the prophecy of the Converse. From his father 
 he obtained the means to attend the tournaments within his 
 reach, and to bestow handsome gifts on all heralds and 
 minstrels.* 
 
 This period of his life was a fit preparation for the stirring 
 scenes upon which he was soon to enter, and in which he 
 was destined to act a part so conspicuous. It will here be 
 necessary to suspend for awhile the narrative of the boy, in 
 order to bring forward those important events which gave 
 employment to the life of the man. Of these events, the 
 first which affected the fortunes of Bertrand were the un- 
 happy contests between the Count de Montfort and Charles 
 de Blois for the succession to the duchy of Brittany, and 
 which for long years divided that province into rival and 
 hostile factions, and plunged it into all the horrors of civil 
 war. 
 
 * Cuvelier, vv. 311, 536. Chron. Anou. cli. i. pp. 3, 4. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 State of Ih-ittiiily. Rh<al pretensions of the Count dc Montfort and 
 Charles de Blois to the Duchy. 
 
 TRING the early part of the year 1341, John III., 
 1 )uke of Brittany, surnamed The Good, was i)re- 
 sent with Philijipe de Valois, as one of the great 
 vassals of the crown of France, before Tournay, 
 which was then besieged by Edward III., king of England. 
 By the intervention of Jeanne de Valois, countess dow- 
 ager of Hainault, sister of the king of France and mother- 
 in-law of Edward III., a truce for a year was concluded 
 between France and England; and, in consequence, the siege 
 of Tournay was raised and the trooi)S were withdrawn. 
 Thereupon the Duke of Brittany set out for his duchy; but 
 he sickened on tlie way, and died at Caen, in Normandy, on 
 the 30th of Ajjril, 1341.* 
 
 As John left no children, his death was followotl by un- 
 numbered woes, not only to Brittany, but to France. His 
 father, Arthur II., had been twice married. By his first 
 marriage with Marie, daughter of Guy, Viscount de Limoges, 
 he had two sons, the late Duke John, and Guy de Bretagne, 
 Count de Penthievre. The latter had married Jeanne d'Avan- 
 
 • Lcs Chroniques de Sire Jean Froissart. I'ar J. A. C. Buclion. 
 (3 vols. 8vo.) Talis, 1853. Tom. i. liv. i. ])artic i. ]). 127. 
 
Chap. 2.] Life and Times of Bcrtr and du Gucsdin. 17 
 
 gour, by wliom he had an only daughter, who married 
 Charles de Chatillon, youngest son of the Count Guy de 
 Blois and of Margaret, sister of Philippe de Valois, king of 
 France. By his second marriage, with Yolande de Dreux, 
 Arthur had one son, John de Bretagnc, Count de Mont- 
 fort.* 
 
 The succession to the vacant dukedom was claimed by 
 Charles de Blois through his wife, by right of representa- 
 tion ;t and by the Count de Montfort as next of kin.| This 
 claim of John de Montfort was apprehended by the late 
 duke ; and for that reason he had married his niece to 
 Charles de Blois, in the hope that his uncle, the king ot 
 France, would aid him to maintain his rights against the 
 pretensions of his rival. § 
 
 The fears entertained by the late Duke of Brittany were 
 
 * Hisioir-c EccUsiastiquc d Civile de Bretagnc. Par Dom. Pierre- 
 Ilyacinthe Morice. (2 vols, folio.) Paris, 1750. Tom. i. pp. 229, 
 242, 243. 
 
 t The anonymous author of the Ch7-onique de Sire Bc?-()a7id du 
 Gitescliti adds, "Z^ the declared will of the late duke, with the assent of 
 the barons., and ei>cn of the Count de Montfort himself;" but that wants 
 confirmation, as the will of the duke could not be found, and De Mont- 
 fort declared, in the assertion of his claim to the duchy, that when the 
 friends of Charles de Blois jjressed the duke on his death-bed to make 
 Charles his heir, he impatiently exclaimed: "For God's sake, let me 
 alone: I wish not to burden my soul.'''' — Mcmoires pour servir de Preuves 
 it niistoire de Bretapte, par Morice. Paris, 1744. (3 vols, folio.) 
 Tom. i. col. 1419. These Memoirs are commonly cited as Actes de 
 Bretagne. 
 
 X Guillaume de St. Andre, ver. 125, who cites the Mosaic law with 
 some triumph, as an answer to all who might call in question the title of 
 the Count de Montfort. The poetical chronicle of Guil. de .St. Andre, 
 under the title, Histoire de Jean IV., dit le Cotiqucrant, dcpuis Tan 1341 
 jusqiih Van, 1381, has been published by Morice, in Actes de Bretagnc, 
 tom. ii. col. 306; and by Charrierc, with the title, Cest Ic Libirc du Bon 
 Jchan, Due de Brdaigne, as an Appendix to the second volume of his 
 edition of Cuvclier. 
 
 § Froissarl, liv. i. part i. p. 128. 
 
 VOL. I. C 
 
iS Life and Times of '[Chap. 2. 
 
 speedily realized ; for the Count de Montfort, as soon as he 
 became aware of the death of his brother, went to the town 
 of Nantes, where, by his influence over the citizens, he was 
 acknowledged as their lord, and they did him homage and 
 fealty as Duke of Brittany. 
 
 When he had taken the oaths of the citizens of Nantes 
 and of the adjoining countr)', after mature deliberation with 
 his countess, Jeanne, sister of Count Louis of Flanders, he 
 determined to hold a court and submit his pretensions to a 
 more numerous and influential assembly. Accordingly, he 
 sent an invitation to the barons and knights of Brittany, to 
 the councils of the cities and towns, and to all wliom he 
 desired should be present, to make their oaths of fealty to 
 him as their rightful sovereign. 
 
 While awaiting the time fixed for the meeting of the 
 assembly, the Count de Montfort, with a number of men-at- 
 arms, went to the city of Limoges, in order to take posses- 
 sion of the treasures of the late Duke of Brittany, which 
 were kept there. He entered the city in great pomp, and 
 was well received by the clergy and citizens, who all did 
 him homage. The treasures were delivered uji to him 
 without hesilation ; and after s[)ending some days there, and 
 gaining the good-will of the citizens by ])resents and pro- 
 mises, he returned to Nantes, to be ready before the meeting 
 of the assembly, for which great preparation had been made. 
 
 When the day appointed for the meeting had arrived, and 
 no one of rank or position aj^peared in obedience to the 
 summons but a single knight. Sir Hervey de Ldon, great was 
 the surprise, rage, and mortification of the Count de Mont- 
 fort. Notwithstanding his anger against those who had 
 treated his invitation with contempt, he feasted the citizens 
 of Nantes and the people of the neighbourhood for three 
 days, and immediately thereafter applied himself with great 
 activity to collect soldiers, both horse and foot, in order to 
 
Chap. 2.] Bertrand du Guescliji. 19' 
 
 maintain his title by arms, in case of need, and to punish 
 the rebels against his authority. He was assisted by all 
 those present, the clergy, knights, and citizens ; and he 
 retained in his service and paid liberally whoever offered 
 themselves, whether noble or ignoble, until he had drawn 
 together from difterent countries a large force of cavalry and 
 infantry.* 
 
 While the Count de Montfort was traversing the province 
 of Brittany, taking towns and castles and gaining adherents 
 to his cause, Charles de Blois was entirely inactive, only 
 depending on the aid which he expected to receive from his 
 uncle, the king of France. The Count de Montfort having 
 collected a large force, determined to make an attack upon 
 Brest, a strongly fortified castle situated on the sea-coast, 
 and commanded by a valiant knight, Sir Gautier de Clisson, 
 a cousin of Oliver, Lord of Clisson. The castle was vigor- 
 ously assailed, but it was as stoutly defended, and all propo- 
 sitions of surrender were indignantly rejected by the brave 
 castellan. The assault was continued for several days with 
 doubtful success, until Sir Gautier de Clisson was mortally 
 wounded at the barriers of the castle. The garrison, not- 
 withstanding the loss of their leader, made a gallant defence 
 of the walls, which were approached by means of strong 
 planks thrown across the ditches surrounding the castle. 
 The besieged resisted this mode of attack by casting stones, 
 fire, and vessels full of quick-lime upon the assailants ; but 
 at length the garrison surrendered, upon the promise of 
 pardon and the assurance of safety to their persons and 
 property. 
 
 After he had taken the castle and placed in command of 
 it a castellan of his own party, the Count de Montfort laid 
 siege to the town of Rennes, which was then commanded 
 
 * Fmissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 128, 129. 
 <• 2 
 
20 Life and Times of [Chap. 2. 
 
 by Sir Hcnr)* de Spincfort.* That ofticer, while the Cojynt 
 de Montfort was encamped near the \.Q\sVi, made a sally 
 about daylight with two hundred men to beat up the quar- 
 ters of the besiegers; but the attack was doubly unfor- 
 tunate, as it resulted not only in the capture of the knight 
 by the forces of the count, but it was the means by which 
 the latter got possession of the town; for, as Sir Henry 
 de Spinefort was very popular among the commonalty of 
 Rennes, the count threatened to hang him before the gates 
 if the town was not surrendered forthwith. This threat 
 caused great dissension among the different classes in the 
 to\vn. The commonalty, who greatly loved their captain, 
 and who were badly supplied with provisions for a siege, at 
 once acceded to the demand ; but the wealthier citizens, 
 who were well provided, refused their assent, and assembled 
 wnth their partisans, to the number of two thousand, to resist 
 the surrender of the town. Upon this the commonalty 
 assailed them, at first with opprobrious epithets, and at 
 length with blows, by which they were driven from their 
 ground and a number of them slain. The common people 
 then opened the gates and surrendered the city to the Count 
 de Montfort, and the whole body of citizens, great and 
 small, did him homage and fealty, and recognised him as 
 their lord. 
 
 The Count de Montfort was equally successful in gaining 
 many other important places. He laid siege to Hennebon, 
 situated at the mouth of the river Blavet, one of the best 
 fortified towns in Brittany ; but as he could not obtain pos- 
 session of it by force, he accomplished his object by fraud. 
 In this he was aided by Sir Henry de Spinefort, whose 
 brotlicr Oliver was governor of the town and castle. Under 
 
 • Hist, dc ]h-diii^)u\ by Moiice ; torn. i. p. 247. Froissart calls him 
 Penncfort, liv. i. part i. ]i. 130. 
 
Chap. 2.] Bertraud du Gucsclm. 21 
 
 the pretence tliat he still belonged to the party of Charles de 
 Blois, Sir Henry de Spinefort gained admission within the 
 gates with a well-anned force of six hundred men, took his 
 brother prisoner, and by that means got possession of the 
 town and castle. The castles of Auray and Guy-la-Foret, 
 and the towns of Vannes and Craais, also fell into the hands 
 of the count by force or stratagem. Near the last-men- 
 tioned town he quartered his troops, by whom great devasta- 
 tions were committed throughout the open country — they 
 carr}'ing away everything "that was not too hot or too 
 heavy." * 
 
 The Count de Montfort, still taking advantage of the 
 supineness of his rival, overran and subdued the whole pro- 
 vince, and had himself proclaimed everywhere Duke of 
 Brittany. After placing garrisons in the towns and for- 
 tresses, he went to the coast and embarked from the village 
 of Coredon for England. On his arrival he first went to 
 Windsor, where he found Edward III., and offered to do 
 him homage for the duchy of Brittany, and hold it of him as 
 his lord against the king of France and all other persons. 
 Edward was rejoiced at the offer, for he at once perceived 
 that the possession of Brittany as a fief would greatly aid 
 him in his meditated contest with Philip, and give him the 
 most convenient entrance into the kingdom of France, 
 although the claim of the Count de Montfort to the duchy 
 of Brittany was just the opposite of that which the English 
 monarch had set up to the crown of France. Edward there- 
 fore readily accepted the offer of the Count de Montfort, 
 and received his homage for the duchy.t 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 129 — 133. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part i. p. 1 33. Some doubts exist in relation to 
 this act of homage, as done at thai time; but Froissart relates it with 
 much circumstantiality ; and Du Tillct assigns that as the reason why 
 the count was summoned by the king of France to appear before the 
 
22 Life and Times of [Chap. 2. 
 
 \\Tien Charles de Rlois, who regarded himself, in right of 
 his wife, as the lawful inheritor of the duchy of Brittany, was 
 informed in what manner the Count de Montfort had over- 
 run the whole ])rovince, and that he had placed garrisons in 
 the towns and fortresses, he made a formal comjilaint against 
 him to his uncle, the king of France. Upon this, King 
 Philip took counsel of the twelve peers what course he 
 should jnirsuc; and by their advice he summoned the Count 
 de Montfort to appear at Paris on a day fixed, to answer the 
 charges against him. The count at first hesitated whether 
 he would obey the summons, but at length he determined 
 to go ; and, with a force of more than four hundred horse, he 
 went to Paris, where the king of France, the twelve peers, 
 and a large number of barons, with Charles de Blois, were 
 ready to receive him. The Count de Montfort i)leaded his 
 cause with much spirit before the parliament, and denied 
 the charge alleged against him by the king of France, that 
 he had done homage to the king of England for the duchy 
 of Brittany. After this, he was ordered by the king of 
 France to remain at his quarters, in the city of Paris, for 
 fifteen days, until the peers and barons could adjudge the 
 process. To this he assented ; but apprehending that the 
 judgment would be against him, and fearing lest he might be 
 detained as a prisoner until he had delivered up the towns 
 and castles which he possessed in Brittany, he mounted his 
 horse, and, attended by a small retinue, left the city of Paris 
 with such secrecy, that he had reached the province of Brit- 
 
 t\vcl\e jiccrs, at I'aris. — Rcciteil dcs Traiclcz ifcutrc Ics Roys dc France &= 
 <r Avf^hterrc, p. 52, verso. Rymer mentions a treaty between Ed- 
 ward III. and the Count de Montfort, and a conditional gift to the latter 
 of the earldom of Richmond ; but tlie jxipcr is dated the 24th of Sep- 
 tember, 1341, whicli is subsequent to the action of the parliament at 
 Conllans. — /•'inicra, Coiiven/ioiies, Liltenr, &c., cura Thonice Rymer. 
 I.ondini. 1X21. Vul. ii. part ii. ]i. 1176. 
 
Chap. 2.] Bertrand dii Guescli?t. 23 
 
 tany before the king knew of his departure. He first went 
 to Nantes, where he had left the countess ; and as war now 
 seemed inevitable, he visited his fortresses, strengthened the 
 garrisons, and placed at their head trusty captains, with 
 provisions sufficient for a protracted siege.* 
 
 The king of France was much annoyed at the flight of the 
 Count de Montfort, of which he foresaw all the conse- 
 quences ; but no allusion was made to it in the proceedings 
 of the parliament. Both parties were heard in full before 
 that body. It was represented on the part of the Count de 
 Montfort, that he was the nearest relative to John III., late 
 Duke of Brittany, and, consequently, his lawful heir : that 
 the Countess of Penthie'vre, wife of Charles de I^lois, being 
 only the niece, was more remote by a degree : that IJrittany 
 was subjected to the general custom of the kingdom of 
 France, and therefore the duchies, counties, and baronies 
 could not descend to females, while there were males in 
 being ; and to sustain these positions, authorities were cited 
 from the divine, natural, and moral law, and the law of 
 reason: from the civil law, the digest and code: from the 
 feudal and canon law: from the customary law of France and 
 the decisions of the courts. 
 
 To this argument it was replied, on the part of Charles 
 de Blois, that by the custom of Brittany, the eldest suc- 
 ceeded to all fiefs : that if the eldest died without issue, 
 the rights of the eldest devolved on the second brother : 
 that the children of the eldest, whether males or females, 
 represented their parents, to the exclusion of uncles : and 
 that this custom obtained not only in Brittany, but in 
 Anjou, Maine, Touraine, Berry, and other provinces. 
 The court, after a full hearing of the arguments on both 
 sides, rendered their decree at Conflans, on the 7th of 
 
 * Froissart, liv. t. pail i. pp. 134, 135. 
 
24 Life and Times of [Chai). 2. 
 
 September, 1341, that "the request of Charles be admitted, 
 and the request of the count be not achiiitted."* 
 
 With this decree in his favour, and with the aid of the 
 Duke of Normandy, eldest son of the king of France, a 
 large number of princes of the blood and other nobles, 
 with their retainers, Charles de Blois set out from Paris 
 to recover the province of Brittany from the possession 
 of his rival. On reaching the confines of that province, 
 the forces under the Duke of Normandy amounted to 
 five thousand heavy armed soldiers and three thousand 
 Genoese, under the command of Antonio Doria and Charles 
 (irimaldi, together with a large body of light armed troops. 
 With these the duke laid siege to Chateauceaux, a very strong 
 castle situated upon the river Loire. This castle was re- 
 garded as the key of Brittany on that side. It was well 
 supi^lied with provisions, and defended by a stronge force 
 of men-at-arms. At this siege the Duke of Normandy lost 
 a large number of men, especially of Genoese, who, in order 
 to make a show of valour at the commencement of their 
 term of service, rashly exposed themselves to danger ; and 
 for some days no progress was made in the siege, for the 
 garrison, with equal skill and bravery, successfully resisted 
 the assaults at everj^ point. The besiegers, seeing that by 
 the discharge of arrows and oilier missiles they were exposing 
 themselves to danger without any adeciuate result, collected 
 a (juantity of fascines and thick planks, for the pur])Ose of 
 filling up the moats of the castle, which enabled them to 
 make their a])])roaches to the walls. The garrison resisted 
 this mode of attack by shooting arrows at the besiegers, and 
 throwing down quantities of quick-lime and firebrands upon 
 
 • Extrait dc F Escrit de Jean dc Moiitfort conlrc Charla de Blois, in 
 Acta de Bretagiu, torn. i. col. 1415; zxiA Arrest de Coiijlatts, ibid. col. 
 1421. 
 
Chap. 2.] Bcrtraud du Gucsdiu. 25 
 
 them. At length the assailants erected cats,'^ to protect 
 themselves from the missiles thrown from alcove, and thus 
 under cover they were enabled to pierce the walls. The 
 besieged, finding that they could no longer successfully resist 
 the attack, surrendered the castle, to the great joy of the 
 French leaders, who regarded it as an auspicious com- 
 mencement of their enterprise.t 
 
 After the surrender of Chateauceaux the Duke of Nor- 
 mandy and Charles de Blois attacked Quonquefon, a town 
 situated about five leagues from Nantes, which after a short 
 resistance was taken, i)illaged, and set on fire, and the in- 
 habitants were put to the sword. They then besieged the 
 city of Nantes, and "pitched their tents and pavilions around 
 it, so handsomely and in such order as the French know 
 well how to do." The Count de Montfort, who then com- 
 manded in the town, defended it with his accustomed 
 bravery, but without his usual good fortune : for the citizens, 
 fearing that the town could not withstand the attack of the 
 besiegers, and that it would be delivered up to pillage, 
 treacherously opened their gates to the Duke of Normandy, 
 and the Count de Montfort was taken prisoner. From 
 Nantes the count was sent to Paris, and confined in the 
 tower of the Louvre. | 
 
 * Joinville, in his "Memoirs of St. I>ouis," says: — "The king fleter- 
 mined to have a causeway made to enable him to pass over to the Sara- 
 cens; and to guard those employed on it, he had built two befifrois, called 
 chas — chaicils; " and Du Cange, in his note to the above passage, ob- 
 serves, that '.'the cat was properly a machine made in the form of a 
 covered gallery, which was fastened to the walls to afford shelter to the 
 sappers." — ^Joinvilles "Memoirs of St. Ix)uis," pp. 402, 403. Catti ergo 
 sunt vincse, sive plutei, sub quibus miles in morem felis, quem cattiim 
 vulgo dicimus, in subsessis aut insidiis latent, — Du Cange, Gloss, voc 
 Catus. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part i. p. 136. 
 
 J Froissart asserts lliat the Count de Montfort died in prison, liv. i. 
 
26 Life and Times of Bert rand du Guesclin. [Chap. 2. 
 
 part L p. 138. In this he was dearly mistaken. Du Tillet saj's 
 that, under one of the articles of a treaty between the kings of France 
 and Kngland, he was set at liberty, the 1st of September, 1343, on 
 certain conditions, and among others, that he was not to return to Brit- 
 tany, which he did not observe ; that he laid siege to Quimpercorcntin, 
 but was obliged to raise the siege ; and that he died soon after. — Recucil 
 da Trautez^ &c, j). 54, verso; and Imcntairc, \>. 62, Z'crso. Guil. de 
 St. Andre, \-v. 275, 344, says that he escaped from th"e Louvre, dis- 
 guiseil as a ])oor merchant, went into England, where he made a treaty 
 with tlie English, and shortly afterwards died. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Conlinuation of the affairs of Brittany. The Cotintess dc Montfort. 
 Edtvard III. and the Countess of Salisbury. Lord Robert dArtois. 
 
 [|HE imprisonment of the Count de Montfort gave 
 no advantage to his enemies, and brought no 
 despondency to his friends, for the armour which 
 he could no longer wear, and the sword which 
 he could no longer wield, were at once assumed by Jeanne, 
 his heroic countess, w^ho gave no time to tears, and who 
 showed how far the chivalrous manners of the times had 
 extended even to the gentler sex. The countess was at the 
 town of Rennes when she first heard of the capture of her 
 husband, and though grieved and angry, she was not cast 
 down, but she employed at once every means in her power 
 to revive the drooping spirits of her friends and soldiers : 
 exhibiting to them her little son John, and exhorting them 
 not to be dismayed at the loss of their lord ; that he was but 
 a single man ; that her little son, with God's blessing, would 
 be their deliverer ; and that she would share with them her 
 wealth, and provide for them another leader, who would 
 support and govern them. 
 
 In like manner she went to her other towns and fortresses, 
 offering to every one words of encouragement and hoj^e ; 
 reinforcing the garrisons, and storing them with all necessar)- 
 arms and provisions. But the brave countess was not 
 
28 Life and Times of [Chap. 3. 
 
 destined to any long repose by lier now vigilant adversary 
 Charles de lilois, who, following up the advantages which he 
 sujjposed had been gained by the captivity of the Count de 
 Montfort, laid siege to the town of Rennes, and took it 
 after a short resistance. He then jjroceeded to besiege 
 Ilennebon on the south-west coast of Brittany, a large and 
 strong castle, into which the countess had thrown herself, 
 with a considerable body of archers and men-at-arms.* 
 
 It was in the defence of this fortress tliat the Countess de 
 Montfort exhibited those traits of heroism and military skill 
 which excited even the admiration of her enemies, and well 
 justified the remark which Froissart loved to repeat, that 
 " she had the courage of a man and the heart of a lion." 
 When Charles de Blois approached the town, several skir- 
 mishes took place between the besieged and the besiegers, 
 in which the fonner had the advantage ; but early on the 
 third day a well concerted attack was made at the barriers, 
 which was bravely met by the garrison, who defended them- 
 selves so successfully, that the assailants at the hour of mid- 
 day were forced to retreat, carrying off a number of their 
 wounded comrades and leaving many dead ones behind 
 them on the field. 
 
 This jjartial success of the besieged so irritated the leaders 
 on the opposite side, that they immediately brought their 
 men back to the assault, which was renewed with greater 
 impetuosity than before, and resisted with equal obstinacy 
 by the garrison. In tlic midst of tlic contest tlie countess, 
 mounted uj)on a war-horse in full armour, rode from street 
 to street throughout the town, and called upon the men to 
 make a stout defence, ordering the women, matrons, maidens, 
 and others, to bring stones to the battlements, bombards,t 
 and pots of (juick-lime to throw down \i\io\\ the assailants. 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 138, 147, 149. 
 
 t There were various kinds of machines for throwing stones in use 
 
Chap. 3.] Bertrand (in GuescUn. 29 
 
 The countess, finding that the assault still continued, dis- 
 mounted from her horse and ascended a tower, from whence 
 she could better discern the dispositions of the enemy, and 
 observe at the same time how her own soldiers sustained 
 themselves in the conflict. After a moment's glance at the 
 field before her, she suddenly determined upon a daring 
 exploit, which she as bravely executed. She had observed 
 that the besiegers — leaders and men — had left their tents, 
 and gone to join in the assault. Descending from her 
 position she remounted her horse, and with three hundred 
 men-at-arms, like herself on horseback, she passed through 
 a gate which had not been attacked, rode to the camp of 
 Charles de Blois, then only guarded by some army-boys and 
 servants, and set all the tents and lodges on fire. When 
 the besiegers saw their tents in flames, they all with- 
 drew immediately from the assault to oppose this unex- 
 pected danger. The countess having accomplished her 
 object, discovered that she could not re-enter the town 
 without much peril ; she thereupon quickly assembled her 
 forces and rode to a neighbouring castle,* which was situated 
 about three leagues from Hennebon, with the loss of a few 
 followers who were not as well mounted as the rest. 
 
 After remaining five days in the castle where she had 
 .sought refuge, and fearing the effects which her absence 
 might occasion among her adherents in the town she had 
 left, she set out about midnight with five hundred men 
 armed and well mounted, appeared about sunrise within 
 sight of the enemy, and ordering the gates of the castle of 
 
 during the 14th century, from the portable bombard, or (ormcntutn, here 
 referred to, to tlie heavy engine which cast immense stones by the use of 
 gunpowder. Du Cange, Gloss, voc. Bombarda. 
 
 * Froissart says the castle of Brest. It was more probably Auray, as 
 stated by Moricc, in ///>/. i/r Ptctai^iic, tom. i. p. 256 ; for IJrest is much 
 further from Hennebon than the distance mentioned in the text. 
 
3© Life aud Times of [Chap. 3. 
 
 Hennebon to be opened, she entered the fortress amidst the 
 sounding of trumpets and drums,* to the great joy of her 
 adherents, and the utter amazement of her enemies. 
 
 When Charles de Blois at length found that the town 
 could not be carried by assault, he determined to make an 
 effort to take it by a regular siege ; and accordingly, dividing 
 his army, he left a portion of it under Lord Louis of Spain 
 to cdivxy on the siege, while he drew off the other part with 
 him to attack the castle of Auray. The Lord Louis, im- 
 patient under a mere blockade, sent immediately for twelve 
 lar^ military engines which had been left at Rennes, to 
 batter down the walls of the town of Hennebon. Under 
 these ])bwerful machines the walls began to crumble, and 
 the inhabitants were quickly disposed to listen openly to 
 jjropositions for a surrender ; but the countess, entertaining 
 suspicions of the good faith of the bishop, Guy de Leon, 
 who took an active jjart in the matter, and who had been 
 treating secretly for the surrender of the town with his 
 nephew Sir Hervey de Le'on, a distinguished leader of the 
 opposite side, begged the Breton lords, for the love of 
 Heaven, not to desert her then, for she would receive re- 
 inforcements within three days. 
 
 This assistance the countess had been daily expecting 
 from England, under the command of Sir Amauri de Clisson 
 and "the gentle knight," Sir Walter Manny; but they had 
 been kept at sea for many weeks by adverse winds. The 
 bishop, continuing his efforts, suggested so many reasons 
 for a surrender to the Breton lords, that they were in great 
 tribulation during the night. On the next day he brought 
 
 • A'acains is the word used by Froissart, liv. i. part i. p. 1 5 1. 
 Du Cange, on the authority of Pietro de la Vaile, says, that "there is a 
 sort of drum called by this name, which is used by the Cjcrman cavalry, 
 and whicli we commonly call tymhals." — ^Joinville's "Memoirs of St. 
 Louis," \). 389 (note) ; and Du Cange, (iloss. voc. A^imra. 
 
Chap. 3.] Bertrand (hi Giicscliii. 31 
 
 nearly all of them to follow his counsel, and Sir Hervey dc 
 Le'on had already made his appearance near the walls for 
 the purpose of learning the decision of the inhabitants, when 
 the countess, looking in the direction of the sea, through a 
 window of the castle, joyously exclaimed : " I see the suc- 
 cour which I have so much desired!" By this timely aid 
 Hennebon was saved, and with the assistance of her English 
 auxiliaries the countess was not only able to raise the siege, 
 but to take the field against her opponent on terms of 
 greater equality.* 
 
 This war of the succession to the duchy of Brittany, like 
 all civil wars, was fierce and cruel. Its history for the most 
 part is a painful record of towns and castles taken and re- 
 taken, of hamlets and villages pillaged, of churches burnt, 
 of men, women, and children slain without mercy ; and its 
 sad details fully justified the pathetic remark of William de 
 St. Andre, that "the cemeteries were crowded with the 
 dead, widows and orphans everywhere encumbered the high- 
 way, and a black robe was the common livery." t 
 
 Upon a temporary cessation of hostilities, towards the 
 close of the year 1342, the Countess de Montfort cro.s.sed 
 over to England for the purpose of obtaining further aid 
 from Edward III. The young king of England was then in 
 his thirtieth year. He had freed himself from the pernicious 
 influences of a wicked and erring mother, and commenced a 
 new reign, under auspices all the brighter because the past 
 had been humiliating and base, Edward had every advan- 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 149, 152. 
 t " Les cimetcrs en sont bo9uz ; 
 
 Femnies vuevcs et orffelins 
 
 Emconbroint formenl les chemins ; 
 
 Robe noire cstoil bicn portee 
 
 C'estoil bien commune livrce." 
 
 ^Guil. deSt. Aiuhr. vcr. \U% 
 
32 Life and Titncs of [Chap. 3. 
 
 tage of person and manners to gain esteem and command 
 respect, and at an early age he had married Phihi)pa of 
 Hainault, a young woman of sense and virtue, who had 
 already given him the assurance that his throne would never 
 need the props of a numerous and promising offspring. 
 Though happily married, he was not unsuscei)tible of the 
 softer emotions, and he suffered himself to be seduced from the 
 path of rectitude and virtue by the graces and attractions of 
 one of his fair subjects, the celebrated Countess of Salisbury.* 
 
 During the early ])art of the same season, while Ed- 
 ward III. was hastening with a numerous army to repel a 
 sudden invasion of the Scots in the north of England, he 
 was informed that David, king of Scotland, was then be- 
 sieging Wark Castle, on the borders of Northumberland. 
 This castle, in the absence of her husband, had been gal- 
 lantly defended for two days by the Countess of Salisbury, 
 when the timely arrival of the king of England forced the 
 Scots to raise the siege and retreat to their own country. 
 Edward, upon finding that with all his haste his enemies 
 had escaped him, lodged his troops in the neighbourhood of 
 the castle, and after disarming himself, took with him ten or 
 twelve knights to pay a visit to the countess, whom he had . 
 not seen since her marriage, and to compliment her on the 
 successful defence of the. castle. 
 
 As soon as the countess was informed of the approach of 
 the king, she ordered all the gates of the castle to be thrown 
 
 * Barnes, who seems to regard himself as specially charged with pre- 
 serving the reputation of Edward III., asserts with very self-complaisant 
 dogmatism tliat there is no foundation for the alleged attachment of 
 Edward to the Countess of Salisbury. He does show that Joan I'lan- 
 lagenet was never married to the Earl of Salisbury ; but he does not 
 jirove, what is only material to the issue, that Edward may not have 
 loved the fair Catlierine Grandison, who was the wife of William Earl 
 of Salisbury. — J list, of Edward III., by Joshua Barnes. (Folio.) 
 London, 1C88, p. 25 r. 
 
Chap. 3. J Bertrand du Gucsclin. 33 
 
 open, and she came out herself to meet Edward, " so richly 
 clothed and adorned that every one marvelled, for no one 
 could abstain from looking at her and admiring the noble- 
 ness of the lady, her great beauty, and her gracious mien." 
 On approaching the king she made a profound obeisance, 
 thanked him for his kindness, and the succour which he had 
 brought her. She then conducted him into the castle, where 
 she designed to entertain and honour him, " as she knew 
 very well how to do." Every one beheld her with admira- 
 tion, and the king could not refrain from looking at her, as 
 he thought he had never before seen one so noble or so fair. 
 "At that moment," says the chronicler, "he was struck to the 
 heart by a spark of fine love, which lasted for a long time." 
 
 The king and countess entered the castle together, and 
 the countess led him first into the hall and then into his 
 chamber, which had been specially prepared for his recep- 
 tion. During the whole interview the king looked at the 
 lady with such fixed attention that she became disconcerted 
 and cast down. When he had regarded her for some time 
 he went to a window for relief, and seemed lost in thought. 
 The countess then returned to her other guests, and saluted 
 the lords and knights appropriately, each one according to 
 his rank. She then ordered dinner to be prepared, and at 
 the proper time the tables to be laid and the hall to be 
 decorated. 
 
 When she had given all her orders and done everything 
 necessary, she went to the chamber of the king, whom .she 
 found still in deep thought, to whom, with joyous face, she 
 said : — 
 
 " Dear Sire, why do you think so deeply ? It does not 
 become you, as it seems to me, to ponder so ; but you 
 should rather rejoice and make good cheer, since you have 
 chased away your enemies, who did not dare to await you, 
 and leave thinking to others." 
 
 VOL. I. D 
 
34 L^f<^ ^f"f Times of [Chap. 3. 
 
 "Ha! dear lady," replied the king, "know that since I 
 came here I have had a vision, and I cannot refrain from 
 musing about it. I am unable to tell what may come of it, 
 but I cannot tear it from my heart." 
 
 " Dear Sire," rejoined the countess, " you ought always 
 to make good cheer, so as to comfort your people, and give 
 up thinking and musing. God, until now, has so well aided 
 you in all your affairs, and given you such great favour, that 
 you are the most dreaded and honoured prince in Chris- 
 tendom ; and if the king of Scotland has angered you, when- 
 ever you will it can be amended, as you have done hereto- 
 fore. So give up your musing, and come into the hall with 
 your knights, for dinner will soon be ready." 
 
 " Ha! my dear lady," answered the king, " something else 
 troubles me, and lies nearer my heart than what you imagine ; 
 for surely the pleasing manners, the perfect sense, the great 
 nobleness, the grace and fine beauty which I have seen and 
 found in you, have so surprised and possessed me, that I 
 must be loved of you, and no refusal can take it from mc." 
 
 "Ha! very dear Sire," replied the high-spirited woman, 
 " do not mock or tempt me. I cannot believe what you say 
 is true, or that so noble and gentle a prince as you are 
 would seek to dishonour me and my husband, a valiant 
 knight who has served you faithfully, and who now lies in 
 prison on your account.* Surely, in such a case, you would 
 be little esteemed, and be none the better for it. Surely 
 such a thought never came into my heart, and I trust in 
 God it never will, for any man born : and if it did, you 
 ought yourself to blame me, and not blame me only, but 
 punish my body and dismember it, as an example to others 
 to be loyal to their husbands." 
 
 * The carl was taken prisoner in the year 1340, by the garrison of 
 Lille, in Flanders, and exchanged during this season for the Earl of 
 Moray. — Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 95 and 147. 
 
Chap. 3.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclm. 35 
 
 With these words the countess left the king greatly dis- 
 concerted, and went into the hall to hasten dinner. She 
 • then returned to the king, bringing with her some of his 
 knights; and on entering his chamber she said to him: — 
 
 "Sire, come to the hall ; your knights are waiting for you 
 to wash ; for they have fasted too long already, and so have 
 you." 
 
 The king then left the chamber, and followed his hostess 
 into the hall, where he washed, and then seated himself at 
 dinner with his knights and hostess ; but he ate little, " as 
 something besides eating and drinking then occupied him." 
 During the dinner he was absorbed in thought, and " at 
 times, when he dared to regard the lady and her demeanour, 
 he threw his eyes on that side." 
 
 The king remained at the castle the rest of the day, but 
 he continued thoughtful and restless during the whole time ; 
 for both honour and probity forbade him to carry out a pur- 
 pose which would dishonour so noble a lady as his hostess 
 and so loyal a knight as her husband; while love, on the 
 other hand, constrained him to such a degree that it con- 
 quered both honour and probity. This struggle continued 
 during the rest of the day and night The next morning he 
 rose early, and ordered his forces to prepare for pursuing 
 the Scots. On taking leave of the countess, he said : — 
 
 *' My dear lady, to God I commend you till my return ; 
 and I beg that you will think of it, and give me a different 
 answer from what you have said." 
 
 "Dear Sire," replied the countess, "may the Glorious 
 Father guide you, and take from you all vile and dishonour- 
 able thoughts ; for I am now prepared, and always will be, 
 to serve you, to your honour and to mine."* 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. p.irt i. pp. 145, 146. This episode of Edward 
 and the Countess of Sahsbury may or may not be true. It is, however, 
 true lo the manners of the times ; and one is unwilling to attribute to 
 
 D 2 
 
36 Life and Times of [Chap. 3. 
 
 Although occupied with tlie most important affairs at 
 home and on the continent, when the Countess de Mont- 
 fort came to ask his aid in her contest with Charles de Blois, 
 Edward III. was still devoted to a passionate attachment 
 for the Countess of Salisbury, in whose honour he had just 
 ordered a tournament to be proclaimed at London, and 
 he had invited the Countess de Montfort to be present, 
 offering her the material aid which was the object of her 
 visit. 
 
 To this grand pageant, one of the greatest of that or any 
 other time, the king of England had invited the knights and 
 squires from Flanders, Hainault, Brabant, and even from 
 France, with a safe conduct to come and go : and he had 
 also summoned the lords, barons, knights, and squires, and 
 " the fair ladies," from all parts of his kingdom to attend it. 
 He specially commanded the Earl of Salisbury to require 
 the presence of his countess, with such ladies as she desired 
 to bring with her. The earl readily consented, for he 
 dreamed of nothing improper in the purposes of the king ; 
 but the countess, although she could not refuse, obeyed the 
 order with reluctance, for she well knew what it meant ; 
 and though she dared not to make it known to her husband, 
 she firmly resolved, as she said, " to turn away the mind of 
 the king from such thoughts." 
 
 At this tournament were present Count William of Hai- 
 nault, Sir John of Hainault, his uncle, and a great number 
 of the barons and knights of that country. There were, 
 besides, twelve earls, eight hundred knights, and five hun- 
 dred ladies of high rank. The jousts and dances continued 
 for the space of fifteen days. The ladies were all dressed in 
 their richest attire, according to their estate, except the 
 
 mere invention a charming passage in the work of the great chronicler, 
 who ouglit to have been thorouglily acquainted witli the persons and in- 
 cidents of liis own times. 
 
Chap. 3.] Bcrtratul du Gucsclin. 
 
 37 
 
 Countess of Salisbu^^, who was dressed in the simplest 
 manner; for she desired that ''the king should not give 
 himself up too much to regard her, as she had neither the 
 will nor thought to obey him in any vile act which could be 
 turned to the dishonour of herself or her husband "* 
 
 Edward, immediately after the conclusion of the great 
 tournament, set himself to perform the promise which he 
 had made to the Countess de Montfort, and he accordingly 
 gave her a force of four thousand men-at-arms and six thou 
 sand archers, under the charge of Lord Robert d'Artois a 
 vety notable man of that period, who, by his extraordinar^ 
 abilities, his energy and address, had acquired a controlling 
 influence over the counsels of Edward, which he directed 
 to objects the most pernicious, both to England and to 
 Prance. It was chiefly by his advice that Edward was per- 
 suaded to press his very doubtful claim against Philippe de 
 Valois to the crown of France, which resulted in a bloody 
 war between the two countries, that lasted not only through- 
 out the long reign of Edward III., but, after a temporary 
 lull, under his two immediate successors; it was revived with 
 bitter hostihty in the following centuiy, during the brilliant 
 administration of Henry V., and it gave rise to a deep- 
 rooted national antipathy, which has been kept alive through 
 successive generations from that day to this. 
 
 Robert d'Artois, Lord of Beaumont-le-Roger, was of 
 royal blood, and connected with the greatest families in the 
 kingdom of France. He was the son of Philippe d'Artois, 
 Lord of Couches, who died before his father, leaving Robert 
 and other children under age. Upon the death of the 
 Count dArtois, Matilda, Countess of Burgundy, aunt of 
 Phihppe, claimed the county as the next of kin to her 
 brother, while Robert claimed it by right of representation. 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part i. p. 164. 
 
38 Life and Times of [Chai). 3. 
 
 Philippe le Bel, king of France — two of whose sons, Philippe 
 le Long and Charles le Bel, were married respectively to 
 Jeanne and Blanche, the daughters of Matilda — in the year 
 1309, adjudged the fief to the Countess of Burgundy ; and 
 the decree was confirmed in the year 1318 by Philipjie 
 le Long, who had married Jeanne, the eldest of the 
 daughters.* 
 
 Robert d'Artois, who conceived himself unjustly despoiled 
 of his hereditary rights by these decrees, renewed his pre- 
 tensions to the county of Artois soon after the accession of 
 Philippe de Valois, whom he had aided more effectually by 
 his energy and eloquence than any other French noble 
 against the claims of Edward IIL, both in the matter of the 
 regency and in the succession to the crown. Robert, a])art 
 from his more general interest in the cause of Philippe, 
 whose sister he had married, had a special interest in main- 
 taining the authority of the Salic La7C', as he hoped that his 
 own claim to one of the great fiefs of the crown would be 
 decided by the precedent. Accordingly, in the year 1329, 
 he obtained the assent of the king of France to have the 
 proceedings revived, and commissioners were appointed to 
 hear the testimony which Lord Robert wished to introduce. 
 After the examination of a number of witnesses, the pro- 
 ceedings were suspended in consequence of the deaths of 
 Matilda, Countess d'Artois, and her daughter Jeanne, widow 
 of Philippe le Long, wlien the county was claimed by the 
 daughter of the latter, who had married the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy. To maintain his rights against this new claimant, 
 Robert d'Artois exhibited certain papers which he alleged 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part i. p. 47. Hist, de Bretagne, by Morice. 
 Tom. i. p. 239. IJu Tillct, Kaueil dcs Traiclcs, &c., )). 46, vetso. 
 Rapin's "Hist, of England." (Folio.) Vol. i. p. 416. Wheremaybc 
 seen the genealogy of the family of Artois from Louis VIII., king of 
 France. 
 
Chap. 3.] Bcrtrand du Giicsdiu. 39 
 
 had been miraculously found ; but on examination they 
 proved to have been forged, and in consequence the process 
 was decided against him. Immediately after the discovery 
 of the fraud, Lord Robert fled in confusion from the king- 
 dom, leaving behind his wretched accomplice, a girl of 
 Artois, named Jeanne de Divion, who, upon confession of 
 the forgery, was tried, condemned, and publicly burnt at 
 Paris.* 
 
 Lord Robert d'Artois, after his disgrace, took refuge with 
 his kinsman the Duke of Brabant, at Brussels, and he refused 
 to notice the several citations of the peers of France, requir- 
 ing him to appear and answer the offences charged against 
 him. After the third summons all his estates were confis- 
 cated by a decree of the 19th of March, 1332, and he was 
 banished from the kingdom. The greatness of his fall, and 
 the severity of his punishment at the hands of a brother-in- 
 law, to whose service he had so entirely devoted himself, 
 drove Lord Robert almost to frenzy ; and certain menacing 
 expressions which he imprudently let fall in his anger against 
 Philippe de Valois so incensed that monarch, that the latter 
 pursued him ever afterwards with the most unrelenting hos- 
 tility, drove him successively from the courts of the Duke of 
 Brabant and the Count de Namur, and forced him to seek 
 refuge with Edward IIL of England. t 
 
 The confiscation of his estates, and the imprisonment of 
 his wife and children under a suspicion of sorcery',;}: left to a 
 
 * Continiiator Chronici Guillclmi dc Nangiaco, subannis 1331 and 1332, 
 pp. 124, 126. The Latin chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis and his 
 continuators — first published by Luc d'Achcry in his Spicilcgium, torn, 
 xi. p. 405, of the first edition, and torn. iii. p. i. of the second — ^has been 
 revised and republished by H. Gerard, in 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1843. 
 
 t "Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. pp. 129, 132. Froissart, liv. i. part i. 
 p. 47. 
 
 J Qtiarumdatit im'ullationum suspccta. — "Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. 
 p. 142. As to the meaning oi invulialtonum, see Du Cangc, Gloss, voc 
 I»V7tltor and I'ulth'oli. 
 
4© Lif^ ami Times of [Chap. 3. 
 
 violent and bad man, like Robert d'Artois, nothing but ven- 
 geance ; and, although he did not live to witness the full 
 effects of his resentment, he made his persecutor, PhilipjK de 
 Valois, and his successors to the fourth generation, undergo 
 in its worst forms the evils of war, famine, and pestilence, 
 and he forced the people of France to endure every species 
 of misery that a nation could suffer for more than a hundred 
 years. 
 
 Edward III., having passed through the perils of a long 
 minority, was probably little disposed at first to press his 
 claims to the crown of France by arms, as he might well 
 have hesitated to measure his forces with the colossal power 
 of his competitor. In order, therefore, to urge him to a 
 speedy decision, Lord Robert d'Artois is said to have re- 
 sorted to an expedient singularly illustrative of the rude 
 manners of the times. 
 
 One day, towards the close of September, " when the gay 
 oirds had lost their song, when the grapes were ripe and the 
 vines began to dry up, when the trees were casting off their 
 foliage, and the leaves covered the highway," Lord Robert 
 d'Artois went out to take the diversion of hawking. In 
 flying a favourite bird on the river he took a heron, which, 
 after a moment's reflection, he resolved to turn to a profit- 
 able account as an instrument of his long-cherished ven- 
 geance against his own country. He thereupon immediately 
 carried it to his house in London, had it plucked, stufied, 
 and roasted ; and then, attended by two performers on the 
 cymbal and a guitar player, he placed the bird between two 
 silver dishes in the hands of two singing girls, and took it to 
 the palace of the king of England, where the young monarch, 
 free from ambitious aspirations, was seated at table in the 
 midst of his council, " with his head inclined to one side, 
 and only absorbed in thoughts of love."* 
 
 • The events heie mentioned have been taken from a very curious old 
 
Chap. 3.] Bcrtrand du Gucsciin. 41 
 
 Entering with his attendants into the presence of Ed- 
 ward III., Lord Robert d'Artois first addressed the knights 
 assembled near the king, and invited them to make on the 
 heron vows worthy of their valour, as it vvas the vilest of 
 birds and the most timid, for it was afraid of its own 
 shadow; and for that reason, he said, he had brought it as a 
 worthy offering to their king, who had tamely submitted to 
 the surrender of his just rights to the crown of France. 
 
 Edward, touched to the quick at this bold taunt of his 
 guest, at first trembled with anger ; but soon collecting him- 
 self, he swore that he would pass the sea before the expira- 
 tion of a month, and await his enemy Philii)pe de Valois, if 
 he had but one man against ten. Lord Robert smiled with 
 malicious pleasure at the successful result of his experiment, 
 and thereupon he made a vow himself to avenge his own 
 great wrongs which he had received at the hands of Philippe 
 de Valois, whom he had so loyally served. He then 
 ordered his minstrels to strike up. The musicians accom- 
 panied with their instruments the voices of the girls, who 
 sang a chansoti commencing — " I go to the green fields, for 
 there love invites 7ne."* Lord Robert then crossed the hall, 
 and presented the dish to the Earl of Salisbury, who first 
 requested a lady sitting near him to close one of his eyes, 
 and then he took an oath that he would not open that eye 
 until he had entered France to avenge the wrongs of his 
 master, and engaged the army of Philippe de Valois in a 
 pitched battle. 
 
 In like manner the heron was presented to the Earls of 
 Derby and Suffolk, Lord de Fauquemont, a mercenary ad- 
 poem, in the French of the 14th centur}', entitled Vcits du Hairoti 
 (Voeu du Heron), published by St. Talaye in his Mcmoircs sur FAtt- 
 cienne Chroalerie. Tom. ii. p. 95, of the edition by Nodier. 
 • " ^ vuis h la vadurc, car anwttn Ic tti'aprcHt" 
 
 — Page loi. 
 
42 Life and Times of [Chap. 3. 
 
 venturer then present at the court of Edward, and to Lord 
 de Beaumont, uncle of the queen of England, who severally 
 made vows that they would aid Edward to maintain his 
 rights with all their power. It was then presented to Phi- 
 lippa the queen, whose fearful vow made the whole assembly 
 shudder; and the king, struck with horror at her oath,* 
 ordered Lord Robert to proceed no further. t 
 
 When Edward IIL, at the instigation of Lord Robert 
 d'Artois, had resolved to press his claims to the crown of 
 France, he formed alliances with the Count of Hainault and 
 other ])rinccs of the Low Countries, and with Jacob von Arte- 
 velde, the leader of the revoked Flemings, and attempted to 
 invade France on the side of Flanders. Nothing, however, 
 came of all his preparation and expense, in the year 134 1, 
 
 • The curious and learned reader may translate for himself the vow of 
 the queen, which is here transcribed from the original poem : — 
 
 *' Adonc dist la roine. je sais bien que piecha, 
 
 Que sui grosse d'enfant, que mon corps senti I'a, 
 
 Et jc voue et prometh a Dieu qui me crca, 
 
 Que ja li fruis de moi de mon corps n'istera, 
 
 Si m'en ares menee ou pais par dela 
 
 Pour avaiichier Ic veu que vo corps voue a ; 
 
 D'un grand coulel d'achier le miens corps s'ochira, 
 
 Serai m'asme perdue, et li fruis perira." 
 
 — Vats tin I/iiiron, p. no. 
 
 t Many, if not all, of the occurrences here mentioned may possibly 
 have been drawn from the writer's imagination ; but, however exag- 
 gerated some of the incidents may be, they are not, on that account, the 
 less true of the manners of that period. Froissart mentions about the 
 same time a vow similar to that attributed in the poem to the Earl of 
 Salisbury, as taken by several knights who accompanied the bishop of 
 Lincoln to Valenciennes, in his embassy to William, Count of Hainault, 
 in the year 1337. Liv. i. part i. pp. 57, 58. And Kymer mentions 
 the Earl of .Salisbury as one of those who went over with the bishop of 
 Lincoln, and signed, with the bishop and the ICarl of Huntingdon, the 
 treaty made with the Count of Hainault on the I4lh of May, 1337. — 
 Fcedcra, vol. ii. jiart ii. p. 970. 
 
Chap. 3.] Bcrtt'and (ill Gucsdiu. 43 
 
 but a naval victory off Sluis, on the coast of. Flanders, in 
 which the French were defeated,* when the king of England 
 was persuaded by his mother-in-law, the Countess of Hai- 
 nault, to raise the siege of Toumay, and agree to a truce 
 with Philippe de Valois for a year. It was therefore with 
 pleasure that Edward watched the progress of the quarrel 
 between the Count de Montfort and Charles de Blois ; and 
 as an alliance with any one holding the ports of Brittany 
 would give him an easy entrance into France, he was quite 
 willing to grant the succour which the Countess de Montfort 
 came to seek. 
 
 * It is said that the king of France was kept in ignorance of this 
 defeat, until his suspicions being excited by a chance expression of his 
 buffoon, he inquired what it meant. "Sire," said the jester, " the Eng- 
 lish are cowards ; they have not the courage to leap into the sea like the 
 French and Normans." 
 
 ^^^m^ 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Diiilh of Lord Robert iV A )-tois. Bcrtrand du Giicscliit reappears. Jlis 
 adventure wit/i the English knight. Edward III. reiuncs the war with 
 Eranee. Sir Godefroy de Hareourt. 
 
 |ORD ROBERT D'ARTOIS soon got ready to 
 take command of the forces which had been 
 entrusted to him by the king of England ; and 
 accompanied by the Countess de Monttort and 
 the Earls of Salisbury, Suffolk, Pembroke, and Oxford, by 
 Baron Stafford, by Lords Despencer and Bouchier, and 
 many others, he embarked at Southampton for Brittany. 
 The expedition, after having been delayed for some time 
 by contrary winds, was proceeding with a favourable breeze 
 towards its destination, when, in the afternoon, near the 
 island of Guernsey, a large fleet of vessels was seen at a 
 distance, which turned out to be a combined force of 
 Spanish and Genoese, under the command of Lord Louis of 
 Spain. The English immediately sounded their trumpets, 
 put themselves in order for battle, ran up their i)ennons and 
 streamers with the arms of St. George, and under full sail 
 made towards their enemies. They had about forty vessels, 
 great and small ; but the largest of their ships was greatly 
 inferior in size and strength to nine of those in the fleet of 
 Lord Louis of Spain. Among these nine vessels were three 
 galleys which towered above all the others, and which were 
 
Chap. 4.] Life and Times of Bcrtrand du Gitesc/in. 45 
 
 severally commanded by Lord Louis, Carlo Grimaldi, and 
 Antonio Doria. When the ships apj^roached each other, 
 the Spaniards and Genoese began to shoot with their cross- 
 bows with great effect, which discharge was returned with 
 much spirit by the English archers ; but when they came so 
 near that the vessels touched, and the lords, barons, knights, 
 and squires could use their lances and swords, the battle 
 was fierce and bloody, for the shock was well sustained on 
 both sides. On the part of the English, Lord Robert 
 d'Artois approved himself the bravest knight ; and the 
 Countess de Montfort, in full armour, "was well worth a 
 man, for she had the heart of a lion," and with a drawn 
 sword she joined in the combat with great courage. On the 
 other side. Lord Louis of Spain performed many gallartt feats 
 of arms, and the Sj)aniards and Genoese who were in the 
 large galleys threw from a higher position javelins and heavy 
 bars of iron, which greatly annoyed the English. 
 
 The engagement continued with doubtful success until 
 the parties were separated by night, for it commenced very 
 late, about vespers, and the night set in so dark that the 
 combatants could with difficulty distinguish each other. 
 Both sides withdrew and cast anchor, though they did not 
 disarm, for they intended as soon as it was practicable to 
 renew the fight; but a litde before midnight there arose "a 
 wind and tempest so dreadful, that there was no one in 
 either party so courageous who did not wish himself safe on 
 land." By this storm the hostile fleets were effectually sepa- 
 rated. When the morning came, the English discovered 
 that they had drifted a hundred leagues from the place of 
 combat, and they entered a small port on the southern 
 coast of Brittany, near Vannes ; while the others, after they 
 had been driven about for two days, found themselves on the 
 coast of Navarre.* 
 
 * Frnissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 166, 168. 
 
46 Life and Times of [Chap. 4. 
 
 The Countess de Montfort gained no material advantage 
 from the English succours. A portion of the province of Brit- 
 tany was wasted and plundered by the troops of Lord Robert 
 d'Artois ; Rennes was besieged, and Vannes taken ; but the 
 former was relieved, and the latter retaken by the forces of 
 her rival. To add to her mortification and grief. Lord 
 Robert, at the siege of Vannes, received a wound which he 
 was unable to get cured by the surgeons of Brittany; and it 
 caused his return to England, where he soon after terminated 
 his restless and unhai)py life. 
 
 The death of Lord Robert d'Artois, which occasioned 
 great grief to the Countess de Montfort, excited the activity 
 of a more powerful auxiliary in her cause ; for when Edward 
 in. was informed of his death, he swore that he would listen 
 to no terms of peace until he had avenged it : that he would 
 go himself into Brittany, and lay waste the country in such 
 a manner that it would not recover from it for forty years. 
 He thereupon made immediately great preparation of men 
 and ships, and in the space of a month he set sail from 
 England and reached a port in Brittany, near Vannes ; but 
 with all his preparation, the English monarch could accom- 
 plish nothing which justified his confident boast. He suc- 
 cessively besieged the city of Vannes, Rennes,* and Nantes, 
 without being able to take cither of them ; and the only 
 conquest which he made was the town of Dinan, a place 
 not regularly fortified, and only defended by a palisade. 
 
 Upon the arrival of a large body of French troops under 
 the command of the Duke of Normandy, Edward HL was 
 compelled to collect his forces and provide for his own 
 safety; for, including those of the Countess de Montfort, he 
 could only muster about twenty-five hundred men-at-arms, 
 
 • At the siege of Kennes, the name of licrtraiul du Guesclin occurs 
 for the first time in Froissart, as one of the squires who took part in the 
 defence of the town. — Liv. i. part i. ]). 176. 
 
Chap. 4-] Bcrtratid da Gnescliu. 47 
 
 six thousand archers, and four thousand other troops, while 
 those under the Duke of Normandy were four times more 
 numerous. To add to the danger of his situation, the 
 EngHsh monarch was reduced to the want of provisions, 
 and subjected to many losses and annoyances arising from 
 the inclemency of the weather. From this dilemma, and the 
 probable capture of himself and his army, he was saved by 
 the intervention of Pope Clement VI., who, through his 
 legates, concluded, on the 19th of January, 1343, a truce 
 between the contending parties, to continue for three years.* 
 While these important events were passing in the province 
 of Brittany, Bertrand du Guesclin had grown up to manhood, 
 and he had been neither an unconcerned nor idle spectator 
 of them ; for it was not in his nature to be quiet, while such 
 stirring scenes w-ere transacting around him. He had early 
 made up his mind as to the rightful claimant of the duchy, 
 and to that decision he adhered with such fidelity and con- 
 stancy, that no bribe could ever seduce or terror overawe 
 him. As soon therefore as he felt assured that Charles de 
 Blois had the legal right to the province of Brittany, he 
 began to collect troops for his service, until at length he had 
 assembled around him sixty followers. With these he seized 
 upon every occasion to annoy the opposite party ; and he swore 
 that he would always cheerfully serve Charles de Blois, and 
 that he would injure the Count de Montfort to the full extent 
 of his ability. During the day he kept concealed with his 
 men in the forests, traversed the country at night, and lost no 
 occasion of striking a blow at the enemy, whenever chance 
 threw them in his way. He shared with his companions 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 171, 177. Du Tillct, Rr<-ucil dcs 
 Traictez, &c., p. 53, verso; and Imattairc, p. 62, vaso. KajTialdi, 
 Annal. Ecclcs. 1343, § 24. K)Tncr, vol. ii. part ii, p. 1 2 19, says the 
 treaty was signed at London, the 20th Feb., €343. Hist, dc Brdagne, 
 liy Morice. Tom. i. p. 267, and note Ix. 
 
48 Life and Times of [Chap. 4. 
 
 whatever he possessed : to some he gave armour, to others 
 horses ; and when on a certain occasion his money failed, 
 " and little money he had," he secretly entered the chamber 
 of his mother, broke open a chest which contained a casket 
 wherein she kept her jewels, silver and gold, and seizing 
 upon the whole, he distributed it amongst his followers. 
 His mother was greatly enraged on discovering the theft, 
 and the perpetrator of it. She recalled the prophecy of the 
 Converse as to his future greatness ; but she regarded his 
 recent conduct as a bad beginning of a career of renown. 
 One of her maidens, however, who had more confidence 
 than the mother in the future of Bertrand, begged her 
 mistress not to be offended with her son, for he would put 
 her money out at good usury, and before the end of the year 
 he would restore it to her twofold.* 
 
 Bertrand, in distributing his booty among his companions, 
 after informing them of the manner in which he had acquired 
 it, declared that in a short time for one denier which he had 
 taken he would return a hundred ; and fortune soon threw 
 in his way an adventure which enabled him to perform his 
 promise. While riding one day in a forest, not far from the 
 castle of Forgeray, to meet his men, he was accomjianied 
 by a single servant on foot. Both were armed. Bertrand 
 was mounted on a large and strong horse, and he carried a 
 battle-axe on his shoulder, with a good sword and a large 
 buckler which hung from his side. His valet Orriz followed 
 him on foot. 
 
 " Sir," said the valet, *' I will not run after you much 
 longer ; if you do not give me a horse or mule, I will 
 soon quit you." 
 
 " Peace !" said Bertrand. " I swear to you, if I live, in a 
 short time you shall be well mounted." 
 
 • Cuvclicr, w. 638 — 672. 
 
Chap. 4.] Bcrtrajid du Gucsc/in. 49 
 
 While this conversation was going on, Bertrand saw a 
 knight in full armour coming towards him on his way to the 
 castle of Forgeray. The knight was mounted on a spirited 
 war-horse,* he had a bacinett on his head, and he carried a 
 lance and a highly polished shield. He was accompanied 
 by a squire, also in full armour and well mounted, and by a 
 servant on horseback, who carried a well-filled mail. \\'hen 
 Bertrand inferred from his armour that the knight was an 
 Englishman, he said to him : — 
 
 " Sir, who are you I By your appearance you seem to be 
 an Englishman. Have you come here to injure Charles de 
 Blois, my honoured lord ?" 
 
 "Yes, by my oath," replied the knight; "and because you 
 have so spoken of your lord, I will put you to death in a 
 moment." 
 
 The knight then lowered his lance, and made an impetuous 
 charge upon Bertrand, who raised his battle-axe, and on the 
 approach of his antagonist, struck the lance, which he cut 
 in two. Again raising his axe, he struck the knight on his 
 casque, and redoubling his blows, he beat him down from his 
 horse. Bertrand quickly di.smounted to avail himself of the 
 advantage which he had gained, when he was fiercely as- 
 sailed by the squire of the knight, who attempted to run him 
 through with his spear ;% but Bertrand, with a blow of his 
 fomiidable axe, cut off the sword arm of the squire, and with 
 a second blow struck the horse on the head, so that both 
 horse and rider rolled over on the plain. He now returned 
 
 * Dcsh-ier. Cuvelier, v. 700. "War-horses, that is to say, horses 
 of considerable height, were led during an expedition by the squires, 
 who kept them at their right hand, from whence they were called 
 destriers." — St. Palaye, Afcrnoira sur F Anciciinc Chcvalaic, pp. 17, 
 18, and note (37). Du Cange, Gloss, voc. Dexttarii. 
 
 t The haciiid was an iron casque or helmet, in the form of a basin. 
 Du Cange, Gloss, voc, Bacca and Bacitidum. 
 
 X Es/>oi\ epicu, a boar- spear. 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
5© Life and Times of [Chap. 4. 
 
 to the knight, who was unable to rise, and thrusting his light 
 spear between the steel plates of his armour, he jnit him to 
 death. In like manner he dispatched the sejuire. In the 
 meantime, Orriz was not idle : for as soon as he saw his 
 master engaged with the knight, he attacked his valet with 
 right good will ; but when the latter perceived that his master 
 was overthrown, he put spurs to his horse, and attempted to 
 fly into the forest with the treasure. Bertrand observed him 
 attemjiting to make his escape, and leaping on the horse of 
 the fallen knight, he soon overtook the valet, and slew liiin 
 with one blow of his a.xe.* 
 
 The English knight, his squire and valet having been slain 
 in the manner described, Bertrand proceeded to examine 
 the mails carried by the sumpter-horse, which he found to 
 contain a rich booty, consisting of silver, gold, and jewels. 
 It was the ransom of the knight which he had been canning 
 to the castle of Forgeray. Bertrand not only took possession 
 of this prize, but he stripped the dead knight of his annour, 
 and accoutred himself with it, according to the customs of 
 the time and the laws of chivalr)' ; and his servant having 
 done the same with the spoils of the squire, they took the 
 way to Mote de Bron, the castle of Sir Regnault du 
 Guesclin. There dismounting from his horse, Bertrand 
 found his mother ; and falling on his knees, wlien near her, 
 he ])rayed : — 
 
 " Mother of God ! deign to guard my motlicr from all evil 
 and peril, and give her the will, knowledge, and advice to 
 pardon me for my transgressions. I took from you," then 
 addressing his mother, " the other day, your precious jewels ; 
 now I will restore them to you." 
 
 • Cuvelier, vv. 673, 764. The anonymous author of the Chroniquc 
 dc Sire Bertrand till Ciiaclin, in narrating this incident, mentions seven 
 as the nunilier engaged on the part of tlie Enghsh knight, and four on 
 that of I'erlrand ; cli. iv. p]i. 5, (>. 
 
Chap. 4.] £iertrand du Gucsclin. 51 
 
 "Bertrand," said the now delighted mother, "you are 
 quite merry. Have you become a knight since Tuesday?" 
 
 "No," replied Bertrand ; "but before a year passes, I intend 
 to be one, if I have my will : for he who emulates the good 
 will always come to honour, while he who follows the vile 
 will soon become vile." 
 
 Bertrand then divided his booty, and returned to his 
 mother more than a hundred-fold that which he had taken.* 
 Two days he remained at home ; on the third he departed, 
 commending his mother to God, and leaving with her, to be 
 kept for him, a few jewels and the gilded spurs of the Eng- 
 lish knight. The remainder of the booty he took with him 
 into the forest, and distributed it among his followers.t 
 
 During the treaty of Malestroit, which was concluded on 
 the 19th of January, 1343, as already mentioned, and which 
 comprehended not only the kingdoms of France and Eng- 
 land, but the province of Brittany, acts of hostility still con- 
 tinued between the rival factions in the last-named province; 
 although, with the exception of a battle betAveen the forces 
 of the Countess de Montfort and Charles de Blois in the 
 Lande of Cadoret, during the year 1345,+ they were pro- 
 bably confined to such acts of brigandage as those com- 
 mitted by Bertrand du Guesclin and his followers. That 
 treaty had been wrested from Edward through his necessities, 
 and therefore it was not destined to any long continuance 
 between the kingdoms of England and France; and a pretext 
 was soon found by the king of England for the renewal of 
 hostilities, in the decapitation of Lord Oliver de Clisson 
 
 * " La chose tanl ala 
 
 (Juc Bcrlrans li gcntilz 4 sa mere donna 
 Pour I. denier XX, solz de cc qu'il empninta." 
 
 — Cuvclicr, V. S04. 
 t Cuvelier, w. 772, 820. 
 X Guil. de St. Andre, v. 395. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 Life and Times of [Chap. 4. 
 
 and fourteen other Breton lords, by the orders of the king 
 of France, under a suspicion of treason. Edward III. was 
 greatly incensecl at the execution of these Breton lords, 
 which he regarded as an insult offered to himself; and he 
 was only prevented from inflicting a like punishment on Sir 
 Hervey de Lc^on, then a jirisoner in his hands, through the 
 pacific counsels of the Earl of Derby. The king of Eng- 
 land, though he was restrained from giving vent to his indig- 
 nation against a subject for the wrongs of his master, was 
 resolved on obtaining satisfaction for the real or supposed 
 affront; and, accordingly, he sent word by Sir Hervey de 
 Leon to the king of France, that he would regard the treat- 
 ment of Lord de Clisson and the other Breton nobles as an 
 infringement of the treaty concluded between them, which 
 he would hold as no longer binding.* 
 
 After various delays, Edward III. sent an army consisting 
 of nine hundred men-at-arms and two thousand archers into 
 Guienne, under the command of Henry, Earl of Derby, a 
 brave and generous nobleman, accompanied by the Earls of 
 Pembroke and O.xford, Baron Stafford, Sir Walter Manny, 
 and many others. The Earl of Derby landed at Bayonne in 
 the summer of 1345,+ and went immediately to the city of 
 Bordeaux, where he remained but a sliort time. He then 
 proceeded to lay siege to Bergerac, a strongly fortified town 
 on the river Dordogne, which was taken, although defended 
 by a numerous garrison, and sui)ported by the Count de 
 Lille with a large force. 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. p.irt i. pp. 17S, 180. The king of France de- 
 clrirc<l that the decapitation of the Hreton lords was not dcsijjned as an 
 infringement of the treaty, but that it was a just punisliment for the 
 crimes of murder and robbery committed iiy them. — Raynahlus, A final. 
 Eedfs. 1344, § 61. 
 
 + For tile account of the war in Guienne, the dates of Froissart, who 
 is not generally very accurate in that respect, have been corrected by 
 the aid of the valuable notes to Huchon's edition of the Chronicles. 
 
Chap, 4.] Bcrtrand dii Gucsdin. 53 
 
 The Earl of Derby was equally successful in gaining many 
 important places in Pdrigord and the Agcnois, which his 
 opponent attempted in vain to prevent. The latter, finding 
 that he could not successfully oppose the English general in 
 the field, distributed his forces among the different fortresses 
 of Guienne. The earl then returned to Bordeaux, and while 
 there he was informed that the Count de Lille had collected 
 another army, and that he was laying siege to Auberoche.* 
 The Earl of Derby determined at once to relieve the gar- 
 rison, and he concerted an expedition with the Earl of Pem- 
 broke, who was at Bergerac, to attack the Count de Lille 
 before Auberoche ; but the Earl of Pembroke failing to 
 appear at the time and place appointed, the Earl of Derby, 
 after consultation with the Earl of Oxford, Sir Walter Manny, 
 and other officers of his army, resolved to make the attack 
 without his aid, although his forces amounted to only three 
 hundred lances and six hundred archers, while those of the 
 French were ten times as numerous. After devising the 
 mode of attack, the English advanced along the skirt of a 
 wood, which concealed them from their enemies, until they 
 approached within a short distance of their camp. They then 
 displayed their banners, and ])utting spurs to their horses 
 and shouting their war-cries, they made an impetuous charge 
 on the French. The surprise was complete. As no pre- 
 caution had been taken to ]jrevent such an attack, so no 
 resistance was opposed to it ; and the Count de Lille was 
 wounded and taken prisoner in his tent, with a number of 
 other French lords. The Count de Comminges, with a 
 considerable force, then encamped on the opi^osite side of 
 
 • During the siege of Auberoche, the citizens of the town sent a 
 servant with letters to the Earl of Derby to inform him of their con- 
 dition, but he was taken prisoner by the besiegers and thrown back into 
 the town by an engine, with the letters tied around his neck. Frois&arl, 
 liv. i. part i. p. 191. 
 
54 Life and Times of ' [Chap. 4. 
 
 the town, made a gallant attack on the victorious English ; 
 but in the end the French were all slain or taken prisoners, 
 except those who could make their escape through the dark- 
 ness of the night. After taking the castle of La Re'ole, the 
 town of Angouleme, and other important places, the Earl of 
 Derby returned to Bordeaux to pass the winter.* 
 
 In the early part of the year 1346, John, Duke of Nor- 
 mandy, the eldest son of the king of France, was sent into 
 Guienne to oppose the English, with an army of one hundred 
 thousand men ; but he achieved nothing worthy of such great 
 preparation. He retook the town of Angouleme, but he 
 suffered the garrison to escape by a trick of Sir John Nor- 
 wich, the governor; and he consumed the greater part of the 
 season from the ist of May to the latter part of August in a 
 fruitless effort to take the castle of Aiguillon, an almost im- 
 pregnable fortress situated at the confluence of the Lot and 
 Garonne, in which he tried in vain every expedient known 
 to the military science of that period. From this siege he 
 was recalled by the news of the fatal battle of Cre'cy, and the 
 Earl of Derby was suffered to complete his conquests in 
 Guienne, which he afterwards extended as far as Poitiers in 
 Poitou ; from whence he returned to Bordeaux, with the 
 design of joining the king of England, then engaged in the 
 siege of Calais.t 
 
 While the English army under the Earl of Derby was 
 pressing the siege of Aiguillon, Edward IIL had collected a 
 large army to oppose the Duke of Normandy in Guienne. 
 He had embarked from Southampton on the 2nd of July, 
 1346. The wind, which at first was propitious, on the third 
 day after leaving port drove him on the coast of Cornwall, 
 where he was forced to remain at anchor for six days. 
 While there he listened to the counsels of Sir Godefroy de 
 
 *' Fioissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 183, 203. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 208, 216, 251. 
 
Chap. 4.] Bainmd du Gucsdiii. 55 
 
 Harcourt, a noble French refugee, who had been driven out 
 of France by Phihppe de Valois. This nobleman, one of 
 the great barons of Normandy, and a brother of the Count 
 de Harcourt, had incurred the displeasure of the king of 
 France during the preceding year, and in consequence he 
 was banished from the kingdom.* It was the fault or mis- 
 fortune of Philippe de Valois, by the severity of his punish- 
 ments, and the arbitrary manner in which they were in- 
 flicted, to convert into active and bitter enemies some of his 
 most influential subjects. By his unrelenting persecution of 
 Lord Robert d'Artois, an old friend and a devoted adlierent, 
 he had driven him to seek the protection of his most 
 powerful foe, and entailed on his country a fatal war, which 
 lasted long beyond the period of his own life. By the deca- 
 pitation of the Breton lords, not only without a trial, but 
 without a definite charge, he had excited the hostility of 
 
 * Froissart mentions the disgrace of Sir Godefroy de Harcourt with- 
 out assigning the cause. Liv. i. part i. p. 203. Fabyan says : — " In 
 the XVI yere of his reygne (rhihppe de Valois), a great discencion 
 grewe among the nobles of Nonnandy by reason of parties takyng some 
 with Sir John of Harcourt and other with Sir Robert Barthran, then 
 marshal of France, for covenantes of maryage appoynted atwene the sone 
 of the said Sir Robert upon that one partie and the doughter of Sir 
 Roger Bacon, whose wyfe or maides moder was then maryed unto Sir 
 Godfrey de Harcourt, brother of the abovesaid Sir John upon the other 
 partie : for varyance whereof great warre was lykcly to have ensued, if 
 the kyng the sooner had nat sent streyght commandment that eyther 
 partie shuld kepe his peas, and to appere before hym and his lordes at 
 Parys, and there to have theyr grevaunce by hjmi and his lordes detcr- 
 myned. At whiche day of appearaunce the sayde Sir Godfrey apperyd 
 nat, nor none for hym, but contrary the kynges commandment assieged 
 Sir William l?erthram, bysshop of Bayonn and brother to the foresaid 
 Sir Robert, than beying in a castill. And when he sawe he myght nat 
 prcvayll agayne hym, he then drewe unto the Englysshemen and ayded 
 them agaynst the Frcnshc kymge." — Nau Chronicles of England and 
 France^ by Robert ?"abyan. Reprinted from Pynson's Edition of 1 5 16, 
 by Henry Ellis. (4to.) London, i8n. 
 
56 Life and Times of [Chap. 4. 
 
 their friends and adherents, and especially of Jeanne de 
 Belleville, the high-spirited wife of Lord de Clisson, who not 
 only dedicated her whole life to avenge the wrongs of her 
 husband, but who raised up and devoted a gallant son to the 
 same cause. By his severe treatment of Sir Godefroy de 
 Harcourt he drove a powerful and malignant subject from 
 the continent over to England, where he succeeded to the 
 same place at the court and in the confidence of Ed- 
 ward III. which had been formerly occupied by Lord 
 Robert d'Artois ; and though his malevolence was not 
 greater, his advice was as fatal to his country : for his 
 hatred to Philippe, in the language of Froissart, "afterwards 
 cost the kingdom of France, and especially the province of 
 Normandy, so dear, that the effects of it were visible after 
 the lapse of one hundred years." 
 
 Sir Godefroy de Harcourt advised Edward to abandon his 
 expedition into Guienne, and invade France through Nor- 
 mandy, telling him that it was the richest country in the 
 world ; that the province would be at his mercy ; that he 
 would find none that would dare to oppose him, for the 
 peoi)le of Normandy were unused to arms, and the flower of 
 their chivalry was engaged in the siege of Aiguillon ; that he 
 would find the towns without walls ; and that his fleet could 
 follow him as far as Caen. This counsel influenced the 
 conduct of Edward, who thereupon steered immediately for 
 the coast of Normandy, and arrived at La Hogue in the Co- 
 tentin on the 12th of July, 1346. Upon landing he sepa- 
 rated his army into three grand divisions : the right, under 
 the command of Sir Godefroy de Harcourt ; the left, under 
 the Earl of Warwick ; and the middle he led himself, accom- 
 panied by his son Edward, so well known to his own and 
 subsciiuent limes as the Black Prince. 
 
 The licet under the Earl of Huntingdon coasted along 
 close to the shore, and seized uj)on all vessels, great and 
 
Chap. 4.] Bertrand du Gucsdin. 57 
 
 small, which they found. At the same time a body of 
 archers and light-armed troops kept opposite the fleet, as 
 near the sea as they could march. These took and pillaged 
 the towns of Barfleur, Cherbourg, Carentan, and others of 
 less importance; and so rich was the booty collected in 
 cloth, gold, silver, and jewels, that " the army-boys esteemed 
 a garment lined with the fur of ermine of little value." The 
 main body of the army, in three divisions as mentioned, then 
 commenced their destructive march. By the king's order, 
 the right and left divisions were commanded, however far 
 they might leave the centre division during the day, to 
 return to it at night ; and in this disposition they swept the 
 Cotentin with fire and sword, burning and laying waste 
 everything that fell in their way. The English found the 
 country rich, and abounding in all things : " the granaries 
 were stored with corn, the houses full of all kinds of riches, 
 chariots, carts, horses, hogs, sheep, and the finest oxen in 
 the world." 
 
 Edward III. made short marches through this plentiful 
 country, where it was necessary to look out for no provi- 
 sions " except wine." The \vretched inhabitants fled in wild 
 dismay at his approach, satisfied, if that were possible, to 
 save their lives. The English army proceeded in this man- 
 ner until they reached St. Lo, on the river Vire, a town of 
 eight or nine thousand inhabitants, which was taken and 
 pillaged without resistance. From St. Lo, Edward marched 
 to Caen, where the Count d'Eu, constable of France, at- 
 tempted to oppose his progress; but the forces of the French, 
 consisting chiefly of the citizens of the town, fled at the 
 approach of the English without striking a blow ; whereupon 
 the town was taken after a short conflict in the streets, and 
 the Count d'Eu made prisoner. Edward then marched to 
 Louviers, a rich but defenceless town, which he took with- 
 out a struggle, and then entered the county of Evreux, 
 
58 Lift' an if Times of Bcrtratid du GmscIuu [Chap. 4. 
 
 leaving behind him all the fortresses, as it was his object to 
 spare his troops. After setting fire to the towns of Vernon 
 and Vemueil, and laying waste the country around Rouen, 
 he extended his ravages by Poissy to the suburbs of Paris.* 
 
 • Kroissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 217, 227. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 The battle of Crccy. Defeat and imprisonment of Charles de Blois. 
 Jeanne la Boiteuse. The Great Plague. Unsuceessful attempt of the 
 French to recover Calais. 
 
 IHILIPPE DE VALOIS hastily collected from 
 different quarters a large and tumultuary army 
 of more than a hundred thousand men to oppose 
 tliis invasion of the English. Whereupon Ed- 
 ward III., whose whole force when he landed in Normandy 
 did not much exceed thirty thousand,* deemed it most 
 prudent to commence his retreat. He therefore repaired 
 the bridge over the Seine, which had been broken down, 
 and marched through the Beauvoisin to the river Somme, 
 where he found all the passes carefully guarded by the 
 French. The king of France, with the evidences of the 
 bloody and devastating march of the English continually 
 present to his eyes or his imagination, was extremely anxious 
 to give them batde; and he followed so closely upon Ed- 
 ward's rear, that at Airaines, near Abbeville, he found that 
 the king of England had abandoned the camp of the night 
 before with so much precipitation, that he had left behind 
 him a large quantity of provisions : flesh on the spits, bread 
 
 • Froissart estimates the number of the troops engager! in the battle 
 of Crccy at much less, liv. i. part i. p. 234. He makes Philippe' .s army 
 eight limes more numerous than the English, ibid. p. 23}. 
 
6o Life and Times of [Chap. 5. 
 
 in the ovens, wine in casks, and tables laid out. Ivlward, 
 after many unsuccessful attempts to pass the river Somme, 
 at length, by the treachery of a French prisoner named 
 Gobin Agace, induced by a promise of release from cap- 
 tivity, discovered the ford of Blanche-Tache, below Abbe 
 ville, which he crossed after a sharp contest with a body of 
 French troops commanded by Godemar du Fay, and took 
 a position near Crccy, where he determined to make a stand 
 and give battle to Philippe. 
 
 The king of England here prepared himself for the doubt- 
 ful events of the morrow with great composure. At night 
 he invited the earls and barons of his army to supper, and 
 aftenvards sent them at an early hour to seek rei)Ose. He 
 then withdrew into his orator)-, and, after offering a devout 
 prayer for a successful issue of the expected battle, about 
 midnight he sought repose himself. Early the next morn- 
 ing he heard mass with his son, the Black Prince ; anil the 
 greater part of his peojjle confessed their sins and partook 
 of the communion, as a fit preparation for the great peril 
 which threatened them. The king then made his disposi- 
 tions for the battle with much skill. Pie placed his waggons 
 and horses in an enclosure near a wood in the rear, and 
 drew up his men on foot in three divisions — placing the first 
 under the command of his son Prince Edward, assisted by 
 the Earl of Warwick, Sir Godefroy de Harcourt, Sir John 
 Chandos, and others ; the .second under the Earl of North- 
 ampton ; and the third he commanded himself When he 
 had arranged his forces in order of battle, with his marshals 
 on his right, he rode from rank to rank mounted on a small 
 palfrey, with a white stick in his hand, and besought the 
 earls, barons, and knights to save his honour and defend his 
 right; "and these words he spoke, smiling so pleasantly 
 and with such a cheerful countenance, that whosoever was 
 cast down was rccomforted on seeing and hearing him." 
 
Cliap. 5.] Bcrtravd (111 Gucscliu. 6i 
 
 After passing along all his battalions, and exhorting his 
 men to do their duty, he ordered them to take some food 
 and drink a cup of wine, as it was about mid-day. When 
 this was done, and the pots, barrels, and other utensils 
 which they had used were restored to the baggage waggons, 
 the men returned to their posts, sat down on the ground 
 with their arms at hand, and (}uietly awaited the approach of 
 the French. Edward had placed the archers of the division 
 commanded by his son in front, arranged in the form of a 
 harrow, with the men-at-arms in their rear, and the whole 
 were sustained by the division under the Earl of North- 
 ampton, while he kept his own division in reserve. The 
 coolness of Edward, and the proper disposition of his forces, 
 exhibited a striking contrast to the want of everything like 
 military skill in the officers or discipline in the men on the 
 opposite side.* 
 
 Philippe de Valois, who had taken up his quarters in the 
 town of Abbeville, left it on the morning of Saturday, the 
 26th of August, 1346, with the intention of giving battle to 
 the English without delay ; but he acted on the advice of 
 some of his counsellers, and sent fonvard three knights to 
 examine and report upon the dispositions of his opponent. 
 The knights upon their return advised the king to defer the 
 engagement until the following day, when all his forces 
 would have arrived, and recovered from the fatigues of a long 
 march, and when proper dispositions could be made for the 
 battle. Philippe acted on this counsel, and immediately 
 issued an order to his troops to halt: and those who were in 
 front obeyed, but the others who were in their rear pressed 
 forward, declaring that they would not halt until they were 
 on the same line with the front ranks ; and the first con- 
 tinued to advance when the others approached, until the 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 229, 234- 
 
62 Life and Times of [Chap. 5. 
 
 battle was forced on by an undisciplined multitude, without 
 order or array, and the result was the almost certain conse- 
 quence of such a beginning. 
 
 When the engagement was inevitable, Philippe de Valois 
 sent forward a body of Genoese cross-bowmen, amounting 
 to fifteen thousand, to commence the battle ; but they had 
 been fatigued by a long and rapid march under arms, and 
 by the weight of their cross-bows ; whereupon they intimated 
 to their officers that they were not in a condition to i)crform 
 any great feats of arms.* This was heard by the Count 
 d'Alen^on, the king's brother, who scornfully exclaimed : — 
 *' We do well to burden ourselves with such rascals, who fail 
 us at our need ! " The Genoese, however, advanced to the 
 attack ; but they soon recoiled before the well-directed aim 
 of the English archers, and fell back on a body of men-at- 
 arms on horseback, who were ordered by the king of France 
 to cut them down for being in the way. Nowhere on that 
 sanguinary battle-field were things better managed on the 
 part of the French. No attempt at discipline or organized 
 effort was anywhere made. " Kings, dukes, counts, and 
 French barons, did not advance together ; but some before 
 and some behind, without arrangement or order." Many 
 instances of ill-directed valour and individual heroism did 
 occur on that disastrous day ; but such efforts could not 
 restore what had been lost by the want of discipline and the 
 commonest generalship. The consequence was that the 
 French were dreadfully slaughtered and wholly routed, and 
 Edward III. was left the undisi)uted master of the field. 
 From Cr^cy the king of England proceeded to lay siege to 
 
 * The inefficiency of the Genoese cross-bowmen at this battle is 
 attributed by the hast Continuator of Nangis to their want of precaution 
 in suffering their l:)Owstrings to get wet in a shower of rain which fell 
 just before the engagement, while the Enghsh archers jilaced theirs in 
 their caps on their heads. — " Contin. Nangi.," tom. ii. pp. 201, 202. 
 
Chap. 5.] Bairami du Gi/csc/hi. g^ 
 
 the important town of Calais, which at length yielded to his 
 arms after a gallant and obstinate defence, that was pro- 
 tracted by the besieged for nearly a year.* 
 
 The Englisli monarch, who was then in the prime of life 
 was extremely fortunate in all his enterprises. He was suc- 
 cessful ni the war of Guienne under the conduct of the Earl 
 of Derby ; he was successful in his invasion of France • he 
 was equally successful at home, where the Scots were' de- 
 feated near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, by his wife, Queen Phi- 
 Iippa; and while engaged in the siege of Calais he was 
 gratified by hearmg of the successes of his ally, the Countess 
 de Montfort, in Brittany. The treaty of Malestroit, which 
 had been only partially observed by the rival factions in that 
 duchy, had now expired; and both parties, aided by their 
 respective aUies, the kings of France and England, began to 
 resume hostilities more openly and on a larger scale than 
 during the truce. The Countess de Montfort had received 
 from Edward III., then before Calais, a force of two hundred 
 men-at-arms and four hundred archers, under two valiant 
 knights. Sir Gliomas Daggeworth and Sir John Hartwell 
 who were joined by a Breton knight. Sir Tanguy du Chatel' 
 and these three knights made fre(iuent attacks on the forces 
 of Charles de Blois, which were opposed by him with equal 
 valour and success. "At one hour, one side lost; at 
 another hour, the other; and by both was the whole 
 country overrun and laid waste, while the wretched inha- 
 bitants had to pay for all." After various successes and 
 reverses by both parties, the knights above named laid siege 
 to Roche-Dernen, in Trc^guier, on the northern coast of 
 Lnttany, which w^as defended by a garrison on the part of 
 Charles de Blois, commanded by a squire named Tassart de 
 Ghines. But the inhabitants, two-thirds of whom were more 
 
 * Froiss.irt, liv. i. part i. pp. 235, 241, 272. 
 
64 Life and Tunes of [Chap. 5. 
 
 friendly to the English than the French, becoming restive 
 under the siege, threatened to put their captain to death if 
 he persisted in holding out any longer against the English. 
 Tassart, upon this threat, surrendered the town, and obtained 
 the restoration of his command as the reward of his trea- 
 chery. Upon this news Charles de Blois left the city of 
 Nantes with a force of sixteen hundred men-at-arms, in- 
 cluding four hundred knights, among whom were twenty- 
 three bannerets and twelve thousand men on foot, to 
 recover the town of Roche-Derrien. To oppose this force 
 the Countess de Montfort sent a body of one thousand 
 men-at-amis and eight thousand foot soldiers, under the 
 command of Sir Thomas Daggeworth. 
 
 As soon as the English knight came within an easy day's 
 march of the position occupied by Charles de Blois, he 
 determined to surprise the latter by a night attack, and 
 taking with him about half of his force, he attacked the 
 camp of Charles at midnight ; but Sir Thomas Daggeworth 
 was himself wounded and captured, with the loss of the 
 greater part of his men, either slain or taken prisoners. 
 While a consultation was taking place between those who 
 had not joined in the engagement and those who had 
 escaped from it, the Lord de Quadoudal came up and 
 advised, immediately, another attack. This second attack, 
 which was made at sunrise, was completely successful, as it 
 was wholly unexpected ; and Charles de Blois was in turn 
 taken prisoner, and some of the most distinguished Breton 
 nobles slain, among whom were the Viscount de Rohan 
 and the Lords de Laval and de Chateaubriand. This 
 decisive victory, gained by the forces of the Countess de 
 Montfort on the 20th of June, 1347, gave her an advantage 
 which was never entirely recovered by her opponent.* 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 259, 262. Many of the incidents of 
 
Chap. 5.] Bertrand du Gucsclin, 65 
 
 The Countess de Montfort had thus avenged the imprison- 
 ment of her husband ; but she tarnished her fair fame by 
 exliibiting, in the treatment of her captive, that she wanted 
 the virtue of generosity. She dragged him after her over 
 the duchy of Brittany, subjected him to the commonest 
 wants and the most cruel mortifications, and, after satisfying 
 her vengeance with the exhibition of his woes, or, perhaps, 
 apprehending his escape, she carried him over to England, 
 and he was shut up in the Tower of London, where he re- 
 mained for several years a prisoner.* 
 
 The cause of Cliarles de Blois, however, did not expire 
 with his captivity. Jeanne de Montfort found in Jeanne 
 la Boiteuse, wife of Charles de Blois, a rival equal in spirit 
 and conduct, who could wield a sword and lead an army 
 with a will as inflexible and a courage as undaunted as her 
 own. It must have been an affecting spectacle to see two 
 brave and beautiful women exchanging the ease and safety 
 of domestic life for the privations of the camp and the life 
 of a soldier ; and, while it excited the sympathy, it probably 
 increased the zeal of their respective adherents, when the 
 restoration of a husband or the advancement of a child was 
 the motive of their conduct, and the duchy of Brittany was 
 the prize. 
 
 After the surrender of Calais, by the intervention of Pope 
 
 this affair have been narrated differently by the different historians, who 
 also disagree as to the date. The battle took place, according to an 
 inscription on the tomb of the Lord Guy de Laval, in the collegiate church 
 of Vitre, on the i8th of June, 1347. — Hist, de Brctagiic, torn. i. p. 276. 
 Guil. de St. Andre, v. 401, gives the 20th of June, as in the text, in 
 which he is supported by Sir Thomas Daggeworth, in a letter to the 
 Chancellor of England, Buchon's Note to Froissart, p. 260 ; while 
 other authorities place the siege of Roche-Derrien in the month of 
 December, 1345. — " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. 194. 
 
 * See the testimony of Master George Lesneu, taken in V Enqueste 
 faite h Augers pour la Canonization de Clmrles de Blois, in the Acta 
 de Bretagne, torn. ii. p. 6. 
 
 vol.. I. F 
 
66 Life and Times of [Chap. 5. 
 
 Clement VI., a truce for six months, to commence from the 
 28th of September, 1347, was agreed upon between the 
 kings of France and England, which was subsequently pro- 
 longed, from time to time, till the month of June, 1350.* In 
 Guienne, Poitou, and Saintonge the truce was little respected, 
 and Brittany was rather the theatre of marauding parties 
 than of open hostilities. During the interval, Charles de 
 Blois was released from prison upon the payment of a large 
 ransom, and the substitution of his two sons, Jean and Guy, 
 as prisoners in his stead.f 
 
 During the same interval, the whole of Europe was 
 appalled by the Great Plague, which, extending its resist- 
 less progress from Asia, swept off, it is computed, more than 
 one-third of the human race wherever it appeared ; and, in 
 the language of a contemporary, "such a multitude of 
 people died of it in the years 1348 and 1349 that the like 
 was never heard, nor seen, nor read of, in past times." J 
 
 The disease was contagious ; and it commenced by a 
 swelling under the arm-pits or in the groin ; and the increase 
 of the tumour was a certain indication of death. It attacked 
 the young rather than the old, and it soon ran its course, 
 seldom lasting over two or three days ; and often, persons 
 in sound health one day were carried to the grave the next. 
 Many fled from it in wild affright, and even the more timid 
 priests left the burial of the dead to their bolder colleagues. 
 
 This epidemic first came from the east, whence it appeared 
 in Italy, and then, passing the mountains, it reached Avignon, 
 and spread itself throughout Gascony, Spain, France, Ger- 
 
 * Du Tillet, Reciceil dcs Traictez, dr^c, p. 55, verso. Rymer, vol. iii. 
 par. i. p. 136. Atinales Ecclaiastki, ab attiio 1 198, ubi Card. Barotitis 
 desinit. Anctore, Odorico Raynaldo. Romre. Tom. xvi. 1347, § 24. 
 
 t " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. p. 194. Actcs dc Brdagnc, torn. i. col. 
 1487, 1488. Rymer, vol. iii. par. i. p. 255. 
 
 X "Contin. Nangi.," tom. ii. p. 211. 
 
Chap. 5.] BertraJid du Guesdin. 67 
 
 many, and the north of Europe. In looking for the causes 
 of this dreadful scourge, many attributed it to the infection 
 of the air and water by poison ;* and, in seeking for the per- 
 petrators of such wickedness, suspicions were directed against 
 the unhappy Jews, many thousands of whom were slain and 
 burnt to death by the Christians in Germany and elsewhere, 
 except at Avignon, where Pope Clement VI. had the good 
 sense and humanity to protect all who came under his juris- 
 diction, f 
 
 However great was the mortality of this dreadful pesti- 
 lence, it appears to have confined its attacks chiefly to the 
 middle and lower classes of society : for Giovanni Villani, 
 the historian, and Giovanni d' Andrea, a noted jurisconsult 
 in Italy ; I^aura, so celebrated as the mistress of Petrarch, 
 at Avignon ; and Alphonso XL, king of Castille, are only 
 mentioned among its most distinguished victims. J 
 
 During the continuance of the truce between France and 
 England, an unsuccessful attempt to recover the possession 
 of the castle and town of Calais was made by a French 
 knight. Sir Geoffrey de Chargny, who, as governor of St, 
 Omer, a town of the adjoining province of Artois, was 
 especially charged with the protection of the northern 
 frontiers of France. Calculating on the cupidity of the 
 governor of Calais, Sir Aymeri de Pavia, a Lombard knight, 
 " as the Lombards are naturally covetous," De Chargny 
 offered the governor the sum of twenty thousand crowns if 
 
 * Poison thrown into the wells by the Peloponnesians was the cause 
 assigned for the great plague which devastated Athens, and which has 
 been so gi^aphically described by Thucydides, lib. ii. ch. xlvii. d scq., 
 and by Lucretius, De Nat. Rcr., lib. vi., at the end. 
 
 t "Contin. Nangi.," tom. ii. pp.211, 214. Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. 
 1348, § 30, 33. Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 287, only slightly alludes to 
 the pl.ague of 1348. 
 
 X Sismondi, Hist, dcs Rcpubliqttcs Italicnitcs du Moycn Age, tom, iv. 
 pp. 97, 98, Ayala, Cronica del Key Dott Pedro, p. g. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 Life and Times of [Chap. 5. 
 
 he would deliver into his possession that important post. 
 That sum, as the French knight had conjectured, was too 
 great a temptation for the virtue of the Lombard to resist ; 
 and he accordingly promised, on a day named, to accept 
 the bribe and give up the castle; but Edward III., having 
 by some means discovered the meditated treachery of the 
 governor, ordered him to come over to England ; and when 
 Sir Aymeri acknowledged his treasonable intentions, the 
 king offered him a jiarilon, upon the condition that he 
 would aid him in defeating the scheme. Thereupon the 
 governor of Calais was sent back ; and Edward collected a 
 force of three hundred men-at-arms and six hundred archers, 
 landed secretly at Calais, and jilaceil the command of the 
 expedition in the hantls of Sir Walter Manny. 
 
 " Sir Walter," said the king, " I desire you to be the chief 
 of this affair : for I and my son will fight under your 
 banner." 
 
 Sir Geoffrey de Chargny, with five hundred lances, appeared 
 at the time and place appointed, after midnight, near Calais, 
 and sent forward Sir Ethvard de Renty, one of his officers, 
 with twelve knights and a hundred other men-at-amis, to i)ay 
 the sti])ulated price and take possession of the castle. When 
 the sacks containing the money had been delivcrctl to Sir 
 Aymeri de Tavia, Sir Edward de Kenty and his followers 
 were conducted into the principal tower of the castle, where 
 the king of England was jjosted with two hundred men-at- 
 arms, who, immediately on perceiving the French, sallieil out 
 with their swords and axes in their hands, crying out, 
 *' Manny, Manny to the rescue !" adding, at the same time, 
 " Did these Frenchmen think to have recovered with so 
 little trouble the town and castle of Calais 1" 
 
 Sir Edward de Renty and his ])arty, who saw at once that 
 resistance was useless, surrendered almost without striking a 
 blow; and they were all shut uj) in a tower of tlie castle. 
 
Chap. 5.] Bcrtrand dji Gucsclin. 69- 
 
 Edward III. then collected his troops and sallied out of the 
 castle to attack Sir Geoffrey de Chargny, who was iniijatiently 
 awaiting the return of his detachment, and was wondering 
 at the delay. 
 
 " How long this Lombard stays !" he exclaimed to some 
 of the knights standing near; "he will make us die of 
 cold." 
 
 " In God's name," replied Sir Pepin de Ware, " these 
 Lombards are malicious fellows ; he is looking to see if 
 some of your florins are not false, and perhaps, also, if some 
 of them are not missing." 
 
 While they were conversing in this manner, the English 
 advanced to attack them. Sir Geoffrey de Chargny, who 
 saw that he had been dujjed, determined not to fly; and, in a 
 short speech, he roused the spirits of his followers, by telling 
 them that they would lose more than they could gain by 
 flight, and that they might yet win the day. He then drew 
 them together, ordered them to dismount, had their korses 
 driven back into the road ; and, in good order, with closed 
 ranks, and with the lances of his men shortened to five feet 
 before them, he awaited the onset of his enemies. The 
 English, led by Sir Walter Manny, also dismounted, and 
 advanced to the attack. The .shock was severe, and many 
 gallant feats of arms were performed on both sides. 
 
 It was the fortune of the king of England, who fought in 
 disguise, to encounter a strong and brave French knight, 
 named Sir Eustace de Ribeumont, who in the combat 
 turned out to be an overmatch for Edward, as he twice 
 brought the king to his knee ; but the latter, on both occa- 
 sions, was assisted to rise by Sir Walter Manny and Sir 
 Reginald Cobham, who fought by his side. In the end, the 
 English were victorious, and the French were all slain or 
 made prisoners ; and among the latter was Sir Eu.stace de 
 Ribeumont, who, finding further resistance vain, delivered 
 
70 Life and Times of [Chap. 5. 
 
 his sword to the king, though still ignorant of his rank, 
 saying at the same time, " Chevalier, I render myself your 
 prisoner." 
 
 Edward III. returned after the fight in high spirits to 
 Calais with his prisoners, and at night invited them all to 
 supi^er, together with his own knights. \Mien su])per was 
 ready, the king sat at table and seated his guests with him, 
 who were waited upon during the first course by the Prince 
 of Wales and the English knights. After supper, the tables 
 were removed, and the king remained in the hall with the 
 French and English knights. His head was bare, with the 
 exception of a chaplet of fine pearls, which he wore on that 
 occasion. He went from one to the other of his guests, and 
 entered freely into conversation with them. He approached 
 Sir Geoflfreyde Chargny somewhat coldly, and, among other 
 things, said to him : — 
 
 "Sir Geoffrey, I am delighted to have put you to the 
 proof < you wished to get that at a lower price than I could, 
 when you thought you would have Calais for twenty thou- 
 sand francs." 
 
 To this Sir Geoffrey made no reply, when the king, passing 
 on to Sir Eustace de Ribeumont, said pleasantly : — 
 
 " Sir Eustace, I have never seen a knight who could more 
 valiantly assail his enemy or defend his own body than 
 yourself; nor have I ever found in battle one who gave me 
 so much to do, man to man, as you have done this day ; so 
 1 award you the prize of valour, as do also all the knights of 
 my court." 
 
 The king then took the rich chaplet which he wore, and 
 placed it on the head of Sir Eustace, with these words : — 
 
 "Sir Eustace, I give you this chaplet, as the best combat- 
 ant of the day, and I beg you to wear it for the love of me. 
 I know well that you are gay and amorous, ami that you are 
 willingly found among dames ami dam.sels ; so, wherever you 
 
Chap. 5.] Bcrirand du Guesclin. 71 
 
 go, say that I gave it to you. And now I release you from your 
 imprisonment, and you may go to-morrow, if you please." 
 
 Sir Eustace readily accepted the rich gift, and, bowing low 
 to the king, said : — 
 
 " Gentle Sire, you do me more honour than I deserve, and 
 may God recompense you for the courtesies you have shown 
 me. I will joyfully and readily do what you enjoin me, and, 
 after the service of my dear and dreaded lord, I know of 
 no king whom I would serve more willingly and heartily 
 than yourself." 
 
 ^^'ine and comfits were then brought, after which the 
 king withdrew into his chamber. The next day he gave Sir 
 Eustace de Ribeumont two war-horses and twenty crowns, 
 as a further evidence of his esteem for the valour he had 
 shown. The knight, after taking leave of his less fortunate 
 comrades, who were carried to England by the king as 
 prisoners of war, returned home.* 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part i. pp. 276, 281. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Death of rhilippc dc Valois. Accession of John Duke of Kormandy. 
 Battle of the Thirty. Bertrand dii Gucsclin is created a knight. He 
 takes the Castle of Forgeray, Goes o^'cr to England. 
 
 ijHE most noted event in France of the year 1350 
 was the death of the king, PhiUppe de Valois, 
 who expired at Nogent-le-Roi, on the 22nd 
 of August. His reign may be regarded as one 
 of the most calamitous in the French annals. It com- 
 menced with a disputed title, which led to bloody and dis- 
 astrous wars, to unusual aids and exactions for their main- 
 tenance ; to all the horrors of unrestrained pillage ; to irre- 
 mediable disorders in the government, and numberless woes 
 among the people. Philippe was hasty of temper, arbitrary 
 in his will, and unrelenting in his hostility, and his financial 
 administration exhibited the two extremes of excessive rigour, 
 in the imi)Osition of burdens on the people, and criminal 
 wastefulness in the collection of the revenues : for his 
 officials were enriched while the king was impoverished.* 
 
 * " Contin. Nangi.," toiii. ii. pp. 204, 205. " At this time," says 
 Du Tillet, " benefices were exposed to sale, and cvcr^'thing yielded to 
 money. At the commencement of this reign, great exactions and imposts 
 were levied, and then first commenced tiie tax on salt, which was called 
 Gabelle. — Chroni(]iie Abn'ge des Roys de France, p. 63, verso. Edward III. 
 did not make a bad pun when he styled I'hilijjpc dc Valois the author 
 of the Salitjue Law. 
 
Chap. 6.] Life and Times of Bertrand du Gucschn. 73 
 
 He left his kingdom without frontiers on the west, from 
 Bayonne, near the confines of Spain, to Calais ; but, above 
 all, he bequeathed to France that deadly quarrel witli the 
 English nation, which was not decided until a hundred years 
 after his death, and which engendered feelings of hostility 
 that have lasted to the present age. 
 
 Philippe was succeeded by his eldest son, John Duke of 
 Normandy, who immediately after his coronation began to 
 make preparation to defend his kingdom against the English, 
 for the truce between the two countries had expired. He 
 first sent a body of troops to the neighbourhood of Calais, 
 and he then set out himself from Paris, with a large force, to 
 visit the southern ])ortions of France. After passing some 
 time at Avignon with the pope, he traversed the province of 
 Languedoc and came to Poitiers, with the intention of lay- 
 ing siege to St. Jean d'Angely, a strongly fortified town of 
 Saintonge, on the Charente. Edward HI., at the same time, 
 sent a body of English and Gascon troops, under Lord 
 Beauchamp, to raise the siege ; but their efforts were unsuc- 
 cessful, and the town surrendered to the king of France, on 
 the 7th of August, 135 1.* 
 
 About this period there occurred in Brittany an incident 
 which was remarkable even in those times, when war, public 
 or private, seemed not a serious occupation only, liut a com- 
 mon pastime. That province was included in a truce agreed to 
 between the kingdoms of France and England, to endure for a 
 year,from the i ith of September, 135 1 ;t but, notwithstanding, 
 itwas the theatre of frequent contests between the partisans of 
 the rival factions of De Montfort and De Blois, chiefly carried 
 on by the garrisons of hostile towns and castles. It happened 
 on one occasion that Sir Robert de Beaumanoir, a brave 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 289, 292. 
 
 t Du Tillct, KccucUda Traktcz, ^'c, p. 65, verso. Rymcr, vol. in. 
 par. i. p. 232. 
 
74 Life and Times of [Chap. 6. 
 
 and gallant knight, attached to the jiarty of Charles de Blois, 
 and Governor of ChStel Josselin, came with a body of men- 
 at-arms and other soldiers before the castle of Ploermel, the 
 governor of which was a man named Ik'mbro,* and who had 
 with him a number of English, Breton, and German soldiers, 
 belonging to the i)arty of the Countess de Montfort. 
 
 Sir Robert de Bcaumanoir marched with his troops in 
 front of the barriers of the castle, with the design of drawing 
 out the garrison to attack him ; but in that he was dis- 
 appointed. When Sir Robert perceived this, he approached 
 still nearer, and requested the governor to be called. The 
 latter apjieared at the gate, and, after assurance of security for 
 the conference had been given on both sides, Sir Robert 
 said : — 
 
 " Bembro, have you within no men-at-arms — yourself and 
 another, two or three — who would desire to joust at the point 
 of the lance, against three others, for the love of their mis- 
 tresses ? " 
 
 To this Bembro replied that his friends were unwilling for 
 any one of their number to be slain in a single joust ; that 
 it was an adventure of fortune too quickly decided, and one 
 would thereby rather incur the imputation of folly than gain 
 the prize of honour ; " but," he added, " I will tell you what 
 we will do, if it pleases you : you may take twenty or thirty 
 of your followers, and I will take as many of my garrison, 
 and we will go into a fair field, where no one can molest or 
 prevent us, and we will order, on pain of the gallows, our 
 other followers, on both sides, and all others who may be 
 present, not to give aid or comfort to any combatant ; and 
 there we will jierform such deeds that they will be spoken of 
 in future limes in halls and palaces, and in all other places 
 
 • Kroissart calls him lirandchourch, while the hi>loiians of IJrillany 
 all call liiin a.s in ihe lexl. — Hist, de Jiniognt, loin. i. ji. 280. 
 
Chap. 6.] Bcrtraud du Giicsdin. 75 
 
 throughout the world ; and the honour and fortune will be 
 to those for whom God shall destine it." 
 
 "By my faith," replied De Beaumanoir, "I agree to it; and 
 you speak most gallantly. Now do you take thirty, and we 
 will have thirty also, and I promise it by my faith." 
 
 " I also promise it," said Bembro ; " and whoever shall 
 well maintain himself there will acquire more honour than 
 in a single joust." 
 
 The combat was thus decided upon ; the place was then 
 appointed ; and four days afterwards was the time fixed for 
 the meeting.* During the interval, each leader selected his 
 thirty combatants as he pleased, and all provided themselves 
 with suitable armour. 
 
 On the day appointed, Bembro and his thirty chosen 
 companions first heard mass, then armed themselves, and 
 went to the place agreed upon for the combat. They dis- 
 mounted, and then gave the spectators a strict injunction 
 not to interfere with the combatants on any contingency. 
 When Sir Robert de Beaumanoir and his thirty followers 
 appeared on the field — who were called French, for the sake 
 of distinction, as the others were called Englisht — they also 
 dismounted, and gave their friends the same order not to 
 interfere in the combat. After a brief parley, the com- 
 batants withdrew to a short distance, when, upon a given 
 
 * The rendezvous was appointed at the Chhtc dc Mi- Vote (Half-way 
 Oak), which was midway between Josselin and Ploemiel, and the day 
 named was the 27th of March, the fourth .Sunday of Lent, of the year 
 1351. — Hisl. dc Brdagnc^ by Morice, tom. i. p. 280. " On the site of 
 the Half-way Oak (fallen, from decay, according to tradition, within the 
 last two hundred years) a pyramid has been erected in our time."— 
 Note of M. Charriere to Guil. de St. Andre, v. 945. 
 
 t Sir Robert de Beaumanoir's party was composed of nine French 
 and Breton knights and twenty-one Breton squires, Bembro could only 
 find twenty Englishmen in his garrison— the rest were Germans and 
 Bretons. -//«/. dc Frdagnc, by Morice, tom. i. p. 280. 
 
76 Life and Times of [Chap. 6. 
 
 signal, they all rushed forward, and a fierce, promiscuous, and 
 well-matched contest ensued, hand to hand. At the first 
 shock, one of I)c Beaumanoir's men was slain. The French 
 did not on that account relax their efforts ; the struggle was 
 kept up on both sides with great valour, " as if they were all 
 Rolands and Olivers," and it was maintained with equal skill 
 and endurance for a long time, until all the combatants lost 
 their strength, breath, and ability to continue the fight 
 They then mutually agreed to stop and rest, until some one 
 of either party should give the signal to renew the engage- 
 ment. At that time, four of the French and two of the 
 Engli.sh were slain. They all rested for a good while ; some 
 of them drank wine, which was brought to them in bottles ; 
 others dressed their wounds and repaircil their armour, which 
 was broken. 
 
 When they were all refreshed and ready to renew the 
 combat, the first one who got up gave the signal and recalled 
 the others. The battle then recommenced as fiercely as 
 before, and again lasted for a long time. The combatants 
 used short and sharp Bordeaux swords,* lances, and daggers, 
 while some of them fought with battle-axes. With these 
 weapons they gave each other dreadful blows. " It may 
 well be believed that there were gallant feats of arms per- 
 formed on both sides, man to man, body to body, and hand 
 to hand. They fought as good champions, and sustained 
 themselves, the .seconil time, with great valour." In this 
 engagement I)e Beaumanoir, the leader of the French, was 
 wounded. The loss of blood and the fatigues of the combat 
 made him very thirsty, and he asked for water. " Beau- 
 manoir, drink your blood," said Cleoffrey du Bois, " and 
 your thirst will pass ofl." This sneer made him ashamed 
 
 • As l<j llic ililTcicnl kinds of swords used at lli.it time, sec note of 
 Du Cange to Joinville's " Meiiu>iis of .St. IaiuIs," p. 418. 
 
Chap. 6.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclin. 77 
 
 of his mcchtated resolution to leave the field, and he returned 
 to the combat* 
 
 The English at length were defeated, and Bembro, their 
 leader, was slain, with eight of his followers, and the rest 
 surrendered when they found that they were no longer able 
 to defend themselves : for they neither could nor would fly. 
 Sir Robert de Beaumanoir and his surviving companions 
 carried their prisoners to Castle Josselin, and after\vards 
 courteously ransomed them, as soon as their wounds were 
 healed, for there was no one of either party who was not 
 wounded. 
 
 To his narrative of "The Battle of the Thirty" — an incident 
 so strikingly illustrative of the manners of the times, where no 
 better pretext could be found for a bloody riot than the boast 
 of him who possessed the fairest mistress — Froissart adds, that 
 he saw afterwards at the table of Charles, king of France, 
 a Breton knight named Sir Yrain Charnel, who had been 
 engaged in tlmt battle, and that his face was so disfigured 
 and cut up, that it exhibited the strongest proof how fiercely 
 the battle had been contested ; and Sir Enguerrant d'Eudin, 
 a good knight of Picardy, likewise showed that he had been 
 there, as well as a squire named Hues de Raincevans.t 
 " This adventure was related in many places : some regarded 
 it as a silly thing, others as an outrage and great pre- 
 sumption."^ 
 
 * Hist, dc Brciagne, torn. i. p. 28 1. 
 
 + These two last names are not in the list of combatants given by 
 Morice, in Hist, dc Prdafffte, tom. i. p. 280, or by Jules Janin, in /^ 
 Bretaptc, where may be seen, at p. 236, the coats of arms of each of the 
 knights and squires of the French party. 
 
 X Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 293, 294. The above incident has been 
 translated almost textually from Froissart, as it has been for the first time 
 restored to his great work by the diligent researches of M. Dacier, and 
 adopted by M. Buchon, in his edition of the Chronicles. It forms a 
 part of the twenty-two first chapters of the second part of the first book 
 
78 Life and Tim(s of [Chap. 6. 
 
 On the 6th of December, 1352, Pope Clement VI. died 
 at Avignon, and was succeeded by Etienne Aubert, bishop 
 of Clennont, under the name of Innocent VI. The newly 
 created pope, after fruitless efforts to make peace between 
 the kings of France and England, only succeeded in effect- 
 ing a" truce between them, which was prolonged until October 
 of the following year. During this cessation of foreign hos- 
 tilities, the peace of the kingdom of France was disturbed 
 by internal dissensions, arising from the arbitrar)- conduct of 
 the king, and the unrestrained power of the nobles. John, 
 whose temper was hasty and irritable, had caused, by his 
 simj)le order, the decapitation of the Count d'Eu and de 
 Ghines, constable of France,* under a charge of treason, 
 without observing in the proceedings against so distinguished 
 a personage any of the forms of justice ; and he had api)ointed 
 Sir Charles of Spain constable in his stead, giving him, be- 
 sides, not only large possessions in land and money, but also 
 certain fiefs claimed by Charles the Bad, king of Navarre. 
 These measures of King John i)roduced great irritation in 
 the minds of the French nobles, and the last especially 
 excited the anger of the king of Navarre, who, suppressing 
 his resentment until a suitable opportunity was presented, 
 afterwards, with the aid of his brothers, Philippe and Louis, 
 followed the constable into Normandy, and there slew him.t 
 
 This act was extremely irritating to the king of France, 
 who would admit no excuse or palliation which the perpe- 
 trators could offer ; and, to save themselves from the effects 
 
 of this edition, which fill the gap hitherto supposed to exist in the work 
 of Kroissart. Sec the Advertisement of M. Ikichoii, liv. i. partie ii. 
 pj). 282, 283. 
 
 • The Last Continuator of Nangis places this event under the year 
 1350. — " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. p. 223. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 298, 302. " Contin. Nangi.," torn, ii. 
 \t. 227. Mcmoircs pour scrvir <) f //istoirc lic Charles U Mauvais, par 
 feu M. Secousse. (4to.) Paris, 1758, pp. 28, 32. 
 
Chap. 6.] Bcrtrand dii Guesdin. 79 
 
 of his vengeance, the king of Navarre and his brothers 
 formed an alhance with the king of Enghind, who was 
 always ready to seize upon any pretext to renew hostilities 
 with France. Edwartl thereupon made great preparations 
 for the invasion of tliat kingdom, and levied three armies : 
 one, which he determined to lead himself into Normandy ; 
 the second, under Henry Earl of Derby, who had been 
 created Duke of Lancaster, he ordered to be sent into 
 Brittany to the assistance of the Countess de Montfort ; and 
 the third he destined for Gascony, under the command of 
 Edward the Black Prince.* 
 
 The king of England embarked from Southampton for the 
 coast of Normandy ; but he w-as forced by contrary winds to 
 land on the island of Guernsey, where he remained for seven 
 weeks, waiting for intelligence of the motions of the king of 
 Navarre. In the meanwhile, the king of France, by the 
 advice of his council, suppressing his resentment, and acting 
 from motives of mere i)olicy, had succeeded in detaching 
 Charles the Bad from his alliance with Edward III. — for the 
 king of Navarre, as Count of Evreux, was able to introduce 
 an enemy almost to the gates of Paris. 
 
 When Edward discovered that Charles had made peace 
 with the king of France, he returned to England ; but he only 
 remained there a short time, when, setting sail from Dover, 
 he passed over to Calais. From Calais he overran without 
 resistance the greater part of the county of Artois, and sat 
 down before the ."itrong castle of Blangis, situated about two 
 leagues from the town of Hcsdin. While Edward was there 
 encamped, he sent word to the king of France, by a valiant 
 French knight named Boucicault — a prisoner on parole, and 
 at that time on his way to deliver himself ujj — that he would 
 wait at tliat place for eight days, prepared to give him 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 303, 304. 
 
8o Life aud Times of [Chap. 6. 
 
 battle. John, who was tlicn at the city of Amiens, with a 
 force greatly superior to that of the English, paid little 
 attention to tlie message ; but, when he found that Edward, 
 after the expiration of the time indicated, had returned to 
 Calais upon the receipt of information that the Scots had 
 invaded England and taken the town of Berwick, he advanced 
 with his army to St. Omer, and sent a formal challenge to 
 Edward to meet him, " with a hundred against a hundred, a 
 thousand against a thousand, or army against army." To 
 this challenge Edward coolly replied, that " he had waited 
 for him before Blangis for ten days, and desired nothing so 
 much as a battle ; but that he had then received other news, 
 and he would fight, not at the instance of his enemies, but 
 at the will of his friends." Edward thereupon returned 
 hastily to England, resolved to inflict a signal punishment 
 on the Scots ; but he accomplished little more than the 
 reca])ture of Berwick ; and the king of Erance, after the 
 departure of the English, disbanded his army, and returned 
 to Paris.* 
 
 During the treaty between the kings of France and Eng- 
 land, which had been renewed on the 6th of April, 1353, 
 Charles de Blois, not being able to raise in Brittany the sum 
 which he had promised to pay for his ransom, returned into 
 England at the exi)iration of the time which had been fixed 
 for the payment. As the treaty did not put a stop to private 
 wars between the partisans of the two crowns, Charles de 
 Blois made his complaints to Edward III. of the ravages 
 committed by his troops in Brittany, and obtained a sus- 
 pension of arms in that province from the king of England, 
 who sent over a serjeant-at-arms to give notice of the truce, 
 and to re(juire its strict observance. t 
 
 • Froiss.-irt, liv. i. part ii. pp. 304, 310. " Contin. N.mgi.," torn. ii. 
 p. 229. 
 
 t Actes Jc Ihiiagtic, torn. i. col. I489. Ryiner, vol. iii. par. i. ji. 269. 
 
Chap. 6.] Bcrti-and du Gucsdin. 8i 
 
 Favoured by this truce, the Bretons were quiet during the 
 winter season ; but acts of hostility recommenced with the 
 return of spring. Hugh Calverly, an entcq^rising English 
 officer, learning that the Marechal d'Audeneham had been 
 invited to the castle of Montmuran by Jeanne de Combourg, 
 dame de Tinteniac, resolved to take him prisoner ; but 
 Bertrand du Guesclin, who accompanied the marechal, and 
 whom the various fortunes of t]ie war in Brittany had made 
 a cautious and wily partisan, placed thirty men in ambuscade 
 on the road which led to the castle. The entertainment 
 had scarcely commenced when Calverly arrived ; but he 
 was arrested by the archers and men-at-arms posted on the 
 wayside. D'Audeneham and Du Guesclin, being informed of 
 the danger of their men, armed themselves and sallied out 
 of the castle at the head of their companies. Du Guesclin, 
 before the engagement, wished to be created a knight, and 
 he obtained that distinction at the hands of Elatre du Marais, 
 a Norman knight. The action was well contested ; and, 
 though Calverly had a greater number of men than his 
 opponents, he was unhorsed and taken prisoner by Enguer- 
 rand de Hesdin, and his troops were soon put to flight* 
 
 Not long after the discomfiture of Hugh Calverly at the 
 castle of Montmuran, Bertrand du Guesclin, while seeking 
 for some new adventure " by which he might acquire 
 honour," found himself one day in the neighbourhood of 
 the castle of Forgeray, with sixty followers. Here he learnt 
 from a servant whom he had just taken prisoner that Robert 
 Blancbourg, the governor of the castle, had ^eft it with the 
 greater part of the garrison, in the hope of surprising a 
 portion of the forces under Charles de Blois. Bertrand at 
 once determined to attempt to take the castle by stratagem, 
 and he instantly put his design into execution. He divided 
 
 • Morice, Hist, dc Brdaptc, torn. i. pp. 2S3, 284. 
 VOL. I. G 
 
82 Life and Times cf [Chap. 6. 
 
 his men into two equal parts, one of which he stationed in 
 a wood near the castle, and with the other, disguised as 
 wood-cutters, with their amiour concealed, he advanced to 
 the gates of the fortress. He went himself before, bearing 
 upon his shoulders, like the rest of his followers, a great load 
 of wood. Some of these, when they found that they were 
 observed by the watchman, who sounded his trumpet on 
 their approach, "wished themselves in the salt sea." But 
 Bertrand marched on imperturbably, singing as he went 
 along; and, both by his appearance and manner, so com- 
 pletely deceived the sentinels that, after a short parley, the 
 gates were thrown open, the chains loosened, and the draw- 
 bridge was lowered. He crossed the bridge, and, throwing 
 down his load in the gateway, to prevent the gates from 
 being closed, drew his sword, and cutting down the porter 
 with one stroke, he shouted his war-cry : " Guesclin !" 
 
 Bertrand was bravely seconded by his men, who had fol- 
 lowed him to the gates, and these were promptly supportcil 
 by those who had been stationed in the neighbouring wood. 
 The garrison soon assembled to oppose his entrance, and 
 the contest was fierce and bloody at the gates. As the two 
 l^arties were nearly equally matched, the combat had con- 
 tinued for some time, when one of Bertrand's men discovered 
 a large body of horsemen riding towards the castle. Upon 
 the near apjjroach of the strangers, he called out to them, 
 "Do not enter here unless you come to aid Charles de Blois. 
 If you are English, you had better fly, or you will be dead 
 men : for the brave Bertrand, with five hundred men, is here 
 confessing the English." The new-comers turned out to be 
 friends ; and, when they entered, they saw Bertrand engaged 
 in the hottest part of the fight, with his armour broken in 
 many jjlaces, and streaming with blood. Some of them re- 
 cognised liim ; others said, " See what a madman ! was ever 
 such a squire in the world before !" Bertrand still continued 
 
Chap. 6.] JBertrand du Guesclin. 83 
 
 the fight, though blinded by his own blood, and rejected the 
 efforts which were made to withdraw him from it \ but the 
 victory had already inclined to his side when the succours 
 arrived, and shortly afterwards the castle was surrendered. 
 The victors closed the gates, and ordering wine to be brought, 
 they were drinking it together, when they were informed that 
 Blancbourg, the governor, was returning, and even then 
 approacliing the castle. Bertrand determined at once to 
 attack him, and sallied out of the castle with a strong force. 
 In the conflict which ensued, Blancbourg was slain and his 
 followers were routed. Bertrand then returned to the castle, 
 of which he became the governor.* 
 
 After placing a sufficient garrison in the castle of For- 
 geray, Bertrand du Guesclin, in company with a number of 
 the principal lords of Brittany, under a safe conduct, dated 
 the loth of November, 1354, crossed over to England, to 
 treat of the ransom of Charies de Blois. Edward III., while 
 offering to treat with the Bretons, expressed some apprehen- 
 sion lest the terms of the treaty might not be faithfully 
 observed on their part. To this imputation Bertrand du 
 Guesclin sharply answered, " We will keep it, even as you 
 will keep it yourself" This bold retort so offended the 
 English monarch that he was on the point of ordering his 
 arrest, when one of the Breton nobles whispered to the king 
 that Du Guesclin was somewhat light-headed, and they only 
 made use of him as a pleasant fool. By this adroit inter- 
 position, the anger of the king was diverted from its object, 
 and Bertrand was permitted to withdraw, and return in safety 
 to his own country.t 
 
 • Cuvelier, w. 830, 1037. "MS. of the Arsenal," torn. L p. 38. 
 Chron. Ajwtiymc, ch. 5- 
 
 t Rymer, vol. iii. par. i. p. 291. Acta dc Brdagnc, torn. L col. I496. 
 Note of M. Charricre to Cuvelier, torn, iu p. 333 (9). I^u Chaitelct, 
 //«/. dt Du Guaclift, p. I4- 
 
 G 2 
 
C'llAPTKR \ II. 
 
 Expedition of the Blaek Prinee into iMngueiioc. Convocation of the 
 States- Central. Arrest of the king of Navarre, and deeapitation of the 
 Count de Jfareourt and others, by order of the king of France. Con- 
 scquetua of this step. Battle of PoUicrs. 
 
 [UK tnice which had been concluded between the 
 kings of France and England at Malestroit, in the 
 year 1343, and renewed many times by the inter- 
 vention of the legates of the Pojie, expired on the 
 isl of April, 1355 ; and while Edward III. was occupying the 
 attention of King John, in the northern provinces of France, 
 as already mentioned, the Klack Prince was engaged in a 
 marauding expedition into Languedoc. The prince left 
 England with an army of one thousand men-at-arms and 
 eleven thousand archers, to which he added, in Guienne, five 
 hundred lances and three thousand light-armed trooi)S.* As 
 he was not provided with the means of attacking fortified 
 places, the only result which attended the expedition was 
 the accjuisition of an immense booty, which he collected, 
 with little or no resistance, from the rich and defenceless 
 towns along his route. 
 
 The country about Carcassonne, Toulouse, and Narbonne, 
 which comprises the present departments of the l^ppcr da- 
 ronne and Aude, was tlien one of llie richest in the world ; 
 
 • liiJaus. Tlicsc troops were .irmcd with il.irts, a I.incc, and poignanL 
 
Chap. 7-] Life atid Times of Bertrand du Guesdin. 85 
 
 the inhabitants were unused to war, and they had prospered 
 under the influence of a long peace ; their chambers were 
 adorned with carjiets and tapestry, and their coffers filled with 
 precious jewels. In that abundant country, the richest clothes 
 were esteemed of no value by the invaders — nothing but silver 
 plate and good florins could satisfy the cupidity of the Eng- 
 lish and Gascons ; and the rich plunder was forced from the 
 wealthy inhabitants as the price of their ransom from 
 captivity. The Black Prince, when he reached Toulouse, 
 which at that time was not much less populous than the city 
 of Paris, found that the suburbs had been destroyed by order 
 of the Count d'Armagnac, who repressed with difficulty the 
 ardour of the citizens, to the number of forty-nine thousand, 
 for a sally against the English, by telling them that they were 
 unacquainted with the use of amis, and that they could 
 perform no better exploit than to guard their town. 
 
 The Black Prince, being unable to carry it by storm, 
 passed it without molestation, and took on his route the 
 towns of Mont-Giscard, Avignonet, and Castelnau-dAri, 
 which were wholly unfortified, or only protected by walls 
 constructed of earth. He then marched to Carcassonne, a 
 strongly fortified town, where he found the suburbs unforti- 
 fied, save by chains thrown across the streets. These offered 
 but an ineffectual resistance to the English. Leaving Car- 
 cassonne, he next marched to the city of Narbonne, which 
 was as well fortified as Toulouse ; and here, in like manner, 
 after an unsuccessful attempt to take the city, he burned the 
 suburbs, and then made preparation to retrace his steps, with 
 his army laden with booty. He returned to Carcassonne by 
 a different route from the one by which he had gone, and 
 took on his way the town of Limoux, which he first 
 plundered, and then so effectually destroyed that " he left 
 nothing standing that could afford shelter to a horse;" and 
 the wretched proprietor on his return could not point to the 
 
86 Life and Times of [Chap. 7. 
 
 spot where once stood his house, and say with certainty, 
 " This wxs my heritage." 
 
 While the Knglish were thus laying waste without resist- 
 ance the province of Languedoc, the Count d'Annagnac was 
 collecting forces to cut off their retreat ; but he lost so much 
 time in waiting for the Lord James de Bourbon, then lieu- 
 tenant of the province, that the I'Jiglish anny repassed the 
 river Caronne without opi)Osition, and returned safe, with 
 their accumulated spoil, into Cuienne.* 
 
 The king of France, in order to obtain the necessary means 
 to carry on the war against the Knglish, summoned a con- 
 vention of the States-Cencral, which met in November, 1355. 
 He procured from that body, after some delibcration,t an 
 ordinance imposing a tax on salt This tax was collecteil, 
 but not without difficulty. At Arras, in Picardy, it occasioned 
 an insurrection of the populace, in which many of the 
 wealthier citizens were slain ; and in Nomiandy it was openly 
 resisted, and the ordinance set at defiance by the king of 
 Navarre, the Count de Harcourt, and their adherents. 
 
 The king of France, who was as hasty in his resolutions, 
 as he was obstinate in adhering to them when formed, deter- 
 mined to punish all those who resisted his authority, and 
 especially the king of Navarre — declaring that he would have 
 no one master in France but himself; and adtling that he 
 would never have perfect joy while the king of Navarre lived. 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 313, 321. 
 
 t The (IciiLinds of tlic kiiij; were ncccdcil to hy the States-General, 
 on the conditions tliat tlic collectors of the revenue should be ai>|X)inted 
 by themselves, and that they should meet in the following year to examine 
 the accounts of ihe receipt and tlisbursement of the public money ; that 
 the kinj; should ]>rtimise not to debase the coin ; and that the droit de 
 prise (the riyht of taking cattle, com, and other properly, by the oflTiccrs 
 of the crown, for the use of the kinjj) should Ik: for ever alMilisheil. — 
 Kecueil des Ordonnanea. Cited by M. liuchun, in liiji notes to I-roissart, 
 liv. i. part ii. p. 322. 
 
Chap. 7.] Bcrtmnd du Gucsdin. 87 
 
 An unexpected incident soon gave him the opportunity to 
 gratify his resentment. 
 
 Charles tlie Dauphin,* who had been recently created Duke 
 of Normandy, and who had gone to take possession of that 
 duchy, was not aware of the designs meditated by his father 
 against the king of Navarre and tlie Count de Harcourt ; he 
 therefore, without suspicion of danger, invited them to dine 
 with him at his castle at Rouen on the following Saturday. 
 They, with some others, accepted the invitation. The king of 
 France, by some means, was infomied of the invitation, and of 
 its acceptance. He thereupon set out secretly from Paris on 
 Friday, and arrived at the castle of Rouen, where he found 
 his son, with his guests, seated at dinner. 
 
 The Duke of Normandy and his guests were greatly 
 alarmed at the unexpected appearance and angry counte- 
 nance of the king of France, and some of the party were so 
 concerned for their safety that they made their escape from 
 the hall. King John, as soon as he entered the room, walked 
 up to the table, where the king of Navarre was then standing, 
 and taking him by the queue, he gave him a sudden jerk, 
 saying at the same time : " Down, traitor ! you are not 
 worthy to sit at table with my son. By the soul of my father, 
 I will not cat or drink again while you are alive." 
 
 At these words of the king of France, a squire named Nicolas 
 Duplet,t belonging to the king of Navarre, seeing his master 
 so roughly treated, drew his cutlass and threatened to slay the 
 king of France, who, at this daring act, relinquished his 
 
 * Charles was the first of the French princes who was styled Dauphin. 
 The Dauphine dc Viennois was ceded liy Humbert to Philippe de Valois, 
 in the year 1349, on the condition that the eldest son of the king of 
 france should bear the name of Dauphin. — Du Tillet, Rcauil da Koys 
 dc France, p. 212, and Chroniquc Alnrj^cc, p. 64, verso. Raj-nahlus, 
 Attnal. Eccla. 1 344, § 60, and 1 350, % 39. 
 
 t He is probably the same person called Colinct de BIcville by 
 Froissart. 
 
88 Life and Times of [Chap. 7. 
 
 hold on ihc king of Navarre, and, turning round to his ser- 
 geants, said, " Arrest me this fellow, and his master also." 
 
 The king of Navarre was accordingly arrested on the spot. 
 He ])erceived his danger, and strove both by words and man- 
 ner to appease the anger of the king of France ; but no soli- 
 citation or excuse, plea or explanation, seemed of any avail. 
 The dauphin, then, with clasped hands, fell on his knees before 
 his father, and pa.ssionately entreated him to spare his guests. 
 
 " \h ! my lord, have mercy, for Ciod's sake. You will dis- 
 honour me: for what will be said of me, when I had invited 
 the king and his barons to dine with me, and you treat them 
 thus ; it will be said that I betrayed them. Besides, I 
 have seen in them nothing but propriety ami all courtesy." 
 
 " With your leave, Charles," replied the king of France, 
 " they are vile traitors, and their misdeeds will soon be dis- 
 covered. You do not know all that I know." 
 
 With these words King John ])assed on, and, taking a 
 sergeant's mace, he approachetl the Count de Harcourt, and 
 struck him a severe blow between the shoulders, saying, at 
 the same time, " Out, proud traitor ! you shall go to prison 
 for a Christmas present. You will know well how to sing, when 
 you escape me. You are of the race of the Count de Ghives. 
 Your misdeeds and treasons will be found out in due time." 
 
 After these words, the king of Navarre, the Count ile 
 Harcourt, Lord de Graville, with Maubud and Nicolas 
 Duplet, were seized by the order of the king of France, and, 
 with the exception of the king of Navarre, were all taken 
 out of the castle to a field near Rouen, and instantly 
 beheaded, not allowing them even time for confession. 
 The king of Navarre was carried a prisoner to Taris.* 
 
 'I'he king of France, by this hasty and arbitrary step, 
 provoked the hostility of the kinsmen and other adherents of 
 
 • Froissarl, liv. i. jiarl ii. pp. 322, 325. " Coiiliii. Nanj,'!.," loin. ii. 
 pp. 230, 231. 
 
Chap. 7.] Bert rand du GucscUn. 89 
 
 Charles the Bad and of the Count do Harcourt, among whom 
 were Philippe and Louis of Navarre, the brothers of Charles ; 
 William, eldest son of the late Count de Harcourt ; Lord 
 Godefroy de Harcourt, his uncle ; and others, to the number 
 of twenty, who sent him immediately letters of defiance. 
 John at first treated these demonstrations of hostility with 
 contempt ; but he soon found that they were not confined 
 to words, and that the brothers of Navarre and the Nonnan 
 lords had formed an alliance with the king of England for 
 the immediate invasion of his kingdom. 
 
 Edward HL did not hesitate to accept the offers of his 
 new allies to carry out his long-cherished schemes, and he 
 ordered the Duke of Lancaster, then at Pontorson, on the 
 frontiers of Brittany, to join all the forces at his command 
 to those of the Norman nobles, and invade France through 
 Normandy. The Duke of Lancaster thereupon met the 
 Norman lords at Evreux. Their joint forces amounted to 
 tAvelve hundred men-at-arms, sixteen thousand archers, and 
 tw^o thousand brigands,* who overran and pillaged the 
 country belonging to the king of France as far as the town 
 of Rouen ; but John collected an anny of forty thousand 
 men to oppose this invasion, and the Duke of Lancaster and 
 his allies, not being able to meet so large a force in the field, 
 retreated to Cherbourg, in the Cotentin. 
 
 After the retreat of the Duke of Lancaster, the king of 
 France, upon the advice of his marshals and the Counts de 
 Bourbon and d'Artois, abandoned the pursuit of the English 
 and Navarrois, and laid siege to the city of Evreux, belonging 
 to the king of Navarre. Not only the city and the castle, but 
 the suburbs were strongly fortified ; they all, however, yielded 
 after a protracted defence ; and John then proceeded to lay 
 
 * These troops were infantry, armed with lances and bucklers, and 
 fur defensive amif»nr wore a species rtf coat-of-mail, called a hrif^andinc. 
 Du Cange, (iloss. voc. Frtf^andma and Hn^amiu 
 
90 Life and Times of [Chap. 7. 
 
 siege to Breteuil, one of the strongest places in Normandy, 
 and which was defended by a numerous and well-appointed 
 garrison. The besiegers, being unable at first to make any 
 imi)ression on the walls, were forced to erect large machines, 
 with which they annoyed the garrison night and day; and, by 
 the king's order, a large number of carpenters were employed 
 in erecting a great belfr)-,* of three stories, to be drawn on 
 four wheels, each story of which could contain two hundred 
 men, and the whole was to be covered with skins. " Many 
 called it a cat,t and others a preparation for an assault." 
 
 When the tower was finished, and the moats surrounding 
 the fortress were filled with timber and straw, a large number 
 of men-at-arms entered it, and it was pushed up close to the 
 walls. The garrison, who had obser\ ed all this preparation 
 to overtop their ramparts, were provided with cannon casting 
 fire J and large triangular arrows. At first, before firing their 
 cannon, they fought hand to hand with the men-at-arms 
 
 • On the subject of these belfries or wooden towers, see Froissart, 
 liv. L part i. pp. 197, 198 ; where the English employed a similar 
 structure at the siege of La Rcole. Du Cange's note to Joinville's 
 " Memoirs of St lojuis," pp. 402, 403. Du Cange, C'.loss. voc. 
 Ihl/rcJus, and GeofTrey de Vinsaufs " Itinerary of Kichard I.," ch. 
 xxxvi. Ordericus Vitalis attributes the invention of the belfry, in the 
 year 1091, to the restless Robert dc Hclcsme, son of Roger Earl of 
 Montgomery. Lib. viii. ch. xvi. & xxiv. 
 
 + .Sec atiU, p. 25, note (*). 
 
 % This is the first time th.it Froiss.art mentions the use of cannon. It 
 is still maintained, on the authority of Ciiovani Villani, that they were 
 used at the battle of Crc'cy, in the year 1346. If so, it is remarkable 
 that Froissart should have overKK)ked the fact, when he described all the 
 incidents of that battle with so much minuteness of tletail. Hesides, it is 
 by no means probable that Edward 111. would have embarrassed his 
 march, in a marauding expedition, with machines so cumbrous as 
 cannon, when first invented, or would have dragged them in a perilous 
 retreat as far as Crec)', merely for the i>uri)ose " of frightening the horses." 
 Th'i p.ass.age of Frcjissart, Huchon's edition, liv. i. jiart ii. p. 332, in 
 relation to the use of cannon, occurs in the last of tlie restored chapters. 
 
Chap. 7.] Bertmnd du Gucsdin. 91 
 
 in the belfry, and, after many feats of amis had been per- 
 formed, they began to discharge their cannon and to throw 
 fire upon and within the bthry, and at the same time to 
 shoot large arrows, which slew and wounded a great number. 
 The fire, wliich was Greek,* caught the roof of the belfry, 
 and drove out those who were in it. As soon as the garrison 
 perceived this they made a great huzza, crying out, " St. 
 George ! loyalty and Navarre ! " adding, " Lords of France, 
 you will not take us as easily as you thought." 
 
 * Du Cangc, in his notes to Joinvillc's " Memoirs of St. Louis," 
 says: — "This fire was so called, because it was first invented among 
 the Greeks, by Callinicus, the architect, a native of Heliopolis, a town 
 in .Syria, under Constantinus Barbatus ; and likewise because the Greeks 
 were for a long time the only people who preserved the use of it, which 
 they very rarely communicated to any of their allies. Anna Comneiia 
 says that this fire was made with pitch and other gums from trees, mixed 
 with sulphur, and the whole ground together. Abbo, in the first book of 
 " The Wars of Paris," has given the composition of it in these verses : — 
 " Addit eis oleum, ceramquc, piccmquc ministrans, 
 Mixta simul liquefacta foco fers'cntia valdc." 
 The Greeks made use of this fire, when at sea, in two waj-s : first, by 
 fire-ships filled with this fire that were floated among the enemies' ships, 
 and thus set them on fire ; secondly, by artificial fires on the prows of 
 these vessels, placed in large tubes of copper, through which they blew 
 them into the enemies' ships. With regard to the use of the Greek fire 
 in battles on land, it was different : for soldiers were then supplied with 
 copper tubes, and blew it through them on their enemies. See Anna 
 Comncna, in the 13th book of her Alcxiad. Sometimes they threw 
 sharp bolts of iron, covered with tow, well oiled and pitched, with which 
 they set fire to the engines. Joinville thus speaks of this fire: "And 
 they opened a verj- quick fire upon us with balls made of the Greek fire." 
 Sometimes this fire was put in phials and pots, and it was also discharged 
 from perricrsand cross-bows. Albert of Aix, 1. \ni. ch. 5, remarks that, 
 "hujus ignis genus aqua erat inextinguibile ;" but there were other mate- 
 rials by which it could be extinguished — namely, ^^^egar and sand. 
 Jacques dc Vitry, 1. iii. ch. 84, adds wine as an extinguisher ; and Cinna- 
 "^"5, p. 308, says that "ships were frequently covered with cloths dipped 
 in vinegar to prevent the bad effects of this fire."— Join^nlle, pp. 405, 406, 
 Sec also Geoffrey do Vinsaufs " Itinerary of Richard I.," ch. xxxiv. 
 
92 Life atui Times of [Chap. 7. 
 
 While the king of France was engaged in the siege of 
 Breteuil, he was informed that Edward the Black Prince had 
 left Bordeaux with a force of two thousand men-at-arms and six 
 thousand archers, besides his Hght troops ; that he had j)assed 
 the river Dordogne, at Bergerac, and entered the province 
 of Auvergne ; that he was laying waste the countr)' without 
 resistance, and preparing to enter the rich province of Berry, 
 with the intention of joining his forces to those of the Duke 
 of Lancaster and the Navarrois in Nomiandy. John, there- 
 fore, was the more anxious to take the castle either by force 
 or capitulation ; but, as he could not succeed by the former 
 means, he readily listened to the terms of surrender proposed 
 by the garrison — then much exhausted by the duration of the 
 siege — that their lives should be spared, and that they might 
 take away such projierty as they could carry with them.* 
 
 The king of France not only retained the troops he had 
 with him before Breteuil, but he sent special orders to his 
 nobles, and others holding fiefs of the crown, to join him 
 without excuse or delay, and fully prepared to march at 
 once against the English. This order was promptly obeyed ; 
 and John, when he reviewed his forces at Chartres, under the 
 charge of his marshals, Sir John de Clermont and SirArnoul 
 d'Audeneham, found himself at the head of a large and well- 
 a|)pointed army, as anxious as he was himself to meet the 
 English. 
 
 While the king of France was making these preparations, 
 the Black Prince had entered Berr}', and, after taking the 
 town of Vierzon, in that province, he marched into the pro- 
 vince of Orleans, and took the town and castle of Romoran- 
 tin, after an obstinate defence.t Learning then that the king 
 
 • Kroiss-irt, liv. i. part ii. p]i. 325, 333. 'I'lic twenty-two cliaptcrs 
 restored to the Chronicles by M. Ikichon, in his cciilioii of Froissart, 
 terminate with the sic^o of IJrclciiil. 
 
 + Froi.ssart asserts that the Black Prince made use of cannon at the 
 
Chap. 7.] Bertrand du Gncsdin. 93 
 
 of France had collected a large army to oppose him, the 
 prince deemed it advisable to commence his retreat into 
 Guienne ; but it was then too late, for John had already 
 crossed the river Vienne, at Chauvigny, and thus cut off his 
 retreat. When the prince ascertained that the French army 
 was before him, he well knew that a battle was inevitable. 
 He followed the king of France to within two leagues of the 
 city of Poitiers, where the latter had taken up his quarters, 
 and there he made his dispositions for the battle with great 
 coolness and judgment. That night he encamped among 
 vines and hedges, and placed sentinels to guard the camp. 
 The same precaution was likewise taken on the part of tlie 
 French. 
 
 The next morning, which was Sunday, the king of France, 
 who had a great desire to give battle to the English, heard 
 mass in his tent, and received the communion with his four 
 sons. After mass, he called a council, composed of all the 
 distinguished leaders of his anny, where it was decided that 
 each lord should display his banner, lead his followers into 
 the field, and arrange them in order of battle for immediate 
 combat. The trumpets were then sounded, and all armed 
 themselves, mounted on horseback, and went into the field, 
 where the banners of the king fluttered in the wind, and 
 especially the Oriflamme,* which was borne by Sir Geoffrey 
 de Chargny. 
 
 siege of this castle. He says : — " Then they ordered cannon to be 
 brought forward, and carrcaitx (large triangular arrows) and Greek fire 
 to be discharged into the lower court." Again : — " Then was the fire 
 brought, and discharged liy bombardes and cannon into the lower 
 court." — Liv. i. part ii. p. 337. 
 
 * Du Cange, in his notes to Joinville's " Memoirs of St. Louis," 
 says : — " This standard of .St. Denis was no other than the Oriflamme. 
 This name was given to it, because it was slit up fropi the bottom to 
 resemble flames, or, perhaps, from its being of a red colour, and when it 
 fluttered in the wind it appeared in the distance like flames ; and besides, 
 
94 Life and Times of [Chap. 7. 
 
 The French army was formed in three grand divisions, 
 under the direction of the Constable Walter de Brienne, Duke 
 of Athens, assisted by the marshals. Each division consisted 
 of sixteen thousand men-at-arms. The first was commanded 
 by the Duke of Orleans; the second by Charles the Dauphin; 
 and the third by the king. While the constable was arranging 
 the men in order of battle, King John sent Sir Eustace 
 de Ribeumont and three other knights with instructions 
 to approach as near as they could to the army of the Black 
 Prince, examine into his dispositions for the battle, and report 
 as to the best manner of attacking the enemy, whether on 
 foot or horseback, WTiile Sir Eustace and his companions 
 were engaged in executing this order, King John mounted 
 a large white horse, rode up to the ranks, and said aloud to 
 his men : " There are those among you who, when you were 
 at Paris, Chartres, Rouen, and Orleans, threatened what you 
 would do with the English, and wished that you had on your 
 helmets in front of them. Now you are in that very situa- 
 tion ; I will show them to you, and you may avenge the 
 injuries they have done you : for we shall fight them without 
 fail." 
 
 The king was yet speaking when Sir Eustace de Ribeu- 
 mont returned with his party and reported that he had 
 examined the order of batl^V.^ of the English, and he esti- 
 
 thc lance to which it was fixed was gilded." — p. 390. Sec also Du 
 Cange, Gloss, voc. Aiirijlavinm^ and Du Tillet, Kccucil dcs Roys dc 
 France, Lenrs Coiirouiie &> Maisoii, p. 234. Many dissertations have 
 been written on this celebrated standard. Father Doubler, one of the 
 monks of St. Denis, where it was kept, says : — " That it was comprised 
 in the inventory of the treasury of St. Denis, made in 1534, by the 
 commissioners of the chamber of accounts, and is thus described : — 
 * Etaidayd cf un ccndal fort espais, fcndu par le milieu en fafon d'ltn 
 gonfanon, fort ciidiiijue, cnve/oppJ aiitour d^iin bAton, convert d" un cuivre 
 dore et itn fer longuet au bout.'' " — Buchon's note to Froissart, liv. i. 
 part ii. page 341 (i). 
 
Chap. 7.] Bert rand du Gucsdin. 95 
 
 mated their number at about two thousand men-at-arms, 
 four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred brigands. He 
 described them as strongly posted, and said that all their 
 arrangements had been made with great skill ; that they had 
 taken a position along a road, and fortified it by hedges and 
 bushes, and placed their archers on both sides of the hedge, 
 so that no one could pass along the road but through them ; 
 that between these hedges not more than four men could 
 ride abreast ; and that they had placed the men-at-arms on 
 foot behind the archers, arranged in the form of a harrow, 
 on both sides of the hedge, among vines and thorns. This 
 disposition also prevented the approach on horseback. To 
 the inquiry of the king how he could best attack them. Sir 
 Eustace advised that all his men-at-arms should advance on 
 foot, except three hundred chosen men, mounted on their 
 best horses, who should also advance, and endeavour to 
 break through the line of archers ; that the men-at-arms 
 should then follow on foot, and attack the enemy hand to 
 hand. The king adopted this advice of De Ribeumont; 
 and, having armed twenty combatants with armour similar to 
 his own,* he commanded all his men-at-arms to dismount 
 and take off their spurs, except the three hundred, who 
 
 * It was then a common custom, and it continued for a long time, to 
 arm a number of combatants in the same manner as the commander of 
 the army, or of some important detachment. On the same occasion, 
 Froissart says, Sir Regnault de Cervole, the archpriest, put on the 
 armour of the young Count d'Alen9on; liv. i. part ii. p. 342. Shakes- 
 peare thus alludes to this custom, in act v. scene iii. of P'irst Part of 
 •' King Henry IV." : — 
 
 " Hotspur. The king hath many marching in his coats. 
 Douglas, Now, by my sword, I will kill all his coats. 
 I'll murder all his wardrobe, piece by piece, 
 Until I meet the king." 
 And, in the last scene of " King Richard III.," the king exclaims : — 
 " I think there be six Richmonds in the field : 
 Five have I slain to-day instead of him." 
 
g6 Life and Times of [Chap. 7. 
 
 were selected to make the cliarge against tlie English 
 archers. 
 
 When every preparation had been made for an immediate 
 engagement, the Cardinal de Perigord approached the king, 
 and, with great earnestness, begged a suspension of the 
 order to commence the battle that he might go over to the 
 prince and apprise him of his great danger. The king 
 yielded a reluctant consent, and told the cardinal to hasten 
 with his mission, and return speedily. The latter went over 
 without delay to the English army. He found Edward on 
 foot, at the head of his troops, waiting for the signal to begin 
 the battle. The prince heard patiently the pacific arguments 
 of the cardinal, and briefly replied, " Save my honour and 
 that of my people, and I will readily listen to any reasonable 
 terms." The cardinal thereu])on returned to the quarters of 
 the king, and obtained from him a cessation of hostilities 
 until the next morning at sunrise ; but his further eftbrts 
 were unavailing : for, although the prince was willing to 
 restore all the towns and castles which he had taken, 
 release all his prisoners, and swear not to take up arms 
 against the kingdom of France for seven years, the king 
 would listen to nothing less than the surrender of the 
 prince and a hundred of his knights, as i)risoners of 
 war.* 
 
 During this temporary suspension of arms, certain young 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. pari ii. pp. 337, 343. In llic Clmviiijiii (\\\o\\ymc) 
 dc Die Gucsclin it is slated, tliat Edward, besides ofTering to restore his 
 conquests, agreed to pay 100,000 francs, which one of the French 
 niarcclials, Sir Arnoul d'Audencham, advised the king to take ; but tlie 
 Marcchal de Clermont dissuaded liim from accepting the offer, and 
 charged the Marechal d' Audeneham witli proposing such counsels through 
 fear. To this charge, D'Audencham angrily replied : — " Clermont, that 
 you may find out whether I have fear, I wish you to know, if the battle 
 is joined, that the point of your lance will not enter it as far as the tail of 
 my horse." — Ch. vii. p. 7. 
 
Chap. 7.] Bertrand du Guesdin. 97 
 
 knights from both armies had ridden out to examine the 
 position and order of battle of their respective opponents, 
 when Sir John Chandos, "a vaHant and gentle knight" of 
 the army of the P>lack Prince, chanced to encounter Sir 
 Jean de Clermont, one of the French marshals, and a 
 seemingly trifling incident gave them a pretext for an angry 
 quarrel. Each of these knights, " who were young and 
 amorous," bore on his left arm the same device, which was 
 " a blue Dame worked with a border of sun's rays," and 
 which each wore on his outer garment. Sir Jean de Cler- 
 mont, displeased to see his device worn by the English 
 knight, halted, and called out to him abruptly : — ■ 
 
 " Chandos ! how long have you presumed to wear my 
 device V 
 
 " And you mine," replied Sir John Chandos : " for it is as 
 much mine as yours." 
 
 " I deny it," retorted the other ; " and, if there were no 
 truce between your army and ours, I would soon show you 
 that you have no right to bear it." 
 
 " Ha !" exclaimed Sir John Chandos ; " to-morrow morn- 
 ing you will find me fully prepared to defend and prove by 
 feats of arms that it is as well mine as yours." 
 
 With these words they separated ; but the French marshal, 
 while riding off, said in an arrogant tone : — 
 
 " Chandos ! Chandos ! that is the conceited vanity of you 
 English, who cannot invent anything new, but use whatever 
 good thing you see in others." * 
 
 At sunrise on the next day, the Cardinal de Perigord 
 made another ineffectual effort to prevent a battle between 
 the two armies ; but, finding the king of France inexorable, 
 he went over a second time to visit the Black Prince, and, 
 on parting, said to him : — 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 344. 
 VOL. I. H 
 
98 Life and Times of [Chap. 7 . 
 
 " Fair son, do your utmost, for you must fight ; there is 
 no hope of peace from tlie king of France." 
 
 " Such, indeed, is my purpose," repHed the prince, " and 
 that of my people ; and may God sliow the right." * 
 
 The position and numbers of Prince Edward's army had 
 been very accurately represented by Sir Eustace de Ribeu- 
 mont in the report of his reconnoissance, except that the 
 interval procured by the mediation of the Cardinal de P^ri- 
 gord had been employed by the prince in strengthening the 
 position of his archers by a moat ; and he had also ordered 
 a body of three hundred men-at-arms and as many archers, 
 all on horse, to cross a hill on his right, and prepare them- 
 selves for an attack on the left flank of the division, com- 
 manded by the Dauphin Charles. The horses of his army 
 were placed in an enclosure formed of the waggons and 
 harness, and sufficiently near to be mounted in case of need. 
 Having made all his dispositions for the battle, the prince 
 calmly awaited with his little aniiy, which consisted of not 
 more than eight thousand effective men, while that of John 
 amounted to fifty thousand, of whom there were more than 
 three thousand knights.t 
 
 Just before the battle commenced, Sir James Audley, a 
 brave English knight in Prince Edward's army, ai)proached 
 the prince, and said to him, that he had always loyally 
 served both him and his father, and he would continue so 
 to do ; that he had formerly made a vow, that in the first 
 battle in which he found the king of England or any one of 
 his sons engaged, he would be the first assailant, and the 
 best combatant on his side, or die in the attempt;:}: he 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 345. 
 
 + Froissart, liv. i. ^art ii. pp. 345, 346. This order of l)allle, as will 
 be rcmcmljered, was very similar to that adopted by Edward III., ten 
 years before, at the battle of Crecy. 
 
 X " Die in the attempt :" Demenrroii en la peine, is the lanj^uagc of 
 
Chap. 7.] Bciiraud dn Gucsdin. 99 
 
 thereupon entreated the prince, as a reward for his services, 
 that he would give him permission to leave the ranks, and 
 put himself in a situation to accomplish his vow. Edward 
 without hesitation granted the request; and the knight placed 
 himself in front of the army, accompanied only by four 
 brave squires, whom he had always retained about him as a 
 body-guard. 
 
 The king of France, confident of success from the supe- 
 riority of numbers, and impatient for the conflict, gave the sig- 
 nal for battle. It was commenced by the three hundred select 
 men-at-arms under the two marshals, Sir John de Clermont and 
 Sir Arnoul d'Audeneham, who made an impetuous charge on 
 the English archers and attempted to break through them ; but 
 they were enfiladed by the archers from both sides of the 
 hedge, when the horses, })ierced by the long barbed arrows of 
 the English, could not be made to advance, and they were 
 speedily thrown into the utmost confusion. Sir James Audley, 
 supported by his brave squires, attacked them at the same 
 time with great valour ; and, in the end, the French men- 
 at-arms were routed, with one of their leaders. Sir Arnoul 
 d'Audeneham, taken, and the other slain. This detachment, 
 thus routed, fell back on the division commanded by the 
 dauphin, which was attacked in the flank, at the same time, 
 by the archers and men-at-arms sent round by the prince 
 under the cover of the hill ; and the French were so sorely 
 pressed by the well-directed arrows of the English, that a 
 number of those in the rear mounted their horses and took 
 to flight. Upon the approach of the forces under the Prince 
 of Wales, the whole division gave way, and retired from the 
 field, carrying with them the dauphin* and his two brothers, 
 
 Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 346. St. Palaye, in referring to this incitlent, 
 renders it Mowroit h la peine. — Mcmoircs sur V Ancicnne Chcvaleiie, 
 torn. i. p. 205, note (6). 
 
 • The Last Continuatorof Nangissays the dauphin, with the division 
 H 2 
 
loo Life and Times of [Chap. 7. 
 
 the Counts of Poitiers and Touraine. The division under 
 the Duke of Orleans also left the field without participating 
 in the action ; so that the king of France, with his com- 
 mand, was left to sustain alone the whole pressure of 
 the battle. John, though deficient in almost every qualifi- 
 cation necessary for the commander of an army, was not 
 devoid of courage, or wanting in any of the duties of a 
 knight : for he fought on foot under the Oriflamme, with a 
 battle-axe in his hand, until the standard was lost, its 
 bearer. Sir Geoffrey de Chargny, killed in its defence, and 
 the greater part of his bravest knights slain or taken around 
 him. He at length surrendered, with his youngest son 
 Philippe,* and was led a prisoner to the tent of the Black 
 Prince. 
 
 This battle, so disastrous to the French, was fought on the 
 fields of Maupertuis, near Poitiers, on Monday, the 19th of 
 September, 1356. Among the slain were many of the most 
 distinguished nobles of France, including the Duke of Athens, 
 the Constable, and Sir John de Clermont, one of the marshals, 
 besides between five and seven hundred men-at-arms, and 
 six thousand other soldiers. The flight and pursuit lasted to 
 the gates of Poitiers ; and such a number of the French were 
 taken prisoners that many English archers and other private 
 soldiers had as many as five or six. The English loss was 
 
 under him, did not leave the field until he saw that his father had been 
 taken prisoner. — Tom. ii. p. 240. 
 
 * PhiHppe, afterwards Duke of Burgundy, acquired tlie surname of 
 The Hardy, for remaining on the field of Poitiers, with his father, when 
 all his brothers ran away from it without striking a blow. During his 
 subsequent captivity, with his father, in England, he struck a cup-bearer 
 of Edward III. for serving his master before the kingof Erance, saying at 
 the same time : — " Who taught you to serve the vassal before the lord ?" 
 " You are, indeed, Philippe the Plardy," said Edward, who always had 
 the magnanimity to admire a generous action, even in an enemy, — 
 Barante, Hist, lies Dues de Bourgoync, tom. i. p. 102. 
 
Chap. 7.] Bertrand dii Gucsdin. loi 
 
 computed at nineteen hundred men-at-arms, and fifteen hun- 
 dred archers.* 
 
 The decisive battle of Cr^cy commenced near sunset, and 
 the approach of night saved the French army from a greater 
 slaughter ; but at Poitiers it commenced at sunrise, and con- 
 tinued until noon. Probably, at no period were the French 
 more unsuccessful in battle, or did they exhibit less know- 
 ledge of the art of war, than during the reigns of Philippe de 
 Valois and his successor. The English were everywhere 
 superior to them in generalship ; but much of their superi- 
 ority should be attributed to a body of well-trained archers, 
 which at Crecy evidently decided the battle, and at Poitiers 
 gave them an advantage that was never recovered by their 
 opponents. This species of troops appears to have been 
 undervalued by the French ;t and although at the battle of 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 347, 353, 358. 
 
 + Du Cange, writing of a period a centuiy anterior to the one under 
 review, says : — " To kill an enemy by the bow, cross-bow, or other 
 artillery, has never been esteemed by the French as an action of valour. 
 They only valued blows from the hand, sword, or lance, which required 
 address and skill ; and it was for this reason that, in process of time, 
 they forbade the use of cross-bows, arrows, and poisoned darts. It was 
 not sufficient to destroy the enemy by any means whatever : it was 
 necessary that he should be conquered by fair force, and with such anus 
 as displayed the dexterity of the person using them. It is certain that 
 the above-mentioned arms have been forbidden at various times by the 
 popes, and particularly at the council held at Rome, under Pope 
 Innocent II., in the year 1 1 39, ch. 29. The emperor was one of the 
 Christian princes who forbade their use, for similar reasons. From 
 whence it is easy to judge that we must interpret favourably the terms 
 of the Breton poet, when, in the second book of his Philippiad he says 
 that Richard I., king of England, invented cross-bows : it must be 
 explained by his meaning that King Richard revived the use of them 
 during his reign. This is so strictly true, that in every action we read of, 
 in the histories of the first crusade, they made use of bows and cross- 
 bows." — Joinville's "Memoirsof St. I^uis," pp. 413, 414. In Geoffrey 
 de Vinsaufs " Chronicle of Richard the First's Cnisade," the author 
 says that Richard, at the siege of Acre, "placed his most experienced 
 
I02 Life and Times of [Cliap. 7. 
 
 Crecy they cmi)loycd a large body of cross-bowmen, these 
 were mercenaries, and tlie arrow from the Genoese cross- 
 bow proved to be no matcli for the English cloth yard 
 shaft. 
 
 The Prince of Wales, by his unexpected success, was 
 enabled to show that he possessed other virtues besides 
 those of courage and military skill. He treated his prisoner, 
 the king of France, with all the deference and courtesy due 
 lo his age and high rank ; and he did not forget such of his 
 own followers who had exhibited on the field any extra- 
 ordinary proofs of valour. To Sir James Audley, who had 
 been desperately wounded in the battle, he gave, as the best 
 combatant of the day, an annuity of five hundred marks : all 
 of which, however, the knight generously distributed among 
 his four squires, who had fought by his side in the engage- 
 ment, and carried him off to a i)lace of safety, when he was 
 incapable, from his wounds, of continuing the battle. The 
 prince, on hearing afterwards that Sir James Audley had 
 given away the annuity which he had granted him, sent for 
 the knight to inquire if the gift had not been acceptable to 
 him. To this the latter rei)lied, that the four stjuires, who 
 had faithfully served him, and enabled him to accomplish 
 his vow, had hitherto followed him without recompense, and 
 that he thought he could do nothing better with the money 
 than reward them as he had done. He said, moreover, 
 that he had no desire for the accumulation of wealth, as 
 he had enough for his own support. Edward, struck with 
 admiration at the generosity and unselfish spirit of the 
 knight, gave him an additional annuity of six hundred 
 marks on certain lands which he held in England. He 
 
 arbalesters, and he caused himself to be carried thither on a silver bed, 
 and from it, by usiiij^ his arbalest, in which he was skilled, he slew 
 many with darts and arrows." — " Itinerary of Richard I.," book iii. 
 ch. xiii. 
 
Chap. 7.] 
 
 Bc7irand du GuescUn. 
 
 103 
 
 then carried the king of France witli liim to Bordeaux, 
 where he passed the winter in feasting and revelry among 
 his Enghsh and Gascon soldiers.* 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 358, 362. Du Tillet, Recucil dcs 
 Traictcz, &=€., p. 67. " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. pp. 238, 242. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Disastrous results of the battle of Poitiers. Convocation of the States- 
 General. Dissensions betweat the Dauphin and the Assembly. Bert rand 
 du Gueselin at the siege of Rennes. He accepts the challenge of Sir 
 IVilliam Blancbourg. Fight with TrousseL 
 
 I HE disastrous results of the battle of Poitiers 
 brought the French monarchy to the very verge 
 of destruction. The king was a prisoner, the 
 flower of the nobdity had perished in the com- 
 bat, or they were made prisoners, while the greater part of 
 the remainder disgraced themselves by a base abandonment 
 of their monarch, and a precipitate flight from the field, 
 almost without striking a blow. Charles the Dauphin was 
 then only twenty years of age. He, therefore, could not be 
 looked to as a suitable prop to the tottering throne ; besides, 
 Charles himself was, in the opinion of the people, in a 
 condition little sujjerior to the rest of the nobility. He too 
 had retired from the field of battle with more than eight, 
 hundred lances, and had not even approached the enemy. 
 Tile army which had escaped from the field was demoralizetl 
 and disbanded, and the treasury was emjjty. 
 
 To apply a remedy to this state of things, "all the 
 prelates of the Holy Church, bishops, and abbots, all the 
 nobles, lords, and knights, the Mayor of Paris, and the 
 burgesses of thai city, together with the councils of the 
 
Chap. 8.] Life and Times of Bertrand du Guesdin. 105 
 
 good towns in the kingdom of France, assembled in the 
 city of Paris on the 15th of October, 1356.* Happily for 
 France, the kingdom was not then attacked by foreign 
 enemies, although in Normandy, Sir Godefroy de Harcourt, 
 the restless and implacable foe of the house of Valois, was 
 laying waste the country around Saint Lo in the Cotentin, 
 and the suburbs of Evreux and Avranches ; and one of the 
 first acts of the States-General was to send a force of about 
 eight hundred lances to suppress his incursions. Sir Gode- 
 froy, even with a far inferior force, did not refuse to meet his 
 enemies ; and, though overpowered and encircled by foes, he 
 would neither fly nor yield, and died, battle-axe in hand, 
 with a firmness and constancy exceeded by no one during 
 that militar)^ age.t 
 
 The States, upon assembling, first proceeded to inquire 
 by what means the kingdom, in the absence of the king, 
 should be governed ; and, in the second place, much after 
 the manner of the old English parliaments, to propose a 
 redress of grievances. To carry out their first object, they 
 decreed that the clergy should select twelve;}: persons from 
 their own body, with a similar number taken from each of 
 the other two orders, and this council so chosen should be 
 clothed with the amplest powers for the government of the 
 kingdom. By this distribution of power among the clergy, 
 nobility, and burgesses, the equality of the orders was pre- 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 363. "The Duke of Normandy," says 
 Secousse, " in convoking the .States for the 15th of October, only 
 advanced by six weeks the meeting of the assembly, which had been 
 fixed a year before by the Wng^—Afenioircs /timr sci~<'ir (i t Hisioirc dc 
 Charles II., Hoi dc A^avan-e ct Comtc d Evreux, stanomme Le Mauvais, 
 par M. Secousse. Paris, 1758. 410. Part i. p. 107. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 363, 365. 
 
 + According to the Chroniqucs de Franec, ch. 20, the clergy only 
 named four deputies. Note of M. Puchon to Froissart, liv. i. part ii. 
 p. 363. And see .Secousse, I/ist. de C/iar/es ie Mauvais, part i. p. 112. 
 
io6 Life and Times of [Chap. 8. 
 
 served ; but, as it aftcnvards turned out, although ever)thing 
 was done in the name of the three estates, the clergy and 
 the Third Estate profited by the contempt and hatred of 
 the pcoi)le for the nobility to render themselves sole masters 
 of the deliberations of the entire body.* In making this 
 selection of dejjuties, the States-deneral seemed to have 
 been actuated by a wish to disoblige the Dauphin Charles :t 
 for among the dejjuties selected by the clergy was Robert 
 le Coc(i, Bishop of Laon, an ambitious and intriguing 
 l)relate, who, notwithstanding all the benefits with which he 
 had been loaded by Philippe de Valois and his successor, 
 did not hesitate to put himself at the head of the party 
 which was formed against the dauphin. Etienne Marcel, 
 the Prtvbt dcs Marchatids (Mayor of Paris), an interested, 
 ambitious, violent, and cruel man, and an implacable foe to 
 the prince, was also one of the deputies selected by the 
 Third Estate.;}: 
 
 With such elements of opposition in the assembly to the 
 government of the daui)hin, the States proceeded to intpiire 
 " What had become of the great treasures which had hereto- 
 fore been levied throughout the kingdom in tenths, maltotes,§ 
 and subsidies : by debasing the coin, and all the other abuses 
 by which the jjcople had been harassed, the soldiers badly 
 paid, and the kingdom ill-defended." || After frequent de- 
 liberations with closed doors, the States resolved to grant 
 a subsidy, but at llie same time to rejiresent to the dauphin 
 the great number of abuses which they declared had been 
 
 • Secousse, Hist. Je Charles U Maia-ais, part i. p. 109. 
 
 + Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 363, 
 
 X Secousse, Hist, de Charles U Matn<aiSy part. i. \>\>. 109, iii. 
 
 § The maltote ■tt:^^ an extraordinary iiuiwst, levied for the first time by 
 Philippe le Bel, in 1296. It was at first the hundredtli, aftcnvards the 
 fiftieth, of the goods of the clergy and laity. — Note of M. Ihichon to 
 Froissart, liv. i. jxirt i. p. 363 ; and I)u C'ange, Gloss, voc. Tolta. 
 
 II Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 363. 
 
Chap. 8.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclin. 107 
 
 introduced into the kingdom ; and they begged him to apply 
 suitable remedies to these evils. They denounced seven 
 officers of the king, at the head of whom were the chancellor, 
 Pierre de la Forrest, Archbishop of Rouen, and Simon de 
 Bucy, first president of the parliament of Paris, to whom 
 they ascribed all the existing disorders ; they demanded that 
 the accused should be arrested, and that the charges against 
 them should be prosecuted by commissioners to be named 
 by the States. They demanded also that the king of Navarre, 
 who had been imprisoned, as they alleged, without reason, 
 should be restored to liberty, and that the dauphin should 
 be governed by the counsel of those whom they had selected 
 from the three estates. These demands were peremptorily 
 rejected by the dauphin, not only as open attacks on the 
 honour of the king his father, through his officers, but as 
 acts designed to deprive himself of all authority. He, there- 
 fore, on the 2nd of November, closed the States, and ordered 
 the deputies to return home.* 
 
 The dauphin, failing to get a supply from the States- 
 General, issued an order for the fabrication of a new coin, 
 that common expedient of weak and necessitous princes, to 
 enable him to make a profit on the new coinage. The pro- 
 ject, however, totally failed in the result anticipated, through 
 the obstinate opposition of Etienne Marcel, the mayor of 
 Paris ; and the prince soon found himself under the necessity 
 of ordering a new convocation of the three estates, which 
 was held at Paris, on the 3rd of March, 1357. The States, 
 in this assembly, succeeded in obtaining all the demands 
 which they had failed to get in the last, and the dauphin 
 yielded even to new ones which were required of him. By 
 this victory of the States-General, a strong democratic 
 element was infused into the administration of the govem- 
 
 • Secousse, Unt. de Charles le MauvMS, part i. p. 112. 
 
io8 Life atid Times of [Chap. 8. 
 
 mcnt ; and the prince was left with little more than an empty 
 shadow of power* 
 
 Three weeks after the adjoumment of the States-Cicnoral, 
 a truce was concluded at Bordeaux, on the 25th of March, 
 between the kingdoms of France and England, to continue 
 for two years.t In this treaty the province of Brittany was 
 included ; but the Duke of Lancaster, who had been left 
 behind by the king of France, when the latter went to 
 meet the Prince of Wales, then ravaging his territories, 
 attenii)ted to follow the king, and join his forces to those of 
 the Black Prince ; being unable, however, to cross the river 
 Loire at the bridge of Cc^, the duke descended that river, 
 and laid siege toRennes in Brittany on the 3rd of October, 
 1356. The town was defended by the lk)iteux de Penhoet, 
 one of the bravest captains in the ser\ice of Charles de Blois ; 
 and the siege was protracted until after the conclusion of 
 the treaty of Bordeaux, in the spring of 135 7-^ 
 
 It was at the siege of Rennes that Bertrand du Guesclin 
 first appears as an historical personage. He is thus mentioned 
 for the first time by Froissart, in those pages which have 
 conferred immortality on so many names : — " And there 
 was a young bachelor, who was called .Sir Bertrand du 
 Guesclin, who has since become so renowned in the king- 
 doms of France and .Sjjain for his great prowess." Up to 
 this period he had not attracted the attention of the great 
 
 • M. Sccoussc h-ns carefully collected all the authorities for this 
 portion of French history, an<l his conclusions may he taken as every 
 way worthy of confidence. — Hist, de Chatirs If Matri'ais. part i. y\i. 
 118, 131. 
 
 t iJu Tillet, Kceufil d(s Trairlrz, &'i:, p. 67, verso ; Kymer, vol. iii. 
 par. i. p. 345 ; Hist, de liretdipie, j)ar Moricc, torn. i. p. 288 ; and 
 Secousse, J/ist. de Charles le Main<ais, pp. 105 and 13 1. Froissart says 
 the treaty was made in England. — I.iv. i. part ii. p. 367. 
 
 X Morice, Hist, de Bretagnty torn. i. pp. 282, 288. 
 
Chap. 8.] Bertrand du Guesdin. 109 
 
 chronicler,* although he had not been inactive since the 
 successful attack on the castle of Forgeray. 
 
 At the siege of Rennes, Bertrand du Guesclin, by his 
 bravery and good conduct, first attracted the attention of 
 Charles de Blois, and soon afterwards of all France. He 
 was not in the town when the Duke of Lancaster first 
 besieged it, and, in order to aid the besieged, and visit his 
 relations in the town, he made many fruitless attemjjts to 
 enter it ; but it was so closely invested on all sides that the 
 garrison could obtain neither succours nor supplies from 
 without. Bertrand kept the forests, near the town, with his 
 men, and made frequent attacks, night and day, on the 
 camp of the duke, shouting his usual war-cry — "Guesclin !" 
 thus aiding the garrison, by diverting the attention of the 
 enemy, watching his motions, and cutting off his supplies. 
 The duke was greatly annoyed by these frequent attacks, 
 and he inquired who it was that so often " awakened his 
 host." He was informed by a Breton knight that his 
 enemy was " a young man of high extraction, who had 
 already performed greater feats of arms than any knight of 
 that countr)', at his age, had ever done before." He then 
 related to him how the Breton knight had assailed and 
 taken the castle of Forgeray, and that he was named the 
 master of it. The duke replied, " that, since he had taken 
 the castle, he might well claim to be the master of it ; but 
 he sincerely wished him somewhere else." 
 
 After a general assault, in which he lost more than he 
 gained, the duke determined to resort to a mine. This 
 mode of attack had been apprehended by Penhoet, the 
 governor ; and he ordered those living in houses on the walls 
 to hang up copper basins in their houses, that they might by 
 
 • His name is indeed mentioned by Froissart, as one of the garrison 
 of Rennes, in the year 1342, but without any special notice.— Liv. i. 
 part i. p. 176. 
 
1 1 o Life and Times of [Chap. 8. 
 
 their vibrations find out the course of the mine. Bertrand, 
 wlio had infomiation of this new mode of attack from a 
 ])risoner whom he had taken, desired the more anxiously to 
 gain achiiitlancc into the town. In order to accomplish 
 this object, he made a night attack on the camp of the 
 duke, in which he took four knights prisoners, one of whom 
 he sent with a message to the duke, proposing that he would 
 suffer him and his men to sleep, if the duke would permit 
 him and his followers to enter the town. The duke not 
 only refused to grant the request, but pressed the siege with 
 greater vigour than before. 
 
 Penhoct found out, through the means which he had 
 emi)loyed to discover the mine, where to direct his opera- 
 tions ; and in a short time the mine of the enemy was i)icrced 
 by a countershaft A protracted and spirited combat ensued 
 underground, between the English and the garrison of 
 Rennes ; but, in the end, the latter were victorious, and all 
 the English were driven out or killed, and the mine was 
 destroyed. This mode of attack having failed, the duke 
 resorted to another expedient to draw the garrison out of 
 the town. He knew that the inhabitants were greatly in 
 want of provisions, and especially of meat ; and he acconl- 
 ingly caused a number of hogs, amounting to two thousand, 
 to be driven into a meadow near the town, in the expectation 
 that the citizens would issue out to drive them in ; but the 
 governor, suspecting the design of his oj^ponent, used the 
 following means to gain his end without risk. He ordered 
 a butcher to hang up a sow near the gates of the town, which 
 by its squeals soon drew all the hogs in the meadow towards 
 the noise. The drawbridge having been lowered for the 
 purpose, the sow was then released, and it immediately 
 entered the town, followed by the whole drove.* 
 
 • Chroniqitc (Anonymc) dc Dii Giicsclin, ch. viii. Cuvclicr, vv. 
 1055, 1240. 
 
Chap. 8.] Bertraud (111 Guesdin. iii 
 
 This supply, though very acceptable in a half-starved town, 
 was soon exhausted ; and the duke, failing in all his attempts 
 to take it by stratagem, pressed the siege so closely on all 
 sides that the inhabitants became reduced to great extremi- 
 ties for want of provisions. Penhoet proposed to send in- 
 formation of their condition to Charles de Blois, then at 
 Nantes, and called a council for that purpose ; but the diffi- 
 culty was to get safely through the lines of the Duke of Lan- 
 caster's camp. At length, one of the citizens, who had a 
 large number of children and no food to give them, ])roi)Osed, 
 if the rest of the citizens would take care of his children, to 
 make the attempt to get through the enemy's lines as a 
 deserter. The governor led out a body of men in apparent 
 pursuit of the citizen, to give colour to his act of desertion, 
 and the stratagem succeeded to their utmost wishes. The 
 citizen was arrested, taken to the tent of the Duke of Lan- 
 caster, and, upon being questioned, said that the inhabitants 
 were on the point of starvation ; but that the next day they 
 expected a large supply of provisions, under the charge of 
 four thousand Germans. The duke fell readily into the 
 snare thus laid for him, and sent the greater part of his forces 
 to the quarter whence the pretended supplies were to come. 
 The citizens of the town favoured the statement of the 
 feigned refugee, by sounding instruments and making other 
 demonstrations of joy. After night, the citizen of Rennes 
 left the camp of the Duke of Lancaster, and very early the 
 next morning was proceeding on the way towards Nantes, 
 when he was seized by the scouts of Bertrand du Guesclin, 
 to whom he made known his true character, and gave infor- 
 mation of the success of his stratagem. Bertrand was de- 
 lighted at the news, and took immediate steps to profit by it 
 He assembled his followers, and at sunrise attacked the 
 camp of the duke, which had been greatly reduced in num- 
 bers by the large detachment taken with him to encounter 
 
1 1 2 Life ami Times of [Chap. 8. 
 
 the supposed convoy. Bcitrand met, therefore, with little 
 resistance; and he not only set fire to the tents and lodges of 
 the enemy, but he had leisure to collect a large supply of 
 salted meat, wine, and corn, which he carried with him into 
 the famished town. He then called together the cartmen 
 and others who had brought the provisions from the camp 
 of the duke, and, after paying them in full the price of the 
 provisions, returned to them their waggons and horses, and 
 dismissed them with a courteous message to the duke, pro- 
 l)Osing to visit him on some suitable occasion, and offering 
 him the wines of the town "to soften his heart."* 
 
 The generous conduct of Bertrand towards the provision- 
 dealers of his army made so lively an impression on the 
 Duke of Lancaster that he greatly desired to see the Breton 
 knight ; and, at the suggestion of the Earl of Pembroke, he 
 sent him, by a herald, a courteous invitation to visit his camp, 
 with a safe conduct for himself and four attendants. The 
 herald was admitted into the town by the governor, of whom 
 he inquired for Bertrand du Guesclin. Bertrand at that 
 moment was walking along the street of the town, clothed in 
 a plain black jacket,t attended by si.x squires belonging to 
 his company, and bearing on his shoulder a large battle-axe. 
 The governor pointed out Bertrand to the herald, who ex- 
 claimed, on seeing him and his attendants : — 
 
 " By my faith ! they resemble brigands." 
 
 "Herald!" said the governor, "I j)ray you say nothing 
 to him but in great courtesy, or you will soon have his axe 
 about your ears." 
 
 The governor then called Bertrand, and informed him that 
 a herald from the Duke of Lancaster desired to see him. 
 The herald, with a profound inclination, communicated the 
 
 • Cuvclicr, w. 1240, 1533. 
 
 t " A cclle jaque noire commc unc cr.iincillic." 
 
 — Cuvclicr, V. 1580. 
 
Chap. 8.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 113 
 
 message of his master, and delivered the safe conduct. 
 Bertrand at once accepted the invitation, and received the 
 passport, which he caused to be read to him : " for he could 
 neither read, write, nor cipher."* 
 
 Bertrand lost no time in repairing to tlie camp of the 
 Duke of Lancaster, where every feeling of personal vanity 
 he possessed must have been fully gratified : for, from tent 
 and pavilion, the English soldiers poured out to gaze at the 
 redoubted partisan as he passed, to examine his proportions, 
 and comment on his mien and bearing. The duke received 
 him with great kindness, and thanked him that he had 
 accepted his invitation without distrust. During the inter- 
 view, when asked by his host who was his liege lord, 
 Bertrand replied that '* the duke knew well enough that he 
 was the Duke Charles, who, by right of his wife, held the 
 duchy of Brittany." 
 
 " Charles will never possess the duchy of Brittany," 
 quickly answered the duke, "but by the death of one 
 hundred thousand men." 
 
 " My lord," said Bertrand, smilingly, " I well believe that 
 enough will be slain ; but then the greater booty will be left 
 for those who remain." 
 
 The duke was amused at the reply of Bertrand, and 
 pressed him warmly to enter his service, offering him the 
 highest inducements, in rank and the possession of lands, 
 which could tempt the cupidity of a poor knight ; but 
 Bertrand, after hearing his offers, upon a little reflection, 
 said : — 
 
 " Sire, would to God that peace was concluded between 
 you princes, and especially between yourself and my lord 
 the Duke Charles. I would then accede to your request ; 
 
 • Cuvdier, \'^•. 1 534, 1 61 5. C//;w«^;<r (Anonymc) de D» Cucsclin, 
 p. 10. 
 
 VOL. I. I 
 
1 14 Life and Times of [Chap. 8. 
 
 but, Sire, you know that, if I were your ser\ant, and after- 
 wards left you to serve another who was your enemy, you 
 would reganl nie as a traitor and disloyal." 
 
 This response not only satisfied the duke, but it greatly 
 elevated Bertrand in his estimation. Wine and comfits 
 were then brought, with which all the knights who were 
 present at the interview were scr\-cd.* 
 
 Among the attendants of the Duke of Lancaster on this 
 occasion was Sir William Blancbourg,t a brother of the 
 governor of Forgeray, who was slain by Du Clucsclin, as 
 before mentioned, after the surrender of that castle. He 
 accosted Bertrand, and, in the presence of the duke, chal- 
 lenged him to combat, tendering a joust with three thrusts 
 at the point of the lance. Bertrand, without hesitation, 
 walked up to the knight, and, taking him by the hand, 
 said : — 
 
 " Fair sir, great thanks ; by my oath, I will not fail you. 
 You demand three thrusts : God willing, you shall have six, 
 if you wish." 
 
 The duke smiled at the ready reply of the Breton knight, 
 and appointed the next day for the combat. At this moment 
 the herald-at-arms, who had delivered the safe conduct to 
 Bertrand at Rennes, came up, and, kneeling down, related 
 to his master the manner in which he had been received, 
 
 • Chroniqut (Anonymc) de Du Gucsdin, ch. x. Cuvclicr, v%'. 1616, 
 1669. 
 
 t Cuvelier, in his poetical chronicle, calls him Bramborc. The 
 anonymous author of llie Chroniquc dc Sire Bertrand du Guesclin has it 
 Bramhrock, and the Breton historians as in the text. Froissart names 
 tlie challenger .Sir Nicolas d'Angoume (Daggeworth) ; but Buchon, in 
 his note to the passage, says : — " Tiie duel between Du Guesclin and 
 Blanclxjurg cannot be denied ; but, such was the humour of the Breton 
 knight, it is very possible that he also fought against Daggeworth, and 
 tliat the two recitals are equally true." — Kroissart, liv. i. jjart ii. p. 369, 
 note (3). 
 
Chap. 8.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclhi. iic 
 
 and the presents which had been given to him by the Breton 
 knight, consisting of a jupon of silk and a hundred gold 
 florins. The duke was so much pleased at the generous 
 treatment of his herald, that, not to be behind the knight 
 in liberality, he made Bertrand a present of a strong and 
 handsome war-horse. The gift was accepted without hesi- 
 tation ; and, on receiving the horse, Bertrand said to the 
 duke : — 
 
 " Sire, you are the only person, duke, count, or prince, 
 who has ever given me the value of a denier. I am unable 
 to serve you ; but I swear that I would willingly render you 
 any service in my power, my honour saved. The courser is a 
 beautiful one, for which I thank you ; and to-morrow I will 
 prove him in your presence."* 
 
 Bertrand then took leave of the duke, and returned to 
 Rennes, when he immediately communicated to the governor 
 the tenor of the engagement which he had made for a joust 
 ^vith Sir William Blancbourg, on the following morning, near 
 the English camp. Penhoet attempted to dissuade him 
 from keeping the engagement, on the ground that the oppo- 
 site party wished to entrap him ; but Bertrand expressed 
 the greatest confidence in the knightly word of the Duke 
 of Lancaster, and declared that the joust should take 
 place. 
 
 The next morning he put on an under-shirt, closely 
 buttoned up, a habergeon or coat of mail, and a large 
 jacket over it. The governor offered him a steel breast- 
 plate, which he declined. A solid shield and lance com- 
 pleted his equipments. He then repaired to the church, 
 where he heard mass and took the sacraments. His pre- 
 parations being completed, he was on the i)oint of leaving 
 
 « Cmelier, v^'. 1670, 1720 ; and "MS. of the Arsenal," vol. i. p. 63. 
 Chroniquc (Anonyme) dc Du Gucsclhi, ch. x. 
 
 I 2 
 
ii6 Life and Times of [Chap. 8. 
 
 the town, when he met his aunt, who had been seeking him, 
 and who used every argument which entreaty or tears could 
 bring to her aid to deter him from his perilous enterjirise, 
 
 "Take off your helmet," she said, "and let me kiss 
 you."' 
 
 "Go home, and kiss your husband," replied Bertrand, 
 "and have dinner ready: for, Ood willing, I will be back 
 before you have lighted the fire."* 
 
 The confidence of Bertrand was not shared by any of the 
 citizens of Rennes : for, upon his leaving the town, they 
 assembled, knights and common people, to look at him, as 
 they feared, for the last time, on his way to the tents of his 
 enemies. On his arrival, the Duke of Lancaster issued an 
 order that no one, anned or unarmed, should ajiproach 
 nearer to the combatants than the distance of twenty lances, 
 or give aitl to cither of them. He, with the Earl of Pem- 
 broke, only remained, as guardians of the field. Bertrand 
 and Blancbourg each received his shield and lance, and pre- 
 jjared forthwith for the onset. 
 
 In the first course Bertrand struck the shield of his 
 opponent, and, the lance glancing oft', pierced his coat of 
 mail, without inflicting any wound ; while the lance of 
 Blancbourg struck the casque of Bertrand, but without in- 
 jury. They ran two other courses with the lance, with no 
 advantage to either siilc. Ikrtraiul then approacheil his 
 0]>ponent, and said : — 
 
 " Blancbourg, I have granted your lecjucst, and, for the 
 honour of my lord the duke, I have spared you ; but, if you 
 want more, more you shall have." 
 
 " Let us recommence," replied Blancbourg, gruffly. 
 
 The jiurties tlien jjrepared for the fourth course ; and, at 
 
 • Cuvclicr, vv. 1724, 1752; aiid "M.S. of the Arsenal," vol. i. 
 pp. 64, 65, 66. 
 
Chap. 8.] Bcrtrand du Gucsciifi. 117 
 
 the first shock, the lance of Bertrand, striking the shield of 
 Blancbourg under the blazon, pierced his coat of mail and 
 his hacqueton, and, entering his body, threw him from his 
 horse. Bertrand spared the life of his adversary, out of 
 com])limcnt to the Duke of Lancaster, who sent a herald to 
 felicitate him on the successful manner in which he had 
 accomplished his engagement, and to say that he might 
 leave the field without hinderance whenever he pleased. 
 Bertrand presented the horse of the conquered knight to the 
 herald, and then returned to Rennes. He was received 
 with joyful acclamations by the citizens, and conducted to 
 the castle, where a sumptuous repast had been provided for 
 him.* 
 
 On the evening of the same day that Bertrand left the 
 camp of the English, the Duke of Lancaster ordered an 
 attack on the town, about the hour of vespers, by means of 
 a high tower, which the assailants drew up near the walls. 
 At night the assault ceased ; but a number of men-at-arms 
 and cross-bowmen were left in the tower to guard it, as it 
 was the design of the duke to recommence the attack early 
 on the morrow. At dawn, however, on the next day, by the 
 counsel of Bertrand, a large number of the garrison of 
 Rennes, led by the governor Penhoet and Bertrand, issued 
 from the town, attacked the tower, slew the guards, and set 
 the tower on fire. After a sharp contest at the foot of the 
 walls, between the English and Rennois, the latter re-entered 
 the town without loss. The Duke of Lancaster, having failed 
 to take the town by this, as well as every other mode of 
 attack which he had resorted to, was very willing to raise 
 the siege, and the more especially as he had received a 
 positive order from Edward IIL to that effect, dated the 
 
 • Cuvelier, vv. 1755, 1S50. Chrouiqu-c {Anon>Tne) de Du Gucsdin. 
 ch. X. 
 
ii8 Life and Tivtcs of [Chap. 8. 
 
 28ih of Ai)ril, which, however, did not reach him until the 
 30th of June, 1357 ; but he had taken an oath that he 
 would never leave the town until he had placed his banner 
 over the gates. To extricate him from this dilemma, 
 IJertrand, who knew that the duke had taken such an oath, 
 proposed, in an assembly of the barons and knights in the 
 town, that the duke might enter the gates, with ten attendants, 
 and, to relieve himself from his oath, might i)lace his pennon 
 over the gateway, if he would immediately thereafter raise 
 the siege. This advice being adopted, liertrand communi- 
 cated the proposition to the duke, who demanded three 
 days to consider it Early the next morning, by the order 
 of Bertrand, every one was required to arm himself, and 
 place upon the stalls and shop-windows in the town all the 
 provisions of bread, corn, meat, and fish that yet remained. 
 On this day the duke entered Rennes, according to the 
 permission granted, accompanied by ten of his followers, 
 and rode through the town to examine its means of resistance, 
 and determine, by what he might see of its condition, 
 whether he would accede to the terms proposed. He was 
 met at the gates by Penhoet and Bertrand, who conducted 
 him through the streets of the town. When the duke not 
 only saw " in the market the great quantity of beef, lamb, 
 and fat mutton, the bacon and salt mutton on the stalls, and 
 the bread and com," but the number of armed men in the 
 town, he sent a herald to his camp for a banner, and, when 
 it was brought, he mounted the ramparts himself, and 
 placed it over the gates. When he descended, wine was 
 oflTered him, which he drank, and then left the town with 
 his escort. As soon as he had passed the gates, the banner 
 was torn down by the citizens, and thrown at his feet. 
 Though greatly irritated at the indignity oftered to himself 
 in the treatment of his banner, the duke struck his tents, 
 set fire to his huts, and ruiseil the siege on the 3rd of July, 
 
Chap. 8.] Bert rand (In GucscUn. 119 
 
 1357. From thence he retired to Auray, to join the Count 
 de Montfort* 
 
 Charles de Elois, having learnt tliat the siege of Rennes 
 had been raised, came to that town to thank the governor 
 and citizens for their attachment to his interests, and to 
 testify to Bcrtrand du Guesclin how sensible he was of the 
 efforts which he had made to preserve to him the capital of 
 his duchy. To show that his gratitude was not wholly con- 
 fined to words, Charles granted to him the lordship of Roche- 
 Derrien, in the county of Penthievre, to indemnify him for the 
 expense he had incurred in his service. He also created him 
 a knight-at-arms — a superior dignity, which should not be 
 confounded with the military title which he had received at 
 the combat of Montmuran.t Charles profited by the treaty 
 of Bordeaux to restore his losses, repair his fortresses, and 
 raise money to pay his ransom : for he was still a prisoner on 
 parole.^ 
 
 Notwithstanding the prohibition which the Duke of Lan- 
 caster had imposed on the English knights against fighting 
 with Bertrand du Guesclin, they sought every occasion to 
 provoke him to single combat. One of these knights, named 
 William Troussel, whose relative had been taken prisoner by 
 Bertrand, sent the latter a letter, entreating him to liberate his 
 kinsman, and enclosing him an obligation as a security for 
 the payment of the stipulated ransom ; but Du Guesclin, for 
 some reason, did not think proper to grant the request, when 
 Troussel, piqued at the refusal, sent him a challenge, and 
 proposed three thrusts with the lance and three strokes of 
 the sword. Bertrand accepted the challenge, on the condi- 
 
 ♦ Chronique {Anon)Tnc) dc Du GiuscUn^ ch. xi. xii. Cuvelier, vv. 
 1851, 201 1. Moricc, Ihst. de Brdapic, torn. i. pp. 291, 292. 
 
 + Du Chastelet, p. 27. 
 
 X Moricc, Hist, dc Ihrtai::iic, torn. i. p. 292. Cuvelier, v. 2094, and 
 note (16) liy M. Cliarricrc to v. 2016. 
 
1 20 Life and Times of [Chap. 8. 
 
 tion that the vanquished party should pay one hundred 
 crowns, to regale the spectators of the combat The Mar^- 
 chal d'Audeneham furnished the field at Pontorson, and ap- 
 pointed a day for the fight. Bcrtrand was sick at that time 
 with fever ; and when the Duke of Lancaster was apprised of 
 his condition, he rebuked Troussel severely for having pro- 
 voked a quarrel with a sick man ; but the latter pretended that 
 he was ignorant of his opponent's condition, and sent to notify 
 Bertrand that the challenge would be withdrawn until he was 
 cured of the fever. Bertrand, however, rej^lied that he had 
 health and vigour enough to accjuit himself of his engage- 
 ment ; and, moreover, that a knight had not the liberty to 
 withdraw his gage of battle, when he had once given it 
 
 On the day appointed, the Marcchal d'Audeneham had 
 selected two old gentlemen, unsuspected of favouring either 
 of the combatants, to act with him as judges of the combat 
 He had appointed two heralds for the occasion ; and each of 
 the champions was attended by two godfathers, two squires, 
 two coutiliers,* and two trumpeters. A pavilion was erected 
 at each end of the field for tlie combatants. Their arms 
 were brought into the middle of the field, where they were 
 blessed by a priest The grounds of the quarrel were read 
 to each of the parties, which they aj^proved of and ratified ; 
 and then, with joined hands, they took an oath on the 
 Holy Gospels that the cause which they defended was 
 just, that their arms were not enchanted, that they did 
 not use, for the protection of their jjcrsons, any charm 
 or sorcery, and that they would conduct themselves like 
 valiant and loyal knights. After this they received their 
 armour. 'J'he godfathers girded on their swords, the 
 squires brought up the horse and shield, and the coutiliers 
 presented the lance and dagger. The champions retired 
 
 • In anticnt iiiililaiy ail, a valcl willi a lanci:. — Bcsclicrcllc. 
 
Chap. 8.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclm. 121 
 
 to their tents for a moment, wlien tlie heralds proclaimed 
 that no assistance should be given to either party, by look, 
 word, or gesture. The trumpeters then gave the signal, 
 when the combatants mounted their horses and prepared 
 for the onset.* 
 
 At the first charge, Troussel, by an ill-directed aim, struck 
 the saddle-bow of Bertrand, which gave much annoyance to 
 his friends ;t but Bertrand recovered himself, and dealt his 
 adversary a thrust so severe that it pierced his shoulder 
 through and through. Troussel was thrown to the earth by 
 the violence of the blow. He surrendered at once, and 
 paid the hundred crowns. The squires of the two knights 
 also engaged in combat, when, in the end, those belonging 
 to Bertrand gained an advantage over those of Troussel ; 
 " and all thought of nothing more than to regale themselves 
 at the expense of the vanquished." % 
 
 * Du Chastelet, p. 28. 
 
 + St. Palaye, in his Mcmoircs sur FAncicnne Chevalcric, says that 
 one of the principal rules of a tournament, in using the lance, was not to 
 strike an adversary anvvvherc but on the visage, or between tlie four 
 mem1)ers — that is, on the breast-plate. — Tom. i. p. 83, and note (78). 
 Froissart, in his spirited narrative of the fight between the Lord of 
 Chastel-Morent and Sir William Fermiton, says, when the former was 
 wounded in the thigh by the latter, all the bystanders, both English and 
 French, exclaimed that "it was a villainous thrust." — Liv. ii. p. 128. 
 
 X Morice, Hist, de Bretagnc, torn. i. p. 292. 
 
^&^ 
 
 "^ II 1 » ■■ " ' " ■' " '» " "^ — f 
 
 CIIAPTKK IX. 
 
 Renewed dissensions behoecn the Dauphin and the States- General. Contrast 
 betiveen the Freneh and English in the formation of their respeetir'e 
 constitutions. Release of Charles the Bad from prison. Insolence of 
 Etienfte Marcel. Insurrection ^ the Jacquerie. Death of Marcel. 
 
 |HILE such were the events passing in the pro- 
 vince of Brittany, Charles the Dauphin, or, as he 
 was then styled, the Duke of Normandy, was 
 endeavouring to surmount the difficulties with 
 which he was environed on every side. The States-General, 
 without supi)lying his necessities, had strip])ed him of all 
 power and influence. They also treated with indifierence 
 and opposition the expressed will of his father, their captive 
 monarch. John hearing, while at Bordeaux, of the proceed- 
 ings of the States-General, was greatly irritated at the pro- 
 secution of his trusted counsellors, and the usurpation by the 
 assembly of all the powers of the government, to the preju- 
 dice of his son ; he thercujion sent an order, to be pub- 
 lished at Paris, that the subsidy granted by the States should 
 not be levied, and that the deputies should not reassemble 
 at the time fixed on by the last assembly. The publication 
 of this order produced the greatest commotion in the city of 
 Paris ; and the popular discontent was sticed up to such a 
 degree by the machinations of the Bishop of Laon, aided by 
 Etienne Marcel, lluil the dauphin was forced to rescind the 
 
Chap. 9.] Life and Times of Bcrtratui (fii GuescUn. 123 
 
 order of his father by one which he published on the 8th of 
 April, 1357, to the effect that the subsidy should be raised, 
 and the States should reassemble fifteen days after Easter.* 
 Nothing presents the French and English nations in 
 stronger contrast than the different direction taken by 
 the popular element in the formation of their respective 
 constitutions. From the reign of the first Norman kings, 
 the monarchical element had become greatly weakened 
 in England, and no occasion had been suffered to 
 pass, from the weakness or misconduct of the monarch, 
 without being used to the greatest advantage in increas- 
 ing the privileges and securities of the people at the 
 expense of the prerogatives of the crown. In France, it 
 was just the reverse. There, at first, the power of the 
 throne was scarcely felt. It had, however, increased in 
 strength and influence, especially during the active adminis- 
 trations of Philip Augustus and Philip the Fair, until it 
 became wholly uncontrolled. There never was a better 
 occasion, if there had been any tendency in the mind of 
 the French people to introduce a permanent popular clement 
 into the national constitution, than at this period, when the 
 king was a prisoner, the dauphin a minor without popu- 
 larity, and the nobles without influence ; and there never 
 was a reign when greater need existed for applying a limit 
 to the exercise of arbitrary power, and .some corrective to 
 the wasteful expenditure of public money ; when King John, 
 by a simple order, sentenced the Constable d'Eu to decapi- 
 tation, procured the arrest and imprisonment of the king of 
 Navarre, and the instant execution of the Count de Harcourt 
 and others ; and when the treasures collected for the public 
 
 • M. Sccousse has collected and discussed all the passages of the 
 Chronicles which illustrate this period of French history, and corrected 
 the narrative r)f I roissart, liy jilacing in their proper order the succession 
 of events.— //»/. dc Chirks le Mauvats, part i. pp. 131, 137. 
 
1 24 Life and Times of [Chap. 9. 
 
 wants were wasted in idle and ostentatious displays by the 
 king, in lavish prodigality to his courtiers-, and by the criminal 
 negligence and malversation of his ministers. But no advan- 
 tage was taken of such a condition of affairs. No serious 
 attempt was made to fix the meetings of the States General 
 at certain ])eriods ; and no charter of rights, or constitutional 
 security of any kind, defining the limits of kingly power, 
 appears ever to have suggested itself to the minds of any 
 legislator of that time. The members of the assembly of the 
 year 1357 seem chiefly to have aimed at the means of irritating 
 and humbling the dauphin. This object they fully accom- 
 plished : for they forced him to retrace every step which he 
 had taken in opposition to their will. It must, therefore, 
 have been very gratifying to Charles to witness the subse- 
 (juent decline of influence in that body, which became so 
 comjiletely subjected to the dictation of Marcel and the bur- 
 gesses of Paris, that the nobles, and even the prelates, became 
 disgusted with the acts of the States done in their name, and 
 they refused to take part in their farther deliberations.* 
 
 • Froissarl, liv. i. part ii. pp. 373, 374. The Bishop of Laon among 
 the clergy, and Jean de rciiuigiiy among tlic nobles, still adhered to the 
 popular party. Secousse, llist. dc Charles Ic Mainuiis, part i. p. 139. 
 The following arc the reasons assigned by M. vSecousse for the decline of 
 credit of the deputies : — 
 
 1st. The |)relates and nobles were unwilling to jicnnit the burgesses to 
 engross the power which belonged equ.ally to the three orders. 
 
 2nd. The deputies of almost all the towns of the kingilom saw the 
 iniiiuitous and ambitious ])rojects of tlie burgesses of I'aris, who wished 
 to render themselves uncontrolled masters of the govennnent. 
 
 3rd. The subsidy granted by the three estates juoduced little money, 
 not only because the clergy and nobility were unwilling to pay it, but 
 Ix-'cause the emoluments of the collectors of the tax were so exorbitant, as 
 fixed by the .States, that they absorbed almost entirely the amount levied. 
 
 4lh. Ktienne Marcel, and the other chiefs of his faction, regardless of 
 the public weal, only aimed at promoting their j)rivate interests, and 
 abused their power to rob the kingdom and amass immense riches. — J fist, 
 dc Charles Ic Mainais, part i. I40. 
 
Chap. 9.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 125 
 
 Charles attempted to profit by the decline of credit in the 
 deputies of the States, and made an ineffectual effort to 
 govern the kingdom without their aid. After a spirited 
 declaration to Marcel and other burgesses of Paris that he 
 desired no guardians, and that they should not be permitted 
 to intermeddle with the government of the kingdom, he left 
 the city of Paris, and made personal application for aid to 
 many of the towns of the kingdom. But it does not appear 
 that he met with any success. On the contrary, it would 
 seem from his subsequent conduct that this expedition was 
 unproductive of any beneficial results : for he soon returned 
 to Paris, placed himself more completely than before under 
 the influence of the faction controlled by Marcel, and ordered 
 a new convocation of the States-General to assemble on the 
 7th of November. To add to his humiliation, he found 
 himself too weak to restrain the insolence of Marcel, who 
 continued to write letters to the deputies, in which the name 
 of the dauphin was joined with his own.* 
 
 On the meeting of the States-General, which took place 
 on the day indicated, nothing was done to relieve the neces- 
 sities or lessen the difficulties of the dauphin. Indeed, by 
 the act of some of the members of that body, the embarrass- 
 ments of the prince were greatly increased : for, on the second 
 day of the session, Jean de Pequigny, by the advice and aid 
 of Etienne Marcel,+ released from his imprisonment of twenty 
 months Charles, king of Navarre, the inveterate foe of the 
 house of Valois, who — by his ill-regulated ambition, incon- 
 stancy, and bad faith, by treason, cruelty, and bloodshed — 
 acquired among his contemporaries the odious appellation, 
 which history has pen^etuated, of the Bad. It was feared, 
 by the adherents of the dauphin, that the release of the 
 
 • Secoussc, Hist, dc Charla h Mauvais, part i. pp. 141, 144. 
 t Froissarl, liv. i. j>art ii. p. 374, 
 
126 Life and Times of [Chap. 9. 
 
 king of Navarre would be prejudicial to the public weal, 
 by exposing the kingdom to an irreconcilable and unscru- 
 jnilous enemy of the jirince, and by giving a powerful and 
 active head to the popular faction controlled by Marcel. 
 These apprehensions were soon fully realized : for Charles 
 the liad lost no time in repairing to Paris, where he was 
 well received ; and soon aftenvards, " in an assembly com- 
 posed of all sorts of persons — prelates, knights, clerks of the 
 University of Paris, and others — preached and remonstrated, 
 at first in Latin, vcr)' courteously and artfully, in the presence 
 of the Duke of Normandy, complaining of the injuries and 
 ill-usage which he had received without reason. His speech 
 was listened to with pleasure, and was much praised ; and 
 thus, by little and little, he entered into the aflections of the 
 peojjle of Paris ; and so they had more favour and love for 
 him than they had for the Duke of Normandy ; and it was 
 so likewise of the people of many other good towns and 
 cities in the kingdom of France." * 
 
 Charles the Bad, by this speech, and by the aid of his 
 partisans in the city of Paris, gained so many adiierents to 
 his cause, that the dauphin was forced to seek a recon- 
 ciliation with him ; but no treaty or promise ever bound the 
 faithless king of Navarre longer than his supposed interests 
 re(iuired, as the dauphin soon after found by the intrigues 
 of Charles with the turbulent citizens of Paris. Among 
 these, the most discontented and the most dangerous was 
 the mayor, Etienne Marcel. Trusting to the power and 
 influence of the king of Navarre, Marcel was emboldened to 
 carry his insolence towards the daupliin to the greatest 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 375. The Last Continuator of Nangis 
 says : — " Tlic king of Navarre took for his text, on tlie occasion referred 
 to by Froissart, Justus Dominus et justicias tiilcxit ; injuitatiiit vidit 
 vultus ejus. (I'sahn x. 8, Vulgate.') — Coittiu. Chron. Cuil, de Nangiaco, 
 torn. ii. p. 250. 
 
Chap. 9.] Bcrtrand du GucscUn. 127 
 
 lengths ; and he gratified his revenge against the representative 
 of his sovereign by imbruing his hands in the blood of his 
 most trusted counsellors. Giving out among his adherents 
 that the dauphin did not intend to apply any suitable 
 remedies to the great evils that then weighed so heavily on 
 France, and that this negligence was the result of the 
 counsel of those about his person, Marcel and certain other 
 citizens of Paris consulted together on the manner in which 
 they could most effectually remove the objectionable persons 
 from the court of the prince. As a distinguishing badge of 
 the league which they formed to accomplish their daring 
 exploit, they all wore party-coloured caps — blue on one side 
 and red on the other. After determining the manner of 
 executing the bold measure agreed upon, they assembled in 
 a large body, repaired to the royal palace, and ascended, 
 without ceremony, to the chamber where the prince was 
 sitting. The object of this unexpected and tumultuous visit 
 was a matter of special wonder to the dauphin and his 
 attendants. Marcel did not, however, keep them long 
 in suspense : for, walking up to the dauphin, he said, con- 
 temptuously : — 
 
 " My lord duke, be not alarmed, we have an execution to 
 make here." 
 
 Then, turning to his followers, he said : — 
 " On, my dears ! do quickly what you came for." 
 Without further order, the willing instruments of Marcel 
 drew their swords, and threw themselves like madmen on 
 two of the counsellors of the dauphin — Robert.de Clermont, 
 Marshal of Normandy, and Jean de Conflans, Marshal of 
 Champagne* — and these two were slain at the very feet 
 of their master. The assassins then dragged the mangled 
 
 • '* Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. p. 249, note (2) ; and Secousse, Hist, de 
 Charla le Mauvais, part i. p. 192. 
 
1 28 Life atid Tinus of [Chap. 9. 
 
 bodies of their victims down the great staircase of the 
 palace into the court, where they remained exposed to the 
 sight of all. The other counsellors of the prince fled, in 
 wild affright, from this bloody scene. One of their number, 
 Regnault d'Acy, a distinguished and eloquent advocate of 
 Paris, was pursued, and slain in a street adjoining his own 
 dwelling. 
 
 This horrible outrage, consummated in his presence, the 
 dauphin was then too weak to punish ; content for the time 
 to save his own life, he was forced to submit to the humili- 
 ation of wearing the revolutionary cap of his rebel subjects, 
 and compelled to pardon the perpetrators of the murder 
 on the very spot where it was committed.* 
 
 The last convocation of the States-General, which had 
 been ordered to meet on the 13th of January, 1358, assem- 
 bled on the 24th of that month ; but it brought no aid to the 
 dauphin. That body was now well-nigh stripped of all in- 
 fluence. It was almost wholly composed of members of the 
 Third Estate ; a few only of the clergy, and not a single 
 noble, obeyed the summons.t The young prince, finding 
 that he could hope to receive neither aid nor symj)athy from 
 
 * " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. pp. 247, 249. Froiss.irt, liv. i. p.irt ii. 
 p. 374- This incitlcnt is narrated witli certain unimportant variations in 
 the "Chronicles of St. Denis," fol. 277, vciso, col. i. After ilescril)ing 
 the slaughter of the two counsellors, the Monk of .St. Denis .ailils : — 
 " The prince, affrighted at what had jiassed before his eyes, and seeing 
 himself abandoned, entreated the j^rovost of merchants to save him. 
 Marcel reiJlied that he had nothing to fear, and at the same time gave 
 him his cap, -ii'hich was composed of nd and btui\ th( blue oti the right, 
 such as was worn by those of his faction in Paris ; and he took the cap of 
 the duke, which was dark brown, with a golden fringe, and he wore it 
 the whole day, while monseigneur the duke wore his own." — Sec 
 Secousse, Hist, de Charles le Mnuzuiis, part i. pp. 181, 182. 
 
 t *' II y vint <iuelques gens d'eglisse ; niais il nc s'y trouva pas un 
 noble." — Chronique de St. Denis, fol. 176, verso, col. ii. See Secousse, 
 Hist, de Charles le Mauvais, part i. p. 172. 
 
Chap. 9.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 129 
 
 the States-General, and fearing for his personal safety from 
 the daring insolence of Marcel, and from his own increasing 
 unpopularity with the factious citizens of Paris, determined 
 to withdraw from that city, and make a levy of forces in 
 order to reduce it to subjection. He was now surrounded 
 by other grave difficulties. Apart from the incursions of the 
 Free Companies — concerning which there will be hereafter a 
 fit occasion to enlarge — there was a wide-spread and alarm- 
 ing insurrection of the populace in many parts of the king- 
 dom of France, " and especially in Beauvoisin, in Brie, and 
 upon the river Marne ; in Valois, Laonnais, in the land of 
 Coucy, and around Soissons." * 
 
 This formidable movement, which was probably nothing 
 more than the natural result of the unhappy condition of the 
 times, and is kno\vn in French history under the name of 
 the insurrection of the Jacquerie, aimed at the destruction 
 of the nobility and gentry, and was conducted under the 
 auspices of a leader who was " the vilest of the vile, and this 
 king was called Jacques Bonhomme."t This insurrection of 
 the Jacquerie, which has been described by Froissart in a 
 manner so natural, yet so forcible, and styled by him digrand, 
 nia7~i<elous tribu/aiiofi, produced the greatest consternation 
 throughout France. In its merciless ravages, nothing was 
 held sacred : neither age nor sex was spared, and the church 
 shared the same fate as the castle. 
 
 Froissart, whose sympathies seem always to have been 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 375. 
 
 t Froissart, liv, i. part ii. p. 376. Jacques Bonhommc (James 
 Goodman) was probably nothing more than the sobriquet of this famous 
 freelxKiter. The Last Continuator of Nangis, however, says that Jacque 
 Bonhommc was a term of derision applied by the nobles to the rustics, 
 in the year 1356 — two years anterior to the insurrection of the peasants. 
 Tom. ii. p. 238. The leader of the yargucrir is called Guillaume Calld 
 by the other French chroniclers, and Karlc by the Last Continuator of 
 Nangis, torn. ii. p. 262. 
 
 VOL, I. K 
 
13© Life and Times of [Chap. 9. 
 
 with his own class, assigns no other motive for an insurrec- 
 tion so widely extended than what was given by some of the 
 unhap])y wretches themselves, who, when asked why they did 
 so, replied : — " That they did not know, but they acted as 
 they saw others do ; and they thought that they should, in 
 such manner, destroy all the nobles and gentlemen in the 
 world, that there should be no more of them." * 
 
 On the other side, the Last Continuator of Nangis, who 
 does not conceal the inclination of his mind in favour of 
 Etienne Marcel and the ])opular])arty, assigns more ade(juate 
 causes for an insurrection which extended to a hundred 
 thousand men.t " In the summer of 1358," says this 
 chronicler, " the peasants who lived in the environs of 
 St. Leu de Cherunt and Clemiont, in the tliocese of Heau- 
 vais, seeing the miseries which overwhelmed them on all 
 sides, and that their lords, far from tlefending, oppressed 
 them, and did them more evil than their enemies, detemiined 
 to rise up against the nobles of France.":}: 
 
 The fate of the JiUiiueric adds but another instance to 
 the ill-success which has ever attended all insurrections of 
 the populace. Their ignorance of the use of arms, and 
 their want of suitable armour — the difficulty of carrying on 
 their designs by any concerted action, and the want of con- 
 fidence among themselves — constitute them a feeble foe, in 
 the presence of anything like discipline ; and, especially, the 
 excesses to which the indulgence of their brutal pa.ssions 
 always leads them, arm all other classes to meet at once, 
 and rci)cl the pressing danger. After committing the most 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. jiarl ii. p. 377. 
 
 t This, is Froissart's estimate, liv. i. part ii. p. 376. The Last 
 Continuator of Nangis only makes them aniotint to iiiihujuf millia, five 
 thousand, torn. ii. p. 262 ; but this estimate may have had reference to 
 sonic particular band, or it was, as suggested, an error of the copyist. 
 
 X " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. p. 263. 
 
Chap. 9.] Bertrand du Guescliii. 131 
 
 atrocious deeds, these peasants assembled at the town of 
 Meaux, on the Mame, and, with the aid of a considerable 
 body of men from the city of Paris, besieged the fortified 
 market-place of Meaux, where the Duchess of Normandy, 
 wife of the dauphin, the Duke and Duchess of Orleans, and 
 other ladies, to the number of three hundred, had taken 
 refuge. Here the Jacquerie were opposed by the disciplined 
 valour of the famous Gaston Phcebus, Count de Foix, and 
 the Captal del Buch, then returning from Prussia, with a 
 retinue of only forty lances. These gallant knights, learning 
 that a number of noble ladies were besieged in the market- 
 place of Meaux by an infamous rabble, without a moment's 
 hesitation threw themselves into it with their followers ; and, 
 with the aid of the Duke of Orleans, they sallied out against 
 the badly-anned and undisciplined peasants, drove numbers 
 of them into the river, slew them in heaps until the victorious 
 troops were weary with killing, and dispersed the rest with- 
 out resistance. After their discomfiture at Meaux, the 
 wretched creatures never aftenvards re-assembled, and the 
 insurrection ever)'where subsided.* 
 
 The suppression of the insurrection of the Jacquerie 
 reheved the dauphin of one of his greatest difficulties, by 
 enabling the crown -vassals, then no longer under fear for 
 their lives and property, to join their prince, in his attempt 
 to reduce the city of Paris to subjection. Etienne Marcel, 
 whose f)Ower and. influence with the inhabitants of that city 
 had hitherto been unbounded, now perceived that his popu- 
 larity began to decline ; and, as his criminal deeds, and his 
 insolence towards the dauphin, left him no hope of pardon 
 from that quarter, he united himself more closely with the 
 king of Navarre, for whom he procured the appointment of 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 377, 378, and the narrative of the 
 Ba.scon de Maulcon to Froi&sart, liv. iii. p. 407. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 Life and Times of [Chap. 9. 
 
 captain of the city of Paris.* By this appointment Marcel 
 hoped to provide for his own safety, and, at the same time, 
 to increase the difficulties of the dauphin. The latter, who 
 had fixed his headquarters in the environs of Paris, at the 
 bridge of Charenton, made little progress in the reduction of 
 the city. He therefore listened to terms of accommodation 
 with the king of Navarre ; but all efforts at a reconciliation 
 proved abortive, through the bad faith of the latter. An 
 incident, however, of no great apparent consequence, accom- 
 plished for the daui)hin what he could not effect either by 
 force or negotiation. 
 
 A quarrel between a body of English soldiers, in the juy 
 of Marcel, to the number of three hundred, and the citizens 
 of Paris, led to a conflict in which a consitlerable number 
 were slain. The soldiers were arrested and imprisoned by 
 the authorities to appease the anger of the citizens of Paris; 
 but they were released the following night by Marcel, who 
 was anxious not to offend his English allies. In the meantime, 
 the fellow-soldiers of the slaughtered English, who were out- 
 side of the city, determined to avenge the death of their com- 
 panions. Whereupon they provoked a sortie from the gar- 
 rison of the city, and led them into an ambuscade, in which 
 nearly a thousand of them were slain in the fight and subse- 
 quent pursuit. Marcel was not only suspected of complicity 
 with the English soldiers in this slaughter of his fellow-citi- 
 zens, but also of a design to introduce foreign soldiers into 
 the city, to overawe or destroy his personal enemies. While 
 under this sus])icion, he became involved in a quarrel at 
 night with certain adherents of the dauphin, at the gate of 
 
 • Tlic appointment of tlic king of Navarre .is captain of tlie city of 
 Paris a]>pcars to have been overlooked by Kroissart. It is mentioned 
 by the Last C'ontinuatorof Nanjjis, torn. ii. p. 259, and in tlic "Chronicles 
 of .St Denis," fol. 185, recto, col. i. See Sccou&sc, Hist, de Charles le 
 Main'aiSy jiart i. p. 25S. 
 
Chap. 9.] Bcrtraird du Gucsclin. 133 
 
 St. Antoine, by attempting to diminish the number of the 
 guard, and withdrawing the keys from the keepers at that 
 gate, as he had done at other places; when, the dispute 
 becoming animated, he was struck down by one of the sen- 
 tinels and slain. His followers, to the number of fifty-four, 
 were immediately attacked on the fall of their leader, and 
 every one of them put to the sword. With the death of Marcel 
 expired the faction which he had stirred up ; and on the next 
 day, the 3rd of August, 1358, the dauphin entered the city 
 of Paris, not only without opposition, but with every demon- 
 stration of joy on the part of the citizens.* 
 
 The death of Marcel freed the dauphin from the schemes 
 of a daring and unscrupulous enemy, and delivered up the 
 city of Paris entirely into his hands ; but it excited afresh 
 the machinations of the king of Navarre, who succeeded in 
 producing the utmost disorder throughout the whole king- 
 dom. He not only sent a defiance to the dauphin, but he 
 collected a large force from all quarters, which he paid 
 liberally from the sums of money amassed through the agency 
 of Marcel. He overran and pillaged the province of Picardy 
 and the neighbourhood of Paris ; took, by force or artifice, 
 a number of fortified towns and castles ; and occasioned, 
 wherever he appeared, the greatest consternation and distress. 
 The dauphin appears to have been a passive spectator of 
 these hostile measures, as he made no successful attempt to 
 resi.st them. He seemed stupefied by the real difticulties of 
 his situation. Without trustworthy counsel from any quarter, 
 he was forced to rely mainly on himself for guidance, and he 
 was unable to undertake any enterprise of consequence from 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 378, 385. The Last Continuator of 
 Nangis, torn. ii. pp. 270, 272, «lct.cril>es the incidents relating to the 
 death of Etienne Marcel with much detail, and differs materially from 
 Froissart as to some of the attending circumstances. 
 
134 Li/c and Times of Bertrand du Gucsdin. [Chap. 9. 
 
 his want of means : for he was compelled to depend, as his 
 only source of revenue, on the tax on salt, which could not 
 be calculated on with any degree of certainty, as it was 
 always grudgingly paid.* 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 386, 39a 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Treaty of London bchveen the kings of England and France. Rejected by 
 the States- Geficral. Anger of Edward III. Invasion of Brittany by 
 the Duke of Lancaster. Siege of Dinan. Combat for life and death 
 bet-iveen Bci-trand du Guesclin and Sir Thomas Canterbury. Duelling. 
 Result of the combat. 
 
 fHE period of two years fixed for the duration of 
 the treaty of Bordeaux was about to expire, 
 when the king of France, tired of his cai)tivity, 
 listened to the hard terms proposed by Edward, 
 by which, for little more than the renunciation by the king 
 of England of his claim to the crown of France, John sur- 
 rendered to his enemy, in full sovereignty, nearly two-thirds 
 of his kingdom. This treaty was signed at Ix)ndon, the 
 24th of March, 1359,* and sent to the dauphin for his rati- 
 fication ; but he declined to act upon it, and, on the advice 
 of the king of Navarre,t submitted it to an assembly of 
 
 • Some doubt has been expressed as to the date of this treaty ; but 
 Du Tillet says it was signed " le xxiiii Mars, m.iii^lviii., selon la 
 supputation de France, ct cinquante neuf, selon cclle de Rome, laquelle 
 y'est suyvie."— /'«-«<•// rfcf Traiftez, ^c, p. 68, redo ct verso. The only 
 treaty between the F"rench and English of this period published by 
 Rymer, is one dated at London, the 1 8th of March, 1358 (O.S.), and 
 entitled, De Treugis Burdcgalcr co7UordaHs usque ad festum sancti Johannis 
 BaptistiT continuandis. — Fadrra, vol. iii. par. i. p. 422. 
 
 t The king of Nav.-irre probably came to Paris to attend the nuptials 
 of the Count de Harcourl with the sister of the Duke de Bourbon. See 
 
136 Life and Times of [Chap. 10. 
 
 the States-General summoned for the 19th of May, 1359. 
 That body, after mature deliberation, determined that " the 
 treaty seemed too hard ; and they answered with one voice 
 that they would rather endure and bear still longer the 
 great mischief and misery in which they then were, than 
 that the noble realm of France should be thus lessened and 
 defrauded; and that King John must remain still longer in 
 England, until it may please God to provide some remedy." 
 This was the only respcfnse that the messengers, the Count 
 de Tancarville and Sir Arnoul d'Audeneham, could get ; and 
 it was equally displeasing to the kings of France and Eng- 
 land. John, on hearing it, exclaimed : — 
 
 " Ha ! Charles, fair son ; you have been counselled by 
 the king of Navarre, who has deceived you, and who could 
 deceive sixty such as you are." 
 
 King Edward, also, when he received the response of the 
 States, was greatly enraged ; and declared "that, before the 
 commencement of winter, he would enter the kingdom of 
 France with a great force, and remain there until he would 
 have an end of the war or a good peace at his honour and 
 pleasure."* 
 
 Edward's threat i)roved to be no empty boast. He 
 immediately set about making preparations to invade 
 France ; and, while thus engaged, sent the Duke of Lan- 
 caster into Brittany with a body of troops to commence the 
 war, in conjunction with the Count de Montfort. Charles de 
 Blois, having been informed of the arrival of the Duke of 
 Lancaster in Brittany, sent ileputies into England to treat 
 for peace with the two kings, Jolin and Edward ; but, before 
 the return of the envoys, the duke had laid siege to the 
 
 Froissart, liv. i. jiart ii. p. 403 ; and Sccoussc, Hist, liv Cluirhs le 
 MuKvais, pari i. j). 401. 
 
 • Fioissiiit, liv. i. part ii. pp. 409, 410. 
 
Chap. lo.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclin. 137 
 
 town of Dinan. The inhabitants of the town, having fore- 
 seen that event, had already demanded aid of Charles dc 
 Blois, who sent them from five to six hundred men, under 
 the command of Bertrand du Guesclin. The Boiteux de 
 Penhoet and Oliver du Guesclin, a younger brother of 
 Bertrand, commanded the garrison ; and they hoped to 
 defend the town with the same success as the former had 
 defended Rennes. They did defend it with great skill and 
 constancy ; but the Duke of Lancaster pressed the siege 
 with such vigour that the garrison were constrained to ask 
 a truce of forty days, and promised to surrender, if, at the 
 expiration of that time, they did not receive succours from 
 the Count de Blois. To this request the duke acceded.* 
 
 It was during this suspension of amis that Oliver du 
 Guesclin, while riding out of the town on one occasion to 
 enjoy the fresh country air, encountered Sir Thomas Canter- 
 bury, a haughty English knight, who rode up to the young 
 Breton, rudely seized hold of him, and, in an offensive tone, 
 asked his name. 
 
 •' As you wish to know," he replied, " I am Oliver du 
 Guesclin, the younger brother of Bertrand," 
 
 " By Saint Thomas !" said the other, " you shall not escape 
 me — you are my prisoner ; and, if you do not yield imme- 
 diately, I will put you to death, in spite of Bertrand." 
 
 The knight was still further incensed at the remonstrances 
 of young Oliver, and, drawing his sword, he advanced to 
 put his threat into execution. Oliver, as he was unanned 
 and unaccompanied, while the other was attended by four 
 squires, did not think proper to brave the fury of the English 
 knight ; he therefore replied : — 
 
 ♦ Morice, Hist, dc Brdagnc, torn. i. p. 293 ; Cuvelier, w. 2030, 
 2152 ; and CArw/^w (Anonyme) dc Du Guaclin, ch. xv. Cuvelier states 
 that the truce agreed on was for fifteen days, while the Breton historians 
 and the author of the prose chronicle say that it was for forty days. 
 
13S Life and Times of [Chap. 10. 
 
 " I surrender, as you re<iuire it ; but I fimily believe that 
 you will restore nio without getting two deniers of my 
 money." 
 
 " On the contrary," quickly answered the knight, *' you 
 must pay me down a thousand florins, or you shall not go 
 away. That is not much money : Bertrand has enough." 
 
 Oliver du (iuesclin was carried off" by the Englishman to 
 his tents as a prisoner ; but the scene was witnessed by a 
 Breton knight who knew both Oliver and Sir Thomas 
 Canterbury, and who lost no time in repairing to Dinan to 
 inform Bertrand du Ouesclin of the capture of his brother. 
 The knight found Bertrand in the market-place, looking 
 carelessly on at a game of tennis. 
 
 As soon as Bertrand heard that his brother Oliver had 
 been seized and imprisoned by Sir Thomas Canterbury, 
 against the terms of the truce, he exclaimed : — 
 
 " By Saint Ives ! he shall surrender him to me : no day 
 will he ever take so profitless a prisoner." 
 
 Without giving a moment to deliberation, Bertrand 
 mounted his horse and rode to the English camp. He 
 intjuired for the Duke of Lancaster, and was shown to a 
 pavilion, where he found the duke engaged with the cele- 
 brated Sir John Chandos at a game of chess,* with the 
 
 * The learned editor of Men.ige, Dictiouitairc Etynioloi^iquc dc la 
 iMttf^uc Franfoisc, voc. Ec/iecs, says : — " Tlie jjamc of chess was invented 
 in Persia or India, and its ori{;inal name, which is St/tiitraii^ — that is, 
 kiti);'' s-play — is pure Persian. This jjame was first brought into Africa, 
 and fnjm thence, by the Moors, into Spain, whence it appears to have 
 extended to tlie rest of Europe. It was never known to tlie Romans. 
 The .Spaniards termed it Axedres, wliich seems to be a corruption of 
 SchatiYna; ; the Ciermans, Scluult-spil, which signifies the same thing, 
 and which is a hybrid word, composed of the Persian .SV//*;//, whicli signi- 
 fies kini^, antl the German Spil, wiiicii means i^ame. I believe that the 
 Italian Scacfhi and (jur word I'checs, have been formed from schah^ by 
 pronouncing the last aspiration with emphasis, after the Persian custom. 
 As to iclia it mat, which in Spanish is called .\\ti/in--mtiti; in llaiiaii Siac- 
 
Chap. lo.] Bert rand da Gucsclin. 139 
 
 Count de Montfort, Robert KnoUes (the famous leader of 
 the Free Companies), the Earl of Pembroke, and others, 
 looking on. The Breton knight dismounted, entered the 
 pavilion, saluted the knights, and respectfully bent the knee 
 before the Duke of I>ancaster, who immediately abandoned 
 the game he was playing, received Bertrand with a warm 
 greeting, and, taking him by the hand, raised him from his 
 inclined posture. Sir John Chandos advanced towards 
 him, and kindly said : — 
 
 " Brave Bertrand du Guesclin, you are welcome : of my 
 wine you shall drink before you go away." 
 
 " Sir," quickly answered Bertrand, " I cannot drink of it 
 until right shall be done me." 
 
 "Fair sir," replied Sir John Chandos, "there is not in our 
 host a knight so powerful, who shall not make amends for 
 any wTong he may have done you." 
 
 Bertrand then stated his complaint against Sir Thomas 
 Canterbury, and asked that he might be summoned into 
 the presence of the duke. When the knight came, in 
 obedience to the order, the Duke of Lancaster said to 
 him : — 
 
 " Here is Bertrand du Guesclin, who comes to accuse you 
 of having seized his brother during the peace we have 
 accorded, made him a prisoner, and put him to ransom. 
 He asserts that this is not well done, and he can prove it." 
 
 •' Sir," replied the English knight, with much temper, " if 
 this Bertrand, whom I see here, wishes to maintain that I 
 have done anything worthy of blame, which a good knight 
 
 comatto, in English check-mate, in German Schach-nuUt, it is also formed 
 from the Persian Schah-maf, which means vanquished king:' And see 
 Du Cange, Gloss, voc. Scacci. Gibbon, citing as authority the Ilistoria 
 Schahilludii o^ Dr. Hyde, says :—" The Indi.ins invented the game of 
 chess, which was introduced into Persia under the reign of Nushirvan."- 
 •• Decline and Fall of the Roman FLmpire," vol. iii. ch. xlii. p. 1 10. 
 
14° Life and Times of [Chap. lo. 
 
 may not do, here is my gage of battle : and I am ready to 
 prove it in a field, body to body, equal to equal." 
 
 " I accept your challenge," said Bcrtrand, lifting up the 
 gage : " in the ])rcsence of these barons 1 will fight you, and 
 even before night. False and disloyal knight ! I will make 
 you acknowletlgc the charge before these lords, or I will die 
 dishonoured." 
 
 " I will not fail you," rejoined the English knight ; "and I 
 will never sleep again in a bed until I shall have fought this 
 battle." 
 
 "And I," said Bertrand, "will eat but three sops in wine,* 
 in the name of the Holy Trinity, until I am armed." 
 
 "You shall be well armed," interposed Sir John Chandos, 
 "and a fine war-horse — the best I have — I will lend you: for 
 I wish to see the trial, without delay, between you."f 
 
 It is worthy of remark, that no institution or custom 
 derived from the past has taken deeper hold on the man- 
 ners and the prejudices of the present day than the practice 
 of duelling. Taking its origin in the habits of the Germanic 
 nations before they were transplanted on the Roman soil, 
 it expanded under the insufficient judicial guarantees of a 
 barbarous age, while it was fosteretl and developed by the 
 humanizing influences of the institution of chivalry. During 
 the middle ages of European society, no law or custom was 
 more universal or more widely diffused ; no station, or sex, 
 or i)rofession, was too high, too weak, or too sacred, to be 
 beyond its reach : for even the judge descended from his 
 
 *A sop in wine: a piece of bread dijipcd in wine. See Chaucer, 
 " Canterbury Talcs," v. 336, and (lloss. voc. Sop. On the subject of 
 vows made by knights in the days of chivalry, sec Mhnoircs sur 
 FAncicnnc Clui'ulcrie, by St. Palaye, toni. i. pji. 156, 157, and notes 
 (5 and 6) ; and the reader may consult a very curious old poem of the 
 14th century, entitled Le Vxu du Hiron, published by St. Palaye in 
 the iccond volume of his memoirs. 
 
 + Cuvelicr, vv. 2153, 2317. 
 
Chap. lo.] Bcrtmnd du Guesclin. 141 
 
 tribunal to offer combat to one who had treated his sum- 
 mons with contempt, and the woman and ecclesiastic ap- 
 peared on the field by their champion. The ancient knight 
 was taught to regard death as far preferable to dishonour ; 
 and the lesson, sanctioned by centuries of chivalric deeds, 
 has been transmitted to our times. It is therefore no matter 
 of surprise that the practice of duelling has been so deeply 
 fixed in the manners and sentiments of the present day, and 
 that the eflforts to suppress it have hitherto been so diflicult, 
 and, as its advocates contend, have not been attended by any 
 corresponding beneficial results. 
 
 It has, however, been felt and confessed, by every grave 
 and earnest man who acknowledges the high sanctions of 
 that command of the Old Testament, which teaches, " Tliou 
 shalt not kill," and the equally imperative obligation of that 
 precept of the New, "Whosoever shall smite thee on thy right 
 cheek, turn to him the other also," that these are arguments 
 difl^icult to withstand : and they would be irresistible, if the 
 legislation of a people were intended for a community of 
 believers, where a strong religious sentiment could restrain 
 the proclivity to offend, the consequences of revenge, and a 
 thirst for blood 5 but, as all preventive legislation is designed 
 to institute laws for the government of men such as they are, 
 and not such as they ought to be, restraints that would reach 
 the one would not affect the other, and the legislation would 
 be inoperative, if not positively mischievous. 
 
 The question for a wise lawmaker to solve is, not whether 
 the practice of duelling should be sanctioned by legislation, 
 but whether a greater amount of good will result to a com- 
 munity in abolishing one evil by the substitution of another: 
 for it has been contended, with much show of reason, that 
 wherever duelling has been in a great measure or wholly 
 suppressed by law, other forms of redress for injuries have 
 been substituted in its stead ; that, for the challenge — with 
 
142 Life and Times of [Chap. lo. 
 
 time for reflection, with opportunities for friends to interfere, 
 and with regulations designed to suppress the unnecessary 
 effusion of blood — the revolver and bowie knife, under ex- 
 cited passions, have been substituted, which are manifestly 
 no improvements ; and that, while here and there one falls 
 under the former mode, thousands are slain by the latter. 
 Besides, it has been asserted as universally true, that 
 wherever duelling has been abolished by law, the tone of 
 society has been lowered, and the character of woman has 
 sunk in a corresponding degree : for there can be no high 
 sj)irit or elevated morality among a pco])le where men are 
 influenced by malignant j)assions and the desire for revenge, 
 yet tamely submit to affronts which degrade their character 
 or impeach their courage. 
 
 It has been too much the tendency of modem legislation 
 to protect the individual, while the greater interests of society 
 have been disregarded. As alms, however well distributed, 
 tend to produce poverty, and crime has increased under all 
 attempts to ameliorate the condition of the criminal, so 
 assassination has invariably followed the efforts to suppress 
 duelling ; and a greater evil has been entailed on society in the 
 endeavour to restrain a less. Under the existing wholesome 
 influences of an enlightened public opinion and high Chris- 
 tian morals, duels are and must be of rare occurrence ; but, 
 as men will fight, prudence would seem to dictate to a wise 
 legislator to overlook those occasional instances of violence 
 — the result of manners that are not without their advantages 
 to society — rather than strive to abolish a practice that all 
 experience has shown to be well-nigh insujjpressible, and 
 when no other forms of redress for wrongs have yet been 
 found effectual to be substituted in its stead. 
 
 The anxiety of Sir John Chandos to witness the combat 
 between Bertrand du Guesclin and Sir Thomas Canterbury 
 was not shared by the citizens of Dinan, wlio were greatly 
 
Chap. lo.] Bcrtrand du Gjicsclin. 143 
 
 troubled on learning that their favourite champion was 
 about to engage in a contest for life and death with the 
 English knight. There was, however, one fair damsel 
 within the walls of Dinan, in whose bosom Bcrtrand had 
 excited a softer sentiment than admiration for his great 
 daring and prowess, who did not participate in the general 
 apprehension for the event of the fight. 
 
 Tiphaine Ravenel, the daughter of Sir Robin Ravcnel,* 
 one of the combatants in the celebrated " Battle of the 
 Thirty" — distinguished for her birth, beauty, and accomplish- 
 ments — predicted for Bcrtrand a fortunate issue of the 
 combat. She was at that time twenty-four years of age : 
 " was instructed in philosophy and astronomy, and was 
 wiser and better taught than any one in the whole country." 
 Her prediction gave great confidence to Bertrand's friends, 
 one of whom, a squire, named Amauriz, thought the in- 
 formation too important to be kept from him ; but the com- 
 munication was treated with contempt by Bertrand, and 
 brought from him the rude and ungallant reply, which, 
 probably, was designed to conceal his own secret faith in 
 the assurances of the fair prophetess : — " Begone, block- 
 head ! he is not wise who trusts in a woman : in woman 
 there is no more sense than there is in a sheep." + 
 
 Penhoet, the governor of Dinan, did not attempt to 
 prevent the combat ; but, as he had no confidence in the 
 good faith of the English, he sent to inform Bertrand that 
 the lists .should be erected in the market-place of Dinan, 
 and, if the Duke of Lancaster desired to be present, he 
 
 * .She was the daughter of Robin Ravenel and Jeanne de Dinan, 
 heiress of Belliere. Cuvelier gives the name RanguencI, v. 2381. In 
 the Histoirc dc Bretapic, by Morice, torn. i. p. 294, it is Raguencl ; and 
 in the Chronujuc (Anon>-me) dc Du Guaclnt as in the text, which has 
 been adopted, as that name has descended to our times. 
 
 t Cuvelier, vv. 2325, 2389. 
 
144 Life and Times of [Chap. lo. 
 
 might come, and bring with him twenty or thirty attendants, 
 for whom sufficient hostages would be sent, to secure their 
 safe return. liertrand actjuiesced in this arrangement, not 
 without expressing his entire faith in the character and 
 knightly word of the Duke of Lancaster, who also agreed to 
 the jjlace of meeting, as proposed by the governor of Dinan. 
 As soon as the hostages were delivered, the duke, accom- 
 ])anied by twenty followers, entered the town, where he was 
 ver)- honourably received and entertained, and then repaired 
 to the market-place, where the lists had been erected.* 
 
 Bertrand du Guesclin soon afterwards made his ajipcar- 
 ance, completely armed, acconling to the custom of knights, 
 with metal arniour and greaves, with bacinet and gauntlets, 
 with sword and dagger, and a lance to joust. He mounted 
 his horse, received his lance, and rode towards the market- 
 place, where the field had been prepared. The governor of 
 Dinan, who was the guardian of the field, had it proclaimed 
 that no one should in any manner interfere with the combat- 
 ants, under the penalty of life and honour. 
 
 Sir Thomas Canterbury then seemed to realize for the 
 first time what a serious affair he was about to engage in ; 
 and, indulging the hope that the quarrel might yet be ad- 
 justed, he procured the offices of two of his friends. Sir 
 Robert Knolles and Sir Thomas Grandison, to propose 
 terms of accommodation. They approached Bertrand to- 
 gether, and Sir Robert Knolles said : — 
 
 " Sir Bertrand, none of us desire that you should receive 
 injury on this occasion : for, however successful you may 
 have been with your own countrymen, you are now about to 
 fight with a haughty champion. A good peace is better than 
 a bad dispute ; so, if you will agree to it, we will end this 
 dissension, and acciuit your brother of his ransom." 
 
 * Cuvclicr, " MS. of the Arsenal," torn. i. p. 89. 
 
Chap. lo.] Bcrtrand dii Guesclin. 145 
 
 "How !" exclaimed Bertrand, "he does not owe a button; 
 and it is, as it seems to me, a custom and- good reason that, 
 if a man is wrongly put in prison, he should have free deliver- 
 ance. I have called God and the Virgin Mary to witness 
 that the false knight shall not escape me, until I have shown 
 him my force and my mastery. Either I will slay him, or I 
 will there lay down my life : unless he will, before this com- 
 pany, give up his sword by the sharp point into my hand, 
 saying : *I surrender at your command.' " 
 
 "He shall not do that," quickly replied Sir Robert Knolles. 
 
 "Surely," said Bertrand, "he would thereby commit a 
 great folly." 
 
 Sir Robert Knolles then informed Sir Thomas Canterbury 
 that he could get no accord, respite, or pleasant word from 
 his opponent, unless he would submit to dishonour. The 
 English knight now prepared himself for the combat, after 
 having exacted a promise from his friends that, if he gained 
 the advantage in the fight, he should not be prevented from 
 putting his opponent to death ; but, if he should be worsted, 
 that they would aid him to procure terms of peace.* 
 
 The two champions now took their stations for the onset, 
 and, with lance in rest, sternly regarded each other for an 
 instant Then, on the signal being given, they put spurs to 
 their horses and met in the midst of the field. " Fire flew 
 from the lances as they were splintered against the polished 
 shields ;" but neither gave way nor fell. They passed each 
 other in the course, and on their return they drew their 
 swords, and a hand to hand encounter ensued — fierce, 
 protracted, and bloody ; until, at length, the English knight 
 dropped his sword, which gave Bertrand an advantage that 
 he did not fail to avail himself of. He dismounted, took up 
 
 • Cuvelicr, w. 2417, 2484- This charge should be received with 
 caution, as it rests sfjlely on the authority of the French chronicler, a 
 strong partisan of the Breton knighL 
 
 VOL. I. L 
 
146 Life and Times of [Chap. 10. 
 
 the sword of his antagonist, and threw it out of the field. Sir 
 Thomas Canterbury, having now no other offensive weapon 
 than his dagger, avoided tlie approaclies of Bertraml, and 
 disregarded his repeated invitations to dismount and fight it 
 out on foot When Bertrand perceived that he could not 
 overtake his adversary', he drew the armour from his legs, 
 which had impeded his motions, and resolved to await the 
 attack of his enemy. The English knight did make an 
 attempt to ride over him, but Bertrand, avoiding the charge, 
 struck the horse as he was passing, which, starting wildly, 
 threw his rider to the earth. Bertrand sprang ujjon him 
 instantly, " liked a maned lion," and dealt him such blows 
 over face and head, with his sword and mailed hand, that 
 the knight was soon blinded by his own blood. Penhoet, 
 the governor, then interposed, saying : — 
 
 " Hold, Bertrand ! you have the honour of it ; you have 
 done enough." 
 
 Bertrand disregarded this appeal ; but to the two friends 
 of Sir Thomas Canterbury he said, on their approach : — 
 
 "Fair lords, let me finish my battle: for, by the faith I owe 
 to God the Just, he shall surrender as my prisoner, in like 
 manner as he made my brother Oliver do, or he shall die 
 upon this sand." 
 
 " Bertrand," entreated Sir Robert KnoUes, " I ask that 
 you will deliver your chami)ion to the duke — he will take it 
 kindly of you ; and you have done enough : he is in your 
 power." 
 
 " I give him up," said Bertrand, " at your request." 
 
 Bertrand then came up and knelt before the duke, 
 saying : — 
 
 " Noble duke, do not be angry with or blame me, if I 
 have almost slain this murderer. He would have been slain, 
 l>ut for the love of you." 
 
 " He does not deserve better treatment," replied the duke, 
 
Chap. lo.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 147 
 
 " and you sliould be highly praised for all you have done. 
 Your brother Oliver shall be released forthwith from prison, 
 he shall receive a thousand livres for his harness ; and you 
 shall have the horse and arms of the perfidious knight, who 
 shall never come again into my presence, for I have no need 
 of traitors." 
 
 The duke then took leave, after drinking some wine which 
 was offered him, and returned to his tents. The fortunate 
 issue of the combat gave great joy to the citizens of Dinan ; 
 nor was Tiphaine Ravenel, or her realized prediction, for- 
 gotten. The governor Penhoet gave a sumptuous entertain- 
 ment, to which all the citizens were invited. " There they 
 danced hand to hand, and sang ; great was the pleasure, and 
 it lasted a long time."* 
 
 * Cuvelicr, vv. 2486, 2613. 
 
CIIAITLR XI. 
 
 Affairs of Brittany. Marriage of ficrtranJ tin Guaclin. His feats at 
 tht sief^c of Mclun. Treaty of Vernon lu-tiiurn the Dauphin and Charles 
 the Had. In-rasion of Franee by Edward J II. Treaty of Bretii^ny. 
 A'int^ of Franee returns home, TraUy of the Lande-d" Evrau het.veat 
 Charles de lilois and the Count de Montfort. IVa^er of beUile before 
 the Parliamatt of Paris. 
 
 'iHILE the Duke of Lancaster was engaged in the 
 siege of Dinan, the king of England was making 
 jircijarations on a vast scale to invade the king- 
 dom of France ; and, that he might avail him- 
 self of all his resources, he ordered the duke to abandon the 
 siege and join him, with all his forces, without delay. The 
 Count de Montfort, being unable to carry on the war with- 
 out the aid of the Duke of Lancaster, listened to terms of 
 accommodation, and agreed upon a truce with Charles de 
 lilois, to continue until the ist day of May, 136 1.* This 
 suspension of hostilities in Brittany threw out of emplo)anent 
 many restless s])irits of that duchy, whose sole occupation 
 was war, and among them lierlrand du (luesclin. It was 
 then, during a brief period of repose from excitement and 
 combat, that Bertrand remembered Tiphaine Ravencl, the 
 fair maid of Dinan, who had predicted the fortunate issue of 
 
 • Cuvclicr, vv. 2645, 26O3 ; and Moricc, Hist, de Bretagne, torn. i. 
 p. 29s. 
 
Chap. II.] Life and Times of Bcrtnvid du Gucsclin. 149 
 
 the fight with Sir Thomas Canterbury ; and, pressing his 
 suit, he received from Charles de Blois, his liege lord, as the 
 highest reward for liis services, the hand of " that fair girl — 
 the wisest that was in France — in despite of many chevaliers 
 by whom she was loved."* 
 
 But the blandishments of love could not long detam 
 Bertrand du Guesclin from the exciting scenes that were 
 still passing within his reach : for, although hostilities were 
 suspended in Brittany by the truce between the Count de 
 Montfort and Charles de Blois, and Edward had not yet 
 completed his jireparations to invade France, still the 
 daui)hin was kept fully employed by the plots and sleepless 
 hatred of Charles the Bad, king of Navarre. In the month 
 of June, 1359, with the troops which had been granted by 
 the assembly of the States-General, called to consider the 
 terms of the treaty of London, the dauphin laid siege to 
 Melun, a town situated on the Seine, above Paris, and held 
 by the king of Navarre. It was here that Bertranrf du 
 Guesclin bore arms for the first time in the service of France. 
 His reputation had yet barely extended beyond the limits of 
 Brittany ; his name was scarcely known in the French army ; 
 and, when the attention of the dauphin was arrested by his 
 skill and daring at this siege, he exclaimed, on hearing the 
 
 ♦ Tiphaine Ravenel was worthy of being the wife of a hero : for when 
 she perceived, a short time after marriage, that, through love for her, 
 her husband had rehnquished the pursuit of arms, she reproved him in 
 these words :— " Sir, by you have great feats been commenced, and 
 through you only must France be recovered. Now is it thus, that for 
 love of me you would lose the reputation which you have just begun to 
 acquire. Sir, this cannot continue : for I would be greatly abase<l, who, 
 through you, should be honoured. So know, that if you do not pursue 
 arms, you cannot be loved by any dame who admires valour. And, in 
 truth, my heart cannot be devoted to the love I had for you, if to valoirr 
 you are thus recreant." — Chroniquc (Anonyme) Jc Du Gucsclin, ch- xxiv. 
 Cuvelier, vv. 3433 and 2339. 
 
150 Life and Timts of [Chap. 11. 
 
 name of the Prcton knight repeated, " By my head ! I now 
 remember him."* 
 
 The portion of the town of Melun occupied by the troo])s 
 of the king of Navarre wa.s strongly fortified, and it was 
 well defended by the Bascon t de Mareuil, a knight of 
 re])Utation and .skill in the defence of towns, and especially 
 " noted for his tlextcrity in throwing with effect large stones 
 from the ramparts on the enemy below." When the dauphin 
 had made sufficient i)rei)aration for the attack on the town, 
 he ordered a general assault, which was promptly responded 
 to by the knights, scjuires, and others, armed with lances, 
 shields, and targets, with bows and arbalests, who advanced 
 in such concert, " that it was a beautiful sight to witness the 
 clash of arms." Above four hundred men entereil the fosses, 
 with ladders to scale the walls ; but " the stones from the 
 ramparts, and the arrows, which flew thicker than rain in 
 winter," made the besiegers recoil. Then it was that Ber- 
 trand du Guesclin seized a ladder, placed it against the wall, 
 and, covering himself with his shield, commenced his perilous 
 escalade. The Bascon de Mareuil, who had observed this 
 daring attempt, ordered his men to bring immeiliately the 
 largest stones they couUl find. To which they replied : — 
 
 "You see before you what you demand : both cross- 
 beams of wood, and casks fiilctl with stones. You cannot 
 miss; hurl tlieni on all sides upon this villain who so gaily 
 mounts. Look how gross and scjuare he is, and how swollen 
 he is in his armour. Ye gods ! how good it wouUl be to 
 tumble him into the ditch ; he would soon be heart broken 
 by the fall. Let him have enough : for, in truth, he looks 
 like a i)orter from Paris, all muffled up in a great coat." 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. p.irt ii. ))|). 401, 402 ; Morice, Hist, ili- /ii;iiii:^ni; 
 torn, i. pp. 295, 296 ; Cuvdicr, vv. 2660 ami 3505 ; and " M.S. <if ihe 
 Arsfiial," loiii. i. p. 130. 
 
 + Tlic wt)iil /liision, in old I'rcnch, seems commonly lu nicaii baslanl. 
 
Chap. II.] Bcrtrand (In Gucsclin. 151 
 
 Bertrand, disregarding this mockery, continued to ascend 
 the ladder, calling at^ the same time on the Bascon de 
 Mareuil to meet him on the ramparts, or come down below, 
 as he could prove, by force of arms, that he had wronged 
 the dauphin. De Mareuil made no reply, but threw down 
 upon Bertrand a large cask filled with stones, by which the 
 ladder was broken, and Bertrand tumbled head foremost 
 into the moat below. The dauphin, who witnessed the 
 incident, ordered him to be extricated from his perilous 
 situation, and a squire took him by the feet, and drew him 
 out of the water. Bertrand was so stunned by the blow, 
 that he seemed more dead than alive. He was carried off 
 and placed upon a warm dung-heap, where, in a short time, 
 he was restored to consciousness. As soon as he recovered 
 his speech, he turned round to those who were watching 
 over him, and asked : — 
 
 " Who the devil brought me here % Is the assault ended ? 
 I must see it." 
 
 " Ho ! you should be content," said a squire, who had 
 w^itnessed his feats at the walls. " You have already had a 
 good share of it." 
 
 But Bertrand was not yet satisfied. He raised himself 
 from his position, got his arms ready, and went to join in 
 the assault On his way, he met some of his own party 
 returning from the walls, who told him that the assault 
 would soon be ended ; but, notwithstanding, he went up to 
 the barriers, and advanced further than the boldest of the 
 assailants had yet ventured to go. He drove the enemy 
 back by force, and struck down many of them with his lance. 
 The besieged, at length, were forced to close the barriers 
 and raise the pont-levis. The assault had lasted a long time, 
 and it was not until night that the retreat was ordered to 
 be sounded, with the intention of renewing the attack the 
 next morning ; but, during the night, a conference was held 
 
152 Life and Times pf [Chap. n. 
 
 between the contending parties, which resulted in a treaty 
 of peace. By this treaty, the town and castle of Melun 
 were surrendered to the dauphin, who thereupon returned 
 to Paris. He did not go away, liowever, witliout showing 
 his appreciation of the valour and services of Bertrand du 
 Guesclin, whom he appointed governor of Pontorson in 
 Normandy. Bertrand accompanied the dau|)hin to the city 
 of Paris, where he only remained for a l)ricf period, as he 
 was anxious to proceed at once to his government, and 
 protect it from the English and Navarrois, who were 
 ravaging all the surrounding country.* 
 
 The treaty concluded at Vernon,t between the daujjhin 
 and the king of Navarre, brought no repose to France. 
 While the kingdom was wasted by famine and ravaged by 
 lawless freebooters, a bloody foreign war, conducted by the 
 king of England in person, was about to succeed to the 
 domestic dissensions just settled with the king of Navarre : 
 for the treaty of Bordeaux expired about the same time that 
 the dauphin had concluded the peace of Vernon. 
 
 Edward, upon the rejection of the treaty of London, had 
 resolved to take ample satisfaction for the aflront : and 
 " the king of England," says Froissart, " this whole summer, 
 made such great preparation to come into France, that no 
 one had ever seen the like before ;" and, without estimating 
 the troops under the Duke of Lancaster, and the mercenary 
 soldiers of Germany, Bohemia, Ikabant, Flamlers, and 
 Hainault, who flocked to his standard at Calais, the chro- 
 nicler adds : — " there was such a nuiltiluile of men-at-arms, 
 
 • Cuvelicr, vv. 3305, 3O64 ; ami "MS. of the Arsenal," torn. i. 
 pp. 125, 133. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. jiart ii. ji. 403. Tlic L.ast Continuator of Nangis, 
 torn. ii. p. 2S5, and the "Chronicles of .St. Denis," slate that the treaty 
 was concluilcd at Ponloise. Sec Secoussc, Hist, di: Charhs U Mauiuiis, 
 part i. p. 390. 
 
Chap. II.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclm. 153 
 
 that the whole country was covered with them, and they were 
 so riclily armed an^ adorned, that it was marvelous, and a 
 great pleasure, to see their shining arms, their fluttering ban- 
 ners, and their army marching slowly and in good order."* 
 
 Besides his vast preparations designed for conquest, 
 Edward had made provision, on a scale equally ample, for 
 the comfort and convenience of his army, and for his own 
 pleasures : for " the English lords and the rich men carried — 
 in their wagons — tents, pavilions, hand-mills, ovens, forges, 
 and all other necessaries ; and for all this stuff they had 
 above eight thousand wagons, with four good and strong 
 horses to each, which they had brought out of England. 
 And they had, besides, in these wagons, a number of little 
 boats, ingeniously made of cuirbouilli, that it was won- 
 derful to see ; and so could three men enter them to cross 
 a pond or a river, however large it might be, and fish at 
 their will. With these the lords and statesmen had great 
 sport all the time, and especially during Lent ; but the com- 
 mon soldiers might content themselves with what they could 
 find. Moreover, the king had for himself thirty falconers 
 on horseback, provided with birds, and full sixty brace of 
 strong dogs and greyhounds, with which he went each day 
 to hunt or fowl, as it pleased him ; and also, there were 
 many lords and rich men who had their dogs and falcons 
 as well as the king."t With such appointments, Edward 
 embarked from England, the 28th of October, 1359, and 
 arrived at Calais the same day. J He overran Artois, Picardy, 
 and Champagne, committing the greatest ravages in a country 
 already wasted by famine and war. 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i, part ii. pp. 413, 415. 
 
 t Ibid., liv. i. part ii. p. 427. 
 
 X Edward's last act, before leaving England, is dated at Sandwnch, 
 Oct 28lh, and his next at Calais, UcU 30th.— Kymcr, vol iii. par. i. 
 P- 453- 
 
154 Life and l^itncs of [Chap. ii. 
 
 The dauphin, who had no adequate means to keep the 
 field against so numerous an army, and profiting by the 
 experience of the fatal days of Crccy and Poitiers, threw the 
 best j)art of his trooi)s into the frontier towns. This policy 
 defeated the plans of Edward, who had avoiiled all the 
 fortified places on his route. At length, not being able to 
 meet the t'rt.'nch anywhere in the field, he laid siege to 
 Rheims, which he beleaguered for seven weeks, in the hope 
 of taking it, and being crowned there king of France. He 
 was then forced, by the scarcity of provisions of all kinds, 
 to raise the siege. After leaving Rheims, he marched to 
 the frontiers of Burgundy ; but did not enter the province, as 
 he had received two hundred thousand francs from the duke, 
 in consideration of his forbearance in laying waste the 
 duchy.* l-xlward thereujion returned towards the city of 
 Paris, and, after some personal adventures among his fol- 
 lowers, wholly unworthy of his great jjreparations and 
 menaces, listened to terms of peace, which resulted in the 
 treaty of Bretigny, signed the 8th of May, i36o.t 
 
 * The Last Contiinuitor of Nangis, torn. ii. pp. 297, 29S, refers to 
 this act of the Duke of IJurguiuly, in ]nirehasiiig the forbearance of the 
 king of England, as only hearsay, and as too base to be credited ; but 
 Kynicr gives tlie treaty in full. — Fat/era, vol. iii. par. i. p. 474. 
 
 t During the negotiations for jieacc, Kdward's army w.as exposed to a 
 storm so friglitful, " that it really seemed the world w.as coming to an 
 end ;" and Kroissart adds, tliat Kdward, in the church of Xotn- Dame, at 
 Chartres, whither he had taken refuge from the temi)est, jiromised to 
 agree to terms of i)eace. — Liv. i. partii. p. 432. Cuvelier also, at verse 
 2684, thus <lescril>es this storm : — 
 
 " .Seigneur, .\ icel tamps c|ue jc vous vois comptanl. 
 
 Que le rois d'Kngleterre aloit Fr.mce serchant, 
 
 I'nc tamjieste vint sur lor host descendant 
 
 1 )e jiierres, qui aloient en lor host rcversant. 
 
 Si gi-andes, si horribles, si rudes, si pesant, 
 
 (^)uc par scs picrres-ci dont je vous vois comptaut 
 
 I'.sloient Ii pluseurs navrcz et tuit senglant. 
 
 Yx s'aloient jiartout mussant ct quatissant." 
 
Chap. II.] Bcrtraiid du Gucsdin. 155 
 
 By thi.s treaty, not only were the dififcrences settled 
 between the kings of England and France, but provision 
 was made for reconciling the conflicting claims of Charles 
 de Blois and the Count de Montfort to the duchy of 
 Brittany. The rivals accepted the mediation of the two 
 kings, and frequent conferences were held for the purjiose 
 of hearing their pretensions, and settling the dispute ; but 
 the difficulties were found to be irreconcilable, and the 
 conferences ended without any good result.* 
 
 Although the treaty of Bretigny, by which he recovered 
 his liberty, was dated the 8th of May, 1360, the king of 
 France did not reach Paris before the latter part of Decem- 
 ber. After leaving England he went over to Calais, where 
 he was detained, on account of the difficulty of collecting 
 the amount necessary to discharge the first instalment of his 
 ransom. ^Vhile at Calais, he made a pilgrimage, on foot, 
 to the church of Notre Dame, at Boulogne, accompanied by 
 Edward the Black Prince and his two brothers — Lionel and 
 Edmund. Before leaving Calais, the king was enabled to 
 conclude a treaty with the restless and intriguing Charles 
 the Bad, who kept his promise this time with unusual 
 fidelity, and did not again disturb the quiet of the kingdom 
 until just before the conclusion of the reign of John. France 
 now began to breathe freely once more, after the most 
 frightful calamities, the result of years of disastrous foreign 
 and domestic wars ; and, outside the province of Brittany, 
 until a short time before the accession of Charles, the peace 
 of the kingdom was only broken by the ravages of the 
 Free Companies, which were composed chiefly of English 
 garrisons, disbanded under the provisions of the peace of 
 Bretigny. The province of Brittany was still kept in con- 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. p.irt ii. pp. 415, 432 ; Morice, Ihst. dc Brctagm\ 
 torn. i. pp. 297, 298 ; Rymer, vol. iii. par. i. p. 487 ; and Du Tillct, 
 Recucil (ics Traictcz, 6-v., p. 70, redo d vcno. 
 
156 Life and Times of [Chap. 11. 
 
 stant commotion by the conflicting claims of De Montfort 
 and De Blois ; but, as neither party could bring into the 
 field any large bodies of men, without the aid of the king of 
 England or of I'Yance, the operations on both sides were 
 confined to the attack of castles and towns of secondary 
 importance. 
 
 The year 1361 was passed in futile attempts at reconcilia- 
 tion between Charles de Blois and the Count de Montfort ; 
 but they agreed at length to a truce, at Chateauneuf de la 
 Noe, in the month of August, 1362, to continue until the 
 feast of St. Michael, in the following year. The object of 
 Charles, in agreeing to this tnice, appears to have been only 
 to gain time, in order to assemble his forces, and put him- 
 self in a better ])osture of defence : for, when the Count de 
 Montfort, too lightly trusting to the declarations of his rival, 
 had disbanded his troops,* the latter hastened to procure aid 
 from the king of France, and to make new levies of all the 
 nobles and knights of the province who adhered to his cause, 
 among whom was Bertrand du Guesclin. Early the next 
 year Charles was enabled to bring a considerable force into 
 the field, and lay siege at the same time to Carhaix and 
 Roche-aux-Anes, both of which he took during the con- 
 tinuance of the truce ; and then, uniting his forces, he pro- 
 ceeded to lay siege lo liecherel, a place of importance, from 
 its strength and its situation in the vicinity of Dinan.t 
 
 To oppose these insidious attempts of Charles de Hlois, 
 the Count de Montfort soon collected a considerable body 
 of men, and among the leaders were Sir John Chandos, Sir 
 Robert Knolles, John Harpeden, and Walter Huet, with a 
 
 • The Count <lc Montfort had collected a consideniMe force by means 
 of the sum of sixty-four thousand nol)les, which he hail borrowed from 
 the kinji of Kngland. — AcUs de lifrtti^u, by Morice, lorn. i. cols. 
 
 «553. '554- 
 t Guillaume de St. Andre, vv. 655, 708. 
 
Chap. II.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 157 
 
 number of knights, and a strong body of English archers.* 
 With these forces he took. the field, and, by sui)erior general- 
 ship, speedily gained an advantage over his opponent, by 
 enclosing him between the castle of Becherel and his own 
 troops. Charles, by this movement, was reduced to great 
 distress for the want of provisions ; and, therefore, as the 
 only means of extricating himself from his embarrassments, 
 he sent to ofifer battle to his rival. The proposition was 
 accepted by De Montfort ; but as the place where the hostile 
 forces were then encamped was not suitable for an engage- 
 ment, it was suggested by one of the parties, and agreed to 
 by the other, that they should settle their quarrel in the 
 Lande d'Evrau.t 
 
 The two armies were just about to join battle at the place 
 fixed on, when a bishop came up, and interfered successfully 
 in preventing the effusion of blood. By his mediation a 
 conference was held, and an agreement was entered into, 
 by which the province of Brittany was to be divided between 
 the claimants into two equal ]:)arts : certain towns were to be 
 surrendered by each of the parties, and, to insure the full 
 performance of the treaty, hostages were to be delivered up 
 on both sides. Among the hostages, on the part of Charles 
 de Blois, was Bertrand du Gueschn.J The contracting 
 parties took an oath to assemble at the " Half-way Oak," 
 between Castle Joscelin and Ploermel, in order to carry out 
 the provisions of the treaty, but they did not meet ; and this, 
 like all other agreements and conferences for the pacifica- 
 tion of Brittany, ended without producing any permanently 
 beneficial result.§ 
 
 • Cuvelier, w. 2752, 2763. 
 
 t Guil. de .St. Andre, w. 789, 874- 
 
 X Cuvelier, w. 2803, 2815. 
 
 § Guil. dc .St. Andre, v. 941 ; and Entm'uc dc Charles dc Blois ct 
 yean de Montfort h Poiturs, in the Acta dc Bretagtu^ by Morice, torn. i. 
 col. 1565. 
 
158 Li/c and Times of [Chap. 11. 
 
 One result, however, of the treaty of the Lande d'E\Tau 
 was, that it gave occasion to a serious quarrel between 
 Bertrand du (luesclin and an English knight. Sir William 
 Fclton, one of the arbiters who drew uj) the treaty on the 
 part of the Count de Montfort Sir William Felton asserted 
 that licrirand, as one of the hostages given up by Charles 
 de lilois to the Count de Montfort, had promised to remain 
 on i)arole, in the jtlace a])i)ointcd by the count, until the 
 town of Nantes should be surrendered, in conformity with 
 the treaty ; that by the indulgence of his keeper. Sir Robert 
 Kiuillcs, Du (iuesclin was jiermitted to wander at i)leasure 
 during the day, though recjuired to return at night ; but 
 that he had abused the privilege, and broken his pledge, 
 by going with a sijuire of Sir Robert Knolles' to VitrtS 
 a villa belonging to the Lord dc Laval, and refusing to 
 return. 
 
 licrtrand du Gucsclin, hearing of these charges, sent word 
 by his s(iuire, Jean de Bigot, to inform Sir William Fclton 
 that, if any one asserted that he had not kept his word as a 
 hostage, faithfully and legally, as he had promised to do, he 
 was ready to defend himself by judicial combat against the 
 charge. Ui)on this denial, Sir William Felton sent Du 
 Guesclin a formal challenge, to the following effect : — 
 
 " Mons. Bertran uu Cuksclin. 
 
 " I have heard through your squire, Jean de Bigot, that 
 " you have, or should have said, that if any one would affirm 
 " that you have not loyally kept your jjledge, on account of 
 " the treaty for the pacification of Brittany, as you promised 
 " to do, on the day that my Lord de Montfort Duke of 
 " Brittany and Sir Charles de Blois met to decide the con- 
 " test for the duchy of lirittany, or that you were held to 
 *' keep yourself as a hostage for more than a month, that 
 " you would defend yourself before your judges : Wherefore 
 
 iT 
 
Chap. II.] Bcrtravd du GucscUn. 159 
 
 " I assert that you did i)romise, on the said day, l)y tlie faith 
 " of your body, and enter yourself as a hostage, that you 
 " would remain there, until the town of Nantes should be 
 " delivered up to my Lord de Montfort, Duke of Brittany, 
 " or until you should have the sanction of my said lord to 
 " go away : which faith and pledge you have not loyally kept, 
 " but have falsely failed so to do ; and this I am ready, by 
 " the aid of God, to prove by my body against you, as a 
 " knight should do, before my lord the king of France. 
 " Witness my seal affixed to this schedule, and put there the 
 " 23 day of November, 1363. 
 
 " GUILLEAUME DE FeLTOUN." 
 
 To this challenge, Du Guesclin replied as follows : — 
 
 "To Monsieur Guilleaume de Feltoun. 
 
 *' I give you notice that, with the aid of God, I will be 
 " before my lord the king of France on the Tuesday before 
 " Mid-Lent next, if he is in the kingdom of France ; and in 
 " case that he is not, I will be, with the aid of God, before 
 " my lord the Duke of Normandy on that day : and as to 
 " what you say or have said, that I should have remained as 
 " a hostage for more than a month, or until the town of 
 " Nantes was delivered up to the Count de Montfort, and 
 " that I have falsely kept my faith and pledge, in case that 
 " you wish to maintain the contrary against me, that I will 
 " declare and maintain in my leal defence that you have 
 " basely lied ; and I will be there, if God pleases, ready to 
 " keep and defend my honour and state against you. And 
 *' as I wish to be in no long debate with you, I give you 
 " notice, once for all, by these letters, sealed with my seal, 
 " the 9th day of December, 1363. 
 
 " Bertran du Guesclin." 
 
i6o Life atid Times of [Chap. ii. 
 
 In this state the matter was brought before the parliament 
 of Paris, which, in the absence of King John, then in Eng- 
 land, was composed of the daui)hin, the king of Cyprus, and 
 a numl)er of prelates, dukes, barons, and knights ; " also 
 many clerks and laics belonging to the king's council, as 
 well as other persons." 
 
 The pleadings, reported at length in Latin, were con- 
 ducted by the advocates of the two parties. On the part 
 of Sir William Felton, tlie charges contained in his chal- 
 lenge were reiterated and amplified ; to which it was 
 added, that liertrand du Guesclin, by violating his jiledge, 
 had broken the peace of Brittany, and that, in conseciuence, 
 murder, conflagration, and robbery of religious persons and 
 houses, and an infinitude of irreparable evils, had been com- 
 mitted ; and, therefore, that liertrand, being the cause and 
 occasion of these calamities, should suffer death : " since it is 
 expressly provided by the civil law that a knight {miles), the 
 disturber of the peace, is punished capitally."* And he con- 
 cluded by declaring that, if Bertrand should acknowledge 
 the charges, he ought to be punished with death ; but, if he 
 should deny them, in that event, the appellant, with his 
 own body, as a good and faithful knight, would appear 
 on a certain day, and at a place to be appointed by the 
 daujjhin, with horse and anns, against Bertrand du (lues- 
 
 * Tlicadvocateof Sir William Felton cited correctly, in his arj^inncnt, 
 the |>assayc of the civil law from Paulus, libro v. Si-titcitluinim : " Mi/rs 
 turlhitor pads capite punitur.''^ — See Corpus Juris Ch'iiis, diy. xlix. tit. 
 xvL ; Dt- re Mi/itari, ch. xvi. This reference to the civil law, as an 
 existing recognised coile, is a notable illustration of what De Savigny 
 has devoted so much lalx)ur an<l research to prove — that the Roman 
 l^iw w.as fiot rn'huJ by the discovery of a copy of the I'andects at 
 Anialphi ; that it never ceased to exist, as an active binding aide of 
 laws, during the Miiidle Ages; and that it w.is cited in tlie tribunals, 
 and lield by the courts as tlie great pultlic Law of that period. — Ilistoire 
 Ju Droit Romain au Moyen Age, torn. i. and ii. passim, and tom. iii. 
 ch. xviii. 
 
Chap. II.] Bertrand du Guesclin. i6i 
 
 clin, by wager of battle ; and tliereupon Sir William Felton 
 threw down his gage before the court ; adding, that if not 
 by wager of battle, at least by war, which is allowed by the 
 nobles. 
 
 On the part of Du Guesclin, it was replied, that his life had 
 been passed in praiseworthy and honourable deeds, and that 
 he would suffer any kind of death sooner than violate his 
 word for any earthly object ; that, when he swore to observe 
 the conditions of the treaty between Charles de Blois and 
 the Count de Montfort, he was not alone, but that there were 
 more than two hundred knights and squires present ; that, 
 when he was selected as a hostage, he said expressly to the 
 Count de Montfort, in the presence of his council, that what- 
 ever stipulations the others might make, he could only remain 
 for one month ; that he was received on that condition ; 
 that he had remained as a hostage during the entire month j 
 and that he went away, not in the company of a single squire, 
 as alleged, but with a number of knights, as one who had 
 fully discharged his obligations, and not secretly, but 
 openly. 
 
 As to the wager of battle, it was contended that, by the 
 ordinances of Philip the Fair, before any one, whatever may 
 be his state or rank, can be permitted to demand the wager 
 of battle, four expressed and concurrent conditions are re- 
 quired : — " First, that the act with which the accused is 
 charged must be a capital offence, and, if proved or con- 
 fessed, should be punished with death ; secondly, that the 
 act must be consistent, and appear to have been committed; 
 thirdly, that it cannot be proved by witnesses ; and, fourthly, 
 that the person accused of the offence must be notoriously 
 and ])ul)licly defamed by it." That in this case, not only 
 not all, but not one of the four conditions had been fulfilled ; 
 and that, consequently, by the use and custom of parliament, 
 no wager of battle could be adjudged in the cause. That 
 
 VOL. I. M 
 
1 62 Life and Times of [Chap. ii. 
 
 the difference between the wager of battle (diuUunt) and war 
 {bcllum), as alleged on the part of Sir William Felton, was 
 never proposed, seen, or heard of before, and, in consccjuence, 
 should not now be heard or received : as the wager of battle, 
 according to its true signification and import, is a combat 
 between two persons only, judicially permitted to engage 
 in fight ; but it is temicd r<:v/r, when kings, dukes, counts, 
 barons, and other nobles, who are i)ermitted by royal privi- 
 lege, or ancient and approved customs, for the defence of a 
 country, to make war on each other. That he did not 
 decline the wager of battle through any fear of death or 
 dread of a personal conflict with Sir William Felton, to which 
 mode of adjustment his mind greatly leaned ; but, repressing 
 his first emotions by the advice and judgment of those wiser 
 than himself, he had submitted his conduct, in a matter of 
 so much importance, under God, to the guidance of his 
 friends. That Sir William Felton should be forced to retract 
 with his own mouth the falsehoods which he had uttered 
 against him, and be condemned to pay as damages one hun- 
 dred thousand Parisian livres. That, in case those demands 
 were not granted, and that the wager of battle, by the coun- 
 sel of the king and court of parliament, should be adjudged, 
 he declared that Sir William Felton, in his charges against 
 him, had falsely and basely lied ; anil that, upon a day and at 
 a place to be appointed by the parliament, he would defend 
 himself by wager of battle or war against his accuser, with 
 horse and arms, like a faithful and loyal knight, as he had 
 always been. In conclusion, Du Guesclin, in person, de- 
 clared publicly, before the whole parliament, that all which 
 had been asserted for him was true ; that he couKl confirm it 
 by noble and faithful witnesses ; and he was ready to main- 
 tain it by wager of battle, or by any other way or mode that 
 the king or dauphin might appoint. 
 
 When the pleadings were ended, the parliament decreed : 
 
Chap. II.] Bertratid du Gucsclm. 163 
 
 " That the wager of battle did not fall on such charges; and 
 that Bertrand du Guesclin was not entitled to damages 
 against William Felton."* 
 
 * See Jugaiimt ranhi pay- Charles Dauphin dc Vicnnois sur le different 
 m^u enfre Bertrand du Guaclin ct Guillaianc Felton. — Acta de Brctagne, 
 torn. i. col. 1566. Both Cuvelier and the anonyinoiis author of the 
 Chronique de Du Gueselin give full details of the dispute with Sir 
 William Felton ; but both differ so materially from the proceedings 
 before the parliament of Paris, that neither has been relied on for any 
 facts mentioned by them. 
 
 M 2 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Bert rand du Gufsdin takes the eastles of Pestivieu and Trougof in Brittany. 
 The king of France returns to England, ivhcrc he dies. Character of 
 John. Charles the Bad declares 7var against the hing of France. Du 
 Gucselin tahes the to7uns of Mantes and Meulan front the A'avarrese, and 
 the castle of Rolleboise. 
 
 I ITER the judgment on the wager of battle had 
 been pronounced by the parliament of Paris, 
 which was rendered on tht; 2Sth of Februar)% 
 1364, Bertrand du Ciuesclin returned to Brittany 
 to arrange his affairs before repairing to Normandy, to take 
 charge of his government at Pontorson.* Passing through 
 the town of Guingamp, where he halted for a few moments 
 to refresh himself and his men, he was received by the 
 citizens with the greatest demonstrations of joy, and warmly 
 pressed to remain with them, and deliver their town from 
 the constant attacks of the garrisons of Pestivieu and 
 Trougof, from which they suffered intolerable evils. Ber- 
 trand was greatly moved by their entreaties ; but he was 
 unwilling then to comply with their recpiest, as he was 
 anxious to lose no time in arresting the ravages of the 
 English and Navarrese in Normandy. The citizens of 
 Cluingamp, however, were not easily diverted from an object 
 which they had so much at heart, ami, therefore, just as 
 
 • Moricc, Hist, de Bretagne, toin. i. p. 302. 
 
Chap. 12.] Life and Times of Bcrtrand du Guesclin. 165 
 
 Bertrand and his men were mounted and prepared to leave 
 the town, the gates were closed, and the bridges raised. 
 Astonished at such treatment from the hands of his friends, 
 Bertrand angrily demanded tlie motive of their conduct. 
 They replied by again begging him not to desert them : for 
 such, they said, was their confidence in his ability and good 
 fortune, that, with his aid, the English garrison would soon 
 be defeated ; and they concluded by offering him sixty 
 thousand livres as a recompense for his services. 
 
 Bertrand yielded at length to their entreaties, and returned 
 to his inn amid the general joy of the citizens, wliom he 
 ordered at once " to prepare their tents and cross-bows, and 
 make ample provision of fresh meat, bread, and good salt 
 bacon, with beer and wine." He collected a force of six 
 thousand men, both horse and foot, and ordered an assault 
 on the castle of Pestivieu to be made the next morning. 
 The order was obeyed with the utmost alacrity, and, 
 though the garrison made a gallant defence, all resistance 
 was unavailing against the skill and impetuosity of the 
 attack ; and the castellan offered to surrender, on the 
 condition tliat his life was spared. Bertrand not only 
 granted the request, against the remonstrances of the 
 citizens of Guingamp, but permitted him to continue as 
 governor of the castle, holding it of his conqueror, as a 
 recompense for the valour he had shown in its defence.* 
 
 The neighbouring castle of Trougof, as soon as it was 
 known that Bertrand du Guesclin was about to attack it, 
 was already conquered through the superstitions of its 
 castellan. It was commanded by an Englishman named 
 Thomelin, who, immediately on hearing that Pestivieu had 
 been taken by Bertrand, gave up all for lost, and declared 
 that he would now certainly lose his own castle, which he 
 
 * Cuveliei, vv. 294S, 3273. 
 
1 66 Life and Times of [Chap. 12. 
 
 had held uninterruptedly for fifteen years. The rude cas- 
 tellan had found, among other booty, in the treasury of the 
 castle, a copy of " The Prophecies of Merlin," and he was 
 accustomed to amuse the vacant hours of castle-life by its 
 frequent perusal. When he was about to be besieged, he 
 rememl)ered that he had read in the Prophecies that a 
 knight, born in Little Britain, would come, bearing an eagle 
 on his shield, who would rule without restraint over all the 
 country where he lived. The eagle, which Du Guesclin 
 bore as a device on his shield, supplied an easy interpre- 
 tation of the prophecy to the superstitious mind of Thomelin ; 
 and the castle was surrendered at the first summons, without 
 a blow being struck in its defence.* 
 
 The king of France was not present, as already mentioned, 
 at the trial between Rcrtrand du Guesclin and Sir William 
 Felton. John probably found little in the condition of his 
 kingdom to make his residence there very agreeable to him. 
 The great body of his peoi)le had been wholly disapjiointed 
 in the relief which they expected on his return from captivity: 
 for John was unable or unwilling to struggle with the diffi- 
 culties which presented themselves to him on every side, 
 and he seemed dis])osed to fly from or shut his eyes to the 
 evils which he could not remedy. During the year 1363, 
 these evils had reached a point when they api)eared no 
 longer endurable : for the Free Companies had been suftered 
 to extend their predatory excursions to almost every portion 
 of France ; scarcity of food prevailed everywhere, from the 
 insecurity of life and proi)erty ; and a fearful mortality, the 
 result of want, misery, and hojjelessness, swept off large 
 numbers of the population at Paris and elsewhere through- 
 out the kingdom. t 
 
 • Cuvelicr, vv. 3277, 3430. C/iroiiiijiic (.\nunyinc) </<.• Du Giiacliii, 
 chap, xxiii. 
 
 + " Conlin. Nangi.," turn. ii. p. 226. 
 
Chap. 12.] Bcrtraiid dii Gucsdm. 167 
 
 In the early part of the year 1364, John proposed to 
 return to England on a visit to Edward III., and he 
 assembled a part of his council to advise with him as to 
 the propriety of the step. The members of his council, with- 
 out exception, urgently entreated their master not to place 
 himself again in the power of the king of England ; but 
 John, who always adhered to the declaration made during 
 the early part of his reign, that he would have no one 
 master in France but himself, resolved to take no advice 
 contrary to his own wishes, declaring that he had full confi- 
 dence in the fidelity, honour, and courtesy of the king of 
 England and his family. He stated, as an additional reason 
 for the expedition, his desire to make an excuse for his son 
 the Duke of Anjou, who had broken his parole and returned 
 to France ; * and, on that occasion, he is said to have 
 uttered the noble maxim, that if justice and good faith were 
 banished ff'om the rest of the ivorld^ they should still be found 
 in the jnouth and heart of kings. John, however, was not 
 long in England before he sickened, and died at the palace of 
 the Savoy, in London, the 8th of April of the same year.t 
 
 The reign of John was an almost unbroken succession of 
 calamitous events. The peace of the kingdom was continu- 
 ally disturbed, and the kingdom itself brought to the verge 
 of destruction by disastrous foreign wars, fatal civil dis- 
 sensions, famine, treason, insurrections of the populace, and 
 the ravages of the Free Companies ; and, to add to the 
 general confusion and distress, during more than a fourth 
 of his reign the king himself was a prisoner, and his vice- 
 gerent was a youth without experience or authority. As a 
 prince, John was not remarkable either for great virtues or 
 
 * The Last Continuator of Nangis assigns the non-payment of his own 
 ransom as one of the motives of John's return to England, and he adds : — 
 Alitjui vera dicchant quod ilhu iverat como joci. — Tom. ii. p. 333. 
 
 + Froissart, hv. i. p.irt ii. jip. 4O8, 470. 
 
1 68 Life and Times of [Chap. 12. 
 
 great defects. In his temper, he was quick and irascible ; 
 in his purposes, self-willed and inflexible ; in person, he 
 was large and well-formed. He was brave, although he 
 possessed none of the qualifications for a leader of armies ; 
 and he was just, frank, and honourable. 
 
 A short time before the death of the king of France, and 
 while he was in England, Charles the Bad, then in Navarre, 
 after making alliances with the king of Arragon, and some 
 of the great barons and lords who held a large portion of 
 Normandy, defied the king of France and the dauphin, and 
 declared war against them. The detention of the duchy of 
 Burgundy, which John took possession of upon the death of 
 Philippe de Rouvre, the last duke,* was the pretext for this 
 declaration of war. As soon as the dauphin was informed 
 that the king of Navarre had taken this step, he sent into 
 Normandy some armed nobles, among whom were the 
 Count d'Auxerrc, accompanied by his own vassals, and 
 Bertrand du Oucsclin, with troops composed nearly equally 
 of French and Bretons. The leaders, after uniting their 
 forces, marched towards Mantes, a town pleasantly situated 
 on the river Seine, and surrounded with very strong walls, 
 and with a high castle and bridge. t 
 
 Bertrand du Guesclin, with a large body of men,| before 
 proceeding to lay siege to Mantes, first made an attempt to 
 take Rolleboise by assault. Rolleboise was a very strong 
 castle on the river Seine, ajjout a league from Mantes, and 
 at that time was garrisoned by a body of men-at-arms be- 
 
 • John succeeded to the diicliy of Hurguiidy by right of propinquity 
 to rhilipjic, wlio died in the year 1357. — H.iranle, Hist, dcs Dues de 
 Boi4ri^Of;iii\ toni. i. p. 100. 
 
 + " Conlin. Nangi.," torn. ii. jiji. 335, 337. 
 
 X Cuvelicr says ten thousand men came from Rouen, v. 3698 ; and, in 
 the C/irouii/iii- (Anoiiynic) </.' Du Gucscliii, it is staled that more than 
 ten tliousand laid siege to Rullchoise, tli. x.wi. ji. 17. 
 
Chap. 12.] Bertraiid du Giiesdin. 169 
 
 longing to the Free Companies, wlio made war on tlicir own 
 account, under a leader who was a native of Brussels, named 
 Walter von Straten, an expert man-at-arms, who retained 
 them at a fixed pay. He and his men had pillaged the 
 whole surrounding country, and " no one dared to go from 
 Paris to Mantes, nor from Mantes to Rouen or Pontoise, for 
 fear of the garrison of RoUeboise." These daring free- 
 booters were indifferent whom they attacked. They treated 
 the people of the king of Navarre in the same manner as 
 the French ; and they kept the citizens of Mantes so closely 
 confined, that the latter did not dare to issue out of their 
 gates, but were more afraid of the garrison of RoUeboise 
 than of the French troops.* 
 
 While Bertrand du Guesclin was before RoUeboise, a 
 French knight. Sir Guillaume de Launoy, planned an attack 
 on Mantes, by which the town could be entered without 
 much difficulty or loss of life. The suggestion met with the 
 approbation of Bertrand, and the scheme was put into exe- 
 cution without delay. De Launoy took thirty of his men, and 
 clothed them like the vine-dressers of the neighbourhood, with 
 their coats of mail, and their swords and daggers, concealed 
 under coarse outer garments. The men were instructed to 
 hold themselves in readiness to enter the town early the next 
 morning, as soon as the gates should be opened, while De 
 Launoy would place himself in concealment, but near enough 
 to aid them ; and Bertrand, upon the entrance being effected, 
 should bring up his forces and take the town. In the mean- 
 time, by the order of Bertrand, another body of thirty lances, 
 well-armed, entered the town on horseback, and pretended 
 that they belonged to the forces of the king of Navarre. They 
 all lodged at the same inn, paid with ready money for what 
 they got, and, to add to the deception, uttered loud threats 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 471. 
 
1 7 o Life and Times of [Chap. 1 2. 
 
 against the dauphin. After midnight Dc Launoy got up, 
 armed himself and his men, and proceeded on foot to put 
 his scheme into execution. A drizzUng rain fell during the 
 night, which made it very dark, and objects were but imper- 
 fectly seen even after dawn. 
 
 There was a custom at that time, in the town of Mantes, 
 to disband the watch at sunrise, when four of the citizens 
 were required, after opening the gates, in order to let out the 
 cattle, sheep, and hogs into an adjoining meadow, to close 
 them again. On this occasion, there was one wicket open, 
 and the gate left half-closed. At sunrise, when the four 
 citizens came to open the gates of the town, which was sur- 
 rounded by vineyards,* they saw the pretended vine-dressers, 
 with their pruning-knivcs in their hands, on the main cause- 
 way, advancing towards the town ; but, suspecting nothing, 
 and being reassured by their appearance and dress, the citi- 
 zens withdrew to the guard-room to deposit their armour, 
 and then opened the gates to let out the cattle. Ten of the 
 besiegers effected their entrance without challenge, and they 
 were soon followed by the rest of the i)arty. While one of 
 them gave a signal on a cornett to apprise l)e Launoy of 
 
 • " Et environ solcil levant approucherent Mantes, ou grant vignoble 
 sieL" — Chrottiijiic (Anonynic) Jc Dii Guisclin, cli. xxvii. p. 17. The 
 vineyards around Mantes were of long standing, as Ordericus Vitalis 
 states that William the Conqueror, in the year 1087, entered .Mantes 
 witli his troops without resistance on the part of the citizens, "who had 
 gone out to see the devastations which Ascelin Cloel had made the d.ay 
 before the king's arrival, by burning the standing corn ami rooting up 
 the vines." — Liv. vii. ch. xiv, 
 
 t Cuvelier says that this ajniet was called tiircltire in many countries : — 
 " Un comet y avoit d'unc euvre manovree. 
 Qui tiirdiire a non en tant maintes contree : 
 Icelle turelure fu haultment sonnee." 
 It has been suggested that the word tutrliiir is jierhaps the original of 
 the refrain h'oliiii tiiriiuic in many vaudevilles. See .Secousse, Hist, dc 
 Charles li- Mail' iiis, part ii. ]). 21, nolo (2). 
 
Chap. 12.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 171 
 
 their successful entrance, the others, drawing their swords, 
 fell upon the four citizens at the gate, who instantly fled, 
 crying out loudly, "Treason! treason!" in order to arouse 
 the still sleeping inhabitants of the town. De Launoy, 
 hearing the signal, came forth from his place of concealment, 
 and passed the gates, without resistance, with his troops. 
 About the same moment, the thirty lances, who were quar- 
 tered in the town, joined their comrades, while the dismayed 
 citizens fled in terror to a fortified church within the walls. 
 Bertrand du Guesclin, the Count d'Auxerre, and other 
 knights, with about five hundred men, on being informed by 
 a messenger that the gates were open, mounted their horses, 
 entered the town, and rode towards the church, shouting 
 their war-cry, " Launoy ! Launoy !" which had been agreed 
 upon. The citizens threw down upon their enemies mortars 
 and pestles from above, as they passed along the streets. 
 The town, however, soon surrendered, and it was pillaged 
 by a part of the invaders. Bertrand then attacked the 
 church, where the great body of citizens had assembled, 
 drove the occupants into the steeple, when they also sur- 
 rendered.* 
 
 Mantes was taken on the 7th of April, i364.t Imme- 
 diately after the surrender, Bertrand du Guesclin assembled 
 the citizens, and told them that they who were unwilling to 
 take the oath of fealty to the dauphin should instantly leave 
 the town with their wives and children alone, without car- 
 rying any property with them ; but they all agreed to take 
 
 * Cuvelicr, w. 3698, 3868, and " MS. of the Arsenal," pp. 136, 138, 
 139. Chrotiiq^tc (Anonyme) de Du Gucsdin, ch. xx\ni. Froissarl 
 narrates very difTerenlly tlic means employed to take the towTi, liv. i. 
 part ii. p. 472. The Last Continuator of Nangis says it was taken, noit 
 vi armorum scd per cautclam, tom. ii. p. 336. 
 
 + .Sccousse, Hist, de Chada Ic Mauvais, part ii. p. 15, citing the 
 Chroniqua dc St. Denis, fol. 199, col. i. ; " ConUn. Nangi.," tom. ii. 
 P- 357- 
 
1 7 2 Life and Times of [Chap. 1 2. 
 
 the prescribed oath, on the condition that Meulan should be 
 besieged also. Bertrand proposed to lay siege to that town 
 without delay; but he was overruled by the other leaders; 
 and it was decided that the attack shouUl first be made on 
 the castle of Rolleboise. This castle offered no resistance 
 to the French : for the castellan — afraid, after the fall of 
 Mantes, to risk an as.sault — surrendered upon the payment 
 of a sum of money.* 
 
 The town of Meulan was next besieged. The defence 
 was spirited ; but the garrison was unable to withstand the 
 imi)etuosity of the assault. Bertrand battered down the 
 gates with his own hand, and entered the town at the head 
 of his troops ; whereupon a portion of the inhabitants took 
 refuge in the tower, which wa.s strongly fortified, and supplied 
 with provisions for a siege of fifteen months. The castellan 
 was so confident of the strength of the place, that, upon the 
 summons of Bertrand to yield it, he coolly replied, "You 
 must learn to fly, before you can lodge in this tower." Irri- 
 tated by the contemptuous tone of the castellan, Bertrand 
 ordered an immediate assault ; but, as it was without suc- 
 cess, he resolved to undermine the walls of the tower. The 
 miners, protected by the soldiers, worked unperceivetl by 
 the besieged, until the foundations of the tower were reached. 
 As the earth was removed from beneath the walls, the miners 
 propped it up by strong scantling and large beams, wliich 
 they greased with lard, to render them more combustible ; 
 ami, upon the orders of Bertrand, set them on fire. When 
 the limbers were partly burnt, and the tower began to lean 
 
 • " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. \>. 357. Tlie anonymous aullior of 
 the Chrotiiijttc dc Sire Hcrtrami dii Giusclitt says, the citizens of Mantes 
 insisted on besieging Meulan, "beciuse they liad the most of their 
 heritages in thai town." He differs from the Last Continuator of 
 Nangis, Cuvelier, and Froissarl, in stating that Rolleboise was taken 
 by assault, eliap. xwii. p. i8. 
 
Chap. 12.] Bcrtrmid da Gucsclin. i73 
 
 to one -side, the occupants, seeing the danger of their situa- 
 tion, surrendered as prisoners of war. While Bertrand was 
 engaged in the reduction of the tower, the Count d'Auxerre 
 took a fortified bridge, in which many of the inhabitants of 
 the town had taken refuge. After the surrender of the town, 
 the tower was demolislied, and the fortified bridge strength- 
 ened, into which a strong garrison was placed. The leaders, 
 with their troops, then separated ; and Bertrand went to 
 Pontorson to visit his wife, where he remained during the 
 dead season.* 
 
 * Cuvelier, xs. 3870, 4052, and "MS. of the Arsenal," torn. i. pp. 
 141, 145, 146, 147 ; Chroniquc (Anonyme) dc Du Gucsclin, ch. xxviii. 
 p. 18; " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. p. 336. Froissart, liv. i, part ii. 
 pp. 47, 472, gives a circumstantial account of the taking of Mantes and 
 Meulan ; but he difTers in almost every particular from the other con- 
 temporary authorities. He, however, confirms the statement of the 
 Last Continuator of Nangis and Cuvelier, that RoUeboise surrendered 
 upon the payment of a sum of money, which he sets down at about five 
 thousand or six thousand francs. "Tlie dead season :" la mortc saison, 
 so called from the stagnation of business at certain seasons of the year. — 
 Bescherelle, voc. Mort. 
 
CHAl'TLK XIII. 
 
 Battle of Cofhcrel, hct-aunt the French under Bertrand du Giieselht, and 
 the S'avarrese under the Captal de Bueh. Victory of the Freneh. 
 
 [ERTRAXD DU GUESCLIN was not long per- 
 mitted to remain <juiet at Pontorson ; for, im- 
 mediately after the surrender of Mantes and 
 Meulan, he was summoned to take the field 
 against the celebrated Jean de (Irailli, the Captal, or Loril, de 
 Buch,* who had recently landed at Cherbourg, with a force 
 of four hundred men-at-arms, for the purpose of commencing 
 hostile operations in Normandy on the ]jart of Charles the 
 Bad against the young king of France. The death of John 
 gave a new impulse to the designs of the king of Navarre, 
 who both hated and despised his successor ; and the subse- 
 quent military operations in Normandy would necessarily 
 be of the greatest consequence to both parties, and especially 
 to Charles V., as the success or failure of the first acts of 
 
 • " D'Achery (in his Spicilcf^ium) printed on the margin Capital de 
 Buch. I-roissart ami tlie Grand Chronicles have it Captal de Bueh. 
 The name of this jjerson was Jean de (iiailli. He owned tlie Kirdship 
 of Teste (Tele) de Ikich, now a village in the tleiiartmenl of the Ciironde. 
 It is from thence that he derived the surname by which he is most 
 generally known, Dominus Capitis de Bueh.'" — Note by 11. Geraud, 
 editor of the Chronicle oi Guillaume de Nangis, tom. ii. p. 341, note (i). 
 
Chap. 13.] Life and Times of Bertrand du Guesdin. 175 
 
 his administration would strengthen or remove an impression 
 of his bad fortune and want of vigour, which was not con- 
 fined to Charles the Bad. Acting on the belief, then, that 
 the king would be as easy to contend with as the regent had 
 been, the king of Navarre levied troops from all quarters ; 
 and, among others, engaged the services of Sir John Jouel,* 
 an English knight of reputation, then in Normandy, with 
 some two or three hundred men-at-arms under his com- 
 mand. 
 
 Charles the Bad was extremely irritated at the loss of the 
 towTis of Mantes and Meulan, and expressed his dissatisfac- 
 tion with the young king of France to the Captal de Buch, 
 who promised not only to recover the lost towns, but to take 
 others ; adding, that as King Charles was about to go to 
 Rheims to be crowned, he would follow and attack him, and 
 annoy him to the utmost of his ability.t To accomplish 
 
 * Barnes calls him Sir John Jones. — " Hist. Edward III.," p. 641. 
 
 + Froissart, Hv. i. partii. p. 473. Christine de Pisan says : — "When 
 Charles left Paris to go to Rheims, to be crowned king of France, there 
 assembled nearly three thousand men-at-arms, who started towards 
 Vernon, and thought to pass the Seine, and endeavour to prevent the 
 coronation of Charles." — Fais ct Bonnes Mcurs du Sage Roy Charlay 
 part ii. ch. iv. 
 
 Du Chastelct states — but, as usual, without citing any authority — 
 " that the king of Navarre, in a familiar conversation with a party of 
 friends, spoke of Du Guesclin, of the great feats he had performed— 
 a1x)ve all, of the capture of Rolleboise and Mantes, and the siege of 
 Meulan ; and added that, while he was in the service of the king of 
 France, no one could make war against him but with disadvantage. 
 The captal, who was a Gascon, and consequently abrupt and confident, 
 said to the king of Navarre : — 'I will bring him to you, bound hand 
 and foot, before the end of a month.' ' My coasin,' replied the king, 
 * you are brave, and greatly devoted to my interests, and I am sure you 
 will always deport yourself like a true man ; but, although this Breton 
 is not as sprightly as we Gascons, he is not as easy to take as you say, 
 and you will have your hands full in doing it. Neglect nothing against 
 him : for you will need all your force and address, not only in attacking 
 
176 Life and Times of [Chap. 13. 
 
 this design, the captal assembled his forces in the city of 
 Evreux, where he levied the greater i)art of his archers and 
 foot-soldiers. After completing all his arrangements, he left 
 the city with the purpose of ascertaining the position and 
 numbers of the French army. Upon a review of his troops, 
 he found that he could muster seven hundred lances, three 
 hundred archers, and five hundred other effective men. 
 
 While marching from Evreux towards Pacy, and using 
 every means to obtain information of the movements of the 
 French, the captal met, by chance, a herald called King 
 Falcon, who had left the French army the same morning. 
 As soon as he saw him, the captal recognised him as the 
 herald of the king of England, and inquired whence he 
 came, and if he had any news of the French. 
 
 " In the name of God ! my lord, yes," said the herald ; 
 " I parted this morning from them and their amiy ; they 
 seek you also, and have great desire to find you." 
 
 "And where are they?" asked the captal. "Are they on 
 this or the other side of Pont de I'Arche ?" 
 
 "In the name of God!" replied Falcon, "they have 
 passed Pont de I'Arche and Vernon, and they are now, 
 I believe, quite near Pacy." 
 
 " How many men have they ?" again asked the captal, 
 " and what captains ?" 
 
 "In the name of God, sir!" said the herald, "they are 
 fully fifteen hundred combatants, and all good men-at-arms. 
 So there are Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, who has the greatest 
 number of Bretons ; the Count d'Auxerre ; the Vicount 
 de Beaumont ; Sir Louis de Chalons ; the Lord de Beaujeu ; 
 my lord the Master of the Cross-bows ; the Arch-priest ; and 
 Sir Odouart de Renty. And also there are of Gascony, your 
 
 him, but ill dcfeiulinij yourself.' ' I will not have a chance to make the 
 trial,' said the captal, 'as soon as I desire it.'" — llistoire dt Du 
 Guesclin, liv. ii. p. 63. 
 
Chap. 13.] Bertrand du Guesclin. \ii 
 
 country, the people of the Lord d'Albret, Sir Petiton de 
 Curton, Sir Perducas d'Albret, Sir Aymon de Pomniiers, 
 and the Souldich de I'Estrade."* 
 
 "Falcon! Falcon!" said the captal, reddening with 
 anger, on hearing the Gascons named, "is it really true 
 what you say, that these Gascon knights whom you have 
 mentioned are there, and the people of Lord d'Albret 
 also?" 
 
 "Sir !" said the herald, "by my faith, yes." 
 
 " And where is Lord d'Albret ?" inquired the captal. 
 
 " In the name of God ! sir," replied P'alcon, " he is at 
 Paris with the regent, the Duke of Normandy, who is 
 making great preparations to go to Rheims : for it is said 
 everywhere that on the next Sunday he will be crowned." 
 
 "By the cap of St. Anthony!" said the captal, putting 
 his hand to his head, as if in anger, " Gascons will prove 
 themselves against Gascons." 
 
 Falcon then alluded to Peter, a herald whom the arch- 
 priest had sent there, and said to the captal : — 
 
 " My lord, a herald is waiting for me, quite near this 
 place, who is anxious to speak to you." 
 
 "Falcon! Falcon!" quickly answered the captal, "say 
 to this French herald that he has no business here ; and let 
 him tell his master, the arch-priest, that I will have no 
 parley with him." 
 
 " Sir, why not ?" asked Sir John Jouel, coming forward ; 
 " this may be for our profit." 
 
 "John, John ! it is not," impatiently rephed the captal: 
 " for the arch-priest is so crafty, that, if he comes to us with 
 his chit-chat and pleasantries, he will spy out and discover 
 
 • Souldich was a title of dignity near Bordeaux, in Aquitaine ; and 
 Du Cange says Soldicus was s)Tionymous wnth Syndinis, defensor, patronus, 
 advocatus. This title was confined to two noble families of L'Estrade 
 and I>a Trau. — Gloss, voc. Syndicus. 
 
 vol.. I. N 
 
178 Life atui Titfus of [Chap. 13. 
 
 our force and people, and so it might turn out to our great 
 loss ; I have, therefore, no desire for his grand speeches." 
 
 Falcon then returned to his companion, Peter, whom he 
 found waiting for him on the side of a hedge, and excused 
 the captal well and wisely, so that the French herald was 
 quite satisfied, and aftenvards reported to the arch-priest 
 what Falcon had told him. 
 
 The Captal dc Buch, on hearing Falcon's estimate of the 
 French forces, that they amounted to fully fifteen hundred 
 men-at-arms, immediately despatched messengers back to 
 the governor at F\rcux, ordering him to send armed men 
 of ever}' description, and direct them to report at Cochcrcl, 
 for there he expected to find the French. The governor, 
 as soon as he could collect and prcj^are them, sent forward 
 one hundred and twenty young men-at-arms.* 
 
 While the captal was collecting his troops at Evreux, 
 Bertrand du Guesclin set out from Rouen, with a well- 
 appointed force of archers and men-at-arms, and crossed 
 the Seine at Pont de I'Arche, where he halted for a short 
 time, that his men might have their horses shod. Here the 
 merchants brought supplies of arms, such as battle-axes, 
 swords, and daggers, which they readily sold to those who were 
 unprovided with them. From this place couriers were sent 
 throughout the country, to ascertain where the Captal de Buch 
 and the Navarrese were, with orders to report at Cocherel. 
 
 After leaving Pont de I'Arche, Bertrand reviewed his 
 troops,t and, before dismissing them, addressed them in 
 these words : " My children, you should first have the desire 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. jip. 475, 476. 
 
 t According to Cuvclicr, tlie forces of the French amounted to 1100. 
 Tliis numl)er included only the men-at-arnis, without estimating the 
 other kind of troops, such as archers and foot-soldiers. — "M.S. of the 
 Arsenal," torn, i, ji. 152. The anonymous author of the Chrotiujiw dc 
 Sire Bcriraud du Giusclin estimates the French forces at 6000 Cfjmbat- 
 ants, and those of the Navarrese at one-third more, ch. xxx. xxxii. 
 
Chap. 13.] Bertrattd (ill Gucsclin. 179 
 
 to acquire glory from the holy heavens, which is the reward 
 of those who risk their lives in the defence of their king and 
 country. Now, if there is one among you who feels himself 
 in any mortal sin, I advise him to go at once and confess 
 it." This pious exhortation of their leader produced the 
 effect designed upon the soldiers : for many of them went 
 to the church of the Cordeliers, near Pont de I'Arche, and 
 confessed themselves. After the review, the army servants, 
 who had been sent out to forage, brought back into camp a 
 number of axes, such as were used by the wood-cutters of 
 the country, which the soldiers took from them, saying, 
 " These axes are better to strike with than swords." * 
 
 From Pont de I'Arche Bertrand du Guesclin marched his 
 army to the Croix St. Lieuffroy,+ and lodged his troops in 
 the abbey. He received at this place the report of his 
 couriers, that the Captal de Buch, with thirteen hundred 
 men-at-arms, had left Evreux ; but they could obtain no 
 further information about them. Bertrand dismissed the 
 couriers, with an imperative order to find the enemy, and 
 report, as before, at Cocherel on the Eure, where he designed 
 to throw himself in the way of the Navarrese, and frustrate 
 their puri:)ose of passing that river, then crossing the Seine 
 at Vernon, and marching into the Isle of France, Before 
 leaving the abbey of St. Lieuffroy, he again addressed his 
 troops, in these words : — 
 
 " If there is a coward among you, or any one who is 
 afraid of his skin, I give him free leave to go home : for in 
 brief space, I know, we shall have battle ; but if any one, 
 
 * Cuvelier, "MS. of the Arsenal," torn. i. pp. 152, 153. 
 
 t The Cross of St. Leufroi, between Evreux and Gaillon, in the 
 diocese of Evreux, was a " monastery called La Croix cTJfcltott, where 
 we read that Lcudfred, the glorious confessor of Christ, served the I-ord 
 forty-eight years, in the reigns of Childcbert and Chilperic," — Ordericus 
 Vitalis, lib. iv. ch. viii. and note (i). 
 
 N 2 
 
i8o Life and Times of [Chap. 13. 
 
 whether young or old, runs away without leave, he shall 
 certainly be hanged." 
 
 " No, no, Bertrand," his men replied ; " we have no calfs 
 heart among us : we will all live or die with you, on this 
 meadow." 
 
 Bertrand then left the abbey, and marched to Cochcrcl, 
 a little hamlet on the river Eure, surrounded by a vineyard 
 and extensive meadows, where he drew up his men in order 
 of battle near the bridge, as he knew that the Navarrese 
 must pass that way. Here his couriers again reported that 
 they were unable to find the enemy. As Bertrand knew, 
 from the time when the Captal de Buch had left EvTeux, 
 that the Navarrese could not be ver)' distant, he said, sneer- 
 ingly, to his couriers : — " If I had searched myself, I doubt 
 not that I would have found the army of the captal ; but you 
 know much better how to find a huge chest or coffer filled 
 with jewels, and to pillage them, than to find the English : 
 for I dare swear that they are not farther from us now than 
 a league and a half" 
 
 The arch-priest, who was unwilling to fight the Navar- 
 rese,* took advantage of the second failure of the French 
 couriers to procure the assent of the leaders of the army 
 to his wish to go out with his men, under a j)roniise to 
 obtain more certain information of the position and num- 
 bers of the enemy ; but he had scarcely left the field, when 
 a herald arrived in the French camp to announce that the 
 Navarrese were approaching.t 
 
 • Sir Arnold dc Ccrvolc, commonly called the arch-priest, w.is a 
 mercenary leader of the Free Companies, who, as he had served every 
 party, was unwilling to meet some of the le.iders on the opposite side, 
 and csj)ecially the Captal de Buch, under whom he held lands. See 
 Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 4S0 ; and Chrouique (.\nonyme) de Du Cues- 
 clin, ch. xxxi. 
 
 + Cuvelier, vv. 4157, 4263 ; and ".MS. of the .Visenal," toni. i. pp. 
 154, 156. 
 
Chap. 13.] Betirand du Guesclin. i8t 
 
 As soon as the Navarrese appeared in sight of the French, 
 they took advantage of an eminence, with a wood adjoining, 
 on their right, and formed themselves in three divisions, in 
 order of battle, with their front on the edge of the hill. The 
 first of these divisions was commanded by Sir John Jouel, 
 with the English archers and men at-arms ; the second by the 
 Captal de Buch; and the third by the Bascon de Mareuil. 
 The pennon of the Captal de Buch was placed on a strong 
 thorny bush, with sixty men-at-arms to guard it, that it might 
 serve as a rallying point to his men, if they should become 
 scattered during the combat. 
 
 Though prepared to resist the attack of the Navarrese, the 
 French had not yet selected their commander for the day, 
 agreed on the war-cry they should use, or on the banner to 
 which they should retreat. In selecting a leader, their first 
 choice fell on the young Count d'Auxerre, on account of his 
 birth and rank ; but he modestly, and at the same time 
 firmly, excused himself, saying " that he was too young to 
 be charged with so great an enterprise, and one of so much 
 honour ; that this would be the first pitched battle in which 
 he had ever been engaged ; that there were many other 
 good knights, as Lord Bertrand and others, who knew much 
 better how such affairs should be conducted than he did ; 
 that he would be their companion, and live or die with 
 them ; but the command he would not take." They then 
 chose for a leader Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, "as the best 
 knight on the field, as one who had been in the greatest 
 number of combats, and who also best knew how such 
 things should be managed." It was then decided, with 
 one accord, that they should cry, " Notre Datne, Guesclin I 
 and that everything on that day should be ordered by 
 him."* 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 476, 478. 
 
i82 Life and Times of [Chap. 13. 
 
 The French were ranged in order of battle, hke their 
 opponents, in three divisions. The first was commanded 
 by Bertrand du Gueschn, the second by the Count d'Auxerre, 
 and the third l)y the Green Knight, Lord Louis de Chalons, 
 in the absence of the arch-priest ; while the Gascon troops, 
 under the command of the Gascon leaders, were held in 
 reserve. 
 
 The Navarrese, secure in their advantageous positron on 
 the hill, and amply supplied with provisions, resolved to 
 await the attack of the French ; while the latter, who had 
 thrown themselves suddenly in the way of their opponents, 
 and in the country of the enemy, were greatly straitened for 
 want of food, and, therefore, were very anxious to bring on 
 an engagement. As the French leader knew what would be 
 the probable result of an attack on the Navarrese in their 
 strong position, he kept his men under arms all day, prepared 
 only to act on the defensive, in the hope that the enemy 
 would descend and assail him ; but, as he waited in vain, he 
 assembled the leaders of his army at sunset, and, after a 
 conference with them, sent a herald to the Captal de Euch, 
 to say that Bertrand du (Juesclin wished to know whether 
 the Navarrese desired to have battle or not ; that, if they 
 did, a suitable place would be selected the next morning, 
 three bow-shots from the river; but, if they would not 
 appoint the time and place for a fight, the herald added that 
 he was instructed by Bertrand to challenge either the captal, 
 Pierre de Secjuainville, or Sir John Jouel, to meet him and 
 run three courses with the lance ; that the party defeated 
 should either select a place for the battle between the two 
 armies, or abandon the field and return home. To this 
 challenge the captal replied : — " I know Bertrand well, and 
 what he wants ; but tell him he shall have battle when the 
 proper day comes, and I will descend when I please — but it 
 is not yet time." 
 
Chap. 13.] Bertrand du Gucsdhi. 183 
 
 Bertrand was forced to content himself with this reply to 
 his message, as he could get no other ; and the two armies 
 remained in the same position for two entire days, when it 
 became necessary for the French commander to make some 
 change, as his troops were reduced to such straits for want 
 of food, that they were compelled " to eat horse-flesh instead 
 of mutton." They therefore adopted, without hesitation, an 
 expedient suggested by Bertrand, to draw do\\m the Navar- 
 rese from the hill. By his order, the French all armed 
 themselves, and mounted their horses, as if with the design of 
 passing the river in flight, but prepared to return, on a con- 
 certed signal, with banners displayed, and attack their oppo- 
 nents as soon as they should descend from their position. 
 The manoeuvre was executed as ordered by Bertrand, and 
 it succeeded in completely deceiving the Captal de Buch, 
 who, when he was informed that the French had retired 
 from the field, asked, in surprise, "Are they gone? I would 
 not have believed that Bertrand would ever deign to turn 
 his back on any place ;" and, when he saw the French passing 
 the river, he said, " We must descend ; and to-day we will see 
 Bertrand du Guesclin so humbled, that he will never dare to 
 show his face again to his prince." 
 
 Great was the joy in the camp of the Navarrese when 
 they saw Bertrand fly from a field which he had himself 
 chosen ; but Mancion de Blancbourg, a Breton, who both 
 hated and feared Du Guesclin, because he had slain one of 
 his kinsmen at Forgeray Castle, and vanquished another in 
 a joust at Rennes, said to Sir John Jouel : — 
 
 " Never believe me again, if Bertrand does not turn back 
 as soon as we approach him." 
 
 " You are a great fool to speak thus," angrily replied the 
 Englishman. " If you are afraid of him, do not put your 
 foot there. They who have no money have no business at 
 the market." 
 
i84 Life and Times of [Chap. 13. 
 
 On the other side, Bertrand du Guesclin was equally 
 pleased to witness the success of his stratagem ; and said to 
 Thibaut du Pont, a trusty squire, " We stretch the nets ; 
 behold, the birds are taken : they all fly right." He then 
 ordered the trumpets to be sounded, when his men instantly 
 turned back with a shout. They were soon dismounted and 
 ranged in order of battle. 
 
 The Captal de Buch was completely deceived by the 
 manoeuvre, and he would willingly have regained his former 
 position on the hill ; but it was then too late : he therefore 
 determined to put the best face on the matter, exhorted his 
 men not to be dismayed, but to fight bravely, for they out- 
 numbered their opponents by more than a hundred men ; 
 and, in conclusion, said, " Let us take a sop in wine, for 
 we know not when we shall all drink together again ; but I 
 assure you, I go to contend for my life : no one shall take 
 me like a flying hare." 
 
 When the leaders on both sides had formed their troops, 
 on foot, in order of battle, the Captal de Buch, seeing that 
 his men were dispirited by losing the advantage of position, 
 and finding that the hill behind them cut off their retreat in 
 case of need, sent a herald to Bertrand du Guesclin, to say 
 that the Captal de Buch, and the other leaders of the Navar- 
 rese, had sent to off"er him their wines at his pleasure, for 
 they knew that he and his men had little either to eat or 
 drink ; besides, there was no need of battle ; and, therefore, 
 if he would, he might retire unmolested, and they would do 
 the same. 
 
 To this the herald added : — 
 
 " Fair lords, will you take this counsel ? for here you may 
 well lose more than you can gain." 
 
 ** Gentle herald," replied Bertrand, "you know very well 
 how to preach, and for this discourse T will give you a 
 courser and a hundred florins ; but say to those who sent 
 
Chap. 13.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 185 
 
 you, that we will certainly go to them if they do not come 
 first." * 
 
 While these events were passing, a fierce contest ensued 
 among the servants and horse-boys of the two armies — 
 carried on with daggers, knives, and sticks — which resulted 
 in the discomfiture of the servants of the Navarrese, and 
 which was construed by Bertrand as a happy augury of the 
 result of the approaching battle. When, now, both armies 
 were drawn up, and ready to engage, an English squire, with 
 the consent of the Captal de Buch, came out of the ranks, 
 and inquired if there was any one in the French army who 
 desired to run three courses with the lance against him. The 
 challenge was eagerly accepted by a number of knights and 
 squires ; but Bertrand selected a squire named Roland du 
 Bois, an expert man-at-arms, for the adventure. Both the 
 champions were soon mounted and prepared for the onset. 
 They ran but one course, for in it both were wounded : De 
 Bois was hurt under the arm ; but his thrust was so well 
 directed, and given with such force, that his lance pierced 
 through the shield, hauberk, and buckram hacqueton of the 
 English squire, and he was thrown from his horse, with a 
 severe wound. He was removed from the field by the army 
 servants ; and Roland du Bois returned to his ranks with 
 the horse of the vanquished squire. 
 
 The battle then commenced, on the part of the French, 
 
 * Cuvelier adds to the above reply of Bertrand these strange words :— 
 " Que du Casta! de Buef mcngcray i. quartier, 
 Ne jc ne pense anuit autre char a mengier ; " 
 which greatly astonished the herald, and which he interpreted to mean :— 
 " Que tous les fraiz Bertran et ses hommes de pris 
 Paieroit le Capstal s'il pouvoit estre pris." 
 But may not Bcrtrand have intended a play on the name of tlie captal, 
 Bucf for /«•«//— Cuvelier, v. 4568 ; and " MS. of the Arsenal," lorn. i. 
 p. 169. 
 
1 86 Life and Times of [Chap. 13. 
 
 with this additional augury of success on one side, and ill- 
 omen on the other ; but nothing tended to abate the fury of 
 the combatants as they met in the midst of the field. The 
 Captal de liuch, well seconded by Sir John Jouel, Pierre de 
 Sec}uainville, the Bascon de Mareuil, and many others, per- 
 formed prodigies of valour ; but they were met with equal 
 skill, courage, and constancy by Bertrand du Guesclin him- 
 self, the Count d'Auxerrc, the Green Knight, the Vicomte 
 de Beaumont, and Baldwin de Leus, Sire d'Aunequin, the 
 leader of the cross-bows. Both parties, as they advanced to 
 the attack, uttered their respective war-cries — " St. George, 
 Navarre !" and " Notre Dame, Guesclin !" Sir Thibaut du 
 Pont, with a two-handed sword, fell upon the Navarrese 
 " like a madman," until his sword was broken in the mclce, 
 when he seized a battle-axe — brought to him by a Breton 
 sers'ant — and with it he gave an English knight such a blow 
 that his gorget and coat of mail availed him nothing. Ber- 
 trand, witnessing the feats of his countryman, shouted his 
 war-cr)', and exclaimed : — 
 
 " Forward, my friends, the victory will be ours ! Re- 
 member that to-day we have a new king in France, and let 
 us make him a coronation present." 
 
 " Bertrand du Guesclin !" cried out the Bascon de Mareuil, 
 on the other side, "where have you gone? You thought 
 this morning that you had found chickens ; it liad been 
 better for you to have accepted our terms." 
 
 When Bertrand heard the defiance, he attackcil the 
 Bascon "like a maned lion;" and the latter was beaten 
 down and severely wounded in the contest. He was, how- 
 ever, succoured by his comrades, and was soon again in the 
 midst of the combat, where he slew lialdwin d'Aunequin, 
 the leader of the cross-bows. The death of the Sire d'Aune- 
 quin was a serious loss to his i)arty ; but it was soon avenged : 
 for ihc Count d'Auxerrc anil the (heen Knight assailed the 
 
Chap. 13.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 187 
 
 Bascon with great fury, and he fell under their blows.* Sir 
 
 John Jouel, who was not behind him in feats of valour, was 
 
 mortally wounded about the same time. On the part of the 
 
 French, besides the leader of the cross-bows, the Vicomte 
 
 de Beaumont and a large number of valiant squires were 
 
 slain. Robert de Bournonville, who was knighted on the 
 
 field for his gallant feats of arms, also lost his life in his 
 
 efforts to maintain the reputation he had won. The victory, 
 
 which had long remained doubtful, was at length decided in 
 
 favour of the French, by a movement skilfully executed by 
 
 Sir Eustace de la Hussoie. This knight, with two hundred 
 
 good lances, by the order of Du Guesclin,t attacked the 
 
 Navarrese in the rear, with great slaughter. The Captal de 
 
 Buch saw this movement, but could do nothing to prevent 
 
 its effects, as he was sorely pressed by Bertrand in front. 
 
 His opponents at length closed in upon him, when the captal 
 
 was reduced to the defence of his own person ; and manfully 
 
 did he sustain on this occasion the reputation which he had 
 
 won on many a well-fought field : for, with a dagger, he laid 
 
 about him on all sides with such fury that " he looked like 
 
 a devil from hell ;" but Thibaut du Pont seized him by the 
 
 collar of his hauberk, and called upon him to surrender. 
 
 Bertrand also called out to him, " Captal, surrender, or you 
 
 are a dead man." The captal then gave his hand as a token 
 
 of his compliance. J Sir Pierre de Sequainville also surren- 
 
 * The anonymous author of the Chroniquc de Du Guaclin says that 
 the Ba-scon was slain by a squire named OHver Ferron, ch. xxxiii. 
 
 t The Last Continuator of Nangis says this detachment was com- 
 manded by Du Gueschn in person. — " Contin. Nangi.," tom. ii. p. 343. 
 
 X Froissart states that the Captal de Buch was taken prisoner, and 
 carried off from the field by thirty Gascons, specially detailed for that 
 purpose, liv. i. part ii. p. 481. But the captal, in an original paper, 
 preserved in the Trhor dcs Charles, differs from Froissart, Cuvelier, and 
 the Last Continuator of Nangis, and says :— " At the battle of Cocherel, 
 Roland Botlin, Esquire, had taken me, and I was his loyal prisoner." &c 
 
i88 Life and Times of Bertrand dtiGuesclin. [Chap. 13. 
 
 dered at the same time ; wlicn the combat ceased, as all the 
 Navarrese were either slain or made prisoners. 
 
 The French hoped, after a victory so complete, that they 
 would have some repose ; but tliey were scarcely assured of 
 their triumph when they were informed that a fresh body of 
 men was marching against them, which consisted of one 
 hundred and twenty lances, led by a squire from the town of 
 Nouancourt, near Pacy. Bertrand, after disarming his pri- 
 soners, for fear of an attack from them, ordered his men to 
 advance against the fresh troops. The Navarrese made but 
 a feeble resistance : for they were soon surrounded, and nearly 
 all of them slain. From the field of Cocherel Bertrand du 
 Guesclin led his victorious but famished army, first to Pont 
 de I'Arche — where Sir John Jouel, the English knight, died 
 of his wounds on entering the town — and afterwards to 
 Rouen.* 
 
 — Rccucil sitr Charles //., Roy de Navarre, by Secousse, p. 211 ; 
 and Du Tillet, Reeueil des Tratetez, 6^<r., p. 85, verso, zxiA Inventaire, 
 p. 93, recto. 
 
 * Cuvelier, vv. 4292, 4905. In most of the incidents of the battle of 
 Cocherel, Froissart differs from Cuvelier and the other contemporary 
 authorities ; although his description of the battle is, in many respects, 
 the finest passage of his chronicles. The account of Cuvelier has been 
 chiefly followed, as the most detailed, clear, and conclusive ; besides 
 having the merit of being more fully sustained by the other chroniclers. 
 See C/tro;iit/ue (Anonymt) de Dn Guesclin, ch. xxx. xxxiii., and "Contin. 
 Nangi.," torn. ii. pp. 341, 344. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Results of the battle of Cockerel. Coronation of Charles V. Character of 
 Charles. Success of Bertrand du Guesclin in Normandy. He goes to 
 the assistance of Charles de Blois in Brittany. Battle of Auray. 
 Defeat of the French, and capture of Du Guesclin. 
 
 jlHE battle of Cocherel was fought on Thursday, 
 the 1 6th of May, 1364. The fortunate issue of 
 that combat was an event too unusual and im- 
 portant, during the previous administration of 
 the young king of France, to allow the communication to 
 be delayed for an instant : letters, therefore, were immediately 
 despatched to Rheims, whither Charles had gone to be 
 crowned, conveying the very welcome intelligence. As the 
 coronation took place on the following Sunday, the 19th of 
 May,* the news of the capture of the Captal de Buch, with 
 
 * These dates are taken from an Extrait du Memorial D. de la 
 Chambre des Comptes at Paris, published by M. Secousse, in Recueil 
 des Pikes sur Charles JI., Roy de Navarre, p. 196. The Chro- 
 niqu£S de St. Denis also give the 1 6th of May as the date of the battle. 
 See Jlist. de Charles le Mauvais, by Secousse, part ii. p. 53. Du 
 Tillet, in Recueil des Roys de France, p. I57, and in his Chronique 
 Abregec, p. 66, verso, says Charles was crowned the 19th of May ; but, in 
 his Recueil des Traictez, ^c, p. 85, verso, he says the battle of Cocherel 
 was fought "on the 24th of May ; and on the following Sunday the 
 king was crowned at Rheims." In L Art de Verifier Ics Dates, it is 
 stated :— " Charles V., born at Vincennes, on the 2ist of January, 1337 
 
190 Life and Tinus of [Chap. 14. 
 
 the slaughter and surrender of the rest of his amiy, was 
 received before the ceremony on that jo)^ul occasion ; and 
 it was as IJertrand du Guesclin had declared on the field 
 of battle, that such a victory would be a worthy coronation 
 present 
 
 Charles was in his twenty-seventh year when he came 
 to the throne. In person he was tall and well-formed ; his 
 face was handsome, though somewhat long ; his forehead 
 was high and broad ; his eyes were of good size, well- 
 seated, brown in colour, and fixed in their expression ; his 
 nose was sufficiently high, his mouth not too small, and his 
 lips were thin ; his hair was neither blonde nor black ; his 
 skin was clear brown, and his complexion rather pale. In 
 his deportment he was reflective, self-possessed, and sedate ; 
 and he was tcmjierate in all things. His appearance was 
 striking : he had a manly voice of good tone, and his speech 
 was well-considered, concise, and correct.* Witli such ad- 
 vantages of person and character, Charles ascended the 
 throne, after eight years of preparation, through a succession 
 of calamitous events, which gave him a clear view of the 
 difficulties before him ; of the elements of opposition, both 
 foreign and domestic, that he had to contend with ; of the 
 character and designs of his enemies, and of the instruments 
 which he had to use. Without militar)' talents, or the desire 
 for military distinction in that warlike age — for he never put 
 on armour again after the fatal day of Poitiers — he had 
 the sagacity to discern, and the firmness to employ, the 
 
 (\.S.), succeeded his father on the 8th of April, 1364, and w.is crowned 
 at Khcims, the igtli of May cnsuinjj, on the l-C-ust of the Trinity. Three 
 d.ays l)cfore— on Thursday, the i6th of the same month — Hertrand du 
 Cluesclin had defeated, at Cocherel, on the river llure, between Kvreux 
 and Vernon, the luiglish and Navarrese, commanded by tlie Captal de 
 Buch, Jean de Grailli, who was taken prisoner." Tom vi. sub anno 1364. 
 • I^ Uvreda Fais du Sa^e Roy Charles, by Chrislinc de Pisaii, parlie i. 
 ch. vii. et xvi. 
 
Chap. 14.] Bcrtraud du Gucsclin. 191 
 
 most competent military agents, when found even among 
 tlie people, and to put them over the highest heads in 
 the kingdom. He adopted his measures with caution, but 
 he executed them with vigour, and thereby acquired from 
 his contemporaries the appellation of The Wise: one of the 
 highest titles, and, probably, one of the best merited, in the 
 long list of French monarchs. 
 
 After his coronation Charles returned to Paris, and then 
 went immediately to Rouen, to meet Bertrand du Guesclin 
 and the troops, to whom he owed the victory at Cocherel. 
 The Captal de Buch was sent to Meaux, as a prisoner; but, 
 as Pierre de Sequainville was his subject, the king ordered 
 him to be beheaded for treason. Charles showed the live- 
 liest gratitude towards those to whom he was indebted for 
 the successful issue of the battle ; and to Bertrand du Gues- 
 clin, whose reputation was greatly increased by the event, 
 he gave the county of Longueville, in Normandy,* and 
 created him marechal of that duchy. The casde of Lon- 
 gueville was garrisoned by Navarrese, who refused to receive 
 him as their lord ; but Bertrand soon took steps to reduce 
 them to subjection.t 
 
 * Cuvelier, v. 35, says : — 
 
 " Donna lui Longueville la Gifiard, se creez." 
 Walter Giffard, I>ord de Longueville, accompanied William the Con- 
 queror on his expedition into England, and distinguished himself at the 
 battle of Hastings, for which he was created Earl of Buckingham. The 
 designation of the gift, by the chronicler, as Lougucvil/c la Giffard, is 
 therefore the true one. See Ordericus Vitalis, lib. iii. ch. xiv. note (l), 
 lib. iv. ch. vii., and lib. vi. ch. vii. The gift is dated the 27th of May, 
 1364, ten days after the battle. The letters by which Charles V. gave 
 to Bertrand du Guesclin the county of L<^)ngueville, which had been con- 
 fiscated as the property of the king of Navarre, were preserved in the 
 Chanihre da Comptcs at Paris. They contain many curious clauses ; and 
 they have been published by Secoussc, in Kccucil dc Piha sur Charles II., 
 Roy dc Navarre, p. 192 ; and by Du Chastclet, in Prcuva de Du Gucsclin, 
 p. 297. 
 
 t Cuvelier, vv. 4968, 4998. 
 
192 • Life and Times of [Chap. 14. 
 
 The king, on his return to Paris, received daily complaints 
 of the ravages committed by the garrisons of the fortresses 
 in Nomiandy, in Caux, Pcrche, and lieauce,* some of which 
 belonged to the king of Navarre, and the others were hcKl 
 by the leaders of the Free Companies. To provide a remedy 
 for these evils, the king of France sent his brother, the Duke 
 of Burgundy, into the territory' where these fortresses were 
 situated, who first assembled his forces at the town of 
 Chartres ; when, finding that his amiy amounted to five thou- 
 sand combatants, he separated it into three divisions, and 
 with the first he besieged and took the castles of Marceran- 
 ville, Camerolles, Druez, Bruex, and Counay, in Beauce, and 
 retook from the Navarrese the town of Charitt^-sur-Loire. 
 The second division, under .Sir Jean de la Riviere, laid 
 siege to the castle of Acquigny, in the county of Kvreux, 
 which surrendered after a protracted defence. Bertrand du 
 Cuesclin, with the third division, consisting chiefly of the 
 troojjs which he commanded at the battle of Cocherel, went 
 into the Cotentin, to guard the frontiers of Nomiandy, on 
 that (juartcr, from the incursions of the Navarrese.t 
 
 While on his way to lay siege to Valougnes, his vanguard, 
 under Sir (luillaunie Boitel, was attacked by a body of men 
 in ambush ; but the assailants were defeated, and one hun- 
 dred and forty of their number slain. The rest fled, and 
 took refuge in the town of Valougnes, crying, " Close the 
 gates quickly ! here comes this devil Bertrand, who never 
 takes ransom." Many of the inhabitants, on hearing the 
 name of the Breton knight, fled to the woods, while the others 
 entered confusedly into the castle. Bertrand met with little 
 or no resistance on his ajjproach to the town; but the castle 
 
 • Caux is tlic present (k-p.irtincnt of llie Sfitu Iufhinire, Pcrche is the 
 present department of the Onie, .and He.iucc is now Kure ft Loire. 
 
 t Froiss.'irt, liv. i. part ii. j^p. 484, 488. The Cotentin is the present 
 department of the Maitche. 
 
Chap. 14.] Bertrand du Gucsdin. 193 
 
 was well fortified, and the garrison had great confidence in 
 the strength of an ancient tower, built in the time of Clovis. 
 Du Guesclin first attempted to take the castle by assault; but 
 it was so well defended that, finding it could not be carried 
 by that means, he brought from the town of St. Lo six 
 engines used for throwing stones, and erected them against 
 the walls of the castle. The garrison, on the other side, 
 placed mattresses, bundles of hay, and hurdles within the 
 castle and upon the towers and lodgments, to break the 
 force of the missiles ; and they stationed a watchman, upon 
 a ver)' high tower, to give a signal with a bell whenever the 
 engines were at work. Upon the sound of the bell the gar- 
 rison withdrew to a place of safety until the stone had fallen, 
 when some of them, in derision, .sallied out and wiped the 
 place where the stone had struck with a towel. Bertrand, 
 perceiving that his engines made no impression on the walls, 
 then resorted to a mine ; but, as the castle was found to be 
 built upon a rock, that expedient also failed ; he thereupon 
 repeated the assault, which was again unsuccessful. 
 
 In the meanwhile the castellan, having learnt that the 
 French leaders had taken an oath to remain before the place 
 until it surrendered, and, fearing for his life if the castle 
 should be carried by assault, determined, in concert with the 
 garrison, to capitulate. He presented himself on the ram- 
 parts, and proposed to Bertrand du Guesclin, who approached 
 the fosses on horseback, that he would surrender the castle 
 for the sum of thirty thousand florins. Bertrand, without 
 hesitation, rejected the offer, and declared to the governor 
 that he would remain a year before the place, sooner than 
 pay him a denier ; and reiterated his threat, that if the castle 
 was taken by storm, he and his men should all be hanged. 
 After some deliberation, the garrison offered to surrender, 
 saving their lives and goods. The proposition was accepted; 
 and the next morning the garrison left the castle, loaded 
 
 VOL, I. o 
 
194 Life and Times of [Chap. 14. 
 
 with their most valuable effects, and took the road, some to 
 Cherbourg, and the others to St. Sauveur. 
 
 When the French troops saw the garrison marching out of 
 the castle, they began to hoot at and deride them. Eight 
 squires in full armour, irritated at the insult, re-entered the 
 castle, with the determination to perish sooner than surrender, 
 and closed the gates. Bertrand was extremely irritated at 
 this act, and exclaimed, " Open the gate ! by what thousand 
 devils have you returned ! " The squires, who knew that 
 they had provisions sufficient to last them for ten months, 
 said, in reply, that they would defend the castle to the last 
 extremity, and that he should not enter it while they had 
 anything to eat. To which Bertrand answered, *' You lie, 
 villains : for this evening I will su]) there, and you shall fast." 
 The castle, by his order, was then assailed on all sides ; but 
 the squires defended themselves valiantly with cross-bows 
 and stones. Ladders were erected against the wall, and the 
 besiegers endeavoured to pierce it with jjicks and mattocks ; 
 but it was so high and thick that it resisted all their efforts. 
 At length they broke down a strong iron door, and entered 
 the tower. The squires still continued to defend themselves, 
 until, overpowered by numbers, they were seized and thrown 
 headlong down from the top of the tower.* 
 
 While Bertrand du Guesclin was before Valougnes, Oliver 
 de Manny laid siege to Carentan, which surrendered after a 
 feeble resistance. Bertrand then proceeded to besiege Pont 
 de Doune, a walled town, with a church strongly fortified, 
 and surrounded by a deep ditch ; but, before proceeding to 
 the attack, he sent for the governor of Carentan, and asked 
 him in what way he could best take the town. Pierre 
 Ledoulz, the governor, told him that he need do nothing 
 
 * Cuvclicr, vv. 5013, 5261 ; and Chroiiiquc (.Anonymc) dc Dti Gues- 
 clin, cli. xxxv. xxxvi. 
 
Chap. 14.] Bertra^id dii GkcscHh. 195 
 
 more than make the attack, shouting his war-cry, " GuescHn !" 
 and that the cry would strike more terror into the garrison 
 than the shouts of a thousand Frenchmen. To this counsel 
 Bertrand modestly replied : " You are mistaken in what you 
 say ; it is not so : notwithstanding, the assault shall be made 
 without delay." The town was commanded by Sir Hugh 
 Calverly, an English knight of high military reputation, with 
 a body of Norman soldiers, who defended it with great 
 valour, so that all the assaults proved unsuccessful. Bertrand 
 then had recourse to a mine, which he designed to be carried 
 under the walls and beneath the church. The work was 
 difficult and protracted ; but it was executed with such 
 secrecy, that the besieged were for a long time unconscious 
 of its progress, until one day, while some soldiers of the 
 garrison were at dinner, a glass full of wine being placed on 
 a window, just over the part of the wall where the miners 
 were at work, the glass shook, and some of the wine was 
 spilled. The garrison thus found out that the besiegers 
 were undermining the wall. The governor then resorted to 
 a counter-mine ; and the work was directed with such pre- 
 cision, that the two mining parties found themselves directly 
 opposite to each other. The French miners immediately 
 gave information of their situation to their leader, Bertrand 
 du Gue-sclin, who descended himself into the mine with a 
 hundred men, ordered his miners to cut through the tongue 
 of earth which separated the two parties, slew the miners of 
 the garrison, and entered the church, shouting his war-cry, 
 " Guesclin !" The besieged were so completely suq:)rised, 
 that they surrendered without making the slightest resistance. 
 Bertrand, after placing his banner on the ramparts, sum- 
 moned all the prisoners into his presence, in a large hall. 
 He spared the lives of the governor, Sir Hugh Calverly, and 
 the English ; but the Normans and Navarrese were beheaded 
 in the market-place. After dinner, Bertrand divided the 
 
 o 2 
 
196 Life and Times of [Chap. 14. 
 
 booty, acquired from tlic plunder of the town, among liis 
 followers, and then made preparation to lay siege to St. 
 Sauveur le Vicomte ; but, while making ready for the expe- 
 dition, he received a letter from Charles de Blois, recjuesting 
 him to come with all his forces and assist in raising the siege 
 of Auray, in Brittany.* 
 
 The king of France sent at the same time a force of one 
 thousand lances to the aid of Charles de Blois, as he per- 
 ceived how important it was, not only to the interests of his 
 kinsman, but his own, that the Count de Montfort and his 
 English auxiliaries should not be permitted to acquire the 
 possession of Brittany. The king also wrote to Sir Bertrand 
 du Guesclin to go to the assistance of De Blois, and ordered 
 the Marcchal de Boucicault to take the place of Du Guesclin, 
 in guarding the frontiers of Normandy.t The Count de 
 Montfort, after taking the castles of Sucenio and Roche- 
 Pe'rion, laid siege to Auray, " which was his own heritage." 
 While engaged in besieging the castle, for he had already 
 entered the town without resistance, he received a letter 
 from Charles V., ordering him to raise tlie siege of Auray, 
 and inviting him to come to Paris, and he should receive 
 full justice at his hands. De Montfort agreed to obey the 
 king's order, on the condition that the fortress should be 
 sequestered into tlic hands of the Lords de Clisson and 
 De Beaumanoir until tlie judgment could be rendered; but 
 the king would only accei)t of unconditional compliance, 
 and both parties went on with their preparations to decide 
 their differences by the sword. J 
 
 As soon as De Montfort heard that Charles de Blois was 
 collecting forces from France and Normandy, he sent into 
 
 * Cuvelier, vv. 5264, 5374 ; and " IMS. of the Arsenal," torn. i. 
 p. 195. Chroiii(]iie (Anonyme) dc Du Guesclin, cli. xxxvii. 
 + Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 489. 
 X Guillaunic dc St. Andre, vv. 990, 1059, 1 136. 
 
Chap. 14.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclin. 197 
 
 Aquitaine to beseech the Enghsh knights and squires in 
 that province, and especially Sir John Chandos, to come 
 and aid him in his great need, and to inform them " that he 
 expected in Brittany great feats of amis, which all lords, 
 knights, and squires, to advance their honour, would wil- 
 lingly hear of." Sir John Chandos obtained, without diffi- 
 culty, the consent of Edward the Black Prince to go to the 
 assistance of the Count de Montfort, and took with him 
 two hundred lances and as many archers. He was joyfully 
 received, not only by the count, but by De Clisson, KnoUes, 
 and the other leaders, " who thought that no evil could ever 
 befall them while they had Sir John Chandos in their 
 company." When the English forces were joined to those 
 of the Count de Montfort, the aggregate amounted to sixteen 
 hundred knights and squires, and from eight to nine hun- 
 dred archers.* 
 
 Charles de Blois ordered his troops to assemble, first at 
 Guingamp, from whence he marched to castle Josselin, and 
 where, upon reviewing his forces, he found that they 
 amounted to four thousand combatants,t among whom 
 were Bertrand du Guesclin, the Count d'Auxerre and his 
 brother, the Green Knight,J the Viscount de Rohan, Lord 
 de Beaumanoir, Sir Eustace de la Houssoie, Oliver de 
 Manny, Charles de Dinan, Guillaume de Launoy, and 
 many other distinguished knights. While De Blois was 
 still at castle Josselin, a herald came to him from the Count 
 de Montfort, by the advice of Sir John Chandos, to propose 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 489. 
 
 t Froissart says they amounted to twenty-five hundred lances, with 
 those that came from France, liv. i. part ii. p. 490. Men-at-anns and 
 archers were then regarded as the only cffcclive troops. The undisci- 
 plined and variously armed infantry, as they were of little service in the 
 combat, were seldom estimated in the accounts of battles at that period. 
 
 X Louis dc Chalons, sumamed the (Jrccn Knight. 
 
1 98 Life and Times of [Chap. 1 4. 
 
 that both parties should meet, and adjust their differences 
 without a resort to arms ; and Charles, if he had not been 
 controlled by a will superior to his own, would gladly have 
 acceded to any fair settlement of claims, which had already 
 cost his country more than twenty years of war. It was 
 proposed by the Count de Montfort that each claimant 
 should hold one-half of the duchy of Brittany, with the title 
 of duke during life ; and that, if the Count de Montfort 
 should leave no legal heir male surviving him, the whole 
 duchy should descend to the heirs of Charles de Blois ; but 
 the offer was rejected with disdain by the high-spirited 
 Countess de Blois; and the leaders of his amiy, whom 
 Charles had called into consultation, regarded the simple 
 reception of a proposition to treat for the partition of the 
 duchy as implying a doubt of his own title, and they con- 
 strued the action of the opposite party as the result of fear 
 for the issue of the contest. To this view Bertrand du 
 Guesclin also inclined ; and his suggestion was adopted, 
 to answer the proposition to treat for the partition of the 
 duchy by giving notice to De Montfort to raise the siege of 
 Auray castle within four days, or prepare for battle.* 
 
 From castle Josselin Charles de Blois first marched his 
 army to the abbey of Louvaux, and then' took a position in 
 an enclosed i)ark near the town of Auray. The park was 
 only separated from the town by a small stream, into which 
 tlie tide flowed, and a meadow which extended up to the 
 walls. The Count de Montfort, when he saw that Charles 
 de Blois was approaching, marched liis troops out of the 
 town, and formed them in an adjoining plain, in order of 
 battle. The count was anxious to bring on an engagement 
 without delay ; but Lord de Clisson advised him to defer it 
 
 * Cuvelier, w. 5412, 5625 ; Guillaume do St. Andre, v. 1175 ; and 
 Chronique (Anonyme) de Du Gitesdin, ch. xx.xviii. 
 
Chap. 14.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclin. 199 
 
 until the next morning, and await the attack which had been 
 threatened ; adding, that the position of the enemy in the 
 park was a very advantageous one, which could not be 
 assailed without great peril, and, besides, they would be 
 reproached for attacking an enemy when wearied and 
 broken down by a long march. Sir Robert KnoUes, on 
 hearing the counsel offered by De Clisson, said : — 
 
 " You speak well ; and, if they were out of the park, I 
 would advise an immediate attack : for I see plainly that 
 they outnumber us two to one." 
 
 " In my judgment," replied De Clisson, " still it would be 
 disreputable to attack them, travel-worn as they are : for we 
 would gain less honour than to fight them on a day fixed. 
 As to their greater numbers, I do not regard that at all : I 
 rather wish that they were as many more, because there is 
 often much disorder in very large assemblages of men in 
 battle. It would be better for a prince to have fifteen hun- 
 dred skilful men-at-arms to execute his will, and he could 
 more easily keep them in order than three thousand. But 
 let neither more nor less be done on account of my words, 
 as I am ready to engage in whatever it may please the other 
 knights to do." 
 
 This advice of Lord de Clisson was adopted by Sir John 
 Chandos, who, on account of a skirmish between the valets 
 of the two armies, in which those of Charles de Blois had 
 the advantage, and an attempt of the archers of both parties 
 to gain the ford over the rivulet, issued an order that no one, 
 under the penalty of death, should leave the ranks. To this 
 order he added also his advice to the Count de Montfort 
 that he should not make the attack, but wait for the enemy 
 to begin the battle.* 
 
 * Cuvelier, vv. 5800, 5832 ; Chronique (Anonymc) dc Du Guadiii, 
 ch. xxxviii. 
 
200 Life and Times of [Chap. 14. 
 
 On Saturday, the 28th of September, 1364, Charles de 
 Blois, with the aid and counsel of Bertrand du Guesclin, 
 arranged liis army in order of battle, and separated it into 
 three divisions and a rear-guard. The first division was 
 commanded by Du Guesclin, the second by the Counts 
 d'Auxerre and De Joigny, and the third and most numerous 
 division by Charles de Blois, who had with him a number of 
 the great barons of Brittany. Lord de Roye commanded 
 the rear-guard. In each of these divisions there were about 
 one thousand combatants. The same order was observed 
 by Sir John Chandos in arranging the troops of the Count 
 de Montfort. He placed Sir Robert KnoUes in command 
 of the first division. Lord Oliver de Clisson over the second, 
 and the young Count de Montfort, under his own direction, 
 over the third. In each division there were five hundred 
 men-at-arms and three hundred archers. When he came to 
 appoint a leader over the reserve, he called Sir Hugh 
 Calverly, and said to him : — 
 
 " Sir Hugh, you will take command of the rear-guard, 
 and will have five hundred combatants under you ; and you 
 must keep yourself on the wings, and never move from your 
 position, on any account, unless you see our battalions give 
 way or open from any cause, and then you must advance 
 and support them. You cannot perform, to-day, any better 
 exploit." 
 
 Sir Hugh Calverly was greatly mortified at an appoint- 
 ment which he thought implied a want of confidence in his 
 will or ability to lake a posilion of greater danger ; and he 
 angrily said : — 
 
 " Sir, give this rear-guard to another, for I do not wish to 
 bother myself with it. Dear sir," he continued, in a more 
 subdued tone, " in what manner or state have you seen me 
 disadvantageously, that I am not as well prepared to combat 
 with the fir.,t as any other]" 
 
Chap. 14.] Bertrand (ill Gi/csdui. 201 
 
 " Sir Hugli," replied Chandos, " I did not api^oint you 
 over the reserve because you arc not one of the best knights 
 of our army : for I know well that you would very willingly 
 fight in the front ranks ; but I ordered you to that position 
 because you are a wise and i)rudent knight, and it is neces- 
 sary that such a one should accept it. So I earnestly 
 entreat you to do so ; and I promise, if you will do it, that 
 it will be better for us all, and you will yourself acquire 
 higher honour by it ; and, moreover, I promise you that 
 the very first request you may ask me I will grant." 
 
 Sir Hugh Calverly still obstinately persisted in his refusal, 
 and begged, with joined hands, and for God's sake, that the 
 charge should be given to another. Whereupon Sir John 
 Chandos, affected almost to tears by such obstinacy, firmly, 
 but kindly, said : — 
 
 " Sir Hugh, either you or I must do it : now think whom 
 it will best suit." 
 
 " Surely, sir," replied Calverly, confounded at these last 
 words, " I know that you would require of me nothing that 
 would turn to my dishonour; and I will do it cheerfully, 
 since it is thus." * 
 
 During the night a strict watch was kept up by the 
 French at the ford over the rivulet which divided the two 
 armies. The detachment composing this night-guard con- 
 tained a number of good cross-bowmen, under the command 
 of Sir Guillaume de Launoy, who kept watch along the 
 rivulet, with lanterns and firebrands, until daylight, when the 
 signal on horn and trumpet aroused the men to prepare for 
 battle, t 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 491, 492- 
 
 t Cuvelier, vv. 5853, 5864. Guillaume de St. Andre says that the 
 Count de Montfort wished to defer the engagement until the next day, 
 out of respect for Sunday, but that Charles would not consent to it, 
 vv. 1 20 1, 1244. 
 
202 Life and Times of [Chap. 1 4. 
 
 Early on this Sunday morning preparations were made in 
 both armies for the combat. In Ijoth many masses were 
 said, and all took the communion who desired it Lord 
 de Beaumanoir, a noble Breton, in the ser\'ice of Charles de 
 Blois, who, the day before, had made an effort to adjust the 
 differences of the two parties without a battle, and who only 
 succeeded in procuring a respite for that day and the night 
 following, went over to the army of the Count de Montfort, 
 a little after sunrise, to make a la-st effort for peace. As 
 soon as Sir John Chandos saw him, he came forward to meet 
 him ; and Lord de Beaumanoir, after a courteous salutation, 
 said : — 
 
 "Sir John Chandos, I beg you, for God's sake, that we 
 make peace between these two lords : for it would be a 
 great pity if so many good men as I see here should fight 
 each other merely to sustain their opinions." 
 
 " Lord de Beaumanoir," replied Sir John Chandos, who 
 had entirely changed his opinions since his pacific offers had 
 been rejected, " I advise you not to come here any more : 
 for our people say that, if they can enclose you among them, 
 they will put you to death ; but say to my Lord Charles de 
 Blois that, whatever may happen, my Lord John de Montfort 
 wishes to fight, and get rid of all treaties of peace ; and he 
 says also, that this day he will be Duke of Brittany, or die 
 on the field." 
 
 "Chandos! Chandos!" exclaimed De Beaumanoir, greatly 
 irritated at these words, " my lord has as great desire to 
 fight as my Lord John de Montfort, and so have all his 
 people." 
 
 With this reply De Beaumanoir turned away, without 
 saying another word, and returned to Charles de Blois and 
 the Breton barons, who were waiting for him. On the other 
 side, Sir John Chandos went to the Count de Montfort, who 
 inquired, as he approached : — 
 
Chap. 14.] Bcrtraiid du GuescUn. 203 
 
 " How goes the business % What says our adversary ?" 
 
 " He sends you word," replied Sir John Chandos, " by 
 the Lord de Beaumanoir, who has just gone, that he wishes 
 to fight, however it may be ; and he will become Duke of 
 Brittany or be left on the field. Now decide what you will 
 do, whether you wish to fight or not." 
 
 "By St. George!" exclaimed the Count de Montfort, 
 "yes ; and may God aid the right. Send forward our 
 banners and archers." 
 
 When Lord de Beaumanoir joined Charles de Blois, on 
 his return, he said : — 
 
 " Sire, by St. Ives ! I heard the haughtiest words from 
 Sir John Chandos that I have heard for a long time : he 
 says that the Count de Montfort will remain Duke of Brit- 
 tany, and he will show you that you have no right to it." 
 
 "God knows," said Charles, changing colour at these 
 words, " to whom the right will be to-day." 
 
 The Breton barons responded after the same manner ; 
 and then the men-at-arms were ordered to march forward 
 with the banners, " in the name of God and St. Ives !" * 
 
 It was necessary for Charles de Blois, who was impatient 
 to commence the batde, to cross the rivulet which separated 
 the two armies, in order to make the attack ; but Bertrand 
 du Guesclin earnestly advised against the step, in these 
 words : — " My lord, if it would please you to remain in this 
 enclosed park, keep your men in good order, and await the 
 attack of the enemy, in my judgment, we will have the 
 advantage over them. In brief, I do not advise that your 
 army should i)ass beyond the rivulet." The other leaders 
 were, however, of a different opinion ; and Charles de Blois, 
 adopting the counsel which corresponded with his own 
 wishes, crossed the ford with banners and pennons dis- 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 493, 494- 
 
2C4 Life and Times of [Chap. 14. 
 
 played. His men, on foot, marched forward to the attack, 
 in such cIo.se order that " an apple could not be thrown 
 among them, without falling on a lance or a helmet" I\ach 
 man-at-arms carried his lance straight before him, short«?ned 
 to five feet ; he bore a strong, sharp, and well-tempered 
 battle-axe, with a short handle, at his side, or hanging from 
 his neck ; and " thus they marched forward, keejiing the 
 step — each leader at the head of his men, with banner or 
 pennon before him, well advised of what he should do." On 
 the other side, the troops of the Count de Monifort marched 
 forward to the attack in the same good order.* 
 
 The battle then commenced on the proclamation of the 
 heralds, who loudly cried out, "To-day we will witness 
 courage and prowess!" This was succeeded by the sound 
 of horns, trumpets, and musical instnmients, when the 
 archers and arbelists, on both sides, advanced to the front, 
 and discharged their arrows ; but the men-at-arms were so 
 completely protected by their armour, that none of them 
 were wounded by the shafts, and the archers then threw 
 down their bows and withdrew to the rear of the men-at- 
 arms, in their respective armies. Whereupon Sir Bertrand 
 du Guesclin, witli the Bretons under him, attacked the divi- 
 sion commanded by Sir Robert KnoUes and Walter Huet, 
 and a desperate struggle with lances ensued. On both siiles 
 many gallant feats of arms were i>erfonned ; many were 
 taken and rescued ; and, " if any one fell to the earth, he was 
 not easily raised again, if he was not well succoured." 
 Charles de Blois marched directly against the division com- 
 manded by the Count de Montfort. The latter had clothed 
 a knight, one of his kinsmen, in his tunic, covered with the 
 arms of Brittany, out of blind faith in the prophecies of 
 
 • C/irottii/iii- (AiKinynic) i/i" Du GiiiSiiiit, th. xxxix. ; and l-'roissart, 
 liv. i. pari ii. ]>. 494. 
 
Chap. 14.] Bcrtraiid du Gucsdin. 205 
 
 Merlin, wliich declared that there would be a grievous con- 
 test between two lords, who claimed the duchy of Brittany, 
 in which the arms of Brittany would be discomfited. Charles 
 de Blois was very anxious to meet this knight, who was 
 reported as wearing the arms of Brittany, and he sought him 
 everywhere throughout the field. At length they met, and 
 De Blois attacked the knight with such force that he beat 
 him down to the earth and slew him. Upon this a fiercely 
 contested struggle ensued, in which the banner of the Count 
 de Montfort was struck down by the Green Knight ; and 
 De Montfort, thinking that the battle was lost, was about to 
 leave the field, when Sir Hugh Calverly, who had taken his 
 position in the rear, to watch the course of events, skilfully 
 executed the orders which he had received from Sir John 
 Chandos, came speedily to the assistance of the count, 
 raised again his prostrate banner, and restored his broken 
 ranks. 
 
 The Count d'Auxerre, with the French knights and squires, 
 attacked the division commanded by Lord de Clisson, who 
 was aided by Sir Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, Sir Richard Burley, 
 Sir Matthew Gournay, and others ; when the battle became 
 general, with the exception of the reserve under Calverly, 
 which only took part when it was necessary to close up the 
 broken ranks of the army of the Count de Montfort.* 
 
 On both sides great skill and endurance were shown by 
 leaders and men. Both Charles de Blois and the Count de 
 Montfort acquitted themselves as good knights. Sir John 
 Chandos discharged the duties of an able general and a good 
 
 * Cuvelier, w. 5887, 6154 ; Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 494, 495 ; 
 and Chroniquc (Anonyme) de Du Giusclin, ch. xli. The anonymous 
 author of the Chronicle says: — "Then Calverly made his battalion dis- 
 mount from their horses to refresh themselves, and take off their thigh- 
 armour, to enable them to fight better on horseback. He then made 
 them remount, and gave battle-axes to each one." 
 
2o6 Life atui Times of [Chap. 1 4. 
 
 soldier. He was tall of stature and strong of limb, and he 
 struck such blows with his battle-axe that few dared to 
 approach him. He was a wise and prudent knight, and he 
 gave the best counsel to the Count de Montfort, telling 
 him : — " Do thus and thus, or, go here or there ;" and the 
 young count im])licitly trusted in him, and acted unhesi- 
 tatingly by his advice. 
 
 On the same side, Lord de Clisson performed good ser- 
 vice. He bravely and successfully sustained the attack of 
 the Count d'Auxerre, during which the latter was struck in 
 the left eye by the point of an axe, was otherAvise severely 
 wounded, and taken ])risoner. Upon the loss of their 
 leader, the division commanded by the Count d'Auxerre 
 was defeated and put to flight. The other divisions, not- 
 withstanding, continued the fight with great valour and con- 
 stancy, although they did not keep in as good order as the 
 forces of the Count de Montfort, who were greatly aided by 
 the reserve under Sir Hugh Calverly. When the English 
 and Bretons, under the Count de Montfort, saw the troops 
 of Charles de Blois open their ranks and give way, many 
 of them got their horses, mounted them, and prepared for 
 the pursuit. 
 
 At this time Sir John Chandos, with a strong body of 
 trooi)s, attacked the division commanded by Sir Bcrtrantl du 
 Guesclin, "who was in the midst of the conflict like an 
 enraged beast ;" and, wet with sweat and blooil, he assailed 
 the English with a steel hammer, and " struck them down 
 like dogs." Around him marvellous feats of arms were 
 performed ; but the ranks of his division were broken, and 
 many good knights and scjuires had already fallen, when Sir 
 John Chandos attacked him with fresh troops, both in front 
 and rear, and he was beaten down to the earth. He was 
 raised up and supported by De Houssoie, the Creen Knight, 
 and Charles de Dinan, who in the tiullc slew Sir Richard 
 
Cliap. 14.] Bcrtrand du Gticsdin. 207 
 
 Canterbury, a brother-in-law of Chandos. Du Guesclin, 
 although he saw his men continually lessening around him 
 by the numbers who were slain or who took to flight, con- 
 tinued the combat until he had neither axe, sword, nor other 
 weapon, when he yielded himself a prisoner to an English 
 squire, under the pennon of Sir John Chandos.* 
 
 The battle, in effect, was ended after the defeat of Ber- 
 trand's division : for the rest took to flight, except some 
 Breton knights and squires, who would not abandon their 
 master, Charles de Blois, choosing rather to die on the field 
 than bear the reproach of desertion. They rallied around 
 De Blois, and defended him to the last ; but they were all 
 borne down by force of numbers, for the great body of their 
 enemies turned upon them. The banner of Charles was 
 seized and thrown to the earth, and the standard-bearer 
 slain. There was great slaughter over the fallen standard, 
 and among those who fell were Charles de Blois himself, 
 and a bastard son, named Jean de Blois, an expert man-at- 
 arms, who avenged the death of his father by a mortal 
 stroke against his assailant before he received his own death- 
 wound, t In the pursuit which followed the battle there 
 was great slaughter of knights and squires. The flower of 
 the Breton chivalry was slain or taken, for very few men of 
 note escaped, and only such as could recover their horses. 
 The flight and pursuit continued for eight leagues. 
 
 Of the slain there were the Lords de Rochefort, Guer- 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 495, 496 ; Cuvelicr, w. 6160, 6279. 
 
 t The anonymous author of the Chroniquc dc Du Guesclin states that 
 Charles de Blois was taken prisoner during the battle, carried before De 
 Montfort, and put to death by Bertrand Lazerac, by order of De Montfort, 
 ch. xlii. xliii. This statement is not supported by any other chronicle or 
 historical monument of that period. See Hist, dc Brdagne, by Morice, 
 torn. i. p. 1005, note {63) ; Sur le Mart dc Charles dc Blois, and Cession 
 faitc par Nicole de Brctat^ne h Louis A'/., Janvier 3, 1 347, in Acta de 
 BretagnCy by Morice, torn. iii. p. 343. 
 
2o8 Life and Titius of [Chap. 14. 
 
 goulay, and Avangour, and above nine hundred men-at- 
 arms. The Counts d'Auxerre and Joigny, Lords Rohan, 
 Montfort, De Rcaumanoir, Rais, and Reux, and Rcrtrand du 
 Guesclin were taken prisoners, while only about twenty men 
 were slain on the side of the Count de Montfort* 
 
 After the battle was over the Count de Montfort, in the 
 presence of a number of the leaders of his army, publicly 
 thanked Sir John Chandos for the successful issue of the 
 combat, which he justly attributed to his judgment and 
 valour, and offered him, at the .same time, a cup and a 
 flagon full of wine, with these words : — " After God, I 
 am under greater obligation to you than to the whole 
 world." At this moment Lord de Clisson returned, all 
 heated from the pursuit, at the head of his men, with a 
 large number of pri.soners. 
 
 The Count de Montfort was still ignorant of the fate of 
 Charles de Ulois, when two knights, accompanied by two 
 herald.s, who had been searching the field of battle to find 
 out what men of rank had been slain, came up and reported 
 that Charles was dead. Whatever may have been his real 
 emotions at this announcement, the Count de Montfort 
 exhibited the deepest sympathy and a becoming respect for 
 the fate of his fallen rival : for he was affected even to tears 
 on beholding the dead body of his late enemy, which he 
 ordered to be reverently interred at Guingamp.t 
 
 The result of the battle of Auray, which ended so fatally 
 to Charles de Blois, was probably due entirely to the disre- 
 gard by him of the prudent counsel of Bertrand du Gues- 
 clin, not to abandon their strong position in the park, but 
 to await the attack of the enemy. This battle was one of 
 
 • Kroissart, liv. i. p.irt ii. \>. 496; Cluil. ik" St. Aiulrc, vv. 1411, 
 1446. Tlie I^isl Continuator of Nangis estimates the mnnber of killed 
 and mortally wounded much hi{jher, torn. ii. p. 352. 
 
 f Froissarl, liv. i. part ii. p. 499. 
 
Chap. 14.] Bertrand du Guesclin. 209 
 
 the most important events of that period : as, apart from its 
 other consequences, it decided the long-contested question 
 of the succession to the dukedom of Brittany, left vacant by 
 John the Good, in the year 1341. As the various incidents 
 of the fight have been somewhat minutely described, it may 
 also be taken to represent the low point of depression 
 to which the art of war had fallen at the middle of the 
 fourteenth centur)% Men-at-arms were then considered as 
 the only effective troops, and defensive armour had been 
 carried to such a state of perfection, that it was not only 
 proof against the arrow, but it afforded almost complete 
 protection against the sword, the lance, and even the terrible 
 battle-axe. There seemed to be little occasion for the dis- 
 play of skilful generalship, when the combat was reduced to 
 a mere personal struggle, in which the strength and endur- 
 ance of one side at length prevailed over the other, and the 
 carnage took place, not on the field, but in the pursuit 
 of the vanquished party. The divisions of the amiy com- 
 monly fought independently of each other, under the com- 
 mand of their respective leaders, and the contest was main- 
 tained as long as the banner of the chief was kept floating ; 
 for it often happened, as Froissart remarks at this battle, 
 when the Count d'Auxerre fell, " that, when a discomfiture 
 took place, the defeated were too easily alarmed ; that when 
 one fell, three fell; on three, ten; and on ten, thirty ; and, if 
 ten run away, a hundred will follow." 
 
 From their armour and equipments, the men-at-arms 
 seemed to constitute the most effective cavalry that the 
 world had ever known ; yet they fought on foot* until one 
 
 • Morice, writing of the battle of Tinchebrai, in the year 1 106, between 
 Robert Courtho&e, Duke of Normandy, and his brother Henry I. of 
 England, says : — " To render the parties equal, all the knights, except 
 the Bretons, dismounted to fight on foot. This precaution seemed 
 necessary to them, in order to preser>'e their lives : for, when a knight is 
 
 VOL. I. P 
 
2IO Life afui Times of Bertraiid du Guesclin. [Chap. 14. 
 
 party was defeated, when the horses were used by the van- 
 quished, who could recover them, for flight, and by the 
 victors for pursuit Anything Hke good order or proper 
 discipHne was so little known, or so seldom practised, that 
 the confusion which invariably attended the conflict of 
 arms was in i)roportion to the numbers engaged ; and it 
 justified the remark of Lord de Clisson, on the same occa- 
 sion, that there was too often much disorder in large assem- 
 blages of men in battle, and that fifteen hundred men-at-arms 
 who would execute the commands of their leaders would be 
 worth more, and could be more easily kept in order, than 
 three thousand. No other act of generalship was displayed 
 at the battle of Auray than in the appointment of the re- 
 serve under Sir Hugh Calverly, who was expressly instructed 
 not to attack the enemy, but to restore order and repair the 
 broken ranks of his own jjarty ; and to the skilful execution 
 of this order the Count de Montfort chiefly, if not entirely, 
 owed the victory.* 
 
 thrown from his horse, he cannot raise himself, on accoiml of the weight 
 of his armour, and he is regarded as de.id. It does not appear that this 
 custom had been practised before this, but it became the common usage 
 afterwards." — Hist, de Brctagne, tom. i. j>. 86. And see Onlericus 
 Vitalis, lib. xi. ch. xx. ; Henry of Huntingdon, lib. vii. ; and Roger of 
 Wendovcr, A.D. 1 106. 
 
 • Froissart is the only authority for the apjiointment by Rcrtrand du 
 Guesclin of a reserve under Lord de Roye ; but lie is not mentioned any- 
 wlicrc by Froissart himself as taking part in the action. 
 
 ■-^-ts^ggSil^"' 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The treaty of Guci-rande. Peace bchveen the 'kings of Ftatice and 
 N^avarre. Release of the Captal de Buck. Release of Du Guesclin. 
 The Free Companies. 
 
 HE castle of Auray surrendered to the Count de 
 Montfort immediately after the battle. He then 
 laid siege to the to\vns of Jugon and Dinan, 
 which he also took, but after an obstinate resist- 
 ance, and he then proceeded to besiege Quimper-Corentin, 
 ^^^^ile he was before the last-mentioned place, the king of 
 France, unwilling to drive De Montfort to extremities, force 
 him to seek the aid of Edward HI., and do homage to the 
 king of England for the duchy of Brittany, by the advice of 
 his council sent Jean de Craon, Archbishop of Rheims, and 
 Jean de Maingre, called Boucicault, Mardchal of France, 
 to negotiate a peace between De Montfort and Jeanne 
 la Boitcusc, the widow of Charles de Blois.* On the part of 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 499, 500; Actes de Bretagne, by Morice, 
 torn. i. col. 1589. The anonymous author of the Chronique de Du 
 Guesclin, chap, xlv., says that De Montfort first sent messengers to 
 Charles V. to treat of peace, promising to do homage for the duchy ; to 
 which Charles replied, that he would advise with his council l>efore 
 answering. Of the diplomatic ability of the Marechal de Boucicault, 
 the same author, ch. xlvii., says: — "He was distinguished for great 
 sense and chivalry, and especially renowned in his day for finding the best 
 
 P 2 
 
212 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 the latter, the Bishop of Brieue, Lord de Beaumanoir, Guy 
 de Rochefort, Lord d'Acerac, and Master Guy de Cleder, 
 doctor of laws, were appointed commissioners to treat of 
 peace.* De Montfort, unwilling to act without the know- 
 ledge and concurrence of Edward IIL, sent Lord Latimer 
 to that monarch, who advised him to make ample provision 
 for the Countess de Blois ; but, in any event, to keep pos- 
 session of the entire duchy.t 
 
 During the conferences it was proposed by the Mardchal 
 de Boucicault to divide the duchy of Brittany equally be- 
 tween the contending parties ; but De Montfort would in no 
 wise assent even to entertain the proposition, in consequence 
 of which the conferences were on the point of being broken off. 
 They were, however, kept up till Lent, when the commis- 
 sioners removed to Guerrande, " because they found at that 
 place a great quantity offish ;" and there the conferences were 
 renewed, upon the prayers and supplications of the people 
 of Brittany, who begged that a contest which had endured 
 for twenty-three years should at length be ended.J New 
 terms were proposed after the return of Lord Latimer from 
 England, which were acceded to by both parties. By the 
 
 way of treating tlian any other; of whom it was said, in common par- 
 lance, throughout France, in his lifetime : — 
 
 " Assez plus vault en ung assault 
 Sainctrc ()ue ne fait Bouciquault, 
 Mais troji niiculx vault en ung traictie 
 Bouciquault (juc ne fait Sainctrc." 
 
 Which may be almost literally rendered thus : — 
 
 For much more worth, in an assault, 
 
 Saintre is than Boucicault ; 
 
 But too much more, in a treaty, 
 
 Boucicault than is Saintre. 
 * Actcs dc Bretagne, by Morice, tom. i. col. 1587. 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 500. 
 X Guillaumc dc St. Andre, w. 15 10, 1565. 
 
Chap. 15.] Bcrtrand dii Gitesclin. 213 
 
 treaty, the Count de Montfort was declared Duke of Brit- 
 tany, and, if he died without male issue, the duchy was to 
 revert to the eldest son of the Countess de Blois ; who 
 should bear the title of Duchess of Brittany during life, hold 
 the county of Penthit^vre and the vicounty of Limoges, and 
 receive a revenue of ten thousand livres on the lands of the 
 Count de Montfort in France or Brittany, with an annuity of 
 three thousand livres; and her sons Jean and Guy were to 
 be delivered from prison at the expense of De Montfort.* 
 
 The treaty of Guerrande was signed on the 13th of April, 
 1365 ; and thus ended the long, sad, and bitter contest for 
 the succession to the dukedom of Brittany. At this period 
 the affairs of the restless Charles the Bad, king of Navarre, 
 being in a ver>' precarious condition, inclined him to peace. 
 His army had been almost entirely destroyed at Cocherel ; 
 the Duke of Burgundy and Bertrand du Guesclin had taken 
 the greater part of his towns in Normandy ; Louis de Na- 
 varre, his brother, had not been able to keep the conquests 
 which he had made ; the Captal de Buch, the general of his 
 forces, was a prisoner ; and he had even made terms with 
 the king of France, and restored to him certain places which 
 he held. The king of Navarre was, therefore, not in a con- 
 dition to resist the power of Charles V. ; and he well knew 
 that, if he continued his opposition, he would be stripped 
 the following year of all his possessions in France. In this 
 extremity Queen Jeanne, widow of Charles the Fair, and 
 aunt of the king of Navarre, and his sister. Queen Blanche, 
 widow of Philippe de Valois, acted in concert with the 
 Captal de Buch, to induce the king of France to Hsten 
 to terms of peace, t 
 
 * See treaty of Guerrande, in Actcs de Brdagnc, by Morice, torn, i, 
 col. 1587. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 501, and Histoirc dc Charles le Mauvah 
 by Secousse, part ii. p. 70. "Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. p. 364. 
 
214 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 The success of this negotiation led also to the discharge 
 of the Captal de Ruch, who had been a prisoner since the 
 battle of Cocherel. He was not only acquitted without 
 ransom, but Charles V. gave him the handsome castle of 
 Nemours, which, with its appendages, was worth three thou- 
 sand francs of revenue. For these lands the captal did 
 homage to the king, who was greatly pleased to have at his 
 court a knight of such distinction. But his satisfaction was 
 of short duration : for when the Captal de Buch returned to 
 the court of Edward the Black Prince, and the latter was 
 informed of his engagements with the king of France, the 
 prince blamed him severely, and said that the captal could 
 not loyally acquit himself of his services to two lords ; and 
 that he was too covetous in desiring to hold lands in France, 
 where he was neither loved nor honoured. When the captal 
 saw how coldly he was received, and how severely he was 
 censured by the Prince of Wales, his natural lord, for the 
 course he had pursued, he endeavoured to break the severity 
 of the rebuke, by saying that he was not so closely bound 
 to the king of France but that he could easily undo what 
 had been done. Whereupon lie sent by his own .squire the 
 renunciation of his homage to Charles V., gave up every- 
 thing which he had received from the king of France, and 
 ever afterwards continued in the service of the English with 
 unshaken fidelity ami devotion.* 
 
 After the battle of Auray, Bertrand du Guesclin had been 
 removed to Niort, in Poitou, by Sir John Chandos ; but, 
 as the treaty of Guerrande had settled the long contest in 
 Brittany, as the king of Navarre was now quieted by the 
 late adjustment with Charles V., and as peace still continued 
 between the crowns of France and England, there was no 
 longer any pretext for detaining the prisoners taken in the 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 501, 502. 
 
Chap. 15.] Bertrand du Guesclin. 215 
 
 battle of Auray in custody. They were, in consequence, 
 discharged on payment of a ransom, varying, according to 
 the practice of the times, with their means and their reputa- 
 tion in war.* There is no evidence of what was paid by the 
 other prisoners, but the ransom of Bertrand du GuescHn was 
 fixed at the enormous sum of one hundred thousand francs. 
 This exorbitant ransom was probably far beyond his ability 
 to pay; but he was aided by Charles V., Pope Urban V., 
 and Henry of Trastamara, who then desired to obtain the 
 assistance of Bertrand in his contest with Peter the Cruel 
 for the crown of Castile. Charles V., who seems not to 
 have been a very generous monarch, to judge by the close- 
 ness and business nature of his money transactions with 
 Bertrand and others, gave his aid with every precaution that 
 was necessary to secure him from the smallest loss ; for he 
 only assumed to pay to Sir John Chandos forty thousand of 
 the debt incurred by Bertrand, and secured himself by a 
 mortgage on the county of Longueville and its appendages, 
 to be foreclosed in less than two years, and be vested abso- 
 lutely in the crovNTi, if the money was not paid back within 
 that time. To obtain such grudging aid, Bertrand was 
 further bound to carry out of the kingdom the dreaded Free 
 Companies, who had committed such fearful ravages in 
 every part of France since the battle of Poitiers.t 
 
 Of all the evils that afflicted France during the fourteenth 
 
 * St. Palaye, in his Mcmoires sur V Anricnnc Chcz'a/crie, says the 
 ransom was usually one year's revenue of the prisoners, torn. i. p. 263, 
 and note (40). 
 
 t Du Tillet, Rcaicil dcs Trautez, ^'c, p. 86, recto, and Invcntairc, 
 p. 93, verso ; Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 504 ; Cuvelier, torn. ii. ; Pikes 
 yustificativa, Nos. V. and VI, , pp. 393, 394. Charles V., however, in 
 the year 1372, did acquit Du Guesclin of the debt of 40,000 francs paid 
 to .Sir John Chandos, as well as the sum of 30,000 francs loaned him 
 for his expedition into Spain. .See Qiiittacc donnre aii Conttatable du 
 Gtiesdw par le Roi, in Adcs de Bretaf;ne, torn. ii. col. 61. 
 
2t6 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 centur)-, the incursions of the Free Companies were unques- 
 tionably the greatest. The insurrection oi ihe Jacquerie was 
 a temporary ebuUition of popular hatred against the nobles, 
 local in its effects, and soon suppressed ; and even the 
 dreadful invasions of the English under Edward III., though 
 carried on witli fire and sword, and followed by desolation, 
 were of comparatively short duration, and the national 
 industry effaced in time the ruin they had caused : but these 
 formidable freebooters, under various leaders, spread them- 
 selves over all France ; and for nine years they were the 
 willing actors in any scene of bloodshed or plunder, and the 
 fruitful authors of every evil that could be committed by 
 rai)acity, profusion, cruelty, or lust. Commencing imme- 
 diately after the battle of Poitiers, at a moment of the 
 greatest weakness to France, when the king was a prisoner, 
 and the regent a minor without experience or popularity, 
 when the nobles were without influence, and when the trea- 
 sury was empty, and consisting of men accustomed to com- 
 mand and inured to war, they spread themselves so widely, 
 and fixed themselves so deeply, on the soil of France, that 
 it required the wisest counsel, and a period of stable govern- 
 ment, to dislodge them.* 
 
 Sir Regnault de Cervole, a Gascon by birth, commonly 
 called the arch-priest, f is mentioned, in the year 1357, as the 
 
 • Secousse, in his Ilistoirc dc Charles le Mauvais, says of tliem, 
 " tiiey may be compared to ihc JUlidusti-rs of America, though they do 
 not appear to have carried as far as tiie latter intrepidity aiid cruelty." 
 Partie i. p. 186. 
 
 t " Renaut de Cervole probably gaiiietl the surname of arch-priest from 
 the possession of an arch-priestliood ; it was not rare then to see the laity 
 in possession of benefices and ecclesiastical dignities." — Buchon's note to 
 Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 342, See JoinvUle's " Memoirs of St. 
 Louis," and note by Du Cange, p. 422. Raynaldus styles him Arnoldus 
 de Servo/a, vulgaritcr anhipyi'sbytcr dc Vcniiis nomiiiatus. — Annul. 
 Eccles., 1365, § 5. 
 
Chap. 15.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 217 
 
 first leader of these celebrated Free Companies, under whom 
 a large body of men-at-arms from all countries assembled, 
 "who saw that their wages had failed since the king of 
 France was a prisoner." They first marched towards Pro- 
 vence, where they scaled and took many fortified towns and 
 castles, and pillaged the whole country to the very gates of 
 Avignon. The pope and cardinals were so alarmed at the 
 ravages of these brigands, that, having no other remedy, 
 they made a treaty with them. The arch-})riest was received 
 " as reverently as if he had been the son of the king of 
 France ;" he dined many times at the palace of the pope 
 and with the cardinals ; he obtained full absolution for his 
 sins ; and, at his departure, received forty thousand crowns 
 to be divided among his troops.* This notorious freebooter 
 afterwards, in the year 1365, made an inroad into the pro- 
 vince of Alsace, in Germany, which he laid waste with fire 
 and sword ; but he was met near the Rhine by a large body 
 of incensed Germans, who drove him back into France with 
 great loss. He was soon after assassinated by some of his 
 lawless followers.t 
 
 Shortly after the arch-priest commenced his first acts of 
 brigandage, there assembled another company of men-at- 
 arms and foot soldiers of different nations, who overran and 
 pillaged the whole country between the rivers Seine and 
 Loire, so that no one dared to go from Paris to Vendome, 
 Orleans, or Montargis, or remain in the open country ; and 
 the wretched inhabitants were forced to take refuge in Paris 
 or Orleans. These troops, under a leader named Rufiin, 
 marched with impunity towards Paris, Orleans, or Chartres, 
 and sacked every place — town or fortress — that was not well 
 guarded. They took, with little resistance, St. Arnould, 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii, p. 373 ; Ra)Tialdus, Annal. Ecclcs. 1357, 
 
 §3- 
 
 t Raynaldus, Annal. Ecclcs.., 1365, § 5. 
 
2i8 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 Galardon, Bonneval, Clois, Estampes, Chartres, Montlchery, 
 Peviers, Larchant, Milly, Chatcau-Laudon, Montargi.s,Yevre, 
 and many other large towns. They rode through the 
 country in bands of twenty, thirty, or forty, without meeting 
 Mrith the sHghtest opposition or injury. Besides these, there 
 was a very large company of EngHsh and Navarrese pil- 
 lagers in the province of Nomiandy, under Sir Robert 
 KnoUes, who, in the same manner, took possession of 
 towns and castles. This famous robber, in the end, amassed 
 a fortune of one hundred thousand crowns, and was enabled 
 to keep a large body of soldiers in his pay.* 
 
 After the death of Etienne Marcel, in the year 1358, 
 Charles the Had, to avenge the death of his instrument and 
 ally, declared war against the regent Although the king of 
 Navarre himself took no active part in the military operations 
 of that year, various bantls of jjillagcrs, under his name and 
 protection, overran and subdued many parts of the kingdom 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. ]iart ii. p. 373. " Sir Robert Knolles, Knight," 
 says old Fuller, "was born of mean parcnfa^je in this county (Cheshire) ; 
 yet did not the weight of his low extraction depress the wings of his 
 martial mind ; who, by his valour, wrought his own advancement. He 
 was another of the thirty Knglish wlio, for the honour of the nation, 
 undertook to duel with as many Bretons, and came off with great 
 reputation." 
 
 " He was afterwards commander in the French war, under King 
 Kdward HI., where, in despite of their power, he drove the people before 
 him like sheep, destroying towns, castles, and cities, in such manner and 
 number, that many years after, the sharp points and gable ends of over- 
 ihnnvn houses, cloven asunder with instruments of war, were commonly 
 called Kiicnolcs' mitres." 
 
 ** He died at his manor of Scone-Thorp, in Norfolk, in peace and 
 honour, whereas martialists generally set in a cloud, being at least ninety 
 years of age (for he must be allowed no less than thirty years old when, 
 anuo 1352, he was a general under King Fdward HI., and he survived 
 until the 15th of Augu.st, 1407), being buried in Whitefriars, in London, 
 to which he had been a great benefactor." — " Fuller's Worthies," 
 vol. i. pp. 274, 275. 
 
Chap. 15.] Bertrand du Guesclin. 219 
 
 of P'rance, especially the province of Picardy, the Isle of 
 France, Champagne, and part of the Orleannois, and obtained 
 the control of the river Seine, both above and below the 
 city of Paris, as well as of the rivers Marne and Oise. They 
 seized and fortified the strong castles of Creil, on the Oise ; 
 Le Herelle, near Amiens ; and Mauconseil, near Noyon ; 
 and from these three fortresses such injuries were committed 
 to the kingdom of France, " that they could not be repaired 
 for an hundred years after." From the castle of Creil, a 
 Norman knight, named Sir Foudrigais, granted safe conducts 
 to all persons going from Paris to Noyon or Compiegne, or 
 from Compiegne to Soissons or Laon, or the neighbouring 
 marches ; and these passports were worth to him, while he 
 held Creil, fully one hundred thousand francs. From the 
 castle of Le Herelle, Sir John de Pe'quigny, a knight of 
 Picardy, and a constant adherent of Charles the Bad, kept 
 in subjection the towns of Amiens, Arras, Montdidier, and 
 Pe'ronne, and the whole province of Picardy along the course 
 of the river Somme. 
 
 The Irish and English captains, Derry, Franklin, and 
 Hawkins, from the castle of Mauconseil, pillaged the sur- 
 rounding country, and compelled the unwalled towns and 
 abbeys to pay weekly a certain amount of florins, under 
 the threat of being sacked and burnt. By such means the 
 merchants and others were prevented from leaving Paris 
 and the other towns on their necessary business ; the lands 
 were left waste and uncultivated ; and, in consequence, such 
 a scarcity prevailed in many parts of France, that " a keg of 
 herrings sold for thirty crowns." 
 
 After the same manner, the province of Champagne was 
 ravaged by Sir Peter Audley, an English knight, and Sir 
 Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, a knight of Hainault, during the 
 year 1359. The latter acquired such great wealth from 
 ransoms, the sale of towns and castles, the redemption of 
 
2 20 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 land and houses, and the granting of passports, that he was 
 able to keep up ten or twelve fortresses, and maintain in his 
 pay fully a thousand men.* 
 
 During the same year. Sir Robert Knollcs, who had 
 hitherto confined his ravages to the limits of Normandy, 
 set on foot an expedition to the middle and south of France, 
 and started with three thousand combatants from the borders 
 of Brittany. He ascended the course of the river Loire and 
 entered the province of Berr}', where he bumed and laid 
 waste the whole country. When he approached Auvergne, 
 he found the nobles of that province, with those of Limousin 
 and the county of Forez, assembled with their retainers to 
 the number of six thou.sand, and jjrepareil to offer him 
 battle ; but Sir Robert Knolles, not deeming it prudent to 
 meet that number, avoided an engagement, and retreated 
 under the cover of night.t 
 
 During the invasion of France by Fxlward, towards the 
 end of the year 1359, and until the termination of the war 
 in May, 1360, when the peace of Bretigny was signed, the 
 Free Companies were nearly all engaged in active hostilities 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 386, 3S7, 390, and pp. 399, 4c i ; 
 " Contin. Nangi.," torn. ii. p. 278. This .Sir Eustace d'Aubrccicourt is 
 the same knifjht mentioned by Froissart, who "at this time verj- loyally 
 loved a lady of hiyh rank, and the lady loved him .also. One may well 
 name her, as she afterwards liecame his wife. .She was Matlame Isal)el 
 dc Juliers, daiit;htcr of the Count de Juliers, by one of the dau^;hlers of 
 the Count de Ilainault. The queen of Knjjland was her aunt ; she had 
 in her youth married in l".nj;land the Marl of Kent, but he dietl younj;. 
 And she also was younj;, and was enamoure<l of I^)rd Eustace for his 
 great valour and the feats of arms which he had performed, ami of which 
 she heard every day. At tluN lime, when Sir llustace was in Champagne, 
 she sent him hackneys and many war-horses, with amourous letters and 
 great sij;nificancies of love, by which the knight was more bold and 
 courageous, and performc<l such great fcaU of arms, that every one spoke 
 of him." — Liv. i. part ii. p. 401. 
 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 412, 4 '3- 
 
Chap. 15.] Bcrtmjid du Gucsclm. 221 
 
 on the side of the EngHsh, as most, if not all of them, were 
 to be found among the enemies of the French. As large 
 numbers of them were disbanded by the peace, Edward, at 
 the request of king John, passed an ordinance requiring all 
 his adherents and allies, who held any towns or castles any- 
 where within the domain of France, to vacate them within a 
 month after notice, under the penalties of banishment and 
 confiscation for treason.* Many of the English leaders, 
 who were in possession of towns and fortresses before the 
 peace, determined, on hearing the order, to surrender them, 
 though unwillingly, and the greater part of them sold their 
 possessions to those of the neighbourhood at a fair price ; 
 but some of the leaders would not abandon them, and, as 
 their only occupation was war and pillage, they continued 
 their practices as before, under the sanction of Charles the 
 Bad. Among those who gave up their conquests was Sir 
 Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, who held the town of Athegny, on 
 the Aisne, which he sold at a high price ; but he took 
 nothing but promises, and he was afterwards but poorly 
 paid. 
 
 Besides the English, there were many great captains and 
 robbers of other nations, as Germans, Brabanters, Flemish, 
 Hainaulters, Bretons, Gascons, and vile Frenchmen, who 
 disobeyed the order of Edward, and resolved to reinstate 
 themselves by making war on the kingdom of France. 
 When the leaders who surrendered their fortresses were 
 about to leave them, they discharged their followers. These 
 men, who had learnt how to pillage, and who well knew 
 that there would be little profit in returning to their own 
 country, where, probably, they were afraid to go, on account 
 of their villanous deeds, met together and elected new 
 leaders, and in every instance selected the vilest among 
 
 • Rymcr, vol. iii. par. i. p. 537. 
 
222 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 ihem. They then first assembled in Champagne and Bur- 
 gundy, and formed themselves into large troops and com- 
 panies, who called themselves the Tard- Venus (Late Comers), 
 for they had as yet i)illage(l but little the kingilomof France. 
 
 Their first feat was to take by surprise the strong castle 
 of Joinville, in Champagne, and with it they acquired a very 
 large booty, which had been carried there from the sur- 
 rounding country for safe keeping, on account of the sup- 
 posed strength of the place. The companies divided this 
 booty among them, which was estimated at one hundred 
 thousand francs, and then overran and laid waste the whole 
 province of Champagne, the bishopric of Verdun, Toul, and 
 Langres. When they had completely sacked the country 
 they abandoned it ; but, before doing so, they sold the castle 
 of Joinville to the people of the vicinity for twenty thousand 
 francs. They then entered the province of Burgundy, where 
 they committed the most atrocious deeds, as they had 
 among them some infamous knights and squires of tlie 
 country, who conducted them, and pointed out the subjects 
 for i)lunder and vengeance. The comixanies remained a 
 long while around Besan^on, Dijon, and lieaune, plundered 
 every spot where any booty was to be found, and took the 
 town of Givri, where they continued for some time, and 
 around Vergy, on account of the al)undance of the country. 
 Their numbers increased continually : for they who were 
 forced to abandon tlicir fortresses, and whom their leaders 
 had dismissed, united themselves to the companies already 
 formed, so that by Lent of the year 1361 they amounted 
 to fully fifteen thousand combatants.* 
 
 When the companies found that llicir nunil)crs had so 
 greatly increased, they elected many captains to command 
 them, whom they imj>licitly obeyed. The most distinguished 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. jiart ii. pp. 440, 44S, 453. 
 
Chap. 15.] Bertrand du Gucsdin. 223 
 
 leader among them was a Gascon knight, named Sir Seguin 
 de Batefol, who had under him fully two thousand fighting 
 men. Besides, there were Talebart Talebardon, Guiot du 
 Pin, Espiote, Little Merchin, Batillier, Francois Mannequin, 
 the Boure Camus, the Boure de I'Espare, Nandon de 
 Bagerant, the Boure de Bretuel, Lamit, Hagre I'Escot, 
 Albrest Ourri the German, Borduelle, Bernard de la Salle, 
 Robert Briquet, Carsuelle, Aymemon d'Ortinge, Garsiot du 
 Chastel, Guiounet du Paux, Hortings de la Salle, and many 
 others. 
 
 The great strength of these companies at length aroused 
 the fears of the French monarch, for it was represented to 
 him by his council that these troops might so increase, that 
 they would cause more evils to the kingdom than the Eng- 
 lish had done in their wars : the king, therefore, ordered 
 Lord James de Bourbon, who was then in the town of 
 Montpellier, to collect a sufficient number of men-at-arms to 
 enable him successfully to attack them. The Lord James, 
 who was a popular leader, soon collected a large body of 
 knights and squires from Auvergne, Limousin, Provence, 
 Savoye, and Dauphind, besides a considerable number sent 
 to him by the young Duke of Burgundy from that province. 
 
 When the companies, then assembled near Chalons on 
 the Saone, and about Tournus, found out that the French 
 were collecting forces to attack them, the leaders met 
 together in council to determine what course they should 
 pursue. Their forces then amounted to sixteen thousand 
 men. It was proposed to meet the French army and offer 
 them battle; and it was added, "if it .shall so happen that 
 fortune will declare for us, we shall all be rich and re-estab- 
 lished for a long time, not only in the prisoners which we 
 shall take, but we shall strike such terror wherever we go, that 
 no one will dare to attack us ; and, if we fail, our wages will 
 be paid." The proposition was adopted. The companies 
 
2 24 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 then decamped, with the intention of passing through the 
 province of Forez to the river Loire. On their way, they 
 made an attack on the fortified town of Charlieu, near 
 Macon, which j)rovcd unsuccessful. After a ruinous foray 
 which they then made on the lands of the Lord de Beaujeu, 
 they entered the archbishopric of Lyons, and took the 
 castle of Brignais, on the Rhone, about three leagues below 
 the city of Lyons. Here they pitched their camps and 
 awaited the ap]>roach of the French.* 
 
 The leaders of the Free Companies selected their position 
 on this occasion with much judgment. They took advantage 
 of a hill, and j^laced the right of their army, composed of 
 their best-appointed troops, below the summit, in a place 
 where they could neither be seen nor apjjroached. By this 
 disposition they deceived the .scouts of Lord James de 
 Bourbon, sent to reconnoitre their position : for the scouts 
 reported, on their return, that the companies did not number 
 more than five or six thousand men ; and, besides, that they 
 were badly armed. Upon this re])ort, Lord James said to 
 Sir Regnault de Cervole, who was standing near him : — ■ 
 
 " Arch-priest, you tokl me that the companies had fifteen 
 thousand combatants, and you now hear entirely the reverse." 
 
 " Sire," replied the arch-priest, " I still think they have no 
 less than I have said ; but, if they have less, it will be the 
 better for us. Now you must decide what you will do." 
 
 "We will fight them," quickly answered Lord James, "in 
 the name of (iod and St. George." 
 
 Lord James then made his dispositions for an immciliate 
 engagement, and created a number of new knights. The 
 arch priest was appointed to command the first division of 
 the French army, and ordered to commence the attack, 
 which he readily undertook, as he was a bold and expert 
 
 • Kroissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 453, 455. 
 
Chap. 15.] Bcrtratid dii Gucsdin. 225 
 
 knight, and he had under his command upwards of fifteen 
 hundred well-armed men. 
 
 The leaders of the Free Companies saw very plainly the 
 order and disposition of the French, though their own could 
 not be seen, nor could their position be approached without 
 much difficulty and peril : for they occupied an elevated 
 place, whither they had carried more than a thousand cart- 
 loads of stones, which they employed with good effect in the 
 fight. The French men-at-arms, in advancing to the attack, 
 could not approach the enemy but by an oblique movement 
 up the side of the hill to the position where they were 
 drawn up to receive them ; and, in attempting to do this, 
 the brigands from above began throwing down stones upon 
 them, and with such force, that many helmets were beaten in, 
 and the men-at-arms so wounded and put in disorder, that 
 not one of them could advance, however well protected he 
 might be. 
 
 Lord James de Bourbon, with the second division, came 
 to the support of the first ; but he had no better fortune than 
 the arch-priest : for, after being kept in check for some time 
 by the worst disciplined and ill-armed portion of the Free 
 Companies, and getting a number of his men wounded by 
 the stones thrown down upon them from above, he was 
 attacked by the fresh and well-armed division, which had 
 been kept in reserve, and which now came around the hill 
 in close order, with their lances drawn back to six feet, 
 shouting their war cry : — " St. George ! " Many of the 
 French were overthrown at the first onset. A fierce struggle 
 and great confusion ensued ; but the freebooters fought with 
 such skill and bravery, that the French were forced to re- 
 treat. The arch-priest maintained his former reputation for 
 valour and endurance, until he was over[)Owered by force of 
 arms, severely wounded, and taken prisoner, with many 
 knights and squires of his troop. Lord James de Bourbon, 
 
 VOL. I. Q 
 
2 26 Life and Tinus of [Chap. 15. 
 
 the commandcr-in-chicf, and Sir Pierre dc Bourbon, his son, 
 were mortally wounded. They were carried to the city of 
 Lyons, where Lord James died of his wounds three days 
 after the battle. The young Count de Korez was slain on 
 the field ; and his uncle, Sir Regnault de Forez, the Count 
 d'Uzcs, .Sir Robert dc Bcaujcu, Sir T^ouis de Chalons, the 
 Crccn Knight, and more than a hundred other knights, were 
 taken prisoners. This disastrous battle of Brignais was 
 fought on the Friday after Toaster, in the year 1361.* 
 
 By the successful result of the battle of Brignais, the Free 
 Companies realized all their expectations. They not only 
 obtained high prices for the ransom of their prisoners, but 
 they were suffered to pillage the countr)- without resistance. 
 Immediately after the battle, they entered and dispersed 
 themselves throughout the province of Forez, ])lundering 
 and laying waste ever)thing but the fortified places. As no 
 country was ever sufficiently rich to sujjply the wants, for 
 any long period, of so large a band of robbers, a part of 
 them, under Sir Seguin de Batefol, comprising about three 
 thousand men, rciiaircd and fortified the town of Anse, near 
 Lyons, from which they could easily overrun the countr)' on 
 the Saone, the county of Macon, the archbishopric of Lyons, 
 the lands of Lord de Beaujcu, and to the confines of the 
 county of Nevers. But by far the greater j)ortion of them, 
 under Naudon de Bagerent, Espiote, Carsuelle, Robert Bri- 
 <iuct, and other leaders, marched towards Avignon, declar- 
 ing that they would visit the pope and cardinals, and get 
 money out of them, or they should be roughly treated. On 
 their way they sacked all the undefended places and the 
 smaller fortresses, and took by surj)rise the important town 
 of Pont I'Ksijrit, at the confluence of the Artleche and the 
 
 • Kroissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 456, 457. Huchon fixes the d.itc of the 
 baUlc by the inscription on the tomb of I^rd James dc bourbon, 
 supiwrtcd by tlic Chroniques de Fratue, the 6lh of Ajiril, 1362. 
 
Chap, 15.] Bertrand du GucscUji. 227 
 
 Rhone, whither the treasure of the adjoining county had 
 been carried, trusting to the strength of the place. Here 
 the Companies committed all kinds of excesses. They slew 
 many brave men, violated many women, and acquired a vast 
 amount of booty, and provisions of all sorts sufficient to 
 support them for an entire year. Here they elected a leader, 
 who was to be the chief captain over them, and whom they 
 blasphemously called the Friend of God, and Enemy of all 
 the World. " Such and similar names, in their wickedness, 
 they gave to their leaders."* 
 
 There were still in other parts of France a great number 
 of English, Gascon, and German robbers, who wished, as 
 they said, to live, and who retained their fortresses, although 
 the commissioners appointed by the king of England had 
 ordered them to be vacated. Only a part of the leaders 
 obeyed the mandate ; and their refusal, coupled with the 
 manifest indifference of Edward HI. about the matter, gave 
 great displeasure to the king of France. When most of 
 these pillagers, who were banded together in different parts 
 of the kingdom, heard that their comrades had overthrown 
 Lord James de Bourbon, with more than two thousand 
 knights and squires, taken a number of rich prisoners, seized 
 and sacked the town of Pont I'Esprit, and gained with it an 
 inestimable treasure, and that they hoped to conquer Avig- 
 non and the whole county of Provence, and have the pope 
 and cardinals at their mercy, they left their fortresses to 
 join their associates in the south, in the hope of committing 
 greater excesses and acquiring more booty.t 
 
 The numbers and insolence of the Free Companies, 
 resulting from their late accessions, and their success at the 
 battle of Brignais, greatly alarmed the pope and the sacred 
 
 • Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 458 ; "Contin. NangL," torn. ii. p. 316. 
 t Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 458, 459. 
 
 Q 2 
 
2 28 Life and Times of [Chap. 15. 
 
 college. It was then neccssar)- to apply some speedy and 
 potent remedy to the evils caused by the ravages of these 
 lawless freebooters, who laid waste the country wherever 
 they went ; pillaged, without hesitation, whatever they could 
 lay hands on ; violated, without remorse, women old and 
 young ; slew, without mercy, men, women, and children ; 
 and, in their sight, he was the most valiant and best esteemed 
 among them who could perform the vilest deeds. The 
 pope and cardinals therefore determined to invoke the aid 
 of Christendom against the Free Companies. They accord- 
 ingly proclaimed a crusade to destroy these " cursed people ;" 
 called upon the faithful everywhere to come to the aid of the 
 head of the church ; and offered a free pardon, and full abso- 
 lution from all their sins, to those who would enlist Under 
 llie banner of the cross. The Bisliop of Arras, afterwards 
 Cardinal and Bishop of Ostia, was appointed the leader of 
 the crusade.* 
 
 The bishop fixed his head-quarters at Carpentras, near 
 Avignon, where he willingly received all those who desired 
 to redeem their souls. But the times of Gregory W\. and 
 Urban II. had long since passed. The sjicll was broken ; 
 and obedient or enthusiastic Europe would no longer blindly 
 follow the mandates of the pope, or flock at his summons 
 to the holy standard. Many knights and s(iuires, indeed, 
 assembled under the banners of the Bishoj) of Arras, in ex- 
 pectation of obtaining something more substantial than the 
 spiritual rewards offered by the pope ; but, as the leader of 
 the army was only able to distribute pardons in lieu of pay, 
 his hasty levies soon dropped ofl' ; when some of them went 
 into Lombardy, many returned home, while the rest joined 
 themselves to the Free Companies, and increased their 
 numbers from day to day. 
 
 • Raynaldus, Anna!. Ecihs., 1361, ^ 5. 
 
Chap. 15.] Bcrfrand du Gucsclin. 229 
 
 The pope, deriving norcHef from his spiritual arm, apphed 
 to the Marquis of Montferrat — who was then engaged in a 
 war with the Viscontis, lords of Milan — to give employment 
 to these Companies, and lead them out of his territories into 
 Lombardy. The marquis came at once to Avignon, at the 
 solicitation of the pope, and soon concluded an engagement 
 with the leaders of the Companies for the sum of sixty thou- 
 sand florins, to be divided amongst them, with the promise 
 of high wages, besides obtaining for them a full absolution 
 for all their sins. After receiving the sum of money pro- 
 mised, the Free Companies restored the town of Pont 
 r Esprit, evacuated the territories of the pope, and accom- 
 panied the Marquis of Montferrat into Lombardy. France 
 was thus relieved for a time from a large body of these 
 dreaded robbers \ but the relief was only partial and tem- 
 porary : for, after peace was made between the Marquis of 
 Montferrat and the Viscontis, great numbers of them returned 
 and spread themselves again over the kingdom. The de- 
 tachment, under Sir Seguin de Batefol, did not accompany 
 their comrades into Italy, but kept up their marauding ex- 
 peditions from their fortified stronghold at Anse, near Lyons; 
 and their leader, after years of successful pillage, at length 
 safely returned, with immense treasures, into Gascony, and 
 died by poison administered at the table of Charles the Bad, 
 king of Navarre.* 
 
 No serious effort appears to have been made during the 
 reign of John, king of France, to suppress the predatory 
 incursions of the Free Companies ; although he assigns, as 
 one of his reasons for taking up the cross to go to the Holy 
 Land, at the solicitation of the king of Cyprus, his desire " to 
 carry out of the kingdom the Companies who were pillaging 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 459, 460 ; and D/position dc ')acqucs de 
 Rue, in Rccucil da Ptkcs tur Charles J I. , Roy dc Navarre, by Secousse, 
 p. 381. 
 
230 Life ciud Times of Bcrtrand du GucscUtt. [Chap. 15. 
 
 and destroying it without reason, and to save their souls." 
 But Charles V., as soon as he came to the throne, at once 
 u.sed every means in his power to free his kingdom from this 
 scourge. He immediately sent Bertrand du Guesclin and 
 the Marechal de Boucicault into Normandy, and the Duke 
 of Burgundy, with other leaders, on the Loire and elsewhere, 
 against them, who succeeded in dislodging them from some 
 of their strongholds, and restoring rest and security to many 
 parts of the kingdom. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Narrative of the Baseot de Maidcon, a leader of the Free Companies, to 
 Froissart. Efforts of the king of France to expel the Free Companies 
 from the kingdom. 
 
 iJROISSART, with that wonderful prescience of 
 ever}'thing that was likely to arrest the attention 
 II of posterity, and who lost no occasion of re- 
 cording whatever was memorable in his own 
 times, lias recorded an interview with one of the leaders of 
 these famous Companies, whom he met some years after the 
 events above mentioned at an inn of the town of Orthes, 
 when on a visit to the court of the celebrated Gaston Phoebus, 
 Count de Foix.* This freebooter was a squire of Gascony, 
 named the Baseot de Mauldon, who is described as a bold 
 and expert man-at-anns ; and, from his appearance at that 
 time, as about sixty years of age. He entered the hall in 
 much state : for he had as many sumpter-horses as a great 
 baron, and he and his people were ser\ed on silver plate. 
 Froissart, finding out who he was, at once introduced him- 
 self; and, while seated before the fire at the inn, waiting for 
 midnight — the hour when the Count de Foix usually supped 
 
 * Alexander Dumas has made use of this inten-i(rw between Froissart 
 and De Maulcon as ihc proundwork for one of his most interesting 
 romances which he entitles The Kinght de Mauleon. 
 
232 Life and Times of [Chap. 16. 
 
 — the Bourg de Campanc, a kinsman of Dc Maulcon, asked 
 him to relate his various feats of anns, and some of the many 
 stirring incidents of his Hfe, with his gains as well as his 
 losses. 
 
 " De Maule'on then asked me," continues Froissart, " Sir 
 John, have you not in your history what I will tell you 1" 
 
 " I know not," I replied, " yes or no ; tell your tale : for I 
 would willingly hear of arms, and I do not remember every- 
 thing — besides, I cannot have been informed of everything." 
 
 The Gascon then commenced his narrative ; and, after 
 relating to Froissart how the Duchess of Normandy and 
 other ladies, besieged in the market-place of Meaux, were 
 relieved by the timely arrival of the Count de Foix and 
 the Captal de Buch from the attacks of the Jacquerie — after 
 giving some account of his own exploits in the bishoprics 
 of Beauvais and Amiens, and of the siege of Rheims by 
 Edward III. — he said : — 
 
 " I well believe you have all these things : how the king 
 of England came before Chartres, and how peace was made 
 between the two kings." 
 
 " It is true," I replied ; " I have them all, and how the 
 treaties w^ere framed." 
 
 The Bascot de Maulcon then continued his narrative, and 
 said : — 
 
 " When peace was made between tlie two kings, all the 
 men-at-arms, and the members of the Free Companies, 
 were required by the treaty to surrender, and abandon the 
 fortresses and castles which they held. Then all sorts of 
 poor soldiers who had taken up arms assembled together, 
 and many captains counselled with each other where they 
 should go, saying, ' that if the kings had made peace, 
 they must live also.' They all met in Burgundy, where 
 there were cai)tains of all nations — English, Gascons, 
 Spaniards, Germans, Scotch — and men of all countries ; 
 
Chap. 1 6.] Bcrtrand da Gucsclin. 233 
 
 and I was there as one of the captains. Our numbers, 
 with those who joined us in Burgundy and above the river 
 Loire, amounted altogether to more than twelve thousand. 
 And I assure you, tliat in that assembly there were from 
 three to four thousand men-at-arms of the proper sort : as 
 skilful and wise in war as any one could be to plan a battle, 
 take any advantage, or to scale and attack towns and castles. 
 For we showed that clearly at the battle of Brignais, where 
 we overthrew the Constable of France, the Count de Forez, 
 and fully two thousand lances of knights and squires. This 
 battle brought great profit to the Companies : for at that 
 time they were poor, and by it they became rich in good 
 prisoners, and the towns and fortresses which they took in 
 the archbishopric of Lyons and on the river Rhone. 
 
 " Their work was complete when they took Pont Saint 
 Esprit, for they could then make war on the pope and 
 cardinals, and do them mucli injury ; nor could the church- 
 men get rid of them until the Companies had laid waste 
 everything. But, at length, the means were found. The pope 
 sent into I^ombardy for the Maxquis of Montferrat, who 
 was then making war against the Lord of Milan. When the 
 marquis came to Avignon, the pope and cardinals treated 
 with him, and he had a conference with the English, Gascon, 
 and German captains. For the sum of sixty thousand francs, 
 which the pope and cardinals paid to many captains of 
 these troops— such as Sir Jean Haccoude,* a very valiant 
 
 * Sir John Hawkwood. "The name of tliis captain," says M. de 
 Sismondi, " was so disfigured by the Italian historians, that it would 
 have been scarcely recognised, if a writer of his time had not thought of 
 translating it into Italian, by calling him Falcone in bosco.'" — Buchon's 
 Note to Kroissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 459. Tindal, in his note to " Rapin's 
 History of Kngland," vol. i. p. 438, says: — " Hawkwood was a tanner's 
 son, of H^ssex ; and, being bound apprentice to a tailor in Ix)ndon, quitted 
 his trade and went a soldier into France, where he was knighted for his 
 valour; and, going into Italy (as was said), was so much in favour with 
 
234 Li/c and Times of [Chap. i6. 
 
 English knight, Sir Robert Briquet, Carsuele, Naudon de 
 Bageran, the Bourg de Bretueil, the Bourg Camus, the 
 Bourg de I'Espare, BatilHer, and many others — they went 
 into Lombardy, gave up Pont Saint Esprit, and carried 
 with them six parts of all the Companies. But Sir Seguin 
 de Batcfol, Sir John Jouel, Sir Jacciue'me Planchin, Lamit, 
 Sir John Aynier)', the Bourg de Picrregort, Espiote, Louis 
 Rambaut, Lymosin, James Tyriel, I, and many others, 
 remained behind. We held Anse, St. Clement, La Berelle, 
 La Terrasse, Brignais, Mont St. Denis, L'Hospitalde Roche- 
 fort, and more than sixty fortified places, in the counties of 
 Macon and Forez, in Bellay, in Lower Burgundy, and on 
 the river Loire. We laid the whole countr)' under contri- 
 
 the Duke of Milan, that he gave him his natural daughter in marriage. 
 After the dukes death he ser^•cd the commoinveallh of Florence, and 
 perfonned such great actions for them, thai, dying in their ser\'ice, they 
 erected a monument for him in the cathedral of that city. The trans- 
 lator, ser\ing as chaplain to Sir Charles Wager in the late expedition 
 into Italy, on Don Carlos's account, and, being in Florence, took 
 particular notice of this monument. He is painted on the wall of the 
 church, on horseback, in armour — the whole of a green colour, with these 
 two lines under his horse's feet : — 
 
 "Johannes Acutus, Eques Britannicus, Dux suce netatis 
 Cautissimus, et rei militaris peritissimus, habitus est." 
 
 Old Fuller, after alluding to his birth and training in Kngland, and to his 
 military reputation actpiired in France and Italy, as above mentioned, 
 adds: — "Great the gratitude of the state of Florence to this their 
 General Hawkwood, who, in testimony of his surpassing valour anil 
 singular faithful service to their state, adorned with the statue of a man- 
 at-arms a sumptuous monument, wherein his ashes remain honoureil at 
 this present day. Well it is that monument doth remain ; seeing his 
 cenotaph, or honorary tomb, which sometimes stood in the parish 
 church of Sible-IIeningham (arched over, and, in allusion to his name, 
 berebussed with hawks Hying into a wood), is now (juite flown away and 
 abolished. He married Domina, daughter of Barnaby, the brother of 
 Galeasius, Lord of Milan. He died, very aged, anuo 1394." — " F'uller's 
 Worthies," vol. i. pp. 512, 51.V 
 
Chap. 1 6.] Bairand du Gucsclin. 235 
 
 bution ; and they could not get rid of us, neither by paying 
 well nor otherwise. We took by night Charite' on the 
 Loire, and we held it fully a year and a half 
 
 " The country was all ours above the Loire, as far as Puy, 
 in Auvergne : for Sir Seguin de Batefol left Anse and took 
 La Brionde in Auvergne, where, and in the neighbourhood, 
 he made a profit of one hundred thousand francs ; and also 
 below the Loire as far as Orleans, and along the course of 
 the Allier. The arch-priest, who was the commander of 
 Nevers, and who was then a loyal Frenchman, could do 
 nothing to remedy these evils, except that he was acquainted 
 with the Companies, and, at his entreaty, they would do 
 almost anything for him. He was able, however, to perform 
 an important service in Nivernois, by fortifying the city of 
 Nevers, or it would have been taken and sacked many 
 times : for we held in the province fully twenty-seven towns 
 and castles, and there was neither knight, squire, nor rich 
 man, who dared to leave his house, unless he had first made 
 tenns with us. We carried on this war with the knowledge 
 and for the benefit of the king of Navarre. 
 
 " Then came on the battle of Cocherel, where the Captal 
 de Buch commanded for the king of Navarre, and many 
 knights and squires went to aid him to carry on the war 
 more efifectually. On our side, Sir Planchin and Sir John 
 Jouel did him good service with two hundred lances. I 
 held at that time a castle near Charitd, on the road towards 
 the Bourbonnois, called the Bie d'Allier, with forty lances 
 under me ; and I made large profits from the county, within 
 the limits of Moulins, and about Saint-Poursain and Saint- 
 Pere le Moustier. But, when the news came to me that the 
 captal, my master, w^as in the Cotentin, and was assembling 
 troops from all quarters, on account of the great desire I 
 had to see him, I left my fort with twelve lances, and joined 
 the company of Sir John Jouel and Sir Jacqudme Planchin; 
 
236 Life and Times of [Chap. 16. 
 
 and we all reached the captal without loss, or any encounter 
 that occasioned loss. I believe, however, that you have in 
 your histor}' that whole affair, just as it passed." 
 
 " That is true," I replied. " There the captal was taken, 
 and Sir John Jouel and Sir Jacqu^me Planchin were slain." 
 
 " It is just so," said the I3ascot de Mauleon ; "and there 
 I was taken prisoner likewise ; but I was fortunate, as it was 
 by my own cousin, and a cousin to my cousin here present, 
 the Bourg de Campane. His name was Bernard de Tarride. 
 He was afterwards killed in Portugal, at the battle of Alju- 
 barota. Bernard, who was under the command of Sir 
 Aymemon de Pommiers, fixed my ransom immediately, and 
 gave me a passj)ort to return to my fortress at Bie d'AUier. 
 As soon as I arrived there, I called one of my varlets, and 
 counted out to him one thousand francs, which he carried to 
 Paris, and brought me back receipts in full for the payment. 
 
 " During the same season Sir John Ayniery, an English 
 knight, and one of our greatest captains, was riding along 
 the banks of the river Loire, on his way to Charite, when he 
 was attacked by the Lords de Rougemont and De Vodenay, 
 with the soldiers of the arch-priest, who were lying in wait 
 for him. They proved too strong for him ; so that Sir 
 Aymery was overthrown and taken prisoner. He was not 
 long afterwards ransomed at thirty thousand francs, which 
 he paid down ; but he was so irritated by his capture and 
 loss, that he swore he would never return to his fortress 
 until he had regained what he had paid. So he collected a 
 large number of followers, came to Charit^ on the Loire, and 
 begged the Captains Lamit, Carsuelle, the Bourg de Pierre- 
 gort, and me — for we had all gone there just for anuiscment 
 — to join him on a military expedition. W'c all askeil him 
 where he was going. ' By my faith,' he replied, ' we will 
 pass the river Loire at Port St. 'I'hibault, and take and sack 
 the town of Sancerre. I have Nuwed and sworn never to 
 
Chap. 1 6.] Bertratui dn Gucscliti. 237 
 
 return to my fortress until I have seen the sons of Sanccrre. 
 If we can take the garrison of Sancerre, with John, I.ouis, 
 and Rol)crt, the sons of the count, we shall be reinstated, and 
 all of us will be lords of the country. We can easily accom- 
 plish our purpose, as they give themselves no concern about 
 us, and we can gain nothing by remaining here.' ' That is 
 true,' we replied. We then entered into an agreement with 
 him, and immediately made preparations for the expedition. 
 
 " It now happened," continued De Maule'on, " that our 
 designs were found out in the town of Sancerre. The 
 governor of the town was a valiant S(]uire, born in the 
 lower marches of Burgundy, named Guichart Albregon, who 
 ably acquitted himself in guarding the town, the castle, and 
 the lands of Sancerre, and in taking care of his sons : for all 
 three were then knights. This Guichart had a brother, a 
 monk of the abbey of St. Thibault, which lies near Sancerre, 
 whom he sent to Charite on the Loire, to carry the amount 
 of a composition which some of the towns owed the Com- 
 panies. No one took special notice of him ; but the monk 
 found out by some means our entire agreement and design ; 
 the names of the captains of all the fortresses around Cha- 
 rite, with the strength of their garrisons ; and also at what 
 hour, where, and how they were to pass the river at Port St. 
 Thibault. With this information he returned, and imparted 
 the whole scheme to his brother. The sons of Sancerre 
 prepared for the attack as soon as they could, and informed 
 the knights and squires of Berry and Bourbonnois, and the 
 captains of all the garrisons in the neighbourhood, of the 
 affair, who soon assembled, to the number of four hundred 
 good lances. A strong detachment of two hundred lances 
 was placed in ambush, in a wood just outside of the town 
 of Sancerre. 
 
 "At sunset we left Charite, and rode in good order, at a 
 brisk gait, until we reached Pouilli, where, at the port below, 
 
238 Life and Times of [Chap. 16. 
 
 we had collected a large numl)er of boats to convey us and 
 our horses over the river Loire, which we crossed about 
 midnight. We all got our horses over safely. It was now 
 day, and we left behind us a hundred lances to guard the 
 horses and boats, ^^'ilh tlie rest we took the road at a 
 brisk step, and passed a body of men lying in ambush, who 
 did not discover themselves to us. When we had passed 
 them about a quarter of a league, they sallied out, fell upon 
 our men at the river, and entirely routed them. All were 
 either slain or taken prisoners, the horses caught, and the 
 boats seized ; and, mounting our horses, they put spurs to 
 them, and reached the town of Sancerre as soon as we. On 
 ever)^ side they cried out, " Notre Dame, Sancerre !" for the 
 count was there with his people, and Sir Louis and Sir 
 Robert had laid the ambush for us. We were entirely sur- 
 rounded, and knew not what to think. There was a great 
 thrusting of lances : for those on our horses, as soon as they 
 came up, dismounted and attacked us fiercely in the rear. 
 We suffered most on account of the disadvantageous posi- 
 tion we were in : for we had entered a road enclosed on both 
 sides by high hedges and vines, behind which a number of 
 the country people, with their servants, threw stones and 
 flints in such a manner that they wounded us, and put 
 everything into disorder. We could not retreat, and we had 
 great difficulty in approaching the town, which was built on 
 a mountain. Here we were thrown into great confusion ; 
 and our chief captain. Sir John Aymery, was severely 
 wounded, and taken by duichart Albregon, who put him- 
 self to much trouble to save the life of his prisoner. He 
 carried him to a house in the town, laid him on a bed, and 
 said to the owner of the house : — ' Keep this prisoner for 
 me, and dress his wounds immediately : for he is very rich, 
 and, if he lives, he may pay me twenty thousand francs.' 
 After these words Albregon left his prisoner ami returned to 
 
Chap. 1 6.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 239 
 
 the fight, wliere he showed himself a very able man-at-arms 
 among the rest. 
 
 " There were a number of distinguished knights in the 
 company of the sons of Sancerre, who had come for the love 
 of arms, and to aid in defending the country; and among 
 them were Sir Guichart Daulphin, the Lords de Talus, de 
 Mournay, de Coussant, de Pierre, de la Pal ice, de Neuce, 
 de la Fre'te, Sir Girart and Sir Guillaume de Bourbon, Sir 
 Louis de la Croise, and many others. And I tell you, that 
 was a bloody battle and a ferocious rencounter. We kept 
 together and defended ourselves as long as we could, so that 
 many were slain and wounded on both sides ; and they 
 showed that they were more willing to take us alive than dead. 
 But, at length, we were all taken prisoners — Carsuelle, Lamit, 
 Naudon, the Bourg de Pierregort, Espiote, the Bourg de 
 I'Espare, Augerot de Lamougis, Philippe de Roe, Pierre de 
 Courton, I'Esperat de Pamiers, the Bourg d'Armesen, and 
 all the captains who were in the neighbourhood. We were 
 taken to the castle of Sancerre amid great rejoicings: for the 
 Companies, throughout the whole kingdom of France, never 
 suffered so great a loss as they did on that occasion. Gui- 
 chart Albregon, notwithstanding his care, lost his prisoner : 
 for the person who had him in charge, by his great wicked- 
 ness and negligence, suffered him to bleed to death. So 
 ended Sir John Aymer)'. 
 
 " By this defeat and capture, which took place below 
 Sancerre, the town of Charit^ on the Loire, and all the for- 
 tresses of the neighbourhood, were restored to the French, 
 on the condition that we .should all be discharged from 
 imprisonment, and be permitted to leave the kingdom of 
 France and go wherever else we ])leased. It happened well 
 for us at this juncture : for just then Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, 
 the Lord de Beaujeu, Sir Amoul d'Audeneham, and the 
 Count de la Marche, were preparing for an expedition into 
 
240 Life a?! li Times of [Chap. 16. 
 
 Spain, to aid Kin^ Hcnr)' against his brother Don Pedro. 
 But before that I was in Brittany, at the battle of Auray, 
 where I put myself under Sir Hugh Calverly ; and there I 
 reinstated niy.self : for the day was ours, and I took some 
 good prisoners, who were worth to me two thousand francs. 
 I then went with twelve lances into Spain, under Sir Hugh 
 Calverly, and we put Don Pedro out of the kingdom. After- 
 wards, when Don Pedro made an alliance with the Prince of 
 Wales, who wished to replace him on the throne of Castille, 
 I was then in the company of Sir Hugh Calverly, as before. 
 After that, I returned immediately into Acjuitaine with him. 
 
 " Then was the war renewed between the king of France 
 and the Prince of \N'ales ; so we had much to do : for they 
 carried on a very fierce warfare against us, by which a great 
 number of English and Gascon captains were slain : and yet, 
 thank God, I am still alive. Among the first, Sir Robert 
 Briciuet died in the Orlcannois, between the country of 
 Blois and the lands of the Duke of Orleans, at a place called 
 Olivet, where he was overthrown with his whole company 
 by a squire of Hainault, a very valiant man-at-arms, and a 
 good cai)tain, named Alard Van Oulten, who bore the arms 
 of a BrabenQon, for he was of that family. This Alard was at 
 that time governor of Blois, and guardian of the whole 
 country for the Lords Louis, Jean, ami Guy. He chanced 
 to meet Sir Robert ihiciuct and Sir Robert Thein at Olivet; 
 and he attacked them so gallantly that he overthrew them; 
 and the leaders were slain on the spot, with all their fol- 
 lowers, for not a single man was ransomed. 
 
 " It happened afterwards, at the battle of Merck, in 
 Xaintonge, that Carsuelle was slain by Sir Bertrand du 
 Guesclin, who overthrew him, and fully seven hundred Eng- 
 lish, who were killed at the same time. At this battle, and 
 at St. Severe, Richard Gilles and Richard Holmes, both 
 English captains, were also slain. 1 know but few of them, 
 
Chap. 1 6.] Bcrtrand du Guesdin. 241 
 
 besides myself, who have not suffered violent deaths. So I 
 have kept on the frontiers and made war for the king of 
 England, as my lands lie in the Bordelois. Sometimes I 
 have been overthrown, so that I had not a horse to ride ; at 
 other times I was rich enough, just as good luck happened. 
 At one time, Raymonnet de I'Espee and I were companions 
 in arms ; and we held in Toulousain, on the frontiers of 
 Bigorre, the castles of Mauvoisin, Trigalet, and Neutilleux, 
 which brought us great profits ; but the Duke of Anjou 
 came with a large force and took them away from us. 
 Raymonnet de I'Espde was at the same time taken 
 prisoner ; and soon after he turned over to the French ; 
 ^but I continued a loyal Englishman, and I will so remain 
 as long as I live. 
 
 " When I had lost the castle of Trigalet, I went to the 
 castle Tuillier, after the Duke of Anjou had returned into 
 France. I then resolved to undertake some exploit which 
 would bring me profit, or die in the attempt. I therefore 
 sent to make a reconnaisance of the town and castle of 
 Thurit, in the Albigeois ; which castle has since been worth 
 to me, by pillage, by composition and good luck that I have 
 met with there, one hundred thousand francs. I will now 
 tell you how I took it. 
 
 " Outside of the castle and the town there is a very fine 
 fountain, where every morning the women from the town 
 are accustomed to go with buckets and other vessels, and, 
 after filling them, to carry them back on their heads. I took 
 part myself in this expedition, and selected fifty followers 
 from the garrison of castle Tuillier. We rode a whole day 
 through the woods and heaths ; and the following night, 
 about midnight, I placed an ambush near enough to the 
 town ; and, with only six followers, dressed like women, with 
 buckets in our hands, we came to a meadow near the town, 
 where we concealed ourselves in a cock of hay : for it was 
 
 VOL. I. R 
 
242 Life and Times of [Chap. i6. 
 
 then about St. John's day, in summer, during the season of 
 mowing and haymaking. As soon as the hour came when 
 the gate was opened, and the women began to come to the 
 fountain, we filled our buckets, and went towards the town, 
 with our faces enveloped in kerchiefs. No one would ever 
 have recognised us. The women whom we met exclaimed, 
 * Ha ! St. Mary, how early you have risen !' We answered 
 them in their own language, with disguised voices, * It is 
 true ; ' and went on, all six of us, to the gate. When we 
 arrived there, we found no other guard than a cobbler, who 
 was putting in order his lasts and rivets. One of us sounded 
 a horn to bring up our companions in ambush. The cobbler 
 gave himself no concern about us ; but, when he heard the 
 horn, he asked : — 
 
 " * Women, Haro ! who blew that horn T " 
 
 " ' It was a priest,' answered one of our number, * who is 
 going out into the fields. I know not if he is the curate or 
 chaplain of the town.' 
 
 " ' That is true,' replied the cobbler ; * it is Master Pierre 
 Frangois, our priest, who goes early every morning into the 
 fields to hunt hares.' 
 
 " Soon after, our companions having come up, we entered 
 the town, and found no one who put hand to his sword in 
 its defence, 
 
 " Thus I took the town and castle of Thurit, which has 
 yielded me more profit and annual revenue than the castle 
 is worth, with its appendages, sold at the highest price. But 
 I know not at present what I ought to do about it : for I 
 am in treaty with the Count d'Armagnac and the Dauphin 
 d'Auvergne, who have express authority from the king of 
 France to purchase towns and fortresses from the Companies 
 in Auvergne, Rouergue, Quercy, Limousin, Perigord, the 
 Albigcois, and Agen, and from all those who have made war 
 under the protection of England. Many have already gone 
 
Chap. 1 6.] Bcrtrand du Gucsdin. 243 
 
 and given up their fortresses. Now I do not know wlietlier 
 I shall surrender mine or not." 
 
 "Cousin," replied the Bourg de Campane, "you speak 
 truly. Concerning the fortress of Carlat, which I hold in 
 Auvergne, I have just learnt some news at Orthbs, in the 
 palace of the Count de Foix : for Sir Louis de Sancerre, 
 Marechal of France, is to be here soon. He is now lying 
 quiet at Tarbes, as I have heard from those who have seen 
 him there." 
 
 At these words, Froissart adds, " they asked for wine, which 
 was brought, and we all drank." Then said the Bascot de 
 Mauleon : — 
 
 " Sir John, what say you ? Are you well informed of my 
 life % I have had many more adventures which I have not 
 told you of, and about which I cannot, nor will I, speak 
 before all." 
 
 " By my faith ! " said I, " sir, yes."* 
 
 This rambling narrative of the Bascot de MauMon has 
 brought down some of the incidents relating to the Free 
 Companies much later than the year 1365 — to which period 
 it will be necessary to return — when Charles V., with the 
 effectual aid of Bertrand du Guesclin, freed the kingdom, for 
 a season, from their dreadful ravages. At this time, after 
 the settlement of the affairs of Brittany, and the conclusion 
 of peace with Charles the Bad, king of Navarre, the Free 
 Companies commenced afresh their predatory incursions, 
 now wholly confined to the kingdom of France, which they 
 insolently called their chamber. They did not attempt to 
 enter Aquitaine, the territory of the Black Prince : for the 
 greater part of their leaders were English and Gascons, with 
 a few Bretons, who were attached to the king of England 
 and the Prince of Wales. 
 
 • Froissart, liv. iii. pp. 406, 411. 
 R 2 
 
244 Life and Titncs of Bcrtrand du Gucscliti. [Chap. i6. 
 
 The excesses committed by these troops became such an 
 intolerable evil, that it was resolved by the French autho- 
 rities either to give them battle or entice them, by great 
 bribes, out of the kingdom. Just then Louis the Great, king 
 of Hungar)', being engaged in a war witli the Turks, wTote 
 to Pope Urban V. at Avignon, and also to the king of France 
 and the Black Prince, to aid him in enlisting these Com- 
 panies into his service. He offered the captains a large sum 
 of money, and a free passage ; but not one would consent, 
 on account of the distance, and the apprehended dangers of 
 the war. The overtures of Bertrand du Guesclin, made soon 
 after, to lead them into Castille against Peter the Cruel, met 
 with much greater success.* 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. pp. 502, 504. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 7>.«.^../../..._^„>,,^^^,,,, ^;^,,,,^-^, Leonora ,c Gu^nan. 
 
 ^S"T '^Z'"' '''''"' ^^<^'-'- <^^ Bourbon. Maria de 
 I addla. Hcfiry of Trastamara. 
 
 IjHE Spanish peninsula was divided, in the four- 
 teenth century, into the five kingdoms of Castille 
 Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, and Granada. To 
 the government of Castille Alfonso XL, after a 
 long minority, succeeded in the year 1324, and found the 
 kmgdom plunged in all the disorders occasioned by the 
 jealous rivalries and ill-regulated ambition of the nobles 
 By the firmness and ^visdom of his administration, he at 
 length reduced the great crown-vassals to obedience, and 
 succeeded in turning the arms which they had used against 
 each other upon the Moorish kingdom of Granada, which 
 he brought to the verge of destruction by the great victory 
 on the banks of the Rio Salado, near Tarifa, where, it has 
 been, perhaps extravagantly, computed, two hundred thou- 
 sand Africans perished. Gibraltar was on the point of 
 being yielded up to him, as one of the fruits of the victory 
 when he was struck down, in the prime of life, on the 27th 
 of March, m the year 1350, by the dreadful plague which 
 devastated all Europe. 
 
 Alfonso was able to suppress the disorders of his own 
 times ; but, by his unhappy amours, he beciueathed to his 
 
846 Life and Times of [Chap. 17. 
 
 posterity and country greater evils than those which it had 
 been the object of his life to remedy. By his marriage with 
 Donna Maria of Portugal, he had one son, Peter, who suc- 
 ceeded him when little over fifteen years of age j but, by 
 his mistress, the celebrated Donna Leonora de Guzman, he 
 had ten children. After the birth of her son, Donna Maria, 
 the wife, was entirely neglected ; while the mistress. Donna 
 Leonora, was the constant companion of Alfonso, over 
 whom she exercised almost absolute control. While Peter, 
 the heir, was forced to remain at home, in Seville, a daily 
 witness of the distress and humiliation of his mother, his 
 bastard brothers, Henry and Fadrique, were permitted to 
 accompany their father on his various expeditions, clothed 
 in armour, and attended by all the military pageantr}' of that 
 warlike age. Henr}% in the lifetime of Alfonso, was pro- 
 vided with a magnificent establishment of his own, with the 
 title of Conde (count) of Trastamara, when that title was a 
 rare distinction in Castille ; and his twin brother, Fadrique, 
 when scarcely ten years of age, had been nominated by his 
 father grand-master of Sant J ago — one of the three great 
 military orders ; and his election was forced on the knights, 
 so as to secure him one of the highest positions in the 
 kingdom. The degradation of his mother, and the dis- 
 tinctions continually made to his prejudice in favour of his 
 bastard brothers, probably gave rise, in the youthful breast 
 of Peter, to those intense feelings of jealousy and hatred 
 towards his father's mistress and her offspring, which the 
 subsequent incidents of his life served so well to develop 
 and extend to all who came within their influence, and gave 
 him the dreadful epithet of cruel, \\\\\z\\ j^osterity has affixed 
 to his name. 
 
 Peter, when he came to the tlironc, being yet a mere boy 
 under sixteen, passionately devoted himself to the pleasures 
 of the chase, and left the government of the kingdom to the 
 
Chap. 17.] Bertrand du Guesclin. "2.^1 
 
 ministers of his father, among whom were the two greatest 
 nobles of the kingdom, Don Juan Alonso de Alburquerque, 
 grand chancellor and treasurer, and Don Juan Nunez de 
 Lara, Lord of Biscay, grand standard-bearer. These nobles 
 united their influence for a time, until they had crushed the 
 party attached to the fallen favourite. This object was easily 
 accomplished : for Leonora de Guzman, immediately after 
 the death of Alfonso, shut herself up in the castle of Medina 
 Sidonia ; but soon surrendered, upon the promise of a safe 
 conduct to Seville. From Seville she was removed to the 
 castle of Carmona, where she was closely confined, until, 
 upon the convocation of the Cortes at Valladolid, she was 
 removed, by the order of Alburquerque, to the castle of 
 Talavera, which belonged to Queen Maria, and was held by 
 Gutier Fernandez, one of her liege-men. Here the unfor- 
 tunate Leonora was not permitted to languish in prison : for 
 her rival, who was weak and unsteady, and an erring woman 
 like herself, had not the generosity to forgive. In a few 
 days a secretary of the queen brought the governor Leo- 
 nora's death-warrant, and she was executed privately, withm 
 the walls of the castle. Her eldest son, Henry, fearing the 
 same fate, had made his escape out of the hands of his 
 enemies before the death of his mother. 
 
 Alburquerque, being now relieved of all fears from Leo- 
 nora de Guzman, and freed by the sudden death of Juan 
 Nunez de Lara from all opposition on the part of his great 
 rival — with the young king wholly devoted to dogs and 
 falcons, and Donna Maria, the queen-mother, under his 
 control — might well regard the government of the kingdom 
 secure in his hands. He did not, however, deem the tenure 
 absolutely sure, while there remained any of the family of 
 Lara to oppose his will. He accordingly, without the form 
 of law, or any accusation of crime, procured the death of 
 Garcilasso de la Vega, lieutenant general of Castille, and 
 
248 Life and Times of [Chap. 1 7. 
 
 one of the chief adherents of the late Juan Nunez. Having 
 overcome all ojiposition to his government, Albunjucrque 
 thought he could also render the possession of it permanent ; 
 but, after several years of undisputed sway, he began to 
 discern some flashes of temper, and certain exhibitions of 
 will, on the part of his young master, which alarmed his 
 fears ; and, not doubting that he could control the actions of 
 Peter, and divert him from the inclination to govern alone, 
 by substituting more potent attractions in their stead than 
 the pleasures of the chase, the minister drew his attention 
 towards Uonna Maria de Padilla, a young girl, descended 
 from a noble family, and brought up in his own house. 
 Alburquerque contrived the first interview between them ; 
 and he is said to have been aided in the base transaction 
 by her brother, Don Diego de Padilla, and her uncle, Don 
 Juan Fernandez de Hinestrosa. Maria is described as 
 small of stature, pretty, lively, and exhibiting in her motions 
 and manners that voluptuous grace peculiar to tlie women 
 of the south of Europe. She was distinguished for lier 
 sprightly wit, her good sense and kindly temper, by which 
 she was often enabled to moderate the terrible severity of 
 her lover's judgments.* 
 
 * Maria's influence over the mind of Peter is attributed by the romance 
 writers of the times neither to her good sense nor good temper, but to 
 spells and enchantments. Cuvelicr, v. 6591, says of her : — 
 
 " Mais la fame mauvaise qui le roy attrappa, 
 Par herbes, par venin, si fort I'envenima, 
 Que li rois ne pooit durer ne ci nc la, 
 S'il ne veoit la fole qui ainsi I'afola ; 
 Kt ne pooit veoir ceile qui I'espousa, 
 Avec lui ne but ne menga ne coucha." 
 
 And see the incident of the enchanted girdle, in the Si)anish romance 
 published by Buchon at the end of tiie Chroniqne (Anonyme) de Du 
 Cuescliii, commencing — 
 
 " DoAa Blanclia esta in Sidoiiia." 
 
Chap. 17.] Bcrtranddu Gucsdin. 240 
 
 Alburquerque had widely miscalculated the extent of his 
 influence over the mind of his/;v;/^,v..- for no sooner was 
 Mana fuly assured of the affections of her lover, than she 
 counselled him to throw off the degrading tutelage of his 
 pnme mmister. This guardianship had now become the 
 more annoymg to Peter, as Alburquerque had joined his 
 mother and his aunt, Donna Leonora, dowager-queen of 
 Aragon, m miportuning him to fulfil Ixis contract of marriage 
 with Blanche de Bourbon, daughter of the Duke de Bourbon 
 and niece of John, king of France, to whom he had been 
 affianced for nearly a year, and who was then in Castille, with 
 a large retinue of French nobles, awaiting the solemnization 
 of the marriage. To this alliance Peter had conceived an 
 ataost unconquerable aversion ; and he permitted his 
 affianced bride to wait three months at Valladolid, while he 
 remained at Torrijos, near Toledo, giving tournaments in 
 honour of his mistress, and receiving the flattering attentions 
 of his new courtiers, in the first exercise of uncontrolled 
 sovereignty. 
 
 This scene of gaiety was disturbed by the appearance 
 of Alburquerque, who gravely upbraided the king for his 
 conduct; and declared that the respect which he owed 
 his own character, as well as what was due to a friendly 
 and powerful nation, required him to conclude the marriage 
 with the French princess without further delay. Convinced 
 by such arguments, Peter set out for Valladolid, and hastened 
 the lueparations for the marriage, which was solemnized on 
 the 3rd of June, 1353. After the ceremony, he treated his 
 wife with the utmost neglect, scarcely deigning to notice 
 her; and, two days afterwards, he left her at Valladolid and 
 went to join Maria de Padilla, whom he met at Montalvan 
 leter, one of whose greatest vices was dissimulation, while 
 appearing to be guided entirely by the counsels of his 
 minister, had secretly encouraged a party i„ opposition to him 
 
250 Life and Times of [Chap. 17. 
 
 composed of his bastard brothers, Henry and Fadrique, to 
 whom he had become lately reconciled, and of all those who 
 were hostile to the arbitrary administration of Alburqucrcjue. 
 The minister, with a large retinue, followed his master from 
 Montalvan to Toledo ; but, being ordered to dismiss his 
 attendants before api)caring in the presence of the king, 
 Albunjuenjue plainly saw that his power was gone ; and, 
 after collecting his treasures, went and shut himself up in 
 his fortress of Car\'ajalos. 
 
 Peter, after the fall of Alburquerque, by his personal 
 attention to the administration of i)ublic affairs, by his noc- 
 turnal rambles, and by some acts of impartial justice, gave 
 an air of romance to his character, and a certain degree of 
 popularity to his government — at least among the lower 
 orders of his subjects ; but this was insufficient to save him 
 from a formidable conspiracy among the nobles, headed by 
 his disgraced minister, in which, not only his bastard 
 brothers, Henry, Count of Trastamara, Fadrique, grand- 
 master of Sant Jago, and Tello, a younger one, to whom 
 Peter had lately given the heiress of I^ara in marriage with 
 the lordship of Biscay, but even his mother. Donna Maria, 
 joined against him. 
 
 The confederates continued to increase, notwithstand- 
 ing the death of their leader, Albunpieniue,* until the 
 greater j)art of the kingdom was involved in the con- 
 spiracy ; and Peter was at length reduced, by the defec- 
 tion of his troops, to a body of only six hundreil horsemen. 
 Unable to contend with his revolted subjects, Peter gave 
 himself up into their hands, accomjjanied by Hinestrosa, the 
 
 • AI1)urqHcrqiic tlicd siulck'nly at tlic town uf .Medina del C.impo, mtt 
 williout strong !>u.s|)icion of poison, .idniinislcrcd by M.istor I'aiilo, an 
 IlalLan jjhysician, at the instigation of tlic king. — Ayala, Cronica del 
 R(y Dou Pidro, pp. 151, 152 ; edited by Don Eugcnio dc Llaguno, 410. 
 Madrid, 1779. 
 
Chap. 17.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclin. 251 
 
 uncle of Maria de Padilla, by his Jewish treasurer, Simuel 
 el Levi, and by Fernando Sanchez, his chancellor. Of all 
 the lords who formed his court, these were the only ones who 
 would consent to follow him. A hundred unarmed officers, 
 and servants besides, formed his escort. His submission 
 was unconditional ; and the confederates, after requiring his 
 sanction to the appointment of all the officers of the crown, 
 which they had named at their pleasure, ordered him to be 
 conducted to the palace of the Bishop of Zamora, where he 
 was closely guarded. Peter found means, however, to escape 
 from his imprisonment, accompanied by a single attendant ; 
 and the great body of his subjects, seeing that the name of 
 the unfortunate Queen Blanche had only been used as a 
 pretext for rebellion, and that nothing had been gained by 
 exchanging the favourites of the king's mistress for a set of 
 officers more insatiable than they, everywhere declared in 
 his favour ; and, in three months after he left Toro Castle 
 as a fugitive, he was at the head of a numerous army, and 
 his authority was entirely re-established. 
 
 By the late revolt of his subjects, and by his own humilia- 
 tion and impri.sonment, Peter's whole nature was changed. 
 He had been almost wholly abandoned by every one in 
 whom he had trusted ; deserted by his bastard brothers, 
 whom he had tried to gain by acts of kindness, and betrayed 
 by his mother, who surrendered his treasures to his enemies 
 and joined the league to humble him, the king entered 
 Toro, doubtless, with the seeds of evil thickly planted in his 
 nature ; he left it full of dark suspicions and revenge, and 
 he was already changed into the stern, inexorable, and 
 remorseless tyrant he became. 
 
 The first and almost sole object of Peter, after he reco- 
 vered his authority, was to punish the authors of the late 
 rebellion ; and, without pause or weariness, he carried out his 
 unrelenting purpose to the end. After inHicting summary 
 
252 Life mid Times of [Chap. 17. 
 
 punishment on some inferior nobles — for Peter never suf- 
 fered the tedious fomialities of law to be interposed between 
 himself and his victim — he tumcd his attention towards his 
 brothers, the Count of Trastamara and the grand-master of 
 Sant Jago, as the acknowledged heads of the faction. The 
 brothers, after an unsuccessful attempt to hold Toledo, 
 threw themselves into the strong town of Toro, which was 
 soon besieged by the king. The prudent Henr)', unwilling 
 to trust his safety to stone walls, however impregnable, 
 quitted the town, under the jjretcnce of returning with rein- 
 forcements ; but his brother, Fadrique, after a j^rotracted 
 defence, was forced to surrender, upon a promise of forgive- 
 ness. But Peter never forgave ; and Fadricjue, after a respite 
 of two years, was put to death by his orders, under circum- 
 stances of peculiar atrocity.* The other leaders taken at 
 the surrender of Toro were slaughtered without delay, in 
 the presence of Donna Maria, the queen-mother, and the 
 Countess of Trastamara, whose garments were covered with 
 their blood. 
 
 The reign of Peter is sufiicicntly filled with details ; but, 
 besides an inroad into the Moorish kingdom of Granada, in 
 which he reinstated the dethroned king, Mohammed, and 
 put the usurper, Abu Said, to death, and the capture of 
 several important towns in the kingdom of Aragon, this 
 part of his life is little else than a frightful catalogue of vices 
 and crimes — of women ruined by his lusts, and of men and 
 women slaughtered without restraint or mercy, until none 
 were left in the kingdom of suflicicnt im])ortance to alarm 
 his jealous fears. Among his other victims was the unfor- 
 tunate Blanche de Bourbon, his unhai)py wife — young, 
 noble, and beautiful- — who knew nothing of Castillc Imt its 
 prisons, and who, after a long and wearisome cajitiNily of 
 
 • Aval.!, Cionica dd Key Don l\\in\ p. 238. 
 
Chap. 17.] Bertrand du Guesdin. 253 
 
 eight years, suddenly died in the castle of Jerez, about the 
 middle of the year 1361. The fatal orders were first sent 
 to Inigo Ortiz de Estuniga, the castellan of Jerez, by Mar- 
 tinez de Uruena, a servant of the king's physician, who had 
 undertaken to poison the queen ; but Ortiz, like a gallant 
 knight, declared that no one should attempt the life of his 
 sovereign while under his charge. He was, in consequence, 
 superseded by a willing instrument, Juan Perez de Rebol- 
 ledo, one of the king's archers ; and in a brief space poor 
 Blanche was no more. By such crimes and wickedness 
 Peter had subjected himself to the severest censures of the 
 church, had contrived to alienate the hearts of all his 
 people, and to make himself as much hated as he was 
 feared. He uttered a bitter truth when, advised by his 
 council of war to attack the Aragonese army before Ori- 
 huela, while holding in his hand a piece of bread which he 
 had been eating, he said : — 
 
 " With this morsel of bread I could feed all the loyal 
 subjects I have in Castille." 
 
 The Count of Trastamara, after his escape from the town 
 of Toro, led for years the life of a soldier of fortune, some- 
 times as the leader of a Free Company, at other times as an 
 ally of Pedro IV. king of Aragon, in his wars with Peter 
 the Cruel ; and he does not appear to have had any decided 
 aspirations during that period to the sovereignty of Castille ; 
 but, upon his return from France, after an unsuccessful 
 attempt to lead the Free Companies out of that kingdom, 
 in the year 1362,* his views were entirely changed, and he 
 gave out to his friends and followers that he had come to 
 dethrone Peter, and claim the crown as his lawful right. It 
 was, then, to cany out this threat and to press his claims, 
 
 * His contract is dated the 13th of August, 1362.— Du Tillet, Rccucil 
 da Traittcz, &^c., and Invcntairc, p. 85, recto. 
 
254 Life atid Times of Bcrtrand du GucscUn. [Chap. 17. 
 
 that tlie arrival of the Free Companies, under so able a 
 leader as Bertrand du Guesclin, was looked for with such 
 interest by the Count of Trastamara.* 
 
 • Most of the incidents contained in the preceding summary of the 
 state of Spain during the first years of the reign of I'cter the Cruel have 
 Ixrcn drawn from the chronicle of Pero Lojwz de Ayala, a contemporary 
 anil an eye-witness of many of the facts which he records. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Bcrtrand du Gucsclin undertakes to lead the Free Companies out of Franee. 
 His intei-virw with the leaders. The Companies assemble at ChiVons, 
 in Burgundy. The army marehes to Avignon. The Pope grants 
 absolution, atid contributes a large sum of 7no7tey, as pay, to the troops. 
 
 p^^^SlN' the council which was held by Charles V., in 
 ^^ ^^ ^'^^ y^^^ 1 3^5' t^ devise some effectual means 
 |0 ^3| to rid the kingdom of the Free Companies, 
 «^J t?>|J| Bertrand du Guesclin said that he had greatly 
 desired to cross the sea and aid the king of Cyprus in 
 making war upon the infidels ; and now, if he could get 
 access to the leaders of the Companies, he would undertake 
 to carry them out of France. The king gave a willing 
 assent to the proposition ; and, thereupon, Bertrand sent his 
 herald without delay to the Free Companies, to ask for 
 himself, in an assembly of all their leaders, a safe conduct 
 to visit them. The herald found them at Chalons, on the 
 Saone, seated at dinner in a richly furnished house, drinking 
 wine. Among them were Sir Hugh Calverly,* the Green 
 
 • " Sir Hugh Calverly," says Fuller, " was bom at Calverly, in this 
 county (Cheshire). Tradition makes him a man of teeth and hands, 
 who could feed as much as two, and fight as much as ten men. His 
 quick and strong appetite could digest anything but an injury : so that 
 killing a man is reputed the cause of his quitting this country, making 
 hence for London, then for France. Here he became a most eminent 
 
256 Life and Times of [Chap. 18. 
 
 Knight, Matthew de Gournay, Nicholas Escamboune, 
 Robert Scot, Walter Huet, Briquet, the Bourg de Laines, 
 the Bourg de Pierre, John Devereaux, and many others.* 
 To the message delivered by the herald, Sir Hugh Calverly 
 courteously replied : — 
 
 " P>y my faith, gentle herald, I assure you I will see 
 Bertrand here with great pleasure, if the others are agreed ; 
 for my own part, I desire it very much, and I will give him 
 some good wine. I can well afford to give it, for it did not 
 cost me half-a-denier." 
 
 The leaders all gave their assent to the proposed inter- 
 view ; and a safe conduct was granted and sworn to by all of 
 them. ^Vith this passport Bertrand went to meet the leaders 
 of the Companies, by whom he was received with the 
 warmest greeting. Calverly, as soon as he saw the Breton 
 knight, came up and embraced him, calling him, kindly, 
 "friend and companion." Bertrand, somewhat abruptly, 
 rei)lied that he would not be his companion, unless Cal- 
 verly would consent to do what he came to ask for. 
 
 " Bertrand," said Calverly, " by the God who made the 
 world, I will make you the best companion, in every way, 
 and will go wherever you please, to war against all the 
 world, on this side or beyond sea, except the Prince of 
 Wales ; but it shall never happen to me to be against him, 
 
 soldier, answering the character our great antiquary (Camden) gives 
 him -.— Arte tuilitari ita in Gallia inclaruit, lit vividic ejus Z'iittid nihil 
 fuit impouium." 
 
 After enumerating his principal achievements, Fuller adds : — " The 
 certain date of his death is unknown, which, by proj)ortion, may be col- 
 lected about the year 1388 ; after which time no mention of him ; and it 
 was as im])ossible for such a spirit not to be, as not to be active." — 
 " Fuller's Worthies," vol. i. p. 274, 
 
 * Cuvelicr, w. 7158, 7190. Froissart adds the names of two other 
 distinguished knights, .Sir Eustace d'Aubrccicourt and .Sir Perducas 
 d'Albret. — Liv. i. part ii. p. 504. 
 
Chap. i8.] Bcrtranddu Guesdin, .57 
 
 for, whenever he wislies it, I will go with him. That I have 
 already sworn to." 
 
 Du Guesclin readily accepted the terms of his service 
 when Calverly ordered ^^-ine to be brought, of the best 
 which he had. The wine was offered by Sir AValter Huct 
 who was asked by Bertrand to drink first; but no kniglu 
 present would drink a drop until tlieir guest had first tasted 
 It. After dnnkmg, Bertrand said :— 
 
 "This is a rich wine : you know not what it cost you ?" 
 "No living man," replied the Green Knight, -ever asked 
 me a denier for it." 
 
 Bertrand then exposed the object of his visit, telling the 
 leaders that he had come, at the desire of the king of 
 France, to take the Free Companies with him out of the 
 kmgdom, and thereby accomplish his own wish to aid the 
 king of Cyprus in his war against the infidels, or attack them 
 m Granada; that he would take them through Spain ; and if 
 he could meet Don Pedro there, the villanous murderer 
 who had slain his wife, he would do all in his power to 
 harass and anger him. He added, that Spain was a boun- 
 tiful country, and well .supplied with clear and delicious 
 wines; that he had friends who would join them, such as the 
 Count de la Marche, Oliver de Manny, his brothers, and 
 many other knights, who had an equal desire to wage war 
 against the infidels; that, if the leaders would agree to his 
 proposal the king of France would pay them two hundred 
 thousand florins, and he would lead them himself by Avig- 
 non, and obtain for them absolution from all their sins of 
 robbeiy and murder, besides getting something for them out 
 of the papal treasury, when they would all assemble, and 
 commence their expedition into Spain. "And I beg for 
 God's sake," Bertrand continued, "that every one of 'you 
 may have the wish to amend his life: for, if we will look 
 mto our hearts, we can easily find that we have all done 
 
 \rr\t T 
 
 VOL. T. 
 
258 Life and Times of [Chap. 18. 
 
 enough to damn our souls. I can say, for myself, that I never 
 do good ; that I have only done evil, in slaying men ; and, if I 
 have done evil, I may well take you as companions, who can 
 properly boast of having committed far worse deeds than I. 
 
 " Know you what we shall do ?" concluded Bertrand. 
 " Let us honour God, and forsake the devil. As for your- 
 selves, let us see how you have jiassed your lives. You 
 have violated women and l)urnt houses; slaughtered men 
 and children, and put everything to ransom ; butchered 
 cows, oxen, and sheep ; pilfered geese, chickens, and capons; 
 profaned churches and religious houses ; and added murder to 
 robbery. For God's sake, then, think well of it ; march with 
 me against the infidels ; and, if you will take my counsel, 1 will 
 make you all rich, and we shall gain paradise when we die." 
 
 "Sir Bertrand," replied Sir Hugh Calverly, "so aid me 
 St. Simon, I promise that I will never fail you ! Let us call 
 each other faithful companions, and never quit each other, 
 unless the king of France should make war against the 
 English : for I am liege-man to the Prince of Wales." 
 
 Bertrand promptly signified his acceptance of the engage- 
 ment, and asked Calverly to obtain the assent, not only of 
 the knights and leaders, but of the individual members of 
 the Companies ; i)romising, on his part, to have the sum of 
 money ready for them which he had oflfered, and to sum- 
 mon his own friends, who were to accompany them. The 
 leaders of the Comi)anies all gave their immediate consent, 
 and explained Ik'rtrand's offer to their men ; but it did not 
 meet with the same prompt accpiiescence with them. Some of 
 them rejoiced at the news, others were dissatisfied : for among 
 them there were a number of j)illagers, who had no mercy 
 on women and cliildren ; who were ready enough to burn 
 down houses ; and yet they greatly tlreaded the difficulties 
 and dangers of crossing the mountains, especially as France 
 was a country beautiful enough for them, and sufficiently 
 
Chap. 1 8.] Bcrtrand du Guesclin. 259 
 
 supplied with provisions and good wine. The leaders, to 
 the number of twenty-five, gave their promise to join Du 
 Guesclin, which the members of the Companies not long 
 after assented to, and they all swore to the fulfilment of 
 their contract. Bcrtrand then told the leaders that he 
 would go to the king, and first get him to pay them the two 
 hundred thousand francs which he had promised, and that 
 at the proper time he would send them an invitation to 
 come to Paris and dine with him at his own house, when 
 they would have an opportunity of seeing the king himself. 
 "And entertain not the slightest suspicion of evil," Bertrand 
 added : " for I have never been guilty of treachery, nor will 
 I be, while I live." 
 
 " No more valiant man was ever seen on the field," 
 replied the knights ; " and we have more confidence in your 
 spoken word than in all the prelates and high-learned 
 clerks who are in Avignon, or in all France." 
 
 The agreement having been written and sealed, Bertrand, 
 in taking leave of the leaders, repeated his invitation to 
 them to come to Paris, when he would expect them to 
 deliver up their fortresses. To this they also assented. He 
 thereupon went himself to Paris, where the news of his suc- 
 cessful negotiation with the leaders of the Free Companies 
 was received with tlie greatest satisfaction. When Bertrand 
 informed the king that the leaders of the Companies wished 
 to visit Paris, Charles signified a ready assent, and appointed 
 the Temple as their place of lodging. As soon as they re- 
 ceived Bertrand's invitation, all the leaders came "in full 
 confidence, and were conducted to the Temple, where they 
 were well received, handsomely entertained, and presented 
 with many gifts." * 
 
 * TI1C author of the Chrotiiquc (Anonymc) dc Du Guesclin, s.iys : — 
 •' And .Sir Bcrtrand so acted, th-it the captains, confiding alone in his 
 
 S 2 
 
26o Life and Times of [Chap. i8. 
 
 While the leaders of the Free Companies were in Paris, 
 the French knights who intended to accompany Bertrand 
 du Guesclin into Spain came to that city, and formed alli- 
 ances with their future companions-in-arms. Among these 
 knights were Oliver de Manny and his brothers, Alain and 
 Yvon, Guillaume Boitel, Guillaume de Launoy, Karenlouet, 
 and the Begue de Vilaincs. Besides these, the Count de la 
 Marche, the Lord de Beaujeu, and Sir Arnoul d'Audeneham, 
 Marechal of France, all of whom had sworn to undertake 
 the expedition into Spain against Peter the Cruel, also 
 joined Bertrand. The rendezvous of the amiy, which was 
 estimated by Froissart at thirty thousand, was fixed at 
 Chalons, on the Saone, in the province of Burgundy, where 
 the different bands assembled, and from whence they marched 
 towards Avignon.* 
 
 Pope Urban V., who probal)]y liad a very distinct recol- 
 lection of the ravages committed by the Free Comi)anies 
 under his predecessor, when he heard of their approach to 
 Avignon, sent one of his cardinals to inquire of them the 
 ol)jcct of their visit. "And tell them for me," he added, 
 " that I, who have the power of God and Saint Mary, and 
 of all the saints, angels, and archangels, will excommunicate 
 the wliole comi)aiiy if they do not go from hence without 
 
 good failh, witliout a safe-conduct, came to Paris to the kiujj, who, for 
 the love of Sir Hcitraiid, received tliem witli great joy." — Ch. Ixviii. 
 
 P- 35- 
 
 • Cuvclier, vv. 7 191, 7470. The autlior of the Chroititjuc (.\nonymc) 
 de Du Guesclin corrol)orate.s the narrative by Cuvclier of the negotiation 
 in most jiartieulars, Ijut makes no mention of the two Inindred thousand 
 francs promised to the leaders by Hertrand. He says, when the leaders 
 were in Paris, " the king gave them two thousand francs." — Ch. Ixviii. 
 Froissart, although lie does not give the amount, s.iys that Ik-rtr.and's 
 proposition w.as agreed to the more readily by the leaders, on account 
 of the large sum of money they had to divide among them. — Liv. i. 
 part ii. j). 504. 
 
Chap. 1 8.] Bcrtrand du Gmsdin. 261 
 
 delay." Tlie cardinal, " who would rather have been chant- 
 ing mass," did not dare to disobey the orders of his superior; 
 but he went reluctantly, telling a chaplain who accompanied 
 him, "I am grieved at being placed in this charge: for I am 
 sent to an infuriate, set, who have no conscience ; would to 
 God that the pope himself were there in his janty cope : I 
 believe he would soon enough be stripped of it." The car- 
 dinal went on, however, i)raying that he might safely accom- 
 plish his mission, until he came up to the army, when he 
 inquired of some of the soldiers to whom he could deliver 
 a message from the pope. He was replied to by an Eng- 
 lishman, who asked in turn if he had brought any money, 
 for the army would not go away without it. Bertrand and 
 the other leaders then came forward to meet the cardinal, 
 and " all of them bowed with due courtesy ;" but there were 
 many others in the army "who would rather have robbed 
 him of his clothes." The cardinal thereupon informed the 
 leaders that he had been sent by the pope to know their 
 purpose in coming to Avignon ; to which the Mar^chal 
 d'Audeneham, a learned, wise, and prudent knight, replied, 
 that he saw before him a body of men who for years had 
 been committing all sorts of evil deeds in the kingdom of 
 France ; that they had designed to go to aid the king of 
 Cyprus, but, hearing that he had been slain,* they were now 
 on their way to make war on the king of Granada, and all 
 who might aid him ; that the leaders were conducting them 
 thither, so that they should not return again into France ; 
 
 * M. Charriere, in his note to verse 6554 of Cuvelicr, says that 
 " Pierre tic Lusignan, king of Cyprus, was assassinated by the lords of 
 his court on the i8th of Januar)', 1368, according to almost all the 
 historians, but on the i6lh of January, 1369, according to Guillaume de 
 Macharet ;" so that Cuvelicr commits an anachronism of at least three 
 years, in jilacing the death of the king of Cyprus before the departure of 
 the P'ree Companies from France. 
 
262 Life and Times of [Chap. iS. 
 
 but, before commencing their expedition, each one was de- 
 sirous of obtaining absolution. "So beg the holy father," 
 added the marechal, " to grant us absolution by the grace 
 of God, whose vicegerent he is, and release us from all our 
 sins, and from the punishment of the grievous crimes which 
 we have committed since infancy ; and that he would make 
 us besides a present of two hundred thousand francs for our 
 expedition." 
 
 " My lords," said the cardinal, changing colour when he 
 heard this last demand, " though your numbers are very 
 great, I have no doubt about the absolution ; but I will not 
 answer for the money." 
 
 " Sir," quickly replied Bcrtrand du (iuesclin, " we must 
 have all that the marechal has demanded : for, I tell you, 
 there are very many here who care little about absolution — 
 they would much rather have silver. We are making them 
 honest against their wills, and leading them where they may 
 rightfully pillage, without doing injury to Christian people. 
 Say so to the pope, antl that we cannot manage them other- 
 wise." 
 
 The cardinal promised to bring back the answer of the 
 pope to these demands ; to which Ikrtrand du Guesclin 
 added the caution to make no delay, for he would take up 
 his quarters at Villeneuve, and, if any bread or wine was 
 there, he knew that his men would have it. He would not 
 l)romise the cardinal to restrain his soldiers from acts of 
 pillage, but he would do his best. On his return to Avignon, 
 the cardinal found the gates of the city closed, and the walls 
 well guarded. He went at once to the palace of the pope, 
 and exposed the results of his mission ; how he had delivered 
 his message to Bertrand du Guesclin and the other leaders, 
 who were on their way to the kingdom of Granada to make 
 war on the followers of Mohamcd, in (jrdcr to save llicir 
 souls ; that they iiad connnilled great excesses in the 
 
Chap. 1 8.] Bcrt?-and du Gucsclin. 263 
 
 kingdom of France, and thit he had brought their confession. 
 " They have burnt many churches and many fine dwelHngs," 
 continued the cardinal ; " slain women and children ; vio- 
 lated maidens anrl dames of high lineage ; stolen horses, 
 cattle, and sheep ; purloined many jewels and chalices of 
 churches, and much silver, copper, and brass ; said many 
 wicked things ; committed all the evil that one could do, 
 and more than one could tell : so they beg for mercy and 
 pardon of God, and full absolution from you." 
 
 " They shall have it," said the pope, " provided then that 
 they leave the country." 
 
 The cardinal replied that they were willing to do so ; 
 but they asked, moreover, two hundred thousand francs as 
 a gift. This the pope thought most unreasonable : " for 
 people," he said, " give us money and many gifts to absolve 
 them, and now we must grant absolution at theif request, 
 and pay them besides." 
 
 As the pope could plainly see, from the windows of his 
 palace, the foraging parties of the Free Companies stripping 
 the country of ever>'thing that they could carry away, and, 
 as he expressed it, "taking such pains to go to the devil," he 
 called a council of his cardinals to advise him how so large 
 a sum as they demanded could be raised. It was proposed 
 by one of the cardinals to levy a tax on all citizens of 
 Avignon, according to the ability of each, " so that the 
 treasures of God might not be diminished ;" and the propo- 
 sition was readily adopted by the whole conclave. When 
 Du Gucsclin found out that the clergy had collected the 
 amount imposed on them from the poor citizens of the 
 town, he gave vent to his indignation in a very irreverent 
 manner, declaring, that he now saw Christians full of cove- 
 tousness and bad faith ; that vanity and avarice, pride and 
 cruelty, existed in the holy church ; that they who ought to 
 give their goods for the cause of God are tho.se who gather 
 
264 Life and Times of [Chap. 18. 
 
 from every quarter, keep tlieir coficrs the closest, and never 
 give anything out of their owii means. " By the faith I owe 
 the holy Trinity !" he swore, " I will not take one denier of 
 the money which these poor people have paid." 
 
 When the assessment was collected, the amount was 
 brought to Bertrand, at Villeneuve, by the provost of 
 Avignon, who stated, on presenting himself, that the money 
 was ready, and the absolution was conii)letcd and sealed. 
 Bertrand asked him who had paid the money, and if the 
 pope had taken it out of his own treasury. The i)rovost 
 replied that it was contributed by the common people of 
 Avignon, each one paying his part. 
 
 " Provost," said Bertrand, " I assure you I will not take 
 one denier of it. If the amount does not come from the 
 clerg)', I am resolved that all who have paid the tax shall 
 have their money back without losing one copper." 
 
 "Sire, God grant you a happy life!" said the provost; 
 " the poor people will be greatly rejoiced." 
 
 Du Guesclin then ordered the provost to return to Avig- 
 non, and say to the pope that he must take the amount 
 from his own treasury, and restore to the people of the town 
 what they had paid ; and " tell him," he added, " that it 
 must not be deferred : for, if I know of it, even though I may 
 be then beyond sea, I will return, and he will be greatly 
 displeased." 
 
 The money, in consequence, was paid out of the papal 
 treasury, and full absolution was granted to Bertraml anil 
 his whole army.* 
 
 * Cuvclier, vv. 7474, 7722. " The pope, to iiulomnify himself for 
 the two humlred tliousand francs paid to Bertraiid du Guesclin, imposed 
 a tenth on the clergy of France." — Note of the editor to verse 7427. 
 Some doubt has been thrown on that portion of the statement of Cuvclier, 
 where IVrtrand required the money to be paid out of the i>apa] treasury. 
 It is fully sustained by the anonymous author of the Chroniqiu de Du 
 
Chap. 1 8.] 
 
 Bcrtrand du Guesclin. 
 
 265 
 
 Gucsdin, ch. Ixvii. p. 36 ; and Raynaldus, the annalist of the church and 
 Continuator of Baronius, says that the Free Companies, under the 
 conduct of Bcrtrand du Guesclin, " approached Avignon, and, having 
 put the pope and cardinals in great terror, extorted from them a large 
 amount of gold, which was demanded under the decent name of pay 
 (honcsto nomine stijiendiorum), as they gave out that they were march- 
 ing against the Moors of Granada."— ^ww^Aj Ecdcsiastki, 1365, § 7. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Bcrlrand dit Gucsclin crosses the Pyrenees with his army into Spain. 
 Declares his purpose in enterins^ that kingdom. Henry of lYastapnara 
 is proclaimed king of Castille at Calahorra. Peter the Criul firstfortifies, 
 then abandons^ Burgos, and retires into Andalusia. 
 
 pm^N Bcrtrand du Guesclin had ol)tained the 
 material and spiritual aid which constituted his 
 chief motives in passing by Avignon, he set out 
 for the frontiers of Spain, towards the conclusion 
 of the year 1365. At Toulouse he received an accession of 
 four hundred volunteers from that city, "whose only motives 
 in making war were honour, faith, and the love of God."* 
 
 • The names of some seventy or eighty of " the most valiant " of 
 these adventurers are given in a chanson To Dona Clamenca, in the 
 Limousin tongue, entitled, Canson ditta La Bertat (the Truth), /(//A/ sur 
 la guerra d Rspagna, fatta pel generosa Guesclin assistat des nobles 
 Moundis de Tholosa. It bears date April, 1367. rublished by Morice, 
 in Actes de Bretagne, torn. i. col. 1 616, and by Buchon, at the end of 
 l)rose Chronicle of Hcrtrand du (lucsclin. In the same chanson it is 
 asserted that, at Carcassonne, and not at Toulouse, as it may be inferred 
 irom the chronicle of Cuvelier, v. 7725, the inter\-iew between the 
 Duke of Anjou and Du Guesclin took place, and which Vaissetle, in his 
 " History of I^aiiguedoc," has taked some jiains to deny ; - 
 
 " . . . . \ Carcassonne 
 Ounl lou due d' Anjou en per^onne 
 Lous recebouc aube gran lau." 
 
Chap. 19.] Life and Times of Bertrand du Guesdin. 267 
 
 On his way he met with the Duke of Anjou, at Carcassonne, 
 who strenuously urged him to take vengeance on Peter the 
 Cruel for his many crimes, and especially for the death of 
 his cousin, Blanche de Bourbon. Bertrand promised, some- 
 what evasively, and then pursued his way across the Pyre- 
 nees into Spain. 
 
 When he reached the kingdom of Aragon with his army, 
 Peter the Cruel was pursuing his conquests in that kingdom, 
 and was then at the summit of his power. Insubordination 
 among the nobles had been suppressed ; but it was by the 
 death of every one influential enough to alarm the fears, or 
 even excite the suspicions, of the jealous monarch. The 
 people were everywhere obedient and submissive ; but the 
 king painfully felt that the quiet about his throne proceeded 
 from the stillness and moral degradation of servitude. He 
 had been successful in his petty military enterprises, and his 
 coffers were full. It was not, therefore, surprising, when he 
 first heard of the designs of the Free Companies in coming 
 to Spain, that he treated their message with contempt, 
 declaring that he would yield nothing " to such beggars." * 
 He soon had reason, however, to change his estimate of 
 them, when he found his kingdom invaded by a large and 
 well-disciplined body of men-at-anns, with such a leader as 
 Bertrand du Guesclin at their head ; and, from confidence, 
 he sank at once into dejection, irresolution, and timidity, 
 abandoned one stronghold after another, and finally left the 
 kingdom, without striking one single blow for his crown. 
 
 On the other side, Pedro IV., king of Aragon, and the 
 Count of Trastamara had almost equal reasons to rejoice 
 at the arrival of Du Guesclin and his army. The king of 
 Aragon, with most of the vices of his namesake of Castille, 
 and who perhaps exceeded him in dissimulation and bad 
 
 * Froissart, liv. i. part ii. p. 505. 
 
268 J.ifc and Times of [Chap. 19. 
 
 faith, was inferior to him in power, extent of dominion, and 
 good fortune. He had been unsuccessful in most of his 
 mihtary adventures with Peter the Cruel ; he had even 
 reason to fear that the kingdom of Aragon, by the ambition 
 and enterprise of his enemy, might be added to the more 
 extensive kingdom of Castille ; and, therefore, the approach 
 of the Free Companies was regarded by him as the means 
 of restoring the integrity of his territories, and preserving 
 the security of his throne ; wliile the wary and prudent 
 Henry of Trastamara, a homeless and mercenary ailvcn- 
 turcr, hoi)cd thereby to gain no less a prize than the crown 
 of the Castilles. 
 
 Bertrand du Guesclin had hitherto carefully kept out of 
 view tlie chief object of his expedition to Spain. In his 
 promise to the king of France to lead the Companies out of 
 the kingdom, in his subsequent treaty with their leaders 
 and in the reason given to tlie pope for his passage by 
 Avignon, — war with the infidels, to exalt the Christian name, 
 was the avowed motive, while the deposition of Peter the 
 Cruel, or the elevation of the Count of Trastamara, was 
 never, even remotely, alluded to. In all his conferences on 
 the subject he used no stronger language than, " if he met 
 with Peter, he would irritate or greatly disturb him." Ber- 
 trand felt that such caution was necessar}', while the Free 
 Companies were yet in France : for the treaty of Bordeaux, 
 between Fdward HI. and Peter the Cruel, still subsisted,* 
 and it might justly be apprehended that the Black Prince 
 would prevent his liege-men — of wliich the Companies 
 
 • Kdward III., in a letter ilatol December 6tli, IJ65, aildressed to 
 John Chandos, Viscount of Saint Sauveur, Hugh Calverly, Nichol.ns 
 Dagworth, and WiUiani Klniham, kniglils, expressly prohil)ited all his 
 liege-men from entering Si)ain in a hostile manner, or engaging in the 
 ser\'ice of .any ]>erson whomsoever to the prejudice of the king of that 
 country. — Kynier, vol. iii. par. ii. p. 779. 
 
Chap. 19.] Bertrand dti Guesclm. 269 
 
 chiefly consisted — from making war on an ally, and giving 
 consequence to his bastard brother, whom, as the confede- 
 rate of P'rance, he had every reason to distrust. But, when 
 he had crossed the mountains into Spain, Bertrand du Gues- 
 clin, relieved of the motives for concealment, no longer 
 hesitated to declare his purposes. At his first interview, 
 therefore, with the Count of Trastamara, at Blamont, he 
 promised that leader that he would not return again to 
 France until he had placed the crown of Spain on his 
 head j and, when pressed by Pedro of Aragon, at his court, 
 to abandon his avowed design of going against Granada, 
 and undertake instead an expedition against Peter the Cniel, 
 he replied, that his real objects in coming were to aid 
 Henry of Trastamara with all his power, and crown him 
 king of Spain ; to drive Peter out of the kingdom ; and, with 
 the aid of God, avenge the death of the good queen. 
 
 The king of Aragon, who fully appreciated the value of 
 Bertrand's services, did not confine his aid to counsel alone, 
 but j^romptly sup])lied him with whatever was most neces- 
 sary for the support of his army. He not only paid him 
 down one hundred thousand gold florins, but furnished him 
 liberally with corn, oats, wine, and fresh meat. Such prepa- 
 rations could not escape the jealous vigilance of Peter the 
 Cruel, who was soon informed of the arrival of the invaders. 
 They were described, by the messenger who brought him 
 the unwelcome news, as " a company which is called white : 
 each one has a white cross above his shoulder, and they 
 come from the borders of France." 
 
 " Who leads them ?" asked the king. 
 
 " Bertrand du Guesclin," replied the messenger. 
 
 At the name of Bertrand, Peter abandoned himself to the 
 most unmanly fears, declaring that he would be forced to 
 fly from Spain ; that the eagle was now come which would 
 chase him out of his kingdom ; and that he would not await 
 
270 Life and Tinus of [Chap. 19. 
 
 Bcrtrand for the gold of a whole countr)'. Acted on by 
 such fears, he immediately quitted Aragon, and, leaving gar- 
 risons in the fortresses of Magalon, Rorja, and Hriviesca, he 
 took refuge in the strong town of Burgos, which he furnished 
 with everything necessary for a siege ; and he made it still 
 more secure by decjjcning the ditches and raising the walls. 
 Notwithstanding all these precautions, " he yet greatly 
 dreaded the coming of Bertrand." * 
 
 licrtrand du Guesclin had been sufficiently supplied with 
 juovisions, by the prompt liberality of Pedro IV^, and he 
 was preparing, at the commencement of the year 1366, to 
 leave the kingdom of Aragon with his army ; but, before 
 setting out, he incjuired of the Count of Trastamara where 
 they could soonest find Peter of Castille, " who fled before 
 them like a stag from a dog in tlie woods." Henr)' thought 
 it best not to leave behind them the towns of Magalon and 
 Borja, in which Peter had left garrisons, before retreating 
 into Castille ; and, as the commanders of the garrisons re- 
 fused to listen to the temis of surrender proj)osed, liertrand 
 proceeded to besiege these towns successively. Both of 
 
 • Cuvclier, vv. 7865, 7973. Tlicwliitc cross alluded to at verse 7SS6, 
 which (^ave tlie name of the White Company to lieitrand's army, was 
 ]irol)al)ly a<loi)ted by him, before leavinjj France, to conceal the real 
 desij^ of tlie expe<lition, and {;ive colour to the declaration that it was a 
 cnisade against the infidels. At verse 79S0 Cuvelier ai;;ua alludes to 
 this badge : — 
 
 " II n'i avoit en I'ost chevalier nc garfon 
 
 Qui ne portasl la crois blanche comme colon, 
 
 Et la blanche Comjiaigne pour tant TapiK-loit-on." 
 
 The eagle, referred to by Peter at verse 7899, was probably an allusion 
 to the device on the shield of Bertrand, which was an e.igle with two 
 heads. .Sec Chroniijue (.\nonyme) Jc Du (Jiuscliu^ ch. Ixxiii, p. 40 ; 
 antl Cuvelier, v. 15,988, says : — 
 
 " Je voy li sa baniere balant contre le vent, 
 A i. aigle de sable ilont le champ est argent." 
 
Chap. 19.] Bertrand du Guesclin. 271 
 
 them yielded after a spirited defence ; and, while Magalon 
 was abandoned to pillage, Borja was spared through the 
 prayers of the women. The Jews and Moors, however, did 
 not jiarticipate in the pardon granted to the Christians, and 
 they were all put to the sword. Bertrand was created 
 Count of Borja, and the town was granted to him by the 
 king of Aragon, as a recompense for his services.* 
 
 After the surrender of Borja, Bertrand du Guesclin passed 
 over into Castille, near the frontier town of Alfaro, which 
 was commanded by Inigo Lopez de Orozco. As it was a 
 place of no great consequence, it was decided not to attack 
 it, but to pass on to the more im])ortant town of Calahorra, 
 which was known to be so imperfectly fortified, that the 
 inhabitants w-ould not venture to defend it. The town soon 
 surrendered, as anticipated ; and, thereupon, Bertrand du 
 Guesclin, Sir Hugh Calverly, and the other French and 
 English leaders, regarding the kingdom as already won, 
 after the capture of a single town, said to Henry of Trasta- 
 mara, "that, since such noble men as they who had ac- 
 companied him were agreed to hold him as their chief, and 
 as they had now taken a town of Castille, they asked that 
 he would allow himself to be created king : for they held, 
 according to the information which they had of the country, 
 that Don Pedro w^ould not give them battle, nor could he 
 defend the kingdom." In this request the Count de Denia, 
 the leader of the Aragonese auxiliaries, joined with the 
 other nobles and knights of Aragon who were present ; and, 
 although Henry could not be induced, at first, to take that 
 step, yet he was greatly pleased at the proposal. Notv\nth- 
 standing his coyness, which was probably only afiected, as 
 soon as the army entered the town he was proclaimed 
 king.t 
 
 • Cuvelicr, vv. 7985, 8145. 
 
 t Ayala, Cronica del Key Don Pedro, pp. 400, 401. 
 
272 Life and Tiftus of [Chap. 19. 
 
 Henry did not remain long at Calahorra after his election 
 as king by his troops ; and on his way, in pursuit of Peter, 
 he laid siege to IJrivicsca, near Burgos, a strongly-fortified 
 town, with double walls, which, it was confidently believed, 
 would stand a siege during an entire year ; and the garrison, 
 acting on this belief, contemptuously replied to Henry's 
 claims to their allegiance and to his summons of surrender, 
 " that they would do no such thing." The town was soon 
 invested on all sides, and the troojis exhibited extraordinary 
 emulation in their different assaults. Sir Hugh Calverly, 
 with the English, attacked the quarter of the town inhabited 
 by the Jews ; while Ikrtrand du Guesclin, with the French, 
 conducted in person, with his formidable battle-axe in his 
 hand, the assault at the barriers. Many of the leaders ])ar- 
 ticularly distinguished themselves ; and, among them, Alain 
 de la Houssoie, determined to conquer, was throwTi headlong 
 from the walls into the moat, and had one of his arms 
 broken. On all sides could be heard the battle-cries of the 
 different leaders: "Guesclin!" "Calverly!" "La Marche!" 
 and "Audeneham!" The besieged defended themselves 
 with great courage and obstinacy, using every means of 
 resistance known at that time, until a Breton soldier, with one 
 of Bertrand's pennons, mounted the walls, followed by his 
 comrades, who, by the aid of rope-lailders and grappling 
 irons, " crawled up the walls like apes ; " and the governor, 
 seeing all further opposition hoi)eless, surrendered, "saving life 
 and goods." Calverly carried by storm the Jewish (juarter, 
 with a general slaughter of the inhabitants ; and a large booty 
 was acijuired, both by leaders and men, from their spoils.* 
 
 * Cuvelicr, vv. 8147, 8348. The .luthor of llic C//;y>///^//<* (.\nnnynic) 
 dt Du Guesclin says tli.it the followinjj ruse was jiractised by Hertiand, 
 in order to excite tlie national emulation of his troops. " It ha^)i)ened, 
 during; the assault, that Ikrtrand said to the French that the English 
 had entered the town before they had yet ilcscended into the fosses. 
 
Chap. 19.] Bairand da Gucsdin. 273 
 
 After the surrender of Brivicsca, two citizens of the town, 
 who had been very deeply impressed during the siege by the 
 miUtary skill and impetuous valour of the army under 
 Bertrand du Guesclin, made their escape and fled to Burgos, 
 where they found Peter the Cruel in his palace, alone with 
 Fernando de Castro, the only Spanish noble who, through 
 all the changes of fortune, faithfully adhered to the king.* 
 To the inquiry of Peter, how his good people sustained 
 themselves at Briviesca, the citizens replied : — " Badly 
 enough : for Bertrand du Guesclin, your brother Henry, 
 and the other leaders, made an assault on the town, the like 
 of which was never before seen ; and the French mounted 
 the walls, took the town, slaughtered the Jews and infidels, 
 with a great number of our men also." 
 
 " False traitors ! " exclaimed the king, in great wrath ; 
 " how could Briviesca be taken by assault in one day 1 It 
 cannot be so. You have sold it to Henry and the savage 
 Bertrand, who has sworn my death." 
 
 The French, when they heard these words, could only be angry with 
 themselves, for they fully believed Sir Bertrand. They then renewed 
 the assault with such valour that they entered into Briviesca as far as 
 the middle of the town, before the English had reached the foot of the 
 walls." — Ch. Ixxi. p. 38. Ayala enters into no detail of the siege. 
 He says the towTi was assailed and carried by storm, and that the com- 
 mander, Men Rodriguez de Senambia, a Galician knight, was taken 
 prisoner, while fighting at the barriers, by Sir Bemal de la Salle, a knight 
 of Gascony. — Cronka del Rcy Don Pedro, p. 402. 
 
 * Fernando de Castro was the brother of Donna Juana de Castro, that 
 wife of a day, whom Peter the Cruel overcame all obstacles to marry 
 during the lifetime of his wife, Blanche de Bourbon, and his mistress, 
 Maria de Padilla, and whom he abandoned, without any assignable 
 cause, the day after his nuptials. Fernando had also a natural sister, 
 the celebrated Inez de Castro, the mistress, perhaps the wife, of the 
 Infante Pedro of Portugal, whose tragic death, the honours paid to her 
 memor)', and the terrible vengeance of her lover, have supplied abundant 
 material to lx)th poet and historian. See Ayala, Cronica del Rcy Don 
 Pedro, p. 130 and 415, note (l). 
 
 VOL, I. T 
 
2 74 Life and Times of [Chap. 19. 
 
 " By the honoured Virgin !" protested the citizens, " no 
 treason has been committed or thought of, and no money 
 has been received ; but the town was carried by force of 
 arms and fierce rencounter, by brave men, and a large body 
 of archers and arbeUsts, who spared not their own lives, and 
 who had no dread of wounds, or regard for sweat and blood. 
 There is no town or city so well fortified in the whole world 
 that can withstand them. They are not natural bom men, 
 but devils come out of hell into this country." 
 
 Peter would listen to no excuses or prayers. He insisted 
 that the town had been surrendered through treason, and 
 ordered the two citizens of Briviesca to be hanged for their 
 unwelcome tidings. The information of the surrender of 
 the town was soon confirmed by other witnesses ; and Peter, 
 as soon as he recovered from the toqjor into which he had 
 been thrown by the loss of one of his strongest fortresses, 
 instantly determined to leave the city of Burgos.* Without 
 imparting his design to any of the lords or knights who were 
 about him, he made hasty preparations for his departure. 
 
 When this purpose of the king was found out by the 
 citizens of Burgos, they assembled, without distinction, 
 before the palace, and earnestly entreated him not to 
 abandon them ; telling him that he had sufficient forces to 
 defend the city, and abundant means to support an army \ 
 and, if he required more, they would give up all they had. 
 Peter, standing at the door of his palace, with everything 
 ready for immediate flight, thanked the citizens for tlieir 
 offers, and acknowledged the loyalty which influenced their 
 conduct ; but bluntly told them that he must go, as he had 
 certain information that his brother Henry and the Free 
 Companies designed to march towards Seville, where he 
 had left his children and treasures, and that he must put 
 
 * Cuvclior, w. 8349, 8480. 
 
Chap. 19.] Bcrtrand du Guesdiju 275 
 
 them in a place of security. The citizens, not convinced 
 by the reasons offered by the king, still continued their 
 entreaties ; but, when they found that he was immoveable, 
 they asked : — 
 
 " My lord, since you know that your enemies are eight 
 leagues distant from this place, and you will not venture to 
 await them in your noble city of Burgos, with such forces as 
 you possess, what do you command us to do, and how shall 
 we defend ourselves % " 
 
 " I bid you do the best you can," abruptly replied the 
 king. 
 
 " My lord," again asked the citizens, not satisfied with 
 this response, " we hope to have the good fortune to 
 defend the city from^your enemies; but, since you dare 
 not, with so many people and such brave troops, to defend 
 it, what can we do ? Therefore, if it so happens that we 
 cannot make a good defence, will you acquit us of the 
 covenant and oath which we have made to you for this 
 city 1 " 
 
 To this proposition Peter assented ; and the citizens had 
 an instrument of writing drawn up by notaries, and signed 
 to that effect. Before the king could set out, one of the 
 receivers of the revenue in the diocese of Burgos asked him 
 what he should do with the castle : for he would not be able 
 to defend it after the king had abandoned the city. 
 
 " You must defend it," said Peter, moving off. 
 
 " But, my lord," replied Rui Perez, the receiver, " I have 
 no ability to defend the castle, as you are about to leave the 
 city." 
 
 Peter deigned him no answer. Great, however, as was 
 his eagerness to get away — at a time when, above all others, 
 it was important to him to conciliate the affections of such 
 of his subjects as still adhered to him — he could not leave 
 Burgos without another signal act of vengeance and blood- 
 
 T 2 
 
276 Life mui Times of Bcrtrand da Guesd'm. [Chap. 19. 
 
 shed ; and, accordingly, just before setting out, he ordered 
 the execution of Juan Fernandez de Tovar, for no other 
 apparent crime than that he was the brother of Don Ferrand 
 Sanchez de Tovar, who had admilted Bcrtrand du GuescUn 
 and his brother Henry of Trastamara into tlie indefensible 
 city of Calahorra. 
 
 On the 28th of March, 1366, Peter left Burgos, attended 
 by a small retinue of Castilian knights and squires, among 
 whom was the historian Ayala, and a body of six hundred 
 Moorish horse, sent him by the king of Granada, under 
 a knight named Don Mohammed el Cabeszani. Before 
 leaving Burgos, the king had sent an order to the com- 
 mandants of the fortresses which he held in the kingdom of 
 Aragon, to abandon and destroy them, by fire or otherwise, 
 and return to him with their forces. The fortresses were 
 abandoned, according to his instructions ; but, while some 
 of the leaders, with their troops, obeyed the orders to join 
 Peter, the others repaired to the standard of Henry. On 
 his way towards Andalucia, Peter was met by the grand- 
 master of Sant Jago, and some other nobles ; but, such was 
 his anxiety to reach Seville, or such his debasement at his 
 changed fortunes, that lie could not be induced by them to 
 take any interest in the most important affairs, or even 
 inspect certain companies which had just joined his forces ; 
 and, when informed by one of his officers that several 
 English captains, lately attached to his brother Henry, 
 desired to treat with him, " he would not hear of it, and 
 cared nothing about it." Even at Toledo he made no 
 longer stay than to strengthen the garrison, and appoint 
 Don Garcia Alvarez, master of Sant Jago, governor of the 
 city.* 
 
 * Ayaln, Croiiica dd luy Don Pedro, pji. 402, 405. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Burgos surrenders, and Henry of Trastatnara is then crenvned king of 
 Castille and Leon. Peter leaves Seville with his children and treasures ; 
 passes through PoHugal into Galicia ; and then embarks at Corunna for 
 Bayonne. 
 
 OON after the departure of Peter from Burgos, 
 Henry of Trastamara received a letter from 
 that city, informing him that the king had 
 suddenly left it and gone to Toledo. Bertrand 
 du Guesclin thereupon issued orders forthwith for his army 
 to leave Briviesca the following morning. " Then could be 
 seen the harness put in order, and lances, darts, and armour, 
 arbelists, triangular arrows, and arrows for the bow ; tents, 
 pavilions, and torches for lights; banners and pennons; large 
 copper kettles and caldrons to cook dinner ; bread, wine, 
 and salt-meat, with everything necessary for such an amiy, 
 carried in waggons and on sumpter-horses." The vanguard 
 was conducted by the Marechal d'Audeneham, aided by 
 Calverly, Oliver de Manny, and other leaders ; while the 
 rear was brought up by Bertrand du Guesclin and the Count 
 de la Marche. When the approach of the army under Du 
 Guesclin was known in Burgos, the citizens assembled at the 
 sound of the great bell ; and, upon the advice of the bishoj), 
 took counsel what they should do in their i)ressing emer- 
 gency. One of the Inirgcsses then stated that, as there were 
 
27S Life ami Times of [Chap. 20. 
 
 three different races in Burgos, living under different laws,* 
 it was important to know of each what should be done. He 
 therefore suggested that the Moors and Jews should consult 
 separately, and report to the meeting the result of their 
 deliberations. This projjosition was adopted ; and, while 
 the others were conferring ajiart, the Bishop of Burgos, 
 having first exacted an oath on the holy gospels from each 
 one present to keep secret the proceedings of the meeting, 
 declared that Peter was unworthy to reign ; that he was a 
 sceptic and an infidel ; that he had no more remorse than a 
 dog, for putting freemen to death without a trial ; and that 
 it would be far better to have a knight who would govern 
 the kingdom according to law and justice, than obey a king 
 who had no respect for God.t This conclusion of the 
 bishop had already been adopted without dissent by the 
 meeting, when the Moors reported, through one of their 
 number, that they would be governed by the decision of the 
 Christian i)ortion of the assembly, and that they would aid 
 
 * There was no institution or custom more peculiar or anomalous, 
 during the Middle Ages, wlien the laws regulating properly and the rights 
 of persons were so imperfectly defined, than the system o{ personal laws, 
 which existed wherever the Germanic nations settled upon the Roman 
 soil. The Frank, the Burgundian, and the Goth lived upon the same 
 territory, each under his own law. l)e Savigny thus explains the follow- 
 ing passage in a letter of Angobardus to Louis Ic Dcbotittaire : — " Five 
 persons could often be seen conversing together, no two of whom obeyed 
 the same laws." See ITistoirc dn Droit Romain an Moycn Age, torn. i. 
 p. 90, et scq. In like manner^thc Moors and Jews of Spain, when they 
 were permitted by their conquerors to reside in the country, were not 
 only allowed to enjoy, under certain restrictions, the exercise of their 
 religion, and to hold lands, but they were suffered to elect their own 
 magistrates, and even designate the Castilian judge before whom their 
 cause was to be tried. — Ayala, Croitiea del Key J)o>t Pedro, pj). 64, 65. 
 
 + The bishop in his speech repeated a scandal, very common at that 
 time among the jjartisans of Henry, that Peter was the son of a Jewess, 
 and that he had been excliangeil in infancy for adaugliter of tlie queen. — 
 Cuvelier, v. 8619 and 6975. 
 
Chap. 20.] Bertrand du Guesdin. 279 
 
 them in maintaining it with body and goods. The Jews, 
 after longer deliberation, first required from the otliers 
 an oath, on their law and good faith, that, if they could 
 not agree to the decision adopted by the majority, they 
 might be permitted to leave the city in safety with their 
 property, and go either into Portugal or Aragon. The 
 promise being given, the Jews cautiously declared, as their 
 only answer, that Peter was an unworthy Christian, since he 
 was false to his own faith. This declaration was regarded 
 as sufficient by the rest of the assembly ; and, thereupon, a 
 message was despatched by two cordeliers to Henry, to the 
 effect that the citizens of Burgos would give him up the keys 
 of the city, and acknowledge him as their king, on the sole 
 condition that he would maintain their franchises. The 
 messengers, having obtained a favourable answer, returned 
 to Burgos, where the citizens were making great preparations 
 to receive their new master. On the next day a large body 
 of the good people of Burgos left the city at sunrise, with 
 the bishop, attended by the clerg}^, at their head, bearing 
 aloft the cross and gonfalon, and chanting aloud Te Deutn 
 Laudamus. After these followed the most influential burghers, 
 with eight sergeants at their head, each one bearing a lance, 
 and to each lance was suspended one of the eight keys of the 
 city. Next came the ladies of Burgos, " so nobly dressed, 
 and of such charming mien, as if each might have been the 
 wife of a syndic,* or of the good king of France." In this 
 order the procession marched four leagues before they met 
 with Henry and the anny under Bertrand du Guesclin.t 
 
 * " Que se chascune fust la fame d'un soudant, 
 
 Ou du bon roy de France." — Cuvelier, v. 8752. 
 Soudan, a name formerly given to the Syndics in the Bordelais. — 
 Bescherelle ; and sec Du Cange, voc. Syndicus. 
 
 t Cuvelier, w. 8512, 8759. Chronig»c (Anonyme) de Du Giwsrlin, 
 ch. Ixxi. Ixxii. pp. 38, 39. The author of the pro.se Chronicle, though 
 
28o Life and Times of [Chap. 20. 
 
 Henry was greatly moved liy this manifestation of respect 
 and submission on the part of the citizens of Burgos ; and, 
 after a pious invocation of the blessings of heaven on his 
 followers, he extended his hand to Du Guesclin, in the 
 presence of all there assembled, and acknowledged his deep 
 obligation to him for the success of all his measures. At 
 the instance of the bishop, Henry then swore to maintain 
 the ancient liberties and franchises of Burgos ; whereupon 
 all the leaders entered the city, amid the general ringing of 
 bells, leaving the body of the army in the suburbs. Henry, 
 in anticipation of his coronation, at the suggestion of Ber- 
 trand, had sent for his wife,* whom he had left with his three 
 sisters at the castle of Blamont. The Countess of Trasta- 
 mara, who was "beautiful, good, pleasant, and accom- 
 plished," upon receiving the welcome intelligence of the 
 good fortune of her husband, set out, without delay, with 
 her sisters-in-law, and travelled in a handsome chariot until 
 she came near Burgos, when she descended from her carriage 
 and mounted a richly-caparisoned mule. At the distance of 
 two leagues from the city she was met by Bertrand du 
 Guesclin, the Count de la Marche, Sir Hugh Calverly, the 
 Mardchal d'Audeneliam, and a body of about a thousand 
 knights, who had come for the purpose of escorting her into 
 Burgos. At the approach of the horsemen, the countess 
 dismounted, and prepared to receive them on foot. The 
 knights, as they came up, also dismounted ; and when Du 
 Guesclin, after saluting her, respectfully insisted that she 
 
 less extended as to dct.iils than Cuvclier, sustains the latter in every 
 statement, except tlie assent of the Jews to the proposition of the bishop. 
 He says: — " But tiie Jews contradicted liini ; whereuiiim llic town lli-w 
 to arms, and slauLjhtcred all tlic Jews and .Saracens." 
 
 * .She was Donna Juana de Villena, niece of Don Juan Nuiicz de 
 Lara, grand standard-bearer of Castillc at the accession of I'eter the 
 Cruel. 
 
Chap. 20.] Bcrtrand du Gucsclm. 281 
 
 should remount, the lady replied that it well became her to 
 receive him on foot, who had done so much to serve and 
 honour her ; and to the other knights she said so many kind 
 things, that they all declared, " she well deserved a crown." 
 After the party had remounted, and while they were pro- 
 ceeding on their way towards Burgos, the sisters of the 
 Count of Trastamara very attentively observed Bertrand du 
 Guesclin for some time, when one of them said : — 
 
 " I see here this Bertrand, of whom I have heard so 
 much ; how marvellously plain he is : yet he has been so 
 much prized and honoured." 
 
 " May God protect him!" replied the second sister. "We 
 should love worth more than beauty. He is the most 
 valiant man on this side of the sea : the most adventurous 
 in gaining a battle, and the most successful in taking 
 castles, to be found in this age." 
 
 " Now look carefully at him," said the third. " He has a 
 fine manly person, with the mien of a wild boar : with fists 
 large and square, fit for bearing a sword, and legs and thighs 
 capable of enduring great fatigue. I pray God that he 
 may end his life with honour ! "* 
 
 The Countess of Trastamara was conducted by her noble 
 and gallant escort of lords and knights into Burgos, where 
 she was welcomed by the fair citizens, clothed in their 
 richest attire, and accompanied to the palace which had 
 been prepared for her reception. t On the following Sunday, 
 which was Easter, the coronation took place in the church 
 
 * Cuvelicr, w. 8760, 8885 ; Chroniquc (Anonyme) de Du Guesclin, 
 ch. Ixxiii. pp. 39, 40. 
 
 t Ayala differs both from Cuvelier and the author of the prose 
 Chronicle of Du Guesclin, and says that Donna Juana, the wife of 
 Henry, was sent for from Burgos, hut that she did not arrive before her 
 husband had left the city. — Cronica del Key Don Pedro, p. 410. Ayala 
 was not present at the coronation, as he was one of those who 
 accompanied I'eter in his precipitate flight from liurgos. 
 
282 Life and Times of [Chap. 20. 
 
 of the monastery of Las Huelgas ; and that ceremony was 
 followed by a splendid dinner, "consisting of all good 
 things, besides plovers, herons, and roasted capons, with 
 the richest wines of the country." Henry, when he became 
 a king, did not delay in showing his appreciation of the 
 services of the brave men who had placed the crown of 
 the Castilles on his head ; and, accordingly, one of the first 
 acts of his administration was to distribute his favours with 
 a liberal hand. As he probably supposed that he would 
 have no further need of his private fortune, he gave the 
 county of Trastamara, with the title of count, to Ikrtrand 
 du Guesclin, whom he afterwards created Duke of Molina ; 
 and to the Count de Denia, the leader of the Aragonese 
 auxiliaries, he gave the lands which had formed the dowry 
 of his wife, with the title of Marquis of Villena. Sir Hugh 
 Calverly was created Count of Carrion, and to the Begue de 
 Villaines he gave the county of Ribadea. Among all the 
 foreign knights he distributed large gifts and rich jewels ; 
 and so bountifully, that " they all spoke of him as a liberal 
 and honourable lord, and as worthy to live and reign in 
 great prosperity." Such profuse liberality on the part of 
 their new monarch was regarded with some jealousy by 
 his Castilian subjects, and "Don Enrique's favours" be- 
 came a proverbial expression in their language, at that 
 time, to signify such rewards as were received before they 
 were earned.* 
 
 As Peter the Cruel showed no intention to defend his 
 most important places, or meet his enemies in the field, the 
 leaders of the Free Companies regarded the kingdom as 
 already conquered, and sujjposed that thenceforth there would 
 
 * Cuvelicr, vv. 8892, 8920 ; Kroissart, liv. i. i)art ii. p. 506 ; Chro- 
 niipu (Anonyme) de Du Guesclin, ch. Ixxiii. ; Ayala, Crotiica del Rey 
 Don Pedro, p. 408 ; Mcriinec's " Hist, of I'ctcr tlic CnicI," vol. ii. 
 p. 203. 
 
Chap. 20.] Bertrand du GuescUn. 283 
 
 be little for them to do : so it was proposed in one of their 
 councils that they should march against the infidels in the 
 neighbouring kingdom of Granada. Henry, who was far 
 from believing that the crown which he had lately assumed 
 was already won, and who knew how much of his previous 
 success was due to the terror impressed on the mind of 
 Peter and his troops by the disciplined valour of his foreign 
 mercenaries, was greatly alarmed at the apprehension of 
 losing their aid, at the very moment when he hoped to 
 make his conquests secure. He therefore used every argu- 
 ment to induce the leaders not to abandon him at that 
 time : " for Peter," he said, " would return, and leave him 
 neither wife nor child ;" and where, he asked them, could 
 they expect to acquire greater booty than in conquering 
 Spain 5 or, if they sought infidels and Jews, they could find 
 enough of both in the kingdom, whom they might slaughter 
 at their will. To these arguments the queen joined her 
 passionate intercession, ofiering high pay, with whatever 
 else she possessed of gold, silver, or jewels ; adding, " I have 
 no cincture, and nothing great or small, that I would not 
 give to be delivered from the tyrant, even were I to drink 
 out of glass during the balance of my life, or be forced to 
 wear but a single robe of buckram." The earnestness and 
 eloquence of the queen, apart from the tempting ofi"ers of 
 increased pay and abundant booty, made these stem war- 
 riors at once give way ; and Bertrand du Guesclin, the Begue 
 de Villaines, the Marechal d'Audeneham, Sir Hugh Cal- 
 verly, Walter Huet, and Escamboune, successively expressed 
 the determination of the chiefs to remain with Henry, and 
 aid him in driving Peter out of the kingdom.* 
 
 Henry, after settling his affairs at Burgos, left the city and 
 proceeded towards Toledo. While on his way he received 
 
 * Cuvelier, vv. 8979, 9040. 
 
284 Life and Times of [Cliap. 20. 
 
 the submission of many cities and towns, as well as the 
 adhesion of a number of nobles and knights ; among whom 
 was Don Diego Garcia de Padilla, Master of Calatrava, and 
 brother of Maria de Padilla, the late mistress or wife of 
 Peter.* When Henry approached Toledo, much dissension 
 sprang up among the different parties in the city : for, while 
 Don Garcia Alvarez, grand-master of Sant Jago, who had 
 been left in command of the city, with his brother Ferrand 
 Alvarez, and some Castilian knights, still adhered to Peter, 
 a large and influential body of the citizens, headed by 
 Diego Gomez, the mayor, and commandant of the castle, 
 favoured the claims of Henry. At length it was agreed to 
 admit Henry into the city ; and the governor, Don Garcia 
 Alvarez, not only opened the gates, but, in consideration of 
 a large reward, surrendered the mastership of Sant Jago, 
 which was claimed by Don Gonzalo Mexia, a partisan of 
 Henr}% 
 
 During his sojourn of fifteen days in Toledo, Henry 
 imposed a very large fine, amounting to a million maravedis, 
 on the Jews of the city, which was paid before he left 
 the place, and which served the double purpose of paying 
 his troops and increasing his popularity with his Castilian 
 subjects : for, apart from his irrc'vcrence for the church, and 
 contempt for its ministers, Peter had lost in a great degree 
 the regard of the Christian portion of his subjects, by his 
 continued trust and confidence in the Jews and Moors of 
 the kingdom. While he remained in Toledo, Henry re- 
 ceived the procurators of a nuniljer of towns and important 
 places in Castille and Leon, who came to offer him their 
 homage, and acknowledge him as their sovereign. On 
 leaving Toledo, he ap])ointed as governor Don Gome/, 
 
 * Maria do Padilla died at .Seville, in the month of July, 1362. — 
 Ayala, ].. 112,. 
 
Chap. 20.] Bertrand (ill Giicsclin. 285 
 
 Manri(iue, the popular archbishop of tliat city, and followed 
 his rival, Peter, into the province of Andalucia.* 
 
 Peter found, soon after his arrival at his favourite city of 
 Seville, that it was not more to be trusted than the otiier 
 cities of his kingdom ; and, thereupon, he resolved to send his 
 eldest daughter. Donna Beatriz, to his uncle Pedro, king of 
 Portugal, to whose son, Don Ferdinand, she had been 
 affianced, with the dowrj' which he had given her, besides a 
 large quantity of doubloons and jewellery, which had been 
 left to her by her mother, Maria de Padilla. Upon learn- 
 ing that Henry had left Toledo in pursuit of him, he col- 
 lected all his treasures and placed them on board an armed 
 galley, under the charge of his treasurer, INIartin Yanez, 
 with orders to proceed to Tavira, in Portugal, and there wait 
 for him. Then, fearing for his own safety, he listened to 
 reports that the citizens were greatly excited against him, 
 and that they were making preparations to besiege him in 
 his castle,t and hastily left the city, with his two youngest 
 daughters, Constance and Isabel, and fled in great terror 
 towards the borders of Portugal. Before reaching that 
 kingdom Peter was enabled to realize how low he had 
 fallen, by a message he received from the king of Por- 
 tugal, that " the Infante Don Ferdinand does not desire 
 to wed the Infanta Donna Beatriz, and that he could not 
 see him." To add to his humiliation, he was informed, at 
 the same time, that Bocanegra, his Genoese admiral, hitherto 
 deemed faithful, had sailed from Seville with an armed 
 
 * Ayala, Cronica del Rey Don Pedro, pp. 410, 412. 
 
 + Cuvelicr, who differs materially from Ayala, and enters into much 
 detail as to the incidents which led to the entrance of Henry into .Seville, 
 states that the hostile designs of the Jewish portion of the citizens were 
 disclosed to Peter by a beautiful Jewish maiden, one of his numerous 
 mistresses, who also informed him that the Christian portion of the 
 population had agreed to receive Henry; which so alarmed his fears, 
 that he left Seville before sunrise of the next day, w\ 9543, 9560. 
 
286 Life and Times of [Chap. 20. 
 
 galley and otlier ships, attacked the vessel in whicli he had 
 placed his treasures, and captured it, with Yanez, his trea- 
 surer.* 
 
 These unwelcome tidings decided Peter to await at Albu- 
 querque the result of a request which he had made to the 
 king of Portugal, for a safe-conduct through his dominions 
 into Galicia. The king of Portugal accordingly sent Don 
 Alvar Perez de Castro and the Count of Barcelos to 
 accompany him ; but they would proceed little farther than 
 half-way to the town of Guarda, for fear of incurring the 
 displeasure of the Infante Don Ferdinand of Portugal, who 
 was the nephew of Donna Juana, the wife of Henry. They 
 promised, however, upon receiving six thousand doubloons 
 and two swords with rich silver belts, to attend Peter as far 
 as the borders of Galicia ; but they abandoned him at 
 Lamego, on the Douro, and he was forced to gain the 
 frontiers of his own kingdom without their escort. 
 
 The province of Galicia still preserved its loyalty to 
 Peter ; but it was too poor a country to supply him with any 
 very material aid. Here, however, he was permitted to 
 look about him and examine what resources he might still 
 rely on. He had with him but two hundred horse. He 
 was informed that five hundred horse and two thousand 
 foot could be raised in Galicia, and that Soria and Logrono, 
 with the castle of Zamora, were still true to him. This was 
 very insufficient means to resist the numerous and well- 
 trained troops of his brother Henry, so Peter adopted the 
 counsel that accorded best with his own fears, and resolved 
 to leave the kingdom ; but, as he could not go away without 
 another taste of blood, as at Burgos, he witnessed from an 
 elevation in the church the assassination of the Archbishop 
 
 * Tlie prize amounted to thirty-six quintals of gokl, besides many 
 jewels. — Ayala, Cronica dd Rcy Don Pcdro^ p. 420. 
 
Chap, 20.] Bcrtratid du Gucsdifi. 287 
 
 of Sant Jago ; and, after receiving a favourable response 
 to a message he liad sent to Edward, Prince of Wales, he 
 embarked at Corunna, with his daughters and the treasures 
 which he carried with him.* 
 
 Ayala, Cronica dd Rcy Don Pedro, pp. 412, 420. 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
7$