(f-^tX^U 14r*^> c) property in slaves, andto all property, val- uable because of slavery ; the peril to the white race, from the insubordination of the African, under the impulse of Abolition agitation and law ; the overthrow of Southern society and the destruction of Southern civilization, by the action of ignorant and fanatical enemies ; the submergence of all the hopes for progress of eight millions of civilized men, by the tide of empirical legislation upon our social and political institutions ; the subjection of all the interests of the South to the absolute control of an alien and hating ma- jority ; these made up the secular element, which drove the Southern people to disunion, as the only hope of safety, for their property, their homes, their liberties, their civil- ization. The religious element arose from other views. When the white race, possessed of the refinement and christian civilization of the best nations, looked upon the four millions of semi-barbarians, entrusted to their keeping by the hand of Providence, they felt a deep and growing responsibility for their improvement in character for time and for eternity. The immortal interests of such a mass of savage life, pressed hard upon the conscience of Southern masters. Nor had they wholly failed to meet it. Out of this large number of the descendants of heathen, in less than two centuries, half a million are professing members of evangelical churches. This fact is worth a thousand theories as to the savage nature of slavery. The home of the slave is the only spot, whence, as yet, Ethiopia has stretched out its hands unto God. Missionary effort elsewhere fails to- point to such a triumph of Christianity among the sons of Africa, as the Southern Church can justly claim in behalf of Christian slaveholders ! Emancipation, wherever tried, has proved fruitless of christianizing influence upon this race. In the West Indies, 16 at the North, in the South, the proportion of Christians among the freed Africans, is far less than among the slaves. The reason is obvious. Freedom to a savage or semi-civilized race, is only freedom to be idle and depraved. Such races need guardianship. They are in the infancy of their devel- opment — and must be kept in a state of pupillage to a better race. This is the philosophy of the relation of master and slave, based on experience and facts. All other philosophy based on theory, in ignorance of the facts, is vain and friv- olous, and in practice, must be vicious.. Northern churches insisted upon emancipation, as a pres- ent imperative duty of the slaveholder. They disturbed the relation, and thus prevented the best practicable discipline and education of the slave. They interfered with the con- science of the master in meeting the obligations of duty imposed upon him. They agitated to make the races hate, instead of love and trust each other. They sowed seeds of discord in the Church and made religious instruction difficult and even dangerous. If the master taught -his slave to read the Bible, the Abolition emissary used this attainment, as a means of instilling hatred and revenge against his master, and placed an appeal in his hands, for arson, murder and rebellion. The Church was bound, as a Christian duty, to repel this interference — to protect its fold from the incursions of the . wolf — and to preserve the threatened unity of its commu- nion. Keligion in the South, for the white and black, must inevitably perish, if the work of Abolition was left unob- structed. The Church, as the guardian of religion, was, therefore, constrained to oppose Abolition, by every lawful meaus. Such were the secular and religious elements in the South, which led to a watchfulness of the movements of Abolition in the Northern States. In its success, the South could see no result, but ruin to its industry, to its social and political relations — and to the sacred cause of religion. Home would be blotted from the South ; and our land would become one 17 vast battlefield, where the torch of the incendiary would blaze at every hearthstone, and bloodshed and crime, would reign in the sunny domain, where pleasant associations, aud the dignity of virtue, and every Christian grace had made their abode for a century. If men and women were not prepared, at the risk of pro- perty and life, to defend home, civilization and religion, in the fear of God, and without the fear of man, then the South would have proved unworthy of a place among na- tions, and derelict to the mighty trust, which God had con- fided to their keeping. Look now at history ! Forty years ago, the North vio- lated the Constitution, as the Supreme Court of the United States, have recently decided, by excluding the South, with, its social institutions, from lands purchased with the com- mon treasure of the country. This was a step to increase the power of the North for political action. It disturbed the balance of power. The South complained, but ac- quiesced for Peace and the Union. Fifteen years later, the North flooded Congress with Pe- titions for interference with slavery in the South. It was then almost universally conceded, that the Constitution did not allow such interference. The South said — "If you have no power to act, why disturb our peace by these con- stant clamours for action ? Why insult us in our common counsels by denouncing the domestic relations of our homes ? If we are eutitled to have slavery, surely we are entitled to hold it in peace." These appeals for action, at last generated action. Nego- tiation gave us Oregon. By express law, the South was excluded from it forever. The country became engaged in war with Mexico. Peace brought accessions of new territo- ry. The arms of North and South had united to win a rich domain — and the money of both contributed to acquire it by conquest and purchase. The North with almost entire unanimity demanded the whole domain for their own colonization and settlement, 3 18 and the entire exclusion of the South. By direct and indi- rect means, it succeeded — and the slaveholder could not take his slave to any part of that vast domain, for acquiring which, he had poured out his blood and treasure. This was a deep wrong! It was a gross insult! It branded such infamy upon the South, as proclaimed it unfit for association with the people of the North. The South was made use of to acquire, what it was thus declared unwor- thy to enjoy. This action changed the political balance in every department of the Government. The united North, from that moment, could pass any law, and could elect a President against the will of a united South. Thenceforth the South was at the mercy of the North, and held its dear- est rights, at the will of the dominant section. The South still clung to the hope that the North would do it justice. It tried by the strategy of party combinations, to divide the dominant section, and thus defeat action fatal to its rights and liberties. But the North, from the moment the balance of power was disturbed, began to consolidate parties in that section, and abolitionize the whole. That once accomplished, the union of the will and the 'power to do, made its warfare upon Southern interests effectual, and the consummation of its ultimate purpose, certain. Time would work out the result — and the ruin of the South would be only a question of time. The North knew this. The South saw it. Still the South struggled to awaken or keep alive in some of the Northern people, a sense of justice to the rights which the Constitu- tion designed to protect. The States labored for this end and the Church prayed for it. But the North was conscious of its new-born power, and was proud of the mastery it had at last achieved. Its churches pointed to the sin upon the Southern soul — and its demagogues to the stain of slavery on the flag of the Union. Agitation deep and strong took hold of the masses — books and sermons were written — speeches and lectures 19 uttered, all with one aim— to show that the sin of slavery must be extirpated by the Church, and that the black blot on the American name, imprinted by this Southern crime, must be washed from the flag of a free people forever. In 1856, this Abolition party, (numbering 60,000 in 1844,) had grown to 1.300,000. It only sustained defeat by the accidents of a canvass. But it felt its power, and the South read its doom. This success was a truce, not a victory. Both sections felt it, and subsequent events proved it. Abolition approach- ed its flood tide, and Northern friends of the South began to give way. On the memorable night of October 17th, 1859, the old- est commonwealth in the Union, first in settlement, first in organization— Virginia, which had granted a domain to the Union, now forming five great States of the North-west; Virginia, which,' in council had done more for the formation and progress of the Union, than any other State ; Virginia, which had given her Washington to the military and civil administration of the new-born Republic; this "Ancient , Dominion," was the scene and the victim of an Abolition raid, designed to raise her slaves to insurrection, and to de- vote her homes to flame and desolation and outrage ! The project failed ; the invasion was suppressed ; the leaders were executed ! We now sadly smile to think, how far less criminal was John Brown, than those Northern professing friends, who, three years ago, hypocritically denounced him, and now, equal him in brutality of purpose and surpass him in its successful execution. His raid was, but a faint type of their cruel ivar. Throughout the North, bells tolled, eulogies were pro- nounced, the drapery of mourning was paraded, in honor of these martyrs in the sacred cause of Abolition. Instead of the dreadful event producing a reaction against the senti- ment, which had originated it, it strengthened and ad- vanced. The friends of Abolition organized anew for the 20 Presidential election. All available opposition to it was over* whelmed; and the tornado of Anti-slavery swept resistless- ly over the North, and bore to the Executive chair its idol, (and such an idol !) and to the halls of Congress a delega- tion, intent upon adverse action to the institutions of the South. The North was united upon its idolatrous worship of Anti- slavery ; and the South was as united against it. The fatal hour had come, when in solid phalanx, the North took hold upon all the power of the Government, against the impo- tent voice of a protesting South. Both sections were united — but in stern opposition, the one to the other. They be- came in fact, two nations in sentiment, linked together by a feeble political bond. The Union had ceased in truth ; it existed only in form. As well attempt to hold France and England under the same Government, as to hope the North and the South could remain longer in Union, when the one purposed a destructive policy, which the other was yet more strongly bound to resist with all its energy. The President elect had declared there could be no peace for the South, until the JSTorth u could rest in the belief, that it" (slavery) "is in the course of ultimate extinction." He had gravely written, that " those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God, cannot long retain it " He has realized the truth of this sentiment for the North ! It has denied freedom to the South, and it has lost it ; it has struck a blow at the liberty of the South, and has fatally pierced its own ! Mr. Seward was made the Premier of the new adminis- tration ; a man, possessed of more power and influence with his party, than any other. He had, in a public speech, a few years ago, declared its fixed policy in these terms : " Free labor has at last apprehended its rights and its destiny, and is organizing itself to assume the government of the Republic. It will henceforth meet you boldly and resolutely here ; it will meet you everywhere, in the Terri- tories and out of them, wherever you may go to extend slavery. It has driven you back in California and in Kan- 21 sas ; it will invade you soon in Delaware, Maryland, Vir* ginia, Missouri and Texas." (Was not the crack of the rifle of John Brown, the mere echo of the sentiment of the Sen- ator ?) " It will meet you in Arizona, in Central America, and even in Cuba." " You may indeed get a start under or near the tropics, and seem safe for a time, but it will be only a short time. Even there you will found States only for free labor to main- tain and occupy. The interest of the whole race demands the ultimate emancipation of all men." Now mark the menace : " Whether that consummation shall be allowed to take effect, with needful and wise precautions against sudden change and disaster, or be hurried on by violence, is all that remains for you to decide !" "■ It is for yourselves, and not for us, to decide how long and through what further molli- fications and disasters the contest shall be protracted before freedom shall enjoy her already assured triumph !" The policy of the Republican party had been boldly avowed. The exclusion of slavery from the common Terri- tory, and the refusal to admit any more slave States ; Abo-' lition in the District of Columbia, and in all forts and arse- nals ; the outlawry of slavery, by treating it as out of the protection of the Government ; thjp denial of the surrender of fugitive slaves, or so to trammel it, as to involve the lib- erty, and life of the master ; the proclamation of the equal- ity of the two races in the South ; agitation for Abolition in Congress, in the States, in the Church ; and finally, the throwing of the moral influence of the whole Union against the social institutions of one half of it ; the surrounding of slavery by a cordon of free States, thus shutting it up within its present limits, with the avowed purpose, so to endanger our peace, limit our prosperity, and press the growing pop- ulation of the two races together, as to work out the '^ulti- mate extinction" of slavery, and the revolution of Southern society ! All this was purposed to be done under a Constitution, which recognized and protected slavery — and treated, as equals, free and slave States — and by a Government formed and bound to . protect, defend and advance each 22 End all the States, in all their interests and institutions. The South was told it had but one thing to decide : Shall the result he rapid and violent — or slow, torturing, and de- basing, though not less certain? The States of the South have humbly appealed to God, and may boldly appeal to Christendom, to justify them in. refusing the alternative presented. To accept either horn of the dilemma, was to accept degradation and ruin. What would remain of dignity or virtue in civilization — of liberty and right in Government— of order and progress in society — should a people consent to so base a surrender of its^ALL, to the violence of the marauder — or to the sl#w poison of a torturing and wasting assassination? The South could never, thenceforth, have been free, prosperous or happy — and without these, its civilization — its claim to a place, as a people in Cnristendom, must perish forever ! The Church of the South can make its appeal to its bro- thers in Christ, throughout the world — for its justification in sustaining these States in the defence of these great tem- poral interests. If the Church has ever, any where, prayed and labored for its county in great war struggles, let such Church furnish a parallel to the interests staked upon the cause of the South. If the welfare of the Church is bound up in that of the State — if her safety under the shield of civil government, depends on its integrity and the defence of its law and its Constitution — if there can be no well or- dered and prosperous church, where the State is torn by social disorder, or oppressed by external tyranny — then was the Southern Church bound to pray for, and defend these States, from the threatened violence of Northern tyranny, and the menaced convulsion of Southern society. Where would be the Church interests of Great Britain, should a mad fanaticism proclaim to its laboring classes the overthrow of its monarchy, its aristocracy — its ecclesiastical polity? Where was France and its Church, when social revolution, in its red torrent, rushed through the streets of Paris, with the cry of no government — and no God ? Would 23 the Church, in these cases, be justified in throwing its pow- er into the scale of order and law, and ancient Church polity? And should the Church of God, in these Southern States, remain passively neutral, when a crusade is pro- claimed by Abolition,, which will raise four millions of slaves, ignorant and debased, into brutal insurrection against their masters — and drench Southern fields in blood, or stain Southern homes with murder, rapine and rape? Can the followers of Christ remain at ease in their Zion, when the wildest tornado of revolution menaces society — and the Communion of Saints — of masters and servants — was rent by the wedge of cruel hatred and savage War? Could the Church, the guardian of religion, see its founda- tions upturned, its loving people roused to fury by the teachings of an insane fanaticism, and stand all the day idle, iu the midst of such a crisis? Could it deny its mission of peace ? We appeal to Christians everywhere ! Are we not justi- fied in standing by our country in the breach, which Aboli- tion threatened to make in our society and in the Church of God? We believe no such issue was ever presented in menace to a Christian nation, which was not met by war. But let it be remembered, we did not resent the menace by war. We sought to avoid war. We prayed, and asked for peace ! The Cotton States decided it was no longer safe to remain in the Union. Eight of them withdrew, by ordinances of Secession. Upon written terms, and for specified purposes, they had acceded to that union. They seceded from it, when the terms were violated, and the purposes were defeated. They did no act of violence. They neither threatened, nor desired war. They withdrew in peace, and to secure Peace ! The whole question, as presented to them, was, shall we act for our safety upon the menace of violence? or, shall we await the development of the hostile policy of our foes? 24 As roost people have done in human history, who have suc- ceeded in achieving liberty and independence, they acted promptly, and did not await the fall of the blow before taking steps for safety. In February, 1861, these States adopted a new Constitu- tion, differing but little from the old, and formed a new Confederation. But they declared no war against the United States. They made provision, it is true, for Public Defence, but in their official documents, deprecated the resort to war. They, made the navigation of the Mississippi, free to the Northern States. But they did more — they tendered the Olive branch of Peace. In their very Constitution, they provided that 'the Gov- ernment hereby instituted, shall take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between the States forming it and their other late confederates of the United States, in relation to the public property and public debt, at the time of their withdrawal from them — these States hereby declar- ing it to be their wish and earnest desire, to adjust every thing pertaining to the common property, common liability and common obligations of that union, upon the principles of right, justice, equity and good faith." Commissioners were appointed, and were sent to Wash- ington, to propose and to negotiate a peaceful adjustment. After repeated delays, upon pretexts feigned for a purpose, all overtures for peaceful separation, were rejected, and the war policy was proclaimed. Meantime, the United States continued to hold some of the forts in the Seceded States. These places ceded by the States for the security of their liberties, were bristling with guns, loaded and pointed at their cities and homes — as the securities of Despotism, for its continued oppression ! The President of the United States declared, officially, his purpose to hold, permanently, these forts, and to recap- ture, by force, those taken by the Confederate States, with- in their borders. Such a policy could not be permitted — unless these States were prepared to surrender their posi- tion of independence. Each fort was a key to our commerce — and to our liberty. In the hands of a power, which de- nied our independence, these keys would forever debar us from attaining or enjoying it? The holding of a fort with- in our borders, was war upon us— and could not be acqui- esced in. The Confederate Government so declared to the United States. Submi-ssion to this policy would have made secession an empty formality. But the United States, in possession of Fort Sumter, saught to re-in force and supply it. This effort, and the rejection of the overtures of peace, made its bombardment a necessity. It surrendered .on the 13th of April, 1861. Two days after its surrender, the President issued his pro- clamation of war — his call for 75,000 troops— his denoftnee- ment of insurgency against 8 large States — and his purpose to suppress secession, by force of arms. This had been a covert policy until Sumter fell. That event compelled its disclosure. * These States sought only to be free and independent. They preferred no claim against the United States., They said, we cannot live under your Government in safety — seek your own welfare in peace — let us seek ours without war — - we will settle all questions amicably — since we cannot liv e together without conflict andcontention, let us separate in peace : — " Let there be no strife, I pray thee, between me and thee ; for we be brethren. Is not the whole land before thee — separate thyself, I pray thee, from me — if thou wilt take the left hand, then I will go to the right, or, if thou depart to the right hand, then I will go to the left.'" Could anything be more reasonable aud just? Could the South propose terms more Christian in their character? But Pharoah was resolved not to let the people go ! Eight sovereign States, were denounced as insurgents, and were told to return to their homes -or war was declared. The riot act was read to eight commonwealths ; and a bill of indictment was found against 12,000,000 of people ! t 26 The will of the free people of 8 free States was to be con- strained by a free (?) Government, by force of arms ! In the name of liberty — liberty to choose their own Govern- ment was denied, at the point of the bayonet ! ' Virginia and the Southern States remaining in the Union, were summoned to arms, by President Lincoln, to suppress the Southern Rebellion. They were, thus, compelled to make war. They could not choose "peace --end avoid war. They could only choose on which side to array themselves in the war, forced upon them. Could they hesitate? They chose, upon the issue of war, to take the side of the oppressed, against the arms of the oppressor. We appeal to Christendom— to Christians everywhere — could the South submit to the rule of the North, whose menace of wrong was thus backed by violence ? Could the Christian Church in the South fail to pray for the defence of rights threatened by a usurping Government, or refuse to unite in resistance to that usurpation sustained by the force of arras ? The war has been waged without mercy — barbarously, cruelly and wickedly. If we were regarded by our enemy, as an independent nation, the conduct of the war is contra- ry to all the rules of civilized warfare, and a violation of the law of nations. No war in modern times, among Chris- tian nations, has been marked by such ferocity — such disregard of private rights of persons and property — such assaults upon the liberty and conscience of private citizens — such atrocities towards non-combatants, men, women and children — and such wicked violations of all sanctions of our Holy religion. In the estimate of international law, our enemy must stand for condemnation in the Pillory of Nations ! We may waive all questions of minor consequence — and the mention of all acts of subordinate officers, which have made a' grievous cry ascend to heaven for justice. We may fail to recount the brutal orders of a Pope, a Hunter, and a Butler. Humanity through all time, will remember such 27 men, only to detest find execrate them. Theirs will be an immortality in infamy ! But we choose to rest our charges upon the official action of the Government. The Federal Government refuses to recognize our inde- pendence, and still claims these States as members of the Federal Union. And yet, at every step of this contest, that Government, in its own view, of the relations of the parties to it, tramples under foot the Constitution, its officers are sworn to support, and which it falsely professes a purpose to restore. It has made war upon these sovereign States, whose dele- gated authority it claims to exercise — and' without which it would never have existed. It has made war upon them, without justice or mercy, as if these people were alienf and savages. It has blockaded our ports, which the Constitu- tion guaranteed should be open and free. It has declared the universal confiscation of all property held by those it terms, Rebels, in the teeth of the Constitution, and without trial or conviction of the owners for any crime. It has thus, by a general law of Attainder, condemned a whole people, when the Constitution declares, no Bill of Attainder shall be passed. It has sanctioned the act of its President in his unconstitutional annulment of the habeas corpus. It has established a military Star Chamber, for the trial of its citi- zens, without authority of law, against the express mandate of the Constitution, without indictment, without a trial by jury, and for crimes not defined by law/ but created by mil- itaiy order ! It has muzzled the press, abridged the free- dom of speech, and has prohibited the free exercise of reli- gion, even in the Northern States. It has emancipated millions of slaves by a dash of the pen of its President, thus by imperial edict devoting to destruction $3,000,000,000 worth of property, without compensation and for no public use ! It has stirred up these slaves to insurrection and wrfr upon their masters, and enlisted them in its armies. It has given freedom to the slave, and put chains upon his master, 28 ' without warrant of law, and beyond the hope of relief. It has reduced sovereign States to mere provinces, and super- seded their Governments by its own military satraps. It has declared its ferocious policy to subjugate or exterminate, to ruin or destroy. It has invaded, by force, the homes of unarmed citizens and burned or plundered.them. It has driven helpless women and children from their blazing- homes, without shelter to shield them, or food to support them. It has destroyed the implements of husbandry, thus seeming to purpose, what is openly avowed by its agents, the starvation of our people. It has desecrated our houses of worship ; has stifled the voice of prayer by violence ; and his dragged the ministers of religion from the sacred Church for the utterance of supplication to God for their bleeding counwy. It has committed the worst crime against the hu- man soul, by requiring men to take its oath of allegiance, as a condition for the privilege of purchasing needful sup- plies for their families, thus compelling to perjury, or con- demning to starvation. It has so conducted this war against us, as (if we were still members of the Federal Union,) would violate every prin- ciple of the Conseitution under which it was created. It has defeated every object for which it was formed. It has done gross injustice, though formed " to establish justice." It has stirred up servile insurrection, though formed " to insure domestic tranquility." It has made fierce war upon us, though formed "to provide for our defence." It has spread ruin and desolation in its march, though formed " to promote our welfare." It has destroyed liberty of thought, of speech, of action ; liberty of the press — liberty of religion — though formed u to secure the blessings of liberty to us and our posterity !" It has destroyed our lives— confiscated our property— in- vaded our homes — engendered a war of races in our midst. l£ has, when defeated by our armed men in the field, meanly turned its weapons against non-combatants — our women and our little ones. It has traitorouslv intervened between 29 § the conscience and God, and made religion a mockery ; and last, and perhaps worst, it has dared to tempt our peo- ple to perjury, by the alternative of starvation to their wives and children ! These wrongs against us — these crimes against God and the human race, are enough to justify these States and the Church, in combined resistance to such an enemy — our resistance now, is a resistance against the destruction of our All. But let it be remarked, that these acts arc, but the execu- tion of the previous measure. Though done subsequent to the war, they demonstrate the existence of a purpose and intent on the part of our enemy, to avoid which, some of these States sagaciously seceded prior to its commencement. None can doubt, that the atrocious vengeance of the North, is but the rapid manifestation of covert purposes as certain of consummation without secession, but which that event ripened into the overt act of wrong ami outrage. The war has, in the language of Mr. Seward, already quoted, hur- ried on the consummation of their policy by violence — which by slower, but equally sure means would have followed, had the South continued as submissive vassals to their unbridled and absolute power ! We insist, then, that the menacing attitude of the North, was not empty bravado — but was the manifestation of a real purpose to destroy the South — and the vengeance, which secession has roused, has only demonstrated that fact the more clearly, by more rapidly maturing the covert and dead- ly intention. Hatred of the South has been felt for years — and only waited a fit occasion, to ripen into the deadly fruits of a war of desolation, plunder and ruin. These facts demonstrate further, that civil liberty was imperilled by the continuance of the Union. We have escaped great danger. The people, who have, in two years, so crushed out every spark of constitutional freedom for themselves, were never sale guardians of our liberties, but soouer or later, must have destroyed them. With the loss 30 of civil liberty, religious liberty mast have perished: and hence, the Church was deeply involved in the issue, as has been already shown. The facts which we have thus presented, in review, show that our people have only sought to preserve their liberty, their type of civilization, and their religion ; that in doing so, the change of our Government was necessary : that we seceded to effect this change— that we did so with the ten- der of the Olive branch of peace, and the proposal of nego- tiation to settle all differences ; that we were met with the declaratian of a war of subjugation — a war for the ruin of our property, our society and political institutions ; that it has been waged fiercely and wickedly — and that, as a Chris- tian people, we stand in the thresholds of our homes, to repel violence, to defend our God-granted rights — to save our free institutions — our civilization and our religion. One further view may be presented. We feel, that where two types of civilized life, come into irreconcilable and "irrepressible conflict," under the same form and system of Government, it is a"n indication of Pro- vidence, that separation between them, is, according to the purpose of God. Two such types, require two nationalities fbv their appropriate development. The difference between the North and the South, representatives of two distinct civilizations, grew from small beginnings, until the conflict was angry and fatal to the interests of both in continued Union. Fortunately, the Confederate form of our Govern- ment made secession an easy and proper remedy. The fin- ger of God pointed it out— and all subsequent events have only demonstrated the total incompatibility of the Union of the two sections. It is in this way, that the Divine hand has divided conti- nents, and established nations. The consolidation of a con- tinent, under one Governmental system, has continued, only so long, as some providence did not open the way for sepa- ration into distinct nationalities. When that has been -accomplished, the world has perceived, how such an event 31 is fraught with the blessings of a larger progress — a better assured liberty — and a more varied and comprehensive civilization. Europe was consolidated under Roman dominion. It was rent into separate nations by the seeming overthrow" of the best hopes of man. Centralization has since been often attempted , but the Hand which scattered the world at Babel, has as often frustrated the attempt — and Europe, iir in its decentralization, finds to-day, a more varied, broad and comprehensive development of all the elements which constitute highly civilized life, than were it but one great nation, under a C;esar, a Charlemagne, or a Napoleon ! Is it not the finger of God, which has dispersed the Babel builders of this wide-reaching Union, and has ordained a better destiny in separation, for the two destinctive types of American civilization ? And why should it have been followed by violence ? The South sought it in peace. The North opposes it by war ! Do not the events antecedent to the war, justify secession ? Do not succeeding events confirm the wisdom and necessity of that action ? Does not the history we have traced, show that we should never look back to that Union, but in giati- tude to God, that we were rescued from the evils, that must have followed its continuance, and that now, rather than return to that Egypt of our bondage, we should die in the wilderness of revolution ? And is not the Christian Church justified in its attitude of prayer for the success of our cause, and in its heroic and patriotic maintenance of our civil and religious liberties ? Christianity has furnished during this war the noblest types of heroic patriotism, which history records. The seal of their blood attests their devotion to the rights and the liberty of their country. Death has just closed the career of a man, whose name will live, while military genius excites admiration, or Chris- tian virtue has a votary. Amid the clouds which hung about the dawn of the war, the sun of Jackson arose from obscurity. It lias gone down at noon, amidst the splendors of achievements, which have had but few parallels in the past. The beginning of our struggle, found him a modest and unobtritsive professor of Natural Philosophy, in the Vir- ginia Military Institute ; a simple hearted, sincere and de- ■, vout Christian, the teacher of a Bible class, the superinten- dent of a Sunday school, for negro slaves. His was a nature strong, resolute and firm, because guided only by the Divine will : a mind in perfect peace, because stayed on God. Faith in Him was the motive power of every action — a sense of His omnipresence the air he breathed — submission to His providence, the permanent condition of his soul. In politics he had no aspirations. He clung to the late Union, with the hope of justice to lfis country, until the proclamation of April 15, 1361. When that event occurred, the sword he had laid aside from aversion to strife, and love of peace, he resumed, from the conscientious conviction, that civil and religious liberty were staked upon the issue of the war. Firm and decided, but never violent or vengeful, he fought as a Christian should, for right and not for blood. Of undaunted courage, with the real intuition of military genius, he, by fervent prayer, committed our cause into the hands of God before, and during battle, and when it closed in victory, he ascribed all the glory and honor to, the Lord of Hosts ! This was no affectation. It was sincere and true reverence of soul. He had no ambition for military glory. He wished the war to end. He desired to sheath his dripping sword in the scabbard of peace. He pined for the haunts of his moun- tain home — for the pleasant affections of family and friends — for the closet of sweet prayer — for the quiet sanctuary of God! Brought from obscurity by a sense of .duty, he struck every blow for his country, as if it were impelled by God's directing hand ; and fell a martyr to her liberty, in the arms of a victory, whose glory is immortal. In the exodus 33 of our people, from the oppression of the old Union, this extraordinary man, meek in submission to his God; holy in Christian virtue ; calmly brave, and devoutly prayerful, in the dreadful shock of battle ; a Captain of undoubted genius ; a victor upon an hundred fields ; this Moses of our host, from Pisgah's top, looking to and hoping for the indepen- dence of his nation, but doomed, without reaching and en- joying it, to die in "The Wilderness;" resigned his mighty soul to heaven ; met its solemn decree, with the trustful words, "It is all right;" and left the glorious heritage of his name to the Christian Church and to his weeping country ! Christianity may well cherish the memory of this holy hero, as the noblest example of pious patriotism ; and ap- peals to his name, as an imperishable proof, that the devout conscience of the South', in the fear and love of God, is con- strained to yield up life, a bleeding sacrifice upon the altar of its countiy independence ! For, can any man believe the heroism of Jackson was iuspired by any other motive, than the liberty of his country, the houor of God, and the ^lory oi his kingdom ? In concluding this address, it may be proper to suggest to our Christian brethren throughout the world, the aid they can render us. We ask no material aid. We need their prayers — their Christian sympathy. We have presented our justification before God and men. We have received reproach and defa- mation, from ignorance and malignity. Our conscience is void of offence in this war. We stand in our lot, to defend our right. We have been reviled abroad for slavery. If it were a curse, toe are the sufferers, though we did not bring it on ourselves. If it were an evil, we might claim pity, and surely should receive no blame. We deny it is either an evil or a curse, as those terms are intended, when used respect- ing slaves. But whether so or not, we found it here, and must deal with it, as we found it. 34 One tiling we know. We understand our own business,, greatly better than those who are 3.000 miles away. We dictate to no Christian people, nor provoke their ears with faults we think we see in either their social or political sys- tems. Let each be less ready to pluck the mote from the eve of the other and more intent upon the beam in his own. Let each study to fulfil its mission, according to the dictates of an enlightened Christian conscience. Wc are striving to do our duty. We are a superior race, with an inferior race to deal with. We are its guardians, and it is our pupil, and all this under God's good providence. As a Christian peo-pl we have a work of evangelization to do. We have \ our doors. The light of the gospel shines brightly in the cabin of the slave — but is extinguished in the hovel of the Hottentot. We repeat, God put the negro here, and placed us here in authority over him — to regulate him — to make him useful, instead of being unthrifty — industrious and not idle — Christian and not savage. This work we mean to do, despite the efforts of our foes in arms, and the revilings of ignorant fanaticism throughout the world. All we ask is, that Christian charity may judge us fairly, and give us credit for doing our duty, according to Christian conscience, in protecting our social institutions, as a God- given heritage, against the malignant assaults of our ene- mies. Beneath the frown of the world's prejudice ; beneath the cloud of .this cruel war, we feel the smile of God's face, and the pleasant shadow of His Almighty wings ! In His arm, we trust — in His might, we have triumphed ; His pil- lar of fire and of cloud is our guide ; and we bless Him, that we can still cherish the confiding hope, that in His own time and way, He will, through this sea, red with the blood of our bravest and our best, mark a pathway for His people to the Canaan of Peace, liberty and independence ! Christian brothers throughout Christendom 1 pray for us ! for we trust we have a good conscience, in all things willing to live honestly. Pray for us ! that we being delivered from our enemies, and the hands of all that hate us, may serve 85 our God without fear, in holiness and righteousness before Plim, all the days of our life. Finally : Let us pray for each other ! that the God of Peace, that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus, that great Shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant may make His Catholic Church perfect in every good work to do His will, working in it, that, which is well pleasing in His sight, through Jesus Christ: To whom he glory, for ever, and ever ! Amen.