, J7 
 
THE 
 
 SECOND TOWN HALL MEETING 
 
 THE VERNACULAR PRESS ACT, 
 
 Pursuant to notice issued by Mr. A. M. 
 Bose, on behalf of the Indian Association, a 
 public meeting of the inhabitants of Calcutta 
 and its vicinity was held at the Town Hall, on 
 Friday the 6th of September at 5 p. m., to 
 thank Mr. Gladstone and those members of 
 Parliament who, either by voting with him or 
 otherwise, had condemned the Vernacular Press 
 Act, and to take steps for the formation of a 
 standing Committee, in the interests of the 
 Vernacular Press. More than one thousand per- 
 sons were present. The Revd. K. M. Banerjea, 
 ll. d., was unanimously voted to the chair. 
 The Secretary then read a precis of the letters 
 which had been received, and which shewed 
 that the deepest sympathy was felt on behalf 
 of the movement throughout India. He read 
 extracts from communications received from the 
 Puna Sarvajanik Sabha, the Bombay Branch 
 of the East India Association, the Indian Asso- 
 ciation of Lahore, the Indian Association of 
 Allahabad, the Bajshai Association, the Bogra 
 Association, the Contai Association, the Meher- 
 pur Branch Indian Association, the Dacca Peo- 
 ple's Association, the Senhatty Association, and 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 other public bodies. Mr. Bose then referred 
 to a number of communications, equally ex- 
 pressive of strong sympathy with the move- 
 ment, which had been received from gentle- 
 men of eminence and position in different 
 parts of India, and concluded by reading 
 a telegram from the Hon'ble Humayoon Jah 
 Bahadur of Madras, who said that he warmly 
 sympathized with the objects of the Meeting. 
 
 The Chairmaiv said he^Ud notwish to detain 
 them long with^in^t"|ingf]4eftiacr£qjiay. They 
 had already heard' from the letters which their 
 excellent Secretary had just now read, how 
 this cause was sympathised with, in all parts 
 of India, and they had heard probably of the 
 Supreme Council itself taking measures for 
 amending the Vernacular Press Act. This 
 Meeting might be looked upon as a sequel to 
 the one which was held about five months ago, 
 and there was a great contrast between the 
 feelings and sentiments pervading the two res- 
 pective meetings. At the first meeting in 
 April, they were, as it were, under a cloud, in 
 the eyes of the civilized world. Not only 
 Europe, but also America, thought that they 
 must have done something that was very dis- 
 loval to have forfeited the confidence of the 
 local Government here, so that it was forced to 
 take such an unusual, such a retrograde step, 
 as to pass the Vernacular Press Act. Now, 
 however, compared to that time, they were 
 placed in a different light. The second man in 
 the British Empire, Mr. Gladstone, had de- 
 fended them from the charge of disloyalty 
 which had been brought against them. He 
 had, in Parliament, borne testimony to their 
 unswerving loyalty, and had challenged any 
 one to show from the printed papers which 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 were laid before the Government, any evidences 
 of disloyalty. He challenged the Government 
 to prove that they were really seditious. The 
 people of this country then appeared in a dif- 
 ferent light. They were under an accusation, 
 under an indictment. In spite of the feeling 
 against them, they were loyal. In spite of 
 having been convicted, they were unswerving 
 in their loyalty. They, therefore, met in that 
 Town Hall under different feelings and cir- 
 cumstances. They now -met for the pleasing 
 task of expressing their gratitude to those 
 individuals who had believed in their loyalty, 
 and expressed it so, in the face of the world. 
 But there was one who, above all, had earned 
 their gratitude, and who had, he might say, 
 created a new epoch in the history of Europe. 
 There were very many questions concerning 
 this country which had attracted attention and 
 debate in Parliament, and in which the natives 
 of India were concerned, but they were ques- 
 tions of policy between parties, questions as 
 to the existence or fall of this ministry or that 
 ministry ; but such a thing as a petition from 
 this country, from the natives of this country, 
 being taken into consideration not by a thin 
 house, but what might be called a full house, 
 was certainly something unprecedented. It 
 was also noteworthy that while on the grave 
 questions of ministerial policy, both preceding 
 and following the debate on the Vernacular 
 Press Law, the Government obtained enormous 
 majorities, our question was decided against, 
 by a bare majority of only about 38. They 
 all knew that there was a very full house 
 for the consideration of the Eastern ques- 
 tion, which was hotly debated afterwards, and 
 which concerned English policy. On that the 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 Government commanded a majority, exceeding 
 140. That showed that the question of the 
 Indian Press had excited an attention which 
 was unique, and it was but right that the 
 Meeting should acknowledge their gratitude 
 to those who supported their petition in Parli- 
 ament, and vindicated their loyalty to the 
 Queen, under whose administration they had 
 so long lived in peace and happiness, and en- 
 joyed so many privileges. 
 
 The Eevd. K. S. Macdonald, Principal, Free 
 Church College, moved the first resolution 
 which ran as follows ; — 
 
 " That this Meeting considers the late debate in the 
 House of Commons on the Vernacular Press Act, as an 
 auspicious event, for the cause of good government in 
 India, which, together with the righteous and unbiassed 
 tone of the English press on the subject, shews that the 
 leaders of the English nation have no sympathy with the 
 arbritrary, intolerant, and repressive policy of that measure, 
 that they recognize the claims of the people of this coun- 
 try to the rights of British citizenship, and acknowledge 
 the necessity of governing India according to the liberal 
 principles of English rule, and the responsibility of Par- 
 liament to secure the practical application of those prin- 
 ciples ; and as this happy result has, in no small degree, 
 been due, to the advocacy of the claims of the Vernacular 
 Press, by the Right Hon'ble W. E. Gladstone, this Meet- 
 ing desires to convey to that illustrious Statesman its hum- 
 ble but heartfelt acknowledgments and its deep sense of 
 gratitude, for so nobly vindicating, on behalf of the unre- 
 presented millions of India, the cause of free speech and 
 good government in India, which has been seriously threa- 
 tened by the enactment of the Vernacular Press Law." 
 
 Mr. Macdonald, in proposing the resolution, 
 remarked that it was not necessary that he 
 should speak at any great length. No oratory 
 was required to show the duty incumbent 
 upon them, the people of India, to express 
 their gratitude to those who had secured the 
 success of their petition, so far as it had been 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 successful ; and he held it had been very suc- 
 cessful. The Chairman had already pointed 
 out to thern the claims which Mr. Gladstone 
 had on their gratitude. When they considered 
 the age of Mr. Gladstone, the circumstances 
 in which he was placed, the efforts which 
 he had put forth, the persistency with which 
 he carried on the advocacy for the repeal of 
 this Act, when they considered these circums- 
 tances, and also the circumstances of England 
 at the time the debate took place, how much 
 the whole nation was excited in consequence 
 of the success of the Russians, and the efforts 
 then made to secure a lasting peace between 
 the belligerent parties, he thought they must 
 all acknowledge, with gratitude, the attitude 
 and labors of Mr. Gladstone in connection 
 with our Indian Vernacular Press Act. It was 
 not at all necessary that he should sing the 
 praises of Mr. Gladstone. His merits as a 
 statesman, and his virtues as a man and a 
 Christian were everywhere acknowledged. 
 They were known to the world at large. He 
 would not dilate upon these, but he would 
 point out, first of all, the peculiar circumstances 
 in which Mr. Gladstone was placed with regard 
 to the Act. The words of the first line in 
 the Blue Book, which the Government put into 
 his hands, were these ; — u The increasing sedi- 
 ec tious violence of the Native I*ress,now directly 
 "provocative to rebellion, has been for some time 
 w pressed on our attention by the Local Govern- 
 "ments, except Madras." This first line of the 
 Blue Book seemed to have the sanction of 
 the Government of India ; and so in fact, in 
 impeaching it, Mr. Gladstone was substantially 
 telling Parliament to repeal an Act which 
 was passed with the view of keeping down 
 
I c ) 
 
 disloyal subjects in India. (Hear, hear.) When 
 they considered the language which the Go- 
 vernment of India thought proper to use, lan- 
 guage clearly indicating that the country was 
 on the eve of a rebellion, when actually the 
 country was in peace, and contrasted it with 
 the language used by the Marquis of Dalhou- 
 sie when handing over the country to his suc- 
 cessor, Lord Canning, when the country was 
 on the eve of the Mutiny, we can well excuse 
 many in hesitating to take part against the 
 Government in the absence of full knowledge 
 as to the real state of the country. One could 
 not well make out exactly what the Government 
 of India intended to do, to prevent this rebel- 
 lion, which seemed so imminent, or to put 
 down this u seditious violence of the Native 
 Press, 7ioiv directly 'provocative to rebellion]' 
 unless they had power to deal with it in a most 
 summary manner. Desperate diseases required 
 desperate remedies. But fortunately the lan- 
 guage of the Blue Book was to be taken figura- 
 tively, or with the greatest modification, at 
 least, as regards Bengal. Any one who had 
 knowledge of the real state of the country 
 must have seen that the language was exag- 
 gerated. It was not therefore so remarkable 
 that Mr. Gladstone and the others who acted 
 with him did call it in question. And seeing 
 its character, they were most patriotic in doing 
 their utmost to rectify the impression which 
 these words and the consequent passing of the 
 Vernacular Press Act, were fitted to convey. 
 For few things are more damaging to the welfare 
 of a country than to represent it always on 
 the eve of a rebellion. All who persist in so 
 representing it, deserve no thanks from the 
 governed or the government. Mr. Gladstone 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 and those who acted with him in this matter 
 went further. They showed that not only was 
 the country not on the eve of a rebellion, but 
 that the evidence produced in proof of this, 
 did not even demonstrate that the people were 
 disloyal. The speaker had no doubt their 
 conduct in this respect had resulted in great 
 good to this country. The attention directed 
 towards the government of the country must 
 issue in the better administration of it. He 
 did not call in question the honesty and de- 
 votedness of those in charge of the govern- 
 ment of the country. Still, Home criticism 
 must tend to benefit the Indian Government, 
 on the whole. He had no doubt that the 
 Government of India would benefit greatly 
 from the attention which this subject had at- 
 tracted all over the world. They must believe, 
 that in this, as in all its acts, the Government 
 intended the good of the country. But as to 
 the facts of the case, as far as Lower Bengal was 
 concerned, the speaker had no hesitation in re- 
 spectfully saying that those who had passed 
 this Act must have been mistaken or misled. 
 He knew a good deal of the Bengalis and of the 
 Native Press, but he did not believe that it 
 was disloyal or " increasing in seditious vio- 
 lence," certainly not more so than the Euro- 
 pean Press. In fact, he believed that it is not 
 so objectionable now, in these respects, as it 
 was twelve years ago. He had, from his first 
 arrival in the country, paid a good deal of 
 attention to the Native Press, and had inter- 
 ested himself largely in discovering the 
 opinions and feelings of the people of this 
 country. From the nature of his work, he 
 mixed daily with them, in particular with the 
 young men of Bengal ; and as far as he under- 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 stood the charge, it was made, chiefly and in the 
 foremost place, against the young men of Ben- 
 gal, of the North West Provinces, and Bombay. 
 He had no doubt that if there was any truth 
 in the charge it was more applicable to young 
 men than to any other portion of the commu- 
 nity. The first case referred to by Government 
 in justification of this piece of legislation, 
 and indeed the only case, as far as he had 
 noticed, the details of which are given in 
 the Blue Book, was that of the Halishahar 
 Patrika, printed and published by a student 
 of the General Assembly's Institution, whose 
 age was found to be about 18 years, and 
 whose insignificance altogether was such, that 
 the Lieutenant-Governor did not think it 
 desirable to push the matter to a criminal 
 prosecution. The speaker thought that the 
 language generally complained of would be 
 found to have had some such origin. A 
 young man, after reading in one of our Eng- 
 lish papers some strong language about some 
 real or imaginary wrong, or injustice inflicted 
 by the strong upon the weak, and very likely 
 in total ignorance of the facts of the case, 
 thinks he is doing something very bold and 
 good in reproducing the same in the vernacu- 
 lar and in getting it printed in some newspaper. 
 Young men in all countries are very excitable, 
 and easily roused in connection with any thing 
 which they regard as a wrong or injustice 
 done or tried to be done towards the weak. 
 The speaker had no doubt that almost all the 
 expressions which were characterised as 
 ' disloyal/ ' seditious,' and ' provocative to 
 rebellion,' had been connected with a sense 
 of injustice real or imaginary, and could not 
 be characterized as disloyalty. He said that 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 he had mixed among the young men of Bengai 
 for the last sixteen years, and his impression 
 in regard to them was, that it was ridicul- 
 ous to believe in " increasing seditious 
 violence " among them, "provocative to rebel- 
 lion." There had been no signs of rebellion, 
 not the slightest sign among Bengalis, that he 
 could conceive as indicative of rebellion, 
 whatever might be said of the young men of 
 the Upper Provinces and of Western India. 
 Still less could the charge of disloyalty be 
 brought against the party represented at these 
 meetings, convened to agitate for the repeal 
 of the ' Vernacular Press Act. Their position 
 was, he thought, beautifully symbolised in what 
 he had noticed on the day of their first meeting, 
 five months ago. On that day he happened 
 to visit the Imperial Museum, when he took 
 special pleasure in seeing the gift of a Bengali 
 gentleman, the Maharajah of Burdwan, to the 
 city of Calcutta. He referred to the statue of 
 our beloved Queen, the Empress of India. 
 On that occasion, he was agreeably surprised 
 to observe a copy of the invitation to the meet- 
 ing, carefully placed at the feet of Her Majesty. 
 This he regarded as expressing the attitude of 
 her Indian subjects about to assemble in the 
 Town Hall, being that of humble and respect- 
 ful petitioners. (Cheers.) And this reminded 
 him that they were again met in the Town 
 Hall of Calcutta, at whose front entrance stood 
 a statue to the memory of one of the truest 
 friends, the people of India and the Christian 
 missionaries labouring in India ever had. This 
 statue was erected by the combined efforts 
 of Natives and Europeans, who concurred 
 in placing the following inscription on it : — 
 "To William Cavendish Bentinck, who, 
 
 B 
 
( w ) 
 
 u during 7 years ruled India with eminent 
 
 " prudence, integrity and benevolence 
 
 " who infused into Oriental Despotism the 
 u Spirit of British Freedom ; who never forgot 
 " that the end of Government is the welfare of 
 " the governed ; who abolished cruel rites ; 
 " who effaced humiliating distinctions ; who 
 " allowed liberty to the expression of Public 
 " Opinion ; whose constant study it was to 
 " elevate the moral and intellectual character 
 u of the nation committed to his charge." This, 
 the first Governor General, one of those who 
 has as yet ruled India longest, and knew it best, 
 was the man to whom India was indebted for 
 the liberty of the Press, and who gave the 
 same inestimable privilege to the Vernacular 
 as to the English Press. Well might he be 
 held in loving remembrance by Englishmen and 
 Natives, as well as by Indian missionaries. 
 The missionaries had always interested them- 
 selves, as was only natural, in the Vernacular 
 Press. It was by them the first Bengali types 
 were cast, and the first Bengali newspaper 
 edited, printed, and published. It was one of 
 them that first collected, arranged and valued 
 the whole product of the Vernacular Press for 
 the first fifty years of its working. He refer- 
 red to the Rev. James Long, whose labours in 
 behalf of the Vernacular Press, as well as in 
 the interests of the people of this country 
 generally, were most praise-worthy. The late 
 Translator and Reporter on the Vernacular 
 Press of Bengal, the earnest and devoted John 
 Robinson, whose weekly reports on the Verna- 
 cular Press, the speaker read with great interest 
 as long as they continued to be published, neces- 
 sarily devoted a very large portion of his 
 time to it daily ; and he did not remember that 
 
 ! 
 
( 11 ) 
 
 Mr. Robinson ever wrote of " the increasing 
 seditious violence of the Native Press directly 
 provocative to rebelion." He was assured by 
 the best authority that he had not. At the 
 last meeting of the Calcutta Missionary Confer- 
 ence, it was agreed to take this whole subject 
 into consideration. The speaker contended 
 that missionaries as such had to do with the 
 10th section of this Act. Pruned of some 
 of its legal phraseology, and filling in the 
 references to other sections of the Act, it 
 reads as follows : — " When any book or pam- 
 phlet, printed in any Oriental language contains 
 any words likely to excite disaffection to the 
 British Government or antipathy between any 
 persons of different races, castes, religions or 
 sects in British India ; or when any such book 
 or pamphlet has been used for the purpose of 
 putting any person in fear or causing annoy- 
 ance to any person, and thereby inducing him 
 to give him any property or gratification ; then 
 all the printing presses, engines, plant and 
 paper used for the publishing of such a book or 
 pamphlet, or found in the premises where the 
 same is printed or published, and all copies of 
 such book or pamphlet shall be liable to be 
 forfeited to Her Majesty : and whenever it 
 appears to the Local Government that any 
 thing is liable to be forfeited, under this section, 
 the Local Government may declare such thing 
 to be forfeited, and may direct any magistrate 
 to issue a warrant in respect of the same and 
 thereupon such thing may be taken away' 5 — 
 and sold to the highest bidder. (Sear, Sear.) 
 This section, to which he wished the special 
 attention of the public to be directed, contained 
 all the worst features of the Act — humiliating 
 distinctions of language and race, causing that 
 
( 12 ) 
 
 very race antipathy which it professes to punish 
 — the mixing up in one person of judge, jury, 
 witness, prosecutor and executor — the extension 
 of the prosecution to writings affecting the religi- 
 ons, sects and races, as well as the politics of 
 India ; and that includes almost all Indian 
 literature. A very large portion of what is 
 printed in English, as well as in the Vernacular, 
 causes, rightly or wrongly, a good deal of u anti- 
 pathy between persons of different races, castes, 
 religions or sects," or " puts persons in fear or 
 causes them annoyance," and this is done with 
 the view sometimes of forcing a gratification 
 from others. But is the liberty of our press 
 to be taken away because of this ? Because a 
 Christian happens to write what gives offence to 
 a Hindoo — and of all books the Bible itself is 
 one of the most offensive to some such,- — or a 
 Hindoo what offends a Christian ; because a 
 Protestant writes what may offend a Roman 
 Catholic — as he, the speaker, admitted he had, 
 more than once unwittingly, done, are the 
 presses, engines, plant and paper of his printer 
 to be taken away and confiscated ? As 
 Honorary Secretary to the Bible Society, the 
 speaker had occasion to write on Homes 
 Relation to the Bible. In doing so he did his 
 utmost to avoid giving offence to his Roman 
 Catholic brethren, and succeeded so far as to 
 elicit from their organ, the Indo-European 
 Correspondence, the remark that he (Mr. Mac- 
 donald) had written not only fortiter in re 
 but suariter in modo. Yet he had clearly 
 " excited antipathy, 5 ' very strong antipathy, in 
 the breast of the Rev. Mr. Multhaup, S. J., 
 who simply stormed, and called the speaker 
 by every bad name in his copious vocabulary. 
 But were the printing presses, plants, engines 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 and types of the " University Book Press" at 
 which Rome's Relation to the Bible was printed, 
 and of Messrs. D'Bozario & Co.'s Press, at 
 which Mr. Multhaup's Church and the Bible 
 was printed, "to he searched for, seized, and 
 taken away," and sold to the highest bidder, 
 because of these publications ? Yet that is 
 what the Vernacular Press Act has just legalis- 
 ed, in regard to Vernacular publications, books 
 and pamphlets. A very large portion of con- 
 troversial literature would come within the 
 grasp of the 10th Section, and a great deal of 
 what was not controversial. At the last meet- 
 ing of the Calcutta Missionary Conference, one 
 of the missionaries informed the meeting that a 
 number of the Presses of Calcutta had refused 
 to print a Vernacular tract concerning one of 
 the mofussil missions because of their fear of 
 this tenth Section. One of the truest friends 
 of missions, of the natives of this country, and 
 best acquainted by personal knowledge with 
 their Vernaculars, a late President of the Bible 
 Society and Lieutenant-Governor of one of 
 our Indian Provinces, ( Sir William Muir ) 
 as member of the Indian Council, has con- 
 demned this Act, and, the speaker believed, this 
 tenth Section in particular. In the times of 
 the East India Company, when missionaries 
 were prohibited the country, and every attempt 
 to discuss religious questions, and almost 
 every other question, was regarded illegal, 
 such an Act as this might do. But, in the 
 present day, it was behind the age. The 
 speaker, therefore, called upon all who were 
 interested in the moral, spiritual and intel- 
 lectual regeneration of India, to agitate 
 calmly, loyally and legally for its repeal, 
 and especially of Section ten ; in support 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 of which, as for as the speaker had heen 
 able to discover, no justification whatever had 
 been made, either in the circumstances of the 
 country or in the character of the books and 
 pamphlets published in it. (Applause.) 
 
 Babu Surendranath Banerjea, who, on 
 rising, was received with loud cheers, spoke as 
 follows : — Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — I 
 have been requested to second the Resolution 
 which has just been so ably moved. I do so 
 with some amount of reluctance and hesitation. 
 I should have preferred, if the task had devolv- 
 ed upon some body else. I should have prefer- 
 red that, for reasons which it is not necessary 
 for me to state here. Gentlemen, we have met 
 here in order to record the expression of our 
 deep and heart-felt gratitude to those Hon'ble 
 Members of Parliament, who, in the British 
 House of Commons, advocated the interests and 
 the claims of the Vernacular Press of India. But 
 before we look so far abroad, I think we might 
 as well look nearer home ; and if we do so, 
 we shall find one in this very place, one in this 
 very hall, one on this very platform, one not 
 very far from me, one whose words of eloquence 
 and wisdom we have just listened to, who, by 
 his friendly sympathy and active co-operation 
 with us in this great movement, has earned his 
 claims to the gratitude of the people of this 
 country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I think I 
 speak the unanimous sense of this meeting 
 when I say, that the Rev. Mr. K. S. Mac- 
 donald is entitled to our deepest gratitude, and 
 has deserved well of our countrymen. Gentle- 
 men, the career of Mr. Macdonald in India (I 
 trust my worthy friend will allow me to refer 
 to that career for one moment) has not indeed 
 heen so demonstrative or so obstrusive as have 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 been the careers of several who have preced- 
 ed him, or of several who have worked with 
 him, hut his quiet, Christian life, his unas- 
 suming modesty, his deep and fervent sym- 
 pathy with those, in whose midst Providence 
 has called him to his work, have endeared him 
 to all of us, and point to the conclusion, that 
 the o»reat race of Indian missionaries have not 
 altogether disappeared from the face of the 
 land, hut that they have left behind them re- 
 presentatives, worthy to tread in their foot- 
 steps, to emulate their deeds, and to wear the 
 mantles that have fallen from them. (Loud 
 cheers. ) 
 
 Gentlemen, it will be in your recollec- 
 tion, that about four or five months ago, soon 
 after the enactment of the Vernacular Press 
 Law, we met here to discuss the merits of that 
 law. Then there were gathered together in 
 this very hall, thousands of my countrymen, 
 all oppressed with grief at the thought that a 
 Government to which we were indebted for 
 so many blessings, should have committed such 
 a grievous mistake, yet determined to fight, 
 within the limits of the constitution, for a pri- 
 vilege which English education and English 
 influences had taught them to prize, above all 
 things. Gentlemen, we had not, at that time, 
 yet recovered from the first shock — from the 
 first thrill of consternation — which the enact- 
 ment of the Vernacular Press Law had sent 
 through the loyal hearts of the people of 
 this country. There was darkness on every 
 face — despair was painted on every counte- 
 nance. People asked one another in bewilder- 
 ment and astonishment, — " Has it come to this ? 
 Has our Government so far forgotten the sac- 
 red and liberal principles of English rule, the 
 
( ig ) 
 
 immortal traditions of freedom ingrained in 
 the constitution of every Englishman, as to 
 enact a law which no Englishman could 
 countenance, unless and until he had ceased to 
 be an Englishman." (Loud cheers.) Gentle- 
 men, at that time, there were those who advis- 
 ed us not to hold the meeting at all. There 
 were those who declared that it w^ould be dis- 
 loyal — it would savour of disaffection towards 
 the Queen, of disregard towards the constituted 
 authorities of the land — if, at that time, when 
 the relations between England and Russia were 
 so critical, as were about to hurry those two 
 great powers into the throes of a deadly and 
 sanguinary conflict, we proceeded to convene a 
 meeting to protest against the Vernacular 
 Press Act. There were again others who 
 declared that it was useless to protest against 
 an Act, regarding which the Secretary of State 
 bad already telegraphed , his sanction. We 
 now know — that Blue Book, lying on that 
 chair, will tell you — how that sanction was 
 obtained. I would fain draw the veil of obli- 
 vion over this portion of the history of the 
 Vernacular Press Act. " Tell it not in Gath, 
 proclaim it not in the streets of Askelon, lest 
 the Philistines should rejoice, lest the daugh- 
 ters of the uncircumcised should triumph." 
 In spite, however, of these difficulties and 
 doubts (and I am bound to admit, that we ap- 
 preciated the full force of many of these diffi- 
 culties and doubts) , we felt that as loyal sub- 
 jects of her Majesty the Queen, as educated 
 men, nurtured in the traditions of freedom, 
 who, while rejoicing in the blessings of Bri- 
 tish rule, had a great and an obvious duty to 
 perform towards their countrymen ; — we felt 
 that as loyal subjects of the Crown and as 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 educated men, we could not allow an Act of 
 this kind to pass unchallenged, and without a 
 word of protest, that we could not allow the 
 fair fame of British administration to be tar- 
 nished and sullied by a law of this description. 
 (Loud applause.) Well, gentlemen, we met 
 in spite of these difficulties and doubts. Cer- 
 tain resolutions were adopted at that great 
 Town Hall meeting. A committee was ap- 
 pointed, a petition was drafted and forward- 
 ed to Mr. Gladstone, who kindly presented it, 
 in due course, to the House of Commons. 
 A debate took place on that petition. Mr. 
 Gladstone introduced his resolution, requiring 
 the Government to report to Parliament, every 
 case in which action should be taken under the 
 Vernacular Press Act, in a speech of studied 
 moderation and surpassing eloquence. His 
 motion was rejected by a majority of 56 votes, 
 or more properly speaking, of only 38 votes. 
 The Resolution speaks truly, when it says that 
 the debate which our petition evoked in the 
 House of Commons, is an auspicious event, 
 full of hope and promise, for the future good 
 government of India. Never within my re- 
 collection, never within the recollection of the 
 oldest amongst us here, not even within the 
 recollection of our venerable Chairman, I ven- 
 ture to think, was an Indian question discus- 
 sed, in so full a house. Not within my recol- 
 lection, did the present Tory Government ob- 
 tain so insignificant a majority, on a question 
 of such grave importance. The Resolution fur- 
 ther says, that the debate shews that the great 
 leaders of the English nation, — those illustrious 
 statesmen who shape the destinies and guide 
 the public sentiment of the English people, — 
 have no sympathy with the principles and the 
 
 c 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 policy of the Vernacular Press Act, that they 
 acknowledge that we are entitled to the rights 
 and privileges of British citizenship ; they 
 hold that India is to he governed according to 
 the sacred and liberal principles of English 
 rule, and they look to Parliament for the en- 
 forcement of this salutary principle. (Cheers.) 
 The Resolution, gentlemen, I repeat, speaks 
 truly when it says that the debate is an 
 auspicious event for the future good govern- 
 ment of India. For never, on so memorable 
 an occasion, was the potent influence of 
 English ideas exerted on a question of purely 
 Indian interest. "Would to God that this in- 
 fluence were exerted more energetically, more 
 persistently, more continuously, and more 
 methodically ! (Loud Cheers.) "We do really 
 think, that if English opinion made itself felt 
 with greater energy and vigor upon questions 
 of Indian policy, a great change for the better 
 would take place in the government of this 
 country. We highly appreciate the influence 
 of English opinion upon Indian questions. 
 But there is, unfortunately, a great apathy on 
 the part of English statesmen, with regard to 
 Indian matters. It is not for me to inquire 
 into the cause of this apathy and indifference. 
 I simply mention the fact to the meeting. 
 But I am not going to exculpate Englishmen 
 for their indifference, with regard to Indian 
 matters. You have all heard the story of the 
 woman and of Mahmoud, the Ghuznevite con- 
 queror. There lived in a remote province of 
 Mahmoud's extensive dominions, a woman who 
 had descended far into the vale of life. The 
 province, where she lived, was not remarkable 
 for the vigor and energy of its administration. 
 One evening, she witnessed her house burnt 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 down, her children massacred, and her goods 
 plundered, by a body of robbers. But she was 
 a woman whose mind was cast in a mould of 
 more than ordinary vigor and sternness. She 
 was determined to obtain her redress. Straight- 
 way she sought the royal capital. Arrived at 
 Ghuznee, she prayed for an audience. The 
 audience was granted ; Mahmoud received her. 
 She, then, unfolded her sad tale of sorrow and of 
 grief — of her massacred children, her plundered 
 goods, her burnt-down house, of the agonies she 
 had had endured, of the feeling of despair that 
 had crawled through her bones. The relentless 
 monarch heard her tale of sorrow, with im- 
 perturbable calmness and indifference. A man 
 of blood, given to slaughter, sporting in 
 carnage and in plunder, it was not to be expect- 
 ed that a tale of this kind would very much 
 move or affect him. " Woman," Mahmoud 
 dryly remarked, u you live in a remote province 
 of my Empire, and you cannot expect me to 
 maintain order there, or to extend to it the pro- 
 tection of my laws." The woman calmly 
 replied, " Sire, why then do you conquer 
 countries, to whose concerns you cannot pay 
 sufficient attention, and for which you cannot 
 hold yourself answerable in the day of judg- 
 ment ? " (Loud and continued applause.) 
 Gentlemen, it is not for me to reply to English- 
 men and English statesmen in the language of 
 this woman. It is not for me to say (deeply 
 sensible, as I am, of the blessings of British 
 rule) that Englishmen had no business to 
 conquer and govern India, if they could not 
 pay sufficient attention to its important in- 
 terests. It is not for me to say, that the res- 
 ponsibilities of England are not ended, by her 
 appointing a body of administrators to govern 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 this country, and then leaving them to the 
 discretion of their own wills. This is a matter 
 which it is for Englishmen and English 
 statesmen to decide. But, gentlemen, we 
 ourselves are not wholly free from blame 
 for this apathy on the part of Englishmen 
 with reference to Indian matters. I am 
 afraid, we have never approached the consider- 
 ation of this matter, with that seriousness, that 
 conscientiousness, that sense of responsibility, 
 which the gravity of the question calls 
 for and requires at our hands. Some- 
 times, we think of setting up a paper in 
 London, which should be wholly and exclu- 
 sively devoted to the consideration of In- 
 dian questions and interests. Sometimes, we 
 think of sending deputations to England on dif- 
 ferent questions, and in this way of creating a 
 kind of general interest in Indian matters. 
 But, gentlemen, up to this time, we have abso- 
 lutely done nothing. Our energies have been 
 confined to mere vociferation and talk. I trust 
 the day is not distant, when this apathy will 
 give place to warm and active interest in devis- 
 ing means to educate English opinion on Indian 
 questions, with which, I conceive, are identified 
 the best interests of the millions of this coun- 
 try. (Cheers.) 
 
 But, gentlemen, it might be asked, why is 
 it, that we so highly value and so greatly prize 
 the influence of English opinion upon Indian 
 questions ; why is it, that we are so anxious 
 to secure the play of English opinion on In- 
 dian matters ? The answer is plain. The po- 
 litical atmosphere of England is so very 
 different from, and is so superior to the poli- 
 tical atmosphere of this country. I say this 
 not by way of complaint, but I simply state 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 a fact. England is a free country. She re- 
 joices in the blessings of free institutions. 
 India, on the other hand, is a despotic country. 
 Her Government is despotic ; her administra- 
 tion is despotic ; her traditions are despotic ; 
 her history is hut the history of a despotic 
 country. (Loud applause.) And never was 
 the superiority of free institutions over des- 
 potic institutions, more strikingly illustrated, 
 than in the case of the controversy, regarding 
 the Vernacular Press Act. Gentlemen, those 
 of you who read the newspapers, must know, 
 that some of the most influential exponents 
 of Anglo-Indian opinion have upheld the 
 principles of the Vernacular Press Act. But 
 I believe, that without a single exception, the 
 leading organs of English opinion have con- 
 demned the policy of the Vernacular Press 
 Act. Then again the officials in India, as a 
 class, approved the Act, seemed to congratulate 
 one another on having hit upon the happy 
 expedient, of having got rid of a troublesome 
 nuisance, by gagging the Vernacular Press. 
 I know there has been an honorable exception ; 
 but that exception only proves my contention. 
 But let us observe, for one moment, the attitude 
 of some Indian officials in England. There, 
 in the dark chambers of the Indian Council, — 
 I say dark, because the deliberations of that 
 Council seldom see the light — there were 
 statesmen, combining vast knowledge with 
 vast experience, men who held high and ex- 
 alted positions in India — one a late Lieute- 
 nant-Governor, the second a late Chief 
 Justice, the third a Besident at Hydera- 
 bad — who all condemned the Act in unmea- 
 sured terms, refuted the arguments adduced 
 in support of it, with a power of earnestness 
 
( 2* ) 
 
 and eloquence, with a precision of thought 
 and language, which, while they do im- 
 mense credit to their sagacity and states- 
 manship, have enhanced greatly the respect 
 which we all feel for them. (Loud cheers.) 
 Here, again, in the Legislative Council of India, 
 members vied with one another, in supporting 
 the principles of the Act. There was not a 
 single dissentient voice raised against it. But 
 in England, and in that most august assembly 
 in the world, where are gathered together the 
 representatives of the most illustrious states- 
 men that have adorned the pages of history — 
 the representatives of Pitt, Burke, Sheri- 
 dan, and Chatham — there were so many as 152 
 members and more, who reprobated and con- 
 demned, in one way or other, the provisions of 
 this gagging Act (Loud cheers). Gentlemen, 
 there is one fact, connected with this debate, 
 which, to my mind, seems to possess peculiar 
 interest. The political atmosphere of England 
 seems to have had a salutary effect even upon 
 the mind of an Indian Governor. Sir George 
 Campbell declared, from his place in the House 
 of Commons, that he was a waverer, that he 
 was inclining from the school of repression 
 towards the school of freedom, that in short, 
 he was in favour of the adoption of liberal 
 principles in the administration of the Indian 
 empire. I wish to speak of Sir George Camp- 
 bell with the utmost possible respect. He was 
 our late Lieutenant-Governor, and as such, 
 had earned his title to our gratitude, by the 
 impetus he gave to the cause of mass education. 
 But it did not strike us while he was here, that 
 he was particularly in favour of advanced 
 views or liberal principles. Those of you who 
 have read the Blue Book, will bear in mind, 
 
 * 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 that it was Sir George Campbell, who first set 
 that machinery in motion which has produced 
 the Vernacular Press Act ; for it was he, who 
 in August 1873, first called the attention of the 
 Government of India to the supposed excesses 
 of the Vernacular Press. But his ideas have 
 now apparently changed, under the influence of 
 a healthier political atmosphere. Such, indeed, 
 gentlemen, is the wholesome influence of Eng- 
 lish ideas and views upon the mind of even a 
 trained despot (hear, hear). But the healthy 
 influence of English ideas is still more manifest, 
 in the recorded opinions of those high officials 
 in India, who opposed the enactment of the 
 Vernacular Press Law. It will he found, in 
 glancing through the pages of the Blue Book, 
 that the English officials in India, who con- 
 demned the Vernacular Press Act, had been 
 all brought up in the free political atmosphere 
 of England, and were imbued with that spirit 
 of liberality, which is begotten of free institu- 
 tions. Who was it that liberated the Press of 
 India — English and Native ? It was an English 
 lawyer, the great Lord Macaulay. Who was it 
 again that protested, in language of surpassing 
 earnestness and vigour, the attempt to gag the 
 Native Press of India ? It was again an Eng- 
 lish lawyer, Sir Arthur Hobhouse. Who was 
 it, I ask, among Provincial Governors, that 
 raised his voice of warning and protest against 
 this Act ? It was the Duke of Buckingham, 
 the descendant of an illustrious line of Eng- 
 lish nobles — a statesman thoroughly imbued 
 with the spirit of the free institutions of his 
 country, and one who had sat as a Cabinet 
 Minister, with honor and credit to himself. 
 Gentlemen, it is, I believe, not the etiquette 
 to thank, in public meetings, officials who may 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 have rendered great service in the performance 
 of their public duties ; but I think, we should 
 not be doing justice to our own feelings, if we 
 did not take advantage of this public meeting, 
 to express, in the most emphatic manner, our 
 deep gratitude to his Grace the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham and his Council, to Sir Arthur Hob- 
 house, to Sir Erskine Perry, Sir William Muir, 
 and Colonel Yule, for the worthy and honora- 
 ble stand, they made against the Vernacular 
 Press Act, and for so nobly vindicating, in the 
 eyes of the millions of this country, the repu- 
 tation of the British Government, for liberality 
 and enlightenment (applause). 
 
 Gentlemen, up to this time, our attention 
 has been confined to the consideration of the 
 importance of English views influencing In- 
 dian questions. I think it is as well, that we 
 should now consider, in what respect, English 
 opinion condemned the Vernacular Press Act : 
 and when we have enquired into this matter, 
 it will be found greatly to our satisfaction, that 
 there is a marked similarity between the ex- 
 pression of Native sentiment and of English 
 sentiment, in this respect. There seems to be 
 a remarkable harmony of opinion between our 
 fellow- subjects in England and ourselves, with 
 reference to the Vernacular Press Act. English 
 opinion regards the Vernacular Press Act as 
 unjustifiable, as no sufficient cause has been 
 shewn, to use Mr. Gladstone's own words, <c for 
 the taking of fresh powers." Now, this was 
 precisely what we had urged. We said, that 
 the Government was not at liberty to assume 
 that the provisions of the Penal Code were in- 
 sufficient or had failed, when not a single com- 
 plaint, not a single prosecution, not a single 
 trial had been instituted or hejd under those 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 provisions. The plea of urgency was adduced 
 in justification of the precipitancy, with which 
 the measure was carried through the Supreme 
 Council. It was also urged, in defence of the 
 measure, that it was necessary, in the interests 
 of the safety of the State. English opinion 
 regarded these pleas as utterly ahsurd and 
 ridiculous. Englishmen pooh-poohed them 
 altogether, and you will remember that our 
 view of the matter was pretty much the same. 
 
 A great deal has been said about the so-call- 
 ed seditious character of the Vernacular Press. 
 A great many extracts have been made — a 
 hundred and fifty, they say. These were pa- 
 raded about. Classifications were made. A 
 very learned classification was made by a 
 learned gentleman. (Laughter.) That classi- 
 fication was unfortunately too logical to be 
 correct. (Renewed laughter.) It was sup- 
 posed that with the aid of this classification, 
 and by this pompous parade of extracts, it 
 would be conclusively proved that the tone of 
 the Vernacular Press was seditious, and that 
 that Press was silently, but steadily, under- 
 mining the affections, the loyalty, and the 
 gratitude of the teeming millions of this 
 country, towards the British nation and the 
 British Government. This was the o^and 
 result which was sought to be achieved, by the 
 parade of the extracts in question. But, then, 
 gentlemen, what was the verdict of sober 
 English opinion on this matter ? I must here 
 remark, that J ohn Bull is not to be carried 
 away by mere empty rhetoric, or by any un- 
 meaning bluster. He may be an orator or he 
 may be a poet, but, nevertheless, he is gifted 
 with a great deal of common sense and prac- 
 tical sagacity. Well, the extracts are before 
 
 D 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 John Bull He takes up his spectacles, and 
 goes through them, with eager interest and 
 attention. When he has read through a good 
 many of them, a quiet laugh escapes his lips. 
 He wonders how his countrymen, in another 
 hemisphere, could have made so much fuss 
 about them. He thinks that a great many of 
 these extracts are simple trash, or perhaps, 
 " double-distilled trash," as Mr. Gladstone 
 very forcibly put it (prolonged cheering), and 
 that a good many of them contain matter 
 which is very valuable, and which, it is essen- 
 tial, that the foreign rulers of India should 
 know. Now, gentlemen, you will bear in 
 mind, that we protested, in the most emphatic 
 language, against the imputation that was 
 sought to be cast on the Vernacular Press, 
 that it was disaffected, and that it was slowly 
 spreading the taint and pollution of sedition, 
 throughout the length and breadth of this 
 country. (Cheers.) Here and there, no doubt, 
 there might be foolish and imprudent utteran- 
 ces, but we felt, that on the whole, the Verna- 
 cular Press of India was loyal, and was deeply 
 convinced of the advantages and blessings of 
 English rule. Here then was a remarkable 
 unanimity between English and Native opinion 
 on a matter, regarding which such unanimity, 
 was, perhaps, least to be expected. I am afraid, 
 gentlemen, I have been trying your patience too 
 much, but I beg you will bear with me for a 
 few minutes more, as my remarks have refer- 
 ence to a matter of the deepest importance, 
 viz., the most striking harmony there is, be- 
 tween Native feeling and the expression of 
 genuine English sentiment, on the subject of 
 the Vernacular Press Act. 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 There is in this law a most objection- 
 able distinction made between the English 
 and the Vernacular Press. Gentlemen, I 
 happen to know something of Englishmen. 
 I have had ample opportunities of mixing 
 very familiarly with thein, and I may say, 
 without fear of contradiction, that if there 
 is one thing more than another which is 
 repugnant to an Englishman, which he hates, 
 abhors, abominates, and detests from the 
 very bottom of his heart, it is the existence of 
 any supposed trait of inequality in any law,, 
 framed by Englishmen, and administered by 
 English judges. (Deafening applause.) That 
 there should be one law for the white and an- 
 other for the black man, one for the rich and 
 another for the poor, one for the high and an- 
 other for the low, one for English journalists 
 and another for Vernacular journalists, is a 
 thing which no Englishman can endure or 
 tolerate, unless and until he has ceased to be 
 an Englishman. (Tremendous cheering.) It 
 was, therefore, only to be expected that Eng- 
 lishmen should regard with intense dissatisfac- 
 tion this novel feature in the law. In the eye of 
 the English law, every subject is equal, enjoys 
 equal rights and privileges ; and how could those 
 trained in the traditions of that law, regard 
 with anything but feelings of deep disappro- 
 bation, an enactment which set at defiance this 
 fundamental maxim of English jurisprudence. 
 Now we too complained of this distinction 
 between English and Vernacular journals, but, 
 perhaps, not with that degree of emphasis and 
 force, which the importance of the subject de- 
 manded, for we were anxious not to be misap- 
 prehended — we were anxious to steer clear of 
 the shoals and quicksands of race antagonism^ 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 upon which the prospects of the cause 
 we had taken up, might, otherwise, have 
 heen wrecked. But, gentlemen, the point 
 against which English sentiment directed its 
 principal attack, was the withdrawal of the 
 right of judicial trial from offending Vernacu- 
 lar editors. It is the inalienahle privilege of 
 every British subject, — no matter, in what por- 
 tion of Her Majesty's dominions he may have 
 heen born,- — it is his indefeasible claim of which 
 he cannot be deprived by any legislative enact- 
 ment, except by the suspension of the Habeas 
 Corpus, on an occasion of extreme peril — that 
 he cannot be punished without a trial, held 
 according to the law of the land and by a 
 body of his peers. (Applause.) It is against 
 this sacred privilege of a British subject, that 
 the Vernacular Press Act has ventured to 
 raise violent hands. It was not then to be 
 wondered at, that speaker after speaker in the 
 House of Commons, rose to condemn this 
 objectionable feature in the law. There was a 
 most marked unanimity of sentiment in the 
 House, with regard to this peculiarity of the 
 law. It has been remarked, gentlemen, that 
 the Vernacular Press Act follows the lines of 
 the Irish Peace Preservation Act. But there 
 is a remarkable difference, and that difference 
 is very much to the prejudice of the Vernacu- 
 lar Press law. The Irish Peace Preservation Act 
 allowed the injured editor to bring an action 
 against Government for damages in a Civil 
 Court, in which, the whole issue between him 
 and the Government, would be tried according 
 to the forms of judicial investigation. No 
 doubt, this was very unsatisfactory, as it a- 
 mounted to a trial after punishment ; but even 
 this redeeming feature has quietly been done 
 
' ( 29 ) 
 
 away with, in the Vernacular Press law. Thus 
 it will be seen, that English and Native opi- 
 nion are agreed first, in regarding the Act as 
 unjustifiable, secondly in reprobating the dis- 
 tinction sought to be drawn between the Eng- 
 lish and the Vernacular Press, and lastly, in 
 strongly condemning the withdrawal of the 
 right of judicial trial, from offending Verna- 
 cular editors. In the House of Commons, 
 not the faintest attempt was made to defend 
 the Act. There was the absence of all reality 
 about the debate, as the Spectator newspaper 
 has truly remarked. Member after member 
 rose to speak, but the sense of the House was 
 agreed in condemning the Act. 
 
 Now comes the most important question of 
 all. Who was it that created this feeling, evok- 
 ed this interest in the British House of Com- 
 mons, roused the sleeping lion from his slum- 
 bers, and directed him to cast his eyes upon 
 the concerns of England's great Empire in the 
 East ? It was that illustrious orator, that phi- 
 lanthropic statesman, that friend of humanity, 
 that advocate of the rights of oppressed na- 
 tionalities, whose mission in life it is to live for 
 and serve others, and to extend to the utmost 
 bounds of the habitable globe, the blessings of 
 peace, contentment, happiness, of freedom, pro- 
 gress and good government, founded upon the 
 hopes, wants and aspirations of the people. 
 (Tremendous and prolonged cheering.) Gentle- 
 men, if the Irish were to be reconciled, if the 
 wounds of centuries were to be healed, if jus- 
 tice were to be done to Erin, if the badge of 
 foreign domination must be swept away from 
 her soil, if Irish agrarian outrages were to 
 cease, it was because the Eight Hon'ble W. E. 
 Gladstone stood forth, at the head of his Liber- 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 al party, to uphold the interests of Ireland, 
 and to vindicate the reputation of his own 
 country for liberal and progressive government, 
 in the eyes of civilized Europe. (Deafening 
 cheers.) If, again, the Ionians were to be re- 
 stored to freedom, if they were to be received 
 back into the bosom of the great Hellenic 
 family, commingle their destinies with the 
 destinies of those, who were the bone of their 
 bone and the flesh of their flesh ; if Europe 
 was to be convulsed by tales of atrocities, com- 
 mitted by Turkish brigands upon helpless Bul- 
 garians, if the wailings of massacred men and 
 children, of outraged and dishonored women, 
 were to send a thrill through the heart of civi- 
 lized Europe, — it was because the Eight 
 Hon'ble Mr. Gladstone stood forth as the cham- 
 pion of liberty, and the advocate of the inter- 
 ests and claims of down-trodden and suffering 
 humanity. (Continued and thundering ap- 
 plause.) In her agonies, India appealed to him 
 for help. She prayed not in vain. Her prayer 
 did not fall upon heedless ears. It met with 
 a sympathetic response. Mr. Gladstone warmly 
 espoused our interests. He presented our peti- 
 tion, and fought our battle. Now I ask, what 
 has India to give him in return ? What offer- 
 ing is she to make to him ? We cannot, indeed, 
 raise for him a monument of brass. But we 
 may do something, which is worthier, better, 
 nobler far. We may raise in the temples of our 
 hearts an altar of homage, reverence and gra- 
 titude, due to the greatest statesman and the 
 most illustrious orator of the age. (Loud 
 applause.) We shall preserve that altar ; we 
 shall enshrine it in our grateful recollec- 
 tions and hand it down, as a sacred me- 
 mento, to our children, and our children's 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 children, so that it may not be said, that we 
 know not how to be grateful to those who 
 have won our hearts, are worthy of our grati- 
 tude, and have conferred great, signal and 
 lasting favours on us. (Tremendous cheering.) 
 
 Gentlemen, our first campaign is now over, 
 and it would have been well, if our task had 
 ended here. But it has become necessary for us 
 to prepare for a second campaign. "We cannot 
 rest, so long as the defects which still continue 
 to disfigure the Act, are allowed to remain 
 unrepealed. But I trust the second cam- 
 paign will be conducted with the same modera- 
 tion, prudence, judgment, — the same regard for 
 the constituted authorities of the land, and 
 the same devout loyalty, which formed the 
 prominent features of the first campaign. It 
 will be for the members of the Vernacular 
 Press to say, whether we are to be handicap- 
 ped in this struggle, or whether our course is 
 to be smooth, easy and triumphant. Gentle- 
 men of the Vernacular Press, and I see here 
 some worthy representatives of that Press, we 
 have long and earnestly fought for you, be- 
 cause we believe that a valued privilege has 
 been withdrawn from you, and that an unjust 
 aspersion has been cast on your body. But, 
 gentlemen, I beg of you, in order that you 
 may be a source of power and not of weakness 
 to us, in order that you may help rather than 
 impede the successful prosecution of this cam- 
 paign, I implore you to be moderate, cautious, 
 discreet and prudent, in the utterances which 
 find their way into your columns. There is no- 
 thing like moderation in language. A hard 
 truth told in moderate language, is, to me, far 
 more impressive and convincing than the same 
 truth, told in violent and abusive language. 
 
( 32 ) 
 
 But, above all, it is the duty of Vernacular 
 editors, to ascertain the exact accuracy of the 
 statements which appear in the columns of 
 their papers. Truth is a hard thing to find in 
 this unhappy world. Much more is the task 
 difficult, in the case of the unfortunate Verna- 
 cular editor, distracted amid the complicated 
 and difficult duties of his responsible office, and 
 having little or no access to authentic sources 
 of information. I deeply sympathize with my 
 countrymen of the Vernacular Press in their 
 struggles. But in every case and under all 
 circumstances, let their motto be ; — " Naught 
 extenuate or aught set down in malice." A 
 campaign, conducted under such auspices, with 
 such moderation and with such regard for ac- 
 curacy and truth, must, in the end, be success- 
 ful. For my part, I can conceive of no other 
 termination to such a campaign. If we are 
 true to ourselves, if the Vernacular Press 
 is true to its exalted and noble mission, if 
 it realizes its responsibility, as the trustee 
 of an infant institution, pregnant with 
 great good to the people of this country, 
 then I venture to predict the ultimate success 
 of this agitation, and the triumphant conclu- 
 sion of the second campaign. (Loud and pro- 
 longed cheering.) 
 
 The Resolution was put to the vote and was 
 carried unanimously. 
 
 Babu Bhoyrub Chunder Banner ji moved 
 the second resolution, which ran as follows : — 
 
 " That this Meeting, deeply impressed with a sense of the 
 manifold evils which may be expected to follow from the 
 Vernacular Press Act, and convinced of the necessity of 
 Parliamentary supervision and control over the operation of 
 the Act, desires to express its heartfelt gratitude to the 
 Hon'ble Members of Parliament, who, whether voting in 
 favor of Mr. Gladstone's motion or otherwise condemning 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 the Act, sought to uphold that freedom of utterance, that 
 outspoken criticism of the measures and acts of Government 
 and of public officers, which the Vernacular Press had 
 enjoyed for nearly half a century, and which is so essential 
 to progress and good government in India." 
 
 Baboo Bhoyrub Chunder in moving the reso- 
 lution spoke as follows : — 
 
 In rising to move a resolution at this meeting, 
 or in taking any part in the proceedings of this 
 evening, I can not resist the temptation of call- 
 ing to mind, with unfeigned pleasure, the strong 
 contrast of feeling and the very great difference 
 in the circumstances, which have called us toge- 
 ther this evening, and those under which we 
 met at this very hall, about five months ago. 
 On the last occasion, our feelings were those of 
 alarm and anxiety. This evening, we have met 
 with pleasure and with hearts full of gratitude. 
 (Hear, hear.) On the last occasion, we met 
 with hope, not indeed unchequered with a 
 certain amount of doubt and misgivings. This 
 evening, we have the satisfaction of meet- 
 ing to see that hope realized. (Cheers.) At 
 the last meeting, we were here as criminals, 
 who had been convicted by the highest tri- 
 bunal in the country, and adjudged guilty 
 without any evidence, and without being 
 afforded an opportunity of defending them- 
 selves, of asserting their innocence, of proving, 
 to the satisfaction of all right-minded men, 
 the utter groundlessness of the very serious 
 charges brought against them, — against the 
 millions of their countrymen, the millions of 
 the population of India. (Cheers.) For I say 
 the very fact of the Vernacular Press Act hav- 
 ing been passed in one sitting, showed distrust 
 on the part of the rulers towards the ruled who 
 were thus convicted of disaffection, disloyalty, 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 in fact of the highest offence which a subject, 
 especially an Indian subject, could be guilty of. 
 It was then that we met with the hope of being 
 able to prefer an appeal, and as is always the 
 case in appeals, even with those who have the 
 best cause, we appealed with a mere chance of 
 success. It was the righteousness of our cause, 
 the great interests at stake, and the gravity and 
 magnitude of our loss, that urged us on to 
 action. The enormity of the offence, the un- 
 reasonableness of the charge, left us no alter- 
 native but humbly to protest and appeal. And 
 the implicit faith and unreserved confidence 
 we had in the sense .of justice of the British 
 nation, inspired us with hope, and that hope, Sir, 
 I am glad to say, has been realized. (Cheers.) 
 The eloquent speeches, that we have heard this 
 evening, must have convinced every one, that, 
 notwithstanding the loss of the Right Hon'ble 
 Mr. Gladstone's motion in Parliament, it is 
 a great victory that we have gained. I need 
 not, therefore, take you over the same ground 
 again. It is, no doubt, a great achievement, 
 an unlooked for success; for, I may here 
 remark in passing, that even those who spoke 
 against Mr. Gladstone's motion, condemned 
 the Act, if not entirely, at least to a very 
 great extent — to the extent of showing that the 
 gagging of the Vernacular Press in India was 
 a retrograde movement — an act inconsistent 
 with an Englishman's idea of justice, contrary to 
 English politics, and revolting to British notions 
 of freedom and fair-play. (Loud cheers.) 
 The high terms in which the Bight Hon'ble 
 Mr. Gladstone has been spoken of, by the pre- 
 vious speakers, and the due share of praise 
 which has been bestowed by them on the other 
 members of Parliament, who supported Mr. 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 Gladstone's motion or who otherwise condemned 
 the Act, leave very little for me to say. And I 
 do not think it proper to weaken, by my feeble 
 voice, the effect of what has been so impres- 
 sively expressed and forcibly urged, by the elo- 
 quent speakers who have preceded me. That 
 the Eight Hon'ble Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Eaw- 
 cett, Mr. Gorst, Mr. Evans, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, 
 Sir Henry James, Mr. O'Donnel, and even Sir 
 George Campbell deserve our humble tribute 
 of heartfelt gratitude, is what I can proclaim to 
 the world, without fear of contradiction. 
 (Cheers.) That the names of these illustrious 
 statesmen, these noble-hearted champions of 
 liberty ought to be written in indelible letters 
 in our heart of hearts, does not admit of a 
 question or doubt. Let us, therefore, all, with 
 one accord, express our gratitude to those 
 who have either in express words or by their 
 silent votes, tried to uphold the cause of 
 free speech, and of the liberty of the Ver- 
 nacular Press of India. Here, gentlemen, 
 I may take the opportunity of observing that 
 while reading the reports of the speeches made 
 in Parliament in reference to the Vernacular 
 Press Act, no one could fail being strongly 
 impressed with the fact, that the free political 
 atmosphere of England effects a mighty 
 change in men's opinions and their modes 
 of thought. In the speech of Sir George 
 Campbell is to be found, indubitable testi- 
 mony of the salutary influence of the free poli- 
 tical atmosphere of England, in changing and 
 modifying men's opinions, in enlarging then- 
 views, and liberating their minds from all 
 narrow prejudices of class, creed or color. 
 (Loud cheers.) If we were to judge of Sir 
 George Campbell, from what we had seen 
 
( 3G ) 
 
 of him here, I think we should have expected 
 Sir George to have supported the Act and 
 the Government, right through. How very 
 agreeable, therefore, was our surprise, and how 
 very strongly did it tell against the Vernacular 
 Press Act, when Sir George Campbell dis- 
 claimed it altogether, and condemned it nearly 
 in as strong terms as any other member of 
 Parliament, who supported Mr. Gladstone's 
 motion, Our heartfelt thanks are, therefore, 
 as much due to Sir George as to any of the 
 other members, whose names have already 
 been mentioned. Gentlemen, in bringing for- 
 ward before you the claims of these honorable 
 members of Parliament to our gratitude, I must 
 not be supposed in any way to be detracting 
 from the high encomium which has been be- 
 stowed upon the Eight Hon'ble W. E. Glad- 
 stone by the previous speakers. It is, on the 
 contrary, adding more to his glory to express 
 our gratitude to them, who so strongly support- 
 ed him and firmly stood by his side. (Cheers.) 
 As an experienced general, and one thoroughly 
 conversant with what he was about, Mr. Glad- 
 stone led his army. He was assisted by his lieu- 
 tenants, his colonels, captains, and subalterns. 
 He meets with success. To whom shall we attri- 
 bute the glory 1 Certainly, it is not to the 
 general alone that the success of the campaign 
 is due, and no one will feel greater pleasure in 
 dividing the glory, in seeing the due share of 
 praise meted out to every member of the 
 successful army than the general himself. 
 (Cheers.) And after we have expressed our 
 gratitude to him, in such glowing and appropri- 
 ate terms, it is but just and proper, gentlemen, 
 that you should be told that there are others 
 who should not be forgotten. In a House of 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 360, you could not have expected to have 152, 
 and perhaps more, to vote in your favor, if the 
 Eight Hon'ble Mr. Gladstone had been the 
 only speaker, or the only person taking an 
 active part in the debate or evincing a lively 
 interest in the subject, then before the House. 
 (Cheers.) Let us, therefore, express our heart- 
 felt gratitude to all those Hon'ble members of 
 Parliament and notably to that champion of 
 our rights and interests, Mr. Henry Pawcett, 
 who have supported the Eight Hon'ble Mr. 
 Gladstone either by voting or speaking in favor 
 of his motion, or by recording their unqualified 
 disapproval of the action of Government, in 
 passing the Vernacular Press Act. (Loud 
 cheers.) Gentlemen, as it is getting late, 
 and there are other gentlemen, eloquent and 
 able speakers, to follow me in this and 
 other resolutions, I will not trespass upon 
 your patience or your time. I shall, there- 
 fore, content myself merely, by reading 
 the resolution and commending it to your 
 unanimous support. Babu Bhoirab Chunder 
 then read the second resolution. 
 
 Babu Biprodass Banerjea, Junior Govern- 
 ment Pleader, 24-Pergunnahs and Editor of 
 the Sahachar newspaper, in seconding the 
 resolution spoke as follows : — 
 
 Mr, President and Gentlemen, 
 
 I second this resolution, with the utmost 
 pleasure ; for mine was one of the first papers 
 that were called upon to enter into the bail 
 bond, under the Press Act. I advisedly call 
 it an Act, for it is a misnomer to call it a law. 
 It has taken away all powers from our judges. 
 A measure which has taken away one of the 
 most cherished rights of man, a measure which 
 
( 38 ) 
 
 has destroyed some of the great guarantees for 
 personal freedom, a measure which has placed 
 such large powers in the hands of a class of offi- 
 cers, who, by their training and by the tradi- 
 tions of their service, are despotic, and unable 
 to bear free criticism, does not deserve the sac- 
 red name of law. We all know that the Go- 
 vernment of India do not intentionally do 
 wrong. But where a wrong is done, whatever 
 may be the motives of its authors, they really 
 deserve to be blamed, and they must thank 
 themselves, if an unenviable place is assigned 
 to them in history. 
 
 Gentlemen, this meeting is most opportune ; 
 for the morning papers of yesterday announced 
 that Sir Alexander Arbuthnot was about to in- 
 troduce a bill amending the Press Act. This is 
 the fittest opportunity to express our gratitude 
 to Mr. Gladstone, and those members of Parlia- 
 ment who supported him. Our special thanks 
 are due to Mr. O'Donnell and the Irish party, 
 who owe us nothing and expect nothing from 
 us. (Cheers,) Mr. O'Donnell and his party sup- 
 ported us purely through motives of philan- 
 thropy. Great praise is, therefore, due to these 
 Irish philanthropists. India will never forget 
 their services. (Cheers. ) 
 
 By the wording of the resolution you will be 
 pleased to see that the mover is of opinion that 
 the Act will be productive of many evils. 
 Who will be the greatest sufferers ? I say 
 the Government of India. They will not be 
 in a position to gauge public opinion. 
 Though they may suppress newspapers, 
 yet neither they or any person in the 
 world can prevent the people of this country 
 from communicating their thoughts to each 
 other. A foreign government can never expect 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 to gauge public opinion, through their paid 
 officers. They can never stop the expression of 
 opinions, though they themselves may not 
 know them. They only succeed in stopping 
 the mouths of the honest and the well-dis- 
 posed ; the dishonest and the revolutionary 
 simply laugh at them. Not to speak of a for- 
 eign government, can a national one do so ? 
 Could the Emperor Nicholas with all his police 
 and spies prevent the circulation of the writ- 
 ings of Alexander Herzen ? 
 
 Gentlemen, it was in 1860 that some men 
 induced Lord Canning to propose a censorship 
 of the native press. There was then in India 
 that prince of missionaries, that steadfast friend 
 of the country and of humanity in general, 
 the Rev. Mr. James Long, to whom the mat- 
 ter was referred. I draw upon my memory, but 
 I think these were the words of wisdom with 
 which he addessed Government : — " Now who 
 will be the censors? Not the civilians who have 
 so much to do and who are so good friends of 
 the people. * * * * * l n a country where it is 
 possible to circulate chappaties for 400 miles 
 within a single night, it is impossible to stop 
 communication of thoughts. The Government 
 only will be the sufferers. They only will not 
 know what the public feeling is." Lord Canning 
 was struck with the force of these arguments, 
 and the matter was dropped. Time passed on, 
 and Sir George Campbell became Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Bengal. His measures called forth 
 severe criticism. He therefore proposed to 
 muzzle the native press, though not in the 
 way it has been done. But then, there was 
 Lord Northbrook — a strong man with hard 
 common sense, who knew both the feelings of 
 the people of India 3 and the views which 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 statesmen in England were likely to take of 
 such a measure. He set his face against dis- 
 cretionary government. 
 
 It was a civilian who gave freedom to the 
 Native press. It was a civilian who first pro- 
 posed its destruction, and we all know that it 
 has been owing to the exertions of two civilians, 
 that the present law has been enacted. It is to be 
 regretted that the present Lieutenant-Governor 
 of Bengal should be one who proposed to muzzle 
 the Vernacular Press. He whom we delighted 
 to call, our Eden Sahib, shonld have been the 
 greatest champion of the freedom of speech, and 
 not one who should have proposed its extinction. 
 I advisedly use the Avord extinction. The Act 
 has already been exercising a baneful influence 
 on our national literature. You have heard 
 the Rev. Mr. Macdonald complain of the obsta- 
 cles, thrown in the way of Vernacular religious 
 publications. Do you not know that one of our 
 rising authors — Babu Kajoni Kant Gupta — 
 could not find a printer to publish his History of 
 the Mutiny of 1857? I repeat that our liter- 
 ature is suffering. No country can produce good 
 writers with the phantoms of the police officer 
 and the hang-man before it. Look to Erance. 
 Could the second empire from 1853 to 1870 
 produce a single writer of the calibre of 
 Thiers, Guizot, &c, who adorned the reign of 
 King Louis Phillippe ? These are some of the 
 greatest evils which the Press Act has already 
 produced. 
 
 My friend, Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea, 
 has eloquently shewed that the very objec- 
 tions that we raised here in India were 
 raised by Mr. Gladstone and the speakers that 
 supported his motion. Indeed, we would, as he 
 has said, draw a veil on the Viceroy's tele- 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 graphic despatch of the 13th of March. But 
 this, we may he permitted to ask, as we did ask 
 with anguish, when the Act fell amongst us 
 like a thunderbolt, was this sedition ? Who 
 were seditious ? We asked Government for their 
 facts, and they threw to our face those 150 
 extracts which they called translations, but 
 which were simply caricatures of translations. 
 Now, to the part we played both before and after 
 the Act. During the Russo-Turkish war, the 
 native papers in a chorus called upon England to 
 crush the Russians, whom they cordially hated. 
 In whose interest were those passionate appeals 
 made? Do we personally owe any grudge 
 to Russia ? Russia wants to annex India ; 
 we hate the Russian system of government ; 
 we are of opinion that the Russian system does 
 not possess any civilizing influence. It was for 
 the preservation and consolidation of the British 
 Empire, that the press called upon England to 
 declare war and crush her enemy, while he yet 
 kept himself on the other side of the Balkans. 
 I ask, was this an attempt to destroy the 
 Empire ? Yet the Vernacular papers have 
 been pronounced seditious for this very reason. 
 I was put down as seditious, because my paper 
 (the Sahachar) had warned England not to tread 
 in the footsteps of Carthage, as if warning a 
 friend of a danger were to wish him to fall into 
 it ! It is a relief that so great an authority as 
 Mr. Gladstone has not pronounced such writ- 
 ings to be seditious. Who will now dare say 
 that he has been mistaken ? 
 
 Then with reference to another fact which oc- 
 curred after the Act was passed. Our august 
 Sovereign ordered a portion of her Indian 
 army to go to Malta. We know with what 
 alacrity the call was obeyed. I shall not 
 
( 42 ) 
 
 refer to the testimony given by English- 
 men regarding the zeal of the Indian troops 
 for the defence of the Empire. Many of 
 you have read a letter written .by an Italian 
 gentleman to an Italian paper. He says that, 
 on mentioning the name of the Russ, the Se- 
 poys seemed as if he had mentioned the name of 
 a hereditary enemy! During the Burmese war 
 a whole Sepoy regiment was destroyed, as,on ac- 
 count of caste, they had refused to cross the sea. 
 This time, for the Russians the Sepoy disregard- 
 ed the ties of caste. I say, and that without fear 
 of contradiction, that you owe this to the 
 much abused Vernacular papers. 
 
 I don't know if the amended Act will be an 
 improvement. Would to God that the Govern- 
 ment of India had abandoned the Act alto- 
 gether ! The Eev. Mr. Macdonald has made 
 some remarks on the 10th Section. I shall 
 venture to say some few words on the Section 
 that has placed us, poor Vernacular editors, 
 beyond the protection of the law. "We all 
 know that Sir Ashley Eden strongly urged the 
 advisability of placing all powers in this 
 respect, in the hands of the executive. I was 
 the other day reading his Honor's Resolution 
 on the Police Report for 1877. Some hundreds 
 of old thieves had been sent to jail, on the mere 
 suspicion that they obtained their living by 
 preying on society. The Lieutenant-Governor 
 was highly angry with the Inspector General, 
 because he ventured to sav that this course was 
 necessary. Sir Ashley Eden expressed his high 
 displeasure, and said, that he would permit 
 no man — however bad his antecedents were 
 — to be sent to jail, unless a crime were 
 brought home to him, and that after judi- 
 cially trying him. He warned magistrates as to 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 how they at first held local enquiries in their 
 executive capacity, and then developed the 
 result into a judicial inquiry. Noble words 
 were these. Eut I asked myself, how was it 
 possible for a man who on the one hand 
 was thundering against a departmental chief, 
 for sending hardened criminals to jail, 
 as a preventive measure (and mind you, 
 gentlemen, the Viceroy from his place in the 
 Legislative Council, said that the Press Act 
 was a preventive measure), would, on the other 
 hand, without even the form of any judicial 
 enquiry, subject to pains and penalties people 
 — who had some claims to education — who 
 certainly were not regarded as pests by society, 
 who, though they be sneered at by officials and 
 some Europeans, are really respected by their 
 countrymen as exponents of their views, — I 
 wondered, how these people should be considered 
 to be less deserving than old badmashes. To 
 tell you the truth, gentlemen, I shall be most 
 glad to place my name in the list of bad- 
 mashes, if by so doing, I can secure a judicial 
 trial. How strange is human nature ! How 
 people, otherwise able and honest, say and do 
 inconsistent things, when they are guided by 
 pure Zid ! I shall detain you no longer. I re- 
 peat that the resolution is most opportune, 
 and that I cordially support it. (Cheers.) 
 
 Baboo Nobogopal Mitter, in a few words, sup- 
 ported the resolution which was carried unani- 
 mously. 
 
 Baboo Jogesh Chunder Dutt moved the 3rd 
 resolution which ran as follows : — 
 
 "That the following address to the Right Hon'ble 
 W. E. Gladstone be adopted, and be forwarded to him, undei? 
 the signature of the Chairman of this meeting" : — 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 "Right Hon'ble Sir, 
 
 On behalf of the Public Meeting, held at the Town Hall 
 of this city, on the 6th of September, I venture to convey to 
 you our deep and heartfelt gratitude for having presented 
 our petition on the Vernacular Press Act to Parliament, 
 and for having upheld, by your eloquent and powerful advo- 
 cacy, the interests of the Vernacular Press Act of India. 
 Amongst the many English institutions introduced into In- 
 dia, which we dearly prize and lovingly cherish, which we 
 regard as potent instruments for the civilization and regene- 
 ration of India, the foremost place must be given to that 
 liberty of speech, that right of free and unreserved criticism, 
 in our own language, of the measures of Government and of 
 the acts of public officers, which we had, for nearly half a 
 century, enjoyed. Impressed with a deep sense of the im- 
 portance and usefulness of a free Vernacular Press, whether 
 regarded as " a barometer of native feeling and opinion," or 
 as an auxiliary to the cause of good government and pro- 
 gress, we regretted deeply the enactment of the Vernacular 
 Press Law, considered it as a retrograde measure, and felt 
 that it was utterly out of harmony with the traditions of 
 English rule in India, and that it subverted that policy of pro- 
 gress and beneficence which had secured the loyalty and the 
 lasting gratitude of the people of this country, and consti- 
 tuted the distinguishing glory of British rule in India. But, 
 while w r e regarded the enactment of the Vernacular Press 
 Law as a national grievance, we felt that the English nation 
 and the representatives of the English nation in Parliament 
 assembled, would lend a willing and indulgent ear to our 
 grievance, and would treat our prayer with consideration. 
 In that hope, we have not been disappointed. The Press of 
 England has discussed the question with a degree of impar- 
 tiality, a breadth of view, and a warmth of genuine sym- 
 pathy for the wants and aspirations of India, as have left a 
 deep and powerful impression on our minds. The British 
 Parliament, though generally indifferent to Indian questions, 
 evinced the liveliest interest in the discussion of the merits 
 of the Vernacular Press Law, and the division which followed 
 the debate, shewed that there was considerable sympathy 
 felt for us in the House of Commons, and that that illus- 
 trious Assembly realized its responsibility, as the ultimate 
 arbiter of the destinies of the people of this country. We 
 cannot be insensible to the fact, that this awakening of a 
 new and unlooked-for interest in the British House of Com- 
 mons, in regard to a purely Indian question, was due, in no 
 small degree, to the sympathy that you felt for us in our 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 loss of a valued and cherished privilege, and to your advo- 
 cacy of our interests in relation to a constitutional right, 
 which English education and English civilization have 
 taught us to regard as the strongest safeguard against the 
 arbitrary exercise of irresponsible power, and as one of the 
 most effectual guarantees of progressive government, based 
 uopn the hopes, aspirations and wants of the people. We 
 have no representatives in Parliament. No native of India 
 sits in that august Assembly, to give voice to the dumb 
 millions of his countrymen. Parliament would never hear 
 the wail that might be raised in these shores, would not even 
 hear the faintest whisper of our grievances and complaints, 
 if it were not for philanthropise statesmen like yourself, 
 who, impressed with the imperial responsibilities of England, 
 have often endeavoured to create an interest in the minds of 
 Englishmen, in regard to questions other than those which 
 are purely English. We consider it a great misfortune that 
 so few English statesmen take any active interest in the 
 concerns of England's great empire in the East. We greatly 
 value the influence of English views and ideas upon the 
 momentous questions of Indian administration and govern- 
 ment. We deem the influence of such ideas to be highly 
 beneficial, and indeed essentially necessary in the present 
 constitution of the Indian Government. And the discussion 
 on the Vernacular Press Act, taking place in a House of not 
 fewer than 360 members, may be regarded as a hopeful au- 
 gury of the awakening interest of Englishmen, in the great 
 questions of Indian policy and administration. For the 
 service which you, Sir, have been pleased to render to the 
 people of this country, by advocating the claims of the 
 Vernacular Press, India has nothing better, and perhaps 
 nothing worthier and nobler to offer than the expression of 
 her deep, heartfelt and devout gratitude to you. We beg, 
 you will accept this tribute in the spirit in which it is offer- 
 ed. Nov can we, in this place, forbear to tender the warm- 
 est and most hearty expressions of our gratitude to those 
 Hon'ble Members of Parliament, who conscious of the grave 
 and solemn responsibilities which devolve upon Parliament 
 in its imperial capacity to watch over the destinies, and to 
 secure the progress and well-being of England's dependen- 
 cies, have condemned the Act by voting in favour of your 
 motion or otherwise. The Debate in Parliament, if it has 
 done nothing else, has shewn how utterly unjustifiable the 
 Act is, and how entirely opposed it is to the instincts of 
 free-born Englishmen, and we earnestly hope that after the 
 strong expression of opinion, adverse to the Act which the 
 Debate called forth, the Act will be repealed, at no distant 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 date. Sir, it is the heartfelt wish of those, on whose be- 
 half, I write this letter, that the interests of India may 
 occupy a place in your heart, that her grievances may find 
 in you a willing listener, that you will allow us from time 
 to time to appeal to you as a kind and sympathizing friend, 
 and that your powerful eloquence and the weight of your 
 great influence may always continue to be exerted in defence 
 of the best interests of the helpless and unrepresented mil- 
 lions of India, in the promotion of their welfare, in the 
 redress of their grievances, and in the securing to them of 
 those English institutions, which it is the boast of England 
 to have called forth to life, in her own free soil, and which 
 it will be her highest glory to transplant to those countries, 
 which own her supremacy and rejoice in the blessings con- 
 ferred by her rule. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 K. M. Banerjea. 
 Chairman of the Town Hall Meeting. 
 
 Baboo Saligram Singh of Behar, in second- 
 ing the resolution, spoke as follows : — 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, 
 
 There is a Latin motto, which when trans- 
 lated into English would stand something as 
 follows ; — "if you pronounce a man ungrateful 
 you say all that can be urged against him." So 
 I would say if you pronounce a nation ungrate- 
 ful, you say all that can be urged against it. 
 Gentlemen, our nation has been called an un- 
 grateful nation. It has been said that there is- 
 no word in our language, corresponding to the 
 English word " thanks/' but to meet this accu- 
 sation I would say that our gratitude has been 
 more of the nature, as a British poet has said, 
 of a " still small voice.'' But now-a-days, 
 according to the spirit of the present age, 
 it is absolutely necessary that we should 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 express our gratitude in a more demonstrative 
 way, and it is with this object that we have 
 assembled here. 
 
 If after the learned speeches that have been 
 delivered, I were now to enter into details, 
 reasonings, and arguments, to convince you of 
 the fact that Mr. Gladstone is entitled to our 
 thanks, I would not only be insulting the 
 speakers that have preceded me, but would be 
 insulting your moral nature as well. So I 
 shall confine myself to one observation only. 
 Hitherto India and Indian questions operated as 
 the dinner bell of the House of Commons, i. e., 
 no sooner these questions were introduced, 
 members used to vacate their seats and retire. 
 But, on this occasion, Mr. Gladstone succeeded 
 in securing the attention of the House on an 
 important Indian question. He has thus, in a 
 manner, inaugurated a new era in the history of 
 British India in its relations with England, by 
 causing that august Assembly to feel an inter- 
 est in an important Indian question — that 
 august Assembly which has saved England on 
 many occasions, and to which India must look 
 up, for her prosperity and welfare. With these 
 few words, gentlemen, I commend the resolu- 
 tion, just moved, to your acceptance. 
 
 The resolution was unanimously carried. 
 
 Here Pundit Sadanund Misser of Lahore 
 read an address to Mr. Gladstone in Hindi 
 which was loudly applauded by the meeting. 
 
 Babu Amarendra Nath Chatterjee moved the 
 fourth resolution which ran as follows : — 
 
 " That this Meeting, while it attaches no small im- 
 portance to the fact that so many as 152 Members 
 of Parliament in a House of 360, voted in favor of Mr. 
 Gladstone's motion, feels, nevertheless, that the Vernacular 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 Press Act, in spite of the modifications introduced by the 
 Secretary of State's Despatch, and the promise of the Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer to call for reports, is so dangerous 
 in its character, and so prejudicial to the legitimate discus- 
 sion of the measures of Government, to the free and out- 
 spoken criticism of the acts of public officers, and to the 
 development of the Vernacular Literature of the country, 
 that a special organisation is needed to watch its operation, 
 and with this view, requests the following gentlemen to form 
 themselves into a Standing Committee (with power to add 
 to their number) with a view to take, from time to time, 
 such steps as may be deemed necessary, in the interests of 
 the Vernacular Press f — 
 
 The Revd. K. M.. Banerjea, ll. d., Chairman. 
 The Revd. K. S. Macdonald, m. a., Principal, Free Church 
 College. 
 
 Rajah Syama Sunker Roy Bahadur. 
 T. Palit, Esq., Barrister-at-Law. 
 Babu Mohesh Chunder Chowdhry. 
 
 „ Chunder Madhab Ghose. 
 Dwijendra Nath Tagore. 
 
 „ Bhoirab Chunder Banerjea. 
 
 „ Rash Behary Ghose. 
 
 „ Gurudas Banerjea, d. l. 
 
 „ Juggonnath Khanna. 
 
 „ Nitya Lai Mullick. 
 
 „ Biprodass Banerjea. 
 
 „ Jogesh Chunder Dutt. 
 
 „ Nobo Gopal Mitter. 
 
 „ Surendra Nath Banerjea. 
 
 „ Saligram Singh of Behar. 
 
 Pandit Surajbull, b. c. l., (Lahore.) 
 
 Sirdar Dyal Singh Majeetia, (Amritsar.) 
 
 Lala Madan Gopal, m. a., (Delhi.) 
 
 Raja Ameer Hossein Khan Bahadur, (Lucknow.) 
 
 K. M. Chatterjee, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, ) , , , v 
 
 P undit Ajodhya Nath. / < Allatialm( W 
 
 A. M. Bose, Esqre., Member and Secretary. 
 
 In moving the 4th resolution, Baboo Amar- 
 endra Nath spoke as follows : — 
 
 Dr. Banerjea and Gentlemen, 
 
 You would credit me with no ordinary 
 amount of conceit, if at this late hour of the 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 evening, after the stirring, eloquent and exhaus- 
 tive speeches to which you have heen treated, I 
 were to claim your attention, for any length 
 of time. The Vernacular Press Act has been 
 justly stigmatized as an Act casting an un- 
 called-for and an unmerited slur on the loy- 
 alty of the people. This objectionable legisla- 
 tion is unparallelled in the annals of British In- 
 dian administration for its heartless injustice to 
 the feelings of Her Majesty's loyal subjects. 
 It offers a contradiction to, and betrays a 
 thorough distrust of that loyalty which so 
 recently found expression in the enthusiastic 
 reception which followed the visit of His 
 Koyal Highness the Prince of Wales — that 
 loyalty which hailed the assumption by Her 
 Majesty the Queen, of the title of Empress — 
 that loyalty which has been proved beyond a 
 doubt by the Hindu Sepoys — preferring their 
 devotion to their Queen to the claims of Caste 
 and religion, and placing their lives at the 
 service of their Sovereign on the soil of 
 Europe. (Hear Hear.) Gentlemen, I will 
 not pause to discuss the merits of the 
 Press Act. Gentlemen, well may we con- 
 gratulate ourselves on the success which has 
 crowned our efforts. Mr. Gladstone's motion 
 in the House of Commons has brought to 
 light the absurdity of the legislation which is a 
 blot on the Statute Book of the land. (Hear 
 Hear.) The debate in Parliament gives no 
 uncertain sound. That fairness to political 
 opponents which is the characteristic of Mr. 
 Gladstone, induced him to place the question 
 in the House in a form which prevented a 
 parliamentary record of condemnation of this 
 obnoxious Act, — a result which would have 
 certainly led to the degradation of the first 
 
 G 
 
( 50 ) 
 
 man in India, in the eyes of those over whom v 
 he rules as the Queen's Viceroy, or at all events 
 would probably have led to his resignation. 
 (Hear Hear.) Gentlemen, it is satisfactory 
 to know that in England, both in Parlia- 
 ment and out of Parliament, there is a con- 
 sensus of opinion that the Vernacular Press 
 Act is the saddest and most mischievous poli- 
 tical blunder, ever committed by the most 
 blundering Indian administration. (Hear Hear.) 
 Lord Canning's so called gagging Act, passed 
 in a time of panic, was justified by the gravest 
 political necessity. (Hear Hear.) That Act, 
 Sir, Lord Canning's Act, did not level a blow 
 at the liberty of the Press. Lord Canning's 
 Act was calculated to prevent the spread of 
 false reports and false alarms during the Sepoy 
 Mutiny. It was intended to secure the ease, 
 repose and tranquility of the subjects of the 
 realm. (Loud cheers.) Sir, what has struck 
 me most, in going through the literature on 
 this subject, is that this revolutionary measure 
 of Lord Lytton's Cabinet received the cordial 
 support of the legal members of his Council. 
 (Hear Hear.) I am sorry to say that in lend- 
 ing the weight of their influence and support, 
 the Hon'ble the Advocate General of Bengal 
 and the Hon'ble Mr. Evans have committed 
 (I hope, not the bar of which they themselves 
 are such distinguished representatives) to a 
 line of conduct, which is in contravention of 
 the glorious traditions of the British Bar. 
 (Hear Hear.) All honor to that Bar which 
 has from the earliest times on record, stood 
 forth, as the most consistent, and the staunch- 
 est champion of the liberty of the press, 
 which is the best- safeguard of the liberty 
 of the subject. (Hear Hear.) Gentlemen, 
 
( 51 ) 
 
 it is generally supposed that the Civil Service 
 is in favor of this measure. I should be sorry 
 to think it was so. For, are we not indebted 
 for the liberty of the press to Lord Metcalfe, 
 an Indian Civilian to the back-bone, who held 
 the office of provisional Governor-General, and 
 lost all chance of being appointed permanent- 
 ly to that office, for having given liberty to 
 the Press, without the sanction of the East 
 India Company. (Hear Hear.) Gentlemen, 
 I have been always of the strongest conviction 
 that we have our best friends amongst the 
 members of the Civil Service. I am inclined 
 to think that the Act we meet here to-night 
 to protest against, is an isolated enactment of 
 Lord Lytton's Cabinet, passed by his Council 
 without the privity and consent of the Civil 
 Service as a body. (Hear Hear.) 
 
 Gentlemen, I will not abstain from a 
 few observations, more immediately bearing 
 on the resolution before you. I beg leave to 
 introduce the resolution to you as a practical 
 one. It aims at the formation of a commit- 
 tee of gentlemen, with power to add to their 
 number, charged with the duty of collecting 
 statistics and keeping a watch on the opera- 
 tion of the Act. By appointing a Standing 
 Committee to note the operations of the exe- 
 cutive officers in connection with the Press 
 Act, the promoters of this meeting, I am sure, 
 would wish it to be distinctly understood, that 
 they do not cast any reflection on the inten- 
 tions of Government. The Committee, if it 
 works well, as it is hoped it will, will prove 
 a valuable help to Government. One great 
 object the Committee will have in view, will 
 be to collect trustworthy materials with res- 
 pect to the working of the Act. It will have 
 
( 52 ) 
 
 corresponding members who will report mat- 
 ters to the Central Committee. I hope, how- 
 ever, the labors of the Committee will soon 
 come to an end. There is a Bill in the Council, 
 and I trust that after the discussion which the 
 Press Act has elicited, and the opinion, ex- 
 pressed on it by eminent men in England, 
 Lord Lytton's Cabinet will feel advised, in its 
 wisdom, to do away with all the obnoxious 
 provisions of the Act. Gentlemen, I thank 
 you for the patient hearing you have given 
 me at this late hour. I fully appreciate your 
 kindness. I will now ask you to pass the 
 resolution which stands in my name. (Loud 
 cheers.) 
 
 The resolution was seconded by Moulvi Ser- 
 aj-ul-Islam, and w T as unanimously carried. 
 
 With a vote of thanks to the Chair and to 
 the Indian Association for having convened 
 the meeting, the proceedings came to an end. 
 
 Printed by I. C. Bose & Co., Stanhope Press, 249, Boiv-bazar 
 Street, Calcutta* 
 
IIP 
 Mm 
 
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