u DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE THREE PRESIDENCIES •1 OF INDIA: A HISTORY OE THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE BRITISH INDIAN POSSESSIONS, Jfrom tlie (Earliest |lccorbs to fin present ®ime. WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR GOVERNMENT, RELIGION, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, EDUCATION, ETC. ETC. By JOHN (NIPPER, F.R.A.S. LATE EDITOR OF THE CEYLON EXAMINER. JUnstrotcb bt) numerous (Cnflruuinfls, onb a Jttnp N LONDON : INGRAM, COOKE, AND CO. 1853. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/threepresidencie01capp_0 m 03 C 2A*?! PREFACE. 1 - 0 - The deep interest imparted to Indian affairs during the recent deliberations of the Senate, in the columns of the political jour¬ nals, in reviews and pamphlets, and, indeed, wherever a vent for public feeling could be found, induces the Author to believe that no apology is needed for the publication of this volume. Much has been already written on the subject of Indian affairs. No ordinary amount of ability has been brought to bear on most of the topics embraced in what is popularly termed “ the Indian question.” It was nevertheless felt that a work was still wanted which should place the public in pos¬ session not merely of such facts as bear upon the political phase of the subject, but also of a faithful picture, social and indus¬ trial, of the many races composing the people of British India. A residence of many years in the East, a long connection with the Indian Press, and an acquaintance with civilians, mer¬ chants, and planters of the three Presidencies, have emboldened the Author to call Indian things by their right names. The vastness of the interests involved forbad their being handled less firmly. The recent legislation upon the government of India is but the prelude to great and momentous changes, which cannot long be stayed; which must come — peaceably and lawfully, if we will—but they must come, as surely as the broad daylight of intelligence is penetrating the hearts and souls of a hundred millions of our fellow-creatures. It is not by such means as the solemn farce enacting in the Committee-rooms of the House of Commons that this work will be aided. The dullest mind of the poorest Indian ryot must see through the transparency of that judicial mockery which pretends to give fair play to the plaintiff, by examining no other witnesses than the clients of the defendant. It is in India, and a VI PREFACE. India only, that the work must he done. It is there alone that a Committee of Inquiry can hope to hear the truth and the whole truth, regarding those matters which so deeply concern the future of British India,—matters which can he little more than glanced at in this volume. Petitions, newspapers, and pamphlets have gone far to prepare the ground, and much good seed has been sown ; but the harvest-time has not yet arrived. Happily for the cause, the day has gone past when an Indian speech was the dinner-bell of the House of Commons,— an Indian article the nightcap of newspaper readers. English¬ men have shaken off the antiquated belief that they are not interested in the welfare of the three Presidencies. The philoso- pher, the political-economist, the manufacturer, the merchant, the ship-owner, and, above all, the Christian, finds an ample field for sympathy and energy in that wonderful land, highly gifted by nature, yet prostrate in superstition and misery. A country, the greater portion of which has been in our possession for three-quarters of a century; whose commerce has remained stationary during the last eight or nine years; whose inhabitants pay in taxes half as much as is collected in Great Britain and Ireland, and yet annually consume no more than one shilling’s worth of British goods per head, or one-fourteenth part of the value taken by the inhabitants of Chili and La Plata ; whose entire roads receive no greater outlay than is spent upon the streets and highways of one of our large towns; upon whose education the annual sum of three farthings per family is dis¬ bursed ; where railroads, under the fostering care of the Court of Directors, have progressed at the rate of fifteen miles in fifteen years; within whose colleges, maintained by a Christian Government, the Holy Scriptures are a contraband thing,-—the name of the Saviour a forbidden sound, heard but in stealthy whispers; — such a country as this cannot be an indifferent object to Englishmen in the nineteenth century. Nor is it. India has but to raise her voice, and she will be heard by a people to whom a cry for justice was never yet raised in vain. Earls Court, Brompton, August 1853. CONTENTS. PAGE Introductory Sketch of the Natural History of British India . 1 PART I. —HISTORICAL. SHnttoo 33cn'oU. CHAPTER I. The era of fable and the early Hindoo dynasties .... 37 CHAPTER II. The Arab and Tartar invasions, and the final settlement of the Mahomedans in India.47 fHaljomcbnn CHAPTER I. Sultan Mahmoud and his successors of the Ghaznivide and Ghorian dynasties ........... 54 CHAPTER II. From the establishment of the kingdom of Delhi to its conquest by the Tartars.61 CHAPTER III. From the reign of Baber to the deposing of Shah Jehan 67 vni CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. PAGE From the proclamation of Auruugzebe to the fall of the Tartar dynasty ' 80 ^European :$3cr(ob. CHAPTER I." Early communication between the Eastern and Western World, with subsequent European progress, to the establishment of British supremacy in India ......... 96 CHAPTER II. From the permanent settlement of the British in India to the death of Hyder Ali.120 CHAPTER III. From the accession of Tippoo Sahib as Sultan of Mysore, to his over¬ throw and death at the siege of Seringapatam . . . .139 CHAPTER IV. From the dismemberment of the Mysorean kingdom to the termination of the first Mahratta campaign.152 CHAPTER V. From the renewal of hostilities to the termination of the second Mahratta war.165 CHAPTER VI. The first Burmese war, and the cession of Assam and the Tenasserim provinces to the British government.189 CHAPTER VII. From the administration of Lord William Bentinck to the annexation of Scinde and the pacification of Gwalior.207 CONTENTS. 1Z CHAPTER VIII. PAGE The wars ill the Punjab, and the annexation of the country of the Five Rivers to the British dominions.224 CHAPTER IX. The second Burmese war, and the annexation of Pegu . . . 238 PART II.—POLITICAL. CHAPTER I. The local governments of India from the Hindoo period to the present time, with a sketch of the covenanted and uncovenanted services . 251 CHAPTER II. The fiscal systems of India, ancient and modern, and their effects on the industry of the people.272 PART III.—PHYSICAL. CHAPTER I. Hindoo art and science.291 CHAPTER II. The manufactures of India.305 CHAPTER III. Agriculture of the Hindoos, and the application of European skill and capital to the cultivation of Indian products . . . .317 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. PAGE The cotton industry of India,—its history, extent, and prospects 337 CHAPTER V. Roads, rivers, and railways ........ 351 CHAPTER VI. The commercial history of the three presidencies, with a sketch of the morality of Anglo-Indian commerce and banking in the nineteenth century . .367 PART IV.—MORAL. CHAPTER I. Language and literature. 395 CHAPTER II. Religion and caste.400 CHAPTER III. Manners and customs ......... 412 CHAPTER IV. Education and Christianity.430 CHAPTER V. The administration of justice ........ 448 CHAPTER VI. The public of India, its constitution and its morality . 465 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Marquis of Dalhousie, K.T., Governor-General of India Frontispiece. Vignette. Title-page. Cashmere Goat.. . 30 Cobra Cai>ella 30 Himalayan Bustard.31 Laughing Crow.32 The Locust.33 Bamboo Insect.33 Leaf Insect.33 The Rajah on his State Elephant.48 Native Infantry.160 Burmese General.197 Troops going up the Country.211 Storming of Giiuznee.212 Camel-Battery.226 Battle of Eerozepore.228 Ancient Column.292 Remains of Hindoo Architecture.293 Cave Temple.295 Arian Pillar.297 Working Silversmith.314 Native Goldsmith.315 Diamond-Cutter.316 Ryots irrigating Rice-Fields.318 Cotton Plant.338 Cotton Fibre.339 Loaded Cotton-Hackery . ..346 The Suggar, or Village Cart.352 Indian Caravanserai and Travellers.353 Camel-Courier.357 An Indian Road.359 An Escort of Treasure to Upper Provinces.366 Madras Roads.377 A Banian.381 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Ente A Bengal Sircar Kama . Brahma Vishnu Kukmawatara . Matsyavatara . A Faiceer . A Sudra Mendicant A Hindoo Meal A Water-Carrier A Nautcii or native A Riding Elephant Indian Kite Hindoo Funeral Pile Hindoo leaving her sick A Thug A Ividmutgar A Bearer . A Mater A Biieestie A Peguan . Hindoo Washermen Paradise Flycatcher Bhuman Poonjie and Kioung Lopiiophorus Impeyanus A Peon An Ekka A Zemindar RTAINMEN Child on 5ani Ganges PAGE 384 . 398 . 401 402 403 404 . 407 410 . 414 . 416 . 417 418 . 419 419 422 423 424 424 . 425 425 426 . 427 429 440 . 447 . 459 . 469 . 479 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. INTRODUCTORY SKETCH OF THE NATURAL HISTORY OF BRITISH INDIA. he various countries which now form the three Presidencies of JL India, together with those native states which are independent of, though in close alliance with, the East India Company, have been at various times known under several denominations. They have been comprehensively and indiscriminately spoken of as Hindostan, the East Indies, and the Indian Peninsula; they are now more cor¬ rectly termed British India, which term, of course, excludes such inde¬ pendent states as have been alluded to. Extending from Cape Comorin on the south to the Himalayan range on the north, and from the delta of the Berrampootra on the east to the Indus on the west, British India, exclusive of the recently annexed province of Pegu, may be said to include within its limits 1,200,000 square miles of territory. Of these, the Presidency of Bengal contains 306,012 square miles ; Madras, 141,920 ; Bombay, 64,908 ; and Scinde and the Punjab about 160,000 square miles; the remainder being the extent of the allied states. The coast-line of British India amounts to about 3200 miles. Of these 1800 miles are washed by the Indian Ocean, and 1400 miles by the Bay of Bengal. The extreme length of India from north to south may be taken as 1800 miles; its greatest width, along the parallel of 25° N. latitude, is about 1500 miles. Intersected by vast ranges of lofty mountains, the Indian pen¬ insula presents a remarkably varied surface of table-land, delta, and B 9 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. valley; and extending as it does frona S° 4' N. lat. to 34° N. lat., with tracts of country sometimes 2500 feet above the sea-level, it naturally comprises many varieties of climate and a great range of temperature. Crossing the peninsula from east to west, between the twenty-third and twenty-fifth parallels of north latitude, we find the Yiudya Moun¬ tains, a dividing range of a marked character, and the base of those various districts into which Hindostan has been divided. These divisions are four in number : the Deccan, south of the Vindya Mountains ; and to the north of the range, the Delta of the Ganges, Central India, and the Delta of the Indus. Some writers add a fifth division, by styling that part of the Deccan which is south of the river Kishna, Southern India. The distinguishing feature of the Deccan consists of the lofty ranges of mountains which skirt it on every side ; they are named the northern, southern, eastern, and western Ghauts. 1 The latter skirt the shores of the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal at distances varying from one hundred to ten miles; those on the eastern coast being the most remote. Their altitude varies from 8000 feet down¬ wards. On the southern extremity of the western ghauts are the ISTeil- glierry Mountains stretching eastward, and famed throughout Southern India for their fine climate and fertile tracts of table-land. On this range have been established the sanitary stations of Ootacamund and Dimhutty, where Europeans enjoy the bracing temperature of alpine lands within a few days’ journey of Madras. At the northern extremity of the western range immediately oppo¬ site Bombay are the Mahabalipoora Mountains, rising to a height of 5036 feet, on which the sanitorium of Mahabeleshwur has been esta¬ blished for the benefit of that Presidency. The Aligherry Mountains are an offshoot of the southern ghauts. In that portion of the Deccan known as Southern India are several independent states. The King of Travancore and the Bajah of Cochin are both allies of the Honourable East India Company, and offer every facility for the prosecution of commercial enterprise in their territories. Deccan proper comprises all that portion of the peninsula which lies between the valley of the Nerbudda on the north, and the deep pass known as the Gap of Coimbatore, running from east to west at about 11° N. lat. The greater part by far of this tract consists of 1 Ghaut, or ghat, is applied by the natives to the many openings or passes through these ranges; being derived from the Sanscrit gati, a way or path, but is used by Europeans to designate the mountains themselves. THE DECCAN. 3 elevated table-land of considerable fertility, skirted by long ranges of mountains or ghauts, which stretcli coastward until they terminate in plains. This table-land is called by the natives Bala-ghaut, or the country above the ghauts, and varies in breadth from 150 to 400 miles. Its altitude ranges from 900 to 3000 feet. A considerable portion of the Deccan proper is still ruled by native princes in alliance with the Company. The kingdom of Mysore on the south comprises an extent of 30,000 square miles. It is ruled by a Hindoo prince, and its capital is Seringapatam. The territory of the Hajah of Hydrabad comprehends about 110,000 square miles, with a population of 10,000,000. It is situated in the north of the Bala-ghauts, and is chiefly noted for its diamond-mines at Golconda. The Rajah of Berar rules over 3,000,000 subjects, with an extent of territory of about G5,000 square miles, situated to the eastward of Golconda. The state of Satara comprises about 9000 square miles, with a population of 500,000. It is ruled by a Hindoo prince, and is situ¬ ated on the western ghauts. To the south of this principality are the territories of the Rajah of Colapore ; a small state, 3000 square miles in extent, under the sway of a Hindoo prince. The British territories in the Deccan do not exceed 40,000 square miles, part of which are attached to the Presidency of Bombay, and a portion to that of Madras. A considerable part of this table-land is highly fertile, and rich in natural productions ; the ghauts, however, are for the most part bar¬ ren, and it is only where their spurs form broken valleys that we find extensive forests of lofty timber stretching down to the plains below. The belt of low country which extends round the Indian peninsula, between the ghauts and the sea-coast, is almost entirely in the pos¬ session of the British. It varies not less in its width than in its fer¬ tility and its population. On the western side we find to the north the “ Concan” extending from the Nerbudda to 15° N. lat. Thence southwards to 12° 3" is the state of Canara, and from that point to Cape Comorin is the Malabar territory, although the whole extent of this western sea-board is often erroneously termed the Malabar coast. This long range of country is irregular in its surface; the first few miles from the sea being very flat and sandy, with no vegetation but topes of palms. Further inland the ground is broken into hillocks more or less covered with vegeta¬ tion ; and gradually elevating themselves, they become at last merged 4 T1IE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. in the spurs of the ghauts, and crowned with dense jungle and heavy forests of teak and satin-wood. Along this line of coast, in addition to Bombay, are the towns of Mangalore, Cananore, Tellichery, Calicut, Cochin, Aleppee, and Trevan- drum, all of them trading ports, and during the north-east monsoon, from November to April, enjoying a considerable traffic with Bombay, Ceylon, the Persian Gulf, and lately with Europe. Goa is a Por¬ tuguese settlement in 15° 30' N. lat., but without any trade worthy of mention. At the southern extremity of the peninsula is Cape Comorin ; and to the eastward of this, in the Gulf of Manaarlies, the small island of Bemisseram, famed for its stupendous Hindoo temple, to which pil¬ grims annually flock in great numbers. On the eastern coast-line we find Madras, the capital of the Presi¬ dency of that name, Negapatam, Yizagapatam, and Pondicherry and Tranquebar, the former a French, the latter a Danish settlement. This coast is much exposed to the fury of the south-west monsoon, during which period none of the native craft are able to venture out. The only harbour along the coast is that of Coringa, in which vessels of some size may find a safe refuge. The Deccan is separated from Central India by the valleys of the Nerbudda and Tapty, according to some writers: others, with more propriety, make the Yindya Mountains the natural boundaries of these two territories. This range extends from 74° to 84° E. long., in a direction nearly due east, following the valley of the Nerbudda at a dis¬ tance of a few miles. At no part do these mountains reach a greater elevation than 2200 feet above the sea-level, and frequently not more than 700 feet. They are crossed in several places by roads of indifferent character. Central India assumes pretty nearly the shape of a triangle, having its base formed by the Vindya Mountains, and its apex to the south¬ wards of Delhi. It consists for the most part of elevated table-land, freely interspersed with mountain-ridges and extensive plains, some of which latter are extremely fertile. Along the range which on the east¬ ward divides this tract from the delta of the Ganges, are the coal-deposits which at the present time furnish large supplies to Calcutta. Nearly the whole of Central India is governed by native princes, amongst whom are the Guicowar and Rajpoot chiefs. A considerable portion of the state of Malwa is under the rule of Maharajah Scindia; while other tracts are governed by numerous petty rajahs, amongst whom may be named the Mahratta princes of Holkar and Nagpore. THE DELTA OF THE GANGES. 5 On the western side of this portion of India the British possess a considerable tract of the plain of Gujerat, which is annexed to the Bombay Presidency. On the eastern side we find adjoining the ter¬ ritories of the Rajpoot princes ; -and lying between the rivers Sone and Ganges, a region which has been annexed to the residency of Allahabad. The next natural division is that of the Delta of the Ganges, which ranges from the mouths of that river to the base of the Himalayas, a distance in a straight line of about 300 miles, and varying in breadth from 150 to 180 miles. On the eastern side it is flanked by the Chit¬ tagong district and the valleys of Assam and Silhet, with the Tiperah hills ; on its western side it stretches from Balasore in the Bay of Bengal, through Midnapore and Nagore, to Rajmahal, and thence by the river Coosie to the Himalayas. A very considerable portion of this division is incapable of cultiva¬ tion ; on the southern side, between the mouths of the Ganges and the Berrampootra, is a low tract called the Sunderabunds, extending about seventy miles inland and fifty miles in width, covered with swamps and thick jungle, the resort of every variety of reptile and wild beast. The effect of the rising of the tides from the sea is such as to preclude any but the most scanty use of the soil, though recent attempts have been made with partial success to recover some portion of this sterile country. To the north of this tract, as far as 25° N. lat., and chiefly between the branches of the Ganges and the Berrampootra, the land is subject to an annual inundation during the early part of the south-west monsoon, when the country is covered by water to a great depth, some of the rivers rising as much as thirty feet above their ordinary level. This, although causing much inconvenience and loss to the inhabitants, proves a great fertiliser of the soil; and except in the immediate vicinity of the flooded rivers, the entire surface of these river valleys yield most abundant crops of grain on the retirement of the waters, which takes place during October. Beyond the influence of these periodical floods, we find still a large range of rich fertile land, partly watered by many streams, and partly irrigated by artificial means: to the north of this, again, as far as. the swamps at the base of the Himalayan range, are found numerous tracts of waste land covered with low jungle, reeds, and rank grass. Stretching along the lower chain of the Himalayas is the Tarai, or the swamp, a rather extensive portion of peaty soil, through which innumerable springs burst, fed by the mountain-land above. The vast masses of vegetable matter swept down from the higher lands, and 6 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. decaying on these swamps throughout the year, render them unfit for human habitation, and the scattered population suffer severely from fever in their attempts to earn a scanty living by felling timber for the supply of the low country. The Plain of the Ganges comprehends within it the districts of Bengal, Behai’, Tirhoot, Oude, Rohilcund, and Allahabad. It is the most populous and fertile portion of British India, containing about sixty millions of inhabitants, and, with the exception of the kingdom of Oude, is entirely under the dominion of the East India Company. Calcutta is by far the largest and most wealthy city of this or any other part of India, containing at the present date about 600,000 in¬ habitants. The other principal commercial and political cities are Dacca, Benares, Allahabad, Mirzapore, Goruckpore, Cawnpore, Furruckabad, Agra, Delhi, Meerut, and many others, possessing populations varying from thirty to a hundred and twenty thousand souls. Between the northern extremities of the Gangetic Plain and the Plain of the Indus is a flat sterile country termed the Doab, ruled over by a few Seikh chieftains in alliance with the British. The Plain of the Indus is situated on the eastern flank of that river, and commences from the neighbourhood of Attock, extending south¬ wards and westwards as far as the debouchure of the Indus into the sea. It comprehends the Punjab, Scinde, and other smaller states : a large portion of it south of the Punjab consists of desert, arid plains ; and even in the more favourable positions, where the land is watered by the overflowing of the Indus and its branches, the soil can scarcely be termed fertile, yielding but indifferent crops of grass and grain. The Punjab, or the country of the five rivers, forming the northern portion of the Plain of the Indus, extends from the base of the Hima¬ layan range to the confluence of the Chenab with the Indus. It is the most populous part of this division of India, and contains several very extensive and densely peopled cities : its entire population is believed to be three millions. Its ancient capital, Umritsur, contains 100,000 inhabitants, and has long possessed a valuable trade with many parts of India. It is situated between the rivers Beas and Bavee. Lahore, the modern capital, possesses a population of 80,000. Mooltan, on the Chenab, contains 60,000 inhabitants, and possesses some valuable manu¬ factures in silk and cotton. This country contains some very fertile tracts, especially in its more northern part, where the supply of water is most abundant. Towards the south the land is generally less favoured, although there are still some rich valleys between the Ravee and the Beas, as also in the imme- THE PUNJAB AND SCINDE. 7 diate vicinity of all the five rivers. These streams are, according to modern nomenclature, the Sutlej, the Beas, the Bavee, the Chenab, and the Jhelum, taking them from east to west: the names by which they were known to the early writers of the west were the Zaradus, the Hyphasis, the Hydrastes, the Acesines, and the Hydaspes. These rivers flow from the Himalayas in a south-westerly direction for about six hundred miles, when, after merging into the Chenab, their waters finally unite with those of the Indus at the northern point of the Desert of Scinde. The Seiklis form the principal inhabitants of this country, and their chieftains proved themselves formidable enemies to the British during one of the most severely contested struggles that have occurred with any eastern power. The Punjab is now a province of the British empire in India, under a resident, whose seat is at Lahore. To the southwards of the Punjab is Scinde, until recently a power¬ ful state governed by Ameers, whose descent was from chiefs of Beloo- cliistan, but now annexed to the Bombay Presidency. It is bounded on the north by Affghanistan and Mooltan, on the east by the state of Bajpootna, on the west by Beloochistan, and on the south by Cutch and the sea. By far the greater portion of Scinde consists of sandy desert known as the Thurr, and which extends over nearly the whole of the country east of the Indus. The desert is covered with long ridges of low undulating sand-hills, occasionally topped with a little jungle or rank grass. There are, however, scattered throughout this Thurr, many oases of considerable fertility, producing crops of grain and vegetables. Within twenty and thirty miles of the Indus the fertilising effects of its periodical floodings are felt, and there, as well as far on the western extremity of this province, the soil proves of a more generous nature. The total population of the country does not exceed a million souls. Its chief towns are Shikarpore, Sikkur, Hydrabad, Tatta, and Kurrachee. None of these cities possess more than 20,000 inhabitants : the last mentioned is situated on the west mouth of the Indus, has a good harbour, and carries on a considerable trade, which has much increased since being in British possession. The Thurr or Desert is still ruled by petty chiefs, Bajpoot princes in alliance with the East India Company : these are the Bajalis of Jessulmere, Marwar, Bikanir, &c. In this part of Scinde there are several cities, having populations varying from 20,000 to 60,000 souls, and some of them carrying on a considerable traffic with the adjoining states. We have still to notice a portion of the continental territories of 8 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. the East India Company comprised within the limits of the Bengal Presidency. Of these the first is the district of Arracan, stretching from the north-eastern extremity of the bay of Bengal to the limits of the late Burmese province of Pegu. The features of the country, the habits of the people, and the natural productions, so nearly assimi¬ late to those of the other fractions of the Burmese territories, that one general description may well serve for the entire tract. The provinces of Tenasserim and Pegu, formerly sections of the Burmese empire, were annexed to the British-Indian empire, the former in 1826, the latter in 1853, and are now governed by a com¬ missioner and the usual staff' of European and native officials. The Tenasserim provinces, as ceded to the East India Company, comprise an extent of country five hundred miles in length, and from forty to eighty in breadth, and reaching from the junction of the Sal¬ ween and Thoongeen rivers ou the north to the Pak Chan river on the south; on the west the sea forms the boundary; and on the east a chain, of lofty mountains divides this tract of country from the kingdom of Siam. The seat of government here is Moulmein, situated at the con¬ fluence of these rivers, and no less admirably adapted for purposes of trade than as a healthy position for troops. The country is divided into three provinces, those of Mergni, Tavoy, and Amherst, in which latter the capital is situated. The population, although still small compared with the extent of country, has greatly increased by emigration from the Burman and Peguan terri¬ tories since our possession of these provinces, and amounts at the pre¬ sent moment to about 160,000 souls. These numbers are composed indifferently of Burmese, Arracanese, Peguers, Talamis, Karens, and Toungthoos, with an admixture of Siamese blood amongst them; whilst in the towns of Moulmein and Tavoy are to be found a sprink¬ ling of Chinese, Jews, Moguls, Moors, Bengalese, Ac. more or less occupied in trade. Varied as are undoubtedly the geological features of India, the records we possess of them are not so full or satisfactory as might be wished; and many years may yet elapse before our geological know¬ ledge of this vast and wonderful country shall be placed on a basis at once reliable and in strict accordance with the rules of a science which is as yet but in its infancy. The superior strata of Southern India are chiefly formed by hypo- gene schists, penetrated and broken up by immense outbursts of plutonic and trappean rocks, constituting the great bulk of the Western Ghauts from about the 16th degree of latitude to Cape Comorin, and forming THE GEOLOGY OF INDIA. 9 the base of the Eastern Ghauts from the parallel of the Vindyan heights to their deflection at Naggery in latitude 13° 20'. They are frequently capped in the Western Ghauts by laterite, and in the East¬ ern Ghauts by sandstone, limestone, and laterite. From Naggery to Cape Comorin they form, with few exceptions, the basis of the plains of the Carnatic, Arcot, Seringapatam, Salem, Travancore, Madras, and all the intermediate districts. Intimately associated with granite, they break with ranges of hills on the low lands of Salem, the valley of the Cavery, and north of it from the tabledands of Mysore, the Baramhall, Bellary district, part of Hydrabad, and southern Mah- ratta country. Towards the north-west from Nagpore by Bijapore to the western coast, the hypogene and plutonic rocks disappear, emerging only occasionally under one of the largest continuous sheets of trap in the world, which extends far into the table-land of Central India. Gneiss is usually found lowest in the series, next to it mica and hornblende schist, actinolite, chlorite, talcose and argillaceous schist, and crystalline limestone. This rule of succession, however, is by no means unbroken, for each of the above rocks, crystalline limestone alone excepted, has been found resting immediately upon the granite. The strata are often violently contorted, though the disturbance is less than might have been expected from the amount of plutonic action that has been exercised. The slip, though very irregular, is usually towards the east in the Western, and towards the west in the Eastern Ghauts, the amount of the inclination varying from ten to ninety degrees. The most prevalent rocks are gneiss and hornblende schist; but to the gneiss the other rocks may be said to be subordinate. The composi¬ tion of the gneiss, and of the other schistose rocks, varies considerably in different localities, but they are all highly ferriferous in their sub¬ stance. Statuary marble is very rare, indeed so much so as almost to have escaped observation; clay slate is seldom met with, and blue roof¬ ing slate not often observed; but every other species of hypogene rock is constantly found. Throughout the whole of the earlier-formed rocks fossiliferous Silu¬ rian remains have been very rarely discovered; but there are many others in the several strata, to which at present the geologists have been unable to give a name, or to assign any certain position in the scale of sedimentary strata. The sandstone and limestone beds have not been seen south of the Salem break, but north of that boundary they cover a consider¬ able area, being chiefly confined, however, to the more elevated table- 10 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. lands. This most extensive development is in the “ Cuddapah Beds,” where they cover an area of about 9000 square miles. They appear also between the Kistna and the Godavery, in the south Mahratta country, the Nizam’s dominions, and elsewhere, preserving every where the same relative position, the same embedded pebbles and general lithologic appearance : the dip is mostly conformable to that of the subjacent rocks. Geologists have found veins of coal associated with shale at Kotah, on one of the tributaries of the Godavery ; and in the veins of the lime¬ stone at Nannoor, others have discovered myriads of what appear to be microscopic foraminifera. The sandstones also afford traces of coal both bituminous and an¬ thracitic, and are supposed to be identical with those that support the coal measures at Chirra Pungi, which abound in certain organic re¬ mains, with a few of the stems and leaves of plants among them. They have a certain degree of resemblance to the sandstones of the Devonian group, but they appear to be better classed with the ancient secondary or with the metamorphic rocks; but no positive conclusion can be come to with respect to them till the discovery of fossils. As compared with the other Indian rocks, they form, probably, the oldest of the fossili- ferous beds. A peculiar interest attaches to the sandstone, in conse¬ quence of its being the matrix of the diamond; and one general fact is especially worthy of notice, that granitic or basaltic dykes are invari¬ ably found intruding into diamond areas. Beds of shelly limestone have been discovered in the neighbour¬ hood of Pondicherry, which have only recently attracted the notice of scientific men, although the very doorsteps of that place have long been formed of this interesting rock. These beds of limestone, in which the shells are singularly perfect, rise in gentle undulations at about nine miles from the sea, inland of Pondicherry, and run in a south-east-by-east direction to an extent which has not yet been defi¬ nitely ascertained. The limestone of South Arcot belongs to nearly the same epoch, as do also the beds which occur in the vicinity of Tri- chinopoly, apparently resting immediately upon the plutonic and hypogene rocks. These beds have been considered with an unusual share of attention since Messrs. Kaye and Cunliffe forwarded to Eng¬ land their beautiful collection from all these localities; the Pondi¬ cherry beds yielding by far the greater proportion. The fossil fishes from these were found by Sir Grey Egerton and Professor Forbes to belong to the Squaloid family of Placoids, one Cycloid and one Ganoid alone excepted. These fossils are, in general, badly preserved, except LATERITE ROCKS. 11 the invertebrata, among which the Cephalopods, including twenty-eight Ammonites, are in a most beautiful condition. Professor Forbes assigns the Pondicherry fossils to the lower green sand or Neocomiau beds, and those of Verdachellum and Trichinopoly, among which there are several species not found at Pondicherry, to the upper green sand; but Sir Grey Egerton, from an examination of the ichthiolites, places the Pondicherry beds somewhat higher, since they contain the genera Corax and Enchodus, which have not hitherto been found any where so low as the Neocomian range. The tertiary beds were first discovered in the route from Hydrabad to Nagore, on the north bank of the Godavery, among the Nirmul Hills; and afterwards across the Warda to Hingan-Ghaut, where Mr. Malcolmson perceived beds of chert and limestone containing shells, which Mr. Lonsdale considered to be of fresli-water formation. The fossils were first found at Munoor, and between that village and Hurt- noor, which is near the top of the Muckelgundi Ghaut, and in different parts of the pass leading into the valley of Berar. Mr. Malcolmson describes the bed in which they were first observed to be a band of singular quartz rock, projecting about two feet from the surface, half¬ way up the escarpment of the principal mountain, ascending the steep pass leading up the south side of the Nirmul Hills, and which is com¬ posed of concentric nodular basalt imbedded in a soft greenish wacke. The fossils all belong to fresli-water genera, and to species which have not yet been discovered to be of recent origin. They are chiefly spe¬ cies of Pliysa, Cypris, Unio, Limnea, Melania, Paladina, and Chara, which have since been determined by Sowerby; the charm occur in such abundance as to form entire rocky masses. Other deposits of fresh-water shells occur between Beder and Hy¬ drabad, and about five miles south of Puddpungalli, near Bajalnnuu- dry on the Godavery, the latter occurring in a limestone both resting upon and capped by trap. Here, however, Dr. Benza found oysters among the Limas and Melania:, so that the deposit must have been ori¬ ginally formed in a lake or estuary communicating with the sea. One of the most extraordinary formations in India is that of the laterite rock, which, according to Francis Buchanan, is a peculiarity to be found only in the East Indies. It varies much in structure and composition, but generally speaking it presents a reddish-brown tubu¬ lar and cellular clay more or less indurated, passing on the one hand into a hard, compact, jaspideous rock, and on the other into loosely aggregated sandstones or grits, as is the case near Calicut and Pondi¬ cherry ; in other places, again, into red sectile clay and other soft 12 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. substances. Sometimes it presents the appearance of a conglomerate containing fragments of quartz, the plutonic, hypogene, and sandstone rocks, and nodules of iron ore, derived from them all, imbedded in ferru ginous clay. The geographical extent of this rock invests it with great importance ; for it covers' the western coast almost continuously, and nearly up to the very base of the ghauts, and from the south of Bombay to Cape Comorin. It is found also in detached beds along the Coromandel coast near Madras, Nellore, Rajahmundery, and Samul- cotta, extending into Cuttack. It crowns the loftiest summits of the eastern and western ghauts, and some of the isolated peaks on the table-lands in the interior. It is found, indeed, in almost every part of the Deccan, always in an overlying position, and generally in large continuous beds; and there is reason to believe, from the marks of denudation, that it formerly covered much larger areas than it now occupies. Of the sandstones which belong to the very late tertiary, or even very recent periods, there are beds on the eastern coast of the southern extremity of the peninsula which contain pelagic shells, which, as far as they have been examined, are of the species of fish inhabiting the adjacent sea; and it is this rock which stretches across the straits to Ceylon, constituting the remarkable barrier known by the name of Adam’s Bridge, and which, in Captain Newbold’s opinion, was ele¬ vated simultaneously with the laterite. Similar strata are met with in Tinnevelly, Ramnad, near Cape Comorin, and on the opposite coast of Ceylon. True diluvium, it is said, is not to be found in Indian latitudes; but the remark is rather to be applied to the erratic block formation as it occurs in Northern Europe, Siberia, and North and South America. It is not found, Mr. Darwin says, in the equatorial regions of South America, though it is scattered over the southern portion of that con¬ tinent. From these and other circumstances there is nothing like the true drift to be met with in Southern India. Northern India, however, shews transported blocks in sufficient abundance; but it is easy to trace them to a comparatively local source from their neighbourhood to the Himalayan Mountains, and there is none of that extensive diffusion of travelled masses which is accounted for in Europe by the constant phe¬ nomena of icebergs. There are, however, some beds of gravel and sand which occur in situations where their presence is not to be ac¬ counted for by the agency of transporting powers now existing; and at Condapetta, for instance, in the Cuddepah district, there is a bed of gravel which covers an area of several miles, principally composed of FOSSIL REMAINS AND KUNKER. 13 rounded fragments of trap, granite, and schistose rocks, which must have been transported from the distance of twenty or forty miles, inter¬ mingled with pebbles of quartz, jasper, and chert, and others from the adjacent sandstone and limestone.' Other similar beds, enclosing fossils, and in one instance the bones of the mastodon, are met with at Parteal, Wakorry, and other places. Beds of dark-blue marine clay under¬ lying the alluvium are found in many places along the Coromandel coast, sometimes extending two or three miles inland. The only remaining sedimentary rock at present known is the curious soil called regur or black cotton day, which covers at least one- third of the surface of Southern India. It is of a deep-bluish, or greenish, or dark-greyish black colour, and is remarkable for its ab¬ sorbent powers and its extreme fertility, having yielded crop after crop, year by year, for more than 2000 years, without receiving any manure or other assistance from the hand of man. It principally occupies the elevated table-lands of the ceded districts of Hydrabad, Nagpore, and the Southern Mahratta country, thus including the whole plateau of the Deccan. It is not so common in Mysore, but is met with in continuous sheets of from six to twenty feet thick below the Salem break, covering the lower plain of Coimbatore, Madura, Salem, and Trichinopoly, to the vicinity of Cape Comorin. There is yet another rock called hunker, which affords a remark¬ able instance of the compensating process of nature, by which the adap¬ tation of the globe to the wants of man is every where kept up. India is but sparingly supplied with the sedimentary limestone of the sort which is fit for the kiln, and this deficiency is made up for by the substance which has just been specified, and which is found to contain upwards of seventy-two parts of carbonate of lime in its composition. The older kunker is usually of a light-brown, dirty, cream, reddish, or cineritious grey tint; and when compact, its substance resembles the older travei’tines of Rome and Auvergne. Kunker aggregates in hori¬ zontal overlying masses, usually intermingled with the soil without much appearance of stratification. It is broken up and used as a rough building-stone in the walls of tanks, huts, enclosures, Ac. by the natives, and is universally employed to burn into lime. It is irregu¬ larly distributed in overlying patches over perhaps one-eighth of the area of the country, and no tract is entirely free from it except the * summits of the Neilgherry hills. It is most abundant in districts pene¬ trated and shattered by basaltic dykes, and where the metallic develop¬ ments are the greatest; and is perhaps least met with in the localities where laterite caps hypogene or plutonic rocks : it is evidently of tufaceous origin. 14 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. There are some other aqueous deposits, chiefly local, which are mostly of very recent origin. Granite and its congeneric rocks are abundantly developed through¬ out the hypogene area. The former shews itself under every variety of aspect. It starts up from the surface of the table-land in hold and sharply hewn peaks, or rises in dome-shaped bosses, or appears in profuse but distinct clusters and ranges, which affect no general line of elevation, but often radiate irregularly as from a centre. Some of the insulated peaks are exceedingly striking in outline and structure. The rock of Nundidrug for instance, which rises 1700 feet above the surface of the plain, looks almost as if it were formed of one entire mass of rock ; and the rock of Sivagunga is still higher. The most remarkable of the insulated clusters and masses of granite on the table-land of the peninsula are those of Sivagunga, Severndroog, and Octradroog, some in Mysore, Gooty, Reidrooj, Adoni, and others in the central districts • but there are numerous masses almost equally remarkable scattered over all the southern part of the peninsula table-land,' as well as in the man- time district of Coromandel. The great part of the central table-land is also formed by it, and it there, over a very extended area, continually crops out in the more elevated and diversified districts. Serpentine, greenstone, and green sandstone, with hornblende and schist, in smaller masses, are met with in every part of India. The only formation that remains to be noticed is the immense diluvial deposit which has been carried down by the large and numerous rivers irrigating the whole of the country. In no part of the world is there a more fertile soil than that which encompasses these streams in Upper India ; whilst along the lower portions of their course, and especially throughout thousands of square miles that lie stretching- above, about, and beyond far into the interior from the embouchures of the Ganges, the Berrampootra, and the Indus, the most rich and exu¬ berant scenery of Asia is to be met with. The population of British India may be divided into aborigines and foreigners. Some writers have supposed, but evidently without suffi¬ cient foundation, that the Hindoos are not strictly the aborigines of this part of Asia. They are by far the most numerous of all the nations of Hindostan, and, with the various other aboriginal tribes, amount to about one hundred millions of the total population. The Hindoos are almost entirely in possession of the agricultural districts ; whilst on the other hand we find the mountain-ranges and the elevated table-lands of the Deccan occupied by the Gonds, the Bhils, the Ramnois, and the Coulies, besides other insignificant tribes. All of these follow the chase POPULATION AND CLIMATE. 15 and the rearing of cattle for a livelihood, and scarely cultivate sufficient ground to produce the most ordinary necessaries. Of these tribes, the Gonds are the least civilised, and the Ramnois the most advanced, as compared with the Hindoos. Amongst the many grades of foreigners, both from Europe and other parts of Asia, who have at various periods helped to people Hindustan, we find the British race pre-eminent in intelligence and power, though not so in numbers. The total of the residents in India from the British Isles, including the military, is computed at 75,000 souls. The Portuguese descendants are far more numerous, amounting to about 1,000,000. They are chiefly to be found along the western coasts and in the chief cities of India. On the Malabar and Canara coasts we find Arabs in considerable numbers, together with Syrian Christians, or Parawas, and Jews, al¬ though not to any great extent. Parsees, or Ghebirs, are to be met with chiefly at Bombay and other trading ports on that coast. Throughout various parts of India the descendants of Affghan races are clearly to be traced to the extent of several millions; whilst in Scinde we find a strong blending of the blood of the Beloochees, the conquerors of that country, with the native races, as well as undoubt¬ edly pure descendants of the Ameer tribes. Extending through 23 degrees of latitude, we may expect to find in British India a great variety of climate, influenced, moreover, by the great irregularities of the surface of the country. We may thus meet a temperature of 28° on the Himalayan range or the Neilgherries; or if we turn to the Cutch country, find the thermometer during the dry months ranging as high as 10G°. The Indian seasons are, strictly speaking, two in number, and are called the monsoons, viz. the south-west and the north-east; and these are felt more or less throughout the entire length and breadth of Hindostan. But inasmuch as the north-east monsoon is again divided into the temperate and hot months, we may in truth say that there are three distinct seasons. The south-west monsoon usually commences about the middle of May along the west coast, but later to the north and east. It is ushered in by violent gales of wind, thunder and lightning, and heavy falls of rain, which continue for six or eight weeks, at the end of which time the weather moderates and becomes close and oppressive, with heavy clouds and a dull calm atmosphere. The thermometer will now range at about 88° or 90°, until further heavy falls of rain take place, usher- 16 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA, ing in the north-east monsoon some time in October. The weather is now more pleasant, the long-continued rains having thoroughly cooled the land, and the thermometer will stand at about 80°. The cool portion of this monsoon extends from November to January; though to the north of Calcutta it lasts into February, and even March. The mornings and evenings are now remarkably pleasant and cool, not exceeding a temperature of 75°, and woollen clothing may at this season he worn with much comfort by Europeans. During March, April, and the early part of May, the hot season prevails throughout India, though of course considerably modified by position and local circumstances. At this period the wind, especially upon the Coromandel or east coast, blows along-shore, and being ex¬ tremely dry and hot, gives rise to much sickness, more particularly amongst European residents. The winds, however, not less than the temperature, are greatly modified by localities, and thus we find that the south-west monsoon in some places really comes from the south-east; in like manner we meet with north-westerly breezes during the prevalence of the north¬ east monsoon. To the south of Bengal the winds are more strictly north and south ; whilst in Assam and Behar they will be found nearly east and west. The long and lofty ranges of mountains, the elevated table-lands, the gigantic rivers, the deep valleys of Hindostan, all exert a most sensible influence upon the direction and force of the prevailing winds. Thus the south-west monsoon, which along the coasts of Malabar and Canara commences early in May, does not reach Delhi before the end of June, and the Punjab until early in July, where, as well as in the elevated lands of Cashmere, it makes its appearance with light fleecy clouds and gentle showers. The seasons of Bengal are alternately hot, cold, and rainy. The pleasantest and coolest months are the latter part of February, March, and April; though April may sometimes be included with May and June as intensely hot, rendered still more oppressive by a scorching- westerly wind, accompanied by small and almost invisible grains of sand. People are glad to remain under the shelter of their houses; the vegetable world seems at a stand-still, and nothing remains but barren tracts of soil, though the air of the distant mountains is fresh and delightful. The rainy season commences in the upper provinces in April and May; in the plains not until June: it continues incessantly till the end of July. The rain tends greatly to cool the sultry atmosphere, although SEASONS AND CLIMATE. 17 during the months of August and September the heat is still intense. The monsoon changes at this period. In October the cold begins to be felt, and increases throughout the three following months; it is frequently extreme in Bengal and Behar, where the atmosphere is moist and unhealthy, whilst on the mountains ice and snow are often to be met with. Perhaps there is no part of Hindostan in which the oppressiveness of the climate, at certain periods, is so sensibly felt as at Calcutta and in its vicinity. Here, during the rainy season, when the monsoon comes across the Sunderabunds, and wafts with it a dense heated atmo¬ sphere deeply impregnated with vegeto-animal effluvia, the human frame suffers far more than with a much higher temperature and a pure dry air. The bod}’ feels hot and damp, as though immersed in a vapour- bath ; a languor and listlessness creep over the frame; and so far from night bringing with it any relief, it appears but to aggravate the feeling of oppressiveness, and the restless sleeper rises in the morning wearied and unrefreshed, happy to resort to a chattie-bath of tepid water to relieve his over-loaded skin of some portion of the heavy coating of perspiration which clogs its pores. The mean temperature of Calcutta is, in January 66°, April 86°, July 81°, October 79°, and November 74°. The annual average fall of rain is here about GO inches; the greatest fall being in the months of May and June, when about 30 inches will be the quantity. No less than 1G inches have been known to fall in the space of twenty- four hours. At Madras, from its contiguity to the ocean, the monsoon is not felt nearly so oppressively; neither are the cool months so pleasant as in Bengal. The minimum temperature is here 75°, and the maximum 91°, the mean being 84°. Bombay approaches more nearly to the climate of the elder Pre¬ sidency, both the heat and the rain being in excess at the change of the monsoon. In Cutcli the temperature is as high as 110°, whilst in the elevated mountain tracts within two days’ journey of Bombay the thermometer will stand at the freezing-point. At the sanitarium on the Neilgherries, or the Blue Ghauts, may be found a climate very nearly approaching that of our own country, especially during the prevalence of the north-east monsoon. Without being so cold as Great Britain, it is far more equable; the maximum temperature being only 77°, whilst that of this country is 90°; the minimum point is 38° against ll^jn England. The number of days on which heavy rain falls on these hills is 19 against 18 in this country; C IS THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. whilst the fair days are 237 against 1G0. The fall of rain on the Neil- gherries is 44 inches ; in England it is 23. At Saharamapore, in lat. 30° N., at an elevation of about 1000 feet, where government have a botanic garden, the mean temperature during the cold months of December and January is 55° and 52°. In May and June, when the hot dry winds prevail, the mean will be 85° and 00°; whilst in September and October the mean will not be more than 79° and 72°. At this station, although the cool season is more agreeable and lasting, and the hot weather more endurable than in the southern dis¬ tricts of India, the climate and vegetation are nevertheless essentially tropical. Fifty miles farther northwards, but at an elevation of 6000 feet upon the Mussoorri range of the Himalayas, is another botanic gar¬ den, where a climate more closely allied to that of central Europe is found. The thermometer there stands at 32° for several months in the night-time ; and the means for December and January are 42° and 45°. The greatest heat is 80°, during the month of June; and the means of May and June are 66° and 67°. Not the least favourite of the hill sanitaria is that of Dharjeeling, situated on the Sikkim Hills, near the Himalayas, on the north-east frontier of the Bengal Presidency: it is at an altitude of about 7000 feet above the sea-level, and distant from Calcutta about 350 miles. There are some excellent roads in its immediate vicinity, but travellers are compelled to travel to it from the capital by water and palanquin. The temperature at this station is pretty equal throughout the day, with clear dry cold in the winter season, and seldom, even in the hottest weather, approaching 70° of Fahrenheit. The average annual fall of rain is 130 inches, the wet season lasting from four to five months. The scenery around this settlement is of the most beautiful description, heightened as it is by the proximity of the snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas. This sanitarium has been found highly bene¬ ficial to invalids when resorted to in due season, though in all chronic cases it does not, of course, afford that relief which is to be found in a voyage to sea. The forms of disease peculiar to the European residents in most parts of India, are congestive fever, intermittents, hepatic and other forms of disease, and rheumatism. Apoplexy is not unfrequent during the prevalence of the cold drying wind of the north-east monsoon; and occasionally, especially in Calcutta, and Bombay, we meet with fatal cases of cholera. THE DISEASES OF INDIA. 19 A sojourn for a month or two on any of the elevated mountain- ranges will usually restore the invalid to health, provided he be not an old resident, or the disease has not assumed the chronic form, in which case there is little hope for him but in a return to the bracing climate and cheerful scenes of his native country. Amongst the natives we find the prevailing diseases to be cholera, dysentery, fever, skin affections, leprosy, rheumatism, small-pox, ele¬ phantiasis, and beri-beri. The latter is a peculiar type of dropsy; and elephantiasis consists in a swelling of the legs and feet until they as¬ sume the shape and almost the size of those of the elephant. Neither of these complaints have ever been known amongst Europeans. Cholera first made its appearance, in the form of endemic disease, in 1817, in the district of Nuddeah, and has since that time seldom been absent from all parts of India. Its advent took place imme¬ diately after a season of unusual storminess : falls of rain, heavy even for India, accompanied by terrific electrical discharges, ushered in this destroying agency. In regard to the influence of electrical matter upon the health of mankind, and their liability to attacks from this Asiatic scourge, an Indian medical authority 2 has remarked, that there is no reason to doubt but that either the absence of electricity from the human body, or some important change in its electrical state, arising perhaps from exposure to a negative electrical atmosphere, may be the cause of the dreadful and destructive epidemic which has recently ravaged the East, and that the vicissitudes of the seasons preceding this visitation may support this opinion. Should this be correct, we may readily account for the sudden attacks of the disease, the change in the temperature and sensibility of the body and in the fluids, and for the manner in which it has been limited to some dis¬ tricts, extending in turn to others, and sparing none. Many of the above diseases, however, both of the European and native community, are the result rather of improper diet and living than the effect of climate, though this latter, of course, aggravates every disorder. With the European, the evil arises from a highly exciting dietary ; with the Hindoo, a scanty supply of poor food, and wretched apparel at all seasons, are the sources of disease. Foremost among the products of the soil in India may be men¬ tioned saltpetre, or nitrate of potash, of which vast quantities are annually exported from Calcutta and Bombay. This useful saline pro¬ duct is found existing in caves, and also in the waters of stagnant marshes, frequently combined with the muriate and sulphate of soda. 2 Mr. Ainslie in his work on the Diseases of India. 20 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. The existence of these salts is always indicated by the sterility of the adjoining land, which is incapable of cultivation. Coal-deposits of considerable extent exist in the Bengal Presidency. The largest of these is in the Damoodah valley, stretching towards the Hoogldy, not many miles from Calcutta, and according to recent inves¬ tigations containing seams forty and fifty feet in thickness. These beds extend over a space of thirty miles, between the towns of Nagore and Bancoorah. The seams rest on metamorphic and crystalline rock of gneiss and mica schist, and at one point are covered by a ferruginous sand, an extension of the alluvium of the plains of the Ganges. A second set of beds is found in the valley of the river Sone, to the south of Mirzapore, in the Benares district, but not of similar extent or quality to the preceding. This coal is of very fair quality, and the company working the mines are doing so at a fair profit. In heating power it has not the pro¬ perties of English coal, but it is sufficiently good to be in constant use by the river steamers and such steam-engines as are employed in factories. In gems India is exceedingly rich. The diamond-mines of Golconda have long been world-famed for the extreme beauty and great value of their yield. There are also valuable mines at Panna in Bundelcund, where the diamonds are found in a matrix of red iron-stone, gravel, and clay. The celebrated Koh-i-noor shewn in the Great Exhibition, no less than others of immense value in the possession of native princes, testify to the richness of India in precious stones. The ruby, the emerald, the sapphire, the turquoise, the opal, the amethyst, and indeed almost every known gem, are to he found in various parts of the many mountain-ranges and elevated tabledauds of Hindostan, and often of great purity and beauty. Although we are told in ancient records that the Opliir of the east yielded the gold of those remote days, there does not appear to be any trace of the precious metal in India proper. It is found in the Himalayas in small quantities. Iron is, however, found of good quality, especially in the Madras Presidency, where there is a company formed for the smelting and working the ore. The celebrated blades of Damas¬ cus bear testimony to the quality of Indian steel, and there is still some of equally fine quality produced. In the province of Ajmeer there exist some lead-mines which yield at the present day a good quantity of ore ; whilst in the hills near Hellore in the peninsula some very rich specimens of copper ore have been found, containing as much as GO per cent of the pure metal. MINERALS AND TIMBER. 21 The hilly country of Mewar appears always to have been known to contain an abundance of mineral riches, and it is not too much to believe that it was this very source of wealth which in former times enabled the Ranas of Odeypoor to oppose the Emperor of Delhi with such great and continued success. The most noted of the mines in this district were those of Jawar, which are believed to have yielded an annual revenue to the state of 22,000k The district of Jawar lies about twenty-five miles south of Oodey- poor, and is situated in an extensive valley, surrounded by hills over¬ looking a fertile but desolate plain, covered by the ruins of former prosperity. Many of these ruins consist of antique temples, erected on hills 160 feet high conqiosed entirely of ashes, the very existence of which, under such circumstances, bears testimony to the remoteness of the period when the mines were worked. At the present time no effort is made by the Rana to open up this source of wealth ; a feeling of jealousy and distrust appearing to exist in his mind as to the consequences of his doing so, though it seems that some very excellent specimens of zinc have been covertly obtained from that neighbourhood. In the Tenasserim and Peguan provinces tin abounds; indeed the whole range of the hilly country forming the great dividing range between these and the Burmese and Siamese territories may be said to abound in mineral wealth. Nitre, alum, salt, mercury, lead impregnated with silver, copper in most of its varieties, the sulphurets, oxides, and sulphates of iron, besides rubies, sapphires, tourmalines, and jasper, are all found in greater or less abundance throughout that range of country. In the Tenasserim province coal is likewise found, though it does not appear that any steps have been taken to turn this natural product to account. The forests of British India, if not so vast as those of America, are still of great value for domestic, commercial, and agricultural purposes : many of the woods grown in the Himalayan and Deccan forests, as well as those in central and north-western India, possess wonderful strength and durability, not unfrequently combined with much beauty. By far the greater portion of these are quite unknown in Europe, and not many of them are in general use even amongst the Europeans of the East. In some instances the remoteness of the places of growth from populous districts proves a great bar to their use, unless where water-conveyance, the cheapest of all modes of transport in oriental countries, is to be had. To attempt an enumeration of even the principal woods of India would carry this portion of my work far beyond its limits. The extent 22 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. of our present knowledge of Indian timber furnishes us with several thousands of specimens, of many of which we know little beyond the names. A large portion of them are fitted hut for the most inferior description of work, many serving only for fuel or for garden-fences. On the other hand, there are a number of these woods which might well he imported into this country for furniture-work. The ebony, sattin-wood, and calamander, are more or less known here for their hardness, beauty of grain, and susceptibility of high polish. There are also “ blackwood,” tamarind wood, cedar, sissoo, teak, and saul-wood. The two latter are in most general use throughout the coasts and southern and central parts of Hindostan, the first for ship-building, for which it is most admirably adapted ; the last for house-building and general engineering purposes. Both of them grow to a vast size, often measuring nine or ten feet round the trunk. The teak is chiefly found on the Malabar coast, and in the northern division of the Madras Presidency, whilst the saul-timber is found growing in almost every latitude northward of Calcutta. There are many other woods used for every variety of purpose, answering to our oak, elm, and ash, quite unknown except to native carpenters. Until very recently some of the finest forests in the Bombay Presidency were in great danger of utter destruction from the reckless manner in which the natives of those districts were accustomed to fell the finest trees for their most ordinary requirements, until at length the attention of the authorities was directed to the subject, and measures were adopted, not only to prevent this destructive wasteful¬ ness in future, hut to ensure an extension of plantations of teak and other useful timber. In the forests of Martaban, or British Burmah, on the east side of the Bay of Bengal, are extensive forests of teak and bamboos, attaining a great size • but the former wood is scarcely equal to that grown on the Malabar coast or in Ceylon. The license-fees for cutting this useful timber yield the Tenasserim government about 12,000h per annum. Perhaps in none of its vegetable products does India differ more sensibly from western countries than in its grasses. With its many varieties of soil and climate, its fertile valleys and richly clad table¬ lands, it nowhere possesses the constant and heavily-yielding pasturages of Europe. That there are many varieties of grasses, the large number of cattle, sheep, goats, &c. reared in many parts of India, not less than the numerous wild animals which inhabit its less frequented districts, bear ample testimony. During the cool months and the rainy season there is little difficulty GRASSES AND FIBROUS PLANTS. 23 in finding pasture for cattle. The principal of the Indian grasses, and perhaps the most generally diffused, is the Doob-grass (Synodon dcvc- tylon), a creeping plant possessing much nourishing property in its long stems, no less than in its leaves. This endures the greatest eleva¬ tion of temperature, as its roots penetrate far below the surface, and although during the dry monsoon giving no sign of life, it puts forth its tender leaves on the first approach of the rains. A very nourishing grass, possessing a powerful aromatic odour, is met with on the elevated lands above the Ghauts of the south, as well as in the north-west provinces. So strong are its aroma and flavour, that the flesh, milk, and butter of the animals feeding upon it become in time sensibly affected both in taste and smell. Upon the many slopes of the Himalayas there are found abundance of good nourishing pastures, admirably adapted to the requirements of cattle and sheep, and upon which many herds and flocks are reared when the dry season forces them from the plains below. Throughout the flat countries, and spread over vast tracts of indifferent soil, we meet with grasses, or rather herbage, in sufficient abundance, but generally either coarse and poor, or rank and distasteful to animals. In swampy or sterile plains these reedy grasses often fail to tempt even the coarse-feeding buffalo and rhinoceros; and it is a common practice amongst all the Indian villagers, at the end of the dry season, to set fire to these tracts, on which the long withered herbage readily ignites, and after the first monsoon showers furnishes a rapid and abundant supply of young sweet blades. In some parts of India, especially at the Presidencies, it is customary to cut grass for hay, as fodder for horses during the excessively dry months, but latterly artificial grasses have been introduced for this purpose. The Guinea-grass and Mauritius-grass are both admirably adapted for feeding cattle. In plants yielding fibrous materials for cordage or cloth, India is peculiarly rich; and although many of these remain as yet but little known beyond the places of production, there can be no doubt but that the time will arrive when the attention of practical men will be given to them. Some few of these have already been successfully introduced into Europe, and become leading articles of commerce, as well as of considerable value to the manufacturers of this country. Foremost among these latter may be instanced Jute, a species of Corcliorus, growing very freely in the lowlands of Bengal. Twenty- five years ago this was scarcely known in England; yet so rapidly has it sprung into use for cordage, canvass, and purposes similar to those 24 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. of flax, that for some time past the consumption of it has amounted to a thousand tons a month. The China-grass is found abundantly throughout India; and now that an improved and economical process has been discovered for pre¬ paring the fibre for market, this too bids fair to become of great com¬ mercial value. The fibre of the cocoa-nut, known as coir, is chiefly produced along- the Malabar coast: it is of superior quality to that from Ceylon. Sunn, Indian hemp, Indian flax, and aloe-fibre, are also known as articles of export to Europe. Besides these there are, however, a variety of others found in great abundance in most parts of Hindostan, and in much request among the natives, although very coarsely prepared. Of these may be instanced Toonda-coir (Calotropis jiff ant ea), Umbarce ( Hybiscus canabinus), Ma- rool ( Sanseveira zeylanicd), pine-apple fibre, plantain-fibre, die. die. The following table illustrating the breaking-point of some of the Indian fibres, as compared with English hemp, may not be without interest: English hemp . . . , Cannabis saliva . . 105 lbs. Aloe. 110 „ Ejoo. 96 „ Coir. 87 „ Indian hemp . . . . Cannabis saliva . . . 74 „ Sunn. 68 „ Broughi paat . . . . Corchorus olitorius . . 68 „ Indian flax . . . 39 „ Flax has been long cultivated in India, particularly in the northern provinces, but solely on account of the seed, the linseed of commerce, which is shipped in large quantities to various parts of the world: the manufacture of linseed-oil is carried on to a small extent in Bengal; but in no case do we learn that any account is taken of the fibre of the plant, which, strange as it may appear, is lost in immense quantities, a portion only of it being employed for such purposes as thatching houses, feeding or littering cattle, &c. Of far greater value, however, than any of the preceding is cotton. The species peculiar to the Indian continent in common with other parts of Asia, as distinguishable from the American and West Indian descriptions, is, according to Dr. Boyle, the Gossypium Indicum or Jierbaceum; the Gossypium arboreum, peculiar to India alone, is un¬ fitted for manufacturing purposes, and employed solely as a padding for cushions, pillows, die., for which, from its silky softness, it is espe¬ cially adapted. The former kind appears to have been produced in INDIAN COTTON. 25 and exported from India since the most remote periods, and during the present century to have assumed a very important position amongst the articles shipped from each of the three Presidencies. Great Britain at the present time takes on an average 90,000,000 lbs. annually. China consumes nearly as much ; whilst the native ma¬ nufacture for local use cannot be less than 000,000,000 lbs. yearly. This vast quantity will cease to cause astonishment, when we remem¬ ber that the hundred million of inhabitants of India are accustomed to use cotton for all those purposes for which hemp, flax, wool, and hair are employed in European countries. Their finest, lightest dress for the hot months, as well as their warmer, well-padded garments for the rainy and cool weather, are alike wrought from cotton. The costly gossamer-web which adorns the rarest beauties of the harems, and the coarsest rags which envelope the emaciated form of the meanest out¬ cast, are produced from the same fibres. The richest trappings and hangings which grace the state canopy of the nabob, and the rope which terminates the existence of the vilest criminal, owe their com¬ mon origin to the cotton plant of India. Extensively as it is employed in manufactures in the East and West, it is nevertheless deficient in those qualities which have secured to the cottons of North and South America the favour of the mer¬ chants and manufacturers of Europe, viz. length of fibre or staple, and cleanliness. The former is dependent on cultivation, the latter on the after preparation. In commerce Indian cotton is known under the name of Surats, Tinnevelly, Bengal, Broach, &c., according to the locality of its growth or place of shipment. Dr. Boyle 3 gives three distinct varieties of cotton, all indigenous to Hindostan. The common description is found scattered more or less throughout India, reared either as a triennial or annual. It reaches the height of five or six feet in warm, moist cli¬ mates ; the seeds are five in number, clothed with a short greyish down. In the peninsula there are two distinct species of this sort, known amongst the natives as Oopum and Nadum. The first thrives only on the richest black soil, and is an annual, producing a fine staple; the latter is a triennial plant, and grows on the poorer red soil, yielding small crops of inferior quality. Next to these we have the Dacca cotton, as a distinct variety of the Gossi/pium Indicum. It differs from the previous in the plant being more erect, with fewer branches, and tinged with a reddish hue, whilst the cotton is finer, softer, and longer. This variety is reared 3 The Culture of Cotton in India, p.139. 26 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. more or less extensively throughout Bengal, especially in the Dacca district, where it is employed in the manufacture of the exquisitely fine muslin cloths known over a great part of the world as Dacca muslins, and whose delicacy of texture so long defied the imitation of the art- manufacturers of the West. A third variety is the Berar cotton, grown in the Berar country, in the northern provinces of the Madras Presidency, and in Surat and Broach. This plant attains a greater size than the preceding, bears for a longer period, and produces a fibre of a finer quality than the former. It appears to thrive best on a light black soil of vegetable composition. Amongst commercial men the term Surat includes the produce of Surat, Berar, and Broach, with occasionally some from Dacca; it comes mostly from Bombay. The Madras cottons are those shipped from Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, and other parts of that Presidency, whilst the Bengals take in the Bundelcund, Nagpore, and the far northern provinces. Examined under a microscope the staple of these sorts appears to range from seventeen-twentieths to one and one-tenth of an inch in length; the staple of the celebrated Sea-Island cotton being usually an inch and a half in length. The soil in which all these Indian varieties thrive may be classed under two distinct heads, the black and the red cotton soil. The former, as its name indicates, is of a black or deep brown colour, of a clayey nature, blended with the red hunker of the country (a calca¬ reous iron-stone), forming in the rains a heavy tenacious mass, and drying into solid lumps in the hot months. An analysis of this gives 74 per cent of silex, 12 of carbonate of lime, 7£ protoxide of iron, 3 of alumina, 2 of vegetable matter, and A salts, with a trace of magnesia. The red soil of India has been found in some localities better suited to the growth of cotton than the black earth. It is a rather coarse yellowish-red soil, commingled with particles of kunker, silex, felspar, and aluminous earth. It mainly differs in composition from the preceding in the iron existing in the state of peroxide or red oxide, whilst the carbonate of lime is found present in greater abun¬ dance. 4 Analyses of the best cotton-soils of America prove that they differ from those of India chiefly in the large portions of peaty matter con¬ tained in them; and there appears to be little doubt but that this fact, 4 Boyle’s Culture of Cotton, p. 162. MEDICINAL PLANTS AND DYES. 27 and the peculiarity of the climate of the American sea-board, suffi¬ ciently account for the great superiority of the cottons of that country over those of any other part of the world. The medicinal plants, and the- various substances yielded by them, are far from unimportant in an enumeration of the natural products of British India. There is little doubt, however, that at present the medical world are very imperfectly acquainted with the greater portion of the remedies employed, often with very marked success, by the native practitioners. Many of these remedies are probably of small value; but there are, on the other hand, a number of them which already have proved valuable auxiliaries to the pharmacopoeia. Senna, rhubarb, and castor oil, are the leading medicinal exports. In the gum and resin series, also an important branch of trade to Europe and America, we find the gums arabic, olibanum, ammoniacum, assafoetida, benjamin, gamboge, mastic, and shellac. In dyes our eastern possessions are equally rich. Prominent amongst these is indigo, one of the most valuable dyeing substances known to us. Lac-dye, used for dyeing a fine scarlet, safflower, tur¬ meric, madder, chaya-root, and annotto, are all freely exported to Europe and elsewhere, as well as some barks for tanning purposes. There are, however, many other dyes in use among the natives, which, although unknown to Europeans, might be found of some value. Caoutchouc, or india-rubber, has long been an article of export to this country. Kattemandoo is a vegetable substance partaking some¬ what of the joint natures of india-rubber and gutta-percha ; it has only recently been brought to England, and will at no distant date form a valuable item of export. Of starches India boasts of several kinds. Some of its arrowroot is pronounced by competent judges to be equal to the best Bermuda. The Cassava starch, sago, and sago-meal, are also amongst the useful products of the south of India. If the seeds and seed-oils to be found in India are not as important as many other of its products, they are nevertheless most useful as articles of commerce. Linseed and rapeseed are shipped in consider¬ able quantities, as well as their oils, and the oil from the ground-nut and cocoa-nut. The two latter are chiefly produced on the east and west coasts of the peninsula. Sesamum-seed is likewise brought to Europe for crushing; and the seed of the cotton plant is not only ex¬ tensively employed in feeding cattle, but a very useful burning oil is extracted from it. Besides the above, the natives produce a great va¬ riety of other oils for burning, cooking, or anointing, unknown out of 28 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. India. Of these may be enumerated cadju-apple oil, poonga oil, oil of kossumba, poppy oil, poonseed oil, simboolie oil, karrunj oil, and many others. There are also several varieties of vegetable butters and tallows expressed from seeds and plants, and employed in cooking or in lamps. The spices for which Hindostan is known are cinnamon of second- rate quality, from the northern parts of Bengal; cassia, from the Mala¬ bar coast, where also are grown ginger, pepper, and cloves; carda- mums are found generally in the peninsula, as are red and green cap>sicums. Tobacco, although grown to considerable extent in various parts of India, is nevertheless of very inferior quality; that from Tricliinopoly and Madras being coarse and acrid. The best is probably to be found growing on the banks of the Mahamuddy and the Godavery. The great staple of India, rice, is produced in every variety of soil, at every altitude and in every latitude. To name a tithe of these would prove a tedious and useless task, for they vary with every dis¬ trict in which they grow. The finest of these, which is the Bengal table rice, is inferior to the Carolina kind, whilst the great bulk of them would be unmarketable in Europe, from their poverty of body and the slovenly manner in which they are prepared. The Arracan rice is a greyish opaque grain, used in England only for manufacturing- starch. Copious irrigation is required for all these varieties ; the Hima¬ layan and other hill rices alone requiring no such aid, their elevation, at times as much as 6000 feet, securing them from the great heat to which the other varieties are exposed. Maize is freely cultivated, but very far from equal to the American variety. A number of millets and other fine grains are also reared in districts where irrigation for rice-culture is not obtainable, or where the ryots are too poor to obtain rice-seed, which, indeed, is the case in many of the more remote districts. The grains most commonly employed for food in place of rice are called Jowar, Bajra, and Ragi. In some of the northern provinces wheat is cultivated for local con¬ sumption ; whilst, on the other hand, in the south, whole districts sub¬ sist upon roots and inferior vegetables, with small portions of rice or some kind of pulse. In few natural products is India more prolific than in its fruits. The pine-apple, mango, mangosteen, jambo, tamarind, &c., are amongst the best known, besides an infinite variety of smaller fruits partaken by the natives, either dried or in their curries. To the north, and in the hill-districts, peaches, grapes, figs, &c., are both abundant and THE FLORA OF HINDOSTAN. 29 of good quality. In the south and central parts of Hindostan the fruits and vegetables in general use amongst the people are melons, gourds, cucumbers, water-melons, plantains, guavas, jugubes, custard- apples, and figs. In some of the hill-districts the wild raspberry and a species of gooseberry are found in great abundance and of good quality. Those who would study the Flora of Hindostan and the Himalayas will do well to consult the able and interesting works of Roxburgh, Wight, Wallich, &c., on this subject. It will suffice to mention in this place, that India, both in its plains and its lofty table-lands, possesses some of the choicest flowers in the world, many of them very little known to Europeans, and possessing perfumes far more powerful than any in more temperate climates. The oleander, the Persian rose, the gloriosa superba, the passion-flower, and many other exquisite plants of great beauty and fragrance, are found wild in the jungles. The lotus, the water-lily, and other similar plants, add beauty to every sheet of water; whilst far up on the Neilgherries and the Himalayas we find the rhododendron attaining a size and beauty unknown in the West. The Indian ferns are also remarkable for their great size and exquisite structure. Iii few countries are wild animals met with in greater abundance or of more varied types than in British India. The elephant has from the earliest period been highly esteemed for his great utility to man, when caught and broken into harness or to carry loads upon his back. These animals exist wild in great numbers through many parts of India, and whilst in that state commit great injury to crops on the ground. When tamed, they are the most useful of animals except the horse, and prove invaluable to an army for the transport of its heavy baggage. The camel is scarcely less valuable; for, though inferior in strength to the elephant, it is far swifter. For mountain work it is even more useful; and the camel-batteries and camel-expresses, so frequently em¬ ployed in our last wars in the north-west, prove the great value of this animal. In the forests are to be found rhinoceroses, buffaloes, bears, lions, wolves, foxes, antelopes, deer, wild boars, »fcc. The smaller jungles and low underwood are the haunts of tigers, jackals, leopards, and panthers ; whilst monkeys and apes abound on every side. The jackal, although occasionally a troublesome frequenter of poultry-houses, is nevertheless of great service in removing carrion from the crowded 30 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. streets of all large towns and cities, which he does during the night¬ time. The wild goat of Nepaul, although frequenting the highest peaks of the mountain-ranges, is nevertheless capable of being domesticated in the warm plains of the low country. It is remarkably well-shaped, with light grace¬ ful limbs and fine expressive head. Its colour is slaty grey, mixed with rusty brown and black. In the same country is to be found a small red deer, the flesh of which is highly esteemed. Perhaps the most highly prized of any animal in the East is the goat of Cash- mere, with the long silky hair of which are worked the world-famed Cashmere shawls. They thrive best on the grassy slopes of the Cashmere hills, but are also reared with success in Lahore and still further to the south. The boa, the rattlesnake, the U cobra capella, the tic-polonga, and many other varieties of snakes, are in great abundance. Porcupines, armadilloes, ichneumons, guanas, and liz¬ ards exist in vast numbers. The birds of India are scarcely less beautiful than nu¬ merous. Perhaps the choicest of them all are those of the Hi¬ malayan pheasant tribe, birds distinguished for their very graceful and rich plumage. The Himalayan bustard is an¬ other bird remarkable for its form and varied colour. Pea- CASHMERE GOAT. COBRA CAPELLA. HIMALAYAN BUSTARD. 31 cocks, eagles, falcons, vultures, kites, cranes, wild geese, wild fowl, snipes, bustards, parrots, and parroquets, the latter in every conceivable variety, abound in all parts at various seasons. HIMALAYAN BUSTARD. Crows, and a bird called the adjutant, are to be seen in all large towns in thousands, and prove very serviceable in removing offal of every description from the streets : they are the best, and indeed the only scavengers known in India, and no one ever attempts to kill these birds. The laughing crow is met with in great numbers in the vicinity of the forests of Hurdwar and Sireenagur, feeding on the wild fruits of the 32 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. jungle. These bftds are usually seen in flocks of fifty or a hundred, making a noise resembling loud laughter. The plumage of the back wings and side is olive-brown ; on the tail the brown is that of amber. The head is ornamented with a crest of rounded feathers. A black line passes from the beak across the eyes to the ear-covers, and ex¬ cepting this the whole of the head is white, as are also the throat and breast . 5 Amongst the insects, the locust is of common occurrence, frequently visiting particular districts in such clouds as to darken the air. The natives fry these creatures in oil, and eat them with considerable relish. The leaf-insect, which in shape and colour bears so close a resemblance to a number of leaves as to render it impossible to detect them on 5 Gould’s Birds of Hindostan, plate xviii. INSECTS AND FISHES. 33 THE LOCUST. plants ; the stick-insect, which in like manner wears all the appearance of a heap of dried sticks ; and the bamboo-insect, shaped precisely as a small piece of bamboo, are all perfectly harmless; whilst the myriads of centipedes, scorpions, ants, musquitoes, and other crea¬ tures, prove extremely obnoxious to Europeans, more especially to new-comers. The rivers and bays of India abound with various descriptions of fish, some of which have been long known to and much esteemed by Europeans. A far greater number, how- LEAF insect. ever, although said to be excellent eating by the natives, have never been met with on an English table. The objection to many of these latter consists in the great number of small bones contained in them ; in spite, however, of this, the natives use them in a variety of ways, either as curries or stews. Amongst those known to Europeans are the mango-fish, a great favourite in Calcutta during the mango season, the Indian mullet, the sable-fish, the whiting, a species of perch of great size, the kowall, the rowball, the inkle-fish, the nattoo, the mountain mullet, a species of sole, several kinds of herring, the white and black pomfret, and a very excellent salmon. Most of them are salt-water fish. The animals of the Tenasserim and Peguau provinces differ in few D 34 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. particulars from those of Hindostan proper. Elephants, tigers, hears, and panthers abound; whilst several species of the rhinoceros, the hare, the rabbit, the porcupine, are also to be met with in considerable num¬ bers. The most interesting and valuable of all the animals of this region is a hardy and swift-footed pony, highly esteemed throughout all parts of India, especially for mountain journeys, where, from their being so sure-footed, they are invaluable. The sheep and goat are rarely met with here ; but buffaloes, oxen, and several varieties of the deer are plentiful. In ornithological specimens these provinces are peculiarly rich; amongst them may be instanced a peacock of surpassing beauty, besides partridges, pheasants, wild fowl, quail, pigeons, and an abund¬ ance of water-fowl of great delicacy and flavour. The edible-nest swal¬ lows are also common, and furnish a supply of nests for the China mar¬ ket, which realises a considerable revenue to the local government. There is nothing to remark in the fishes of Pegu, similar as they are in every respect to those of the Bay of Bengal. The only excep¬ tions which claim our notice are the climbing-perch, which makes its way inland to some distance, and a barbel of extraordinary beauty, whose scales, when fresh from the water, glisten in the sunshine like diamonds of the first quality. PA11T I. HISTORICAL THE HINDOO PEBIOD. CHAPTER l. THE ERA OF FABLE AND THE EARLY HINDOO DYNASTIES. T he early history of India, like that of many other countries, pre¬ sents little else than a confused series of mythological tales, full of absurd recitals and chronological inconsistencies. To place any credit in the writings of the first Hindoo chroniclers, would he to carry the history of their country to a date long anterior to the creation of the world. The exploits of Rama, one of their favourite heroes, are stated by them to have taken place a million of years since; whilst one of their records claims an antiquity of double that extent. The labours of such oriental scholars as Colebrooke, Jones, Wilson, Prinsep, &c. have done little more for Hindoo history than point out the utter worthlessness of its earliest records. The most that can be made of that period is a tolerably accurate guess as to the probable dates of such events as need not be put down as altogether fabulous. From the time of Alexander’s invasion of India we are enabled to arrive at something more like certainty with regard to Indian events and Hindoo sovereigns; but until Hindostan became known to and finally conquered by the Mahometan race, there was at best a most uncertain and irre¬ gular chain of records, from which the modern compiler of history can glean but vague and unreliable details. Of late years the labours of Mr. Prinsep have brought to light the means of deciphering many ancient inscriptions upon columns and on the walls of rock-cut temples, which had hitherto defied the investiga¬ tions of the learned. These prove to have been in the Pali dialect, and when read by the aid of Mr. Prinsep’s key, were found to throw considerable light upon some portion of Hindoo history, and eventually 38 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. to enable the discoverer to fix something like a date of certainty to the reigns of monarchs which had previously been but ill defined. Of the great antiquity of the Hindoos there can be no. doubt. Whilst Joseph was ruling under Pharaoh in Egypt, there were Hindoo princes who possessed considerable territories, and could bring large armies into the field. The “ Ramayana,” an Indian epic, although un¬ doubtedly replete with fables and exaggerations, cannot but be regarded as shadowing forth, however falsely coloured, certain events and exploits which possessed reality in themselves.. The first mention made of this nation gives as their residence a tract of country between the rivers Sersooty and Caggar, distant from Delhi about one hundred miles north-west. It then bore the name of Bramhaverta, as being the haunt of gods; and although it was but about sixty-five miles long by forty broad, it was the scene of the adventures of the first princes, and the residence of the most famous sages . 1 At no very distant date from the first records, the Hindoos appear to have extended their territory, which then seems to have included the districts of Oude, Agra, Allahabad, Lahore, and Delhi. The city of Oud, or as it was then termed, Ayodha, appears to have been the capital of the kingdom. There were born, as emanations from Brahma, two princes, whose descendants were known as the solar and lunar races. Of these upwards of sixty appear to have lived; but the accounts of their exploits are so fabulous, that no use can be made of them, and we must therefore pass on to Rama, whose deeds, as already mentioned, were chronicled in the “ Ramayana.” In this oriental epic we find the most extravagant recitals and super¬ natural occurrences detailed with the minuteness of facts. The hero is Rama, a king of Oude, who having resolved on a life of penance for a certain period, retired to a secluded forest with his wife Sita, a woman of surpassing beauty and extraordinary accomplishments. During their residence in this solitary spot, Eavana, the king of Ceylon and ruler over a race of demons, chanced to see the beautiful queen, and became so enamoured of her that he earned her away to his capital, Lanka. Rama, roused to activity by this loss, called to his aid Hanuman, the pretended monarch of a race of supernatural monkeys; and these warriors, with their united followers, are made to march through the Deccan, cross the Pamben Passage by a miraculous bridge, and en¬ countering the wicked but mighty Ravana near his city, totally defeated him and his warrior-demons. Sita was of course released; but the tale 1 Wilson’s preface to Vishnu Purana, p. 67. THE MAHA-BARAT. 39 ends gloomily, for Kama, having accidentally killed his brother Lach- men, threw himself in his grief into a river, and was re-united to the divinity. Whatever fable and romance there may be in this great Hindoo poem, it is more than probable that Kama did carry his arms to the south, and with some degree of success; the Ceylon invasion, however, would appear to belong to a more recent period than that named in the “Ramayana.” Nothing can be stated of the long line of solar princes who succeeded Kama; and there is good ground for believing that during that after period the seat of government was transferred from Oud to Canouj. The contents of the “ Maha-Barat,” which is the second great In¬ dian epic, read far more like history than those of the “ Ramayana.” It relates to the great war which arose out of the claims of two rival branches of the then reigning family for the district of Hastinapoora, # supposed to be a country to the north-east of Delhi, on the Ganges. Into this quarrel most of the neighbouring princes of India seem to have been drawn, and the war appears to have raged with great fury for a long period, carrying with it the partial ruin of some of the most flourishing districts of Hindostan. The victors of the Pandu branch suffered so severely in this violent contest, that for one or two gene¬ rations they did not recover their former position. The probable period in which this famous war occurred may be some time in the fourteenth century before the Christian era. Of the race of Pandu kings who filled the throne from this period, we find nothing on record beyond a mere list of their names; and even here the loosely compiled annals of those remote times differ as to whether there were twenty-nine or sixty-four of them. Dismissing from our minds all that portion of the “ Maha-Barat” which deals in marvellous occurrences and extraordinary exjdoits, we may still glean from its pages much matter of a more solid and reliable tone. There are scattered through it a great number of useful facts bearing upon the position of the several kingdoms and independent states, their social condition, power and influence, which greatly redeem the general character of this Iliad of the East. From it we may learn that there were at least six distinct kingdoms in this part of India. Greek writers speak of as many as one hundred and eighteen; but they probably intended to have written tribes, and not independent states. Besides the kingdom of Hastinapoora, wc find one very powerful monarchy mentioned—the sovereignty of Magada. The king of this country at the period of the great war was Saliadeva ; and from that 40 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. time until a.d. 436, we find a long line of kings chronicled in one unbroken succession. It was in this state that Sakya or Gotama Buddha, the founder of the Buddhist religion, was born, somewhere about b.c. 550, during the reign of Ajata Satru, the thirty-fifth sove¬ reign from Saliadeva. It is the ancient language of this country, Magadi or Pali, which has ever since been employed in the sacred writings of this widely spread religion. Following this race of monarchs, we find that the fourteenth of the line was murdered by Chandragupta, who was of the Sudras, a low caste. It has been successfully shewn by Sir W. Jones and Mr. Prinsep, that this king is the Sandraeottus, or Sandracoptus, of the Greek his¬ torians, whom they represent as having concluded a treaty with Seleucus, one of Alexander’s successors, about the year 310 b.c. The third king after Chandragupta, named Asoca, appears to have been the first who really had any claim to the title previously bestowed on many others, that of lord paramount or emperor of India. The mastery obtained by the indefatigable Prinsep over the old Pali inscriptions scattered throughout so many remote parts of India, has amongst other points satisfactorily established this one re¬ garding the rule of Asoca, that his dominion extended from far north- Avard of Delhi, even southward to Taprobane or Ceylon, and embraced a wide extent of country east and west. It appears from the same inscription that his government partook of a highly civilised nature, more advanced than might have been, expected j for many of those ancient writings appear to be edicts for the establishment of hospitals and dispensaries in distant parts of his empire, and also for the sinking wells and planting shady trees along the public highways for the benefit of travellers. 2 The Magada kingdom appears to have gradually lost its ascendency, until, in the fifth century of our era, we find it brought under subjection to the kings of Canouj, and its territories no longer recognised as a separate state. The kingdom of Bengal, although at various periods attaining to a considerable degree of power, if we may judge from inscriptions on copper and stone, cannot be awarded the supremacy in India Avliich has been claimed for it by several Hindoo writers. We can lay our hands upon very little reliable data as to the actual position of this state, though the lists of four distinct dynasties are preserved to this day, and may be tolerably correct. The last of the Hindoo dynasties. » Elphinstone’s India, voL i. p. 393. EARLY KINGDOMS OF INDIA. 41 whose names ended in Sena, was subverted by the Mahometan in¬ vaders about a.d. 1203. Gujerat appears to have bad an independent existence at an early date, though we are without any'reliable particulars. In the middle of the second century of our era, it seems beyond a doubt that a govern¬ ment existed at Balibi, under a Rajpoot race of rulers. In a.d. 524 these princes were expelled by an incursion of Indo-Baetrians from the north, but again held the reins of power in a.d. 531. In the eighth century the Balibi rulers appear to have been suc¬ ceeded by the Chauras, another tribe of Rajpoots, who eventually removed their capital to Anhalwara, now Patan, and in after years attained to considerable power amongst the native states. This race became extinct in a.d. 931, when the Rajpoot tribe of Salonka succeeded it, and remained on the throne until early in the thirteenth century, when they in their turn were followed by a dynasty who ruled until the conquest of the country by the Mahometans in A.D. 1297. 3 Of the kingdom of Canouj, our information is far from perfect, though such as has reached us, aided by the deciphering of various inscriptions, leads to the belief that this was not only one of the most ancient, but equalled any other state in its extent and importance. The splendid ruins of the capital of Canouj, to be seen at the present day on the banks of the Ganges, attest the wealth and magnificence of this people in their palmy days. This state bore in remote times the name of Panchala. It ex¬ tended from the Banar and Chambol in Ajmir eastwards as far as Nepal, which it included. The princes of Canouj appear at various times to have carried their arms into the states of Bengal and Orissa on the east, and as far northward as the Indus. Little is known of them except what we gather from the Rajpoot writings and traditions, that the original race was subverted by a Hindoo dynasty, who subse¬ quently succumbed before a Rajpoot tribe, who continued to govern Canouj until its final conquest in a.d. 1193 by the Mahometans. Cashmere may undoubtedly claim equal antiquity with any of the preceding, though it may well be questioned if the dates assumed by the local histories be correct. According to the Cashmerian annals, that country was an independent state 2600 years B.c. There is a very imperfect list of the monarchs of Cashmere, with a most meagre summary of events. After the succession of five distinct dynasties, the government was seized upon by Mahmoud, of Ghazni, in a.d. 1015. 3 Briggs’ Ferishta. THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. 42 Scinde appears, beyond a doubt, to have been a distinct kingdom at the period of the “ Maha-Barat,” though when Alexander invaded India it was evidently divided into some petty states, all, however, in¬ dependent. Early in the seventh century it was again united under one government. During the early part of the next century it was invaded by the Arab tribes, but subsequently retaken by the Kajpoot tribe of Samera, A. D. 750, and eventually fell before the rulers of the Ghorian dynasty in a.d. 1015. The earliest mention made of the kingdom of Malwa appears to be about fifty years previous to the death of Buddha. This state must at one period have been in a highly flourishing condition, and to one of its rulers, Vicramaditya, is attributed almost universal sway over India. Certainly he extended his possessions far beyond the ordinary limits of the country, through the centre and west of India. We have little more than a long list of princely names in the “ Ayeni Akberi’’ in connection with this state, though one of its early rulers, Rajah Bhoja, would appear, by traditional records, to have acquired a more than common reputation. It lost its independence about the year 1231 of our era, when the Mahometan arms swept over the whole of India. Of the remaining states or principalities we can say little more than that they comprised Gour, Mithili, Benares, Mewar, Jesselmere, and Jeipoor; the three last of which still continue to exist as inde¬ pendent states. Leaving Hindostan, and its fragmentary histories, we turn south¬ wards, and find that the Deccan, if it be less involved in obscurity, is at the same time of far more modern date, and even less interesting in its details. There seems to be little doubt but that at one period this part of India was peopled by others than Hindoos. The aborigines are said to have been foresters and mountaineers, leading a wild and lawless life. But this must have been at a very remote period, for there is abundance of proof that an advanced state of civilisation prevailed pre¬ vious to the time of the Greek notices of India. Through this tract there are not less than five dialects spoken : the Tamil, the Telugu, the Mahratta, the Canarese, and the Urya. The Tamil tongue prevails over the whole district to the south of Madras, on both sides of the peninsula. Of all these southern states, that of Pandya is the most ancient, together with the neighbouring kingdom of Chola. They were both founded by men of low origin 3 and although for some generations KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN. 43 they made frequent and destructive wars upon each other, there seems to have been at a later period a long and cordial understanding be¬ tween them. Pandya extended not farther than the present districts of Tiunevelly and Madura, its capital being the town of the latter name. The kingdom of Chola extended over a wider range of country than the jD'eceding,—from Madura to Nandidroog, and at one time over a portion of Carnata. The twelfth century, however, saw this state much humbled, and losing some part of its independence, until a Mahratta chief being called in to aid the reigning rajah in some trou¬ bles, deposed him and assumed the sovereign power, thus founding the family of Tanjore. The capital of this state was generally Conjeveram, west of Madras. The state of Chera, which we find mentioned by Ptolemy, compre¬ hended Travancore, Coimbatore, part of Malabar, with some portion of Carnata. It does not appear to have risen to any consequence, and in the tenth century was over-run by the troops of the neighbouring kings, and partitioned amongst them. Kerala included within its original boundaries Canara and Mala¬ bar ; but about the commencement of our era these two districts appear to have become separated ; the former remained independent until far into the twelfth century, when it became a tributary of one of the neighbouring states. The Malabar country seems to have been broken up into a number of petty states, one of which was that of the Zamorins, whose capital Avas Calicut, and Avhere they Avere found by Vasco di Gama in the fifteenth century. 4 The kingdom of Orissa, although during a long period in a highly flourishing condition, has left little to tell its history beyond the most absurd recitals of native writers up to a.d. 473, when a more intelligible narrative takes up the thread of events. We hear of it in the “ Maha Earat,” and afterwards in connection with the names of Salivahana and Vicramaditya, Avho appear to have occupied the country. From a.d. 473 to a.d. 1131, the government Avas administered by rajahs of the Kesari race, under Avhom many petty wars Avere entered upon, until a prince of the house of GangaVansa seized upon the throne, Avliose suc¬ cessors Avere aftenvards supplanted by a Kajpoot family of the race of the sun. This dynasty Avas, about the middle of the sixteenth century, expelled by a Telinga chief, and thirty years later Akber annexed the country to the empire. 5 PoAverful as the Mahrattas became in more modern times, and ex- 4 Elphinstone’s India, voL i. p. 415. s Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. 44 tensively though their language be spoken, we find far less of them in historical records than of any other race or country. Indeed, until the Mahometan writers mentioned them, there was nothing to mark their existence beyond some inscriptions which allude to their capital, Tagara, as a place of considerable commercial importance, though its site has been long since lost. This place is also mentioned by Arrian as a great emporium of the Deccan country, though with a very vague allusion to its position. A race of kings of Rajpoot descent ruled over Maharashtra, as this country was called until the twelfth century, when a family of Yadus supplanted them. 6 Towards the end of the following century a Ma¬ hometan invasion took place, and after the reigning rajah had for some length of time been tributary to the Emperor of Delhi, the govern¬ ment was finally subverted by that power about a.d. 1317. How this people at a later period rose to great military power, and proved one of the most formidable opponents to and chief destroyers of the Tartar empire, will be seen in succeeding chapters'. It may be sufficient to notice the Chalukya rajahs of Rajpoot de¬ scent as having ruled over a tract of country bordering on Carnata and Maharashtra. Another line of these chiefs governed Calinga, extending from Orissa to Dravira. Their rule appears to have lasted from the tenth to the twelfth centuries, at which latter period it yielded to the supremacy of the kings of Andra, and subsequently to the rajahs of Cattac. 7 The Andra kings reigned over a tract of country to the north-east of Hydrabad early in the Christian era. We possess little information concerning them, though it is certain that towards the end of the thirteenth century they had risen to some importance and power, and had extended their limits on the south. In a.d. 1332 the country was overrun by an imperial army, afterwards by the kings of Orissa, and finally became annexed to the kingdom of Golconda. Before closing this sketch of the early history of Hindostan and the Deccan, it may be well to glance at the view taken of India by the Greek writers shortly after that country became opened to the western nations. Alexander himself evidently did no more than touch upon the very outskirts of India. Having checked the advance of his army on the banks of the Hyphasis, when the eastern world had but just been glanced at, he bent his steps towards the south-west, and passed on- 6 Wilson’s Preface to the Mackenzie Papers. 7 Elphinstone’s India, voL i. p. 417. GREEK ACCOUNTS OF INDIA. 45 wards between the desert and the Indus, leaving some few garrisons behind him, and one or two kings and chiefs allied to his government. A perusal of the writings of Ptolemy, Arrian, Aristobulus, and others of the early historians, cannot fail to impress us with a favour¬ able opinion of their general accuracy, if we consider how limited the extent of their knowledge must have been, and under what disadvan¬ tages they must have written. We shall find that they represent the position and habits of the people, the state and form of internal go¬ vernment, the religion and literature of the Hindoos, precisely as we have in later days found them to be ; and so far from expressing sur¬ prise at any erroneous statements they may have advanced, we should rather wonder that their mistakes have been so few. Of the division of society into distinct castes, the Greeks were per¬ fectly aware, though they have added to the number of classes through some misconception. They appear to have been much struck with the absence of slavery in India; for the servile state of the Sudra caste would hardly have attracted the notice of men accustomed to the do¬ mestic slavery of Greece and Pmme. The subdivision of Hindostan into a great number of kingdoms and petty states and principalities did not escape the attention of the Greeks, who, however, greatly overstated their number, calculating them at upwards of one hundred. The forces which the Indian kings were* capable of bringing into the field in those days were doubtless overcharged, but their composi¬ tion and arrangement are truly enough described. Their account of the revenues of the country, and the sources whence deriyed, quite agree with our own knowledge of those mat¬ ters. In the minute descriptions given of the assessment of lands and crops, of the irrigation and culture of the soil, of the duties of the various functionaries of the revenue department, of the natural pro¬ ducts of the earth, of the articles forming the commerce of the country, —on all these points they relate that which might equally be written at the present time. We find the public festivals and royal shows 8 of the Hindoos de¬ scribed as they are known to have taken place in much more recent times. And not less precise and accurate are the early writers in their account of the dress, the domestic manners, and social habits of the various classes 9 composing an Indian community. In speaking of the personal appearance of the Hindoos, both Arrian and Strabo notice the difference between the inhabitants of the north and the south country. * Strabo, lib. xv. p. 493. 9 Arrian's Indie a, cap. xvi. 4G THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. The southern Indians they describe as swarthy, tall, and handsome, not unlike Ethiopians in some respects ; whilst the denizens of the north¬ ern latitudes are said to be much fairer, and not unlike the Egyptians. The weapons employed by the Indian soldiers were, excepting fire¬ arms, precisely such as are. in use at the present day. The valour of the Hindoos is always highly spoken of, and they are described as being- far more formidable enemies than any the Greeks had previously en¬ countered in the East. That the country was in the days of Alexander in a highly flourisli- imr condition there can be but little doubt, even if we make some allowance for exaggeration. There were said to have been 1500 cities, thickly peopled, between two of the rivers of the Punjab ; and one city is described as being 8 miles long, and 1J- mile broad, surrounded by ditches and ramparts, with 64 gates and 570 towers. THE ARAB INVASIONS. 47 V CHAPTER II. THE ARAB AND TARTAR INVASIONS, AND THE FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE MAHOMMEDANS IN INDIA. a.d. 661-1022. UiE earliest appearance of the Arab armies of the west on the confines X of the Indian territories was in the year 6G4, during an expedi¬ tion of this people into the Afghan country, when, having penetrated as far as Cabul, 1 and made its ruler a tributary prince, a portion of their army under Mohalib, a celebrated Moslem commander, pushed on as far as Mooltan, sacked the city and carried away numerous prisoners. Although the Arabs made several fresh inroads into the Afghan terri¬ tories, at subsequent dates, it does not appear that the country eastward of that land possessed any attraction for them, since no further mention is made of any inroads by this people across the northern waters of the Indus. We hear, however, of numerous incursions by Arabs into the Scinde country as early as the reign of the Calif Omar; but these would ap¬ pear to have been chiefly of a piratical character, with no other aim than plunder. The seizure of one of these marauders’ vessels, at a sub¬ sequent date, in one of the sea-ports of Scinde, led to the invasion of the country by a numerous army under Mohammed Casim, the younger son of Hejaj, the governor of Basra. This juvenile warrior met with the most complete success, capturing the fortified city of Dewal, 2 over¬ throwing the son of the Rajah of Scinde, and spreading terror and carnage as far as the capital itself. Here the Rajah Daher interposed with a powerful army of fifty thousand men, and a numerous troop of elephants. Small as was the force of the Arab general, he had no alterna- tiveHbut to fight; and availing himself of a strong position, he waited within it for the attack of the Hindoos. The great advantage possessed by the troops of Scinde proved of little avail; for at an early period of 1 Briggs’ Ferishta, vol. i. p. 4. 2 Believed to have been on the site of the modern Kurrachee. 48 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. THE RAJAH ON HIS STATE ELEPHANT. the engagement, the rajah’s elephant having been wounded by a fire-ball, rushed from the field of battle, smarting with pain, and plunged into the water of the neighbouring river. This untoward circumstance struck dismay into the Hindoo soldiers, who, dispirited at the absence of their royal master, began to give way ; and although the rajah soon re-appeared, mounted on his war-charger, the fortune of the day had been already decided. Finding all his efforts unavailing, Daher deter¬ mined not to survive the disgrace of a defeat, and rushing with a chosen few amongst the thickest of the Arab horse, fell covered with wounds. It was in vain that his widow, with more than woman’s courage and all a woman’s hope, endeavoured to rally his broken forces. She, however, placed the chief city, Brahmanabad, in a posture of defence, holding it against the victors for some time; and when at last all hope a princess’s revenge. 49 bad fled, the women and children of her adherents perished in a huge funeral pile; aud the small Rajpoot garrison, flinging wide the gates, rushed out, and met their deaths upon the Arab weapons. Such as remained within the walls were slaughtered without mercy, and the younger members of their families carried away into captivity. 3 Casim, it appears, met with but little opposition from this time, and found sufficient leisure to settle the administrative affairs of the newly conquered territory, which he arranged on a just and politic foundation, appointing many of the old Hindoo governors who had held office under the late rajah to similar posts, on the plea that they were best qualified to maintain the established institutions of the country. Having arranged much of the internal affairs of the country, Casim directed his attention farther eastward; and, bent upon the acquisition of fresh territory, commenced a march towards the celebrated city of Canouj, on the Ganges. He had marched as far as Oudipur, when an unlooked-for catastrophe cut short at once his plan of conquest and his career. Amongst the captives carried away from Scinde were the two daughters of Rajah Darlie ; these, on account of their high lineage and great beauty, were destined for the harem of the Commander of the Faithful. Arrived at the court of the Calif, they were presented in due form to the sovereign, who had been curious to witness the charms of the elder of them, who was indeed surpassingly beautiful. On being conducted to his presence, she burst into a flood of tears, and exclaimed that, having been dishonoured by Casim in her own country, she felt that she was not worthy to appear before the commander of the faith¬ ful. The calif, incensed at this outrage, which thus became an insult to himself, and smitten moreover by her beauty, ordered that the offending general should be sewed up in a raw hide and dispatched in that state to Damascus. This order was of course carried into effect; and the body of the late conqueror of Scinde having arrived at the palace, it was laid before the princess, who, unable to contain her de¬ light at the sight of it, declared to the astonished calif that Casim was indeed innocent of the charge imputed to him, but that he had brought ruin and death upon her family, and she was now avenged. 4 From this time the Arab arms appear to have made no progress. All ideas of further conquest seem to have died with Casim, whose authority was handed over to less ambitious commanders. The rule of the Musselmen in Scinde continued until about a.d. 750, when the Rajpoots uniting their forces with the Hindoos made a desperate effort 3 Briggs’ Fcrisiita, vol. iv. p. 409. 4 Ayeen Akberry, vol. ii. Briggs’ Feriskta, voL iv. E 50 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. to expel the foreigners from their country, in which, after some severe struggles, they eventually succeeded. The declension of the Arab sway may he said to have commenced at this time; certainly the empire of the califs at no later period ex¬ tended over so large an extent of country. The death of the famed Haroun-al-Raschid was not long afterwards followed by the secession of Khorassan and Transoxana. By degrees other provinces fell away from the califate; and at no distant date the commanders of the faithful were reduced to puppets in the hands' of their Turkish guards, and the dissolution of their empire was sealed. 5 Amongst the many petty dynasties of mixed Turkish and Mogul descent, which now swept over the northern provinces of the Arab possessions, were the Samanis, a family of Bokhara descent, who, having firmly established themselves in Khorassan, ruled over that country for upwards of a century. It was during their sway that the first member of the house of Ghazni, afterwards the founders of the Mahometan empire in India, assumed an importance which his descendants turned to good account. Alptegiu, the founder of this new dynasty, was a Turkish slave in the service of Abdulmelek, fifth prince of the house of Samani, and in that capacity performed the most menial offices. Find¬ ing that this slave possessed not only great personal courage, but many natural good qualities, his royal master, as was then a frequent prac¬ tice, promoted him to some important posts, and eventually made him governor of Khorassan. Alptegin held this command until the death of his patron, when, having given offence to his successor, he was forced to seek safety in flight; accompanied by a faithful band of adherents, he took re¬ fuge amongst the hill tribes around Ghazni, in the very heart of the mountains of Soliman, where he bid defiance to his enemies, and se¬ cured himself in the sovereignty of that part of the country. The hill tribes of the vicinity were nothing loath to receive amongst them one who was both able and willing to enlist their swords in his service, and provide them with pay; and such as did not directly submit to his sway remained in friendly relation with him. During a period of fourteen years he appears to have maintained his position in the Ghaz- nivide country, supported by a numerous and well-appointed army, chiefly made up of Mameluk horsemen and Afghan freebooters. His death, which occurred in the year 976, placed on his mountain- throne one who like himself had been a slave. Sibektegin had served Alptegin with fidelity from the day that he had purchased him from a 1 Price, vol. iv., quoted by E]phinstone, vol. i. p. 521. 51 HOSTILITIES IN LAHOllE. merchant travelling eastward from Turkistau, his native country; and having proved his faithfulness and ability, he promoted him to the high¬ est office next to himself. Whether he was named by the dying ruler as his successor, wanting heirs, does not appear certain, but the acces¬ sion of Sibektegin to his master’s power, under the circumstances, was the most natural occurrence. He is said, likewise, to have married a daughter of his late chief, and thus to have strengthened his hold on the popular feeling of the hill tribes of Ghazni. 6 Events were now about to occur which speedily called forth the activity and courage of the new ruler. The Hindoo rajahs of the coun¬ try east of the Indus viewed with considerable apprehension the esta¬ blishment of this Mahometan power so contiguous to their own coun¬ try; and aware of the passion for aggrandisement manifested on every fitting occasion by this race, prepared to adopt aggressive measures, with a view of ridding their neighbourhood of such a dangerous rival Acting on these feelings, Jeipal, rajah of Lahore, prepared a large army, marched across the Indus, and approached the hilly regions of Ghazni, when he was encountered by Sibektegin. A fierce storm of wind, rain, and thunder so damped the energy of the Hindoo troops, unaccustomed to the severe cold of these climates, that Jeipal found himself under the necessity of coming to terms with his adversary, and agreed, as the price of peace and safety, to pay fifty elephants and a large sum of money. The elephants were surrendered on the spot, and the two armies separated, the Hindoos retracing their steps to their own country. Once safely within his own territories, Jeipal forgot his former danger and fears, and refused to complete his engagement by with¬ holding the money-payments agreed upon. The Tartar chief was not likely to submit to this insult, and placing himself at the head of a numerous force of Turki and Afghan horse, marched rapidly to¬ wards the Indus. Jeipal was prepared for the coming storm; he strengthened himself with the powerful assistance of the rajahs of Delhi, Ajmir, Calingar, and Canouj, and soon found himself at the 6 “ A story is told of Sibektegin while yet a private soldier, which proves the humanity of the historian, if not of the hero. One day, in hunting, he succeeded in riding down a fawn ; but when he was carrying off his prize in triumph, he observed the dam following his horse, and shewing such evident marks of distress, that ho was touched with compassion, and at last released his captive, pleasing himself with the gratitude of the mother, which often turned back to gaze at him as she went off to the forest with her fawn. That night the Prophet appeared to him in a dream, told him that God had given him a kingdom as a reward for his humanity, and enjoined him not to forget his feelings of mercy when he came to the exercise of power.”— JZlphinstone, vol. i. p. 526. 52 THE TIIREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. head of a hundred thousand cavalry and a vast number of foot-soldiers. Sibektegin did not muster a fourth part of this number ; but nothing daunted by the numerical strength of his adversaries, he relied on the superior strength and discipline of his chosen horsemen. Events proved the soundness of his judgment. The enormous masses of Hindoo troops were unequal to the shock of his Mameluk and Afghan charges, and once having succeeded in breaking their lines, he found little difficulty in completing their disorder and final overthrow. Jeipal's huge army fled in the utmost" disorder, and were closely pur¬ sued by Sibektegin as far as the Indus, up to which point he at once established his authority, and left a governor with a numerous body of horse in command of the country about Peshawur. How far Sibektegin might have pushed his conquests cannot be known, since he was required in another quarter to aid his neighbours and former masters, the Samanis, in repelling attacks from some tur¬ bulent chiefs of Bokhara. These refractory tribes were with difficulty reduced to submission; and the ruler of Bokhara, to reward the ser¬ vices of Sibektegin and his son Mahmoud, conferred on the latter the government of Ivhorassan, and recognised the father in all his present possessions as far as the Indus. Matters having been thus settled in the west, Sibektegin prepared to return to his government, but on his way thither was seized with illness and died. No sooner did Mahmoud find himself firmly established on the throne, and invested with the new title of sultan, than his restless and ambitious spirit, long nurtured by the military exploits and bold daring of his father, sought for some field on which to establish a new and dazzling reputation. It is scarcely matter for surprise, that the world-wide reputation of India for wealth should have led the young sultan of a semi-barbarous nation to turn his eyes in that direction. Added to this, it may fairly be presumed that Mahmoud was not altogether unmindful of the glory he would acquire by extending the Moslem faith on the wreck of Hindoo idolatry. In the year of the Christian era 1001, Mahmoud crossed the Indus with an army whose chief strength lay in its horse, for even at that period the Afghan cavalry were nearly always irresistible in open war¬ fare. Defeating the rajah of Lahore at Peshawur, and carrying off a vast quantity of treasure, the sultan returned to Ghazni for a season. Three other expeditions into the Indian territories followed at various intervals, in the last of which the conqueror secured treasure and precious stones, to an amount previously unheard of, from the CONQUEST OF THE PUNJAB. 53 sacred shrine in the fortress of Nargacot at the foot of the Himalayas. To celebrate this achievement, Mahmoud gave a triumphal feast, which lasted many days, during which the rich spoils of the war were exposed to public gaze upon tables of pure gold, amidst the sound of martial music. Victories but served to stimulate this warrior-king to fresh achieve¬ ments ; and the glory and treasures which would have proved to many inducements to after-repose, only whetted the royal blade of the Ghaz- nivide sultan for new and mightier strokes of conquest. The Nargacot exploit was followed after a year or two by the reduction of the Ghor country, the capture of Mooltan, an expedition to Tareesa near the Jumna, and two attacks upon the Caslimerian provinces. In the year 1017 Mahmoud took the boldest step eastward that had been made by any foreigner within the Indus. The victories he had already acquired, seemingly with so much ease, over the Hindoo rajahs on the north-west frontiers, emboldened him to attempt some¬ thing on a more enlarged scale. Accordingly, we find him assembling an army of 100,000 horse and 20,000 foot at Peshawur, with which he crossed the river, and taking his course due east as far as the Jumna, he turned southwards, and arrived at the gates of Canouj before the rajah had received notice of his approach. After destroying many temples and razing a number of fortresses, Mahmoud returned once more to Ghazni laden with the wealth of India. It was in the year 1022 that the first permanent settlement of the Moslems east of the Indus took place, by the annexation of the Punjab to the kingdom of Ghazni; and from this event may be dated the rise of the Mahometan power in India. Hitherto all the conquests of Mahmoud had been but of a transitory nature. Renown and plunder appeared to be the leading objects of his expeditions j but in this year, during a march to relieve his ally, the rajah of Canouj, Mahmoud was refused a passage for his troops through the territories of the Lahore rajah. This ill-judged step called down upon the offending Hindoo the vengeance of the Moslem conqueror, who did not quit the country until he had annexed it to his own dominions, and by that act laid the foundation of the Ghaznivide dynasty in India. THE MAHOMETAN PERIOD. CHAPTER I. SULTAN MAHMOUD AND HIS SUCCESSORS OF THE GHAZNIVIDE AND GHORIAN DYNASTIES. a.d. 1022-120G. he reduction of the Lahore territories thus brought the Maho- JL metan conqueror within the limits of India ; and having by this strokc’hnade himself permanently master of the whole country as far as the Sutlege, re-inforced his army of occupation, and strengthened the various garrisons in these districts, he felt himself at liberty to undertake further conquests. Two years later we find him entering upon his twelfth and last ex¬ pedition in India; but this time not so much on political as on religious grounds. The temple of Somnat, situated at the extreme southern boundary of Gujerat, was famed for its sanctity in the eyes of all good Hindoos. Mahmoud determined to evince the ardour of his zeal for the Prophet, by destroying this high place of heathen worship ; and it may not be incorrect if we surmise that the reputed wealth of the Indian shrine had some influence in drawing upon it the warlike notice of the Sultan of Ghazni. Crossing the desert which separates Scinde from Mooltan, a dis¬ tance of 350 miles, in perfect safety, the invading army found itself in Ajmir. Meeting with no resistance, the sultan pushed on towards the object of his journey, and soon arrived before Somnat. The Hindoo defenders of their faith in vain offered a gallant resistance; Mahmoud carried all before him, and became master of the gorgeous temple and its vast treasures. THE DEATH AND CHARACTER OF MAHMOUD. 55 Returning to Ins capital, the victor appeared for a time disposed to remain in quiet; hut fresh opportunities offered themselves, and once more tempted him to take the field. His last exploit was the crown¬ ing one of his reign : the conquest of Persia seemed to leave him the most potent prince in the East; and cei-tainly there was no power near to disturb his security. But amidst all this glory the conqueror was cut off; and almost before his victorious army had had time to gather repose from their last exploits, ere their Persian laurels had lost their first bloom, their leader and sultan was taken from amongst them— the founder of the Afghan dynasty in India was no more. Mahmoud, if not the greatest sovereign the world ever saw — as maintained by most Mahometan writers—was assuredly the most fa¬ mous of his age. Uniting in his person many brilliant and esti¬ mable qualities, he possessed but few of the failings so peculiar to the time in which he lived. To the character of a great general he added that of a liberal encourager of literature and the arts ; and although he was not wanting in religious zeal, and lost no opportunity of humbling the power of Hindoo idolatry, he cannot be charged with any acts of cruelty against his heathen adversaries; and it is said that he never took the life of a Hindoo save in battle or during the storming of a fortress. This, it must be remembered, is the character of a prince who lived in an age when imprisonment and murder were ordinary steps in a royal career. Perhaps his greatest failing, and one which grew with his years, was that of avarice. His Indian conquests helped to fill his treasury to an extent unknown in any previous or future reign. It is re¬ ported, that upon his hearing of the great wealth of some contempo¬ rary monarch, who had managed to amass as much as seven measures of jewels, he exclaimed with great fervour, “ Praise be to God, who has given me a hundred measures.” 1 His love of riches was, however, blended with a spirit of liberality in certain directions. Besides founding a university in his capital, with a museum and library attached, Mahmoud set apart a large yearly sum, amounting to fully 10,000/. a year of our money, 2 for the maintenance of a body of professors and students, as well as pensions to learned men. Amongst the literary characters who were attracted to his court by this patronage, was the poet Ferdousi, who composed an epic poem of 00,000 couplets, celebrating the exploits of the Persians previous to the Mahometan conquests, a work which occu¬ pied his energies during a period of thirty years, and which has been 1 Elphinstone, vol i. p. 572. 2 Briggs’ Ferishta, vol. i. p. 60. 56 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. deservedly admired by Europeans not less than by Orientals for its many surpassing beauties. Mahmoud, however, for some cause not quite clear, disappointed the poet in his promised recompense for this noble production ; and it is said that Ferdousi died of a broken heart. Mahmoud was not often wanting in his public duties; and it is related of him, that on one occasion a woman went to him to complain of the death of her son, who had lost his life from robbers in a remote part of some newly-acquired territories.' The sultan observed that it was impossible that he could enforce the laws in such a distant cor¬ ner of his kingdom; the woman replied — “Why, then, do you take countries which you cannot govern, and for the protection of which you must answer in the day of judgment?” Mahmoud felt the justice of the reproof, and at once gave instructions to afford better protection to his distant subjects. 3 Mohammed, who had been nominated by his deceased father as his successor to the throne of Ghazni, in preference to his brother Masaud, did not reign many weeks. The more warlike and popular character of the latter gained for him the suffrages of the people and the army, who proclaimed him sultan so soon as he made his ap¬ pearance at the capital from the province of Ispahan. The military qualities of the new sovereign were very shortly in requisition; for whilst a rebellion broke out in Lahore, the Seljuks, a warlike and powerful tribe of Tartars on the north of the Oxus, threatened his dominions with an invasion on the west. The troubles in his eastern possessions being quelled, Masaud marched against his new enemies, who had in the mean time (a.d. 1034) defeated and killed one of his ablest generals. A campaign of two years on the western frontiers of his dominions ended in a decisive battle near Mero, in which the Seljuks (a.d. 1039) were left complete masters of the field. The sultan retreated with the shattered remains of his army to Ghazni, where finding disunion and discontent amongst his people and army taking a formidable shape, he determined to retreat beyond the Indus, and seek to recruit his shattered fortunes in his Indian terri¬ tories. On his way to Lahore discontent took the form of mutiny, which ended in his deposition, and the restoration to power of his brother Mohammed. The immediate result of this was the death of Masaud, by command of Ahmed son of Mohammed, after a turbulent reign of ten years. The rule of Mohammed was not, however, destined to a long con- 3 Elphinstone, vol. i. p. 571. THE RE-CAPTURE OF NARGACOT. 57 tinuance. The deceased sultan’s son, Modud, took immediate steps to avenge his father’s death. Marching from the western frontiers with a small body of troops, he made his way through Ghazni to Lahore; and meeting Mohammed and his son at Fattehabad, he attacked and completely routed their army, making themselves and families pri¬ soners, and eventually put them to death to secure to himself the undisturbed possession of the throne. The whole attention of the new sultan was for a time directed to the west, where the movements of the Seljuk invaders were becoming daily more alarming. Either from the circumstance of Modud having espoused a daughter of one of the Seljuk chiefs, or from more impor¬ tant matters engrossing their attention elsewhere, they appear not to have offered any real opposition to his regaining possession of Ghazni, which he did in the year following his accession to power. Disturbances now occurred in the east (a.d. 1042), caused no doubt by the absence of the new sultan from his Indian territories. The rajah of Delhi made this the occasion of recovering all the cities captured by Masaud on the east of the Sutlege; and elated with his first successes, the Hindoo prince pushed his forces to the very gates of Nar- gacot, to recover which holy shrine vast crowds of Indian volunteers flocked to his standard. The religious zeal of the Hindoos bore down all opposition, and despite the strong military position of this temple- fortress, the shrine fell once more into the hands of its votaries. Stimulated still further by this new success, and assured by the absence of the sultan, the rajah called around him the whole Hindoo population of the Punjab, and proceeded at once to deliver the country from the Ghaznivide yoke. Lahore was shortly after (a.d. 1044) invested by the Indian army, and the garrison, receiving no succour or supplies during a siege of seven months, began to be reduced to great extremities. They must soon have yielded before fatigue and famine, but determined to make a last desperate effort, they sallied so vigorously upon the besiegers as completely to disperse .them and raise the siege. The remainder of Modud’s reign was occupied in keeping within bounds the turbulence of his subjects, the disaffection of his Indian pos¬ sessions, and the restlessness of his Seljuk neighbours. In the midst of these conflicting occupations Modud expired after a reign of nine years (a.d. 1049). The throne was now occupied by the late sultan’s brother, Abul Hasan, who, however, after a short rule of two years, gave way to his uncle, Abul Rashid. 58 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. This prince was not more fortunate than his predecessor; for before the second year of his reign he was besieged in Ghazni by a revolted chief, captured, and put to death with all his family. The successful rebel enjoyed the fruits of his treason but a month, at the end of which time he was assassinated; and the army sought for some member of the rightful family to occupy the vacant throne. The choice at length fell upon a young prince, Farokhsad, who had passed many years in prison through the jealousy of previous outlaws. His reign, although it lasted "but six years, may be called a prosperous one compared to those preceding it. He managed to curb the restless, aggressive spirit of the Seljuk tribes, and at the same time to preserve order and quiet within his own dominions, but at last fell by the hand of an assassin. His successor was his brother Ibrahim, a prince of widely different tastes and temperament from all who had gone before him. His desire was peace; and having conciliated his troublesome neighbours, the Seljuks, he devoted himself steadily to the internal affairs of his king¬ dom. Religion, the administration of justice, and the encouragement of learned men, appear to have engrossed the chief of his time; and the only mention we find of him, in any of the historical records, as engaged in a military undertaking, was upon some expedition to the Sutlege, on which occasion he captured several cities from the Hindoos. Little as there is to record of this monarch of a political nature, his reign nevertheless lasted for the unusual period of forty-one years, and terminated as peacefully as it had commenced. The next in succession was Masaud II. (a.d. 1089), who enjoyed a peaceable reign of twenty-five years, during which period the greater portion of his attention was devoted to legislating and improving the condition of his country. Some expeditions into Hindostan were un¬ dertaken by his generals, but with no great or lasting results. Arslan, the elder son of the deceased sultan, commenced his reign with violence, and ended it in his own blood. Having im¬ prisoned his brothers, their uncle, the Seljuk sultan, marched against him with a formidable army, defeated him, and placed one of his brothers, Behram, on the throne. Arslan was pursued from the battle¬ field and slain. The new sultan (a.d. 1118) appears to have inherited the love for literature which had distinguished so many of his predecessors. Learned men, poets and philosophers, were welcomed at his court, and treated with the greatest consideration. The peaceful and prosperous state in which he found the kingdom greatly favoured this, and for a period of TIIE GII OR I AN DYNASTY. 59 nearly thirty years allowed him ample opportunity to gratify his tastes. The peaceful tenour of his long reign was unfortunately broken through an act which could scarcely have been expected from a monarch of such elevated tastes. Having had a difference with his son-in-law, Kutb-u-din Sur, prince of Ghor, he contrived first to get him into his power, and then to kill him. The brother of the murdered prince lost no time in aveng¬ ing him, and marching upon Ghazni with a numerous army, drove out the treacherous Behram. The defeated monarch, however, found means and opportunity to fall upon the invader and completely routed his troops, making himself prisoner, and eventually putting him to a cruel death. Retribution for this double crime was at hand. Ala-u-din, another brother of Kutb-u-din, entered the Ghaznivite territories at the head of a small but determined body of troops ; and although in the first instance fortune did not appear to favour him, he finally succeeded in compelling Behram to fly for safety to his Indian territories, where he shortly after¬ wards died from exhaustion and grief. His son, Khosru, who had shared his prosperity, had now (a.d. 1152) to participate in his reverses. The discomfited army of Ghazni, finding itself deprived of its leadei', followed the son with more than ordinary devotion, and succeeded in fighting a way to Lahore, where the new monarch found his Indian subjects ready to receive him with open arms. It does not appear that the reign of Khosru was marked by any political events of consequence. His tastes led him to consult the prudent policy of peace, and to rest contented with the Indian limits of his ancestral possessions ; nor do we find that he suffered any molestation from the new dynasty ruling at Ghazni. At his death (a.d. 1160) he was succeeded by Khosru Malik, who, after a most tranquil reign of twenty-seven years, was attacked by the Ghor kings, and eventually defeated and slain. The kingdom of Lahore from this date became a portion of the Ghaznivite territory in the hands of the new line of princes. Gheias-u-din, the Ghorian sultan of Ghazni and Lahore, aided by the military talents of his brother, Shaliib, had not long been settled in his new conquest before he began to turn his attention eastward, and, like many of his predecessors, to attempt new conquests on the Indian side of the Sutlege. The rajah of Delhi was the first Hindoo potentate at¬ tacked ; but so well was he supported by his followers, that the fierce and warlike forces led against them from the north failed in their efforts; and despite the terrible charges of Afghan horse, the troops of 60 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Delhi were left masters of the battle-field; Shahib, who commanded the invading forces, escaping with great difficulty and badly wounded. Two years later (a.d. 1193) Shahib, burning with a desire to wipe out the stain upon his military reputation left by his former defeat, again marched an army of Turks and Afghans across the frontiers, and encountered Pritwi, the Delhi rajah, whom he found assembled with a powerful array from many Indian states to oppose his further progress. Upon this occasion the Afghan cavalry decided the result of the day, for having drawn the Hindoo troops from their line of battle, Shahib suddenly wheeled round a body of chosen horse, 12,000 strong, and charging the vast mass of troops whilst in broken columns, succeeded iu utterly routing them. 4 The rajah was made prisoner, and ultimately put to death whilst in confinement. This victory was followed by other conquests. The rajah of Canouj was defeated in a pitched battle, and his territories were at once annexed to the dominions of the victor. Gwalior, in Bundelcund, as well as several strong positions in Rohilcund, were next taken possession of; and in the following year the Ghaznivite warrior extended his arms still farther, subduing the fine provinces of Oude, Beliar, and Bengal. The death of Gheias-u-din, which took place after a reign of forty- five years, placed his brother, Shahib-u-din, on the throne. India, however, saw no further exploits of this successful warrior. He was engaged in a war with the sultan of Kharism, which terminated to his disadvantage, and led to the defection of some portion of his western possessions. A second expedition against that country was on the point of being undertaken, when Shahib fell by the hands of assassins after a short reign of four years. Few soldiers had been more successful or enterprising than the conqueror of the central provinces of Hindos- tan ; even the brilliant achievements of Mahmoud were unimportant in extent compared to those of the Ghorian sultan, who had extended the Afghan rule as far as the extreme limits of the Ganges. Upon the death of Shahib (a.d. 1206), his nephew, Mahmoud Ghori, was proclaimed sovereign • but he continued to rule over no more than Ghor, and so far abandoned claim to any further territory as to send the insignia of royalty to the viceroy of India, Kutb-u-din, then resident at Delhi. Thus India became an independent power ; and in the person of the new monarch commenced the line of kings of Delhi. 4 Ferishta, vol. i. pp. 173-177. THE SLAVE-KINGS OF DELHI. Cl CHAPTER II. FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF DELHI TO ITS CONQUEST BY THE TARTARS. a.d. 1206-1526. utb-u-din was the first of a line known as the slave-kings of Delhi, IV from the fact of their having been originally Turki slaves. The present monarch had been raised to his high rank through the favour of Sliahib, who greatly admired his many good and shining qualities. He seems to have been a prudent and just monarch, and to have attached his subjects to his person by the wisdom and gentleness of his rule, which, however, lasted for but four years as king, though he had governed the state of Delhi as viceroy for fully twenty years. His son Aram was a weak prince, and was set aside shortly after his accession for Altamsh, son-in-law of Kutb-u-din, who, like his predecessor, had been raised from slavery to high favour. Altamsh was not deficient in military talent and personal courage, and found ample occupation during his reign for both qualities. The Mahometan power was never so thoroughly established in any portion of India proper, but some rajah or dependent sovereign found occasion for attempting an assertion of their territorial rights. In this way Behar, Malwa, and Gwalior called down upon them the chastisement of Altamsh. It was during this reign that the celebrated Ghenghis Khan poured his Mogul myriads from the north over a great part of Asia, and at one time threatened the Indian monarchy with an invasion. The death of Altamsh at Delhi brought his son, Rukn-u-din, to the throne, whence his indolence, indifference, and dissipation shortly drove him in favour of his sister Rezia. The sultana (a.d. 1236) was a woman of more than ordinary at¬ tainments, and seems to have administered the affairs of the kingdom with wisdom and industry. Her talents, however, failed to secure her in the possession of the throne. Jealousies crept in, a party rebelled against her authority, and finally, after a severe engagement, her troops were defeated, and Rezia made captive and slain in cold blood. During the two short reigns of Behram and Masaud which followed, THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. 62 the most prominent event Avas the invasion of India at different points by armies of Moguls, one of which penetrated as far as Bengal. They Avere, however, driven back with considerable loss. Nasir-u-din Mahmoud (a.d. 1246) Avas the grandson of Altamsh. Of studious disposition, he committed the charge of government and of all military operations to his vizier, formerly a Turki slave of his grandfather, and a man of great ability. Through his energy several revolts in the remote Hindoo states Avere suppressed, and the inroads of the Moguls on the Avestern frontier effectually checked. v Upon the death of Nasir (a.d. 1266), his vizier, Gheias-u-din Bulbun, stepped quietly to the throne, Avhere he maintained himself by a line of rigorous cruelty to all suspected of being inimical to his interest. His reign, Avliich lasted for a period of twenty years, Avas marked by in¬ surrections and invasions, all of Avhich he overcame Avith the same success Avliich had marked his career Avliilst vizier. With his successor, Kai-Kobad, ended the race of the slave-kings. This monarch ruled but for a brief period ; and at his death the choice of the people fell upon Jelal-u-din, in Avhose person commenced the house of Kliilji. His reign, as also that of his nepkeAV and successor, Allah-u-din, Avas a constant succession of plots, intrigues, and murders. At this period a third Mongolian invasion of India took place, more formidable than either of the previous. Thanks, hoAvever, to the bravery and experience of his general, Zaffer Khan, the sultan was victorious, though his success cost him the life of his heroic com¬ mander, Avho fell covered Avith Avounds. This victory induced Allah- u-din to turn his arms to the peninsula of India, Avhere he defeated several of the hitherto independent rajahs, and compelled them to pay him tribute. Jealous of the influence and number of the Moguls in his army, the sultan ordered them to be dismissed his service Avithout pay, and afteiwards to be exterminated to the number of fifteen thousand. The death of Allah (a.d. 1316) Avas said to have been hastened by poison administered by his favourite general, Mallek Kaffir, Avho there¬ upon caused the late king’s youngest son, an infant, to be proclaimed. This meeting Avith the disapproval of the nobles and army of Delhi, they placed Mubarik, the eldest son of Allah, on the throne, slew Mallek, and so far restored tranquillity. The neAV sovereign, although he began his reign Avith no less an exploit than the conquest of the Malabar country, quickly abandoned himself to dissipation, and left all authority in the hands of a Ioav Hindoo, one Mallek Kliosru, Avho shortly aftenvards found an opportunity to murder his master, together with every member of his family. THE TOGIILAK DYNASTY. 03 This treason drew upon him the speedy vengeance of the nobles, who, with the rajah of the Deccan, dispersed his adherents, and termi¬ nated his power with his life. The race of Khilji ended with Mubarik, and with his successor commenced the rule of the house of Toghlak. There being no member of the royal family left (a.d. 1321), the choice of the nobles and of the army was naturally directed towards those chiefs who ranked highest amongst them. Their selection was Gheias-u-din Toghlak, governor of the Punjab, a man of high reputa¬ tion in military and civil affairs, and who proved himself not unworthy of the popular choice. He shewed both activity and wisdom during his short reign. The threatened invasion of the Moguls on the north¬ western frontiers was effectually checked by a line of defences thrown up along the Afghan boundary, whilst on the south he busied himself by subduing a further portion of the Deccan, and arranging matters in Bengal and Tirhoot, as well as annexing the territories of the rajah of Dacca to his dominions. Returning from this last expedition, he was killed by the fall of a bungalow erected expressly to receive him by his eldest son, not with¬ out strong suspicion of premeditation against the latter, who, as a consecpience of this occurrence, mounted the throne. Mohammed Toghlak was proclaimed sultan (a.d. 1325) amidst a great shew of ostentatious liberality to all about him. He was a prince of great ability, and possessed more than ordinary acquirements; and fewmonarchs evinced a greater desire to patronise men of learn¬ ing and distinction than did the new sovereign. His accomplishments, however, did not counterbalance his terrible crimes; and, if possible, his talents served but to add to the violence of his outrageous actions. An army of Moguls, which found means to enter the Punjab, was bought off by a large sum of money. The subjugation of the remain¬ der of the Deccan was completed, and general good order was restored throughout the most remote provinces of his vast dominions. From this time Mohammed seems to have abandoned himself to a most extraordinary and violent line of conduct, quite at variance with the previous reputation he had earned. An invasion of Persia with a gigantic army,—the conquest of China,—were both productive of disastrous consequences to himself and his people. And added to these freaks were his excessive fiscal imposts, his tampering with the currency, and terrible cruelty to the inhabitants of many districts. These excesses produced open rebellion (a.d. 1338) in many quar¬ ters ; and during the next thirteen years we read of a succession of revolts, which seem to have kept the sovereign constantly employed. Many of these outbreaks were quelled for a time; but in several 64 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. instances the disaffected provinces defied the power of the tyrant, and maintained their independence. Amongst these were Bengal, the Carnatic, and the Malabar territories. Mohammed is reported to have died of a surfeit of fish at Tatta, whilst on his way to quell one of the numerous revolts of that un¬ settled period, leaving no family behind him. Firuz Toghlak, the late king’s nephew (a.d. 1351), was raised to the throne in the absence of any direct heirs. His reign, though not distinguished by any great military exploits, was yet one of prosperity, and attended with the happiest results to his people. He reversed all the fiscal and monetary decrees of his uncle, and busied himself more in the execution of works of public utility and improving the resources of his dominions, than in seeking to add to their extent. In the eighty-seventh year of his age, Firuz, from bodily infirmity, resigned nearly all his power into the hands of his vizier, who soon began to use his authority against the claims of the heir-apparent. He failed, however, in his plots ; for the son persuaded Firuz to banish his minister and invest him with supreme authority. His dis¬ solute conduct soon disgusted the nobles; and eventually he was com¬ pelled to fly to the mountains for safety, and the old king once more resumed the reins of government. Upon his death a scene of disorder, struggles, and bloodshed fol¬ lowed. Two grandsons reigned after him in succession, each for but a few monthsNasir Toghlak, the banished son of Firuz, returned and resumed the government during three years ; after which his son, Ilumayun, assumed the sceptre, but lived only forty-five days. Mahmoud Toghlak, the younger brother of the preceding, was a minor when he ascended the throne (a.d. 1394). This circumstance, added to the previous distracted state of the kingdom, induced the governors of Gujerat, Malwa, and Juanpoor, to assert and maintain their independence ; and it was soon evident that the new sovereign, so far from being able to turn his attention to them, would find occupation nearer home, where civil troubles awaited him. In the midst of these commotions (a.d. 1398) a fresh calamity descended upon the country, which at once threatened the speedy dis¬ solution of the empire. Tamerlane, having overrun Persia, Georgia, and Mesopotamia, with portions of Russia and Siberia, at the head of vast hordes of Tartars, turned his attention'to India, and sent forward his grandson, Pir Mohammed, to prepare the way for the main body of the invaders. The Tartar general swept the Punjab with his fierce troops, and after carrying fire and slaughter through the entire province, took pos- MASSACRE OF DELHI. 65 session of the fortified city of Mooltan. Tamerlane meanwhile had effected a passage across the dangerous defiles of the mountain-ranges to the north of Afghanistan, marched for the Indus, which he crossed at Attok, and thence made for Samana, massacring the inhabitants of every town through which he passed. Reinforced by a junction with the army of his grandson, Tamer¬ lane marched towards Delhi, where he found the Sultan Mahmoud pre¬ pared to receive him with a large force, aided by many auxiliaries and a numerous body of elephants. The invaders proved superior to the Indians both in numbers and valour; and although the sultan did his best to defend his kingdom, the Hindoo army was defeated with im¬ mense slaughter. Mahmoud sought refuge in Gujerat, whilst his broken forces took shelter within the walls of Delhi, where they made terms with the Tartar chief, and submitted to his authority as Emperor of India, which he was then proclaimed. The capitulation of the city did not save it from the plunder and violence of the Tartar troops, who, meeting with some resistance in their excesses, fell upon the inhabitants, and a general massacre en¬ sued : “ some streets were rendered impassable by heaps of dead ; and the gates being forced, the whole Mogul army gained admittance, and a scene of the utmost horror ensued.” 5 Tamerlane quitted Delhi when there seemed nothing further to be gained by remaining; and carrying with him an immense booty and a vast retinue of slaves of all ranks, he marched through Meerut and up the banks of the Ganges as far as Hurdwar, thence across Lahore to the Ghazni country by the route he had followed on entering India. The Tartar monarch may be said to have found Hindostan a gar¬ den— he left it a desert, a.d. 1399. Famine and pestilence were the gifts he showered on the inhabitants, whom he deemed not worthy of slavery in a distant land. Acquisition of territory seemed to be no part of his plan. A fame such as in those days of bloodshed was deemed worthy of a despot, he certainly achieved, but with no advan¬ tage to himself beyond the amount of treasure he managed to carry with him on his way to meet other foes. After various struggles and some bloodshed in Delhi for the mas¬ tery, Mahmoud at length came forward and re-asserted his claim to the throne. He lived a few years after this; and was succeeded by Doulat Khan Lodi, who, after a rule of one year, gave way to the governor of the Punjab, Khizir Khan ; and thus ended the Toghlak dynasty of the Afghan race of kings. 5 Ferishta, vol. i. F CG THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Khizir Khan affected to rule in the name and under the authority of Tamerlane, and by this artifice gave a stability to his government which it could not otherwise have possessed. His reign of seven .years was followed by that of his son Syed Mobarik, a just and prudent ruler, who was, however, during thirteen years, continually embroiled in dis¬ turbances. Seyd Mohammed, his grandson, was placed on the throne upon the assassination of Syed Mobarik. He ruled for a brief period, and was succeeded by his son, Seyd Allah-u-diiq who, after reigning for seven years in great weakness, abdicated, and made way for the fifth or Lodi dynasty. Behlol Lodi, governor of the Punjab, was descended from an Afghan family of high character, whose power and influence had caused the jealousy and persecution of the late dynasty. The outbreak which drove Seyd Allah from his throne called Behlol to Delhi; and although meeting at first with some resistance, he soon established himself on a firm footing, and reigned peacefully and successfully for a period of twenty-eight years. His son and successor Secander Lodi maintained himself in his father’s possessions with vigour and firmness, managing the internal affairs of the kingdom with great leniency and prudence. He was, however, a bigot, and persecuted the Brahmins with great cruelty. The territories of Behar were re-annexed to Delhi by Secander, who was not deficient in military talent. He died at Agra in a.d. 1516. Ibrahim Lodi, his son, possessed all his father’s intolerance, without any of his good qualities. By a course of cruelty and oppression he alienated the affections of his people from his family, and at length drove his nobles to open rebellion. These called to their aid one who was only too glad to avail himself of the opportunity of re-conquering the old acquisitions of Tamerlane. Baber, a descendant of the last- named emperor, and who then reigned supreme in Ghazni, accepted the invitation of the governor of Lahore, and passed the Indus at the head of a small but well-appointed army. After some encounters in the upper provinces, Baber advanced towards Delhi, where Ibrahim met him with a large body of troops far superior in number to his own. The superior tactics of the Tartar chief, and the valour of his well- disciplined troops, gave them the advantage over the huge but un¬ wieldy mass of Hindoo soldiers. The last of the Afghan race of monarchs fell on the battle-field, leaving Baber in possession of the country, with no obstacle between himself and the empire. BABER THE TIGER. 67 CHAPTER III. FROM THE REIGN OF BABER TO THE DEPOSING OF SHAH JEHAN. a.d. 1526-1658. escended in a direct line by bis father’s side from Timur, the first u Tartar scourge of India, Zehir-ed-din, or, as he is more generally styled, Baber the tiger, claimed equal consanguinity by the maternal line with another great warrior, Ghenghis Khan, the Mogul conqueror. It is from this latter circumstance, doubtless, that nearly all writers have erroneously applied the term “ Mogul empire” to the rule of this Tartar dynasty. Contrary to the general expectations of his followers, Baber deter¬ mined upon exercising the title by which he was now known, and as Emperor of India to remain at Delhi, strengthen his position, and even add to his already extensive territories. This resolve, although dis¬ approved of in the first instance by the chiefs of his army, soon found favour in their eyes when they began to taste the pleasures of an In¬ dian life, and became accustomed to the soft enervation of a southern climate. The various governors and subordinate rajahs, who had assumed something of independence during the recent disturbances, were not disposed quietly to submit themselves to the rule of the newly-made emperor, and several of them set him openly at defiance. To chastise these became his first duty; a task, however, more arduous and dan¬ gerous than he had at first contemplated. The Afghan chiefs and the Hindoo and Seikh soldiery fought with determined obstinacy, and dis¬ puted every battle with desperate valour. On more than one occasion Baber, who did not spare himself, was in imminent danger of hilling into the hands of the enemy; and it was not until the end of the fourth year of these hard-fought struggles that he brought the various pro¬ vinces once more under the dominion of Delhi. The emperor was not destined to outlive these successes long. A life of strange vicissitude and great bodily hardship had made inroads 6S THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. upon liis constitution, not to be shaken off. He was sensible that his end was drawing near, and accordingly prepared for it by many judi¬ cious arrangements relative to the future government of the country, which he bequeathed to his son Humayun, and finally expired at the end of the year 1530, having reigned over India five years. Humayun ascended the throne with the most brilliant prospects. The empire appeared to be firmly established; the revenues were in a flourishing condition, and he himself a prince well calculated to secure the goodwill of all those about him. Of an amiable disposition, with a great taste for literature, and a considerable share of military reputa¬ tion, he gave promise of swaying the destinies of the Indian people to their happiness and his own glory. But his character proved far from suited to the spirit of the age in which he lived, and which could adapt itself to none but an iron rule. An excursion against Gujerat was followed by one into the Afghan territories, where, although victorious, he nearly fell a victim to trea¬ chery, and only succeeded in escaping with his life. Hearing of his reverses, his brothers and some chiefs rebelled against him; and after one or two attempts to recover his authority, he was eventually com¬ pelled to seek safety in the kingdom of Persia, where he was received with great kindness, and even promised assistance, by the monarch of that country. By the aid of this new ally, Humayun was at length enabled to punish his rebellious relations, and retake a portion, though a small one, of his former dominions; and after an absence of nearly sixteen years re-entered Delhi in triumph. His restoration, however, was not long enjoyed by him; for missing his footway whilst walking on a ter¬ race of his palace, he fell to the ground below, and suffered such severe injuries as caused his death a few days afterwards. Before proceeding to narrate the events which distinguished the career of Akbar, the successor of the preceding monarch, it may be well to place before the reader a brief account of the other Indian states, partly independent and partly owning the supremacy of the emperors of Delhi, inasmuch as most of these will figure in the pages which chronicle the deeds of the new monarch. The empire of Delhi had reached its utmost limits in the reign of Mohammed Toghlak; but upon the death of that monarch many pro¬ vinces of the kingdom threw off their allegiance, and with but few exceptions maintained their independence until the reign of Akbar. Of these the most important were, perhaps, the kingdoms of the Deccan, viz. Deccan proper, from the ruins of which sprang the king- THE EMPEROR AKBAR. 69. doms of Bijapoor, Ahmednegar, Golconda, and Berar. The kingdom of Gujerat, founded in a.d. 1396, continued independent until a.d. 1561, when it was conquered by Akbar. It comprehended pretty nearly the tract of country at present known as the Gujerat country. The Malwa kingdom lasted from a.d. 1401 until 1512 ; whilst that of Candeish continued intact from a.d. 1399 to 1599. Besides the pre¬ ceding were the Rajpoot states of Scinde, Bundelcund, Gwalior, Oodi- poor, Marwar, Jesalmeer, Jeipoor, and some petty hill tribes in the western deserts. The kingdom of Bengal remained independent from a.d. 1338 to 1573, governed by Hindoos, whilst Mooltan and a part of the Punjab were governed partly by Afghan families and partly by descendants of Tamerlane. At the time of his accession to the throne Akbar was little more than thirteen years of age. His youth and inexperience were fortu¬ nately fully compensated by the wisdom and vigour of his vizier Behram Khan, his father’s general and prime adviser. This able commander lost no time in putting down the insurrections which broke out in various parts of the empire at this time, as was usual upon the death of an Indian monarch ; and by carrying the young emperor, nothing loath, with him, he helped to complete the military education which had been commenced in his father’s reign. The first who brought upon him the chastisement of Akbar was Hemu, a Hindoo prince who had assumed the title of Emperor of Delhi. This usurper had collected a powerful body of troops favourable to his claims and inimical to the Mahometan rule, and by their religious zeal Avas enabled to make a good stand against the Tartar army. A great battle was fought at Paniput, in which the Hindoo prince bore a conspicuous part; but despite the number and valour of his devoted followers, victory, which for some time appeared doubtful, at length declared in favour of the Mahometan forces, and Hemu was taken prisoner after being badly wounded in his howdah. It is related that the capti\ T e Avas brought to Akbar in his tent, Avhere his minister, Beh¬ ram, desired him to give the first blow to the Hindoo, as a signal for his death. The brave young emperor refused to strike his Avounded prisoner, upon which the vizier, enraged at his unlooked-for generosity, struck off the head of the captive with his OAvn hand. This victory Avas folloAved by the complete submission of the pro¬ vinces of Delhi and Agra, and shortly afterwards by the pacification of the Punjab. The young emperor had, however, to deal with another and more dangerous opponent in the person of his prime minister and 70 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. general, Beliram Khan. This able but violent man, raised by bis un¬ doubted ability and past services to the highest offices and greatest authority, began to give evidence of a cruel and jealous spirit, in the many deaths which he caused amongst those about the court, who might in any degree oppose his authority or wishes. He soon became not only hated and feared by the nobles of Akbar’s court, but an object of distrust and aversion to the monarch himself, who at length formally deposed him and sent him on a pilgrimage to Mecca; on the road thither he was assassinated by a relative of one of his former victims. At this period (a.d. 1560) the dominions of the emperor included only the Punjab, Delhi, Agra, Lucknow, Ajmeer, and Gwalior. A general spirit of insubordination ruled through most of these provinces, which was no doubt ministered to by the belief that Akbar’s extreme youth rendered opposition to his authority an easy matter. The emperor soon shewed a determination not only to restrain and punish these refractory spirits, but also to recover all those portions of the empire which had fallen from it during the past century, and so make India but one country under one common head. Mahva was the first province annexed by Akbar, though not without some hard fighting and a good deal of subsequent insubordination on the part of the generals and governors put in command, against whom the young emperor was compelled to proceed in person. Other revolts in various parts of the kingdom followed, which occupied the attention of the monarch for seven years, at the end of which period he had either slain or conciliated all his unruly chiefs and opponents. The Rajpoot princes were the next who drew against them the arms of Delhi. The strong fort of Chitur, in Oodipoor, was besieged, and after a gallant resistance captured with all its treasures ; the rana was never taken, and the country managed to hold out against Akbar through his entire reign. Gujerat was next (a.d. 1572) subdued by Akbar in person, and annexed to the empire ; after which Bengal was attacked by one of the imperial generals and finally subdued, though not without some hard- fought battles. Here, too, Akbar had to contend with rebellious chiefs, who appear to have given him more trouble than the original possessors of the country. By means of great firmness, and judiciously blending with it a degree of moderation and clemency, Akbar finally succeeded in quieting all this portion of his dominions,' and firmly establishing his power throughout the whole of central India. His attention was next turned to Cashmere, a country situated on 1 Stewart’s History of Bengal. DEATH OF AKBAR. 71 the Himalayas, above the reach of the temperature of Hindostan, and gifted with fertility and a salubrious climate. The dissensions of the reigning dynasty, a race of Mahometan adventurers, opened a tempting door to the ambitious spirit of Akbar, who forthwith sent an army, which, forcing the mountain passes leading to that country, soon com¬ pelled the king and his chiefs to accept the terms offered them, namely, complete subjection to Akbar’s sovereignty. From this period Cash- mere seems to have been tbe summer residence of the emperors of Delhi so long as that monarchy lasted. A war with the Afghans of the north-eastern provinces of Cabul did not interfere with the quiet government of Hindostan, the whole of which was now under the rule of Delhi as far as the Nerbudda, ex¬ cepting only a few of the Rajpoot territories. The Deccan became the scene of Akbar’s further conquests in the year 1596; and after two years spent by his generals in that country, he himself marched to the scene of operations before Ahmednegar. The war in the peninsula was terminated by the defeat of the reigning princes and the annexation of a considerable part of that state to the emperor’s dominions. Leaving the prosecution of further objects (a.d. 1601) in the hands of his minister, Abul Fazl, Akbar quitted the Deccan and proceeded to Agra. This was rendered necessary by the rebellious conduct of his eldest son, Selim, who, instigated by bad advisers, and under the in¬ fluence of opium and wine, had seized upon Allahabad and declared himself king of Oude .and Behar. This rupture was, however, healed shortly afterwards : Selim was declared heir to the throne, admitted at court, and permitted to wear royal ornaments. The many years spent by Akbar in warlike operations, the daring and reckless manner in which he had ever exposed himself to the dangers and privations of the field and the camp, had not failed to work their effect upon his constitution; despite his abstemious habits, he appears to have laboured under severe and frequent ailments during the latter years of his reign, and in the month of September 1605 his illness assumed so alarming a form as to leave little doubt what would be the result. 2 A combination was attempted on the part of some of the nobles to set up Selim’s son, Khusru, as successor, but it broke down ; and Selim, who at first had absented himself from his father, remained by his side during the last days of his mortal illness, and received from his hands the royal scymetar. 2 Price’s Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir, p. 70. THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. 72 Akbar died after a reign of forty-nine years, passed amidst almost continued M T arfare, leaving his kingdom on a firmer basis tlian it had been at any previous period. Possessed of all the military genius so necessary in those times, Akbar was endowed with many excellent qualities not often combined with royalty in the East. A lover of science and literature, a most rigorous dispenser of justice, a practised financier, a thorough master of all business details, the late emperor found time amidst all his wars to pursue the peaceful studies of a philosopher. Tolerant in the extreme to all religious sects, Akbar frequently held discourses with Brahmins and Christians upon their creeds, and would permit no persecution for difference of opinion. His intimacy with the learned Abul Fazl and his brother Feizi con¬ tributed doubtless to his moderation; and to the same cause may be ascribed his own free-thinking ideas, which, whilst they rendered him a very good sovereign, made him a very indifferent Mahometan. The revenue of the empire was placed upon a sound footing; many splendid works of military and ornamental character were undertaken, and the whole of his own royal establishment, although on a vast and magnificent scale, was reduced to the most systematic order. 3 In short, no part of his government appeared too insignificant in his eyes to deserve its own share of regular attention. No opposition was offered to the succession of Selim, who was saluted by the title of Jehan-Ghir, or “ Conqueror of the World.” But before the end of the first year of his reign, it became apparent that the peace of the empire was to be disturbed by Jehan-Ghir’s own son Kliosru, who, raising levies, marched northwards and seized on the city of Lahore. His father followed him at the head of a chosen body of troops, and, in an engagement which followed, totally defeated the rebel army, making many prisoners, amongst whom was the author of the treason, Kliosru, who was loaded with chains and kept a close prisoner for a year. About this time (a.d. 1611) the emperor married the widow of a late governor of Bengal, who became so famed for her unrivalled beauty and brilliant accomplishments as to receive the title of Noor- mahal, or “ Light of the Harem.” This favourite obtained complete ascendency over the emperor’s mind, but exercised it with great wis¬ dom, influenced, it is believed, by the sage councils of her father, a man of high repute. The emperor resigned to Noor-mahal the direction of his imperial household, and by her aid it was managed not only with magnificent pomp, but with a great regard to economy and order. 3 Ayeeu Akberry. THE LIGHT OF THE HAREM. 73 The monarch alludes most feelingly to the good influence of his sultana and her family in his autobiography, and ascribes much of his pro¬ sperity to their wise councils and devoted services. Some disturbances in Bengal were soon quelled, as was also a difference with the Rana of Oodipoor, who was forced to submit to the authority of the emperor. Jehan-Ghir’s attempts upon the Deccan were less fortunate, and after an obstinate resistance his army was forced to quit that country with heavy losses. At the conclusion of these operations (a.d. 1615), an ambassador from the British Court, Sir T. Roe, reached Ajmeer, to form a treaty of amity with the emperor, or, as he was then termed by European writers, “ the Great Mogul.” Sir Thomas remained in the country three years; and in the account of his embassy, written by himself, he has left a very ample description of the Delhi court, and the state of the country at that time. From this it appears that, however rigorous in his outward bearing, the emperor indulged in free living when in private, and even in the company of the English ambassador. Jehan-Ghir gave every encou¬ ragement to Europeans, and permitted the free exercise of their religion. It is said also that he wore figures of Christ and the Virgin at the head of his rosary, and that two of his nephews embraced Christianity with his full consent. 4 The prodigious wealth of the emperor may be judged from the circumstance related in his memoirs of his presenting the bride of one of his sons on the evening of her marriage with a pearl necklace valued at sixty thousand pounds, and a ruby worth twenty-five thou¬ sand pounds, with a yearly maintenance of thirty thousand pounds. 5 The great and unbounded influence of Noor-mahal over the emperor raised up many enemies to her authority, and amongst others Korrun, or, as he was afterwards styled, Shah Jehan, the monarch’s third son. Fearing her power as adverse to his claims, and possibly having advices of some intrigues against him at court, the prince threw aside all dis¬ guise, and boldly raised the standard of rebellion by laying siege to Agra. Here he was defeated with'considerable loss, and compelled to seek his safety in flight; but nothing daunted by his first failure, he continued to maintain his struggle for several years with varied fortune. An incident at this time had well-nigh changed the whole course of events, but for the device and boldness of the famed Noor-mahal. Mohabet Khan, governor of the Punjab, having incurred the displeasure * Sir T. Roe. 5 Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir. 74 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. or jealousy of that favourite, was ordered to repair to the presence of the emperor, then encamped on the Hydaspes, to meet certain charges against him. He set out at the head of a few thousand chosen horse, and perceiving that his ruin was intended, resolved to strike a blow that should frustrate the plans of his enemies. Being encamped at no great distance from the royal quarters, he made a forced march at daybreak, when the bulk of the imperial army had crossed the river, and finding little opposition, rushed to the emperor’s tent and at once made him prisoner. Noor-mahal was not likely to remain an idle witness of her hus¬ band’s captivity; and although Mohabet evidently intended the seizure to serve to secure his own safety, she at once made an attempt at his rescue by open force. This was frustrated by the vigilance of Mohabet; but an after effort carefully planned and executed met with better success, and the monarch once more found himself safe among his own troops. A reconciliation with Mohabet then took place, and he was put at the head of an army to march against Shah Jehan, who still con¬ tinued in open revolt in the south. Instead of attacking that prince, the old general came to terms with him, and their forces united in the Deccan against their mutual enemy Noor-mahal. 6 Meanwhile (a.d. 1627) Jehan-Ghir had proceeded to Cashmere to enjoy the bracing air of that mountain country, and whilst there was seized with an attack of asthma, from which he had been previously a sufferer, and which at once assumed an alarming character. His phy¬ sicians ordered an immediate removal to a warmer climate, and as a last hope he was conveyed towards Lahore, but expired before he had been many days on the road, in the sixtieth year of his age and the twenty-second of his reign. Noor-mahal in vain attempted to assert the claims of her favourite, Sheriar, to the throne. No sooner did Shah Jehan receive tidings of the emperor’s death than he marched with all speed to Agra ac¬ companied by Mohabet, and there caused himself to be proclaimed. Sheriar was defeated and slain; Noor-mahal retired into private life with a yearly allowance of a quarter of a million sterling; and the new sovereign found himself in quiet possession of the throne. The emperor soon gave evidence of his love for splendour and magnificent buildings by the costly and beautiful public works he began to erect, and the festivals he held on the anniversary of his accession, which were marked by a profusion unknown even in those days of 6 Gladwin’s Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir, SHAH JEHAN. 75 oriental luxury. This first annual celebration is said to have cost him nearly two millions sterling. Amidst all this enjoyment, troubles were in preparation in more than one part of his vast empire. Cabul was invaded by a strong party of Uzbecs, who, however, were soon driven back with heavy loss. In the Deccan a formidable opponent sprung up in the person of Khan Jehan Lodi, an Afghan general, who had distinguished him¬ self under Jehan-Ghir, but who proved an unruly and troublesome adherent. lie allied himself with the King of Ahmednagar, and pre¬ pared to invade the Deccan territories of the emperor, who at once took the field with a powerful armament. Khan Jehan, unable to cope with the superior force brought against him, retired to the most inaccessible districts of the country, and for a long time evaded the pursuit of the imperialists, but was at length com¬ pelled to fiy to Bijapoor, where he hoped to receive assistance. Dis¬ appointed in this expectation, he endeavoured to reach the northern frontiers, but was cut off in Bundelcund. The Deccan was still unsubdued; and although the war was pro¬ secuted with unabated vigour for several years, and Ahmednagar and the Nizam’s territories were soon overrun, Bijapoor offered a bold and determined resistance, and it was not until a.d. 1G36 that terms were finally settled with the king of that country, who agreed to pay an annual tribute to the emperor. In the following year Shah Jehan returned to his capital; not, however, to quiet enjoyment, for other occupations awaited him. Candahar being made over to him by the governor of that coun¬ try, Shah Jehan seized the opportunity of dissensions among the chiefs of Balkh to invade that country with an army chiefly composed of Rajpoots, under the command of Prince Morad, his second son. Success attended most of these operations ; but the inclemency of the seasons and the want of supplies caused more distress than the arms of their enemies, and eventually led to the evacuation of the country, after a lavish expenditure of life and money. Candahar, the possession of which was disputed by the Afghan and Persian forces, was invaded in three successive years; twice Aurungzebe, the younger of the princes, and lastly by Dara, the eldest brother, but each time with ill fortune. During the interval of peace which followed these enterprises, Shah Jehan found the means of completing the entire survey of his vast dominions, preparatory to re-assessing the lands for revenue pur- 76 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. poses; this task, it is said, had occupied his attention for a period of twenty years. 7 Other less tranquil occupations awaited the monarch in the south. The Deccan, which had never been effectually settled, gave unmistak¬ able signs of approaching disturbances. A difference between the king of Golconda and his vizier formed a pretext for the interference of the emperor, who dispatched Aurungzebe against the king ; and the young prince, partly by artifice, partly by force, managed to seize on Hydrabad, and finally to dictate most severe terms to his opponent, the chief feature of which was the payment of a million sterling in cash into the emperor’s treasury. Jt was about this period that a race of men but little known, and only casually mentioned by one of the Mahometan historians, began to attract some small degree of attention in their immediate neighbour¬ hood, and by degrees so to strengthen their position in the Deccan, that at a later period they rose to sufficient importance, not only to affect the destinies of the Mahometan rulers of India, but at one time to cause serious uneasiness to the British government of that country. The existence of the Mahrattas was noticed by Ferishta as early as A.D. 1485 ; 8 but until the period at which we are now arriving, they had not been recognised as a distinct people. We have no certain data as regards their origin, which they themselves boasted was from the Rajpoots, and which may possibly have been the case with one or two of their chief families. But there was nothing in common be¬ tween these two races. Whilst the Mahrattas were in person small and sinewy, and in their character crafty, persevering, and enduring, the Rajpoots were of a noble and commanding figure, proud but open in nature, indolent but brave. They had located themselves in a tract of mountain country situ¬ ated above the high lands of the western ghauts of the Deccan, in the immediate vicinity of the states of Golconda, and forming the most inaccessible portion of the Bijapoor territories. Their chiefs had by degrees established themselves in the confidence of the local govern¬ ment ; and many of them were appointed to offices of trust in the villages and districts; many held inferior commands in the Bijapoor army; whilst others were entrusted with the custody of hill forts and revenue stations. Sevaji, the founder of the Mahratta dynasty in the Deccan, was born 7 Duff’s History of the Mahrattas, p. 126. 8 Elphinstone’s India, vol. ii, p. 457. EARLY HISTORY OF THE MAIIRATTAS. 77 a.d. 1627; and at the period of which we are now treating was, al¬ though scarcely eighteen years of age, admitted by his father, Shahji Boola, to the joint management of his jagir, or collectorate, at Poona. Whilst in the exercise of these duties, he found ample opportunities of gratifying his love of a wandering romantic life ; and it is even said he not unfrequently took a part in the depredations of the lawless tribes who frequented the hilly country in the vicinity. Certain it is that he found means to win over the attachment of large parties of the Maliratta soldiers, who were doubtless struck by the bold daring of their young chief, and only too ready to connect themselves with any enterprise calculated to lead to their enrichment and independence, however desperate it might appear. Having collected around him a party of his most trusty followers, he contrived by dint of stratagem to obtain possession of one or two hill forts, and eventually to seize on the revenues of his father’s jagir. This success emboldened Sevaji so far as to lead him to open revolt against the authority of the king of Bijapoor. The whole of the hill forts of the ghauts, and next the northern Concan, fell into his hands ; and the treasure of which he became possessed by these exploits en¬ abled him to augment his forces and place them on a footing of re¬ spectability. Matters were in this state with the young Maliratta chief when Aurungzebe invaded Golconda; and Sevaji, profiting by the oppor¬ tunity thus afforded him by the prospect of a tedious war, ventured to enter the imperial territories; and attacking the town of Juner when unprepared for defence, obtained possession of it, and carried off con¬ siderable booty. 9 This daring act was subsequently overlooked, if not forgiven by Aurungzebe, who was just then called away by his father’s illness to take part in proceedings of a more important nature than the chastisement of a lawless freebooter; and Sevaji thus found himself at liberty to carry out his plans of aggrandisement at the expense of the Bijapoor sovereign. In the year following the Golconda affair (a.d. 1657) an expedition against Bijapoor, although successful, was brought to a sudden termi¬ nation in consequence of the dangerous illness of the emperor at Agra. The eldest prince and heir to the throne, Dara Shako, was with his father, and had long wielded the powers of the crown ; but so soon as intelligence of the sovereign’s danger reached the younger sons, Morad and Aurungzebe, they instantly made common cause, and set out to¬ gether for the capital at the head of 35,000 horse. Dara opposed 9 Elpkinstcmo’s India, vol. ii. p. 4C6. 78 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. them with an army greatly superior in numbers, but not so in disci¬ pline and valour. In the battle which followed, one day’s march from Agra, all the princes distinguished themselves in a manner worthy of a nobler cause. Dara was, however, defeated, and fled in the direc¬ tion of Delhi with 2000 followers. The immediate consequences of this decisive engagement were the imprisonment of Morad in the strong fort of Gwalior, the confinement of Shah Jelian to his palace at Agra, and the proclamation of Aurungzebe as emperor. The de¬ posed monarch lived for fully seven years after this event in indifferent health, and possibly not loath to be saved the labours of government, though he would doubtless have preferred that his eldest and favourite son Dara should have held the reins of power. Thus ended the rule of Shah Jehan, a prince who had reigned thirty years, the greater part of which was spent in wars and various military expeditions. Whatever fault is to be found with him before he came to the throne, his after conduct merits unqualified praise as regards his duty to his subjects, and his liberality accompanied by wise economy. The revenues of his kingdom must have been enormous ; for with all his profuse expenditure in gorgeous spectacles and public works, not less than his many costly wars, he managed to accumulate in his treasury a sum in coin amounting to twenty-four millions ster¬ ling, besides a vast heap of jewels and gold ornaments and vessels. His famous peacock-throne is said to have cost six millions and a half sterling, and was one blazing mass of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and sapphires, representing the plumage of a peacock in its natural colours. The city of Delhi was rebuilt by him in a style of surpassing splen¬ dour and of great extent. But the most celebrated work of this monarch was unquestionably the Taj Mahal, a magnificent mausoleum of white marble and mosaic work at Agra, the delicacy and richness of which has ever drawn forth the admiration of all beholders. 10 The beautiful mosaic work so profusely and elaborately scattered over this sepulchre is believed to have been the work of Italian artists. Judged by the standard of Asiatic sovereigns in his days, Shah Jehan must be awarded a high rank amongst the rulers of the East, whether we regard him in his military or civil capacity. Both Euro¬ pean travellers and Oriental historians agree in one general commen¬ dation of his character as a warrior, a ruler, and a lawgiver. At no time had the Tartar empire in India been more frequently and seriously threatened by external enemies, and yet it would be difficult to point 10 Taj Mahal is ,a corruption of Mumtaj Mahal, the name of Shah Jehan’s queen, whose sepulchre it forms. Elphinstond s India . CHARACTER OF SHAH JEHAN. 79 to a period when those dominions were more consolidated, more secure within themselves, or when the revenues were more thriving, or the laws more promptly and equitably administered. It is no small praise to tell of this monarch, that although the magnificence of his public festivals, the splendour of his daily court, and the lavish outlay he in¬ curred in vast public undertakings, were such as had scarcely had a parallel in the reigns of any of his race, they were followed by no harsh or unusual exactions from his subjects, who were, on the whole, more lightly burdened than any of their ancestors. so THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP IN'DIA. CHAPTER IY. FROM THE PROCLAMATION OP AURUNGZEBE TO THE FALL OF THE TARTAR DYNASTY. a.d. 1659-1765. N liis assumption of the imperial dignity, Aurungzebe took the KJ title of Alamghir, by which he is still known amongst Asiatics, although his former name continued to be used by Europeans. The new emperor did not find himself in quiet possession of his father’s throne. Dara his elder brother, although a fugitive in Lahore, had still many adherents amongst the Hindoo chiefs and Rajpoots, the more so as it was known that he was favoured by his father. Another adversary came forward in the person of Soliman, Dara’s son, who, aided by Rajah Jei Sing and Dilir Khan, marched to meet Aurungzebe at the head of a strong force. Treachery, however, overcame the young prince, and he soon afterwards found himself a prisoner in the hands of a petty chief. The emperor’s pursuit of Dara, who now moved towards Scinde, was diverted by news of the advance of another of the royal brothers, Shuja, who, as governor of Bengal, had found means to raise a con¬ siderable force of cavalry and artillery, and was then marching towards Allahabad to dispute his brother’s supremacy. The two armies met at no great distance from this city • and after lying close to each other for some days, a decisive engagement followed, in which Shuja was defeated with the total loss of his army. It was in vain that the unsuccessful prince endeavoured to retrieve his fortunes by further struggles in his own province. The imperial army under Prince Sultan drove him from post to post, until at length, being hard pressed at Dacca, he fled with a few followers to the rajah of Arracan, in whose territories he appears afterwards to have lost his life. 1 The after career of Dara and his family was one of successive de- 1 Elpliinstone’s India, vol. ii. p. 449. CONQUESTS OF AURUNGZEBE. 81 feats, desertions by adherents, and flights from province to province, ending in his capture and ultimate death at Delhi. It was during these reverses that the traveller Bernier encountered the fugitive prince and his family near Ahmedabad, and spent some days with them, as related by himself in his published travels. Not long after this occurrence, Aurungzebe, under various pre¬ tences, contrived to despatch his brother Morad and his son, as also the two sons of Dara, all of whom had been imprisoned by him in fortresses in Gwalior. Freed from all claimants to his usurped throne, the monarch looked around him for the means of employing his large army and the ener¬ gies of his vizier Meer Jumla, who might, if remaining idle, be tempted to projects inimical to the peace of the empire. The rich country of Assam offered a tempting bait to his ambition; and thither the old general was despatched at the head of an army whose strength defied all opposition. In a few months the country was overrun, and the capital in the hands of the invading army ; and it appeared to the mind of Aurungzebe that it would require but his instructions to enable his victorious troops to march forward and obtain possession of the Celestial Empire. Before these ambitious plans could be attempted the winter season began. The troops, cut off from all supplies by the artifices of the natives, and exposed to the rigours of an unusually severe monsoon, began to suffer from want of food and proper shelter. Unaccustomed to such rigorous weather as they found themselves exposed to in an enemy’s country, many fell victims to disease; and finally the army, which had defied the utmost efforts of powerful antagonists, was driven back to its own territories by the attacks of the elements. The commander, Meer Jumla, died before reaching Dacca, a victim to the rigorous season and the unceasing hardships he had endured for many months. About this period Aurungzebe was attacked with an illness of such a severe character as at one time to place his life in great jeopardy. This was the signal for many intrigues amongst his chief adherents, some of whom looked to Shah Jehan, the deposed monarch, who still lingered out his days in regal confinement; others brought forward the claims of Akber, third son of Aurungzebe, who was already a great favourite amongst the army. 2 But the emperor, having notice of these designs, ordered steps to be taken which effectually prevented them 2 Bernier. G 82 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. from being carried into execution. He soon afterwards rallied, and sought repose and renovated health in the cool valleys of Cashmere. Whilst absent on the northern frontiers of his dominions, events were occurring in the Deccan which were destined at no remote period to afford full occupation for his activity and talents. Sevaji, the Mahratta chief, from some cause not explained, had thought fit to break the alliance he had formed with the emperor, and commenced a series of attacks upon the forts in the vicinity of Aurangabad, besides ravaging the towns in the plains. This drew upon him the chastisement of the imperial viceroy of the Deccan, who, notwithstanding the daring oppo¬ sition and unflinching valour of the Mahratta troops, contrived to drive them back to their own fortresses. A successful raid into Surat, when that town was completely sacked by the troops of Sevaji, and shortly afterwards the assumption by that chief of the title of rajah, and the act of coining money bearing his own effigy, were the means of bringing against this troublesome vassal a greatly increased force of imperialists under the command of Rajah Jei Sing. Sevaji, shut up in his hill-forts and closely besieged by the royal army, found himself compelled to make submission to the emperor, abandon the greater part of his fortified posts, and hold the remainder under the authority of that monarch. For a time the Mahratta chief served in the Delhi army against his old opponents of Bijapoor, and earned high commendation from Aurung- zebe • but subsequently, on Sevaji presenting himself at the court of the emperor by invitation, his reception was so cold and even humiliating, that he determined on breaking with his superior; aud having found means to elude the close surveillance kept over him at Delhi, effected his escape to his own territories by means of careful disguises. In this year (a.d. 1666) died Shah Jehan, after an imprisonment of seven years in the citadel-palace of Agra, during which time he appears to have remained master of his own acts within the limits prescribed to him. Fortune seemed to smile on the emperor in all his undertakings up to this period. Little Thibet on the north, aud Chittagong on the east, were added to his dominions, and neighbouring potentates courted his friendship and alliance. The Deccan, however, continued to baffle the efforts of every com¬ mander sent against it, and Sevaji, once more among his old followers, proved as formidable a foe as he had before been useful as an ally. He did not rely on his arms alone, but succeeded so far with presents WARS WITH THE MAHRATTAS. 83 to the imperial general, as in the end to prevail on the emperor to grant him peace on most favourable terms. Bijapoor and Golconda, both wearied of protracted struggles, were too glad to purchase a respite at the hands of the Mahratta by a large payment of money; and Sevaji, left thus in quiet possession of his territories and hill-forts, turned his sole attention to strengthening his position and regulating the internal affairs of his little kingdom. This tranquillity proved but a temporary lull, and two years after the conclusion of the late hostilities, Aurungzebe broke the treaty by an open attempt to seize the person of Sevaji. This led to the recovery by the Mahrattas of many important posts from the emperor, and also their overrunning the states of Surat and Candeish. Although the imperial army far outnumbered that of the Mahratta chief, the want of unanimity amongst them, the daring attacks of Sevaji, and the vacillating conduct and continued jealousy of Aurung¬ zebe in regard to his various generals, contributed to procrastinate the war in the Deccan until his attention was called to another quarter. A war had been carried on for some time with one or two of the Afghan tribes under the direction of a son of the celebrated Meer Jumla. The success which at first attended the imperial arms was finally con¬ verted into severe defeats ; and just at this time, a.d. 1672, the emperor determined to attend personally to the prosecution of the war. His presence in the north appeared to serve his cause but little, and after several campaigns of more than doubtful results, he returned to Delhi, having come to some sort of arrangement with the refractory tribes. The attachment of his Hindoo subjects was severely tried after his return from the north-west provinces by a variety of edicts and regula¬ tions of an extremely harsh and oppressive character. Amongst other orders, he determined that none but Mahometans should be employed in any office of trust under the government. Various taxes were increased that bore especially on the cultivators of the soil; and the most obnoxious of all imposts, the jezzia, or poll-tax on infidels, was re-institutcd, much to the dissatisfaction of all classes save the Mahometans. These and some personal disputes led the Bajpoots of western Raj- pootana to combine against the authority of the emperor^ and we accordingly find a considerable army sent against them. Peace was temporarily made, but finally broken, and a still larger force detached against the Ilajpoots. Fire and sword were carried through their ter¬ ritories, and their families made prisoners, but in vain. The brave 84 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Rajpoots defended their hill-fortresses with unflinching obstinacy, and being afterwards joined by Prince Akbar with a strong body of his adherents, they hazarded a meeting with the royal army in the plains. Treachery, however, was employed against them, and finding themselves exposed by this means to far superior numbers, they fled from the field; Akbar and the Rajpoot Rana sought refuge in the Deccan with the Mahrattas. Other Rajpoot chiefs, however, remained to dispute the possession of their territories with the imperial troops, and though they did not succeed in driving them out, they so continually harassed and cut them up as to keep them in a constant state of alarm. Once more the emperor turned his arms towards the Deccan, and a variety of encounters took place, most usually to the advantage of the Mahrattas. Sevaji had just at this time made an incursion on the southern states of the peninsula, and had succeeded in annexing a considerable part of the Mysore Jagir to his territories. Continued invasions of the imperialists called him again to the north, and he was engaged in repelling their attacks when a sudden illness carried him off in the fifty-third year of his age (a.d. 1680). Sambaji succeeded to his father’s authority, but to none of his good qualities, and almost the first days of his rule were disgraced by acts of wanton cruelty to some members of his family. The conduct of the new chief towards his subjects was not less impolitic than it was cruel to his relations. New taxes were levied, the revenues of the country were squandered, his father’s chief advisers were neglected, and most of his troops were left greatly in arrears of pay. These grounds of complaint, added to the appearance of the fugitive Akbar in the Mahratta territories, induced some of the most disaffected to make overtures to that prince to give the sanction of his name to the pretensions of a half-brother of Sambaji, one Rajah Ram. The plot was, however, discovered and frustrated, and Sambaji, to find em¬ ployment for his people, led them against the Abyssinians of Jingera, and engaged soon afterwards in hostilities with the Portuguese, who had settled on the same coast. A more formidable enemy, however, now (a.d. 1683) made his appearance in the person of the emperor, who, having settled his affairs with the Rajpoots, found leisure to turn his attention once more to the Deccan. The two following years did little to bring matters to a settlement, though causing great suffering and loss on both sides. Sambaji ravaged part of Gujerat whilst the imperial forces were engaged in the south ■ EMBARRASSMENT OF AURUNGZEBE. 85 and although he found himself unable to cope with the large force brought against himself and his allies, he contrived, by a continued succession of sorties from his mountain fortresses, to cut oft'the supplies and embarrass the movements of the invading army. These efforts did not prevent the imperial forces from laying close siege to the capital of Bijapoor, which eventually capitulated, and being dismantled, was never afterwards capable of affording shelter to troops. The subjugation of the kingdom of Golconda followed; and shortly afterwards the rajah of the Mahrattas fell into the power of the emperor, and was beheaded in prison. The country was, however, as far from being subdued as ever. Sambaji’s brother assumed the command of the Mahratta forces, who, following the practice of previous campaigns, harassed the enemy in every possible way without exposing themselves-to any serious danger. Larger armies were brought into the field, and endeavoured by attack¬ ing the foe on various sides to distract their attention and weaken their resistance. But the nature of the country was against these vast bodies of troops, whose supplies had to be collected from a great distance and at a heavy expense. It was in vain that Aurungzebe with untiring perseverance took the field himself, and personally super¬ intended the siege of some of the most important strongholds of the Mahrattas. It seemed a fruitless task to capture fort after fort and city after city, whilst the enemy lurked as bold and as unsubdued as ever amongst their hills and thickets. More than ten years were thus spent by the emperor, at the end of which time his prospects appeared less hopeful than when he com¬ menced. The heavy drain upon his resources caused by this most costly warfare, and the defalcation of some portions of his territorial revenues, gave him much uneasiness, and before long embarrassed his movements. His troops began to clamour for their arrears of pay, which it was not in his power to give them; angry expostula¬ tion and many defections were the consequence; and to crown all, a very severe fall of rain flooded his encampments, and caused the loss of much of his stores and baggage, and of some thousands of his troops. Hard pressed on all sides and in all ways, the emperor would now have gladly listened to any terms for an accommodation of matters; but the Mahrattas, conscious of the growing weakness of their oppo¬ nents, were so unreasonable in their expectations, that Aurungzebe felt himself compelled to break off' all negotiations. Finding it im¬ possible any longer to maintain his large force in such a country and 8(3 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. under so many serious disadvantages, and himself being worn out by fatigue and annoyed by financial embarrassments, be at length ordered a retreat to Ahmednagar, and considered himself fortunate in arriving safely within that city with the loss of a considerable portion of his once proud and invincible army. 3 It soon became evident that the days of Aurungzebe were num¬ bered. He seems, indeed, to have felt a strong persuasion that his end was not remote, from the day he entered this his last earthly resting-place; and his letters, many of which are still extant, serve to shew the state of his body and mind. Ever suspicious of all about him, his jealousy seemed increased as the prospect of his death drew near, and his utmost efforts were em¬ ployed to foil any possible plotting on the part of his sons. In his last moments he dictated several letters to these princes, whom he had studiously kept at a distance from him, which, whilst they contain much useful admonition and advice for the future, shew not less his own remorse for the past. 4 He drew up a will a short time previous to his death, in which he expressed a wish that his sons should divide the empire amongst them; the eldest, Moazzim, taking the northern, and Azim the southern districts; whilst the youngest, Cambakhsh, was to have the kingdoms ofGolconda and Bijapoor. This appears to have been his last act. He soon afterwards expired, amidst many pangs of remorse and great terror of the future, in the fiftieth year of his reign and the eighty-ninth of his life. Thus departed one of the greatest and least happy of the Tartar monarchs who had ruled in the East. Possessing bodily and mental faculties inferior to nine of his predecessors, and superior to most of them, he was yet singularly unfortunate in his own personal career, not less than in his rule over his many subjects and his undertakings against foreign or tributary states. The hollow hypocrisy of his nature, and his narrow-minded policy, did far more to estrange the hearts of his friends and a great portion of his subjects than any acts of open cruelty or decided oppression. 5 It was during the reign of this monarch that the British East India Company’s servants, by the determination with which on several occa¬ sions they attacked and defeated the Portuguese and other enemies of the empire, first laid the foundation of their political power, which at no very distant date was destined to spread, and at length overshadow the Tartar dynasty. 3 Duff’s History of the Mahrattas, vol. i. p. 409. 4 Elphinstone’s India, vol. ii. p. 549. 6 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 552. EAST INDIA COMPANY’S EARLY CAREER. 87 Confined within the limits of the old nativ.e towns of Calcutta, Madras, and Surat, with the island of Bombay, the English traders acting for the East India Company had scarcely attracted the attention of any eastern government. The embassies which had been at various times despatched from Britain to the Court of Delhi had been received with marks of favour bordering upon patronage, and there appeared no jealousy on the part of any of the sovereigns with regard to the unos¬ tentatious establishments of these European factors. British influence in the East had far more to fear from the power and jealousy of the Dutch, who had not long succeeded in wresting from the Portuguese a great part of their possessions and trade in the eastern seas, and who seemed determined, if possible, to close the commerce of India against their British competitors. Nor were these the only obstacles to the progress and prosperity of the company. Internal mismanagement, and incompetency and tyranny on the part of one or two of the governors of their settlements, tended to prostrate the ener¬ gies of those who served them faithfully, and at one time jeopardised the very existence of the association. The rash conduct of Sir John Child, governor of Bombay, brought against that small settlement the arms of Aurungzebe, who would unquestionably have reduced the place, hut for the timely death of the incompetent commander, upon which the emperor agreed to a treaty on very moderate terms. At the period of which we are now detailing the events (a.d. 1707), a new chartered company was established in London for the purpose of trading to the East, and before long the two had merged in one body, much to the advantage of both. The Court of Directors became better constituted as a governing body, their powers were more clearly defined, and new vigour and life seemed infused into all branches of their service, which before long bore fruitful results in the operations carried on with the distant settlements. But to return to the affairs of the empire. The injunctions of Aurungzebe regarding the succession were altogether unheeded by his sons. Whilst Moazzim was proclaimed emperor of all India at Cabul, under the title of Bahadur Shah, his brother Azim took the same step at Agra, whither he returned so soon as he received tidings of his father’s death. Both of these made preparations to assert their claims to the throne by force of arms. A battle was the consequence, in which Azim and his two sons fell, leaving Bahadur Shah in possession of the field and the crown. Prince Cambakhsh, the youngest of the two brothers, being indis- ss THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. posed to admit the claims of the new emperor, was attacked near Hyderabad, his army utterly routed, and himself mortally wounded. This event left Bahadur without a rival, and he at once gave his atten¬ tion to the troubles of the Deccan, where the succession to the command of the Mahrattas was being disputed by the nephew and the guardians of the infant son of the late rajah. These disputes were shortly after¬ wards arranged, as were also the imperial differences with the Rajpoots, who now gladly accepted the overtures of the sovereign. Bahadur Shah was well disposed to conclude these matters, as the Seikhs were giving his governors in the north more occupation than they could well undertake; and he accordingly marched to the Punjab, resolved to put down the rebellious outbreak with a strong and deter¬ mined hand. Pie Avas not long in forcing these rude warriors Avithin their oavu territories, and eventually succeeded in capturing their strongest forts, and scattering their forces Avith considerable loss. Returning to Lahore after this undertaking, Bahadur Shah died after a short illness, in the seventy-first year of his age, having reigned five years. No sooner had the emperor breathed his last, than his four sons strove for the mastery. Battles were fought, negotiations Avere set on foot, and every artifice and effort employed to strengthen the cause of the various claimants; but in the end Jehandar Shah, the eldest, suc¬ ceeded in defeating his brothers, and for the time securing possession of the throne. The contemptible character of this monarch (a.d. 1712) soon es¬ tranged the affections of the nobility and the people from him; and there is every reason to believe that open revolt would have been the result, but for an event which at that moment took place. This Avas the appearance of a rival candidate for the crown, in the person of Farokhsir, the emperor’s nepheAv, avIio assembled an army at Allahabad, repelled one or two detachments sent against him, and finally routed the troops of Jehandar near Agra so completely, that the monarch Avas forced to fly to Delhi in disguise. He was there seized by his late A'izier, and delivered up to Farokhsir, who, in putting the fallen sovereign to death, meted the same end to his traitorous minister. The empire had gained but little by the change of sovereigns. Farokhsir Avas not less contemptible than his predecessor, though with the additional vices of cruelty and jealousy. He intrigued to secure the death of Hosen Ali, one of his most able and active suppoi-ters, Avhom he had found himself compelled against his Avill to make com¬ mander-in-chief of his forces. The plot failed, and the intended victim MOHAMMED SHAH. 89 of liis master’s jealousy proceeded on his expedition against the Mah- rattas in the Deccan. The reputation of this general suffered in the campaigns which ensued. The Mahrattas followed up their old tactics with so much perseverance, as in the end to haffle the utmost endeavours of Hosen Ali to bring them to a decisive engagement, and he was eventually glad to compromise matters by several concessions, which, however, Farokhsir refused to ratify. This led to a misunderstanding between the monarch and his general, and subsequently to a difference with the vizier, the brother of the latter. Farokhsir, with all the desire, but none of the determina¬ tion needed to rid himself of these powerful and able men, began to plot against them, though in such an unskilful and undecided manner as served but to expose his own imbecility and fears, and at the same time thoroughly to disgust and alienate those who would have seconded his views. 6 The immediate result of these weak and futile attempts on the part of the emperor was the march of Hosen Ali to the capital at the head of an army devoted to his service. After some treating with the weak- minded sovereign, and a rising of the inhabitants of the city against Hosen’s followers, the brothers formally took possession of the citadel, seized the person of the emperor, and quietly put him to death after an inglorious reign of six years. Upon the deposition of Farokhsir, two young princes of the royal family were successively elevated to the throne, each of them living but a few months. Subsequently the vizier and his brother raised to the imperial dignity another prince named Rousliu Akhter, who was de-. dared emperor under the title of Mohammed Shah. From the commencement of this reign (a.d. 1719) there were not wanting unmistakeable signs of the approaching decline and fall of the Tartar dynasty in India. The overbearing conduct of the vizier and his brother, coupled with the disgust created by the knowledge of the means by which Farokhsir had met his death, tended to estrange the minds of the people from the ruling powers, who, besides, gave evidence of their own weakness by continued disagreements. 7 Insurrections took place at Allahabad, and other large cities, as well as in the southern division of the Punjab, which occupied the imperial forces for some time. It was during the rule of this monarch that an embassy was de¬ spatched from Calcutta to the court at Delhi, by the company’s servants, 6 Elphinstono’s India, vol. ii. p. 581. 7 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 584. 90 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. with the view of obtaining some further grants of territory and greater privileges than they then enjoyed. The emperor received the British officials with some show of favour; but through the secret influence of his vizier, who was also governor of Bengal, and extremely jealous of the European settlers, matters appeared for some time likely to result far from satisfactorily to the embassy. Fortunately for the English, the emperor was seized with a dangerous illness, which baffled the skill of the royal physicians, and in the hour of need recourse was had to the aid of the medical officer attached to the embassy, who succeeded in restoring his imperial patient to health in a short period. This led to a concession of all the demands of the British, who returned to Cal¬ cutta well satisfied with the results of their journey to Delhi. Amongst other turbulent proceedings which agitated the empire, was the conduct of Asof Jail, governor of Malwa, who, under various pretences, managed to raise a considerable body of troops, at the head of which he marched towards the Deccan, and encountering detach¬ ments of the royal army, routed them, and established himself, by the co¬ operation of the Mahrattas, in possession of a large tract of that country. To oppose this formidable chief, Hosen Ali marched towards the south, taking care that the emperor accompanied him, in order to pre¬ vent plots during his absence. Mohammed, disgusted with the state of servitude in which he lived under the rule of the brothers, and eager to be rid of them, fell into a plan for the assassination of Hosen, which took place not far from the royal tent. This led to the revolt of Abdallah, the vizier, who was, however, soon afterwards defeated and made prisoner, surviving his reverses but a short time. These occurrences were followed by the appointment of Asof Jah to the viziership. This austere and ambitious man, however willing he may have been to aid in the government of the empire, was soon dis¬ gusted with the frivolous life of Mohammed and the little regard paid to himself. At the end of the first year of his tenure of office he threw up the viziership and withdrew to the Deccan, where it at once became apparent that his design was to render himself independent of the imperial authority. Establishing himself at Hydrabad (a.d. 1723), Asof took immediate steps to secure the possession of the states around him, and at the same time to turn the Mahratta power to his own advantage by directing against the empire the arms of that restless people. Saho was at this time the dominant rajah of the tribe; whilst another claimant, Samba, held himself prepared for any opportunity which might offer of asserting his rights, real or pretended. By playing one of these against the CONQUESTS OF NADIR SHAH. 91 other, Asof contrived to strengthen his own hands, and at last induced Saho to agree to a treaty, by which he undertook to invade the imperial territories. At this period (a.d. 1731) we first hear mentioned the names of Holkar and Sindia, afterwards so famous in eastern history. The an¬ cestors of these noted chiefs were, at the time of which we are now treating, the former a shepherd on the Nira, south of Poonah, the latter, though of a good family near Sattara. in such reduced circum¬ stances as to be serving as the domestic of a Mahratta general. The events of the succeeding half dozen years (a.d. 1737) may be comprised in a few sentences, no occurrences being of sufficient im¬ portance to deserve separate notice. On all sides the Mahrattas con¬ tinued to make encroachments, adding to their territories as occasion offered, seldom with any real opposition, never with any that was effectual. The empire was yearly becoming weaker, and required but some sudden or violent shock to cause its total dismemberment. Meanwhile the possessions and influence of the European settlers throughout India had been gradually extending. The French had appeared on the scene, and their naval force, under the command of the brave Labourdonnais, acted so effectually against the fleet of the British, as for a time to cripple most seriously the operations of the latter. Peace being restored between the two nations, they still continued their operations against various native states on one pretext or the other. The governor of Madras took up the cause of a deposed rajah of Tanjore, and marched a body of troops into those territories to assert his rights, without, however, carrying out any real or permanent ob¬ ject. It was during these operations that the since renowned Clive, then a young lieutenant, took the field for the first time, and in his earliest action gave evidence of that cool valour and sound judgment which before long earned for him a world-wide reputation. The troubles of the Deccan (a.d. 1739) and the frivolities of his own court had so occupied the attention of the emperor that no heed had been given to the movement of the ambitious monarch of Persia, Nadir Shah, who having left his kingdom at the head of a brave and well- disciplined army, conquered a great part of the Afghan territories, and was already turning his attention to India, where he well knew a sure victory and rich booty awaited him. He did not wait long for the pretext necessary to give a shadow of justification for crossing the Indus, which he did at the close of the year 1738. Mohammed Shah, roused by this intelligence, collected a force but ill calculated to op¬ pose the veteran army of the invader, though aided by the questionable 92 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. presence of the Nizam of the Deccan. Early in the following year a battle was fought at Carnal, which resulted in the defeat of the im¬ perial army aud the submission of Mohammed Shah. The emperor was treated with great consideration, and permitted to reside unguarded in his own quarters. The two monarchs afterwards proceeded in com¬ pany to Delhi, where they resided under the same roof. 3 The stay of the Persian monarch at the Indian capital, though brief, was marked by rapacity and bloodshed. A tumult having arisen in the city, the pretext was afforded the Persian troops of an indis¬ criminate massacre of the inhabitants, which lasted for a whole day, the loss of life during which time has been variously estimated at from 30,000 to 150,000. This was followed by a general plunder of the city, from the royal treasury down to the most humble dwelling, when an incredible amount of coin and jewelry of various sorts appears to have been brought together and appropriated by the Persian king as payment for the cost of this most unwelcome visit. The value of the gold and silver coin thus carried away is said to have been nine millions sterling, 9 whilst the gold and silver plate and jewels amounted to quite as much more. Besides a great number of the finest horses, elephants, and camels, Nadir Shah carried with him several hundreds of the most skilful artisans and workers in the pre¬ cious metals. Nadir Shah at length took his departure from the capital of India, after a sojourn of fifty-three days, the memory of which outlived the perpetrators of the atrocities committed therein. Before quitting Delhi, the king of Persia seated Mohammed upon his throne, and with his own hands placed the diadem upon the brow of the re-instated emperor, at the same time enjoining the strictest obedience to him from the nobles and chiefs assembled about them to witness and par¬ take in the ceremony. Freed from the dreaded presence of these powerful invaders, the emperor had full opportunity to observe and deplore, without the power of remedying, the misery which threatened him. With scarcely the shadow of an army, an exhausted treasury, a devastated country, cities in ruins, and surrounded by many and designing enemies, the prospect for the future was indeed dispiriting. The nabobship of the Carnatic being at this time (a.d. 1740) the subject of contention between two rival candidates, the aid of the Mahratta army was called in by one, which very shortly settled the 8 Elphinstone’s India, vol. ii. p. 627. 9 Scott, vol. ii. p. 212. ACCESSION OF AHMED SHAH. 93 question for the moment, and resulted in the imprisonment of the defeated candidate. This interference was looked upon with a jealous eye by Asof, or, as he was then more generally styled, the Nizam al Moolk, who finally used his influence to bestow the rank of nabob of the Carnatic upon one of his own connection. Thg French commandant of Pondicherry, anxious to obtain a footing - with some of the native chiefs, used his interest and some money to obtain the liberation of Chanda Sahib, the deposed nabob, who no sooner found himself at liberty than he commenced raising troops and sacking such towns and forts as he found unprotected. From this date to the year 1748 the troubles in the state of Arcot continued to occupy the attention of the nizam, who died at that period, at the great age of one hundred years. This eveDt, as was almost always the case in eastern governments, led to contentions in the family as to his successor, in which both the English and French took an interest, according as their own advantage might be best served. From the time of the departure of Nadir Shah from Delhi but few events had occurred within the then prostrate empire. The sole ex¬ ception to this quiescent state of things were the rise of the Rohillas, an Afghan tribe inhabiting a mountain tract near Oude, and an in¬ vasion of India by an Afghan chief, Ahmed Shah Durani. The former was put down by the emperor in person; the latter was repelled by the imperial forces at Sirhind under Prince Ahmed, though not without a severe contest. Immediately after this battle, the prince was called off to Delhi, by intelligence of his. father’s dangerous illness, which ended fatally a month later. Mohammed Shah had reigned twenty-nine years. There was no opposition raised to the succession of his son, who was accord¬ ingly proclaimed emperor under the title of Ahmed Shah. One of the new monarch’s earliest efforts was directed against the Rohillas, who still continued to be troublesome neighbours. The vizier, Safder Jang, was sent against them, but was repulsed; and finally, driven to extremity, was forced to the humiliating expedient of seeking the aid of the two Mahratta chiefs, Holkar and Sindia. With the aid of these useful auxiliaries, the vizier obtained a decisive advantage over the Rohillas, and succeeded in driving them from their strongholds to the foot of the Himalayas, when they were glad to sue for peace on any terms. 10 A more formidable enemy appeared next in the person of the Afghan king, who once more marched into the Punjab, seized upon 10 Elphinstone’s India, vol. ii. p. 660. 94 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Lahore and other principal cities, and finished by demanding that the emperor should regularly cede to him the possession of the entire coun¬ try. Too weak to refuse, and fearing another invasion of India, Ahmed Shah at once consented to the terms proposed, and was only too glad to buy off on such terms an enemy of this formidable character. Dissensions at the court followed closely upon these external trou¬ bles. The assassination of a favourite eunuch of the emperor by his vizier led to an open rupture, and eventually to the expulsion of the offending minister. His successor, however, proved not more accept¬ able to the monarch, who commenced plotting against his life; and upon the discovery of these intrigues open war was declared between the emperor and his subject. The latter proved victorious; and ob¬ taining possession of the monarch’s person, he caused his eyes to be put out, and a young prince of the same family to be proclaimed in his stead as Alamghir II. The new emperor evinced (a.d. 1754) as little cordiality towards the vizier, Ghazi-udin, who had placed him on the throne, as had his predecessor. It was evident that the minister intended to rule with an iron hand, whilst his royal master should look on and sanction his acts. The rigorous severity of his government soon caused an open mutiny, which had nearly cost him his life. Nor was this the sole result of his conduct. Having treacherously seized on Lahore and other cities in the Punjab, contrary to the treaty lately entered into with Ahmed Shah of Afghanistan, that king again crossed the Indus, marched to Delhi, and meeting this time with no opposition, took pos¬ session of the capital, and abandoned it to slaughter and plunder. Having no intention of retaining possession of Delhi, the Afghan king contented himself with securing such treasures as had escaped Nadir Shah, and then retreated across the Indus • having meanwhile left a Rohilla chief in command of the capital, as a check upon the tyrannical power of Ghazi-udin over the emperor. The ambitious minister once more had recourse to his old friends the Mahrattas, to second his efforts at supremacy. By the aid of that power, he eventu¬ ally succeeded in wresting the Punjab from the hands of the Afghan monarch, took forcible possession of Delhi, and having made the un¬ fortunate and helpless Alamghir prisoner, put him to death. Shah Alum, the heir to the throne, owed his safety at this moment to his absence from the capital. Ahmed Shah Durani of Afghanistan was not long in taking revenge for the occupation of the Punjab. He prepared a formidable body of troops for a further invasion of the em¬ pire, crossed the Indus at a time when armies seldom take the field, DECLINE OF THE TARTAR EMPIRE. 95 and marching southwards, encountered the Mahratta forces in the plains of Paniput, near the Jumna, under Sedasheo Bhao. The forces of the latter comprised about 100,000 cavalry and 15,000 infantry, many of whom were sepoys, besides a large park of artillery and a liberal supply of rockets. The Durani brought against this army about 50,000 horse, composed of Persians and Afghans, with 30,000 infantry, partly of Rohillas and partly Indian soldiers, but ill trained. 11 After facing each other for some time, during which the Mahrattas suffered much from want of supplies, an engagement took place, when, after a terrible slaughter on both sides, the Durani’s army was victorious. The survivors of the Mahrattas fled from the field, but Avere so hotly pursued that but very feAV of them escaped to tell the tale of their disasters. The power of this people was so effectually broken by this battle, in which most of their chiefs fell, that many years elapsed before they were in a position to exercise any influence in Indian affairs. The invading army having thus effectually broken up the last rem¬ nants of the empire, retired beyond the Indus, and appeared no more on the eastern side of that river. The history of the’Tartar dynasty may now be said to have closed, as the remaining events which occurred in the various provinces and states of India comprising that once powerful empire belong so en¬ tirely to the history of the British power in the East, as to render it necessary to link them together. The fugitive Shah Alum subsequently obtained possession of the capital of his ancestors ; but being Avithout the poAver to retain it, he fell into the hands of a Rohilla chief, Avho deprived him of sight, and afterwards gave him into the power of Sindia, one of the Mahratta chiefs, who retained him in close confine¬ ment at Delhi until that city Avas taken by the British forces in 1803. Shah Alum and his son, Akbar Shah, both died pensioners on the bounty of the East India Company; and Avith the last of these princes ended the race of the Tartar monarchs of India. 11 Duff’s History of the Mahrattas, vol. ii. p. 152. THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. CHAPTER T. EARLY COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THE EASTERN AND WESTERN WORLD, WITH SUBSEQUENT EUROPEAN PROGRESS, TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY IN INDIA. Ihe earliest records winch we possess of commercial intercourse X between the inhabitants of India and those of countries to the west of Arabia relate to the Jewish kingdom (b.c. 1014). History informs us that Solomon drew large and frequent supplies of spices and cotton goods from the southern and eastern parts of Asia, and even in his time the Phoenicians were said to have been long in possession of the bulk of the Indian trade, which was chiefly carried on by way of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. An overland communication ap¬ pears to have existed through Persia and Arabia ; but with this double intercourse, the western nations remained in deepest ignorance of the country and the people that lay towards the rising sun. All that Europe knew of India prior to the expedition of the Mace¬ donian monarch was through its gold, its pearls, its spices, and its rich cloths. But the length of time occupied in the voyage, the circuitous route by which these goods were conveyed, and the many hands through which they passed, rendered it highly improbable that any but the most wild and fanciful pictures of the East ever reached those who consumed the products brought from those distant lands. It was reserved for Alexander the Great (b.c. 331) to achieve, amongst other things, the opening of this hidden region, although he himself visited but its confines on the west. Unlike the progress of those northern conquerors who came after him, carrying fire and sword and scattering death and ruin about their footsteps, the Macedonian car¬ ried with him the softening influence of civilisation. Of the knowledge of ANCIENT TRADE WITH THE EAST. 97 India, which flowed westward consequent upon the invasion of Alex¬ ander, we have already treated at the conclusion of our first historical section. The early death of the conqueror destroyed any plans he may have formed for opening up a trade with, or settling an empire in Hindostan ; and for nearly three centuries the commerce between the eastern and western worlds was conducted by the Egyptian and Arab merchants, by way of the Red Sea, the Nile, and the Mediterranean ; the ports being then Berenice, Coptos, and Alexandria. There were, however, two other routes by which a small portion of the traffic with the East was carried on. One of these lay through Persia and the upper part of Arabia to the Syrian cities; a desert and difficult route, but one of great antiquity. The only halting-place on this dreary road was the famed city of Tadmor, or Palmyra, so called from the abundance of palm-trees which flourished around its walls. This regal city owed its prosperity to the commerce which passed through it, and which, in the course of time, raised the state to a degree of importance and power that exposed it to the jealousy of imperial Rome. A war ensued, in which its brave and noble-minded queen, Zenobia, was captured, her city destroyed, and with it the overland traffic of the desert, which had existed since the days of Abraham. The second route was by way of the Indus upwards, across the rocky passes of the Hindoo Cush, and so on to the river Oseus and the Caspian Sea, whence the merchandise was conveyed by other land and water conveyance to the cities of the north and north-west. Even in the present day we find this a route of some importance, serving as the means of carrying on a trade between India, Persia, and Russia, which is of more real value to the latter country than is perhaps generally known in Europe. The richest silks, the finest muslins, the most costly shawls, the rarest drugs and spices, are bought up by Russian dealers and transported by this tedious route to the cities of the great Czar. With the Palmyra route the carrying-trade of Egypt with the East suffered equally from the ravages and conquests of the Roman emperors, though not so permanently. We read that during the reign of the Emperor Claudius, one of the kings of Ceylon, then famed for its spices and pearls, despatched an ambassador to the Roman court, loaded with many costly gifts. At a later period still the Chinese were visited by an emissary from the great ruler of the western world. With the decline of the Roman empire the trade with India rallied, and gathered something of its olden strength. The two events, how¬ ever, which most sensibly contributed to the re-opening of this com- H 98 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. merce, were the removal of the seat of imperial government from Rome to Constantinople, and at a later period the invasions of the Saracens. Not less enterprising than brave, the Saracenic conquerors of the East were active in forming commercial depots, and opening a trade wherever nature favoured their designs. By them the city of Bussorah was built on a spot peculiarly adapted for navigation, and before long the Euphrates and tire Tigris swarmed with the mercantile marine of this new and energetic race. The genius, however, of the Saracens was not such as to fit them to become civilisers and traders. They pos¬ sessed too much of the military fire of conquerors to sit down and open out the many commercial advantages which lay before them : it sufficed them to have shewn the path. The Turkish rulers of Syria, who followed upon the ruins of the Saracenic dynasty, cared as little for the great prize of eastern com¬ merce as had their predecessors, and were content that Constantinople should be the centre of the traffic which they allowed quietly to pass into the hands of the Genoese. This was but a moiety of the eastern trade. The Arabs, as hardy and venturesome at sea as on land, had resuscitated the traffic through Egypt; and by dint of many explorations along the coasts, they boldly sailed from the ports on the Red Sea, through the Straits of Babel- mandel, and stretching eastwards, reached in due time the coasts of Malabar. It is believed that we owe the introduction of the mariner’s compass from the East into Europe to these enterprising navigators. This portion of the commerce of India passed into the hands of the Venetians in Egypt, and rapidly raised their republic to an importance and power which has seldom been equalled by any other modern state of similar extent. Such was the position of oriental commerce, when an event occurred which led to mighty results, and changed the whole course of affairs. Christopher Columbus, in searching for the East, found a new world in the West; and at no great distance of time, Bartholomew Diaz (a.d. 1486) stumbled upon a road to the East round the “Cape of Storms,” so called by him in token of the disastrous weather he there experienced. The Portuguese monarch, in whose service Diaz had sailed, was naturally elated at the importance of this discovery ; for it was easy to see, that by means of this new passage to India the trade carried on by the Italians, at a great hazard and cost, would rapidly fall into the hands of their western neighbours. PROGRESS OF MARITIME DISCOVERY. 99 Maritime affairs were in those days (a.d. 1498) carried on in a very different fashion to the business of present times ; and, anxious as the court of Lisbon was to profit by the fortunate discovery, it was not until eleven years afterwards that a large and well-appointed fleet sailed for India under the command of Vasco de Gama. The Cape of Good Hope, as it was now re-christened, was safely doubled; and at the end of the tenth month from their departure, the ships com¬ posing this first Portuguese fleet of India anchored in the roads of Calicut on the Malabar coast. A valuable cargo of the precious things of the East recompensed the enterprising navigators for all their toils and dangers; and the king of Portugal had the proud satisfaction of witnessing the spoils of Indian commerce piled at his feet; whilst the merchants of Italy and Egypt looked on in undisguised alarm. It was soon demonstrated that the monopoly of the eastern seas was at an end. It was in vain that Venetian merchants leagued with Egyptian Mamelukes to fit out a powerful squadron, and endeavour to annihilate the fleets of the Portuguese. The latter proved more than a match for their assailants, and remained masters of the Indian waters. Soon after this the power of the Venetian state became crippled, and at last annihilated, so that the merchants of that country ceased to hold any influence amongst other powers. Egypt too passed into new hands; and although the Turkish successors of the Mameluke rulers would gladly have weakened the power of the Portuguese, they lacked the skill and enterprise to do any mischief in that direction. The merchants of Lisbon had, however, other opponents to en¬ counter—opponents possessing both daring and skill. The Moorish traders—half merchants, half buccaneers—had to this period held pos¬ session of the Indian seas without opposition; and long habitude had impressed them with the feeling that in them rested the sole right to navigate and traffic on the waters of the East. It was not to be ex¬ pected that these people would quietly see any interlopers trenching on their vested interests; nor was it long before the subjects of King Emmanuel found this to their cost. The Portuguese monarch was not ignorant of the opposition which his attempt to open a trade with the natives of India would meet with from the Moors. Every care was taken to render the armaments which followed the first expedition as strong and efficient as was possible. A fleet of thirteen sail of all sizes, well manned, and carrying out upwards of a thousand soldiers, was despatched from Lisbon, for the purpose of extending the commercial operations already so favourably commenced by Vasco de Gama, but under command of another officer, one Pedro Al- 100 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. varez de Cabral. This commander had orders to open commercial nego¬ tiations with the Zamorin of Calicut, with the view of obtaining permis¬ sion to form a settlement for trading purposes within his territories. It was during this voyage to India that Cabral accidentally dis¬ covered the Brazils, having been driven near the South American coast by stress of weather. Arrived at Calicut, the Portuguese com¬ mander found little difficulty in persuading the prince of the country to accede to such proposals as he made. A treaty of commerce was entered into, and the new-comers very shortly found themselves esta¬ blished within the boundary of the city. The Moors, from their long intercourse with the natives of India, had naturally great influence with the Zamorin, who may have looked upon the Portuguese with eyes not more favourable than the former. They contrived in a very short time to work upon the fears and jealousy of this prince to such an extent, as to induce him, with their co-operation, to attack the European factory, and kill the whole of the residents therein. Cahral was not slow to avenge this cruel treachery. Bringing his entire force to hear upon the city, he found little difficulty in burning or sinking the greater part of the Moorish vessels at anchor under its walls, and reducing the place to a heap of ruins. The Zamorin, upon this, was glad to purchase safety at the expense of several new conces¬ sions to the victors; and a treaty far more favourable to the latter was concluded upon the spot. This decisive blow at the power of the ruler of Calicut was shortly afterwards productive of the best results to the Portuguese. Impressed with the courage and success of the new-comers, many of the petty sovereigns of the adjacent states sought their friendship, entered into amicable treaties with Cabral on behalf of his sovereign, and allowed factories to be established at various points where the localities pre¬ sented favourable opportunities for opening a trading intercourse with the interior of the country. Having so far established the supremacy of the Portuguese flag upon the Malabar coast, Cabral prepared to return to Europe with a fleet freighted with the rare and costly products of the East, and not a little experience of oriental affairs, at that time shrouded in the greatest mystery. Arrived at Lisbon, this successful commander was received with the utmost favour and distinction by his royal master, upon whom the pre¬ cious freightage of the ships, and the boundless prospect for the future, made no slight impression. The wealth of India brought thus, as it PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS. 101 were, to the very threshold of Europe, was well calculated to arouse the energies of a nation, at that period deeply imbued with a chivalric spirit of enterprise and discovery. The rich display of spices, silks, precious stones, and gums, were but types of the boundless mines of wealth to be opened in that far-off land of rich promise. The envied power and riches of the merchant-princes of Venice might now be their own destiny. The East lay, as it were, prostrate at their feet; and it required but an outstretched hand to seize the willing prize. The king, Emmanuel, was not tardy in turning the information brought by Cabral, as well as the enthusiasm created in the minds of the people, to full account. A fleet of twenty sail, all good ships and royally found, was immediately equipped, and the command of the armament given to Vasco de Gama, who, from his former experiences, was well fitted for this distinction. The monarch had no reason to regret the selection he had made. De Gama rapidly placed matters on a sounder and more thriving footing than they had hitherto been, by cultivating the friendly acquaintance of all those native princes who appeared willing and able to further his views. With the Zamorin of Calicut he was less careful to keep up an intercourse, being thoroughly convinced of the duplicity of his character, and of his prejudice against Europeans. This slighting of his importance led the prince to take aggressive steps : he despatched his fleet to attack the ships of De Gama; but although they were far superior in number, it was in vain to contend against the superior skill and courage of the Portuguese; and the result was, that the Zamorin was compelled to see his adver¬ saries successful in all their undertakings. Shortly afterwards the Portuguese commander, having fulfilled his mission in the East, took his departure for Europe, leaving a small fleet, and sufficient forces to protect their factories, under the direction of one Loche. This officer, however, proved unequal to the task ; and instead of guarding the trading settlements and the territories of such native princes as had favoured his countrymen, and thus excited the enmity of the powerful ruler of Calicut, he proceeded in various directions in quest of adventure and riches. The immediate result of this conduct was the attack and capture of Cochin, a friendly state, by the Zamorin. The return of the fleet to the Malabar coast, the death of the unquali¬ fied commander, and the final appointment of Albuquerque to the post of captain-general of the Portuguese forces in India, were the means of restoring matters to their original footing. The king of Cochin, with the aid of his European allies, defeated the numerous troops of the Zamorin, and recovered from that chief possession of his city. 102 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. It was fortunate for the Portuguese that they possessed such an able commander as Albuquerque; for all that valour, judgment, and decision could effect, was needed to preserve their ‘power and influence among the native states. The promulgation of a papal bull, couched in the arrogant and dictatorial tone peculiar to those insolent documents, and assigning to the king of Portugal the possession and sovereignty of the whole of India, so far from serving the cause of the interlopers, tended to jeopardise their very existence in that part of the globe. It was found an exceedingly difficult task to persuade the benighted denizens of the eastern world, that any Christian dignitary, however exalted his earthly station might be, possessed any right to bestow their territories, their possessions, and themselves upon any band of adventurers who chose to set up a claim to such lavish gifts. The attempts made under cloak of this Catholic document brought down upon the heads of the Portuguese the enmity and hostility of every race they came in contact with; and before long they found themselves in the unpleasant predicament of carrying on their barter at the cannon’s mouth. Their factors were compelled to go about armed to the teeth ; every bale of goods was bought at the cost of blood; each entry in their books was made under the protection of drawn swords. The indomitable energy and perseverance, no less than the prudence and foresight of Albuquerque saved the Portuguese from the imminent danger which at this period (a.d. 1511) threatened their possessions in the East. A series of bold enterprises, crowned in every case with undoubted success, served to reinstate their name and reputation upon the old footing; and before two years had passed, this excellent com¬ mander had the satisfaction of beholding the neighbouring rajahs and princes eager to ally themselves and open trading treaties with him. Goa was taken possession of, and strongly fortified. The island of Malacca was conquered and garrisoned; and, in short, at every point along the eastern and western coasts of the Indian peninsula, where there appeared an opportunity for commercial intercourse, there Alber- querque planted the flag of his sovereign and built a factory. Not content with his conquests in India, the Portuguese commander opened communications with China, and freighted several ships for that remote country. By a series of wise and liberal enactments, he gave such encourage¬ ment to trade and navigation, that soon his ports were crowded with vessels of merchants from every eastern state, anxious to transact business where they could do so in the greatest security and to the most advantage. DEATH OF ALBUQUERQUE. 103 Having thus fairly established the Portuguese empire in India, Albuquerque might have extended his influence still farther, had he not been cut off by death in the height of his successes, after a bril¬ liant rule of five years. His loss was felt not less keenly by the natives of India than by his countrymen; far and wide the influence of his name had been felt for good, and wherever it was known, re¬ gret, deep and universal, was expressed for the death of one so good and talented. His successor, Soarez, was opposed to him in nature and reputa¬ tion ; and in proportion as his conduct departed from that steady and unflinching course pursued by Albuquerque, so did the prosperity of the Portuguese settlements suffer in their transactions with the native dealers. Self-interest was the dominant feeling with the new com¬ mander; and as his example was not long in being followed by those under his authority, it became a struggle amongst the whole body of military to enrich themselves as rapidly as possible, without regard to the public service, or the means used to attain their ends. Corruption and oppression ruled rampant at all the stations; justice was forgotten amidst the general scramble for wealth; and it soon became evident, that before very long the position of Portuguese affairs in India would be in no better condition than they were previous to the government of Albuquerque. Fortunately for their reputation, the authorities at Lisbon gathered tidings of the existing state of things in the East, and recalled Soarez whilst there was still something to be saved ; although the successor appointed, Sequera, did nothing to retrieve the confusion into which matters had fallen. The power of the Portuguese was at that period at an extremely low ebb; and there is little doubt but that, had the native princes made any combined and well-directed attack upon them, they could hardly have helped proving completely successful. As it was, however, the old-established reputation of the Portuguese arms served to keep them safe at that time from any plots. At length a change was wrought in the councils of the court at Lisbon by the decease of King Emmanuel. The veteran Vasco de Gama, under the title of Count di Vidigueyra, was appointed to the sole command, as captain-general of the Indian empire, and sailed once more for the scene of his former exploits at the head of a well-appointed civil and military staff. Unfortunately the old commander lived but three months after his arrival in India; yet in that brief space of time he managed, by dint of activity and boldness, to correct many of the 104 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. abuses existing, and to put down the swarms of pirates and robbers who infested both sea and land, equally with the numerous peculators in high places. His death was followed by a long series of disgraceful struggles amongst the Portuguese leaders for the supreme command; and when at length a superior officer was sent out from Lisbon to assume the chief authority, it was not without difficulty that he asserted his office, and dispatched one of the principal misdoers under arrest to Europe. The good offices of Nunio were needed to endeavour to place Por¬ tuguese affairs upon a better footing. Yet it seemed a hopeless task, so widened had been the breach between the Europeans and the vari¬ ous rajahs. To add to his difficulties, he involved himself in a war with the emperor of Delhi, taking up the cause of the sultan of Guje- rat. Subsequently, the emperor having been worsted, the sultan and his allies came to an open rupture, and war was declared, which led to a protracted struggle between the two powers, and gave occasion to the emperor to avenge his defeat by sending reinforcements to aid his countrymen against the Europeans. The valour and discipline of the Portuguese troops proved in the end too much for the hordes of rude soldiers brought against them; and thus the danger was averted, and at the same time the singular bravery and skill displayed by the gar¬ risons of the factories so influenced the feelings of the many petty rulers in the vicinity, that those who had before been ready to declare against the Portuguese, and waited for the moment to do so, now pro¬ fessed the most devoted attachment to them, and sought their friend¬ ship by every means. Stephen de Gama, the son of the veteran of that name, although in every way qualified for the important post, was not permitted to hold the reins of government in the East long enough to effect any bene¬ ficial improvements ; whilst the notorious conduct of his successor, De Souza, Avent far, by cruelty, oppression, and religious persecutions, to ruin the Portuguese character and influence in that part of the world. So infamous was the conduct of this sanguinary and haughty man, that the sultan of Gujerat once more declared war upon the oppressors of India; and with the assistance of numerous reinforcements from the court of Delhi, he laid close siege to a fortified town, and pressed it so severely, that it must have fallen into his hands but for the timely arrival from Lisbon of De Souza’s successor, De Castro, a man of very different stamp, who relieved the garrison of the besieged city, defeated the besieging army with great slaughter, and finally carried the Avar JESUITS IN THE EAST. 105 so vigorously and successfully into the heart of the enemy’s country, as to induce the sovereigns of the Deccan and Gujerat gladly to sue for peace on terms proposed by himself. The successful general followed up these exploits by a course of wise and conciliatory measures, calculated to remove the evil impres¬ sion left by his several predecessors. In this he finally succeeded: enemies were made friendly; peaceful trade took the place of warfare and persecution ; religious toleration was the order of the day; and before a year had elapsed, prosperity once more smiled upon the Por¬ tuguese settlements. Their ports were crowded with shipping; their factories teemed with produce and merchandise; and on all sides were heard the busy sounds of industry. At no period of their Indian his¬ tory could it be said that the Portuguese had attained any greater degree of prosperity than they enjoyed under the wise administration of De Castro. The establishment of Jesuit institutions in the East by the monk Francis Xavier must not be omitted, as it forms an important epoch in the history of those colonies, and at no distant date exerted a sen¬ sible influence upon the course of events. Of limited capacity in ecclesiastical matters, he compensated for religious deficiencies by energy and untiring zeal; and not particularly exacting in the degree of sincerity of his followers, contrived, in an incredibly short space of time, to convert vast numbers of heathens to a nominal Christianity. The new faith, in his skilful and enterprising hands, assumed a degree of elasticity and pliability which moulded it to the temperament of any of the Hindoo or Moslem races; and as Xavier looked more to the number than the faith of his disciples, he was met on all sides with open arms. To the zeal of a religious apostle he added the enterprise of a poli¬ tician, and carefully played into the hands of the civil government; not making himself a party to any of the corrupt malpractices of those times, but rather setting himself in opposition to the misdoers. At the death of De Castro, however, the old leaven of corruption, which had during his rule lain dormant amongst the civil and military ser¬ vants of the Indo-Portuguese government, shewed itself in undisguised colours. It was in vain that the Jesuit exerted his strongest influence to avert the evil effects of this state of things; equally useless was it to represent the misconduct of the officials to the court at Lisbon. The evil-doers had powerful friends at home; and at that distance, with the then tardy and uncertain means of communication between remote parts of the globe, it was not to be wondered at that justice was long 10G THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. ere it found a response in the royal mind which then ruled the des¬ tinies of Portugal. During the rule of the various governors who followed De Castro, little occurred worthy of record, save events which shock humanity, aud cause us to blush for the deeds committed under the cloak of religion. Jesuitism had, unfortunately for India, brought in its train the institution of that infernal machine of evil passions and fanatical bigotry, the Inquisition, the architype of Roman Catholicism. This devilish engine was set to work at Goa, and made to do the bidding of priestly intolerance and lay enmities; and when, by the death of Don Sebastian, the crown of Portugal fell into the hands of Philip of Spain, the work of wickedness received a stimulus that wrought it up to the highest pitch of cruelty. The enormity of the crimes perpetrated within those fearful walls, the terror which the name of a priest of Christ inspired in the breast of every Christian and heathen dweller in those devoted colonies, spread a sad and heavy gloom over the land that but a few short years pre¬ viously had revelled in the sunshine of happy, peaceful industry. The records of these terrible times are far too sad to be long dwelt upon. It is enough to know that such things were, and leave the dark veil unlifted. As evil has ever been known to work out good, so these perse¬ cutions and religious slaughters led in the end to favourable results. A cry for vengeance arose from the priestly shambles of the Inqui¬ sition. It went forth over that devoted land from shore to shore, and found an echo in many a heart,—sympathy in many a home. Insur¬ rections, revolts, massacres, and burnings were to be met with far and near. Armed with another Papal bull, the Portuguese Christians deluged the country with blood ; but in vain. Even the native con¬ verts joined the standard of the Hindoo and the Moslem, whose prac¬ tice, if not their creed, was more merciful and tolerant than that of the civilised crusaders from the western world. And now another people appeared on the bloody stage; a race of persevering, industrious merchants, who, by their cautious and humane policy, founded an empire in the East more durable, because more merciful, more kindly, than that of the intolerant Portuguese. The Dutch (a.d. 1509) having gathered some information respecting the trade and possessions of the Portuguese in India, and lured by the prospect of a share of those costly spoils, fitted out a fleet of mer¬ chantmen under the direction of an East India Company, and de¬ spatched it laden with goods and merchandise for barter, and well DUTCH AND ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS. 107 armed. The advent of this first armament from' Holland was the dawn of salvation to India; and from that time may he dated the decline and ruin of the Indo-Portuguese empire. It was in vain that the governor of Goa, alarmed by the appearance of these formidable rivals on the eastern waters, endeavoured to excite the natives of India against the Dutch. He soon found that so far from the new-comers being regarded with fear or jealousy, they were looked upon with favourable eyes by the princes who ruled upon the Malabar and Coromandel coasts, and that these people began to count upon the assistance of the Hollanders, as a foil to the oppressions of the Portuguese. Equally in vain was it to endeavour to repel the intruders by force of arms; they would gladly have found a pretext for a quarrel, but the wary policy of the Dutch disappointed them in this, and the latter were, moreover, too well armed to be easily taken by surprise. Following closely in the steps of these came the English, seeking their share of the wealth of these fabled regions. The fame of the Indian name, the marvellous tales told of the wonders and boundless riches of the land of the sha, had made their way across British waters, and found ready listeners amongst the merchants of London. Pre¬ vious to this period the English had received the uncertain and ill- assorted shipments of Indian goods through the Venetians, who, enjoy¬ ing a monopoly at that period, had imposed such terms on their traffic as seemed best to them. Subsequent negotiations with the sultan of Turkey had enabled the British to trade to greater advantage by send¬ ing their ships direct to the ports of that country, and purchasing such eastern goods as they required direct from those merchants, who im¬ ported them by the way of Persia. The opportunity, however, which was now presented, of being able to share in the lucrative commerce of India by a more direct and profitable means, was too tempting to be thrown away ; and incited by the news of the entire success of the Hollanders in obtaining a large share of the spice-trade of the East, at that time the most valuable traffic, and furthermore emboldened by the reports of several English travellers and adventurers who had visited various parts of India, and forwarded home copious results of their observations, it was at length determined upon to follow the example of the Dutch, and form an English East India Company. It was in the year 1600 that a number of London merchants formed themselves into an association for trading purposes, with a capital of 369,8917 • and applying to the sovereign (Queen Eliza¬ beth) for a charter, they were finally incorporated under the de- 108 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. signation of “ The Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading to the East Indies.” The charter of incorporation thus ob¬ tained named the first twenty-four directors, and the chairman, Thomas Smythe ; hut the power of nominating their successors was vested in the subscribers to the stock of the company, which was by shares of 501 each. The following are the terms in which the powers of this new company were defined : “ To traffic and use the trade of mer¬ chandise by sea, in and by such ways and passages already discovered, or hereafter to be discovered, as they should esteem and take to be fittest, unto and from the East Indies, unto the countries and ports of Asia and Africa, and unto and from all the islands, ports, havens, cities, creeks, rivers, and places of Asia, Africa, and America, or any of them, beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, where any trade or traffic may be used ; to or from every of them, in such order, manner, form, liberty, and condition, as they themselves should from time to time determine.” Amongst other stipulations inserted in this original document was a proviso, by the cautious Elizabeth, to the effect that if within the time allotted to the corporation by the charter it should in any way appear to her majesty that the privileges and immunities of the com¬ pany worked detrimentally to the welfare of the trading or other por¬ tions of the community, then, by giving two years’ notice, it would be lawful for the crown to cancel the entire deed of incorporation. On the other hand, if the course of events went to shew that the company carried on their operations in a right and public-spirited manner, then her majesty agreed to renew the said charter, and at the same time strengthen the powers and privileges of the company in many ways, as might appear unto her and her advisers most conducive to the general good. The first English fleet which was dispatched to India (a.d. 1601) consisted of five ships, under the command of Captain Lancaster. These anchored in the roads of Aclien in June of the following year ; and one of the first acts of the commodore was to form a commercial treaty with the prince of the country. Having bartered some of the merchandise for such articles as the place furnished, Lancaster made sail for Java, to complete the homeward lading with spices, gums, silks, saltpetre, &c. ; and finally, after arranging another treaty with the king of Bantam, he returned home well freighted with a valuable cargo. This and similar successful voyages (a.d. 1605) by the fleets of the English company did not fail to arouse the jealousy of not only the OPPOSITION TO THE ENGLISH. 100 Portuguese but the Dutch, who had by this time established many factories and settlements along the Indian coasts, and upon some of the islands of the Eastern seas. Malacca was taken possession of by them ; and from that point they made several efforts to open a trading communication with other countries to the eastward. Although cor¬ dially detesting each other, the merchants of these two nations at once agreed upon a mutual course of action as regarded the new interlopers upon the Indian seas. They united to thwart and damage, by every means in their power, the traffic of the English ; and at length this secret opposition was flung aside, and exchanged for a more open hos¬ tility. Fleets were sent out to cut off the British merchantmen, by both the Portuguese and Dutch; and so determined was the opposi¬ tion, that it was eventually deemed necessary for the English East India Company to despatch much larger ships well armed with heavy cannon. The result of this decision was, that when next the Portu¬ guese fleet made an attack upon the English vessels, which they did in the neighbourhood of Surat, they experienced a terrible defeat, amounting almost to annihilation. A second engagement led to pre¬ cisely similar results; and it then became evident to the native princes and sovereigns of India, no less than to the Portuguese and Dutch, that on the seas no power that could be brought to bear upon them was sufficient to master the English, and that in their hands must re¬ main the dominion of the Indian waters. The like desire which had in years past animated the petty and superior rulers of those countries to court a friendly alliance with the Portuguese, was now (a.d. 1632) manifested by them towards the British, whom they considered as perfectly invincible. Advantage was taken of the favourable impression thus created, by despatching embassies from the British settlements to several of the na¬ tive potentates, especially to the emperor of Delhi, by whom Sir Thomas Roe was most warmly received. By these means permission was gained for the formation of several new and important settlements, with fac¬ tories for purposes of trade ; so that, indirectly, the very opposition of the Portuguese had proved the means of the advancement of their new rivals. The rule of the Portuguese in India was now rapidly on the de¬ cline ; the Dutch were sensibly on the ascendant in many places where the former had ruled paramount; and it became evident that in future the struggle, if there should continue to be any, would be between the Dutch and the English. Negotiations were entered upon in Europe with a view to prevent any further acts of hostility between the sub- 110 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. jects of two powers at amity with each other; hut with little effect. The Dutch East India Company relied so confidently upon the strength of their position in the various trading countries of India, that they re¬ garded any amicable arrangements as weak concessions on their part, and accordingly threw every obstacle in the way of an arrangement. The weakness and vanity of James I., and the troubles during the greater part of the reign of Charles, favoured the desired procrasti¬ nation of the Dutch merchants, and left the English company to their own resources. The active mind and energetic character of Cromwell (a.d. 1654) viewed matters in a far different light, and he at once perceived the importance of fully protecting our eastern commerce; and having in the war which he waged with Holland completely beaten that people where they had believed themselves the most powerful, he felt himself in a position to dictate his own terms in reference to Indian matters; accordingly, in April 1654, a formal treaty was concluded, in which the rights and privileges of the British East India Company were fully and honourably maintained. From the weak and profligate Charles II. (a.d. 1669) little was to be expected; and the only advantage the British company derived during his reign was the cession to them of the island of Bombay, which had formed part of the dowry the monarch had received from Portugal on the occasion of his marriage with a princess of that country. During the reign of James II. the Company might have strength¬ ened their position with the utmost ease; for that prince, whatever were his other faults, did not possess that of inattention to the com¬ mercial interests of his subjects. He readily conceded them all the privileges they sought, and was prepared to forward their views in any manner that might have been desirable ; but with all these advantages, the company suffered much from the incapacity or dishonesty of their own servants; and so great was this evil in the case of the governor of Bombay, Sir John Child, that the emperor of Delhi deemed it necessary to proceed to open hostility with the English, and was only prevented from sacking that town by the timely death of the unpopular governor. The early part of the reign of William and Mary saw little improve¬ ment in the management of the affairs of the Company, or in their prospects in the East. The outcry against the misdirection of these affairs became loud and general; and it was only by heavy and frequent bribes in influential quarters that the directors contrived to maintain THE FRENCH IN INDIA. Ill their position. At length a new East India Association was formed, which, after some years of bitter animosity, became fused in the old one (a.d. 1708) ; and eventually the two obtained a new charter, which, amongst other concessions, granted to the Company the privi¬ lege of holding courts of session and appeal, as also a mayor’s court, at each of the three Presidencies, then created, of Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta. By slow but sure steps (a.d. 1715) the servants of the Company advanced their superiors’ interests ; and it was so far a fortunate cir¬ cumstance for them that, upon the decease of the then Emperor of Delhi, Aurungzebe, many dissensions and cabals took place, which en¬ abled them to work out their own particular views. Another embassy was undertaken from Calcutta to the court of Delhi; and although many difficulties and delays intervened, the objects of the mission were e^ntually gained, much to the annoyance of the Viceroy of Bengal, who cordially hated the English, and who would gladly have denied them the possession of a foot of land within the imperial terri¬ tories. The commerce between France and India attained about this time such an importance as to excite the envy of the English; and when at length there was a declaration of war between the two countries, a fleet was equipped for the purpose of capturing Pondicherry. This expedition failed through the incapacity of the English commander, and the valour and skill of the French Admiral Labourdonnais, who, in his turn, attacked and reduced Madras, a.d. 1747. A second naval expedition against Pondicherry was attended with as little success as the first; and Boscawen, the English admiral, was forced to a humi¬ liating retreat. These, and the failure of an expedition against Tan- jore, served for a time to dim the lustre of the British arms in the East. Major Lawrence undertook a second expedition against Tan- jore in aid of the dethroned rajah; and on this occasion the English, though with little permanent advantage, came off victorious. These operations were shared in by one who was afterwards destined to play an important part in Indian warfare. The name of Clive is insepa¬ rable from the histoi-y of British influence in the East, and ranks second to none other in its world-wide fame. At this time Clive was a young lieutenant in one of the regiments engaged upon this occasion, and his abilities and sound judgment were at once perceived by Major Lawrence, who did not fail to turn them to account. The peace of the Indian peninsula was at this period greatly dis¬ turbed by repeated disputes between the nabobs of the Carnatic and 112 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. the Nizam al Mullc, viceroy of the Deccan. The treachery, the cruel¬ ties, the bloodshed which arose out of this struggle are scarcely to he paralleled in any country out of the East. At length, after a long- series of crimes and treacheries, the nabobship of the Carnatic was as¬ sumed by Chanda Sahib, formerly the minister of that state. The death of Nizam al Mulk followed soon after ; and disputes arising between his son and grandson, Nazir Jing and Murzafa Jing, respect¬ ing the succession, Chanda Sahib, noted not less for his cowardice than for his ambition, formed an alliance with the latter; they were soon joined by the French, and for a time victory declared in their favour; but so elated were they with their success, that instead of ensuring at once the power that now lay so easily within their grasp, they repaired to Arcot and Pondicherry, where they spent their time in pompous display; and thus afforded time to their enemies, who, being joined by Mohammed Ali, governor of Trichinopoly, and a detachment of Eng¬ lish troops under Major Lawrence, came upon them unawares, and gained an easy victory. Murzafa Jing was flung into prison, whilst Chanda Sahib escaped with difficulty to Pondicherry. Nazir Jing was shortly after shot in an engagement with the French, who captured the important fortress of Gingee, Murzafa was now released, and raised to the dignity of Viceroy of the Deccan; he did not, however, long enjoy his power, but was murdered by a party of the Patan troops; and Salabat Jing, son of Nizam al Mulk, was nominated by the French to succeed him. The military energies of the English, which had suffered severely since the departure of Major Lawrence from India, were now retrieved by Clive, who requested and gained permission to attack Arcot, in order to divert the attention of Chanda Sahib, who was then engaged in the siege of Trichinopoly. Arrived at Arcot, Clive, in spite of the most inclement weather, at once made himself master of the town and citadel. But more memorable by far than the capture of the place was the defence made by this young officer when besieged. With but 200 Europeans and 300 sepoys, Clive withstood the attacks of fully 9000 of the nabob’s troops, and 150 French soldiers. Breaches were made in the walls; but so bravely and effectively were they defended by the little baud within, that the nabob’s army finally fell back from the struggle; and, in spite of overwhelming numbers, retreated pre¬ cipitately, after a siege of nearly two months. Not content with this, Clive, on being reinforced by a small detachment from Madras, pur¬ sued the retreating foe, and scattered the retiring host with terrible slaughter. ENGLISH AND FRENCH RIVALRY. 113 This siege terminated hostilities for a brief period ; but before Clive had been many weeks at Madras, the French again took the field and threatened Arcot, though without effect. More serious work was before the English commanders. The siege of Trichinopoly had to be raised; and this was performed by Lawrence and Clive in conjunction with the forces of the rajahs of Mysore and Tanjore. The French troops, although greatly strengthened by those of Chanda Sahib, were unequal to the contest. D’Auteuil, a French general, coming to the relief of M. Law, was made prisoner; and eventually the latter was forced to capitulate, whilst the unfortunate Chanda Sahib, falling into the hands of the rajah of Tanjore, was sacrificed to the hatred of his enemies. This obstacle being removed, Mohammed Ali was declared nabob of the Carnatic. Although in many respects the fortune of the French in the Indian peninsula appeared more than desperate, there were other circum¬ stances which favoured them. M. Bussy possessed great influence at the court of the viceroy of the Deccan. He had risen to importance in the estimation of Salabat Jing, by the advice and assistance he had rendered him, not only in his promotion to the vice-royalty, but in the subsequent government of that country. The friendly aid of the French general was eventually rewarded by the gift of the governor¬ ship of the tract of country known as the Northern Circars,— a large, populous, and thriving district, and in many ways calculated to strengthen the influence of the French in the peninsula. The raising of the siege of Trichinopoly, narrated above, was fol¬ lowed by a series of incessant attacks and petty warfare between the troops on either side, with but little advantage resulting to either party; whilst the expenses of the French and English companies’ esta¬ blishments were necessarily much augmented by the constant hosti¬ lities carried on. A few years of this heavy drain upon their resources induced both to consider that the policy of their respective commanders was not the one best calculated to further their substantial interests. The governments of the two countries being then at peace, it appeared a monstrous anomaly that their subjects in India should con¬ tinue to wage war upon each other with so little pretext; and in the end, the consideration of this state of things led to an understanding between the French and English East India companies. It was ar¬ ranged that M. Dupleix, the French governor-general, should be recalled, and that various concessions should be made on either side, though mostly in favour of the British. To render the cause of the French still more unsatisfactory, M. Bussy about this time gave i 114 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. offence to his friend and patron the viceroy, who removed him from his government, Hung off the friendship of the French people, and sought the acquaintance and friendly aid of their opponents, the British. Clive, who had visited England to recruit his health during recent events, reached India once more in June 1756, and assumed the com¬ mand of Madras. At this time events were occurring in the northern presidency which shortly called forth the activity and enterprise of the young commander. Suraj-al-Dowlah, who had succeeded his uncle, Alverdi Khan, as viceroy of Bengal, was a cruel and rapacious tyrant. Not content with possessing himself of all the treasures which his relation had ac¬ cumulated during a series of years, he determined to seize on the English factory and property at Calcutta; which, from the extensive commerce carried on, he imagined must he of great value. He marched suddenly upon Calcutta with a large force; and, de¬ spite the gallant resistance of the little hand who garrisoned the Bri¬ tish factory, he took possession of the place and gave up the town to pillage. Such of the English residents as were able, sought shelter in the few ships at anchor in the river; but one hundred and forty-six fell into the hands of the tyrant, who ordered them to be confined until the following morning. The unfortunate prisoners were forced into a miserable, badly-ventilated cell, known as the “ black-hole,” and kept there during one of the most sultry nights of an oppressive season. In vain the wretched men supplicated for air and water; immense sums were offered to their guards for a change of prison. The soldiers outside could or would do nothing, and seemed to enjoy their sufferings, which, as night drew on, became intense. It was in vain they tried to force the door. Madness came on many; numbers fell fainting on the ground, and were at once trampled to death. Others fought for a place near the small hole which served as a win¬ dow, and died in the madness of the struggle. When the door of this horrible prison was flung open in the morn¬ ing, a shocking sight presented itself. Of the hundred and forty-six who on the previous evening were forced within its walls, but twenty- three remained alive, and those so ghastly, so exhausted, as to look like spectres. This tragedy brought speedy retribution upon the head of Suraj. Clive took the command of such forces as could be spared from Ma¬ dras, and making his way rapidly to Calcutta, found small difficulty in possessing himself of that town. This was followed up by the capture EVENTS IN BENGAL. 115 of Hooghly, further up the river; and eventually, by the decision and rapidity of his movements, Clive compelled the viceroy to sue for peace. It became evident, however, that Suraj did not intend to remain long oil friendly terms with the English; for, upon their marching to besiege Chandenagore, a French settlement, the viceroy thwarted them by every means in his power. Clive determined that the nabob should be deposed, as a treaphe- rous and dangerous enemy; and this resolve was strengthened and aided by events which at that time occurred in Bengal. Mir Jaffier, who had married the sister of Alverdi Khan, plotted against Suraj; and having secured the co-operation of the English, found no difficulty in inducing Clive to take the field. On the 22d June, 1757, the British commander took up his position in the Grove of Plassy. Clive’s forces amounted to about three thousand men, one- third of whom were Europeans; those of the subahdar consisted of fifty thousand foot and eighteen thousand horse; but, notwithstand¬ ing this disparity of numbers, the battle terminated in favour of the English, and Suraj fled from the field. Finding himself without a friend on whom to rely, he sought to escape in disguise, but being recognised by an enemy, he was delivered up and placed in the cus¬ tody of the son of Mir Jaffier, who ordered him to be assassinated. Mir Jaffier being called upon to defray the expenses that had been incurred, it was discovered that the late subahdar’s treasures were inadequate to meet the demand; after some tedious negotiations, it was agreed that one-half of the money should be paid immediately, and the remainder in three equal payments in three years. About this time Major Coote was sent to expel the French from Behar; in which enterprise he succeeded, and an amicable arrange¬ ment was entered into with the governor of the province. Whilst the above events occurred in the north, affairs were not less complicated in the south. War was again raging between France and England, and a fleet was daily expected with reinforcements for the French in Pondicherry. Captain Calliaud, the governor of Trichi- nopoly, was ordered by the Council of Madras to reduce Madura and Tinevelly, which he at once undertook ; he was, however, soon re¬ called to Trichinopoly, which had been besieged by the French during his absence. He contrived by forced marches to effect a junction with his garrison ; and the French, disheartened by his successful daring, marched back to Pondicherry on the following day. The enemy having been reinforced by troops from Europe under the command of 116 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. the Count Lally, that general laid siege to Fort St. David, and finally captured it on June 1st, 1758. Bussy had meanwhile established the French arms in the Deccan. Having forced the Nizam and his Omrahs to submit to his terms, he proceeded to the Northern Circars for the purpose of collecting the revenues of these provinces. Lally, deter¬ mined, if possible, to strike a blow that should at once overthrow the supremacy of the British in India, and supply his exhausted treasury with means, ordered Bussy to join him with the whole of his forces. The harsh conduct of the French general towards all classes had ren¬ dered him most unpopular in his camp and in the native states, so that when he laid siege to Tanjore, he found but little cordiality or co-ope¬ ration. His attempts against this city were rendered fruitless by the arrival of an English fleet in the vicinity, and relief afforded to the garrison by the governor of Trichinopoly; the result was the retreat of Lally to Carical. The siege of Madras ended with no better success to the French arms. Lally retreated from the trenches; and shortly afterwards, in an engagement with the English under Coote, before Wandewash, suffered a complete defeat; Bussy being captured with most of the artillery and baggage. Coote steadily pursued his victorious career; Arcot, Timery, Devi-Cotah, Trincomalee, Pennacoil, Alamparva, Ca¬ rical, Valdore, Cillambaram, and Cuddalore, all surrendered to the British troops. Meanwhile, at Moorshedabad, Clive received intelligence of the en¬ gagement between the English and French fleets on the Coromandel coast, and the investment of Fort St. David, upon which he hastened to Calcutta, critical affairs requiring his presence. On his arrival he found instructions from England constituting a council of ten, and ap¬ pointing four governors to manage the affairs of India. Clive’s name was omitted; but the administration invited him to accept the office of president, by which they anticipated fresh instructions, that were forwarded upon the intelligence of the battle of Plassy reaching Eng¬ land. Mir Jaffier, his son Meeran, and Nuncomar, a Hindoo, having com¬ bined to destroy Dooloob Ram, the Dewan of the Viceroy, Clive was obliged to protect him in Calcutta. Active measures on behalf of the injured minister were prevented by the misfortunes of the English in the Carnatic, Fort St. David being taken, and Madras threatened with a siege. He resolved not to send troops to Madras, but entered upon a diversion favourable to that presidency, and of infinite service to Bengal. OPERATIONS IN TIIE DECCAN. 117 Rajah Anunderaz, dissatisfied with the conditions on which Bussy had invested him with power, on the departure of this officer attacked and captured the French settlement of Vizigapatam, and made an offer to the Madras government to surrender his capture, provided a body of troops were furnished him to aid in subjugating the Circars. The exe¬ cutive of Madras being apprehensive of Lally’s progress, declined a dis¬ tant enterprise; and the rajah addressed himself to Clive, who, in oppo¬ sition to the entire council, concluded a treaty with Anunderaz, and despatched Colonel Forde with a large force to aid him. Forde’s operations were retarded both by want of money and sup¬ plies; but being joined by the rajah, he advanced against the French under M. Conflans, who with superior force held a strong position at Rajamundri. Forde ordered an immediate attack; and although de¬ serted by Anunderaz, defeated the French, captured their camp, and drove them from Rajamundri. The rajah’s penuriousness prevented Forde from taking immediate advantage of his success; and when the English, after a vexatious delay, began to advance, M. Conflans retired into the fort of Masulipatam. Forde upon reaching it summoned the garrison to surrender, but was treated with ridicule, the defenders being more numerous than the besiegers, with an army of observation in the field; while Salabat Jing was on his march to support them with the army of the Deccan, and a reinforcement expected from Pon¬ dicherry. Though his troops were in a mutiny for their pay, and his ammunition short, Forde commenced a siege on the 25th of March, and maintained it vigorously until the 6th of April, 1759, when his engineers reported but two days’ ammunition in store; at the same time intelligence reached him that the army of observation was effecting a junction with the advancing forces of the Deccan; whereon he resolved to storm the fort. As hot a fire as possible was ordered during the day, and the troops to be under arms at ten at night. Forde divided his little army into three divisions, and at midnight led them under the Avails. The assailants gained the palisades of the ditch without disco¬ very, when a heavy fire was opened on them; but they advanced determinedly until the ramparts were possessed, when separating to the right and left, they stormed with success bastion after bastion; sur¬ prised, terrified, and panic-struck, the firing coming from every direc¬ tion, the French force surrendered at discretion as morning broke upon the scene. The effect of this gallant achievement was great and immediate. Salabat Jing entered into a treaty with Forde, ceding Masulipatam to the English, and consenting to banish the French from his dominions 118 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF TNDIA. for ever. The Pondicherry reinforcement arrived too late to be of any service, and returned after enduring great privations. Bengal was threatened at this time with a fresh danger. Alumgir II., dissatisfied with Mir Jatfier, invested his son with the government of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and the prince collected an army to assume his rights. Kamnarain, the ruler of Berar, joining Mir Jaffier and the English, closed the gates of Patna upon the prince, who besieged the place ; upon which Clive hastened to its assistance: but before his arrival, the prince’s allies had quarrelled with one another, reducing him to so much distress, that he wrote to Clive requesting money for his subsistence, and promising to withdraw from the province. The terms were acceded to, and the danger removed. Mir Jaffier was so grateful for his deliverance, that he made Clive a chief Omrah of the empire, and bestowed upon him a jaghire or estate round Calcutta worth thirty thousand pounds a year. Clive, upon returning to Calcutta, was joined by Forde in time for another emergency. Though peace existed between England and Hol¬ land, the Dutch, jealous of the English progress in Bengal, fitted out a fleet at Batavia to counterpoise the English in that province, con¬ sisting of seven ships manned by 700 Europeans and 800 Malays. Entering the Hooghly, they landed their forces a few miles from Cal¬ cutta, to march to their settlement at Chinsura. Forde was ordered to intercept their progress, which he did with so much success that fourteen only reached their destination, the remainder being either slain or captured. The seven Dutch ships surrendered to the com¬ pany’s vessels ; and the Dutch, in order to avoid being totally expelled from Bengal, were compelled to pay the expenses of the war. In the Madras Presidency the tide of fortune flowed still in favour of the British. The French had retreated to Pondicherry, where, in May 1760, they found themselves completely hemmed in by the Eng¬ lish. After sustaining a siege of eight months, the fort and town ca¬ pitulated, upon which their remaining settlements fell an easy prey to the victors. From this date the destiny of the French in India was sealed. Bussy had been killed some time previously in an engagement. Lally returned to Europe, and on his arrival in France was put on his trial for treason by the French parliament. Defence was in vain ; he was condemned, and put to death by the hands of the common hangman. With him expired the French East India Company; and though some few isolated attempts were afterwards made to resuscitate that body, they never again took any part in Indian affairs. SUPREMACY OF THE BRITISH. 119 The disappearance of the French, the impotency of the Dutch, and the subjugation or disunion of the native powers, promised to secure to the English undisturbed possession of India. Clive, having placed matters on a firm basis, took the opportunity of this political calm once more to visit his native country, full of honours and years, leav¬ ing the British power both feared and respected throughout those vast dominions. 1 1 The authorities consulted in this and the following chapters of the historical section have been Mill’s History, Aubir’s Rise and Progress of the British Empire in the East, and files of the Bombay Times, Calcutta Englishman, and Friend of India. 120 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. CHAPTER II. FROM THE PERMANENT SETTLEMENT OF THE BRITISH IN INDIA TO THE DEATH OF HYDER ALI. he departure of Clive for England left the command of the army JL to Colonel Calliaud, who, though not wanting in energy and ability, had neither the prestige nor the military genius of Clive. The emperor’s son again made an attempt upon the power of Mir Jaffier, and thus kept Calliaud and his forces on the alert. Before long, however, another revolution took place at Delhi. The emperor was murdered, and his son invested with the dangerous title, under the name of Shah Alum. The supremacy which orientals ever attach to the royal name, added to the direct influence of his vizier, the nabob of Oude, soon added large and seasonable reinforcements to his army, so that he found him¬ self in a formidable position for warlike operations, and accordingly marched with his large army upon Patna. Arrived before that important town, Ramnarain, in opposition to his counsellors, attacked him, but was signally defeated, and the de¬ tachment of English stationed there were cut to pieces. Calliaud immediately advanced to save Patna, and upon coming up with the imperialists, attacked them and gained a complete victory. The em¬ peror having been reinforced by M. Law and his body of French troops, subsequently stormed Patna a second time, and was repulsed with great difficulty. A third assault was anticipated, but fortunately a strong reinforcement reached Patna under Captain Knox, who, upon finding how affairs stood, without allowing his troop time for refresh¬ ment, ordered an attack upon the imperial camp during the hour of the afternoon’s repose, when he surprised and drove his enemies from their position, to which they never returned. This gallant affair was speedily followed by the advance of the Naib of Poorania with 12,000 men and 30 pieces of cannon upon Patna. DEPOSITION OF MIR JAFFIER. 121 Knox, whose forces amounted only to 200 Europeans^ one battalion of sepoys, 300 irregular horse, and 5 pieces of ordnance, determined to cross the river and encounter the Naib, in which he was supported by a friendly rajah with 300 men. His intent was a night surprise of the enemy’s camp; but through a mistake of his guide this was frus¬ trated. In the morning, the Naib’s army advanced and literally sur¬ rounded Knox, who, however, defeated him in every quarter, drove him from the field, and followed him with destruction until incapaci¬ tated by fatigue, when Calliaud took the retreating Naib off his hand, and pursued him vigorously for several days. Upon Clive’s departure for England the Court of Directors ap¬ pointed Mr. Vansittart to the head of the executive,—a proceeding alike injurious to the government and offensive to the remainder of the council; it having been the usage to nominate the senior member of the council for the appointment, such a deviation, even in favour of a talented individual, would necessarily engender much unfriendly feel¬ ing, but in the case of Vansittart, whose only statesmanlike recom¬ mendation was a grave demeanour, it was highly offensive, and pro¬ duced very violent dissensions in the Calcutta council, which often terminated most disgracefully. Vansittart found the treasury empty, the troops at Patna in mutiny for pay, Mir Jaffier’s allowance to his auxiliaries in arrear, with little prospect of his paying either that or his large balance to the Company. Instead of advising with his council, he arranged his plans with a secret committee, and determined to depose Mir Jaffier, and substitute in his stead his son-in-law Mir Casim, for which purpose he proceeded with some troops to Moorshedabad. Mir Jaffier naturally opposed this unjust arrangement as long as a probable chance of success remained, when, scorning an empty title, he retired to Calcutta on a pension. Mir Casiin’s elevation was for a stipulated payment, the English undertaking to supply him with troops for the collection of his re¬ venues. These payments, with the expenses of subduing some rebel¬ lious chiefs aided by the Mahrattas, exhausted his finances, which he determined to recruit by plundering Ramnarain the Hindoo governor of Berar ; and to forward his views, charged the governor, who had been a faithful ally of the English, with various offences, which Mr. Vansittart, in defiance of the caution afforded him both by Major Carnac and Colonel Coote, listened to. The result is easily foreseen : Ramnarain was seized by Mir Casim, plundered, and eventually put to death with great barbarity. Vansittart’s government daily diminished in popularity; and all 122 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. confidence in the English was destroyed when the natives learnt the sacrifice of Ramnarain; who had so steadily supported the English interest; while it was generally promulgated among the Europeans that the partiality to Mir Casim was the effect of corruption. Van- sittart’s principal supporters in the council were at this period recalled in consequence of their having presumed to censure the proceedings of the Court of Directors, which left him in a minority ; and Ellis, the most determined of his opponents, was appointed resident at Patna: he treated Mir Casim without the least deference, seized his officers for interfering with the transit of goods, and forcibly took possession of a quantity of nitre which had been purchased for the viceroy’s use. In these acts Ellis was supported by the entire of the Company’s ser¬ vants. The seizure of his officers induced Mir Casim to abolish all transit-duties in his dominions; but it will hardly be credited at this time that peculation was then so rife in the council of Calcutta, that this abolition of duties was declared an act of hostility against the India Company, and threats of war were made unless the edict was cancelled; a proposition which Mir Casim took no heed of, and both parties prepared to solve the dispute by force. The viceroy, knowing that Mr. Ellis, the resident at Patna, intended seizing that city, stopped some boats laden with muskets for the troops, and it was with considerable difficulty that Messrs. Amyatt and Hay, who had been instructed to remonstrate with him, could obtain his sanction to allow the boats to pass. He eventually granted Amyatt permission to return to Calcutta, holding Hay as a hostage. Upon learning Amyatt’s departure, Ellis intemperately took the city by a night attack. Mir Casim, enraged at this outrage, despatched a body to overtake and bring back Mr. Amyatt, who resisted, and was, with several attendants, slain. This seizure of Patna did not long remain unpunished ; the troops dispersed in search of plunder, and the go¬ vernor, who retreated but a few miles, receiving a reinforcement from Mongheer, returned, and again possessed himself of the city, when the English surrendered and were sent prisoners to Mongheer. Upon intelligence of these events reaching Calcutta, the council de¬ termined that no proposals should be received from Mir Casim, and that Mir Jaffier should again be invested with the power he had been deprived of; and, on the 2d of July, 1763, the English army opened the campaign. The first engagement was with the van of the viceroy’s army, near Moorshedabad, which terminated unfavourably to him, when the Indian troops retreated upon Glieriah, where Mir Casim joined them with all his forces. He was again attacked on the 2d of August, and FLIGHT OF MIR CASIM. 123 totally routed after four hours’ hard fighting, losing all his cannon, baggage, and one hundred and fifty boats laden with provisions. After this last engagement he retreated with his forces to Oodiva, where, among the hills, he entrenched his army with so much judg¬ ment, that his adversaries were kept at bay for a month; but, on the 5th of September, a sudden and successful assault was made, which compelled Mir Casim to fall back upon Mongheer, then his capital; which place, with its garrison of two thousand men, shortly surren¬ dered to the English arms. Increased rage and cruelty attended each defeat of the viceroy: at Gheriah he executed the unfortunate Ramna- rain and several nobles; at Oodiva, two of the Sets of Moorshedabad; while at Mongheer the whole of his European prisoners were slaugh¬ tered at his command, with the single exception of a Dr. Fullerton, whose professional services and skill proved his safeguard. On the 6th of November Patna fell by storm, when Mir Casim, considering his position irretrievable, fled to Oude, and requested the protection of its nabob, which was granted; for some time the English remained upon the confines of Oude, anticipating that the nabob would surrender Mir Casim; but in this they were disappointed, the nabob feeling somewhat confident in his position, owing to the insubordi¬ nation which at the time prevailed in the English forces. This muti¬ nous spirit prompted Sumroo, one of Mir Casim’s chiefs, to attack the English near Patna, when he was repulsed with dreadful slaughter. Unfortunately the illness of Carnac procrastinated the war until the arrival of Major Hector Monro with a detachment from Bombay. The mutinous spirit that existed in the army under Carnac pre¬ vailed more strongly upon Monro assuming the command; an entire battalion of sepoys, with arms and accoutrements deserted to the enemy, but were overtaken and brought back ; twenty-four of the principal offenders were sentenced to be blown from the mouths of cannon, and the whole army ordered to witness the execution of the sentence. Four of the unfortunate men having been executed, the officers of the sepoys waited on the major, and stated that their men would not permit any more to be sacrificed. A command to load the field-pieces with grape, and for the Europeans to form in line, with the guns at proper intervals, was Monro’s reply; at the same time he ordered the sepoy officers to return and command their men to ground their arms; and declared that if a single man stirred from his position, he would order his guns to be immediately opened upon them : this firm¬ ness intimidated the mutineers, and the execution was completed. Monro’s spirit effected a great improvement in the army; after TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. 124 which lie marched against the nabob of Oude, and destroyed his forces near Buxar; the Emperor Shah Alum upon this sought the friendship of the English, and concluded a peace, which gave the latter supreme power in Bengal. Mir Casim fled to the Rohillas, the nabob of Oude being no longer able to afford him shelter. The finances at Calcutta at this period were in a wretched state ; and Mir Jaffier being totally unable to liquidate the Company’s claims, independent of those demanded from him by private individuals for losses both real and imaginary, sunk under his embarrassments in January 1765. The council invested the second son of Mir Jaflier with the vice¬ royalty, and installed Rez-Khan, his prime minister, which was by no means agreeable to the new ruler; nor were these arbitrary proceed¬ ings supported by Yansittart, who, upon their adoption, resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Spencer. The company’s servants in India had hitherto been little controlled by the proprietary at home; but the latter, alarmed at the recom¬ mencement of hostilities in India, with a mutinous army and exhausted treasury, petitioned the Directors that Clive, who had been created a peer, should be appointed to the head of affairs, he being the only man who could extricate them from their difficulties. This was far from palatable to the directory, Clive having, previous to leaving India, treated their authority with contempt, and sued them for the rental of his jaghire. But, after a warm discussion among the directors, his appointment was carried by thirteen against eleven votes. Upon this he demanded, and was invested with, the authority of commander-in¬ chief, president and governor of Bengal, and, with a committee of four nominated by the directory, empowered to act without consulting or being subject to the control of the council. The capture of Pondicherry raised Mohammed Ali, who was the creature of the English, to the sovereignty of the Carnatic; and the nabob soon felt that it was for their, not his own pleasure and profit he reigned. In a short time, however, the administration of the revenues of the Carnatic was determined upon. The nabob, although unwilling, could offer no opposition, and was therefore compelled to submit. The custom of receiving, or rather extorting presents, and the abuse of private trade, which had become great evils, were two things Clive immediately investigated, believing them fraught with danger to the Company, and pernicious to its servants. As a remedy for the first, he compelled both the civil and military servants of the company to sign a declaration that they would not accept presents from the native INSUBORDINATION IN THE ARMY. 125 princes under any pretext whatever. With the abuses in trade he found it more difficult to grapple; feeling that some sort of emolument was due to the Company’s servants, their salaries being miserable and inadequate, he created a monopoly in salt, betel-nut, and tobacco, for the benefit of the superior servants, the profits to be apportioned to their respective grades. Though no statesman would now be found to defend such a proceeding, he acted upon the principle, that -the Com- pany was a monopoly, and that the servants were merely adopting the practices of their masters. The nabob of Oude having placed himself at the mercy of the English, submitted to the terms of their dictation, by which he retained his dominions, excepting Korah and Allahabad. These were transferred to the emperor; who, in consideration, promised not to interfere with his vassal, Bulwant Sing, rajah of Benares, for having joined with and rendered the English good service during the war. Understanding well the abuses, under the name of free trade, that the company’s officers had perpetrated in Bengal, Orissa, and Behar, the emperor re¬ fused to negotiate upon the subject, and trade was not mentioned in the treaty; but he was compelled to forego all arrears of revenue due from the Bengal province, and to cede to the Company the dewanee, or right of collecting the revenue in Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, on condi¬ tion of receiving twenty-six lacs of rupees annually. To cover the heavy expenses which service in the field necessitates in India, the Company made an extra allowance to their officers, termed batta; and upon the army marching to aid Mir Jaffier, he promised the officers double batta. But when the revenues of Bengal reverted to the Company, this was a charge that could be ill supported. Clive determined to remedy the evil, and issued an order to the effect that double batta should cease on the 1st of January, 1766, excepting in some few instances. Hereupon the officers determined, unless the double batta was re¬ stored, to resign their commissions simultaneously upon a certain day. Clive having good information of what was proceeding, sent expresses to Calcutta and Madras for fresh officers, and arrested the principal conspirators. Many of the leaders, among others General Sir R. Fletcher, were tried and dismissed the service. Fletcher, however, through family interest, was reinstated, and subsequently appointed to the command of the forces at Madras. Clive would doubtless have more severely punished the promoters of this conspiracy, but it was considered uncertain at this period whether the Company had the power to enforce capital punishment upon Europeans. 126 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Clive’s health at length failing him, he resigned his command, and returned to England in the end of January 1767, leaving affairs in the hands of the select committee, at the head of which was Mr. Verelst. The most extravagant expectations took possession of the pro¬ prietors of India stock, in consequence of Clive’s acquisitions. Over¬ looking the vast outlay involved by his conquest, and the incidental expenses of upholding them, they outvoted the directory, and declared the dividends should be increased to twelve and a half per cent. This could not be effected without borrowing at an enormous interest; and the interposition of the ministry and parliament was solicited, which, much to the chagrin of both parties, canvassed the policy of allowing a trading company to exercise imperial power over a great and extend¬ ing dominion. During the peaceful administrations of Mr. Verelst and Mr. Cartier, the revenues scarcely defrayed the expenses of govern¬ ment ; notwithstanding which the delusion as to the riches of India con¬ tinued to prevail, although it was at the time well known that an expedition to depose the Ghoorka, and reinstate the rajah of Nepaul, who had been dethroned by him, was abandoned in consequence of the want of funds, all the resources at control being required to arrest the impending dangers which threatened Madras. The control of the Carnatic, obtained by the capture of Pondi¬ cherry, involved the English in all the political intrigues of the Deccan; and in their endeavour to obtain quiet possession of the Circars, they had to encounter the most hazardous war they had yet experienced in India. Salabat Jing, subahdar of the Deccan, had not miscalculated when he reckoned that the departure of the French under Bussy would jeopai’dise his safety: he was assassinated by the confederates of his brother, Nizam Ali, who determined to maintain his vice-royalty in the Deccan, and to re-establish his authority over the Carnatic. He in¬ vaded and laid desolate the country; but made a precipitate retreat upon the advance of the English. When the Emperor Shah Alum ceded the Northern Circars to the English, the Deccan was esteemed a part of the vice-royalty; but this Nizam Ali would not admit, and re¬ sisted all attempts to take possession of it, until the English stipulated to pay him an annual tribute, and to assist him when necessary with troops; an undertaking which soon brought them into collision with Hyder Ali, the governor of Mysore. Wlnle the French and English were fighting in the Carnatic, Hyder had risen from a subordinate rank to the command of the army of Mysore; and by subjugating the Nairs of Malabar, and taking posses- RUPTURE WITH HYDER ALI. 127 sion of several small tracts of land in Southern India, established a principality for himself. According to their treaty with the nizam, the English joined him in invading Hyder Ali’s territory, when our faithless auxiliary made peace with Hyder, and turned his arms against the English, whom he intended betraying to Hyder; but Colonel Smith discovering his treachery, retreated to Trincomalee, having pre¬ viously engaged the combined forces of these native princes. The nizam, finding in several subsequent actions that the English were in¬ variably victorious, became alarmed, broke his treaty with Hyder, and again addressed the Presidency of Madras, who, elated with the pro¬ spect of territorial aggrandisement, and presuming Mysore to be easily subjugated, bestowed its sovereignty upon Mohammed Ali; at the same time Colonel Smith, an experienced officer, was superseded in the com¬ mand of the forces by the appointment of Colonel Wood, who was wholly destitute of knowledge in Indian warfare. This Hyder soon discovered, and defeated Wood, capturing the whole of his baggage. Subsequently, feigning to retreat, Hyder drew him from Madras ; then, by forced marches, his son Tippoo, at the head of 6000 horse, ap¬ peared suddenly at the suburbs of the English capital. All was terror and confusion, amidst which Hyder was enabled to dictate terms of peace, which were agreed to. Shah Alum, impatient of restoration to the throne of Delhi, unavail- ingly urged the English to yield their promised assistance. His prayer being disregarded, he formed an alliance with the Mahrattas; and by their aid easily reached his capital, rewarding his auxiliaries with the plunder of the country of the Rohillas. The emperor joined them in an attack upon Zabita Khan, whom, having deprived of the govern¬ ment of Delhi, he regarded with suspicion. Unable to withstand the imperialists and the Mahrattas combined, he was, after a spirited de¬ fence, defeated ; and his country, then in a most flourishing condition, was, despite the emperor’s wishes, laid waste by the Mahrattas. The remainder of the Rohilla chiefs being alarmed, sought their old enemy, the subahdar of Oude, engaging to pay him thirty lacs of rupees upon his driving the common enemy from their country. At this period the Mahrattas quarrelled with the emperor, and returned to Delhi, making him virtually a prisoner, and extorted from him the districts of Korah and Allahabad, after which they repaired to the Ganges, which they prepared to cross. The subahdar of Oude, though urgently pressed, never afforded any assistance to the Rohillas; yet, when the Mah¬ rattas retreated, he demanded the payment of the thirty lacs as sti¬ pulated. 128 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. The subahdar and Warren Hastings, who had now succeeded Car- tier as governor-general, met at Benares in September 1773, and signed a treaty, by which the emperor of Delhi and the Rohillas were sold to the subahdar. When Shah Alum joined the Mahrattas, the English held his conduct a justification for stopping the Bengal tribute. Hastings now went further. The districts of Ivorah and Allahabad he sold to the subahdar for fifty lacs of rupees; and for an additional forty lacs, and the expenses of the troops employed, he agreed to assist in the extermination of the innocent and -peaceable Rohillas. Upon the subahdar demanding assistance, Colonel Champion, with a brigade, was despatched to join in the invasion, which ended in the total defeat of the Rohillas, and the fall of their general, Hafiz Rahmet Khan. The atro¬ cities of this victory are almost unequalled; but the terms of the treaty were fulfilled, and the conquered country, excepting a small tract, was assigned to the ruler of Oude. The three commissioners from England, who had been despatched to enforce the new constitution which parliament had framed, arrived on the 19th of October, 1774 ; they, with Hastings and Barwell, were to form the executive. The first subject discussed was the Rohilla war, which the three newly-arrived councillors censured with undisguised severity. They likewise complained that the correspondence of Sir. Middleton, the political agent at Oude, was withheld. They then voted the agent’s recall, the withdrawal from the subahdar of the forces, and immediate payment for their services. Suja-ed-Dowla dying at this time, the council insisted that his son and successor should be held to his engagements, deliver the country of the zemindar of Benares to the Company, and augment the pay of the European brigade. Hastings ineffectually opposed these measures, the councillors being supported by the home authority. Although in other parts the Company had largely increased their territory, but little augmentation appeared in Western India. Bassein and Salsette, commanding the Bombay harbour, were Portuguese set¬ tlements until 1750. A dispute among the Mahrattas respecting the succession to the post of Peishwa, presented a favourable opportunity for the interference of the Bombay authorities, who supported the claims of the Ragonat Ras, and stipulated that Bassein and Salsette should be ceded for this assistance. These terms were agreed to, and the English garrisoned both places. An army was now sent to place Poonali, the Mahratta capital, in Ilagonat’s possession; but orders arrived from the supreme council of Calcutta disapproving the Bom¬ bay policy, and commanding the abandonment of Ragonat. Upon CHARGES AGAINST WARREN HASTINGS. 129 which the English restored Bassein, with some territory-in Gujerat, but retained Salsette and its tributary islands. Shortly after this mandate from Calcutta, despatches from the Court of Directors arrived, highly approving the policy of the Bombay Presidency, which naturally tended to increase the existing confusion and jealousy. At this period the integrity of Warren Hastings was seriously im¬ peached ; charges of peculation and corruption, which he vainly endea¬ voured to suppress, were brought against him. The most important charge was that made by the B.ajali Nuncomar, who proved that liis son Goordass and Munny Begum had paid for certain offices they held. The council, upon this evidence, ordered Hastings to refund the money; but he refused to acknowledge their authority, and returned no reply to their order. Nuncomar was, with others, indicted for conspiracy; but the at¬ tempt failed. He was afterwards, however, indicted for perjury at the instance of an obscure native, and tried before the Supreme Court by a jury of Englishmen, when he was convicted and hanged. Perjury was not capital by any existing law; and there now remains no doubt that the law was most shamefully perverted, in order to get rid of a person objectionable to certain official parties. The death of one of the members of the council gave Hastings a majority; but he had authorised a Mr. Maclean to convey to the Court of Directors his resignation, which was accepted, and Mr. Wheeler named his successor. General Clavering, being senior member of the council, was empowered to officiate until Mr. Wheeler’s arrival. Hast¬ ings, upon reconsideration, refused to carry out his resignation, dis¬ avowing Mr. Maclean’s proceedings, and insisted upon being recognised as governor, threatening an appeal to arms. Eventually, however, the matter was referred to the courts of law, which pronounced for Hast¬ ings, who immediately proceeded to reverse all the former acts of council, a step highly disapproved by the Court of Directors;. but to that Hastings paid no attention. The Supreme Council having, by their interference, involved the authorities of Poonah and the Bengal government, it was proposed, in order to conciliate the Mahrattas, to give up Rajonat. Hastings, how¬ ever, who recently censured the Bombay policy, now warmly advocated it, and ordered six battalions of sepoys, one company of artillery, and a corps of cavalry, under the command of Colonel Leslie, to act in concert with the Bombay army, entrusted to Colonel Egerton, for the purpose of restoring Rajonat as Peishwa. The results of these expeditions were disgraceful to a degree. K 130 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Egerton was worsted by the Mahrattas, retreated) and eventually en¬ tered into a most humiliating treaty for the safety of his forces. Leslie’s hesitation and negotiations carried on with different chiefs led to the suspicion of dishonourable motives; and the council finding their orders disregarded, deprived him of his command, aud appointed Colonel Goddard in his stead, who advanced into the interior of the Mahratta country, hoping to join the Bengal army, when he learned the disgraceful treaty of Egerton, and refusing to acknowledge it, led his army to Surat, where Bajonat, having escaped from Poonah, joined him. Goddard, having command of the army, took the field in January 1780, and shortly possessed himself of Dubhoy and Ahmedabad. The Mahrattas, by simulated overtures for peace and prolonged discussions, tried to overreach his diplomacy; but their efforts were futile, for on the morning of April the 3d he surprised both Scindiah and Holkar in their camp, routing their forces without loss on his side. Sir Eyre Coote, who, by Clavering’s death, was appointed a member of the Supreme Council, arrived in Bengal as a treaty was concluded with Rana, a Hindoo prince, whose territory was on the Jumna, be¬ tween Oude and Scindiah's country. This prince was shortly after invaded by the Mahrattas, whom he could not resist. But a small force, under Captain Popham, was sent to the Rana, and expelled the Mahrattas from Gohud, driving them into their own country. This victory was succeeded by the capture of the fort of Gwalior, be¬ lieved by the native princes to be impregnable. It was garrisoned by a thousand picked soldiers; nevertheless Popham, on the 3d of August, carried it by escalade, and by this act struck so much terror into the Mahratta ranks that they deserted the surrounding country. This war occasioned fresh quarrels between Hastings and Francis, who mutually accused each other of falsehood and fraud. Their differ¬ ences resulted in a duel, in which Francis was wounded ; and it being evident that they could no longer act together, Francis returned to England. The position of the Company in the Carnatic was becoming some¬ what critical; the imbecility of the nabob compelling the Madras go¬ vernment to employ British forces to protect the country, they accord¬ ingly insisted that he should defray their expenses. The inadequacy of his revenue compelled him to borrow at exorbitant interest; and his embarrassments increased in proportion to the exactions of the lenders. At this period, July 1770, Admiral Sir John Lindsay reached Madras, armed with authority from the home government; and, acting in HYDER ALI AND THE ENGLISH. 131 direct opposition to tlie Court of Directors and Madras- executive, re¬ cognised the nabob as an independent sovereign, and openly espoused his cause. By virtue of the stipulation entered into between Hyder and the English in 1769, to afford mutual support, be applied for assistance in an insurrection against the peislnva, but was refused. Again, in 1770, when the Mabrattas invaded Mysore, be demanded effectual support, offering three lacs of rupees to defray the expenses. Circumstances determined the English to avoid compliance until compelled; they therefore evaded bis demands, while the nabob, being stimulated by the Mabrattas, was anxious to form au alliance with them. The nabob’s views were supported by Lindsay, and opposed by the council; which ended in the recall of Lindsay, and the promotion in his stead of Sir Robert Harland, who also supported the alliance between the nabob and the Mabrattas, but met with decided opposition at Madras. A peace was eventually concluded between the Mabrattas and Hyder, unfavourable to the latter, who accordingly vented his anger against the English for their desertion of him. Little as the authorities were inclined to favour the alliance of the nabob with the Mabrattas, they were not disinclined to support him against the rajah of Tanjore, who having attacked the polygars, or chiefs, of the Marawar districts, was ordered to desist by the nabob from offering violence to his vassals. The rajah was obdurate; when an army, under General Smith at Trichinopoly, was ordered to combine with the Carnatic forces, commanded by Omrah-al-Omrah, the nabob’s son, and advance on Tanjore, the capital. This they invested, and made every preparation for an attack, having effected a breach; but at the last moment, to the indignation of the English authorities, Omrah-al-Omrah informed Smith that he had concluded a treaty with the rajah, and hostilities had ceased. Well knowing this arrangement could not be permanent, the English left their forces in the nabob’s service, and re¬ tained the frontier town of Tanjore. The nabob instantly demanded English assistance to subdue the very polygars upon whose behalf he had declared war with the rajah of Tan¬ jore ; and the government without demur joined in the expedition, which ended in the defeat of the Marawars. When this petty war was concluded, the nabob, upon the pretext that the late treaty had not been maintained, determined to attack Tanjore again; which he did on the 20th of August, 1773, and captured it on the 16th of the fol¬ lowing December, taking the rajah and his family prisoners. The Court of Directors highly disapproved of this step, and sent out 132 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. Lord Pigot, with orders to restore him, which he effected despite all opposition ; hut was eventually arrested and placed in confinement by the majority of the council, and after eight months died in imprison¬ ment. The government of Madras, on Pigot’s death, was administered by Sir Thomas Rumbold, Mr. Whitehill, and Sir Hector Munro. Rum- bold’s first measure was to adopt new arrangements in the collection of the revenues of the Northern Circars, which, it was asserted, was for the corrupt gain of himself and his supporters; this would appear to have been verified, as large sums were brought into Madras which never reached the treasury. It was agreed, in 1776, with the Nizam, that his brother, Salabat Jing, should retain the Circar of Guntur for life, or so long as the sub- ahdar remained in friendship with the Company. But when it was found that Salabat Jing had enlisted a French force, a negotiation was set on foot, by which, for an annual sum, he ceded Guntur to the Company, and engaged to dismiss the French on receiving an English force, under General Harper, to protect his countiy. The French passed from Salabat Jing into his brother the Nizam’s service, who was jealous of this alliance with the English, and indignant at the refusal of the Madras council to pay the stipulated tribute for the pos¬ session of the Northern Circars. The Supreme Council at Calcutta remonstrated against the impolicy of the Madras proceedings, to which Eumbold replied in no measured terms; and in order further to shew his defiance, granted a lease of Guntur to the nabob of Arcot for ten years. At length the Court of Directors, aroused to a sense of the true state of affairs, dismissed Rumbold and one of his advisers from their service, and two others from their seats in the council; severely repri¬ manding Sir Hector Munro, the commander of the forces, for his share in the late proceedings. Rumbold had, however, been guilty of faults of omission as well as of commission, some of which subsequently proved sources of great calamity. Hyder, who had really great cause of complaint against the Madras government, formed an alliance with the French; and the governor of Pondicherry furnished him with arms, ammunition, and stores of every description from the French settlement of Mahe on the Malabar coast. Rumbold was informed of this, but took no notice; and while he treated Hyder with contempt, allowed the military establish¬ ment at Madras to fall into miserable inefficiency. Intelligence being received at Bengal, in July 1778, that war had broken out between England and France, it was determined to capture HOSTILITIES WITH HYDER ALI. 133 the French settlements in India. Chandernagore, Carical, and Masuli- patam surrendered at once. Pondicherry capitulated after a vigorous defence, the garrison marching out with the honours of Avar. The de¬ fences and fortifications Avere then destroyed. The small fort and set¬ tlement of Mahe Avas the sole spot left to the French in India; this place Hyder had previously threatened in the event of its being in¬ vaded to revenge upon the Carnatic; but despite this, and the defeats the British forces had formerly sustained in the Mahratta country, the government of Madras persevered, and Mahe Avas taken on the 19th of March, 1779, by Colonel Braithwaite, who, Avhen ordered to join General Goddard at Surat the following November, destroyed the fort. Before Braithwaite had commenced his march for Surat, the chief of Tellicherry sough this assistance to avert the hostility of Hyder, Avho was offended in consequence of the former harbouring a Nair chief who had displeased the ruler of Mysore; Avhereupon BraitliAAaite moved his forces towards Tellicherry. The political atmosphere had for some time been getting more and more disturbed; and at length, in November 1799, the Nabob of the Carnatic gave the Madras executive Avarning that Hyder, the Nizam, and the Malirattas had united in a determination to expel the English from India. The only heed taken Avas in the folloAving June, Avheu Col. Baillie, Avho then commanded the forces protecting Salabat Jing, Avas ordered to cross the Kistna in the event of disturbances in the Car¬ natic. On the 21st of July Hyder crossed the frontier Avitli an army of 100,000 men, and upAvards of 100 pieces of artillery, Avell manned; he Avas counselled by M. Lally, the commander of the French force, a gentleman skilled in his profession, and of high integrity. The English forces comprised 6000 infantry, and 100 cavalry, to which the Nabob’s irregular horse and a feAV pieces of cannon Avere additions; Avhile the people Avere disaffected at the miserable and divided government of the Company and the Nabob. To add to existing perplexities, Munro Avas reluctant to command, and Avished Lord Macleod, Avho had just arrived, to assume the man¬ agement ; but Macleod declined risking his reputation in executing Munro’s plans, doubting their judiciousness. At length Munro, after ordering Baillie to join him at Conjeveram, marched from St. Thomas’s Mount, persisting in encumbering himself Avitli heavy artillery, although he had no fortifications to attack, and it was difficult to find cattle to carry his provisions. Arcot Avas besieged by Hyder, and Munro felt anxious for a junc¬ tion with Baillie’s force, in order to relieve the place; but on the 31st 134 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. of August he learnt that Baillie was stopped by the swelling of a river a few miles north of Trepossore, and the same day that Hyder was moving on Conjeveram, having left Arcot. At Perambaucam, fifteen miles from the main army, Baillie was attacked by Tippoo Saib, Hyder’s son, with a very superior force, which was repulsed by the English; but Baillie was so weakened, that, instead of advancing, he urgently requested Munro to push on with the main body to relieve him. Munro, however, sent a detachment under Colonel Fletcher to join Baillie, who, believing further reinforcements would arrive, left his position on the 9th of September, and, despite the vicinity of Tippoo’s forces, continued his march during the night. In the morning intelligence was brought into camp that Hyder with all his strength was advancing upon him. What courage and discipline could do, Baillie's gallant band accomplished; and with the slightest assistance from Munro, Hyder would have been defeated. As it was, left to him¬ self, and losing two of his tumbrils by an explosion, Baillie found his forces reduced to 400 men, and at length exhibited a flag of truce. A T o sooner had they laid down their arms, quarter having been pro¬ mised upon immediate surrender, than Hyder’s troops rushed upon them, and would have murdered the whole, had not M. Lally and the French officers boldly and generously interfered, by which the lives of 200 men were saved. This disaster compelled Munro to retreat upon Madras, which he reached on the 13th of September. The council now began to regret the corrupt practices and indiffer¬ ence it had previously exhibited; while its thorough destitution of sup¬ plies and military appliances had no tendency to diminish the uneasi¬ ness of the authorities. But the Governor-General, acting up to the exigencies of the occasion, proposed that fifteen lacs of rupees and a large detachment of European infantry and artillery should be sent to Madras; that Sir Eyre Coote should command the army, and alone expend the money transmitted; and that the governor of Fort St. George should be suspended. These orders, were reluctantly obeyed by the Madras Council. On the 7th of November Sir Eyre Coote took his seat in the Madras Council, and produced the decree deposing the governor, which was supported by the majority. Arcot having been captured, Coote pro¬ ceeded to protect Vellore and Wandewash, both being closely besieged and gallantly defended. Wandewash was abandoned upon the English approaching, who could not pursue their advantage. The arrival of a French fleet compelled them to march on Pondicherry, where the French inhabitants, hoping to recover their former position in India, EXPLOITS OF COOTE. 135 had enlisted troops and collected stores. Coote speedily disarmed the inhabitants, removed the stores, destroyed the boats, and marched on Cuddalore, then threatened by Hyder, whom he endeavoured to draw into an action; failing in which, he moved his army onto Trichinopoly, and on his way unsuccessfully attacked the fortified pagoda of Chilling- bram: his failure encouraged Hyder to risk a battle, which terminated, after six hours’ desperate fighting, in the complete defeat of the Mysore army. Coote, being now joined by a body of sepoys from Bengal, marched upon the enemy, who were strongly posted; when Hyder’s army nearly suffered a total rout, which he had tact enough to declare a drawn battle, and marched towards Vellore; Coote followed, and once more defeated him, having surprised him in his camp. Hyder’s cavalry were nearly all sacrificed in his anxiety to save his guns. After this engage¬ ment, Coote returned to Madras, having lost nearly one-third of his forces in his severe engagements with Hyder. England and Holland being now at war, Lord Macartney, who had just arrived at Madras as governor, resolved on attacking the Dutch settlements in India, and commenced with Pulicat and Sadras, both of which places surrendered on the first summons. He then determined to attack Negapatam; but here Coote’s jealousy developed itself; he would neither march himself nor spare any of his troops; upon which Lord Macartney collected the remainder of the forces in the Presidency, and gave the command to Munro, who displayed great energy and abi¬ lity, and compelled the governor in less than three weeks to surrender. From thence a detachment was sent which took possession of Trinco- malee in Ceylon. The capture of Negapatam had no tendency to allay Coote’s feel¬ ings; and Lord Macartney experienced great difficulty in maintaining a semblance of good feeling while negotiating with the nabob. But the intelligence of the loss of Chittore, and the consequent exposure of Vel¬ lore, effected more than either remonstrance or supplication. Coote took the field, though so ill that he was obliged to be carried in a pa¬ lanquin, and would not return until an apoplectic fit compelled him to quit the camp. The Madras detachment occupied Tellicherry after the capture of Mahe, closely besieged by the Nairs, but was relieved by Major Abing¬ don, who arrived with a force from Bombay. The fortress was shortly afterwards invested by a general of Hyder’s, and Major Abingdon ap¬ plied to Bombay for assistance, upon which he was ordered to evacuate the fort; but upon a second application was supplied with a consider- 136 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. able force. Abingdon now resolved to act on the offensive. In the night of the 7th of January, 1782, lie made a vigorous sally and at¬ tacked the enemy’s camp, throwing it into such disorder that' they bed in every direction, leaving their wounded leader a prisoner in the hands of the British. After destroying the enemy’s works and improv¬ ing the fortifications of Tellicherry, he marched against and captured Calicut, garrisoning it with English troops. During the preceding events a secret expedition was planned and fitted out in England for offensive operations against the Cape of Good Hope and in the Indian seas. The designs and destination of this armament were discovered by M. de Suffrein, the French commander, who followed the English with his squadron to the Cape de Verd islands, where, in Praya Bay, he attacked them, but was beaten off. The English, nevertheless, required so much refitting, Suffrein having made the Cape previous to them, that he strengthened and improved its fortifications so as to render the contemplated attack abortive. Commodore Johnstone, who commanded the English squadron, having captured a number of Dutch East-Indiamen in Saldanha Bay, returned home with his prizes, leaving a portion of his armament to proceed to India with the troops on board. At this period General Meadows and Colonel Fullarton, with the strength of the army, sailed in search of Admiral Hughes on the Coromandel coast, while the re¬ mainder, under Colonel Mackenzie, sailed for Bombay. The latter learnt upon his arrival that Madras was in danger ; he accordingly joined Abingdon at Calicut, and entering Hyder’s territory, was suc¬ cessful in oreating a diversion. M. de Suffrein, having reinforced his fleet at the Isle of France, made for the Coromandel coast; from whence, after an indecisive ac¬ tion with Admiral Hughes, he retreated, and landed an army of 3000 men under M. Bussy at Porto Novo. These auxiliaries Tippoo hastened to join, he having just destroyed Colonel Braitliwaite’s force at Tanjore. Braithwaite, whose little band consisted of 100 Europeans, 1500 sepoys, and 300 cavalry, was en¬ camped near the banks of the Coleroon in fancied security. But Tippoo, wi th 10,000 cavalry, the like amount of infantry, 400 Euro¬ peans, and 20 pieces of cannon, surrounded him when least expected. For twenty-six hours Braithwaite fought and repulsed Tippoo; but when M. Lally, with his Europeans, advanced, the sepoys were dis¬ heartened, fell into confusion, and victory declared against the Eng¬ lish commander, who was made prisoner with the whole of his force. With the French reinforcement, Tippoo’s designs became more DEATH OF COOTE. 137 enlarged ; and on the 3d of April, Cuddalore, an excellent military and maritime station for the French, surrendered to him. Had the king's officers deigned to receive orders and advice from the Company’s ser¬ vants, this loss would have been prevented ; and upon several other occasions the like cause was seriously prejudicial to the public service. Disputes with the civil authorities, and absence of proper supplies, kept Coote in cantonments until the 17th of April. His first object was the protection of Parmacoil; but reaching Caranjoly, he learned its surrender. He then attempted to surprise Arnes, Hyder’s princi¬ pal depot; but Tippoo removed the treasure while Hyder engaged the English with a distant cannonade, and Coote fell back upon Madras. During his preparations to join the French fleet, and in retaking Negapatam, Hyder amused Coote by pretending to negotiate. And it most fortunately happened, that as Suffrein was making for that place, Sir Edward Hughes fell in with and brought him to action. The engagement was most severe, and victory was declaring against the French, when a sudden shift of wind enabled Suffrein to bear off for Cuddalore, where he quickly repaired his vessels, and again put to sea. When the news of this action reached Madras, Lord Macartney pressed Sir E. Hughes, as both Negapatam and Trincomalee were threatened, to put to sea and protect them ; but disinclination to re¬ ceive orders from a Company’s servant made the admiral obstinate, and he put to sea when more convenient to himself, on the 20th of August, three weeks after Suffrein had sailed from Cuddalore. The result may be anticipated. Trincomalee had surrendered three days before his arrifM. Eager to avenge this loss, he immediately engaged the French fleet with an inferior force, and obtained a victory, but did not know how to profit by it. He disabled one of the French ships, and two others were so crippled that it took them ten days to get into harbour; but Hughes made no attempt to capture them, and returned to Madras. The monsoon coming on, Hughes determined to leave the coast of Coromandel and seek shelter in Bombay, notwithstanding Nega¬ patam was attacked, and Bickerton on his way to join him with five sail of the line. Four days after Hughes’s departure Bickerton was in the Madras roads, when, ascertaining the admiral’s movements, he followed him to Bombay. Sir Eyre Coote at the same time resigned the command of the army to General Stuart, a man as obstinate as himself, but of far inferior ability. Within a short period of his resig¬ nation, Coote was again attacked with illness, under which he sank in a few days. 138 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. The governments of Bengal and Bombay having declared war against the Malirattas, Goddard besieged Bassein, and sent Colonel Hartley to secure for the British the revenues of the Concan, and cover the besieging army. Hartley drove the Malirattas from the Concan, taking a position near the Bhore ghaut, thence he retreated on Doo- gaur before a host of the enemy. On the 10th and 11th of December, an army of 20,000 Mahrattas attacked him; the result proved a complete victory for the British, the Mahratta general being among the slain. Bassein having surrendered, Goddard-advanced on Poonah, whence he soon returned, the Mahrattas following him and ravaging the coun¬ try as he descended the ghauts. On the Bengal side, Popham had been superseded by Colonel Carnac, whose position was so critical, that he resolved, as a last resource, to attack Scindiah’s camp by night. The stratagem succeeded perfectly; the enemy fled in every direction, most of their guns, elephants, and a quantity of ammunition, being left to the conquerors. Colonel Muir, who was Carnac’s senior, then took the command ; shortly after which Scindiah, whose resources were ex¬ hausted, entered into negotiation with him, and a treaty was concluded at Salbye on the 17th of May, 1782. Reinforcements having been supplied to Colonel Mackenzie at Cali¬ cut, he opened the campaign in September, and took several forts ; but the capture of Palagatcherry was essential to perfect his success. This was, however, impossible without artillery, which he had been compelled to leave behind, wanting ch’aught cattle ; upon which Colonel Macleod, who had been dispatched by Coote to take the command, retired to a camp a few miles distant, until his battering-trail* should arrive. Through the negligence of the officer who conducted the retreat, the baggage, stores, and ammunition were placed in the rear. This did not escape the enemy, who, when the main body had passed a narrow defile, made a sudden attack, and carried off the provision and greater portion of the ammunition. The sea-coast was now the only retreat the English could make. Tippoo hastened after and overtook them with 20,000 men ; but as they retreated they fought until Panrani was occupied by them. Here they with difficulty maintained their ground, and were anticipating a second attack, when Tippoo’s army was seen in full retreat, and in a few hours not one of his forces remained. The death of Hyder had reached Tippoo secretly, and caused the sudden movement, leaving the English force at full liberty. THE ACCESSION OF TIPPOO SAIB. 139 CHAPTEK III. FROM THE ACCESSION OF TIPPOO SAIB AS SULTAN OF MYSORE TO HIS OVERTHROW AND DEATH AT THE SIEGE OF SERINGAPATAM. a.d. 1782-1799. T he enemy in vain endeavoured to keep secret the death of the old monarch Lord Macartney was not long in ascertaining the nature of the intelligence which had so promptly withdrawn Tippoo from the field; and fully aware of the confusion which invariably arises in all native states on an occurrence of this kind, wished to profit by the opportunity thus presented to him, and urged General Stuart to attack the Mysorean army, which he rightly judged would he easily overthrown in the absence of their leader. Stuart, how¬ ever, either did not credit the report of Hyder’s death, or disliking to expose himself and his troops at a time of year not usually one of action in that country, delayed operations until the season had changed; and it was consequently February in 1783 before he was in motion. Stuart having thus lost this opportunity, withdrew the garrisons from Wan- dewash and Caranjoly, and blew up both forts ; then marching to Val- lore, he heard that Tippoo was retreating from the Carnatic, and had ordered the evacuation of Arcot. The necessity of establishing his hereditary authority, and repelling a formidable invasion of the Sikhs, obliged Tippoo to visit the western side of India. The English army, after his sudden departure, divided ; the sepoys marching by land to Tellicherry, while the Europeans pro¬ ceed by sea to Merjee, where they were joined by General Matthews with a considerable army, who passed the ghauts, took Bidnore and Ananpore, and compelled Mangalore to capitulate. The treasure found at these places Matthews refused to apply in payment of the arrears due to the army, which Colonel Macleod, Colonel Mackenzie, and Major Shaw quitted, to complain to the authorities at Bombay, who superseded Matthews, and appointed Macleod in his 140 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. stead. Returning by sea, these officers fell in with a Mahratta fleet; and, ignorant of the treaty recently made, an engagement ensued, in which Macleod was wounded and made prisoner, Mackenzie mortally wounded, and Shaw killed. The army of Matthews being most injudiciously dispersed in small detachments, gave Tippoo an opportunity for concentrating his forces ; suddenly attacking Bidnore, he forced it to capitulate after a gallant resistance. Matthews, who commanded the garrison, previous to sur¬ rendering, distributed the treasures in his possession among his sol¬ diers, which Tippoo held to be a breach of the terms of capitulation, and made it a pretext for the imprisonment of Matthews, who was subsequently assassinated; his companions in arms were likewise sub¬ jected to long and rigorous confinement. After this action Tippoo invested Mangalore, a sea-port to which he attached great impor¬ tance. The Madras army being inactive, Suffrein landed Bussy with a re¬ inforcement at Cuddalore; during which time Lord Macartney in vain remonstrated with General Stuart against the impolicy of allowing the French to occupy a post so important. After several weeks, Stuart marched, but with so much reluctance, that he put his men over three miles a day only. In the meantime the fleet, which had been augmented, returned to Madras, and was sent to assist in the recapture of Cudda¬ lore. By the time Stuart arrived at Cuddalore the French had erected several fortified points, which he attacked with partial success, but made no attempt to improve his victory. Affairs at sea were managed still worse. The English and French fleets engaged off Cuddalore. Suffrein was thoroughly defeated, but remained to repair, while the victorious admiral sailed for Madras, which afforded Suffrein the opportunity of landing men from his fleet to reinforce Bussy, who attacked the English, but unsuccessfully. Bussy, undaunted, prepared for another attack, when intelligence arrived that peace was established between France and England. A cessation of hostilities was agreed upon, and Tippoo was invited by Bussy to join in the treaty; the French soldiers in his service being at the same time recalled. The same messenger that brought intelligence of peace brought orders for General Stuart to appear before the governor and council of Madras, a summons he reluctantly obeyed : it was resolved he should be dismissed the Company’s service. To this sentence he refused to submit, and was supported by Sir John Burgoyne ; but Lord Macartney arrested Stuart, and sent him in a few days to Eng¬ land. JURISDICTION OF THE SUPREME COURT. 141 These errors and disgraces were retrieved by Colonel Fullarton, who commanded in the southern districts. In the height of a vic¬ torious career, Stuart stopped and ordered him to join at Cuddalore ; while marching, he learnt of the armistice and also of Tippoo’s demon¬ stration against Mangalore, and without further orders he pushed on to Seringapatam. In his way he captured Palagatcherry and Coimba¬ tore ; but received orders, on the 28th of November, to cease all offen¬ sive operations, and evacuate the places he had captured. Fullarton well knew Tippoo’s treacherous nature, and delayed executing the orders he had received ; which foresight was amply verified by his receiving directions, on the 26th of the ensuing Janu¬ ary, to renew the war. Tippoo would not listen to peace until the reduction of Mangalore, which he had besieged upwards of twelve months. A force was sent to relieve the place under Macleod, who, instead of doing so, negotiated with Tippoo to be allowed to supply the garrison with provisions : the result of these delays was, that Campbell was obliged to capitulate, marching to Tellicherry with all the honours of war. A treaty of peace, embracing a mutual restitution of all captured places, was signed on March 11, 1784, and ratified by the Supreme Council at Calcutta during Hastings’s absence, who wished subse¬ quently to introduce modifications, which Lord Macartney honourably rejected. From the uncertain way in which the act of parliament was drawn up which created the Supreme Court, consisting of one chief and three puisne judges, a conflict ensued between it and the council, virtually involving the Company’s right to the provinces acquired. The civil jurisdiction of the Supreme Court compassed all claims of the Company against British subjects, and of British subjects against the natives, presuming the parties disputing acquiesced in appealing to its decision. In criminal cases it extended to all British subjects and servants of the Company; but the act did not define what constituted a British sub¬ ject, and the judges classed, not only all the subjects of the Company, but even subjects of the native princes over whom the Company exer¬ cised any influence, as coming within its jurisdiction. The effects of this interpretation were not long before they manifested themselves. Writs were issued against the Zemindars by individuals for ordinary debts, upon which the defendants were ordered to appear at Calcutta ; if they neglected, they were arrested, or if upon their arrival they were unable to procure bail, they were carried off to prison, where they re¬ mained pending the litigation of the suit. It had been the usage in 142 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. India, in collecting the revenue, to exercise summary jurisdiction in cases of disputed payments, which power was vested in the provincial councils called Dewannee Adaulut, with which the Supreme Court soon interfered ; and when any summary process was enforced, the defendant was encouraged to take out a writ of habeas corpus in the Supreme Court, when the judges took bail for the appearance of the parties, and liberated them. More than this, the Company had reserved to the nabob of Bengal the administration of all civil cases. The Supreme Court, however, did not heed this reservation, and disputed its enforce¬ ment. Whereupon Mr. Hastings instituted a new court, the Sudder Dewannee Adaulut, and placed Sir Elijah Impey at the head of it. The office and emoluments being held during the pleasure of the governor and council, it was presumed that Impey would no longer support the pretensions of the Supreme Court against the Dewannee Adaulut, and would effect a reconciliation between the antagonistic courts. But the House of Commons censured these proceedings ; and Impey was recalled to answer several criminal charges. Hastings made some important alterations in the finance depart¬ ment. A revenue-board was formed at the Presidency to superintend the collection and lease the revenues to the Zemindars. He then made a tour of the upper provinces ; and, as the government was pressed in its finances, determined to obtain assistance from the rajah of Benares and the nabob of Oude. The rajah of Benares, Cheyt Sing, paid a tribute upon receiving- protection of the Company ; and an addition was demanded, which the rajah paid, stipulating that after the year it was not to be re-demanded. It was, however, again demanded, and remonstrated against; when an army was sent to enforce it, with 2000Z. besides for the payment of the troops employed. The same proceeding was repeated the third year, with an additional fine of 10,00(P., although the rajah’s agent had presented the governor-general with two lacs of rupees. Hastings, having deter¬ mined on his line of proceeding, upon reaching Benares refused Cheyt Sing an audience, and had him arrested as a defaulter; when the population broke into the palace, and cut down the larger portion of sepoys and their officers having custody of the rajah. The latter, in the confusion, escaped to the opposite bank of the river. Hastings, who was com¬ paratively wanting both in men and money, escaped to Chunar. Cheyt Sing, when all his offers of submission had been rejected, raised a few troops, who, after encountering a severe defeat from the British troops, disbanded themselves; and the unfortunate rajah fied to Bundelcund, leaving his wife and treasure in the Bejygur fort, which was soon PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES. 143 taken, and Cheyt Sing formally deposed. A grandson of the late rajah, Bulwant Sing, being declared the ruler of Benares, the tribute was raised to forty lacs, and the administration of the laws was placed under the control of the Company. Hastings next directed his attention to the nabob of Oude, whose tribute was in arrear 1,400,000/., the payment of which he intended to enforce. Previous, however, to any hostile display, he appointed a fresh resident, named Middleton, at Lucknow, in direct opposition to the wishes of the directory. Hastings instructed this official to proceed in his demands, although knowing the nabob’s revenues had been eaten up in the support of the English forces he had been compelled to main¬ tain. Middleton, however, was to look to another quarter for the de¬ ficiency. At this period there were resident at Lucknow, in possession of large revenues, two native princesses, or begums, the mothers of the late and present nabobs, to whom Suja-ad-Dowla had bequeathed the larger portion of his treasure. These princesses, it was suggested by the nabob, were far richer than they should be, and were fair ob¬ jects of plunder, under the plea that they had endeavoured to excite rebellion in favour of Cheyt Sing. They were accordingly stripped of their revenues forthwith, through the instrumentality of the nabob, who, having invested their palaces, crowned his proceedings by putting the chief and confidential attendants in irons, and threatening to keep them without food until the treasures of the princesses were yielded up. By means of this violence half-a-million was extorted, which sum failed to procure the release of the unfortunate captives for some months; indeed, not until it was manifest that the begums would sur¬ render nothing further, were their attendants liberated. Hastings’ share in these proceedings was rewarded by a present of 100,000/. from the nabob, which he asked the Company’s permission to accept, as a reward for his services. The sums of money thus obtained—whatever may be thought of their source—were undoubtedly the means of saving the Carnatic, and probably of preserving our empire in the East. The sinews of war thus fortunately supplied, enabled the campaign in the Carnatic to be pushed on with renewed vigour, and finally ended in the complete overthrow of all our enemies in that quarter,—a consummation that no doubt soothed the great man’s mind during after annoyances and persecutions. Having thus consolidated the British power in India, and having during the two years of peace which followed the wars in the Carnatic, placed the revenues and general administration of the country in a 144 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. sounder and more efficient state, the Governor-General tendered his resignation, and in the early part of 1785 embarked for England. Seldom, if ever, has any man quitted the shores of India so univer¬ sally admired and beloved as did Warren Hastings. Military men, civilians, and natives, all united by one common consent in regretting the departure of the man who, after a thirty years’ residence and a fourteen years’ rule, had endeared himself to all sections of the com¬ munity. The East India Company having received formal intimation that their charter would expire in three years from the 25th of March 1780, great interest was excited regarding the principle of its renewal. The political events and charges of peculation and oppression laid against the Company’s servants in no wise favourably influenced either the public or parliamentary feeling; while Lord North, the minister, held it as the law of the constitution, that acquired territory belonged solely to the crown. This was spiritedly opposed by the Company; and Lord North, whose administration was extinct in 1782, promised an exten¬ sion of the charter, with this one further condition, that all despatches received by the directors from their servants in India should be open to the inspection of the minister. The Marquis of Rockingham, a known antagonist to the East India Board, succeeded North; but his death shortly afterwards placed the Earl of Shelburne, since the Marquis of Lansdowne, at the head of affairs. Fox, who was greatly hurt at being passed over, left the cabinet, and joined North in the opposition which defeated the Shel¬ burne administration; and, to the annoyance of George III., brought about the celebrated Coalition Ministry. Fox soon introduced a bill for the better government of India, which proposed vesting the patron¬ age of the directory and proprietary in seven commissioners appointed by the legislature; and also proposed measures for affording a more creditable local government to India. Calumny and interest repre¬ sented his efforts as a means of personal aggrandisement, the seven commissioners being represented as ready instruments in his hands for ruling India. The House of Commons, whose select committees had made valuable reports upon India, were uninfluenced, and passed the bill by large majorities. Its fate was different in the House of Lords; for there the king, acting most unconstitutionally, authorised Lord Temple to state that he should personally regard every man as his enemy who supported the bill; which was consequently thrown out by a majority of eight, the numbers on division being eighty-seven against seventy-nine. LORD CORNWALLIS ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT. 145 Shortly after, Pitt, as prime minister, introduced and carried his India bill, and established the Board of Control, composed of six privy councillors chosen by the king; whose powers, as their title implies, authorise them to check and control the most important functions of the Company. Upon the departure of Hastings, the senior member of Council, Mr. Macphersou undertook the government, which he conducted with great ability, and much to the satisfaction of the directors. After some delay in the nomination of a successor to Hastings, the Court of Directors appointed Lord Cornwallis to the vacant office; and that nobleman arrived in Calcutta and assumed the reins of govern¬ ment in September 1786, taking at the same time the command of the forces in India. Promising as were the appearances of the political horizon at this juncture, the new governor-general soon found it as difficult to main¬ tain peace as had his predecessor. The first symptom of approaching troubles was by an act of Tippoo, sultan of Mysore, who on some pre¬ tence invaded the dominions of the rajah of Travancore, an ally of the English, and succeeded in introducing a portion of his army within the intrenched lines of the rajah’s fortifications. The resolute daring of a small body of Nairs, however, turned the fortune of the day; and Tippoo had the mortification of beholding his numerous troops flying before a mere handful of Hindoo warriors. The sultan himself had some difficulty in escaping with his life, so hotly was he pursued by the resolute band of Nairs. Tippoo endeavoured to persuade Lord Cornwallis that it was an un¬ authorised attack of his troops; his lordship, knowing his adversary’s character, negotiated treaties with the Nizam and the Mahrattas at Poonah, to control the restlessness of Tippoo, who meanwhile renewed his assault upon the lines of Travancore, which he carried on the 7th of May, 1790, razed them, and desolated the country. This attack was met by the advance of General Meadows with the Madras army on Coimbatore, and thence to the interior of the Mysore country; while General Abercrombie with the Bombay army descended by the Malabar coast on Tippoo’s territory. The campaign was terminated in Tippoo’s favour, Meadows having ineffectually endeavoured to draw him into a general engagement, which he dexterously avoided, and Captured several depots well supplied with stores and provisions. The necessary arrangements having been completed, Cornwallis personally opened the second campaign, and reached the pass of Moog- lee before his enemy could offer any resistance. On the 5th of March, L 146 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. 1791, the English arrived before Bangalore. Colonel Floyd on the next morning, with a strong detachment, unexpectedly fell in with Tippoo's army, and rashly ordered an immediate attack; which would probably have been successful, had not a severe wound prevented him from di¬ recting the operations. The retreat was covered by Major Gowdie, who with a few guns effectually checked the pursuit. Cornwallis, on the night of the 21st of March, though the Sultan and his army were in sight of the town, attacked and captured Bangalore, when a terrible slaughter ensued, upwards of 1000 of the besieged falling during the storming. The possession of Bangalore did not produce the advantages anticipated; there were scarcely any provisions, stores, or draught cattle; and the Nizam’s contingent was worthless. But the governor-general, undaunted, advanced upon Seringapatam, having previously ordered an invasion of Mysore on the Malabar side by the Bombay army. Tippoo was defeated; but the want of supplies and increasing sickness com¬ pelled Cornwallis to retreat, with the loss of his battering train and stores. The Mahrattas joined his lordship a few days after this loss, well supplied with draught cattle and provisions; but the season was too advanced for active operations, and the army retreated to Bangalore. The third campaign having been well prepared for, was opened with spirit, detachments securing the hill-forts which protected the passes into the Mysore country. Amongst the captures was the celebrated Savendroog, which, from its natural position and artificial advantages, appeared impregnable, but was taken by storm on the 21st of De¬ cember; and Octadroog, a fortress almost as strong, fell a few days later. A detachment under the command of Captain Little, sent to aid the Mahrattas, obtained great advantages over the enemy; his allies, how¬ ever, instead of assisting, proved an incumbrance. With 700 men he attacked a strongly-fortified camp of the Mysorean army, consisting of 10,000 men, whom he routed, capturing their guns and stores. After this fell the fortress of Lemoga, opening a portion of Tippoo’s territory till then free from the ravages of the war. The Mahrattas, instead of advancing to support General Abercrombie, who reached the top of the ghauts on the Malabar side, made a miserable attempt on Prednore, for the sake of plunder, thus interfering with the plan of the campaign, and causing the fall of Coimbatore before the Mysore army. The capitulation being flagrantly violated, Lord Cornwallis refused to listen to Tippoo’s solicitations for peace. On the 5th of February, 1792, reinforcements from Hyderabad having arrived, the governor-general advanced to lay siege to Seringa- TREATY WITH TIPPOO. 147 patam. On the Gth, in the evening, the troops having been dismissed, from parade, were ordered to fall in again with their arms and ammu¬ nition. By eight all was completed for a surprise on Tippoo’s fortified camp, the army advancing in three columns. Tippoo’s army, which con¬ sisted of 50,000 infantry and 6000 cavalry, under his own command, were routed; and their assailants, after storming several batteries, ob¬ tained a defensible position before the dawn of morning. At daybreak hostilities were more fiercely renewed, the fortress opening a destruc¬ tive fire on the redoubts captured by the English, and vigorous at¬ tempts were made to recover their lost positions; but Tippoo’s soldiery were beaten in every direction, and the battle terminated on the even¬ ing of the 7th: 535 men were killed and wounded upon the English side; but the adverse army suffered to the extent of upwards of 4000. General Abercrombie joined Lord Cornwallis nine days after with an augmentation of 2000 Europeans and 4000 native troops. On the 24th Tippoo yielded to his fate, and most reluctantly signed a treaty, by which he bound himself to give up one-half of his terri¬ tories to his conquerors, pay three crores and two lacs of rupees as the expenses of the war, and to surrender two of his sons as hostages for the performance of these stipulations. Tippoo evinced great disinclination to complete his promises, not¬ withstanding his sons were in the English camp. The independence of the rajah of Coorg was most objectionable to him; and it was not until he found preparations were being made for a renewed attack, that he submitted on the 19th of March, when his hostages delivered in the definitive treaty. Upon the conclusion of this treaty, Lord Cornwallis took possession of all the French settlements in India, the revolution in France having brought on a war with England and that country. The charter of the East India Company met with but little oppo¬ sition or discussion when renewed in 1793. At this period Sir John Shore, a civil servant of the Company, was appointed successor to Lord Cornwallis; whose financial and judicial measures, especially the Per¬ manent Settlement, had proved far from advantageous to those whom he really intended to benefit; hence Shaw’s appointment, who was well acquainted with the financial administration of India. The treaty between the English, the Mahrattas, and the Nizam did not provide for the possibility of disagreement among the contracting parties, which soon afterwards occurred. The Mahrattas were desirous of grasping the spoils of the Nizam, and at the same time apprehensive of the increasing power of the English. Their chief Scindia openly 148 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. expressed his dissatisfaction, and at the same time made no hesitation in asserting that Tippoo should be strengthened as a necessary opposing power to the English. His death shortly afterwards prevented this for¬ midable combination from taking place; upon which the Nizam, be¬ lieving the court of Poonah to be in a state of confusion, hastily invaded the Mahratta territory, but was encountered by a body of troops near Ivurdla, where an action took place, from which the Nizam and his officers fled, leaving his army to suffer a total rout. The Nizam shel¬ tered himself in the fort of Kurdla for .two days; at the end of which time he submitted to his enemies’ conditions. The Company refused upon this occasion to allow the British in the Nizam’s service to join him; and upon his return he dismissed them, and appointed a French officer to discipline his troops. This gave the English great uneasiness; and not less so from the fact of the attempt of some French officers to escape from Madras, and the desertion of several sepoys from the Madras to the French service. Sir John Shore, desirous of effecting a reconciliation with Tippoo, immediately the terms of the treaty were fulfilled, delivered up his sons with due honours. But the sultan, as revengeful as proud, declined to meet Shore’s advances, treating the officer who accompanied his sons with great coolness, and refusing a second interview with him. The extravagance and incapacity of the nabob had produced la¬ mentable effects in Oude, to which a disputed accession upon his death added considerably; his brother claiming the throne, asserting the nabob’s reputed children to be the offspring of others. The governor- general, until visiting Lucknow, favoured the pretension of young Yizir Ali; but whilst there he obtained such information, that he con¬ firmed the claims of Sadat Ali, the late nabob’s brother, who was pro¬ claimed on the 21st of January, 1798. In the Carnatic, affairs were not more promising than those of Oude. Lord Hobart, governor of Madi’as, endeavoured to prevail upon the nabob to renouixce his authority; but the govenior-general refusing to allow any intimidation, all his endeavours on this point failed. But if unsuccessful with the nabob, Lord Hobart proved other¬ wise with the Dutch; for immediately on receiving the news of the outbreak of war between England and Holland, he took possession of Ceylon, Malacca, Banda, and A.mboyna, all Dutch settlements, with scarcely a struggle. Shortly after, he was superseded by Lord Clive as governor of Madras ; and Sir Jolm Shore being elevated to the peerage as Lord Teignmouth, sailed for England, having resigned the governor- generalship. RECOMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 149 The affairs of India were now placed under the control of Lord Mornington, who assumed the office of governor-general on the 17th of May, 1798. Shortly after his arrival he received the copy of a pro¬ clamation, issued by the French governor of the Mauritius, certifying that Tippoo Sultan had sent two officers to propose an offensive and defensive alliance with the French; and soliciting soldiers to drive the English out of Southern India. The document also requested the citi¬ zens to enlist, for which Tippoo would pay handsomely. This was at first considered a forgery; but upon its proving genuine, no alternative appeared to be left, and accordingly war was declared against Tippoo. General Harris, the governor of Madras, could not respond with promptitude to the orders of Lord Mornington, owing to the embar¬ rassed state of the finances of his presidency, as well as to the opposition offered to the war by several of the leading men of the government. Little activity prevailed, therefore, until the arrival of Lord Clive. At this critical period fortune favoured the English in a direction in which they had very little reason to look for it. The French soldiery, whom the Nizam had engaged when he dismissed the English troops, were disbanded, and in such a state of insubordination and dissatisfac¬ tion, that their officers gladly entered the English lines for protection; the place of these rebellious troops being again occupied by the British battalions formerly in the Nizam’s service. In November a remonstrance was forwarded by the governor- general to the sultan; and he immediately afterwards proceeded to Madras, where all arrangements were completed for the campaign. Generals Harris and Stuart commanded the armies of the Carnatic and Bombay; and the latter w r as ordered to join Harris as he advanced on Seringapatam. On the Gth of March General Harris had invaded Tippoo’s country, taking a few hill-forts. The Nizam’s troops were at this time commanded by the Hon. Col. Arthur Wellesley, subsequently Duke of Wellington, just entering upon his military career. Tippoo gave out reports that the Bombay army was the first contemplated object of his attack; but meanwhile he marched 200 miles in an opposite direction to intercept Col. Montressor at Sedasser, who had three battalions of sepoys under him. Accident frustrated his inten¬ tions ; for on the evening of the 5th of March the rajah of Coorg, who had been entertaining Montressor and his English officers, conducted them to the heights of Sedasser for the purpose of viewing the Mysore country; when to their astonishment, in the plain below, they discerned Tippoo’s encampment. Montressor took every precaution time and place would allow for defence, and sustained Tippoo’s attack the next 150 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. morning most gallantly. In the afternoon General Stuart arrived and relieved him from his perilous position. Tippoo having exhausted himself in the effort to prevent the junction, his troops became dis¬ heartened and fled in every direction, throwing down their muskets, swords, and turbans, and indeed every thing that impeded their flight. Tippoo neglected several favourable opportunities for attacking the army of the Carnatic; but at length changed his plans, and determined upon engaging at Mallavely. The plan of attack was, for three hun¬ dred picked men, under the command of Tippoo’s counsellor, Poor- niah, to charge and break the right wing of the English; upon which Tippoo was to pour his entire cavalry upon the weakened part, and cut through the army, and thus by dividing, destroy it. But Poor- niah’s detachment was discovered in time; and the Scotch brigade ordered to receive the attack were strictly enjoined to withhold their fire until the enemy were close upon them. Scarcely had they formed when the three hundred men rushed from the jungle; steadily obeying their orders, the Scotch, with national coolness, waited the word to fire, which Harris timed so judiciously, as to lay forty men and horses on the ground at the first discharge. Harris then advanced his right wing; but Tippoo’s soldiers, discouraged by the failure of the first onset, retreated rapidly; of which advantage could not be taken, owing to the want of means for transporting the artillery and stores. The left wing, under Wellesley, was even more successful. Tippoo’s troops, thrown into confusion by the close and steady fire he main ¬ tained, were charged at an opportune moment with great slaughter and the loss of six of their standards. The comparative losses in this battle were, on the English side, sixty-six men killed, wounded, and missing ; while Tippoo suffered to the extent of two thousand. Harris now prepared to cross the Cavary, near Soosilly, if prac¬ ticable, and attack Seringapatam on the west side, in order to facilitate the junction of the Bombay army, and obtain the requisite supply of grain expected through the western passes. This movement, unex¬ pected by Tippoo, filled him with alarm. On the 5th of April the English army were before Seringapatam. In the evening Colonels Shaw and Wellesley were ordered to attack a watercourse and tope, or clump of trees, forming an outpost of the enemy; through some con¬ fusion, owing to the darkness of the night, Wellesley was unsuccessful, barely escaping with life; and by some mischance was too late the next morning to take the command for a renewed assault upon the post, which was then carried in twenty minutes. The siege steadily advanced, several breaches having been made, DEATH OF TIPPOO. 151 until the day of assault, the 4th of May. At one o’clock in the day, the usual Indian hour of repose, Syed Goffhar, Tippoo’s best general, sent word to the sultan that an attack was about to be made; but Tippoo’s faith in astrological predictions overweighing the general’s warning, he refused to listen to the message; and while Syed was deli¬ berating upon the answer, he was killed by a cannon-shot. At half-past one General Baird stepped from the trenches, sword in hand, and gave the orders to advance. In seven minutes the English colours were planted and floating at the summit of the breach. The storming divi¬ sions, as they ascended, wheeled to the right and left, fighting along the northern and southern ramparts, every inch of which was bravely defended by the Mysoreans. Thousands fell; and the slaughter termi¬ nated only when the two storming parties met on the eastern rampart. Tippoo’s palace alone remained to be captured, the surrender of which was withheld in consequence of the uncertainty of its master’s fate. He had fallen in the thickest and hottest of the fight, shot in three places by musket-balls. It was late in the evening before Tippoo’s body was discovered; and on the ensuing day it was placed in the tomb of Hyder Ali, the highest military honours being paid to the deceased sultan. Tippoo’s family were immediately taken under the protection of the English, and treated with every respect due to their exalted station. Thus fell one of the most cruel and implacable enemies the British had ever encountered in India. His love of war appeared to have its origin in the misery and ruin it carried in its train. An enemy to the human race, he seemed to take especial pleasure in exercising his fero¬ city upon such English prisoners as fell into his power. Death by the sword was considered a fortunate termination to their existence, even when safety had been guaranteed by capitulation ; and many were the cold-blooded atrocities revealed when his death unloosed the tongues of his oppressed people. His name signifies a tiger; and so attached was Tippoo to these savage animals, types of his own ferocious character, that he kept numbers of them about his palace, and often made them his execu¬ tioners. One of his favourite toys is still to be seen, though sadly dis¬ arranged, in the East India Company’s museum in Leadenhall-street. It consists of the figure of a tiger in the act of tearing a European to pieces; on turning a handle some mechanism in the inside moves the jaws and limbs of the animal, and at the same time emits sounds in¬ tended to represent the growls of the tiger mingled with the groans of the dying man. 152 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. CHAPTER-IV. FROM THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE MYSOREAN KINGDOM TO THE TERMINATION OF THE FIRST MAHRATTA CAMPAIGN. a.d. 1799 - 1806 . HE death of the tyrant Tippoo was followed by the occupation of X the numerous strongholds of the Mysorean country, which at once fell into the possession of the British commander. Colonel Wellesley was appointed governor of Mysore, and assumed charge of Seringapatam, much to the annoyance of General Baird, who, as his senior in years and service, had calculated on the post. How far the relationship of the young commander to the governor- general may have exercised an influence in this arrangement is little to the purpose, since it afforded Wellesley an opportunity for displaying those administrative and military talents which were at a future period destined so greatly to distinguish him. He succeeded most completely in restoring order and security throughout his government, and earned for himself at once the approval of his superiors and the respect and attachment of the natives of the country. The governor-general, in the distribution of the late sultan’s terri¬ tory, determined that his family should be no participators in it; he nevertheless apportioned them an extremely liberal annuity, with a residence in the fort of Vellore. That part of Mysore approximating to the former capital was created a principality for the Hindoo rajahs who had been deposed by Hyder Ali. The Nizam had several rich districts, whilst the English kept Seringapatam and the mountain- passes and forts. A small portion was set apart for the Mahrattas as allies, although their forces had not joined during the war. Lord Mornington being now comparatively unfettered, directed an expedition against the Isle of France, which had for years been the rendezvous of several buccaneering vessels, the captains of which had THE NIZAM’S CONTINGENT. 153 openly carried on attacks upon British commerce. The island being deemed also a very favourable point for assembling an enemy’s fleet, its tenure was held to be indispensable. Colonel Wellesley was accord¬ ingly commanded to prepare an armament for the capture of the place; and Admiral Rainier, who commanded in the Indian Ocean, was ordered to Trincomalee to co-operate in the attack. This order the admiral refused to execute, or join in such an expedition without instructions from home. Whatever the admiral’s motives, the results were most disastrous; for these privateers continued during our sub¬ sequent wars to levy tribute upon the commerce of the Indian seas with impunity. Being foiled in this, the governor-general projected an attack on Batavia with the forces at Ceylon; but orders from home directed him to send a body of troops into Egypt to expel the French; and thus, for a time, the attack upon the Dutch settlement was delayed. The troops at Ceylon were accordingly dispatched to Bombay, and joined by some native infantry in readiness for foreign service. The combined body was commanded by Baird, and sent by the Red Sea to Egypt; but the French had capitulated before its arrival, and it therefore took no share in the honours of the campaign. The Nizam being unable to protect himself without the British con¬ tingent in his service, and the governor-general apprehensive that the Mahrattas would invade his country, arrangements were entered into between them, that certain districts should be assigned to the English for the maintenance of his auxiliaries. This was rendered necessary by the inconsistencies and jealousy of the Nizam’s court, some portions of whom endeavoured to persuade him to dismiss these forces and rely upon his own enlistments. The acquisition of new territory was in opposition to the act under which the Company held their authority; but the prudence of the policy pursued prevented any objection to this infringement. Indeed, the court of Hyderabad presented such a scene of corruption, imbecility, and profligacy, that, had the Nizam surren¬ dered all his power and dominion, little opposition would have been offered, even by the greatest opponents to the East India Company. During and indeed for some time previous to the war with Tippoo, Shah Zeman, the Afghan sovereign, had threatened an invasion of India, which enterprise Tippoo urged him to undertake, persuading him that the attempt would be joined by all the Mahomedans in India. Tippoo’s advice so well reconciled itself to Shah Zeman’s wishes, that he invaded the Punjab in 1795 ; but a rebellion at home compelled him, in less than a fortnight, to recross the Indus. His 154 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. second attempt was in January 1797, when he advanced to Lahore, and, by mediation, made a successful impression upon the Sikhs and their chieftains. These people were originally a quiet, inoffensive sect, having a mixed creed of Mahomedan and Hindoo tenets, hut had be¬ come a warlike and independent people, owing to the cruel persecu¬ tions inflicted upon them by the emperors of Delhi. The efforts of Shah Zeman to conciliate the Sikhs were, however, opposed by the Mahomedan priests following his army, and the licentiousness of the army itself, which he could not suppress ; despite these, however, he continued to hold the Punjab, and prepared for an attack upon Delhi. The occupation of Lahore by the Afghans produced a sensation through¬ out India. The weakness of the Mahrattas, and the incapacity of the nabob’s government, predisposed the populace to revolt; and the lio- hilla chiefs, ready to avenge the harshness suffered at the hands of Warren Hastings, were soon in arms. It required but the farther advance of Shah Zeman to have matured these elements of discord, which would probably have gone far to have annihilated the power of the British in India. His brother, Prince Mohammed, having headed a rebellion, Shah Zeman was again compelled to return, in the summer of 1797, threaten¬ ing another and early invasion. He returned to Lahore in the ensuing year; but the Persians attacking his dominions, he was forced to quit India, in order to protect his own territory. This presenting an ex¬ tremely favourable opportunity, the governor-general sent an embassy to the shah of Persia, and negotiated an offensive and defensive alli¬ ance, which, however, was of little use, for Shah Zeman, in 1801, was dethroned and imprisoned by his brother. The affairs of Oude, under Lord Teignmouth’s arrangement, had proved most unsatisfactoiy. The nabob being irregular in the payment of his subsidies, his army harassed the people much more effectually than it could protect them against an enemy ; whilst his civil govern¬ ment was a mass of corruption. These circumstances induced the Marquis of Wellesley, formerly Lord Mornington, to correct the abuses existing in Oude ; to which he was also prompted by the irruption of Shah Zeman, the effect of whose occupation of Lahore was not lost sight of. Another circumstance determined a prompt line of action. Vizir Ali, after his deposition, was permitted by Sir John Shore to reside at Benares; but this place being considered too close to his former sove¬ reignty, it was determined to remove him to Calcutta : to this he objected. On the 14th of January, 1799, he called on, and com- THE AFFAIRS OF OUDE. 155 plained in very indiscreet language to the resident, Mr. Cherry ; while the latter was remonstrating with him, the vizir started from the ground and struck him with his sword, upon which his companions rushed on and murdered the unfortunate gentleman. Four other Eng¬ lishmen were similarly butchered; but a fifth so effectually defended himself, that assistance arrived, upon which Ali and his fellow-assas¬ sins fled from the spot. Vizir Ali immediately collected a body of adventurers, who speedily deserted him upon some slight reverses. He then sought the protection of a Rajpoot chieftain, who surrendered him to the British. Colonel Scott was now despatched to the nabob of Oude, with in¬ structions authorising him to demand the immediate dismissal of the nabob’s native troops, and their replacement by a British army, retain¬ ing such as were acquainted with the mode of collecting the taxes. The nabob delayed as long as possible, when he declared his desire to resign the sovereignty; which the governor-general hesitated upon, unless made in favour of the Company. It soon became apparent that delay was his object; upon which Wellesley adopted measures that forced compliance ; and, upon the nabob asserting his inability to de¬ fray the expenses of the English troops, the transfer of the civil and military government of his country was demanded, his court and fa¬ mily being provided for by the Company; while he was also informed that so much territory as would afford a revenue to defray the subsidy agreed upon with Lord Teignmouth must be yielded absolutely to the English. Every delay that his ingenuity could devise he adopted, until he heard that troops were actually advancing upon him, when he reluc¬ tantly consented. Wellesley proceeded with the same promptitude with which he had commenced. On the day the treaty was signed, he issued a commission for the provisional government of the coun¬ try, nominating the Hon. Mr. Henry Wellesley the head of the com¬ mission. These proceedings were unpalatable to the Court of Directors, and Wellesley’s policy it was rumoured was to secure family appointments; that of Mr. H. Wellesley was particularly censured, as he did not be¬ long to the class of Company’s servants to which, by act of parliament, such appointments were confined. The Board of Directors thereupon ordered his immediate removal; but the Board of Control refused to sanction it, remarking that the appointment was temporary, and hence not within the restrictions. Pending these dissensions, Mr. Wellesley concluded a treaty with the nabob of Furruckabad, having similar THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. 156 stipulations to those of Oude ; but Rajah Rajwunt Sing refusing to acknowledge the treaty, his two fortresses Pridgeghur and Sansu were besieged and captured. There were also some refractory Zemindars, who had gained by the misrule in the Uoab, whom it was necessary to coerce ; which being accomplished, and having thus established tranquillity, Mr. Wellesley voluntarily resigned his commission. The East India government, never wasting opportunities nor want¬ ing pretexts, now discovered that Surat was shamefully misgoverned. This, and the non-payment of the tribute, formed a good justification for annexing it to the Company’s territories; which plea was further strengthened by the constant difficulties arising out of the right of suc¬ cession. The nabob of Surat, like many other vassals of the Delhi empire, when strong enough, became virtually independent, and ren¬ dered his succession hereditary. But disputes having arisen respecting the inheritance, the British interfered and exercised their authority. A subsequent dispute upon the same subject, in 1789, afforded a further opportunity for the Company, and the nabob was treated similarly to the ruler of Oude, being compelled to surrender the civil and military government of his dominions to the English, receiving in lieu a pen¬ sion, and with it protection. But the chout, or tribute, he had agreed to pay to the Mahrattas was not so easily settled. The Guicowar prince declared his readiness to relinquish his portion of the tribute to the Company, but the Peishwa was not so yielding. In Tanjore like circumstances produced similar results. The late rajah, Zuljajee, on his death-bed, had appointed his adopted son Sar- bojee his successor ; but the English government decreed in favour of Zuljajee’s brother, Amar Sing. Sarbojee was compelled to fly to Ma¬ dras in consequence of Amar’s tyranny, and was subsequently declared rajah on the condition that he would cede the civil and military go¬ vernment of his kingdom to the English. The position of the nabob of Arcot had caused great inconveniences between his government and that of Madras. His revenues were nearly all absorbed or mortgaged, and consequently fell into arrears. After the capture of Seringapatam records of treacherous correspondence were discovered amongst the sultan’s papers, involving the late nabob Wal- lajali, as well as the present, Omdah-al-Oinrah, with Tippoo. Omdah died while preparations were being made for taking possession of the civil and military administration of the Carnatic. He was succeeded by his reputed son, Ali Hassein, with whom Lord Clive personally ne¬ gotiated, and received his assent to the proposed terms, which he, however, subsequently rejected ; upon which his lordship deposed him, HOSTILITIES WITH THE MAHRATTAS. 157 and gave the throne to his cousin, Azim-ed-Dowlah. Ali remonstrated, and expressed his willingness to abide by Clive’s previous decision; both alike were disregarded, and death soon after terminating his career, as well as that of the rajah of Tanjore, the governments of the latter country and of the Carnatic were established without further difficulty. Lord Wellesley was equally desirous of maintaining the same rela¬ tions with the Mahrattas, their troops being little better than banditti, living rather on plunder than pay, while the maintenance of such forces hourly jeopardised the peace of India. On the other hand, an auxiliary disciplined army would protect the native princes from their continual apprehensions of insurrection, and restrain their habits of rapine and extortion. Negotiations were commenced with the Peishwa, who was legally the Mahratta sovereign, though only in name, for both Holkar and Scindia, who held their feudatories by military tenure, re¬ jected his supremacy; the latter indeed so controlled the Peishwa Bajee Rao, that Lord Wellesley imagined he would readily accept the offer of British troops to rid himself of this insolent chief. Fortune seemed to favour the governor-general’s intentions. Holkar’s family, who had for nearly a century been acknowledged in the northern states, having established their vii'tual independence, and an extent of coun¬ try scarcely inferior to that of the Peishwa, were at discord upon the right of succession, which afforded Scindia an excuse for interfering, who declared Cashee Rao sovereign, and put Mulliar Rao, his brother, to death, retaining a posthumous son of the latter for the fidelity of his uncle. Jesswunt Rao, an illegitimate son of the late Holkar, escaped from Scindia, and shortly appeared at the head of a body of adven¬ turers; but was defeated near Indore, on the 14th of October, 1801, losing his artillery and baggage. In the ensuing year he again appeared with a better-disciplined and more numerous army, and marched against the united forces of the Peishwa and Scindia near Poonah. After a severe engagement, Scindia’s cavalry gave way, and a decisive victory was obtained by Holkar. The Peishwa left his palace with an intention of taking part in the engagement, but being alarmed, he retreated to wait the result; upon ascertaining it, he fled to the fort of Senginh, previously sending to Colonel Close, the British resident, the outlines of a treaty, binding himself to maintain six battalions of sepoys, and yield twenty-five lacs of rupees of his revenue for their maintenance. The day following his victory Holkar requested an interview with the resident. Colonel Close at once proceeded to his tent, where he found him suffering from a spear-wound in the body, and a sabre-cut on the head. He expressed 158 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. great anxiety for the mediation of the resident, with a view of arranging matters with the Peishwa and Scindia. Holkar’s propositions had no effect upon the Peishwa’s fear, who fled in an English ship to Bassein. The Guicowar having previously declared his readiness to yield his share of the chout levied on Surat, further to secure the British alli¬ ance, yielded the Chourassy district. His death, in September 1800, produced great disturbances ; for his son was perfectly imbecile, and unfit to control the intrigues of the court of Baroda. These intrigues speedily brought on a war between the late prime minister Nowje Apajee and an illegitimate brother of the deceased Guicowar; but the English siding with the minister, and furnishing troops, victory de¬ clared in his favour. Nowjee being unfettered, pursued his economica reforms by dismissing the Arab mercenaries ; but this body refused to disband, demanding enormous arrears; afterwards mutinying, they seized Baroda and imprisoned the Guicowar. The English immedi¬ ately invested Baroda, which surrendered in ten days. Contrary to capitulation, many of the mutineers joined the rebel Kauhojce; but were pursued, and ultimately, with the latter, driven from Gujerat. Bajee Kao’s flight to Bassein, Holkar treated as an abdication, and with other Mahratta chiefs proclaimed Amrut Rao Peishwa ; upon which the most violent excesses commenced : the ministers of the late prince were tortured to reveal his treasures, and every presumed wealthy person in Poonah was seized, and terrified into the delivery of his property. When these atrocities began, Colonel Close proceeded to Bassein, and concluded a treaty with Bajee Rao, by which the Peishwa agreed to accept an English force, providing for its subsis¬ tence, to exclude from his territories Europeans of whatsoever country hostile to the English, to relinquish his claims on Surat, and submit all points between him and the Guicowar to the arbitration of the English. This treaty was no sooner executed than Bajee Rao began in¬ triguing with Scindia and Raghajee Bhouslay, rajah of Berar, to frus¬ trate the execution of it, in which these chiefs willingly assisted, as its operation would have overthrown the influence they possessed in the Mahratta states. The governor-general promptly restored the Peishwa, and Amrut Rao, subsequent to his deposition having deserved it, was awarded a liberal pension and a residence at Benares. The governor-general, after restoring Bajee Rao, endeavoured to obtain the acknowledgment of the Bassein treaty by the Mahratta chief¬ tains; Raghajee Bhouslay, however, offered every opposition, and endea¬ voured to unite Scindia and Holkar to defeat the English policy, which end they fancied might be attained by procrastination. But General BATTLE OF ASSAYE. 159 Wellesley, who was invested with the joint powers of political agent and commander of the army of the Deccan, felt little inclined to sub¬ mit to evasions, and without circumlocution insisted that the troops of Raghajee should retire to Boxar, and Sciudia’s to Hindostan. This proposition admitted of no escape, and greatly disconcerted the Mah- ratta princes • being thus forced to determine at once, they refused, which was of course regarded as a declaration of war. Scindia had a numerous army in the northern Mahrattas, disci¬ plined and officered by several French officers, against whom General Lake was directed to act, while General Wellesley and Colonel Ste¬ phenson commanded in the Deccan. Wellesley’s first operation was against the reputed impregnable fort of Ahmednuggar, which withstood his attack but four days. He then pursued the Mahrattas, who avoided an engagement; but being determined to bring them to a decisive action, on the 21st of September, 1803, he marched in one direction, ordering Stephenson to take another, so that their forces might again unite on the 24th, when he fancied the Mahrattas would, from his apparently small army, be drawn into action. But, on the 23d, intel¬ ligence reached him that the Mahrattas, fifty thousand strong, with a hundred pieces of artillery, were encamped close at hand; he at once decided to attack them, without waiting for Stephenson’s re-inforce- rnent, although his force was only four thousand five hundred men strong. This engagement was the celebrated battle of Assaye, and began with a terrible discharge of canister, grape, and round shot from the Mahrattas, which told with fearful effect upon the English ranks, which were entirely destitute of artillery ; nevertheless, the English troops undauntedly advanced, when a body of Mahratta horse charged the 74th. A counter-charge of the 19th Light Dragoons and 4th Madras horse was ordered, and executed with such irresistible effect, that the enemy’s advanced line fell back upon the rear, and the British and native infantry rushing upon them with impetuosity, drove both into the Juah. As the enemy attempted to re-form on the opposite side of the river, the British cavalry again dashed amongst them, and completely sealed the fate of the Mahrattas, ninety-eight pieces of cannon being captured. The loss was severe on the British side, one- third of the troops being wounded or killed. Stephenson did not join until the evening of the 24th, when he pursued the fugitives, but un¬ successfully ; he, however, reduced the city of Burhampore and the fort of Asseeghur, while a portion of the Gujerat forces took Baroach and other fortresses. During these proceedings, General Lake, who held powers in Hin- 160 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. doostan similar to those of Wellesley in the Deccan, advanced from Cawnpore against Scindia’s northern army, under M. Perron. The NATIVE INFANTRY. campaign opened with the storming and capture of Alijurh; hut, as a set-off, Shekoabad was surprised by some Mahratta cavalry, commanded by a French officer, and the garrison compelled to capitulate, the de¬ tachment Lake sent to their relief arriving too late. Information reaching M. Perron that Scindia intended superseding him, he addressed a letter to General Lake, requesting permission to pass, with his family, property, and officers of his suite, through the Company’s territories to Lucknow, which was immediately conceded by the governor-general. After capturing Alijurh, Lake advanced upon Delhi, where his ad¬ vanced guard suddenly encountered a destructive cannonade, M. Louis Bourquin, next in command to Perron, having cleverly ambuscaded his guns in long grass. The Mahratta position was too strong to draw them from it. Lake therefore commanded the cavalry to retire, which the enemy mistook for a retreat, and rushed after them. The cavalry BATTLE OF LASWARREE. 161 retired in close order, until it reached the advancing- column, when opening from the centre, the British infantry passed to the front. The battalions advanced under a destructive fire from the enemy’s guns until within a hundred yards, when they fired a volley, and charged with the bayonet. Scindia’s infantry abandoned their guns and fled. The English broke into open columns of companies, and the cavalry charging through them, the slaughter was dreadful. After this vic¬ tory Delhi was taken immediate possession of, and Shah Alum deli¬ vered from Mahratta captivity. Lake then marched against Agra, which was a prey to the greatest anarchy. Before the war the garrison was commanded by English officers, who were confined upon the outbreak of hostilities, by their own men. Seven battalions of Scindia’s infantry encamped upon the glacis; but the garrison were afraid to admit them lest they should plunder the treasury, which they wished to keep for themselves. These battalions were defeated by Lake with the loss of twenty-six guns; after which the garrison liberated their officers and capitulated, being allowed to retire with their private property. The forces sent by Scindia from the Deccan, reinforced by the rem¬ nants of Bourquin’s army, were General Lake’s next pursuit: he came up with them on the 1st of November at sunrise, and fancying they were in retreat, sent his cavalry to turn them. But the Mahrattas oc¬ cupied a strong position, with seventy-five pieces of cannon chained together, to resist cavalry, in their front. The cavalry were forced back, and the infantry and guns came forward. In the attack Scindia’s ca¬ valry proved most cowardly; but the battalions disciplined by the French fought with desperate determination; refusing to surrender, they died with their weapons in their hands. This battle of Laswarree destroyed Scindia’s power in Northern India; at the same time Kut- tack and Bundelcund were subdued. The rapidity with which the enemy moved in the Deccan harassed Wellesley much; but at length, on the 20th of November, he routed them at Argoam, and there captured Gawelgush, which led to pro¬ posals for peace. The rajah of Berar was the first to capitulate, yield¬ ing a large amount of territory to the English and their allies, and all claims against the Nizam; agreeing also that no European should be admitted into his dominions unless permitted by the British; accre¬ dited ministers were to reside at the respective courts, the rajah re¬ ceiving a resident at Nagpore. Scindia succumbed to similar terms, but was compelled to sacrifice much more territory and power than his ally. M 162 THE TIIltEE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Pending these hostilities, Holkar at Malwa was plundering friend and foe, incredulous of the British achievements. When too late, he determined to make an effort for the independence of the Mahrattas, and sent to Scindia, pressing him to break the recently-signed treaty, which fact the latter immediately made known to the British. Lake believing Holkar amicably disposed, invited him to send officers to negotiate a treaty. Upon their arrival, their terms were found so pre¬ posterous they were forthwith dismissed; and the governor-general being made acquainted with their demands, ordered Generals Wellesley and Lake to march upon Holkar’s territories, Scindia professing the greatest willingness to co-operate. Colonel Monson was sent to act in concert with Colonel Murray, and attack Holkar’s territory on the Gujerat side. Monson advanced with spirit, but retreated upon hearing that Holkar with a large force was marching against him. It was an injudicious movement, and de¬ plorably conducted, while a want of confidence existed between the colonel and his army : the officers and men desired an engagement, Monson sought shelter under a fortress. The forts oh the line of his retreat pronounced against the English ; and the troops, weary and starving, broke through all discipline, and fled in parties to Agra. This panic increased both Holkar’s reputation and his army. Lake took the field to reclaim these misfortunes; but failing to bring the Mahrattas to an engagement, wasted his time at Mutha, which afforded Holkar the opportunity of attempting the surprise of Delhi and securing the emperor, which he nearly accomplished. Lake then marched to relieve the capital; but Holkar five days before had joined the rajah of Bhurtpore, who had broken his treaty with the English. General Frazer then undertook the pursuit, and came up with the enemy’s infantry near Deeg fortress on the 13th of November, and drove them from their first line of guns, but fell mortally wounded at the second, when Colonel Monson assumed the command and cap- tui'ed eighty-seven pieces of cannon ; amongst them were fourteen he had lost in his retreat. Four days later, at Furruckabad, Lake routed Holkar, slaughtering three thousand of his men. Deeg was then in¬ vested, and stormed in ten days. The power of Holkar now seemed destroyed, his territory reduced, his forts and capital possessed by the English. Bhurtpore alone remained to shelter him. This place of refuge Lake attacked on January 2d, 1805, and then, as on subsequent occasions, with great valour, though but little engineering skill. The siege being converted into a blockade, the rajah sued for peace, which was accorded him on favourable terms, renewed hostilities being anti- THE BRITISH ON THE HYPHASIS. 163 eipated with Scindia, who had advanced towards Bhurtpore, when Holkar joined him, and was still hovering about the neighbourhood and harassing our outposts. The policy of Lord Wellesley had been that of stripping the native princes of military, and leaving them civil power only; which gave the East India Company entire control over the foreign relations of these rulers. By the treaties with the Peishwa and the Nizam, the governor- general not only protected the frontiers of both, but secured tranquil¬ lity in the southern parts of the peninsula. This prevented Scindia from levying tribute on the more feeble states, while Holkar moved about at the head of a mere rabble. Necessarily such important results occasioned vast expenditure; but the diminished cost of governing and the growing revenues of the conquered states promised an ample return. From July of this year (1805), when Lord Cornwallis succeeded the Marquis of Wellesley as governor-general, hostilities continued between the troops of Scindia and Holkar and those of General Lake. Driven from the Bhurtpore territories, the Mahratta chieftains fled to¬ wards the north-west frontier, where they appear to have expected some countenance. Lake having conferred with the governor-general, pushed on towards the Sutlej in pursuit of his troublesome opponents, satisfied that the only prospect of continued peace in that quarter lay in the utter over¬ throw of their power. Undismayed by the perils and trials of a long and harassing journey through countries then but little known, the British commander halted not until, having crossed the boundary-line of Alexander’s conquests, he encamped his troops on the banks of the Hyphasis (the Beas), where, upwards of two thousand years before, the veterans of the Macedonian conqueror had pitched their tents. The snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas, the green hills and valleys of the country of the five rivers, the noble stream whose waters fell into the Indus at some distance below,—all these were before their eyes, whilst, at the distance of a few miles, and within his reach, lay Holkar, the object of this long and toilsome march. To have dashed at him, and thus have finished the struggle, would have been the policy of Lake; but a controlling power was at hand. Sir George Barlow had succeeded as acting governor-general, in the room of Cornwallis, who died but a few months after his arrival in the country; and the policy of this civilian was to purchase peace and security at all hazards, at all cost. With the instructions which at this juncture reached him, Lake, however unwilling, had no alternative but 164 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. to consent to a peace, the preliminaries of which were arranged in December, and the treaty was finally ratified in the month of January 1806. By the terms of this agreement the British reinstated Holkar in all his possessions, broke off their alliance with the rajah of Jeypoor and other Hindoo chiefs to the westward of the Jumna, and finally marched back to Delhi. The peace policy of Sir George Barlow, however it may have served a present purpose, did not satisfy those who, like Lord Lake, viewed matters in India with reference to the future as well as the present; and no one who was really competent to form an opinion believed for a moment that this disgraceful treaty would be observed one moment beyond the time which it might serve the pur¬ pose of the Mahratta chieftains; and so it indeed proved, as the fol¬ lowing chapter will demonstrate. FRUITS OF THE PEACE-POLICY. 1G5 CHAPTER V. FROM THE RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES TO THE TERMINATION OF THE SECOND MAHRATTA WAR. a.d. 1806 - 1822 . \he new policy of the supreme government was not long in pro- X ducing its fruits, as might have been anticipated; and first we find matters in the Deccan promising a crisis. Mir Allum, the prime minister of the Nizam, had, by his attach¬ ment to the English, lost the confidence and regard of his master; and intrigues were at this time discovered at Hyderabad for his removal and the disruption of the alliance with the British. This conspiracy calling for decisive steps, orders were forwarded to the resident and commander of the troops, by means of which it was frustrated. It was at this period that the Court of Directors, in order to mortify Lord Wellesley, urged the governor-general to modify the treaty of Bassein ; which proceeding Sir George Barlow, with more than ordinary courage and determination, opposed most strenuously, and declined carrying out. Upon the restoration of the Maliratta chief Holkar, he intimated that, from pure necessity, he must at once disband so many as twenty- thousand of his cavalry; whereupon, large arrears being due to them, a mutiny ensued, which was only quieted by placing Holkar’s nephew in their hands as a hostage. Having thus the heir to the throne in their possession, the troops once more mutinied, but were subdued and their arrears paid; while the innocent object of their revolt ivas sacrificed by his uncle. Shortly after Holkar became iusane, and so remained until his death on the 20th of October, 1811. On bis thus becoming incapacitated, the regency was divided be- tAveen Toolzee Rye, one of his concubines, and Ameer Khan, Avho administered for Mulhar Rao Holkar, about four years old, the son of JesAvunt Rao. This imbecile government sAvayed between tAvo parties, 166 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. the Mahrattas and the Patans, whose respective ascendency was the signal for the renewal of the most sanguinary atrocities. Lord Minto was appointed governor-general, and arrived in India in July 1807. He was a statesman of ability, hated precedents, and judged invariably for himself. He soon found that Wellesley had adopted a firm, but right policy, the very reverse of Cornwallis and Barlow, whose imbecility was near proving most fatal to British ascendency in India. There existed in the Deccan at this period a body of freebooters called Pindarries, who hired themselves indiscri¬ minately to the best paymaster. Upon the defeat of the Mahrattas, these people, left to their own resources, wandered through the country, and pillaged every place that was too weak to oppose them. Subse¬ quent to the last treaty, they were confined in their ravages to Malwa, Bajpootana, and Berar; a few ventured into the dominions of the Peishwa and Nizam, but so long as they left the inhabitants at peace they were not molested. The policy of non-interference adopted by Sir G. Barlow had not only exposed the Rajpoot states to great danger, but thrown the Sikh chieftains into considerable consternation; they were apprehensive that this apparent withdrawal of British assistance might lead to their sub¬ jugation by Runjeet Singh, whose recently-established throne in the Punjab hourly increased in strength. The abandonment of the rajah of Jeypore, and the employment by Scindia of Rao Ghatkia as minister, who had previously planned the attack on the British residency, at length induced the Directory to express their dissatisfaction with Bar¬ low’s policy;, at the same time they wished to avoid a further extension of political supremacy. The Nizam’s court had been an exception to Barlow’s tactics, he having been compelled to support the minister Sheer Alum; upon whose death an arrangement was effected between the Nizam and the governor-general to divide the office, appointing the Nizam’s favour¬ ite, Moneer-al-Mulk, minister, while Chand-u-lal, a supporter of the British, performed the duties of deewan. The Brahmins of the Car¬ natic, the sect of Chand-u-lal, are frequently men of good education, Avith enlarged commercial knowledge, Avkile the Mahomedan Omrahs, to which Moneer-al-Mulk belonged, are the very reverse. Chand-u-lal at once discerned the difficulties and danger of his position, and that his tenure of office rested upon the supremacy of the British at Hyderabad; he therefore exerted himself to establish the Marquis of Wellesley’s military reform, and organised an army commanded by English officers. In return for Avhich he was supported by British influence against his GENERAL WELLESLEY’S DECISION. 1G7 enemies, and allowed to administer the government without interfer¬ ence. The result of this was, that the Nizam fell into a state of melan¬ choly despondency, while the deewan aud his relatives flourished at the expense of British reputation ; and Lord Minto found that, without overstepping his instructions, a remedy was almost hopeless ; matters were therefore allowed to remain as they stood during his adminis¬ tration. Upon Bajee Rao being reinstated by the treaty of Bassein, he did not hesitate to declare that revenge was his motive for allying himself with the English: he was of a most profligate character, choosing his favourites and ministers from those who gratified his lusts or his cruel¬ ties ; and through their agency maintained a correspondence with those who were most opposed to the English. General Wellesley well knew the character of Bajee Rao, and urged a speedy settlement of the rela¬ tions between the Peishwa and southern chiefs, who, though nomiually subjects, obeyed the Peishwa only when he was strong enough to enforce obedience. The terms of settlement proposed by the resident at Poonah for adjusting these differences were, the oblivion of past injuries, the abandonment of all money claims, the guarantee of the lands granted for supporting a certain number of soldiers for the Peishwa, attendance with the whole of their forces when required, and of a third portion under command of a relation at all times. Upon adhering to these stipulations, the British guaranteed the personal safety of the chiefs and their relations. Upon which Lord Minto sent to Madras, Mysore, and the Deccan to have an adequate force to compel the sub¬ mission of any refractory chief. At first neither the Peishwa nor the Jaghiredars, or chieftains, were willing to submit to English dictation; but the presence of a powerful force quieted dissatisfactiou, and the feudatories accompanied the Peishwa to Poonah; aud under the mediation of the resident, came to an arrangement, which greatly increased the Peishwa’s power aud resources. Upon the insanity of Jeswuut Rao incapacitating him from exer¬ cising authority, Ameer Khan declared himself regent; and quitting Indore, headed a body of Piudarries, and began plundering the people. His next act was to threaten Berar, under the pretence that the rajah owed Holkar large sums of money. Upon this Lord Minto at once abandoned the old policy of non-interference; and tendering the rajah British protection, Ameer Khan was subsequently driven into his own doqiinions with heavy loss. Early in the year 1808 it was rumoured that Napoleon was again 1GS THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. endeavouring to establish French influence in India; and, moreover, that his ambassadors in Persia had been received with great marks of distinction by Futtek Ali Shah, the reigning monarch, who had con¬ cluded with them a treaty most inimical to British interests. When this intelligence reached London and Calcutta, missions were sent from each to the court of Persia; hut without any privity or concert. Lord Minto despatched Captain Malcolm; hut his advance on Teheran was stopped by the king of Persia, who at the same time insisted that he should negotiate with his son, the Viceroy of Shiran. To this Malcolm refused to accede, as unbecoming the dignity of the country he repre¬ sented; and, after embodying his sentiments in a memorial to the court, he sailed for Calcutta. The ambassador from the British court, Sir Harford Jones, was a most incompetent person, who seemed only anxious to shew his independence of the Calcutta council. At the time of which we are writing, it was the custom with England to subsidise all her allies; in other words, to pay them for protecting themselves; and a treaty was signed in 1809, by which Great Britain bound herself to pay a yearly sum of 1Q0,00(R., while the king of Persia was at war with Russia; and in addition supiply 16,000 stand of arms and twenty field-pieces, together with artillerymen and officers to instruct the Persians; for which Persia agreed to oppose any attempt of the French to invade the Company’s Indian territory. A similar impression respecting French influence originated a mis¬ sion to the court of Cabul, governed at that time by Shuja-al-Mulk. An alliance was concluded with this potentate, who was, however, shortly after driven from the throne, and pensioned by the British. It has been before remarked that the Marquis of Wellesley’s judi¬ cious plans for the occupation of the French and Dutch possessions in the Indian seas were frustrated by Admiral Rainer. For several years the weakness of the French fleet precluded them from doing more than annoy; but in the winter of 1808, a number of French frigates sailed from various ports in France and Holland, and reaching the Indian seas in the ensuing spring, committed great injury upon our commerce. Still more serious results being apprehended, Lord Minto announced his intention of reducing the islands which sheltered them, and de¬ priving our adversaries of any port of refuge. The reduction of Bour¬ bon and the Mauritius was effected with but little difficulty; but Java was considered an affair of considerable importance. The command was given to Sir Samuel Auchmuty, under whom the governor-general served as a volunteer. On the 4th of August, 1811, the whole of the troops were disembarked in twenty-four hours without an accident, and THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 169 marched against the Dutch at Cornellis, who were protected by a series of batteries mounting 3U0 guns. On the 26th orders for assault were issued, which terminated in the storm of the Dutch camp, and sur¬ render of 5000 prisoners of war. But Jansen, the Dutch governor, re¬ fused to submit; and it was not until garrison after garrison capitulated, that he surrendered the island on the 16th of September. The principle of non-interference prevented Lord Miuto from check¬ ing the tyranny of the nabob of Oude towards his subjects; but he secured the allegiance of Travancore and Bundelcund, and restored tranquillity, to which they had long been strangers. The same absurd policy prevented him from chastising the Pindarries, who, having in¬ creased in audacity, at length plundered Mirzapore, committing, as usual, all sorts of excesses. The apprehension of a Mahratta war, which Lord Minto knew would be displeasing to the Directory, deterred him from punishing these lawless freebooters. The tranquillity of our Indian possessions was now disturbed by the Ghoorkas, a warlike race on the north-eastern frontier, who, taking- advantage of the disputes and distress of their neighbours, extended their sway through the entire province of Nepaul, and thence to the plains inhabited by the dependent rajahs, committing great excesses at Gurruckpore and Sarun. These were at first regarded as individual and unpremeditated acts; but at length their frequency compelled Lord Minto to address the Ghoorka rajah in determined language, demand¬ ing redress and threatening retaliation. But his lordship’s recall threw the duty of curbing these marauders upon his successor. We might here, if space allowed, allude to the vast benefits both the home and Indian community had enjoyed through the sagacity, discretion, and even temper of this really great man, whose doctrines, in the words of Sir John Malcolm, were “to conciliate and carry his supe¬ riors along with him; but not from the apprehension of responsibility; for wherever the exigency of the case required a departure from this general rule, he was prompt and decided.” The arrival of the Marcpiis of Hastings as governor-general took place on October 13th, 1813. His appointment was hailed with great satisfaction: having proved himself an able diplomatist and brave soldier on many occasions, he was justly esteemed the most suited to the exigencies of the times; more particularly so, as it was now well known that neutral policy was rapidly declining in favour at home, and that determined measures were to be taken to repress the insolence and violence of treacherous allies and open enemies. In the following December the rajah of Nepaul sent a reply to 170 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Lord Minto's despatch. It was couched in servile and evasive terms, and led to the appointment of commissioners on both sides to discuss the various points at issue. After repeated interviews, the English commissioners reported that it was useless longer to protract their powers, it being evident that the Nepaulese, who were adepts in dissi¬ mulation, negotiated merely to gain time; upon which the governor- general dismissed the Ghoorka commissioners, with instructions to their rajah to confine himself to his own territory, if he wished to avoid punishment. At the same time the chief was ordered to restore certain lands belonging to the British government which he had seized; and that in the event of his not complying, troops would at once occupy them. This notice being disregarded, the magistrate at Gurruckpore, Sir Roger Martin, took possession of Turall, and the villages near Sarun were also occupied without resistance. The rainy season now setting in, the charge of these places was left to native officers, and the troops withdrawn; upon which the Nepaulese, who had been watching their opportunity, attacked the civil officers and police, who were completely defenceless; and after murdering the superior officer, they killed eighteen, and wounded six, of the police establish¬ ment. This outrage was committed in the presence of the Nepaulese commander-in-chief, who offered neither restraint to the assassins nor assistance to the victims. Immediate representations were made to the rajah, who, instead of offering reparation, justified the outrages which his troops had committed; upon which the Marquis of Hastings prepared for war, the means of defraying which, had it not been for the nabob of Oude, who lent the governor-general large sums at lower rates of interest than the market prices, must have been found by the home government, the Bengal treasury being completely empty. The Pindarries, like the Ghoorkas, it was known, were only waiting the opportunity to renew their predatory excursions; and the Marquis of Hastings forcibly represented to the home executive the urgency of its sanction to a series of determined proceedings, to avoid the impend¬ ing danger. With the view of strengthening the British power, the governor-general had commenced a defensive treaty with the rajah of Berar, who, however, after a protracted correspondence, declined ac¬ ceding to it; and, breaking through the existing treaty of 1814, joined Scindia in the attempt to subjugate the nabob of Bhopaul, who had long maintained himself against the Hindoo princes. The friendship invariably shewn by the nabob, particularly in the Mahratta war, induced us, to join him, as well as Govina Rao, the prince of Sagqr, in offensive and defensive treaties, by which means WAR WITH THE GHOORKAS. 171 were furnished for watching the Mahratta princes, Runjeet Sing and Ameer Khan, leader of the Pindarries. Scindia, who pretended that the rajah of Bhopaul was one of his vassals, became greatly enraged at this alliance, and threatened retaliation; upon which a body of troops was marched on Bundelcund, while another force, under the Nizam, advanced to Elichipore, the capital of Berar; and the go¬ vernor-general then gave his undivided attention to the coming war in Nepaul. The frontier of Nepaul consists of mountain ridges, extending GOO miles from east to west; and it was determined to penetrate it by four armies marching simultaneously. General Ochterlony, with G000 sepoys, was ordered from Loodiana through the liill-passes overlook¬ ing the Sutlej ; General Gillespie, from the Doab to the west of the Jumna, and so on to Nahir ; General Wood, through Bootwal to Palpa; and General Morley, with the main body, was ordered to force the Gun duck passes and march direct on Katmandu, the Ghoor- ka capital. General Gillespie crossed the frontier on the 22d of October, 1814, and captured Dera without opposition ; while Balbhadur Sing, to whom the defence of the town had been entrusted, retreated to a steep and well-fortified hill called Nalapanee. Gillespie, who miscalculated the strength of the position, determined to carry it by assault, but had scarcely reached the wall when he was killed by a musket-ball, and his troops fled to their lines, leaving many comrades behind. Colonel Mowbray, with the remainder, retreated on Dera until he obtained a train of heavy artillery; then advancing, after two days’ firing, he effected a breach, when an assault was attempted; but the Ghoorkas drove back the storming party with great loss. This so disheartened the sepoys that they would not renew the attack; and Mowbray compelled the garrison to surrender by bombardment, after it had been reduced from GOO to 70 inhabitants. General Martindell, Gillespie’s successor, having joined the camp, marched against Nahir, which the Ghoorkas evacuated, retiring to Jythuck, a fortress built on a ridge 4000 feet above the adjacent plain. The general, having reconnoitered, resolved to turn it on both flanks, concealing his intentions by an attack in front; but, most un¬ fortunately, the grenadiers leading the southern column, underrating their adversaries, rashly attacked a stockade well flanked with rocks, and were received with a heavy and well-directed fire from all sides, and driven back upon the sepoys, who had not formed into line so as to support them. The Ghoorkas, perceiving their advantage, dashed 172 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. forward, driving the British before them to the confines of their camp ; after which, General Martindell retreated to Nahir. General Ochterlony, with the army of the Sutlej, was as conspicu¬ ous for caution as Martindell for rashness. He was opposed byAmeerah Sing, the most experienced and courageous of the Ghoorka leaders, whose generalship was well and successfully tested. By a series of ma¬ noeuvres the general obtained possession of post after post, until the entire country between Plassea and Belarpore submitted to him. General Wood, on the other hand, was most unfortunate ; while passing through the Sal forest, his troops came upon an unexpected and well-appointed stockade, which opened a fearfully destructive fire ; but Colonel Hardyman, of the 17th Royal regiment, turned both flanks of the Ghoorkas, and was rapidly securing the victory, when the general, disheartened by the surprise, to the astonishment and indignation of the entire force, sounded a retreat. This was a type of Wood’s cam¬ paign, timidity and injudiciousness invariably betraying the incapacity of the commander. The fourth army, under General Morley, was quite as discreditably commanded as that under Wood. Dividing his forces, he posted three large detachments twenty miles distant from each other; and was panic-struck when two of them were cut off by the enemy. Upon learning this, he suddenly left the camp, and fled to Calcutta. His successor, General George Wood, was a cautious but timid man ; and the consequence was, that the remainder of the campaign was passed in disgraceful idleness. The effect of this disastrous campaign naturally induced a feeling of confidence amongst the enemies of the British in India. In the Peisliwa and Scindia there was a marked alteration; while Runjeet and Ameer Khan shewed they were ready, and only wanted the oppor¬ tunity to act. But the Marquis of Hastings was nothing daunted ; and having ascertained that Kumaoon, in the north of Nepaul, was desti¬ tute of troops, he determined, as he could not spare any of his army, to send an irregular force; for which purpose he appointed Lieut.- Colonel Gardiner and Captain Hearsay, formerly in the Mahratta ser¬ vice, to enlist a force among the Patans of Rohilcund. A considerable number of men were thus collected and divided between Gardiner and Hearsay. The latter blockaded Koolulgurt; and while in this position, the enemy advanced to relieve the place, and forced him into an engagement, in which he was wounded, captured, and sent to Almora by his conqueror, Hasta-Dal. Gardiner, under¬ standing well the mode of Patau warfare, submitted to their ways, hut SUBMISSION OF THE NEPAULESE. 173 proceeded nevertheless with skill and caution, and advanced to Almora shortly after Hearsay’s defeat, where he was joined by Colonel Nicholls with a small train of artillery and 2000 regular infantry. Hasta-Dal attempted to relieve Almora, hut was defeated, and fell in the skirmish; which so disheartened the Ghoorkas that they surrendered the place, and with it the prisoner Hearsay. Notwithstanding repeated orders from Calcutta, General Martindell remained comparatively inactive ; and when he did move, he had neither plan nor object in view. He wasted the season before Jyt- huck : now trying an active siege, but wanting courage to push it boldly; then a blockade, without cutting off the enemy’s communica¬ tions. His only success was in wasting men and money, and destroy¬ ing British reputation in India. General Ochterlony, however, prepared to follow up his advantages, while the Ghoorkas retired before him to a formidable position, con¬ sisting of a mountain-ridge of elevated peaks, all but two of which were stockaded, and further protected by the redoubts of Maloun and Serin- ghar. The two unprotected peaks Ochterlony seized, being confident their attempted recovery would bring on a decisive battle. And so it proved. The Ghoorkas attacked the British with desperation for two hours, when they were driven back, with the loss of their commander and one-third of their force. Ameera Sing would have continued to resist, but was deserted by the other chiefs; eventually he procured safety for himself and followers by surrendering to the British the country west of Kalee, as well as the fortress of Jythuck. Proposals having been made for peace, the English insisted on stipulations to which the Nepaulese refused to accede ; and Ochter¬ lony was ordered to take command of the main army. In February 1816 he penetrated into the forests which protect the frontier of Ne- paul, and soon reached the fortifications guarding the chief pass through the hills. A brief inspection satisfied him of the inutility of attempt¬ ing to capture the stockades by assault, and that he must adopt other plans. Upon further inspection of the locality he discovered a nar¬ row water-course, which was forthwith entered by a column of troops, headed by Ochterlony. After imminent danger and privation, the sum¬ mit was attained, and the enemy abandoned their intrenchments as useless. The Ghoorkas now brought their whole force to bear upon a post occupied by the English at Makwanpore, but were completely defeated ; and Colonels Kelly and O’Halloran having obtained another victory, the rajah of Nepaul solicited peace upon the terms he had recently rejected. During this war the Ghoorkas, nominally subjects of 174 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. the Celestial empire, had applied in that quarter for assistance; upon which the Chinese assembled an army, but procrastinated marching until the war had terminated. Upon learning, however, the origin of the war, they pronounced the Ghoorkas well-deserving punishment, and unhesitatingly left them to their fate. The governor-general was not inclined to act with oppressiveness, nor encumber himself with use¬ less possessions; he therefore limited the Ghoorkas to Nepaul proper, without disturbing their ancient dominions. Our reverses at the commencement of the war gave rise to fresh Mahratta intrigues. Scindia, who headed the confederacy, had esta¬ blished a permanent camp, protected by the fort of Gwalior, which had become a nourishing town in a few years, the increase of which con¬ tributed largely to his pride, as proof of his growing power. He not only intrigued with the Peislnva at Poonah, and Holkar at Indore, but entered into alliance with the rajah of Berar, and obtained promised assistance, upon emergency, from Runjeet Sing and the Rajpoot rajahs, and even sought to win the rajah of Mysore. This combination during the Nepaulese war, had it been brought into operation, would assuredly have seriously affected the British authority ; but the mutual jealousy of the Mahrattas, and knowledge of each other’s treachery, combined with suspicion of their allies, required too much time to organise with effect such a confederacy, during which peace was concluded with the Ghoorkas, and the British concentrated their attention upon central India. During this period of uncertainty and anxiety, the residents at Poonah and JSTagpore were Messrs. Elpliinstone and Jenkins, diplo¬ matists of unrivalled ability, possessed of enlarged experience, great decision, and intimately acquainted with the relations between the native states. The position of the resident at Poonah was one of much difficulty, arising out of the treaty of alliance signed between the Peishwa and the British. The Marquis of Wellesley at the time knew that necessity only had induced the Peishwa to contract the alliance, and foresaw that jealousy would rankle in the native prince’s mind, and a period arrive when he would display his hostility. This view was a correct one: the state of the Peishwa’s affairs being now much improved, and the various Mahratta states tendering him their sup¬ port, he became desirous of cancelling his engagement with the British. He was likewise much dissatisfied with various decisions of the Eng¬ lish governors in their capacities of arbitrators between himself and his vassals, conceiving that interest, not right, had been the foundation of them. Another great source of annoyance iVas compelling him to MAHRATTA INTRIGUES. 175 renounce his supremacy over Kolapore and Sawant Waree, on the coast of the Northern Concan ; these states fitted out small piratical vessels, and had been the scourge of the western seas for years. In 1812 Lord Minto obliged them to succumb to his power, taking possession of their principal ports, and preventing their maritime depredations, the loss of which was the ground of offence to the Peishwa. It is almost unnecessary to remark, that, like most Asiatic princes, Bajee Bao was equally ambitious and timid, fond of intriguing, and swayed by alternate desires and fears. Mr. Elphinstone, by combining discre¬ tion with decision, held him in restraint, until his inclinations being inflamed by a profligate minister, he dashed on through criminality and treachery to his eventual destruction. Upon the death of the rajah of Nagpore, in 1816, his son, Pursajee Bhonslah, who was blind, paralysed, and idiotic, succeeded him, when two factions divided the court; the resident secretly supported Appa Sahib, the next heir, securing him to the British interest. This was a blow to the Mahratta confederacy; for though Appa proved treache¬ rous, his timely withdrawal from that union was considered of the greatest importance to the British. The most depraved minister of the Peishwa was Trimbuckjee Danglia, who commenced life as a runner, then became a spy, and after passing through a variety of degrading offices became the Peish- wa’s favourite, with the command of the artillery and rank of prime minister. These steps were rewards for pandering to his master’s licentiousness and innumerable daring crimes. Trimbuckjee shared in the Mahratta hatred to Europeans, whose presence he believed prevented the Peishwa's supremacy; it was therefore a studied po¬ licy with him to join any attempt to expel or reduoe the British power; he accordingly instigated Bajee Rao to renew his claims upon the Nizam and Guicowar, seizing the estates of the principal land¬ holders, whose revenues enriched his treasury. By this audacious step he collected five millions sterling previous to the commencement of hostilities. The claims against the Nizam and Guicowar Mr. Elphinstone knew were pretences urged for the purpose of keeping open the communi¬ cations between the courts of Poonah, Baroda, and Hyderabad. He therefore strove for an arrangement; but was thwarted by the Peish¬ wa and his minister. The Guicowar was also anxious for a settlement between the Peishwa and himself; he accordingly sent a representa¬ tive to Poonah, with power to conclude a treaty, who, after wasting twelve months, resolved to return and leave the arbitration to the 176 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. British government. This would have foiled the plans of the Peislnva and Trimbuckjee, who accordingly made every exertion to conciliate the envoy’s favour and arrest his return. Gungadhar Shastre, a Brah¬ min of repute, the Guicowar’s representative, was excessively vain, and readily duped by the professed respect Trimbuckjee paid to his abi¬ lities, to whom he proposed resigning his office, that the Peishwa might secure more able services. Mr. Elphinstone having guaranteed the Shastre’s safety, finding negotiations dormant, proposed his return ; to his surprise the envoy refused, when it transpired that a marriage was negotiating between the Shastre’s son and Bajee Rao’s sister-in- law. The Guicowar refusing to cede some territory, the marriage was broken off. The refusal of the Shastre to permit his wife to visit the palace proved another offence in the Peishwa’s eyes. These differences soon produced a quarrel between the Peishwa and the Shastre. Trimbuckjee therefore determined, as he was too deeply committed to extricate himself, to alter his policy, and resolved upon assassination. The Shastre being invited to accompany Bajee Rao on a pilgrimage to the temple of Binderpore, Mr. Elphinstone proceeded with them as far as Nafik, where he was induced to remain while his companions went forward. The night after their arrival, the Shastre, instigated by Trimbuckjee, joined the Peishwa in some ceremonies of much sanctity, receiving in return the warmest assurances of friend¬ ship and esteem. Immediately, however, on quitting the temple, the unfortunate Shastre was almost hewn to pieces by hired assassins. The murder of an envoy, whose safety the British had guaranteed, excited universal indignation; and the sanctity of the spot, and the character of the victim, afforded additional ground of condemnation. The strict inquiry Mr. Elphinstone enforced fixed the guilt upon the Peishwa and his minister. Hereupon Bajee Rao was informed that he might attribute the culpability to the actual perpetrators, hut that his crafty and guilty minister must be surrendered to the British autho¬ rities. The Peishwa hesitating, a British force was quickly assembled at Poonah; upon which he delivered Trimbuckjee to the resident, hav¬ ing obtained a promise that his life would be spared. Accordingly the minister was confined in the Tannah fort, on Salsette island, where he admitted his participation in the murder, in obedience to the Peishwa’s instructions. Tannah being entirely garrisoned by Europeans, Trimbuckjee was enabled, by some native servants, to correspond with his friends; a horsekeeper, who passed his place of confinement daily, being his chief agent. This man carelessly sung, in the peculiar Mahratta recitative THE PEISHWA’S DUPLICITY. 177 style, his information, while the sentries, ignorant of the language, were incompetent to detect the plot, even had they had any suspicion. All being ready, Triinbuckjee made an excuse for cjuitting his rooms, dressed himself as a servant, reached an embrasure, and lowered him¬ self into the ditch by a rope which one of his accomplices had secured to a gun. He had friends ready outside; and long ere his flight was discovered he was safe from pursuit. The Peishwa disclaimed acquaint¬ ance with Trimbuckjee’s escape; but Mr. Elphinstone ascertained that he not only supplied him with money to raise troops, but had given him an audience. A remarkable display of duplicity ensued. Trim- buckjee disciplined large numbers of Mahrattas and Pindarries, whose existence the Peishwa denied ; and when his falsehood became trans¬ parent, he repudiated their actions and threatened them as insur¬ gents. Eventually he placed a price on Trimbuckjee’s head, and for¬ feited the estates of his principal coadjutors. It is here necessary, before entering upon the results of the events just recorded, to review other portions of the Indian possessions. The reputation gained by the British from the issue of the Nepaulese war was augmented in the ensuing year by the capture of Hatrass, a fort belonging to a tributary of the Company named Diaram, who, rely¬ ing upon its position and reputed impregnability, became contuma¬ cious, and determined the authorities upon his chastisement. The mili¬ tary depot at Cawnpore furnished a large train of artillery, which in a few hours effected a breach in the walls, and the principal magazine exploding, finished the demolition of this invulnerable fort, unaccom¬ panied with loss to the besiegers. The affair effected a sensible im¬ pression upon tbe refractory chiefs in Hindostan Proper. The Pindarries, however, increased in numbers and daring propor¬ tionately with the success of the British arms; upon the destruction of Hatrass, a large body entered and desolated a portion of the Madras territory; and in the following season, despite our exertions, ravaged the Deccan. The governor-general, convinced that eventually these au¬ dacious proceedings would be noticed and ordered to be suppressed by the authorities at home, merely acted on the defensive, waiting events, and watching the growing treachery of the Mahrattas, at the same time making every preparation for a war, which he saw was inevitable. This course received the sanction of the home executive, who became at last convinced that Cornwallis and Barlow had erred in their policy of non-interference ; and upon the renewal of the charter in 1813 orders were despatched to place Jeypore under British pro¬ tection when opportunity favoured. Upon the termination of the Ne- N ITS THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. paulese war, the capital of Jeypore being threatened by Ameer Khan and the Pindarries, overtures of an alliance with the prince were made; but these advances were received with indifference, owing, it subse¬ quently appeared, to a supposition entertained by the Jeypore prince that Ameer Khan would abandon his plans, under the impression that British protection could be secured at pleasure; upon which the gover¬ nor-general abandoned any further negotiations until he adopted the line of action he had in view. The Peishwa, though professing the most perfect amity towards the English, was known by the resident to be in league with Trimbuck- jee, and fostering a rebellion nominally against his own dominions. He was manifestly preparing for war;—his treasures were removed from Poonah, his forts repaired and garrisoned, and he levied troops from all quarters. Upon this the governor in council declared that Bajee Bao had broken his treaty with the English, and should be forced to render satisfaction for his past, together with security for his future conduct. His principal forts being at the time in the hands of the British, he had no choice between war or concession; he reluc¬ tantly adopted the latter alternative, and a treaty was signed on the 18th of June, 1817, in which he abandoned his pretensions to be con¬ sidered as the head of the Mahratta chiefs, giving up a quantity of terri¬ tory and the fortress of Ahmednaggar to the British. As a sequence to the foregoing treaty, a supplementary one was executed in the following November with the Guicowar, in which the claims of the Peishwa upon him were commuted by the payment of four lacs of rupees annually; the British receiving, as their share of the agreement, the city of Ahmedabad, the capital of Gujerat, a place of considerable political and commercial importance. The Marquis of Hastings, being now comparatively unfettered, pro¬ ceeded to execute his plans against the Pindarries. He resolved on pushing forward unexpectedly several corps to occupy certain positions, so that the enemy were prevented from concentrating their forces. The success of this plan he considered rested upon secrecy and celerity. The first effort of his policy which greatly influenced the succeeding war was directed against Scindia, to whom both the Pindarries and Mahrattas looked for support. Two corps, one under the governor- general, the other - under Major-General Dorkin, so effectually isolated him that he was forced either to fight or treat. The latter, placed as he was, he knew was his only alternative, though repugnant to his sen¬ timents ; and thus early in the war the promoter and supporter of op¬ position to our rule was detached from his associates. RUPTURE WITH THE PINDARRIES. 179 The treaty was to the effect that Scindia should “use his best exer¬ tions to annihilate the Pindarries, and furnish a contingent to act with the British, under the direction of a British officer; for the complete efficiency of which, as well as the pay of the troops, he was to resign for three years his claim against the Company ; that the sums paid as pensions to his family and ministers should be appropriated to the pay¬ ment of the cavalry he was to furnish ; and it was further agreed that the rest of his army should occupy posts assigned by the English, who aloue could order their removal. A further stipulation admitted the British to garrison the forts of Asseerghur and Hindia during the war, as pledges for his fidelity; and the eighth article dispossessed him of the absolute control of the Rajpoot states. This treaty, so adverse to Scindia’s inclinations, was opposed in its execution by every sort of pretext : his contingent was with difficulty obtained, and Asseerghur not delivered up, the governor, it was stated, refusing to comply with his instructions. The British eventually be¬ sieged and captured the fort, when a letter was discovered from Scindia directing the governor to comply with any and every command of the Peishwa. This letter Scindia endeavoured to palliate upon the plea of the long-established friendship between their families, an extenuation Lord Hastings admitted ; but as a penalty for so gross a violation, he demanded the absolute cession of Asseerghur, which in our keeping placed an effectual check upon the freebooters and robbers who had hovered about it, while under the Mahratta government it being a sure refuge for them. The main attack against the Pindarries was now arranged. Situ¬ ated as they were in Malwa and the valley of the Nerbudda, the armies of Bengal, Gujcrat, and the Deccan moved simultaneously towards them. The army of the Deccan, numbering fifty-three thousand men, under Sir Thomas Hislop, formed the centre, being supported by the Bengal army, twenty-four thousand strong, on one side, and the Gujerat army, nearly as formidable, upon the other ; while the entire force of the enemy scarcely numbered thirty thousand, and from the jealousy of their chiefs, Cheetor, Kurrur Khan, and Nasil Mahomed, were des¬ titute of all unity of action. Favourable as circumstances thus ap¬ peared, events at Poonah entirely altered the campaign, and brought us into a war with the Peishwa. An impression prevailing that the treaty which Bajee Rao had signed at Poonah was intended to be infringed, the resident declined attending him when he paid his next annual visit of devotion to the temple of Pundesorc. This was done with a view to restore the con- 180 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. fideuce between the British government and the Peishwa, while he, under pretence of meeting this concession, dismissed a body of his cavalry ; but it was ascertained that each officer had seven months! pay in advance, with orders to be vigilant and ready, and when summoned, to bring as many volunteers as possible. Instead of returning to Poonah, the Peishwa proceeded to Maholy, near Satara, a place invested with great sanctity by the Hindoos: while there, he was waited on by Sir John Malcolm, political agent to the governor-general, who had been visiting .and instructing the different residents respecting the proceedings against the Pindarries. Sir John, usually held to be an able diplomatist, was completely duped by the pro¬ fessions of the Peishwa, and returned to Poonah, satisfied that by en¬ couraging his desire to augment his forces, and treating him with confidence, the British would find an able ally. The resident, Mr. Elphinstone, differed entirely from Sir John’s views, but was over¬ ruled, and the hill-forts, which were held for the performance of the treaty, were delivered up to the Peishwa, while General Smith’s force, placed so as to intimidate Poonah, was marched to the frontiers of Candeish, leaving scarcely any protection for the residency. The Peishwa returned to Poonah in September, after having matured his plans against the English at Maholy. The Mahratta chiefs, however, before uniting with him, doubting his resolution, compelled him to swear that he would be guided by the advice of Bappoo Gokla, a general who had their entire confidence. The Peishwa did not neglect Malcolm’s absurd recommendation to recruit his army; upon that point his exertions were unceasing, neither did he omit storing and repairing his forts, or manning his fleet. Trimbukjee Danglia likewise contributed his assistance by engaging the Bhuls, Bamoosies, and various predatory tribes; while constant despatches passed to Nagpore and the encampments of Scindia, Holkar, and Ameer Khan. The assassination of the resident and disaffection of the troops were personally undertaken by the Peishwa. The fidelity of the sepoys had never been suspected; but the re¬ ports from every quarter, together with the largeness of the offered bribes, and a still more important fact, that several of their families were in the Peishwa’s power, and suffering from his vindictiveness, at length created some apprehension. But to the honour of these gallant men, neither domestic considerations, nor the rewards held out, had any influence on them. All attempts were ineffectual; some indig¬ nantly spurned the offers, while others appeared to accept them, for the purpose of learning the nature of the intrigues, and then divulged ENGAGEMENT WITH THE MAHRATTAS. 181 them to their officers. If there was this principle of' honour exhibited on our side ; on the Peishwa’s, it would not be doing justice to a brave soldier if we omitted stating that Bappoo Gokla would not for a mo¬ ment listen to or sanction the assassination of Mr. Elphinstone; on the contrary, he immediately sent word to the resident to apprise him of his danger. That gentleman, knowing that a European regiment was marching to support him, and aware of the indecision of Bajee Rao, entertained hopes that his courage might fail at the last moment. The forces in cantonments being badly posted, Mr. Elphinstone moved them to Khirkee village, which had been pointed out by Gene¬ ral Smith, in the event of a rupture. This withdrawal the Mahrattas attributed to fear, and the abandoned cantonments were immediately plundered. Parties of horse at the same time advanced on the British lines, while the language of the Peishwa’s ministers became most offen¬ sive and insulting. On the 3d of November, Mr. Elphinstone deeming longer delay inimical to our interest, ordered the light battalion and a body of auxiliary horse to march on Poonah, when the Peishwa resolved at once to commence hostilities. The only portion of the Mahratta army visible was the infantry assembling on the tops of the surrounding heights. Ascending one of these, it was perceived that a mass of cavalry covered nearly the whole of the plain below, towards the city; while endless bodies were pour¬ ing in from every quarter. Mr. Elphinstone, discovering the attempt the infantry were making to cut him off from the camp, retired with his family to Kirkhee, exposed to the Mahratta fire from the opposite side of the river; at the same time ordering Lieut.-Colonel Burr to attack the Peishwa’s forces, and Major Ford to support him with the irregulars. The Mahrattas, surprised at this movement from troops they had fancied disheartened, hesitated; Gokla, however, encouraged his men to advance, using praises, taunts, and implorations, as best suited his purpose ; but the Peislnva, after the troops had advanced, sent word to Gokla not to fire the first gun. The general, seeing the messenger, and guessing his errand, instantly opened a nine-gun bat¬ tery, detaching a corps of rocket-camels to the right, and advancing his cavalry upon both flanks, nearly surrounded the British; but the rapidity of the cavalry movement left the infantry in the rear, with the exception of a battalion under a Portuguese named De Pinto, who had taken a shorter route, and concealed his men amongst the low jungle. De Pinto formed with great steadiness, but was suddenly charged by the English sepoys, who, in their impetuosity, became detached from the rest of the troops. Gokla, to take advantage of this, led forward 182 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. six thousand cavalry, but was perceived by Colonel Burr, who instantly stopped the pursuit of De Pinto’s routed force, and ordered the sepoys to reserve their lire. In front of the British left, and unknown to either party was a deep swamp, into which the Mahratta horse dashed with such impetuosity that those behind rode over their sinking companions in front. The sepoys poured their reserved fire into them with terrible effect ; whilst the few who reached the sepoys’ bayonets were despatched with ease. A company of Europeans now advancing in support, the Mahrattas fled in a body, leaving the English victors over a bod}' ten times their number, with the loss of but eighty-three in killed and wounded. Upon the declaration of hostilities, Bajee Rao gave vent to his san¬ guinary and vindictive disposition. The residency was plundered and burnt; the families of the soldiery that fell into his hands beaten, robbed, and many mutilated; the crops destroyed, trees torn up, and even the graves violated. An engineer officer, surveying, was killed. Two brothers named Vaughan, one a captain in the Madras army, were captured whilst travelling near Poonah, and hanged; but Gokla terminated these atrocities, Mr. Elphinstone representing to him that a severe retaliation would follow the continuance of such acts. The communications from Poonah having ceased, General Smith, suspecting something amiss, prepared to return, and was followed and harassed by parties of the Mahratta light horse. On the 13th of No¬ vember the two detachments effected a junction, marched towards the camp of Bajee Rao, who, after a sharp engagement, fled to Sattara, leaving his capital to the mercy of the English. Possession was at once taken of it, and further reinforcements having arrived, General Smith started in pursuit of the Peishwa. At Nagpore very similar occurrences had taken place. Notwith¬ standing that Appall Sahib was chiefly indebted to the English for his elevation, he soon exhibited his ingratitude, by entering into secret correspondence with the Peishwa. This, although a violation of his treaty, the English government did not notice, the resident considering it would be impolitic to betray any suspicion respecting the rajah’s in¬ tegrity, his communications being frank and unreserved. Mr. Jenkins did not, however, trust to demeanour only; the increase of the Nag¬ pore army, and the growing correspondence with the court of Poonah) spoke more plainly than the rajah’s professions. But it was hoped that Bajee Rao’s defeat would have had its influence upon the rajah; still the worst was prepared for, and instant reinforcements demanded. In a short time suspicions were confirmed, news being brought of an THE MAHRATTAS DEFEATED. 183 intended attack upon the residency and cantonments, .which the move¬ ments of the rajah’s army tended to confirm, and defensive measures were at once taken. Colonel Scott with his brigade forthwith occu¬ pied the residency and neighbouring heights. The British force, about 1500 strong, were here attacked, on the night of the 26th of November, by an army numbering 18,000 men, and again on the following day, when, after many hours’ severe fighting, the enemy were repulsed with great loss. The defeat of his army, added to the appearance of reinforcements, destroyed the hopes of Appall Sahib, who sought to make his peace with the British, declaring the late attack had been made without his cognisance. He was ordered to draw off his troops from the vicinity before any reply would be made, with which he instantly complied, but still continued to vacillate in his conduct. General Doveton having- now arrived ivitli his army in support of the resident, the following terms were offered the rajah : viz. to deliver up his ordnance and mili¬ tary stores, disband his Arab mercenaries at once, and his own troops afterwards ; that the British should occupy Nagpore, and himself reside at the residency as a hostage. He was still left with the nominal sovereignty and functions, against the wish of the governor-general, who acceded to the representations of Mr. Jenkins ; and the latter, after many evasions, and a further struggle with the Arab troops, brought the rajah to accede to the British terms. The Marquis of Hastings ordered the embodiment in a treaty of the provisional engagements with Appall Sahib ; but before final in¬ structions reached Nagpore a fresh revolution had burst forth. The cession of the forts of Berar was refused by the governors. This, it was suspected, and soon confirmed, was at the instigation of the rajah ; while correspondence between the rajah, his troops, and former minis¬ ters, clearly demonstrating renewed hostility, was detected. The min¬ der likewise of his predecessor was clearly brought home to him. These offences, great as they were, would not have induced Mr. Jenkins to have adopted extraordinary measures; but information of the rajah’s intended escape reaching him, he ordered a detachment to occupy the palace and capture the rajah, who was placed in confinement at the residency until ordered to be sent, strongly escorted, into Hindostan. But while on his way to Benares, appointed as his residence, by pre¬ tending illness and bribing his guards, he escaped. The officer in charge visited the rajah at the usual hour at night, found him appa¬ rently asleep in bed, the attendants requesting him not to disturb their master, repose being essential to his enfeebled condition; this was 184 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. acceded to, and a hasty glance failing to detect a pillow as a substitute for the invalid, the officer departed, Appall Sahib at the time being miles away. His escort, it subsequently appeared, were his own sol¬ diery, whom he had been allowed to select, the authorities not wish¬ ing, upon his leaving his kingdom, to irritate his feelings by a denial. Appah fled to the Mahedo hills, and thence to Asseergliur, where he joined Cheeto, the leader of the Pindarries. General Smith, who pursued the flying Peishwa, had a harassing chase through the ghauts ; and getting too far to the north, Bajee Bao returned and threatened to retake Poonah. Upon which Colonel Bun- ordered to his assistance the Seram detachment, which marched under the command of Captain Staunton. It consisted of one battalion of native infantry, three hundred irregular horse, and two six-pounders manned by twenty-four Europeans. A night-march brought them to the hills overlooking Konjaum, where Captain Staunton suddenly found himself confronting the Peishwa’s army twenty-five thousand strong. An engagement ensued, which, incredible as it may appear, termi¬ nated in favour of the British; men and officers gallantly supporting the reputation of the English. The feats of daring performed this day were never excelled in Indian warfare ; while, on the side of the enemy, acts of barbarity which were intended to intimidate produced a contrary effect, and added to the desperate valour displayed on the part of the English. The Peishwa, his general Lokla, and Trimbuckjee Danglia witnessed the engagement with dismay, and when night came on made a rapid retreat. The Peishwa was pursued; hut, as usual, without success. Sattara was then attacked by General Smith, and capitulated; after which a proclamation was issued deposing the Peishwa; and, with the exception of a small portion retained for the rajah of Sattara, his terri¬ tories were declared forfeited to the Company. Regulations were also issued for equitably adjusting the rental and taxation of the country. Bajee Bao, who had retreated to Sholapore, being joined by a body of horse, moved westward. General Smith, discovering the enemy’s tactics, pursued with cavalry and horse-artillery, and came upon the Mahrattas suddenly. In the engagement which ensued, Gokla was cut down by a dragoon, and the Mahrattas fled, leaving their baggage and several elephants, and their captive hostage the rajah of Sattara. Bajee Bao now moved on Nagpore \ hut finding the dissimulation of the rajah of that country had been punished, he returned to the northern confines. nOLKAR DEFEATED. 185 The Marquis of Hastings having resolved upon the extermination of the Pindarries, Sir John Malcolm and Colonel Adams, acting with General Marshall, drove them from their strongholds ; upon which Wasil Mohammed and Kharrum Khan united their forces and pro¬ ceeded to Gwalior, whither they were invited by Scindia. Cheeto took to the north-west, trusting to Holkar for support. These movements being known, the governor-general sent a strong force to cut off the enemy before reaching Gwalior, bringing one divi¬ sion close on Scindia’s camp. The Pindarries failing in their object of entering Gwalior, took flight into Mewar. One body, however, ravaged the Deccan and entered the Carnatic, where they were destroyed or dis¬ persed before the ensuing February; and Cheeto, pursued by Malcolm, sought refuge in Holkar’s encampment. On the 21st of December the English sighted the enemy’s entrench¬ ments. Holkar’s army was strongly posted near Mahedpore, the river Supra covering his left, and a deep ravine protecting his right flank, with a strong display of artillery in front, amounting to seventy guns, well manned by the Patans. The British, while fording the Supra, suffered severely from the enemy’s guns ; and each regiment, in order to escape the slaughter, was ordered, after taking its position on the other side of the river, to lie on the ground. At length, the whole having crossed, the signal was given, when they advanced rapidly to the charge, carrying all before them. Holkar’s lines were broken, his guns captured, and a complete though bloody victory was obtained. A large amount of military stores was left on the field by the enemy, in addition to the whole of their artillery. After this engagement the British forces marched to Mundinore, where envoys met them, deputed by young Holkar to treat for peace, which was granted more favourably for him than he might have anti¬ cipated. The victory over Holkar rendered Scindia perfectly submis¬ sive : he could not, however, control his feudatories, one of whom sheltered Cheeto and his Pindarries; this was immediately noticed, and General Brown sent to resent his contumacious behaviour. A more efficient man for the service could not have been selected; he acted with such promptitude, that Juswunt Bao’s camp was surprised, his town stormed, all his guns captured, and another prince substituted for him over the district he governed. Cheeto now fled with his Pindarries to the north-west districts; and the pursuit was then handed over to the Gujerat division, by whose efforts he was at length surprised, and his army dispersed by a small detachment from the fort of Hindia. Escaping with a few fol- 186 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. lowers, lie sought protection from the nabob of Bhopal, who, however, rejected his overtures. Thus situated, he was compelled to join Appall Sahib, also a fugitive, but who was unable to afford him an effectual shelter; and having left this, his last hope, he wandered friendless through the fastnesses, and finally fell by an attack from a tiger. The Pindarries were now prostrated; destitute of leaders and homes, their position had become desperate, and eventually such as remained of them settled down to agricultural pursuits. On his return to Madras, Sir Thomas Hislop proceeded to possess himself of the various fort's yielded by Scindia and Holkar. Matters proceeded peaceably until the advanced guard approached the fort of Talnier, when a fire was opened from the walls. This unprovoked assault, and rupture of the treaty by which Talnier was ceded to the English, occasioned much surprise. General Hislop not being desirous of having recourse to severe measures, sent a message to the governor, informing him of the stipulations, and that in the event of any further opposition, he would be treated as a rebel. Instead of this message producing the effect intended, the reply was of a hostile character; upon which a six-pounder and two howitzers were ordered at once to play on the gateway of the fort. The enemy briskly replied, and opened a spirited fire upon the besieging force. The British guns were found too small to do much damage to the walls ; and it was at length de¬ cided to carry the gate by assault. A storming party was ordered to advance; upon which a flag of truce was exhibited on the walls, and the commander shortly after appeared, and declared his readiness to surrender the fort according to the stipulations acceded to, time being- allowed to make the requisite preparations. •To this the British general replied, that the surrender must be immediate and unconditional, and directed his reply to be made known to the adverse troops. Great reluctance being shewn to convey this message, the storming party were led on, passing through the dilapidated walls, and advanced to the last gate without opposition. On arriving there, a small gate was opened, through which Major Gordon, with a few supporters, entered; a short conference ensued, the enemy closing round Gordon, who was thus completely entrapped, and with his party barbarously murdered. This treachery being made known, the English soldiery attacked the place with desperation, to avenge their murdered comrades. The pioneers soon forced an entrance ; and the besieged, to the number of 150, were destroyed: some few hid themselves in haystacks; but being discovered, the stacks were fired, and the fugitives, in attempting to escape from the flames, were shot like dogs by the infuriated soldiers. CAPTURE OF ASSEERGHUR. 187 Two Arab boys and an old woman, who had secreted themselves in a well, were the only survivors of this fearful assault. The Killidan and Arab commander of the fort, Sir Thomas Hislop hung as rebels. Their execution was strongly remonstrated against by several of the officers, both of them at the period of Gordon’s murder being prisoners in the keeping of the British. Hislop’s line of action proved correct, and ensured the peaceful surrender of the other fortresses. The keys of Chandore Galna and Unktunky were sent into the British camp, and immediately occupied. All that was now wanting to terminate the war was the capture of Bajee Eao and Appall Sahib. The Peislnva moved about with a daily decreasing army, and at last was surprised and defeated by Col. Adams, who crowned his victory by the capture of Chandah fort. Bajee Rao now made proposals to Mr. Elphinstone; but as they implied the possession of authority, he was informed that nothing short of unconditional submission would be listened to. Deeply mortified, he retreated with about 8000 men to a strong hill-post, whence he sent agents to Sir John Malcolm, the nearest of his adversaries, to treat for a surrender. Malcolm, coveting the honour of being considered the terminator of the war, entered into negotiations at once; the terms of which were his surrender to Sir John, the abdication of his throne, and the passing the remainder of his life within the British territory, the Company allowing him 80,000^. a year, and the retention of his private treasures. These concessions were reluctantly confirmed by the governor-general, who considered them greatly disproportioned to the condition of the Peislnva; and he condemned Malcolm in strong terms for his injudiciousness. Trim- buck jee Danglia did not long remain free after his master’s surrender; and being captured, was confined a prisoner for life. Appall Sahib was for some time blockaded among the hills; but at length made his escape to Asseerghur, which w r as then invested by General Doveton, supported by Malcolm with the Malwa contingent, a strong force of ai'tillery. Asseerghur, after an obstinate defence, surrendered on the 9th of April, 1819; but Appah Sahib had fled previously to its capture, and w’as not to be heard of. Fort after fort was now surrendered, and the governor-general commenced his plans for managing the captured ter¬ ritory. The possessors of property were treated with every considera¬ tion, and the law little changed in its enforcement; but an increased vigilance w r as needed in the criminal courts to suppress the organised bodies of murderers and robbers that infested the country. By these means a great change in the condition of the natives was effected, 18S THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. which, on the whole, gave much satisfaction. At Bareilly in Bohil- cund, however, some resistance was made. A tax was there levied to defray the cost of the police; unpopular in itself, it was rendered still more so hy its mode of collection. The head of the police, a man hated for his audacity and severity, was appointed hy the magistrate to collect the tax. In consequence of the offensiveness of the tax, several meetings were held, and a petition against it presented hy the mufti to the magistrate. The petition was unnoticed; and popular dis¬ content was aggravated hy a female being wounded by the police while distraining for the tax. These occurrences led to a collision with the people, which was at¬ tended with bloodshed, and left behind it a strong feeling of discontent. With the fall of Asseerghur ended the Mahratta war, famous alike for the many engagements which had taken place, and the difficulties pre¬ sented by the nature of the country in which they occurred. The loss of the British in killed, wounded, and invalided was considerable; and amongst other enemies which our troops had to encounter during this harassing campaign, not the least Avas the cholera, which made its first appearance in the south of Bengal during the rainy season of 1817. Thence it made its Avay Avestward to the English camp, where it committed great havoc, especially among the troops of the governor- general in Bundelkund, where about a tenth of the entire number Avere carried off. Europeans and natives Avere alike attacked, though not Avith equally fatal effects, the more poorly clad and fed suffering the most. Since that time the disease has scarcely ever been absent from some part of the Indian territories. Early in 1822 the Marquis of Hastings, having resigned the high office he had filled during nine years, returned to England, leaving India, as several of his predecessors had done, in an apparent state of tranquillity. A revieAV of his active administration Avill sIicav that it had been attended Avith the most striking and brilliant events. The aggressions of the Mahrattas and Pindarries had been put an end to, and the poiver of those daring and restless people completely broken; Avhilst Scindia alone remained of all the disturbers of the public peace, almost powerless, and no longer feared as a dangerous adversary. The Company’s name and reputation had been extended by the addition of large territories; and on all sides the revenues and trade had increased, and the people appeared to be contented and prospering. LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 189 CHAPTER VI. THE FIRST BURMESE WAR, AND THE CESSION OF ASSAM AND THE TENASSERIM PROVINCES TO THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. a.d. 1822-1827. I F the Marquis of Hastings had the honour of terminating success¬ fully one of the many important struggles in which the British forces had been engaged with native powers, he enjoyed the credit of having bequeathed to his successor a war as tedious and harassing, if not as brilliant, as any in which that government had ever been in¬ volved. Before proceeding to detail the events of the first Burmese war, it will be necessary, in order to preserve this historical narrative in its integrity, to advert in the first place to the nomination of Earl Amherst as governor-general mainly through ministerial influence; which was successfully urged against the superior claims of Lord William Bentinck, who had previously distinguished himself as go¬ vernor of Madras. The temporary administration of Mr. Adams, pending the arrival of this latter nobleman, was rendered notorious by the exercise of a power which had hitherto not been used, though vested in the supreme government. To the censorship of the press of India was added the discretion of banishing any refractory or troublesome editor from the Company’s territories. This despotic control was exercised by Mr. Adams against the editor of the Calcutta Journal, who, upon publish¬ ing some stringent remarks upon the acts of the executive, received notice to quit the country within a few days. This tyrannical pro¬ ceeding, involving as it did the ruin of an individual, called forth some severe strictures in England, but was nevertheless supported and ap¬ proved by the home government. It was at this period also that the negotiations among the Euro¬ pean powers, relative to the various Dutch settlements in the East, cap¬ tured during the war, were brought to a final issue by the British 190 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. authorities ceding to Holland the islands of Sumatra and Bencoolen, the former retaining possession of Malacca and Singapore. This last, under the auspices of Sir Stamford Raffles, was destined to rise to ,au importance as a commercial settlement unknown to any other of our eastern possessions; and at the present time may be considered the heart of the Indian seas. Another event occurred, during the short administration of Mr. Adams, most disastrous to many of the European community of India. The commercial firm of Palmer and Company had for a series of years, and with the private cognisance of the Marquis of Hastings, contracted for loans of money to the Nizam of the Deccan, amounting in the ag¬ gregate to 700,OCKH ; and, as security for the repayment of the ba¬ lances, they had received a lien on the revenues of the Nizam. Such transactions were contrary to the laws of the Company, which reserved to itself alone the right of entering upon monetary transactions with native powers. Some difficulties having arisen between the contract¬ ing parties, the entire affair came under the notice of the supreme go¬ vernment ; whereupon the acting governor-general declared Palmer and Company had throughout acted illegally, and could not recover from the Nizam. The effect of this was to cause the immediate insolvency of this wealthy firm, to the serious injury of great numbers of the ser¬ vice, who had employed them as their bankers. Whilst the British had been engaged in the extension of their ter¬ ritories on the west and north-west of India, the Burmese had been scarcely less actively employed in the enlargement of their dominions on the east. In this way the frontiers of the two powers approached each other, until the occupation of Assam, Arracan, and Cacliar, finally rendered them near neighbours. On the paid of the Company there was little to hope for by any aggression in the direction of Burmah; whilst, on the other hand, the 6dat of successes over the inhabitants of the subjugated provinces led the advisers of the golden-footed sove¬ reign of Ava to indulge in dreams of further and more noble acquisi¬ tion to the westward. Matters might have remained undisturbed for a long period but for an occurrence which took place on the confines of the south-east terri¬ tories. In order to render this affair intelligible, it will be first neces¬ sary to refer to events which had occurred on our Burman frontier during the previous thirty years. It was in 1798 that as many as 30,000 of the Mugs, a race inhabit¬ ing a part of Arracan, fled from the oppression of their Burmese mas¬ ters, and sought refuge within the British district of Chittagong. An RUPTURE WITH THE BURMESE. 191 asylum was not refused them, and they settled down in villages and towns to various pursuits. Many attempts were subsequently made by the Burmese authorities to persuade the resident at Chittagong to deliver up the fugitives; but without avail. An embassy was after¬ wards despatched by the court of Ava to Calcutta, but without inducing any change in the policy of the supreme government. In 1802, and again in 1809, embassies were sent to the governor-general by the Burmese sovereign, having the same subject for object, always with apparent friendly results, but still leaving the matter rankling in the mind of the latter potentate. In 1818 it appeared probable that a rupture would ere long take place between the two powers. The go¬ vernor-general, however, had no desire for a war which held out such small prospect of gain or renown, and assumed a conciliatory tone in all negotiations. This demeanour was not unnaturally construed into weakness by the barbarian monarch ; and his tone and demands be¬ came more assuming as that of the other evinced a more friendly disposition. On the arrival of Lord Amherst in India, a lull in Bur¬ mese agitation had taken place ; and it might have been imagined by ordinary spectators that the threatening storm would pass over. Sud¬ denly, however, it burst upon the British territories in a night-attack by the Burmese troops upon the island of Shahporee, at the entrance of the Tek Nauf, or arm of the sea dividing Chittagong from Arracau. It had been usual to keep a small guard on duty to protect the island from any marauders ; but an attack from the Burmese not having been anticipated, the small force was overcome, and the island formally occu¬ pied by the Burmese. The governor of Arracan, when called upon to explain this invasion, impudently announced the annexation of it by his government; and that, moreover, unless the acknowledged right of the Burmese to the island was admitted, the sovereign of Burmah would invade the British territories. This violent act was shortly followed by the imprisonment of the commander and several of the crew of the Com¬ pany’s cruiser Sophia. Other open acts of hostility were committed; and finally large bodies of troops from Assam and Munnipore crossed the frontiers, and, plundering the villages, established themselves within a few miles of Sylhet by means of their usual defences, bamboo stockades. From this position they were driven with considerable loss, as also from several other stockaded posts on the eastern frontier, though not always without loss on the side of the British. These operations occurred during January and February of the year 1824 ; and when a more imposing force under the command of Colonel Inncs was pre¬ paring to march against the invaders, intelligence was received of a 192 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. numerous army of the Burmese having penetrated our territories on the Arracan side, led on by Maha Bandoola, the favourite general of the sovereign of Ava, who, it was stated, was so confident of success, that he carried with him golden fetters, in which the governor-general was to be led captive to the presence of his royal master. Hostilities being no longer doubtful, Lord Amherst proclaimed war in due form, by issuing a manifesto declaring the Burmese public ene¬ mies, stating the various causes of complaint against them, and inter¬ dicting all British subjects, European and native, from holding inter¬ course with them. This proclamation also stated, that the “ deliberate silence of the court of Ava, as well as the combination and extent of the operations undertaken by its officers, leave it no longer doubtful that the acts and declarations of the subordinate authorities are fully sanctioned by their sovereign. The governor-general in council there¬ fore, for the safety of the subjects and security of our districts, already seriously alarmed and injured by the approach of the Burmese armies, has felt himself imperatively called on to anticipate the threatened in¬ vasion. The national honour no less obviously requires that atonement should be had for wrongs so wantonly inflicted and so insolently main¬ tained, and the national interests equally demand that we should seek, by an appeal to arms, that security against future aggression which the arrogance and grasping spirit of the Burmese government have denied to friendly remonstrance and expostulation.” The ignorance of the authorities upon the geography and resources of the Burmese territories caused some hesitation in adopting a plan of action. It was intended at one time to march on Ava through Arra¬ can, a subsidiary force moving simultaneously from Cachar; but on inquiry this plan was abandoned, the unhealthiness of Arracan being considered insurmountable. It was then resolved that Madras and Bengal should provide an army which should capture Rangoon, the principal Burmese sea-port at the mouth of the river Irrawaddy. The seizure of this place, it was believed, would intimidate the king, and induce him to sue for peace ; if otherwise, it was resolved to establish a depot of ammunition and military stores at Rangoon, to seize the boats and ascend the river to the capital, a distance of six hundred miles. Port Cornwallis, a harbour in the Andaman Islands was the place of rendezvous to which the Bengal division was conveyed in April, to be followed in May by the Madras force. The united forces were commanded by Sir Archibald Campbell, who had served with great distinction in the Spanish campaigns, but knew little either of Indian wars or discipline. Commodore Grant commanded the naval CAPTURE OP RANGOON. 193 part of the expedition, consisting of the Liffy, Larrne, Sophia, Slmiey, with several cruisers, and a small steam-vessel. The 10th of May found the squadron anchored within the bar of the Irrawaddy, to the great consternation of the Burmese authorities; and as the night advanced watch-fires were lighted in every direction along the shores. The British resolved at once to make for Bangoon, trusting, by the great consternation evinced, that the place would surrender, and afford at once cattle, boats, and boatmen, all of which the expedition was destitute of. Accordingly, arrangements having been speedily made, the fleet sailed up the river on the ensuing morning. At noon the Liffy anchored in front of the king’s battery at Rangoon, the re¬ mainder of the vessels taking position in her rear. These arrange¬ ments were effected without the slightest interruption, the enemy ap¬ pearing completely intimidated. The Burmese authorities, however, at length succeeded in persuading their mercenaries to open a cannon¬ ade upon the ships, to which the Liffy replied, quickly driving the troops from their guns, and leaving the town deserted by both soldiers and inhabitants. The complete evacuation of Rangoon was at first viewed with sus¬ picion, it being apprehended that it was intended as a ruse. It soon, however, transpired that upon the arrival of the British be¬ coming known, the governor, aware of the defenceless nature of the place, had ordered the inhabitants to be driven into the thick jun¬ gle of the interior, drafting the males into the army, and retaining their wives and children as hostages for their fidelity. This appears to have been a customary practice with the Burman government. The position of the victors was now one of considerable anxiety; for, destitute of supplies, and without the means of travelling either by land or water, it was evident that during the approaching monsoon the hovels of Rangoon were to be their quarters, with an uncertain supply of provisions, and but a remote prospect of reinforcements from Calcutta. It was known previous to the capture of Rangoon, that there were a few British and American residents in the town, whose absence afforded considerable anxiety to the captors. It subsequently appeared that they were seized and confined, and after repeated examinations by the governor were condemned to death. In this condition the prisoners remained several hours, when a 32-pound shot from the Liffy struck the place in which the chiefs were assembled, upon which they hurried off with their prisoners some miles into the interior. An advanced guard of the British fortunately followed in their track, and so alarmed the o 194 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Burmese escort that they fled in great haste, leaving their prisoners behind them, who were thus liberated. The possession of the Golden Dagon Pagoda, about two miles and a half from Rangoon, was Sir A. Campbell’s first care. The approach to it on the southern face was through a row of mango, cocoa-nut, and other beautiful trees leading from the town, and shading a good road, at each side of which were monasteries of great antiquity, and richly carved with curious images and ornaments ; whilst here and there ap¬ peared huge images of griffins and other hideous monsters, guarding the entrance to different pagodas; at the end of this road rose abruptly the eminence on which stood the golden Dagon. The removal of the inhabitants from Rangoon was but the prelude to the desolation of the country, in the hope that famine would drive the British from the place. This would, doubtless, have been good policy, had humanity accompanied the perpetration ; but the evils that it was intended to inflict upon the invaders fell with tenfold severity upon the poor inhabitants, who were as little cared for as though they neither belonged to the country nor were worthy of a moment’s con¬ sideration to those who directed the war. The Burmese, who formed a cordon round the British, resolved, while they harassed them, to avoid an engagement. They were con¬ cealed in their impenetrable forests, and carried their measures into effect without the slighest chance of observation, whilst with their ad¬ versaries all was doubt and uncertainty. Their scouts came in without intelligence, and the natives previously removed from the vicinity, all means of communication were destroyed. The English commander had been induced to suppose that the occupation of Rangoon would in¬ stantly have produced its effect upon the court of Ava, and that the demands of the governor-general would have been immediately com¬ plied with; but the present aspect of affairs led him to doubt the accuracy of these conclusions. Even the rising of the inhabitants of Pegu against the yoke of the Burmese, which he was informed might be safely relied upon, had not been manifested by the slightest movement. The court of Ava had been both expecting and preparing for war, but not in the quarter in which it appeared. After the insolent mes¬ sage sent to Chittagong, respecting the retention of the island of Sha- poree, preparations upon an extensive scale were made for invading Chittagong from Arracan ; and reports were circulated that, in the event of the British refusing to give up all claims to the island, an army of thirty thousand men would invade Bengal, and march directly upon ADVANCE UPON THE INTERIOR. 195 Calcutta. Upon the arrival of the British at Pegu active preparations were made to expel them. Every town and village contributed its quota of armed men to its respective chief, and the Irrawaddy was covered with boats conveying troops to the main army assembled at Hen- gawaddy. At the end of May, strengthened in numbers, they approached the British, and began stockading themselves in the jungle, to which Sir A. Campbell offered no opposition, trusting for an opportunity to impress a lesson upon the court of Ava. A stockade having been thrown up at a short distance from our pickets, the general headed a reconnoitring party, it being reported the governor of Shudauny was there stationed with a large force to harass the English, and prevent the inhabitants from quitting the jungle. The stockades being in¬ complete, were abandoned as the troops advanced, who found unfinished works in every direction, demonstrating that this movement had not been anticipated by the enemy. A sudden tempest falling as the British passed from the jungle into the adjoining rice-fields, compelled them to advance on the vil¬ lages without their field-pieces. As the huts were approached, it was discovered that they were protected by two stockades of consider¬ able strength, well mounted, and guarded by troops, who uttered loud shouts of defiance. The rain which had prevented the guns from being brought forward, had also rendered the muskets of the British com¬ paratively useless; and as they could not return the enemy’s fire, which was well maintained, no time was lost in attacking them. Three com¬ panies rushed gallantly forward under the command of General Camp¬ bell, and forced their way through the stockade, killing or driving out the Burmese, who refused to give or take quarter. The irrepressible valour of the English, which thus foiled the dogged determination of the Burmese, impressed the latter with a respect for the courage of their adversaries they had not before felt; and anx¬ ious, moreover, to gain time, they endeavoured to practise upon the patience of their invaders by strong professions of friendship and de¬ sire for peace; but Sir A. Campbell was not so easily duped, and did not for one moment delay his preparations for attacking Kemmendine, a war-station up the river, which the enemy were daily strengthen¬ ing. On the 9th of June it was announced that two officers of rank from the enemy were solicitous to confer with the general. Permission was given, and two war-boats appeared, from whence the deputies landed, and were escorted to the house of the British commissioners. Assuming an easy familiarity, it was soon discovered they were either unwilliug or not authorised to treat, and that their object was simply 196 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. to delay affairs; and upon their requesting a suspension of hostilities for a few days, it was at once refused. At 2 o’clock on the following morning the British advanced on Kemmendine by a road parallel .to the river, and at no great distance from it. The advancing column was soon checked hy a formidable stockade, flanked on three sides by the jungle, and fourteen feet high in front, protected by cross-bars and pali¬ sades driven diagonally into the earth. Two eighteen-pounders having reached the spot, and opened a fire upon the defences, a gap was soon made, and an assault at once ordered. Tn a few minutes the British found themselves in complete possession of the position, after a loss of 200 men on the part of the enemy. At the rear of the fort the gilt umbrella, sword, and spear of the Burmese commander were found, the umbrella much shattered by a shower of grape; and the body of the chief was found a few yards farther in the jungle. He had apparently received his death-wound where the emblems of command were dropped, and had probably been carried off by his attendants, until their own safety rendered it expedient to leave their burden behind them. The chief was said to be recognised as the elder deputy of the day before, whose pacific tone had so much amused the English commissioner. The Kemmendine stockade was reached the same day at 5 p. M., and was found by General Campbell to be much more formidable than he had anticipated. He therefore postponed his attack until the ensuing day. As morning broke, the mortar batteries were opened, and told with such effect, that the attacking columns were marched forward, and the position captured without resistance; the Burmese having retreated to avoid the destruction our shells were making in their crowded stockade. This victory, although it had the effect of striking terror into the enemy’s soldiers, had little influence upon the court of Ava, which continued to authorise the military chiefs to lay the country waste, in order effectually to render the British dependant for their re¬ sources upon India. About the end of the following June it was known that Sykia Woongee, a minister of state, had received the imperial order to drive the British into the sea. To enforce this command, a large body of the enemy emerged from the jungle early in July, and advancing in a pa¬ rallel line to our front, attacked the British position near Rangoon, where a regiment of sepoys being advanced and supported by two guns, the Burmese commander ordered a retreat; when the news of this action reached Ava, he was dismissed with disgrace, and the second minister of state, Soomba Wongee, appointed to the command of the army in his stead. STORMING OF KUMMEROOT. 197 The new commander occupied a very strong post at Kummeroot with his force, about five miles from the Dagon pagoda, and had like¬ wise fortified a commanding point of the river above Kemmendine, where he not only pi-evented the navigation of the river, but con¬ structed fire-rafts to destroy the British vessels of war. Both positions General Campbell attacked simultaneously, leading the column against the river position in person, whilst he left the advance on Kummeroot to General M'Bean. Campbell found his undertaking really formidable; the stockades on both sides of the river being not only admirably posted and strongly constructed, but well found with guns and men. A naval force under Captain Marryat, consisting of a brig and three cruisers, were ordered to clear the obstructions on the river. These soon silenced the Burmese artillery; and a breach having been effected, 198 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. the storming party crossed the river and carried the stockade with little loss. General M'Bean, approaching Kummeroot, found himself completely surrounded by well-constructed stockades, garrisoned by large bodies of troops, who watched his advance with great contempt. Destitute of guns, he determined on an immediate assault upon their principal stronghold, consisting of three stockades, one within the other; the last was Soomba Wongee’s head-quarters. The Burmese general was taking his forenoon meal when the report of the British advance was made to him; but satisfied with his position and the valour of his troops, he merely commanded his officers to their post, with orders to “drive the audacious strangers away.” He was not allowed to finish his repast in quiet; the rapidly-ap¬ proaching volleys of musketry announced the forcing of his outer line. Hastening to the scene of conflict, he found his men crowded together in the centre stockade, upon which the British fire was pouring with terrible effect. Panic-stricken and confined, all attempts of their leader to get them into order were unavailing. At length Soomba Wongee fell, and the Burmese troops fled, leaving 800 dead in the stockades; while the jungle and neighbouring villages were filled with the wounded and the dying. Although General Campbell had captured ten stockades, covered by thirty guns, and well garrisoned, he was unable to take advantage of the panic his successes had created by marching upon the capital. He determined, therefore, to act against the maritime province of Tenas- serim. The principal places offered little opposition; several excellent harbours were secured; and what was all-important, a salubrious coun¬ try discovered for our troops, whom the pestilential air of Rangoon had seriously affected. The king of Ava, surprised at the audacity of an insignificant num¬ ber of men, and unable to understand their success, despatched his two brothers to superintend the war. These were accompanied by numbers of astrologers, who were to foretell the periods most favourable for suc¬ cess. They were likewise attended by a body of warriors termed the “invulnerables.” The distinguishing features of this ludicrous and pan¬ tomimic force consisted in the short cut of their hair, and peculiar method of tatooing, the figures of elephants, lions, and tigers being ela¬ borately and somewhat abundantly displayed all over their persons. Gold, silver, and precious stones were also inserted in their arms, in¬ troduced under the skin when young. They are considered by their countrymen to be invulnerable; and to judge from the absurd exposure of their persons to the fire of an enemy, they are either impressed with THE BURMESE INVULNERABLES. 199 the same opinion, or find it necessary to shew a marked contempt for danger, in support of their pretensions. The English commander had ascertained that the princes were warned by the astrologers to wait for the first lucky moon, and as this was not very near, he determined not to lie idle, and forthwith attacked several posts which had prevented provisions being brought to Rangoon. One of these, Syriam, a fort originally erected by the Por¬ tuguese, had been recently repaired and strongly stockaded. Against this place a strong party in boats was sent, and it was captured, not¬ withstanding the advantages in favour of the besieged; the Burmese retreated to the pagoda, leaving eight guns and a quantity of ammu¬ nition behind them. From the fort the English advanced to the pa¬ goda, which was also carried without loss. The astrologers, it was ascertained, had at length discovered the favoured time for attacking the British, viz. at midnight on the 30th of August. Sir A. Campbell, having made his preparations, was in readiness to receive them. The invulnerables boldly rushed up the road leading to the great pagoda, uttering threats and imprecations against the impious strangers who defiled the place with their presence. The English remained perfectly quiet until the multitude approached the gateway, when the guns were opened with discharges of grape, whilst the musketry poured in rapid volleys among them. The invul- nerables, astonished at the carnage, fled to the jungle, leaving the dead and dying in every direction. This success General Campbell determined to improve by driving the enemy from all their posts near Rangoon. Major Evans was ac¬ cordingly dispatched with three hundred men to ascend the Lyne river, and Colonel Smith with the light division on the road to Pegu. Colo¬ nel Smith having cleared several stockades, learnt that a large body of the enemy, with cavalry, elephants, and guns, were in a fortified pa¬ goda at Kytloo. As his men were all sepoys, he sent to General Camp¬ bell for a European reinforcement. His request was refused, with what appeared to Colonel Smith an imputation on his motives. Con¬ ceiving that his courage was doubted, he resolved to hazard an attack, which proved unsuccessful; and, after severe loss in killed and wounded, he was compelled to order a retreat, the gallantry of the officers being unsupported by their men, who were alarmed at the superior physical strength of the Burmese. The Burmese had in the meantime commenced preparations in Arracan for invading Bengal. Maha Bandoola, their commander, with a powerful force, marched on Ramoo, and attacked a small body of 200 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. British stationed there. These, after a gallant resistance, were over¬ whelmed and nearly all destroyed or captured. The intelligence of this catastrophe reaching the commanding officer, who was marching to their relief, he made for Chittagong, considering that would be the next place upon which the enemy’s power would he directed. The Burmese, however, never attempted to turn their advantage to account; and before Bandoola entered upon fresh aggressions, he was recalled to defend his country. This affair produced most painful impressions throughout Bengal. The peasantry fled from the invisible Burmese, as they were called ; and the native merchants of Calcutta were dis¬ suaded with difficulty from removing their families and property from that city. These alarms were fostered by the Peishwa and other Mah- ratta princes at Benares, as was subsequently ascertained. By the end of the rainy season the British in Rangoon had formed far more favourable opinions of their position. Great improvements were visible in the health of the troops, and hopes of an early ad¬ vance were entertained. Five hundred Mugh boatmen from Chittagong were brought in and employed in preparing boats for the river service • a reinforcement also had arrived, consisting of two British regiments, some native infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and a troop of horse-artil¬ lery. Added to these, transports with draught-cattle began to arrive ; all of which tended to impart fresh spirit to the men, who were busily preparing for their advance when the approach of Maha Bandoola and his force was announced. He was the best general in the Bufmese service, and commanded the largest army they had ever sent into the field. The enemy’s approach was learnt by means of an intercepted letter from Bandoola to the ex-governor of Martaban, stating that he had left Prome at the head of an army well disciplined and supplied, either to capture or drive the English from Rangoon. On the 30th of November the Burmese assembled in the forest in front of the Shoe-dagon Pagoda. Their lines, extending from above Kemmendine in a semicircular direction to the village of Puzendown, were easily traced by the smoke from their watch-fires. As night set in, the hum of voices from this multitude ceased, and in its place was heard the sound of heavy columns marching to the very edge of the jungle which formed our barrier. The greatest alertness was displayed by the British, a furious assault on the pagoda being momentarily ex¬ pected ; but day broke without their expectations being realised. Scarcely had the day dawned when hostilities commenced with a heavy fire of musketry at Kemmendine, the reduction of that place being ATTACK ON KEMMENDINE. 201 preliminary to any general attack. The firing was long and animated; and from the commanding situation at the great pagoda, though nearly two miles from the scene of action, the troops posted there could dis¬ tinctly hear the yells and shouts of the infuriated assailants, occasion¬ ally returned by the hearty cheer of the British seamen, as they poured in their heavy broadsides upon the resolute and persevering masses. In the afternoon several Burmese divisions were discerned marching towards the Dallas river; and later in the day dense bodies issued from the forest, about a mile from the east front of the pagoda, taking position on the river at Puzendown, already strongly occupied by cavalry and infantry. These formed the left wing of the Burmese army. The centre was posted in the forest, and defied all conjecture as to its strength or position. In a few hours the British were com¬ pletely surrounded, with the narrow channel of the Rangoon river alone unoccupied in their rear. The line of circumvallation taken up by the enemy extended a considerable distance, and being divided by the river, weakened Maha Bandoola’s means of assailing us on any par¬ ticular point; but the celerity, order, and regularity with which the different corps took up their stations reflected much credit on the Burmese general. In the afternoon a sortie was made to ascertain the disposition of the Burmese; and as they were entirely unprepared for this movement, they were forced from their earth-mounds, or coverings, which they had rapidly thrown up, with severe loss, leaving a great quantity of arms and tools in the trenches. But iu the evening the Burmese returned to these works, and began fresh excavations. Soon after sunset the ene¬ my’s activity was again evinced by a fierce attack on Kemmendine, the country being simultaneously illumined by the flames of their tre¬ mendous fire-rafts, set adrift in the river to destroy our shipping at Ran¬ goon. These rafts the sailors secured and towed ashore, where they were consumed, whilst the attack on Kemmendine by land was also repelled. For three or four days Sir A. Campbell allowed the enemy to ad¬ vance their outposts until within fifty yards of his lines, when ascer¬ taining that they had brought all their ammunition and stores from the jungle into their entrenchments, he resolved on a decisive attack. Two bodies under Majors Sale and Walker were ordered to advance, while a number of armed boats under Captain Chads proceeded to Pu¬ zendown Creek, and opened a fire upon the enemy’s intrenchments. Walker’s column was stoutly opposed; but advancing, it drove the Bur¬ mese from their trenches at the bayonet’s point, though with the loss of its leader. Sale’s column met with less resistance, forcing the centre 202 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. with ease, and then uniting with Walker’s troops, it ended in driving the enemy from all parts into the jungle, leaving the earth strewed with the dead and wounded. The whole of their guns, tools, and other stores were at the same time captured. Still undaunted, Bandoola persevered in his attempts, his troops labouring to make good their approaches to the great pagoda. On the morning of the 7th four attacking columns from the British lines once more forced their entrenchments, and again the Burmese were compelled to retreat into the forest in their rear. In the evening a detachment from Rangoon attacked the position at Dalla, which had enabled the enemy to keep Kemmendine in a state of siege. The attempt was suc¬ cessful ; and the Burmese were driven from their line of circumvallation, with the loss of the remainder of their guns, ammunition, and stores. These reverses caused hundreds of Bandoola’s troops to desert, while he was personally fearful that his tyrannical sovereign would wreak his vengeance upon him for his losses. He therefore determined to maintain his position if possible. Four miles in the rear he had an army of reserve busied in stockading and strengthening a position near the village of Kokien, where considerable reinforcements were ordered to join him; and finding he could still face the enemy with twenty-five thousand men, he resolved to risk another action should the English again attack him. With the view of assisting his operations, he bribed several of the inhabitants to set fire to Rangoon in various places, hoping that in the confusion some favourable opportunity might pre¬ sent itself to advance his schemes. The fire was, however, soon extin¬ guished, and on the 15th the English advanced to the attack of Kokien at three different positions. As long as our troops were advancing, the enemy maintained a heavy fire; but no sooner had the advanced column penetrated the works than the enemy fled in every direction, and the entrenchments were carried with little loss to the assailants, but great sacrifice to their adversaries. It was estimated that from the 1st to the 15th of December, six thousand Burmese were slain, while the total on our side killed and wounded did not amount to six hundred, officers and men. Notwithstanding the repeated defeats of Bandoola, it was evident that the war would be indefinitely protracted unless the interior of the country was penetrated. Accordingly, Sir A. Campbell resolved to march on Prome, while General Cotton proceeded thither with another division in boats ; Sale being ordered, at the same time, to reduce Bassein. The march was commenced on the 11th of February, 1825; and on the evening of the 25th of the ensuing month, Sir A. Campbell ARMISTICE AND FRESH HOSTILITIES. 203 reached a village from which Bandoola’s position at Donoobew was visible. The general continued to advance, without much opposition, until the 25th, and halted within cannon-shot of the enemy’s stockades. On the morning of the 27th the flotilla was seen in full sail, and, after an unsuccessful attack by the Burmese, captured or reduced every thing opposed to it. Bandoola having been killed by a shell, the troops refused to obey any other commander, and deserted Donoobew, which was immediately occupied by the besiegers, who forthwith prepared to march on Prome, which, in its turn, was abandoned as the British advanced. The court of Ava defeated, but not disheartened, once more tided to organise a fresh army, and raised levies from every part of the kingdom. This hete¬ rogeneous force was commanded on the right division by SuddaWoon; —the prime minister, Kee Woongee, commanded the centre ; while the left wing, under Maha Nemiow, followed a route about ten miles from the centre. On the 10th of November Maha Nemiow occupied Wattygoon, sixteen miles from Prome, whither Colonel M‘Dowal was sent to dispossess them; but the Burmese, learning his advance, marched to meet him. In the engagement which followed M'Dowal was shot, which so dispirited his sepoys, as to cause them to retreat. The Bur¬ mese, elated with this trifling advantage, resolved to retake Prome. The English having completed their arrangements, on the first of De¬ cember, two columns, respectively headed by Generals Sir A. Campbell and Cotton, marched against Nemiow. The engagement that followed was obstinately contested by the enemy, and terminated in the death of the Burmese general, and the total annihilation of his army. Na- paadu was next assaulted, and was carried at the bayonet’s point, with great slaughter amongst its defenders. On the 5th of December the remaining division of the Burmese army under Sudda Woon was attacked and defeated, the troops flying in consternation to the woods for protection. General Campbell, with the view of ending the war, began his march on the enemy’s capital early in December. After the capture of several stockades, and some slight skirmishes, Patanagoh was reached, when offers of negotiation were renewed, and a meeting to agree upon the terms of a treaty was ap¬ pointed for the first of January, 1826. It was, however, discovered that the Burmese were dissimulating; and consequently, upon the armis¬ tice expiring, notice was given that hostilities would be renewed on the 18th. It was now evident that the Burmese cause was hopeless,—all exertions upon the part of the officers were useless; the soldiers, too dispirited to offer any defence, were driven from their entrenchments, 204 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. leaving the whole of their artillery and stores. Prince Memiaboo and his defeated army retreated as quickly as possible, closely pressed by the British. On the 25th the army was again on its march through a country desolated by fury and fanaticism. On the 31st two Burmese of rank arrived, with full authority for negotiating a treaty, and General Campbell refusing to waive one point of his former demands, was as¬ sured they would be yielded; but no entreaty prevailed on him to arrest the progress of his army; he, however, agreed not to pass Pag- liam Mew for twelve days. Notwithstanding the assurances of these envoys, Campbell, as he proceeded onwards, ascertained that hostilities were to be renewed. The king, instigated by a warrior of low origin, believed his boast, that with thirty thousand men he could annihilate the rebellious stran¬ gers. A fresh levy was accordingly made, and the force honoured with the title of “ Retrievers of the king’s glory.” The British army, weakened by the absence of two brigades, did not muster two thousand men ; nevertheless Campbell determinedly pushed on to Pagham Mew. Clearing the jungle, he debouched on the Burmese army sixteen thou¬ sand strong; regardless of their position and numbers, the British dashed into their centre, which was speedily overthrown, and the wings with great difficulty reached the second line of redoubts under the walls of Pagham Mew. No time was allowed for rallying; the English troops rushed into the Burmese entrenchments and within the city, and thus secured the victory. This was the most sanguinary defeat the Burmese had yet experienced. Severe as had been their former engagements, this was still more so; but thirteen hundred men, with their boastful leader, returned to Ava out of all that numerous host. The army was still kept marching until it arrived at Gandaboo, forty-five miles from the capital, when the Burmese monarch, com¬ pletely humbled and disheartened, sent envoys to conclude peace upon any terms, which were at length arranged, and the treaty signed and sealed at Gandaboo on the 24th. By this act the king of Ava renounced his claim to the sovereignty over Assam, Cachar, and Jylna; declared Munzipore an independent kingdom ; acknowledged the mountains of Arracan as the boundary between his territory and the Company’s, and yielded the whole of Tenasserim to the British. He further agreed to pay, in four payments, a crore of rupees, not to punish any of his subjects who had assisted us during the war, to include the king of Siam in the amnesty, and to grant to British vessels visiting his ports STORMING OF BHURTPORE. 205 the same privileges enjoyed by his own ships. The English, on their part, undertook to fall back on Rangoon at once, to leave the country entirely upon the payment of the second instalment of the crore of rupees, and to return all prisoners with as little delay as possible. On the 5th of March Sir A. Campbell gave the order for returning to Rangoon, which he reached without any casualties. The whole of the troops did not, however, return by this route; a body of sepoys, conducted by native guides, were directed to cross the country to Arra- can, where they arrived without much trouble. Ava was thus proved to be accessible, upon any future occasion, by land as well as by water. During our operations against the Burmese in 1825, the atten¬ tion of the Bengal executive was called to affairs at Bhurtpore, where Durgoon Sal, immediately upon the rajah’s death, usurped the throne rightfully belonging to Bulwunt Sing, a minor, whose interests we had promised to protect; upon which the guardians of the prince fled with him to Calcutta, and prayed the assistance of the gover¬ nor-general. Lord Lake’s failure at Bhurtpore had created a strong party there inimical to the British ; and it had been wished for some time, upon political grounds, to destroy this influence. A favourable opportunity for so doing now presented itself, and it was determined to destroy the hallucination that Bhurtpore was impregnable. Lord Com- bermere happening to arrive in India at this juncture, assumed the command of the army; and on the 1 Oth of December, at the head of twenty thousand men, supported by a hundred pieces of artillery, ap¬ peared before the walls. Unwilling that the females and children should encounter the horrors of such an assault as must ensue, he ad¬ dressed a letter to Durgoon Sal, on the 21st, urging him to send them out of the fort, and offering safe conduct to them, and further gave twenty-four hours for the execution of his humane desires; he after¬ wards further extended the time twelve hours, though without any result. On the 23d besieging operations commenced, the north-east angle being selected as the point d'appui, the British at the same time pos¬ sessing themselves of Kuddum Kundee, a village, and completing their first parallel eight hundred yards from the fort. The remainder of the month was employed in constructing and repairing batteries and mak¬ ing preparations for the general assault, a heavy and destructive fire being sustained by the town during the whole time. At length, on the 3d of January, 1826, the artillery began to breach the curtains. The tough mud-walls were, however, much more effective than masonry; and, as the batteries produced but little effect, recourse was had to mining. 206 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. On the 16th two mines were driven, and sprung successfully (previous mines had proved ineffective, or were rendered abortive by the be¬ sieged) ; and an excellent breach in the walls being reported, the 18th was fixed on for the assault. Early in the morning, the troops forming the storming-party reached the advanced trenches without being dis¬ covered ; while General Nicholls and General Reynells, at the head of their brigades, were respectively to mount the left and right breaches, the explosion of the mine being the signal for attack. The explosion took place at eight o’clock in the morning, carrying away the entire salient angle and a great portion of the stone cavalier in the rear. The troops immediately advanced with great order and determi¬ nation; and shortly, notwithstanding the fury of the besieged, carried the breaches, and in two hours the whole rampart environing the town and the gates of the citadel were in the hands of the besiegers : very shortly afterwards the citadel itself was captured. General Hugh, who had been specially appointed to prevent the enemy’s escape, so judici¬ ously disposed his men that Durgoon Sal, his wife, and two sons, were, with a strong body of horse, made prisoners in their attempt to force a passage through the 8th Light Cavalry. It was estimated that not less than four thousand of the besieged fell in this assault, and scarcely a man escaped through Hugh’s cordon of cavalry. The whole of the military stores and ammunition being captured, the political and military power of Bhurtpore was annihi¬ lated, and the fortifications demolished, by Lord Combermere’s order, on the 0th of February. All the remaining fortresses belonging to the rajah surrendered, and the rajah himself was reinstated; after which Lord Combermere broke up the camp, and returned to Calcutta on the 20th of February. This gallant assault merited, and received, the thanks of Parliament and the East India Company ; and what was still more gratifying, the prize-money which the king presented to the Company was ordered by the Court of Directors to be distributed among the troops. In 1827, the whole of British India being in a state of tranquillity, Lord Amberst proceeded to the upper provinces, and visited Delhi, expressly to arrange the relations of the British government with the nominal king of that country; his negotiations were ended by setting aside the shadow of sovereignty which had nominally attached to the last descendant of the Mogul. At the end of March Lord Amherst embarked for England in his Majesty’s ship Herald, leaving the Hon. Mr. Bayley to administer the government of India pending the arrival of his successor. STEAM COMMUNICATION WITH INDIA. 207 CHAPTER VII. PROM THE ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK TO THE ANNEXATION OF SCINDE AND THE PACIFICATION OF GWALIOR. a.d. 1828 - 1844 . he administration of Lord William Bentinck, wlio succeeded Earl Amherst, was, unlike that of any of his predecessors, marked hy no warlike demonstrations. The inroads of hordes of hill-tribes, the punishment and dethronement of the petty rajah of Coorg, and some other arrangements with various tributary powers, were not sufficient to disturb the general tranquillity which now pervaded India, and which it was his lordship’s fortune to turn to profitable account. The state of the services received the governor-general’s earnest attention, and many reforms were introduced into their various branches, which, however unpalatable to the members, were calculated greatly to im¬ prove their efficiency. Many concessions were also made to the natives of India; not the least valuable of which was an enactment freeing seceders from the Hindoo or Mahomedan faith within the Bengal Presidency from the penalties which had, under the old native laws, attached to such an act, viz. the forfeiture of their personal and family property. Educational and other public institutions received his lordship’s warmest support; and to this day the name of Bentinck is gratefully remembered by the inhabitants of British India. Two projects of national importance were at this time undertaken; of one of which the ultimate benefits can scarcely be over-estimated—the opening of communications between British India and the countries west of the Indus as far as the Caspian Sea, and the establishment of an overland steam communication between England and India. The former of these projects had for its objects the extension of British commerce, and the ascertaining the feasibility of a Russian invasion from that quarter. This important and dangerous task was confided to 208 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Lieutenant, afterwards Sir Alexander Burnes, wlio gathered and pub¬ lished some valuable information respecting the political condition, the commercial relations, and the geographical features of the countries lying between the Indus and the Caspian Sea. No commercial advan¬ tages have as yet sprung from his labours, with the exception of the complete navigation of the Indus by steamers; whilst, as regards po¬ litical occurrences, the only result has been the disastrous Afghan cam¬ paign, which may truly be traced to this exploration. Of far greater magnitude and solid advantage to Indo-British com¬ merce was the rapid and safe communication, first commenced during Lord W. Bentinck’s administration, between India and this country by way of the Bed Sea, Egypt, and the Mediterranean. To Lieutenant Waghorn belongs all the merit of having conceived and thoroughly carried out this scheme in the teeth of all the constituted authorities of India, at home and abroad. Thanks to the enlightened man who at this time ruled India, Waghorn’s efforts were rightly estimated, and in the end completely carried out, to the lasting advantage of every interest connected with our possessions in the East. The navigation of the Ganges by steam-vessels was during this peaceful administration set on foot with the most complete success; and has since, under a completer system, afforded great facilities to the internal traffic of the Bengal presidency. In the year 1833, the discussions in parliament on the renewal of the East India Company’s charter led to some great and important changes in the functions of this powerful body. The principal of these changes may be placed under the following heads : The Company re¬ tained its political rights, and, in conjunction with the Board of Con¬ trol, gave its entire attention to the government of India. It ceased to be a commercial body, gave up its monopoly of the Chinese trade, and abandoned that of India; the trade to both countries was de¬ clared to be free to every British subject. British subjects Avere permitted to settle in any part of the Indian territories. The shareholders were guaranteed a fixed dividend upon their capital of 6,000,000?.; and a sinking-fund was set aside for the purpose of re¬ deeming the Company’s stock at the end of fifty years, if deemed neces¬ sary. With these leading provisoes, the charter was renewed for a further term of twenty years, expiring in the year 1853. Lord William Bentinck resigned the administration of Indian affairs early in 1835, owing to the failure of his health ; and in the month of March set sail for England, regretted by the native and a large portion of the European community. THE AUCKLAND POLICY. 200 The advent of Lord Auckland as governor-general of India was destined to prove a momentous epoch in the Anglo-Indian annals. On this appointment being made known, the public were somewhat at a loss to guess what peculiar quality of his lordship had formed the justi¬ fication of the act. None knew what his administrative ability might amount to; and all who took the trouble to form any opinion on the subject, were unanimous that the name of Auckland could by no human possibility become distinguished in connexion with the government of the vast territories over which it was decided that he should hold an almost uncontrolled sway. But these cavillers were mistaken ; they knew not their man. Before these sceptics in the achievements of an Auckland were three years older, they had the strongest possible rea¬ sons for according to his lordship a distinction and a notoriety as world-wide, and as indelible, as any achieved by a Clive or a Welling¬ ton. It was Lord Auckland’s destiny to place the British arms in a position they had never previously occupied on the continent of India ; to carve out for the British forces a career as disastrous as its origin was unjustifiable and unworthy; to peril our position in the East; to sacrifice an army of brave men ; and finally, to clothe half the nation in mourning, and to overwhelm the other half with shame and indig¬ nation. On the arrival of this amicably-disposed nobleman in Calcutta, he found India rife with rumours of Russian diplomacy and Russian in¬ trigue. Every political occurrence of the day was set down to autocratic influence; every foreign traveller in moustaches was believed to be a diplomate or officer of engineers from St. Petersburgh ; and every Arab or Beloochee trader who crossed the western frontier was transformed by these political genii of the Company’s service into a Russian spy. Shah Soojali, the imbecile ruler of Afghanistan, had been expelled that country, in the ordinary eastern style, to make room for one far better able to ride such a turbulent people as were his subjects; and the deposed chief appeared well satisfied to find himself with his head on his shoulders, eating the Company’s “ salt” within the walls of the British fortress of Loodianah, one of the north-western frontier stations. The Punjab or “ Country of the Five Rivers,” which formed the barrier between our extreme frontiers and the turbulent Afghans, was at that time under the sway of Runjeet Singh, a chief whose valour and indomitable energy and activity had won for him the title of the “ Lion of the Punjab.” Between this chief and the Afghan rulers 210 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. a constant succession of hostilities took place with varying results, though most frequently in favour of the “ Lion.” 1 The mission of Captain, afterwards Sir Alexander Burnes to Cabul in 1837, although apparently successful at the time, bore no fruit; and it soon became evident that the ruler of that country, with many pro¬ mises on his lips, cared as little for our friendship and our commerce as for our hostility. 2 Another party of diplomatists, military and civil, was dispatched to Lahore, the capital of the Punjab, with the view of forming a treaty with Bunjeet Singh. So far as the signatures to a parchment were concerned, every thing was attained that had been hoped for ; and the governor-general, who was already planning, at the instigation of others, the chastisement of Dost Mohammed, the restoration of the im¬ becile Shah Soojah, and the defeat of the so-much-dreaded Russian influence in that quarter, flattered himself that Lahore would prove a safe and accessible road by which to reach the walls of Cabool. In October 1838 war with the Dost was proclaimed from the cool retirement of Siiqla ; and so determined were the abettors of this ill- advised scheme, that before the close of the year the Bengal and Bom¬ bay armies were at the appointed rendezvous, Shikapore in Scinde. These forces amounted to 15,000 men, with a reserve of 4000 at Fe- rozepore, and a native contingent provided by Shah Soojah, but paid by us, amounting to 6000. Our troops encountered disasters from the outset. The cholera, want of a sufficient means of transport, jealousy and heart-burnings amongst the commanders, and lastly, the trying season during the greater part of the march, all contributed to impart a prestige of no cheering character to the commencement of the campaign. Sir John Keane, appointed to the command-in-chief of the army of the Indus, was seconded by officers as brave and energetic as any in the service. Among them were Major-General Nott, Sir W. Cotton, Brigadier Sale, and Colonel Dennie. The arrangements for the supply of the commissariat were, however, of the worst possible kind; and added to this was the enormous number of camp-followers, amounting 1 The Sikh ruler appears to have been keenly alive to the process of absorption of native states by the English, although he felt it to be his policy to remain on friendly terms with so powerful a neighbour. It is related of him that in a conversation with a Company’s officer, he pointed to a large map of India before him, on which the British territories were defined by a narrow red band, and exclaimed, “ When Bunjeet dies, Company’s red line swallow up all Punjab country." 2 Alexander Burnes’ Travels in Afghanistan, &c. THE AFGHAN CAMPAIGN. 211 to nearly 100,000; these had to be provided for amidst strange and unfriendly countries, upon a march of extraordinary length and of great physical difficulties. 3 It was not surprising, therefore, that these TUOOPS GOING DP THE COUNTHT. circumstances, added to the want of unanimity in action amongst the divisions of the army, should have placed the invaders in a difficult and perilous position. On the Gth of March the Bengal column, under Sir John Keane and Sir Willoughby Cotton, reached the foot of the mountains of Western Afghanistan, scarcely on the threshold of their journey; yet even then their provisions ran short, and the allowance of the troops was reduced to one half. The dangerous and difficult passage of the 3 JBuist’s Outline of the Operations of the British Troops in Scinde and Afghanistan. 212 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Bolan Pass, seventy miles in length, was effected after much suffering; and when the troops reached Quettah on the 4th of April, so reduced were they in all their supplies, that the camp-followers were under the necessity of feeding on roots, skins of beasts, &c. Thence to Candahar the sufferings of the soldiers and followers were very great; and when they reached that city on the 4th of May, the latter dwindled down to 20,000. The expectation that supplies would be there obtained was doomed to disappointment. The army found itself as badly fed as ever; and, in order not to exhaust completely the miserable means of the commissariat, a move onward towards Ghuznee was at once decided upon, although the distance was fully 230 miles, and the army wanted most of the requisites for a long journey. On the 21st of July the British troops encamped under the walls of Ghuznee, which were found to be far stronger than had been anticipated. Hesitation would have been ruinous; and the choice lay between making a dash at this stronghold, and a timely retreat to the starting point. Fortunately for the besiegers, it was discovered that one of the gates of the town had not been built up with masonry, and accordingly this was blown in with gunpowder during the night, the breach thus effected being at once taken advantage of by a storming party, seconded by all the troops available for an assault of the kind. The town was quickly captured; and, in spite of some desperate resistance from the Afghan garrison, the citadel fell within a few hours. The loss of the British in killed and wounded was but trifling; that of the besieged amounted to 1000 slain, and 3000 wounded and captured. The fall of this stronghold of the Afghans was fortunate in many respects; for it not only afforded the troops much that was needed, but struck terror into the hearts of the enemy, and at once opened the road to Cabool. The army was not allowed a long halt; Colonel Wade, who was moving onwards from Peshawur, fought his way through the Kyber Pass and seized Jellalabad, driving before him Akbar Khan, the second son of the Dost, and capturing a large supply of arms, ammu¬ nition, and horses. On the 30th of July the main body of the army, with Sir John Keane, Shah Soojah, and Mr. MacNaghten, marched to¬ wards the capital; from which, as they approached, Dost Mohammed fled Avith a chosen body of horsemen, making his. way to the west, beyond the reach of regular troops. Deserted by their ruler and every chieftain of any consequence, the inhabitants of Cabool had little choice left them but to open their gates to the advancing columns of the British, who entered the Afghan capital, with Shah Soojah at their head, in all the pomp and circumstance of vie- STORMING OF GHUZNEE. CAPTURE OF CABOOL. 213 tory. There were none to oppose the placing the English nominee on the throne; ancl this was accordingly done; though it does not appear to have occurred to any of the actors how they were to manage to keep him there without the presence of an overwhelming military force. Thus far the game had proceeded smoothly enough; despite the pri¬ vations of the troops, every thing had succumbed to them; and if the miserable arrangements of a most defective commissariat had not in¬ volved the army in utter confusion, it was owing rather to good fortune than to any other contingency. The commander-in-chief hastened from the scene of his hollow ex¬ ploits ; aud scarcely resting at the seat of government, took his way home, to shew himself to the British public as the conqueror of Afghanistan, receiving, as the fruit of his splendid achievement, a title and a pension; the greatest exploit of the entire campaign having been the blowing open of a wooden door with a few bags of gunpowder. The bulk of the troops followed their retreating commander; a small force being left behind in various positions, scarcely any of which were tenable against an enemy. Sir Alexander Burnes and Sir William MacNaghten were left at Cabool in a political capacity, with a garrison under the command of Major-general Elphinstone and General Sale, badly housed, and still worse provided with a commissariat. So mise¬ rably, indeed, was this department conducted, that it was frequently only by dint of hard bribing, that any provisions could be procured from the neighbouring country. Matters remained tranquil through the first winter; which, in that country, proved a most severe season for our troops, both European and native. The spring ushered in a foretaste of what was in store for the British. Dost Mohammed was known to be at no great distance from Cabool, raising the people, and inciting them to vengeance on the unbelieving invaders of their country. Akbar Khan, his “ fighting” son, was every where leading large bodies of Afghan troops against our outposts; cutting off supplies, and harassing the troops in every possible manner. In the summer of this year (1840) some sharp encounters with the enemy took place, much to his discomfiture; the rude courage and brute energy of his wild troops being quite unable to cope with the dis¬ ciplined bravery of English regiments. After many desperate engage¬ ments, Dost Mohammed surrendered himself a prisoner to the British envoy, Sir W. MacNaghten; and was, before the end of the year, sent beyond the frontier. A pension of 30,000/. a year was allowed him, and a residence for himself and his numerous family allotted at Mus- 214 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. soorie, on the north-western frontier, where he quietly remained await¬ ing the course of events. They were not very long in casting their shadows on the fore¬ ground. Akbar Khan had been no party to his father’s submission; and so far from contemplating a similar course, omitted no opportunity of falling upon any British force which came in his way. Month after month witnessed the same system of desultory warfare; always to our damage, and seldom to that of the enemy, who were completely mas¬ ters of this art of campaigning. Beyond this system of petty and vexatious warfare, and the evi¬ dently-growing dislike of the people to our influence and presence in the country, there was littl^ to disturb the course of events at Cabool. At the same time there were not wanting those who could see below the surface of things, and who prophesied the approaching storm. Hints, warnings, and advice were alike thrown away upon the British envoy, who appeared to discredit all that did not coincide with his own previously-formed opinions. 4 This strange infatuation clung to him up to the last moment; and when the 2d of November, 1841, ushered in a general rising of the people of Cabool, he was still unpersuaded of any real danger, and expressed a belief that “ it tvould all blow over.” It did blow over; but it swept with it the existence of the whole English force. From that fatal morn¬ ing the record of events in Afghanistan is a sad and terrible recital, uncheered by but one single bright and stirring deed—the gallant and apparently hopeless defence of Jellalabad by its small and ill-provided garrison. The massacre of Burnes, and eveiy officer, woman, and child found with him in the city, was followed by the seizure of the commissariat, and the gathering of numerous bodies of Afghans within and about the walls. The energy and faculties of both officers and men seemed to have been completely paralysed by the suddenness, rather than the greatness of the danger; and in this manner many valuable days were suffered to pass, adding to the confidence and numbers of the enemy; and in proportion dispiriting our own troops. Resistance did not form a part of the tactics adopted by this most unfortunate body of men, who preferred trusting to negotiations with men who were proverbial for their utter faithlessness, rather than to their own energy. Towards the end of November Akbar Khan arrived in Cabool with a chosen body of horse; and from that day matters drew rapidly to a crisis. Conferences were held between the chief and the British envoy, ' The Military Operations at Cabool, &c., by Lieutenant Vincent Eyre. CABOOL DISASTER. 213 which resulted in an arrangement that the British should immediately evacuate Afghanistan, being guaranteed a safe passage to India and supplies of provisions. Dost Mohammed was to be permitted to return to his country, Shah Soojah to retire within British territories, and per¬ petual friendship to be firmly established between the two powers. The troops began to prepare for their humiliating march on the 14th December; on the 23d, as the remainder of the forces joined the main body, Sir W. MacNaghten was invited to a final conference with the Afghan chief, and during a short interview was killed by a pistol- shot, as some have declared, fired by the hand of Akbar Khan. The retreat of the English forces, amounting to 4500 men and some 12,000 of camp-followers, took place, as arranged, on the 0th of Janu¬ ary; but no sooner had they cleared the walls of Cabool than parties of Afghans harassed their rear and picked off the stragglers day and night. The horrors of that humiliating retreat were heightened by the severity of the season and the difficulties of the country. First the wounded, and then the ladies and children, were given up to the Af¬ ghans as the only hope of saving them ; finally, abandoning all fur¬ ther hope, the soldiers and camp-followers gave themselves to despair, and either lay down to die in the snow, or fell in the rear, and were despatched by Afghan bullets. From straggling shots the work of death proceeded until it became wholesale slaughter ; and before many days had elapsed, of all that host of twenty-six thousand souls but one Englishman, Dr. Brydon, and a few sepoys and followers, escaped with the terrible tidings to Jellalabad, where the gallant Sale held his posi¬ tion with the courage and determination of a hero. Meanwhile Candahar was held by General Nott and a strong body of troops; Ghuznee was kept possession of by Colonel Palmer and a mere handful of sepoys; whilst Shah Soojah contrived to make good his position in Cabool itself, despite the presence of Akbar Khan and the treachery or feebleness of nearly every Afghan chieftain. Determined, if possible, to obtain possession of the fortress of Jel¬ lalabad, Akbar Khan invested it with an army strong in numbers, but deficient in every requisite for conducting a siege. With the old crumbling walls of the fort tottering at every discharge of cannon, with wide gaps in their defences, which any other enemy would have known how to avail himself of, Sale and his gallant little party not only bid the besiegers bold defiance, but sallied out for forage, and did no small mischief in the Afghan camp. Whilst the above was transpiring, and when the English captives, ladies, officers, and children, were dragging on a miserable existence 216 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. in Afghan dungeons, General Pollock was making his way with a relief across the Punjab; and at the same moment, the instigators of all these disasters were issuing instructions for the withdrawal of our troops from Cabool, leaving the prisoners of course to their fate. The winter of 1841 brought no hope for the pent-up garrisons or the captives in Afghanistan. The troops of Akbar continued to press hard upon every fort in the possession of the English; and though Jellalabad and Candahar held out gallantly, Palmer was compelled to evacuate Ghuznee, when, as was usually the case, nearly every man, woman, and child of the garrison was butchered as they marched out under the capitulation. Palmer was reserved for torture and imprison¬ ment, with one or two of his officers. At length brighter days dawned upon the army of the Indus. The nervous and imbecile Auckland was replaced by Lord Ellenborough, a man of other mettle, who, though pestered by the fears and phantasies of the incompetent Council of Calcutta, acted on the impulsive feeling of doing that which alone could retrieve our tarnished reputation, and res¬ cued the British captives by the means alone consistent with our na¬ tional honour. The word was given, and heard but to be joyfully obeyed. ISTo second bidding was needed. Pollock continued to move forward with his troops to the relief of the gallant band in Jellalabad. The Afghans, under Akbar Khan, opposed the passage of the Kyber Pass in vain ; driven from every point by the bayonet, the enemy fled before the British troops, and from the moment of emerging from that dangerous mountain-gorge the British forces met with no further resistance. The army of the Khan had melted away like snow before the noonday sun. On the 16th April the troops of Pollock and Sale met under the tottering walls of Jellalabad, with what delight to all parties maybe readily imagined. But all felt that the time was too precious to be wasted in mere rejoicings or congratulations. Both generals knew well the critical position of the remainder of our pent-up forces, the re¬ vengeful, impetuous temper of Akbar, and the imminent danger of the prisoners, among whom were the wife and daughter of Sale; and they felt that if any decisive blow was to be struck, it must be achieved at once, with the eclat of Pollock’s recent victories still fresh in the minds of the enemy and their own troops. Had their own impulses only been consulted, Cabool would have been in their hands within a week; but unfortunately a reference was yet to be made to the Su¬ preme Government! It was thus the middle of August before a combined movement was made by the three generals, Nott, Pollock, and Sale, from Candahar RE-CAPTURE OF CABOOL. 217 and Jellalabad. The former moved out with seven thousand troops; and defeating one of the Afghan chiefs, who attempted to intercept his march, razed the walls and fortifications of Ghuznee, the scene of so much treachery and disaster to our countrymen. On the other side, the combined forces of Pollock and Sale did not proceed without force; but in every case in which opposition was offered victory declared for them. Indeed every sword that was drawn, every shot that was fired, told in honour of the British, and served but to render the cause of the Afghans more desperate. The final struggle for the mastery took place at the Khoord Cabool Pass, a most difficult and commanding position, where the enemy mus¬ tered in considerable numbers; but to oppose in vain. Nothing could now restrain our troops, who seemed eager for the fray, and driving the foe before them from every defile and mountain-path, sealed the fate of that short and glorious campaign. On the 15th of September, the forces of Pollock and Sale arrived at Cabool, where they found, as expected, that numerous changes had taken place. Bevolutions and savage conflicts had succeeded each other with rapidity. The chiefs had been divided among themselves in the sup¬ port of the two rulers, and eventually the assassination of Shah Soojah had to a degree paved the way to something bearing the semblance of amity. No sooner did the news of the junction of the British forces at Jellalabad reach the ears of Akbar than he prepared for flight, making arrangements at the same time for carrying his numerous pri¬ soners with him into the wilds of Toorkhistan. On the notification of the advance of the generals towards the capital, the Afghan chief put his plans into execution ; and whilst he hurried off his own treasures and family towards the north-west, and himself hastened to watch the steps of the British, the English captives, to the number of one hun¬ dred and twenty-two, were despatched, in charge of an Afghan khan, towards Bameean, where they were detained for upwards of a week, awaiting further instructions from Akbar. The orders of the latter had been to kill all the sick, wounded, or feeble, so as to prevent any delay in their march; but although the khan shewed little regard for his charge, he hesitated to carry into execution these barbarous instructions. 5 Fortunately for the prisoners, this chief was easily swayed by inte¬ rest ; avarice was his ruling passion; and the officers in his custody were not long in ascertaining that a bribe sufficiently liberal would induce their jailor to open the doors of their prison-house. The result of their negotiations was, that 2000/. were to be paid down to the 5 Journal of Imprisonment in Afghanistan : Lieutenant V. Eyre. 218 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. klian and a pension settled on him ; for which he was to fling off alle¬ giance to Akbar, and maintain the party in the fort against all enemies until relief could be obtained. The position of independence taken up by the old khan and his followers and British companions soon drew around them some of the neighbouring chiefs, who doubtless were aware of the present aspect of affairs at Cabool, and were able to make a shrewd guess at the probable course of events. These people guaran¬ teed support and aid to the English party; and at length, when news was brought the latter of the successes of Pollock and the dispersion of Akbar’s forces, they moved boldly and rejoicingly from their prison- fort, and turned their steps in the direction of Cabool. Their party was, however, but a small one; and they were not without apprehensions lest Akbar might still be hovering about to intercept any relief sent to them, the more so as some report reached them that a strong body of Afghan horse was following in their steps to hurry them off to the banks of the Oxus. , On the first evening of their bivouacking, they received decided intelligence of the complete successes of the various bodies of British troops, and of the dispersion of the Afghans and their chief Akbar. The glad intelligence was confirmed during that night by the arrival in their little camp of a native trooper, bearing a letter from Sir Richard Shakespeare, informing them of his near approach to their assistance with a strong body of Kussilbash horse. Before daylight the little party set forward on their way to meet their deliverers with beating hearts; and at noon, whilst resting under the shade of a ruined fort, they were gladdened by the approach of Sir Richard and his cavalry, mustering six hundred. Fears were, however, still entertained that an attempt at rescue might be made by the desperate Akbar, especially as a dangerous pass had to be traversed on their road to the capital. A ccordingly, a messenger was despatched to General Pollock, requesting instant rein¬ forcement ; whilst on their part every available means were used to push on their way, with but little rest or desire for halting. On the 20th they encountered an officer who had ridden on in advance of the approaching relief; and from him they gathered the joyful intelligence that General Sale’s brigade was but a mile or two in the rear. The happiness of this day may be imagined. The long-lost wife and daughter were restored in safety to the man who had so gallantly maintained the honour of his country within the little fort of Jellala- bad; and many a missing one was met that day by friends or anxious EVACUATION OF AFGHANISTAN. 219 relatives. 6 It was indeed a joyful meeting, and gladly did the whole party set forward to retrace their steps to the camp outside the city of Cabool. This they reached by sunset on the 21st, the British artillery rending the air with the glad echoes of their thundering welcome. The remainder of this eventful history may be soon told. By a proclamation issued at Simla, the governor-general declared, that having retrieved the disasters of the past, and taught the Afghans a lesson not likely to be soon forgotten, the British army should now evacuate that country and retire to Ferozepore. After a short period employed in interring the thousands of skeletons of our slaughtered countrymen that literally strewed the scenes of the massacres of Cabool; and after effectually demolishing the citadel, the walls, the Bala Hissur, and every building of any strength in the capital, the army of the Indus set out on its homeward march upon the 12th of October. At Ferozepore the troops were received by the governor-general and his staff, and many and hearty were the congratulations given and received upon this happy termination to a sad and fatal campaign. 7 Rejoicings and festivities wound up that which had been begun in rash¬ ness and infatuation, and consummated in disgrace, bloodshed, and im¬ prisonment. Heavy as was the retribution that descended on the actors in the Afghan tragedy, the remembrance of our errors and our disasters will live long and sadly in the recollection of this generation. For a time it appeared as though peace was firmly established on the Indian continent ] but to those who could see below the surface of things, the tranquillity was but a deceptive lull, a calm ushering in the tempest that was soon to burst forth in another quarter. The treacherous conduct of the Ameers of Scinde during our Af¬ ghan campaign was not mended on the return of the army from that country, the Ameers judging that we should not have retired so soon unless we had met with further reverses. Our evacuation of Afghanis¬ tan was looked upon by them as a virtual defeat; and it soon became pretty evident that their feelings towards us were not improved, nor their disposition more friendly, in consequence of that impression. Grave doubts have been since entertained by many with regard to the propriety and justice of our operations in the Scinde country; but there appears to be no question, that whilst the rulers of that territory entertained the hostile feelings to us which they did, no security could for a moment exist for the tranquillity of the state, and that sooner or later the events which were then brought about must of necessity have occurred. 6 Journal of Imprisonment in Afghanistan : Eyre. 7 Lady Sale’s Journal. 220 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Cautions, warnings, and every friendly means were employed to¬ wards the Ameers, to induce an amicable disposition, or at any rate a peaceful line of conduct; but all these means seem to have been em¬ ployed in vain ; and when it was evident that but one course must be adopted, Lord Ellenborough was not slow to order its execution. The Ameers bad during the entire winter season of 1842 been busily engaged in gathering their forces and taking up a menacing position ; whilst the veteran Sir Charles Napier strengthened his own attitude, and made every disposition for acting so soon as the proper moment should arrive. That moment occurred in the early part of February. The British residency at Hyderabad was attacked with great fury by a large and desperate body of the Ameers’ troops ; and it was not without difficulty that the English officials were enabled to make good their retreat and join their friends within the camp at a short distance from the city. Sir Charles, with his small but well-disciplined band of 2100 of all arms, moved across the Indus and approached the enemy’s position, which was a remarkably strong one, near the village of Meeanee. Their forces amounted to fully 30,000 infantry and 5000 horse, with a train of 15 guns well served on the European system. A stronger position than that occupied by their main body could scarcely be con¬ ceived. A natural ravine of considerable depth protected them in front, whilst their flanks were well sheltered by extensive forests and broken ground. Formidable as their entrenchment appeared, the British general did not for a moment hesitate about the attack, but on the morning of the 17th of February gave the signal for the as¬ sault. Moving rapidly forward from their open position on the plain, the English and sepoy regiments advanced gallantly towards the thickly guarded ravine, behind which bristled myriads of glittering weapons. Cheering each other on, regardless of the storm which swept their ranks from the Scinde artillery, they plunged into the dangerous ra¬ vine, and rushing up the opposite bank, which they strewed with their dead and wounded, made for the top of the embankment, where the enemy stood matchlock in hand to receive them. The gallant 22d, an Irish regiment, led the way; and quick as thought were on the summit of the entrenchment, behind which they found awaiting them with a glittering forest of steel and a barrier of bucklers, vast masses of Beloo- chee swordsmen, whose numbers and savage shouts must have struck dismay into the hearts of any but such as were opposed to them. Shout for shout was given, cheer for cheer, and lowering the queen of wea- THE BATTLE OF MEEANEE. 221 pons—the bayoneted musket—the little handful of heroes rushed upon the vast force opposed to them. The conflict was long and bloody. Valour could but do its ut¬ most ; and the sweeping discharges from the thickly, well-planted Scinde artillery on their flank told fearfully upon the courageous band who strove against this mighty host. For every score of Beloochees who fell before the British bayonet an English soldier was swept away by the murderous discharge of grape; and although each gap was gal¬ lantly filled up from the rear, their numbers went on thinning hour after hour, whilst the multitude opposed to them seemed to be as nume¬ rous as ever, so little was the havoc amidst their ranks perceptible. 8 Victory seemed about to declare against the small band of assail¬ ants : the greater part of their officers were killed or disabled; and the sepoys, without a leader, more than once made a retrograde movement. At this critical juncture a charge was ordered to be made on the ene¬ my’s right by the small body of horse under Colonel Pattle, which had the effect of at once deciding the fate of the day. The British cavalry did their duty nobly; and the Beloochees, finding themselves in danger on their flank, began to move slowly but defiantly from the field. Resistance was no longer thought of; and the British guns in their turn swept all before them, whilst cavalry and infantry carried on the work of destruction until nature became exhausted, and they could do no more. On the following day Sir Charles summoned the Ameers, who had remained safely within the fortifications of Hyderabad, to surrender their persons and their authority into his hands without delay, in de¬ fault of which he threatened to storm the city. The mandate was obeyed by the entrance within his camp of six of these chiefs, who pro¬ ceeded to lay at the feet of the British general their swords and insignia of royalty. “ Their misfortunes,” said Sir Charles in his dispatches, “ were of their own creating; but as they were great, I gave them back their swords ;” and doubtless he knew full well the utter uselessness of those weapons to men who looked on from their fortified walls whilst the brave but mercenary troops of Beloochistan were fighting their battle. One other action, that of Dubba, and the power of the Ameers was for ever annihilated; and when one or two turbulent bands of marauders had been swept from the country, the British flag waved supreme to the borders of Beloochistan. The immediate consequence of these decisive victories was the annexation of Scinde to the territories of the Company. In a pro- 7 Major-General \V. F. P. Napier’s Conquest of Scinde. 222 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. clamation dated on tlie 5tli of March, 1843, from Agra, the governor- general announced that the conquered territories had become part of our eastern dominions. On the 15th of the same month Major- General Sir Charles Napier was appointed governor of this province ; and a declaration was made relative to the manumission of all slaves within the boundaries of Scinde, the free passage of the Indus to the commerce of the world, and the abolition of all transit-duties. Scarcely had this proclamation been made generally known, when troubles, though of far less magnitude, awaited the government in ano¬ ther direction, and nearer home. The independent Mahratta state of Gwalior had been for a long period the scene of great confusion and strife, giving ample employment to the British resident at its court, under whose protection the reigning family held their authority. The decease of the last rajah, and the consequent regency of his widow during the minority of his successor, opened the door to endless in¬ trigues and difficulties. Ministers of pacific views, and favourable to the English policy, were rudely set aside by the widow for others of questionable character, and holding opinions directly opposite. Plots, conspiracies, and insurrections split the country from one end to the other • until, determined that such an unquiet and dangerous neighbour could not be permitted, the governor-general ordered a force to enter the maharajah’s territories, in order to assert his just authority, and give security to his person and power. This army was conducted by Sir Hugh Gough, accompanied by Lord Ellenborough, and moved from Agra in the early part of De¬ cember; whilst a second division, under Major-General Grey, advanced from Bundelkund. The first and main division crossed the Kohuree river on the 29th December, and took up a position not far from the vil¬ lage of Maharajpoor, where the Mahratta army lay strongly encamped, mustering fully eighteen thousand men, a strong body of cavalry, and a hundred guns. The British troops amounted to fourteen thousand men, with forty pieces of artillery. The attack was commenced by Major-General Littler’s column charging full upon the enemy’s front. The advancing regiments were received with a furious and deadly cannonade, which sensibly thinned their ranks, whilst the Mahratta troops gave them a warm reception from their matchlocks. Nothing, however, could stem the torrent that swept up to the mouths of the enemy's cannon, bayoneting their gun¬ nel’s and driving all before them. Flinging away their matchlocks, the Mahrattas fled to the village, where, sword in hand, they made a des¬ perate stand, but in vain. The small but dashing brigade of cavalry, THE BATTLE OF MAHARAJPOOR. 223 under General Valiant, charged Maharajpoor in the rear, cut up the flanks of the enemy, and effectually sealed the fate of the now defeated and flying Mahratta force. The loss of the enemy in this hard-fought battle was believed to have been from three to four thousand in killed and wounded, besides all their cannon and stores. The victory, however, was not purchased without cost on the side of the British. Upwards of one hundred killed, of whom seven were officers, and nearly seven hundred in the hospitals, told of the severity of the conflict. 9 Whilst the roar of the hundred and forty opposing guns at Maha¬ rajpoor sent forth their deadly echoes, and almost within sound of them, another struggle was maintained, equally decisive, though less fatal. General Grey’s column, moving towards the capital from Bun- delkund, encountered a strong Mahratta force at Punniar, but twelve miles distant from their destination. The action was sharp but brief. The enemy stood no more than the first charge of the British infantry, and fled to the heights, whence they were driven at the point of the bayonet, and finally scattered through the country. The two armies united beneath the walls of Gwalior, where, having no alternative, the Durbar immediately made every submission to the terms imposed by the British. It was stipulated that Gwalior should in future be protected by a British subsidiary force, paid from the revenues of the country; that an English officer and garrison should hold possession of the fort of Gwalior; and that the state should pay all the expenses of the war. Thus ended the brief but glorious military career of Lord Ellen- borough, who, during the short tenure of his office, had accomplished more than any other man for the pacification of India; and when, through intrigues and jealousies, he was shortly afterwards recalled by the Court of Directors, his departure was deeply regretted by all who wished well to good government and the security of our Eastern pos¬ sessions. s Sir Hugh Gough’s dispatch. 224 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. CHAPTER VIII. THE WARS IN THE PUNJAB, AND THE ANNEXATION OF THE COUNTRY OF THE FIVE RIVERS TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS. a.d. 1844 - 1849 . O N the arrival of Sir Henry Hardinge in India as governor-general, in the summer of 1844, he found the vast territories under the British rule in the most profound peace. This able and indefatigable man had ample leisure to make himself master of very many details of government, which he was not slow to discover needed much reform. He did his best to bring about a better and more friendly feeling between the services ; he furthered the claims of the native army to many privileges ; he promoted a stricter discipline amongst the troops generally ; he aided in the organisation of railway companies in India; and, in short, did all that lay in his power, during so short a period, to promote the welfare of many sections of the coim munity. But the course of Indian events was not long destined for this pacification. One more storm of war and bloodshed was gathering in the north ; another fierce struggle was about to overwhelm a vast tract of fruitful and populous country in its calamities and its suffer¬ ings ; and Sir Henry, peacefully as he may have been disposed, could not avoid the career that was awaiting him. The decease ofRunjeet Sing, the Lion of Lahore, in 1839, had paved the way to an infinity of intrigues, plots, and counterplots at and around the capital of the Punjab. The death of the “ Lion,” soon fol¬ lowed by that of the grandson, not without suspicion of design ; the struggles for the viziership ; the intrigues of the ranee, or queen-mother; and the subsequent assassinations of rival chiefs which took place at Cabool, bore testimony to the absence of any controlling power in the state. Indeed, the only parties who appeared to be endowed with any faculty for directing the course of events were two French officers, THE PUNJAB CAMPAIGN. 225 promoted to tlie rank of generals by Runjeet Singh, and who had brought the army of the Punjab into a state of high efficiency, more especially its ordnance department. The young maharajah, Dkulup Sing, a child of four years, and his mother, although nominally at the head of affairs, were really in the hands of the Sikh soldiery ■ these, clamouring for their arrears of pay, and anxious for some occupation which might bring with it a chance of spoil, sought to be led against their English neighbours, whom they considered their enemies. How far this feeling may have been fostered by the French officers, who, it was known, always possessed great influence amongst them, it is not easy to judge. This hostile passion was kept up, uutil at length the ranee became a party, unwil¬ lingly, to a demonstration in the direction of the Sutlej. Ghoolab Singh, brother to the late vizier of the “ Lion,” was pressed in vain, first, to accept the dangerous office of vizier; secondly, to join the war-party against the British. It would have been ecjually dangerous to have openly opposed the movement; Ghoolab therefore contented himself with taking no part in the preparations, and under various pre¬ tences absenting himself from the scene of military activity. When at last the war had actually begun, and he could no longer avoid acting- in some way, he prudently declined any command in the army, prefer¬ ring to remain at the head of his own immediate followers, ready for any special service that might present itself. 1 The preparations which were now being made at Lahore for the passage of the Sutlej could not be kept a secret; and long before the public had any idea of what was going on, the governor-general had expeditiously but quietly concentrated thirty-two thousand men and sixty-eight guns in and about Ferozepore, Loodianali, and Umballa. In the early part of December, the intelligence forwarded to head¬ quarters respecting the warlike preparations in the Punjab were of such a definite and unmistakable character, that Sir H. Hardinge at once made his way to the camp at Umballa, though without at that time having any belief in the intention of the Sikh army to invade the British territories in considerable numbers. From Umballa the governor-general proceeded onwards to Loodianali, inspecting the vari¬ ous cantonments, and generally making himself acquainted with the actual position of affairs. On the 7th and 8th of December, intelligence was received by the governor-general from Lahore, of such a nature as at once to induce him to issue instructions to the commander-in-chief to move up the 1 MacGregor's History of the Sikhs. Q 226 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. whole of his force from Umballa, Meerut, and other minor posts. On the 9th, a portion of the Sikh army had approached to within a few miles of Ferozepore; whilst further advance along the river-line shewed that the most active preparations were being carried on for hostile purposes. By the 12th of December the whole of the Umballa and reserve forces were in full march towards the appointed rendezvous; and at the same time orders were issued to Brigadier Wheeler, at Loo- dianah, to he prepared to move up with his force of five thousand men CAMEL BATTERY. and twelve guns at a moment’s notice. During this day more pre¬ cise information was received as to the Sikh movements; and on the following morning intelligence was brought in that the enemy had crossed the Sutlej, and were concentrating in great force on the left bank of the river. 2 Affairs having arrived at this point, the governor-general issued a proclamation, setting forth the unprovoked nature of the Sikh inva¬ sion, declaring the territories on the left of the Sutlej annexed to the British possessions, and calling upon all friendly and well-disposed na¬ tives to aid in the restoration of peace, and at the same time caution¬ ing all evil-doers as to the consequences of their acts. Brigadier Wheeler was immediately ordered up with his force of 2 Despatch from Sir H. Hardinge to Secret Committee. BATTLE OF MOODKEE. 227 four thousand five hundred men and twenty-one guns.to cover Bussean, where a large depot of stores for the army had been collected ; and by the afternoon of the 14th he was in position before that place. Two days later, the main column from Umballa, under the commander-in¬ chief, arrived at the same spot. At that moment, the Sikhs were com¬ pleting the passage of the Sutlej with their heavy artillery and trains; and on the 17th their main body, consisting of twenty-five thousand regulars and eighty-eight guns, under the command of Lai Singh, moved into position at the village of Forozshah; whilst another force of twenty-three thousand men and sixty-seven guns encamped opposite Ferozepore. The Sikhs commenced throwing up earth-works around their camps, and preparing for a vigorous contest. The governor- general and commander-in-chief pushed on with their main column towards Ferozepore; and at mid-day halted at the village of Moodkee, where they snatched some hasty rest and a little refreshment, after a long and harassing march. The repose of the troops was soon broken by intelligence that at no greater distance than three miles a large body of the enemy were encamped, chiefly cavalry, with twenty-two guns. The troops were immediately called to arms, placed in position, and moved forward to meet the enemy. The cavalry, under Brigadiers White, Gough, and Mactier, were ad¬ vanced rapidly to the front, and occupying the open plain gave good cover to the infantry whilst forming. The horse-artillery speedily fol¬ lowed, flanking the cavalry. In a short time the Sikh artillery, which was well secured behind a quantity of low jungle, opened a brisk and rather telling fire upon the advancing columns, which was replied to with great spirit by the British hoi-se-artillery and the light field-bat¬ teries, which had by this time moved up. These directed such a steady and judicious fire, that the enemy were for a time shaken, and, seizing the opportune moment, the commander-in-chief ordered a cavalry charge upon the left flank of the Sikhs, whilst a similar one was directed upon their right. Both of these succeeded to admiration ; the charges of the British horse sweeping every thing before them, up to the very guns, and no¬ thing but the irregularity of the ground and the dense cover of the jungle saved the enemy from far heavier loss. In the meantime, the infantry was moved on to the charge, covered by the vigorous fire of the horse-artillery, brought close to the low jungle in front of their lines. Sir H. Smith, Sir John M'Caskill, and General Gilbert led on the troops in echellon of lines, and pouring in 228 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. upon their close ranks a murderous fire, soon taught the enemy the efficacy of the British musket. From position to position the Sikhs were driven ; and so often as they stood, the bayonet was resorted to with fatal and unerring effect. The day was thus won from the enemy; and making the best of their way from the field, with the loss of great numbers of their troops and seventeen of their guns, they sought shelter within their camp at Ferozshah. The slaughter was only stayed by the weariness of the troops and the spreading darkness, for the last two hours of the con¬ flict had been carried on by a dim and uncertain light. When the British moved back to their camp at Moodkee it was midnight. The loss on the side of the British was severe for the duration of the struggle, the chief execution having been from the Sikh artillery. The number of killed was sixteen officers and two hundred men; that of the wounded, forty-eight officers and six hundred men ; and this was out of a force of twelve thousand rank and file. Amongst those who fell at this time, deeply regretted, was General Sir Robert Sale, the hero of Jellalabad, who fell with his left thigh shattered by grape-shot. This victory was at once followed up by preparations for further efforts ; for it was well known that the enemy would not long remain inactive under their late severe discomfiture. Some heavy artillery was brought up from the rear, escorted by several fresh regiments. Sir John Littler was ordered up from Ferozepore with all his available force, in order to effect a junction with the main body, and, in concert with them, to attack the Sikh entrenched lines. Accordingly Sir John moved off with one-half of his force, amount¬ ing to five thousand five hundred, together with twenty-one guns, leaving the remainder in Ferozepore, to maintain that post, and watch the movements of Tej Singh and his army encamped against it. This was early on the 21st: by eleven o’clock on that day the main body had advanced from Moodkee and taken up a position opposite the intrenched camp of the Sikh army, which contained a total force of thirty-five thousand soldiers and eighty-eight guns, whilst that of the British comprised less than eighteen thousand rank and file and sixty- five guns. The Sikh lines were about a mile in length and half a mile in breadth, strongly placed, and ready to receive an enemy from whatever quarter it might advance. The ground in front of the army was flat, and interspersed with low jungle. The three divisions of the British army having been placed in line, the artillery was stationed in the cen¬ tre, with the exception of three troops of horse-artillery, placed on each BATTLE OF FEROZEPORE BATTLE OF FEROZEPOllE. 229 flank, and in support. The reserve, under Sir Harry Smith, with the cavalry, formed the second line. The engagement was commenced by the British artillery advancing and pouring in rapid and well-directed charges upon the Sikh lines until within three hundred yards, when the guns were unlimbered, and a further heavy and continuous discharge kept up, until the word was given for the infantry to charge and seize the Sikh guns, which con¬ tinued to be served with murderous effect. This heavy and bloody task was pel-formed with matchless courage and rapidity, and the enemy’s artillery in the centre was for the time silenced. On the left, Littler’s brigade had done wonders; but the storm of grape and shot which fell amidst them caused them to stagger, and make a retrograde movement, which was, however, supported by a portion of the reserve under Sir Harry Smith. The centre and right divisions, under Gene¬ rals Wallace and Gilbert, were successful at every point; and the battle seemed to be won, when unfortunately night fell so suddenly as not only to prevent the decisive blow being struck, but to cause not a little con¬ fusion and danger from the extreme proximity of friends and foes. In this critical position the main body of the troops Avere with¬ drawn to a feAv hundred yards from the Sikh camp, Avliere they rested during the remainder of the night under arms. About midnight, Iioav- ever, some of the Sikh guns which had not been taken possession of Avere brought to bear upon the British column as they lay on the ground, doing considerable execution. The governor-general mounted his horse, and calling on the 80th Regiment and a portion of the 1st Bengal Europeans, led them against the annoying guns, Avhich Avere carried at a charge, and spiked. That night Avas one of intense anxiety to the commanders : then- loss had been most severe; they Avere Avithin a feAv hundred yards of an enemy still formidable, with a heavy reserve under Tcj Singh, no doubt on its way up from Ferozepore; Avhilst Littler’s and Sir H. Smith’s divisions had been compelled to retire from the left, and no¬ thing Avas known as to their position. The spirit of the troops Avas, hoAvever, admirable; and Aveary and harassed as they Avere by long marching and hard fighting, all seemed animated Avith but one spirit,—a determination to finish the work so gloriously begun, and drive the enemy beyond the Sutlej. At early dawn this portion of the army Avas put under arms, deployed into line, and led on at once against the Sikh entrenchments, Avithout Avaiting for the other divisions. A feAv volleys, a round or tAvo of grape, and the bayonet did the rest most effectually. The troops having 230 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. secured tlie whole of the seventy-six guns opposed to them, now wheeled rapidly round, swept past the village of Ferozshah, and in this way cleared the entire length of the enemy’s works, who retired upon their reserve, which at that moment appeared in sight. The remaining divisions of the army now effected a junction with the centre and right; and thus reinforced, ill provided as they were with ammunition, the British commanders would have had no hesi¬ tation in advancing against their new enemy, had there been any dis¬ position shewn to await an attack. But such was not the intention of the Sikh generals : disheartened and alarmed, the discomfited troops of Ferozshah communicated to their comrades the panic which they themselves felt, and at once moving off with a few flourishes of their remaining artillery, made for the banks of the Sutlej, which river they quickly left behind them. To follow up this decisive victory, as inclination would have prompted, was rendered impossible by the want of cavalry and ammu¬ nition, nearly the whole of the latter having been exhausted during the recent engagements; and the commander-in-chief was therefore fain to content himself with seeing the enemy fairly across the river, and await reinforcements from the rear. That day and several following were fully occupied with the care of the wounded, numbering upwards of seventeen hundred. Ferozepore was converted into a hospital, until the sick could be conveyed to a place of greater security; and during the time of their sojourn there, the governor-general was most unremitting in his personal in¬ spection of their comforts. The British loss in killed was heavy: 694 were found dead in the field; and of the wounded 595 died in the hos¬ pital, or were disabled from further service. The same cause which had compelled Sir Hugh Gough to allow Tej Singh to recross the Sutlej unmolested, prevented him from marching on Lahore, and finishing the war under its walls. Nearly two months were spent in waiting for the arrival of a battering train, and reinforcements of both infantry and cavalry; during which period the Sikhs, recovering from the first shock of their disaster at Feroze¬ pore, commenced preparations for the defence of their territories on an extensive scale, and with considerable skill. Throwing a bridge of boats across the Sutlej, the enemy took up a position of much strength on its left bank, and at once commenced forming entrenchments of great extent and solidity, under the superintendence of a French officer of engineers. At the same time a strong body of Sikhs, num¬ bering about 15,000 men and fifty-six guns, crossed the river in the ALIWAL AND SOBRAON. 231 immediate neighbourhood of Loodianah, and took up a position at the village of Aliwal. As soon as the commander-in-chief was strengthened by the fresh troops ordered up, he despatched Sir H. Smith with a force of 7,000 men and 24 guns to relieve Loodianah, threatened as it was by the advance of the enemy in its vicinity. The object was speedily and most completely effected. Sir Harry, although harassed in his march by many rear and Hank attacks, during some of which he lost much of his baggage, pushed on with determination for the main body of the enemy, which he knew was not far distant. On the 27th of January the British troops found themselves op¬ posed to the Sikh forces under Runjoor Singh, now reinforced by 4000 more regular troops and twelve field-pieces. On the morning of the 28th, Sir Harry Smith, having with him by that time nearly 10,000 men, advanced to the attack with his entire line, warmly received by the enemy’s artillery. After a brief cannonade and a cavalry charge the infantry moved up in gallant style ; and though opposed with a well- served artillery force, swept all before them. The village of Aliwal, the enemy’s chief position, was carried at the point of the bayonet; the British cannon cut up the heavy masses of Sikh troops ; and Her Majesty’s 16th Lancers, by their brilliant charges, completed the triumph of the day by capturing every gun opposed to them, and driving the foe, with terrible slaughter, across the river. 'l'lie total discomfiture of this body of the enemy left the British at liberty to direct their full attention to the works carrying on by the Sikhs at Sobraon, which were rapidly assuming an importance that promised to render them truly formidable. But the much-needed heavy artillery had not yet reached the camp; and without it opera¬ tions against the enemy’s works would have been deemed most inju¬ dicious. On the 8th of February Sir Harry Smith joined the main army with his forces; and on the following day the long-expected heavy guns reached the camp. Not a moment was lost after the re¬ ceipt of this much-needed arm of war. On the morning of the 10th, long before daybreak, the troops moved out of camp, and marched to the position assigned them, opposite the enemy’s works. The British troops numbered somewhat above 16,000 rank and file, with 99 guns; the Sikh force consisted of 34,000 men within the entrenchments, and 20,000 of reserved troops, with seventy pieces of artillery. The enemy’s position was a most formidable one, and had cost them much labour during several months. It was, indeed, considered by them as perfectly impregnable to any force that could be brought 232 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. against it; ancl when it is considered how strong was the army posted within those massive fortifications, behind three lines of trenches, and how ably their artillery was served, the victory of the small British force which carried those vaunted works must be allowed to have been no ordinary achievement. From six until past eight o’clock the artillery maintained an inces¬ sant roar of destruction, aided by that fatal weapon the rocket. At nine the command was issued for the troops to move forward to the attack; and supported on either flank by troops of horse artillery, the infantry advanced to test the vaunted strength of the Sikh fortifica¬ tions. They were received by a tremendous fire from cannon, muskets, and camel-guns; and so murderous was the discharge from the entrench¬ ments, and so completely exposed were the advancing troops, that it appeared impossible that any body of men could stand such havoc. If there was any halting or indecision under this fearful fire, it was but momentary; the charge was renewed, and in a few more short minutes the advanced troops of the column were within the fatal works. Other divisions of the army met with an equally desperate resistance on either wing, and in more than one place the attacking column was forced back several times, again and again returning to the charge with undaunted valour. At length line after line was entered at the bayonet’s point; and to make victory still more decisive, a gallant charge of cavalry under Major-general Thackwell followed up the blow, silenced the Sikh guns, and drove the retreating mass over their bridge of boats and into the river. Great was the slaughter of the Hying foe by the light field-pieces of the British; hundreds were cut to pieces by our horse-artillery in crossing the Sutlej, and many more drowned in the confusion. The fruits of this victory were G7 guns, 200 camel-swivels, and a great number of standards. But these trophies were purchased at a cost of 320 killed and 2063 wounded, including many valuable officers, amongst others, the veteran Sir Robert Dick. This decisive battle was at once followed up by a movement on Lahore; and although endeavours were made by Glioolab Singh to divert the governor-general from his resolution, the troops proceeded on their way, and encamped beneath the city walls. There a treaty was drawn up and formally executed, by which the whole expense of the war, amounting to a million and a half sterling, was undertaken to be paid by the Lahore government. The guns taken by us were to be retained, and all those which had ever been pointed against us were to be deli¬ vered up; whilst the Sikh troops and their leaders were to receive in¬ stant dismissal. Subsequently it was arranged that a strong garrison RECOMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 233 was to be left in Lahore by the British, for the protection of the inha¬ bitants and the security of the Maharajah’s authority; and in accord¬ ance with this, Sir John Littler was left there with 10,000 men. Thus terminated the first Punjab war, having occupied but sixty days, and beheld the complete dispersion of the Sikh forces. Upwards of 200 pieces of their best artillery had fallen into our hands; and of 100,000 fighting men, not 30,000 remained together. The cost of the war had been defrayed by the vanquished; and on the whole the campaign appeared to have been not only the most decisive but the most important in its results of any that the British forces in India had been engaged in. At the close of 1848 the Earl of Dalhousie assumed the supreme government of India. On his arrival he found the most apparently profound tranquillity reigning; and there seemed for the time every probability of his rule being one of an entirely pacific nature. But, as with his predecessor, it soon became evident that he was destined to heighten the reputation of the British arms, and to extend our triumphs and our possessions. The first indication of trouble came from Mooltan, the capital of a petty state situated between the Indus and the Sutlej. Moolraj, its governor, first shewed signs of unfriendly feeling towards us, and even¬ tually assumed a hostile attitude by the assassination of the British assis¬ tant political resident, Mr. Vans Agnew, and Lieutenant Anderson of the Bombay army. This treachery brought forward Lieutenant Edwardes and a party of Sikh horse, who, being reinforced by Colonel Cort- lande’s troops and some pieces of light artillery, and further aided by the auxiliary forces of the khan of Bhawulpore, attacked and defeated Moolraj on two several occasions with considerable slaughter. The chief then fell back upon Mooltan, to which the troops under Cortlande and Edwardes would have at once laid siege had they been provided with the necessary guns; they were compelled, therefore, to sit before it and keep up a simple blockade until the 18th of August, when they were opportunely reinforced by General Whish with two regiments of native infantry, one of horse, and a troop of horse-artil¬ lery. Other forces reached at nearly the same time from Ferozepore with that which was most needed, a battering-train of considerable weight, and further horse-artillery and light horse. With these various reinforcements the besieging army amounted to 28,000 men, of whom about G000 were British, and the operations were accordingly pushed forward with vigour. Early in September several successful attacks were made on the enemy’s outworks, and one or two sallies 234 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. of the garrison repulsed with considerable loss to them ; but the aspect of affairs was suddenly changed by a large party of the Sikh allies under Shere Singh going over to the enemy. This compelled the British to abandon their operations, and retire to a strong position at a short distance from Mooltau. The defection of the Sikhs had been doubtless brought about by the intelligence that Chutter Singh had collected a body of insurgents in the Hazerah district, and made an attempt upon the fort of Attock. Foiled in this, the chief pushed rapidly, forward to Peshawur, where, the British force being greatly reduced in numbers, the resident, Major Lawrence, and his lady were compelled to fly to Kohat and put them¬ selves under the protection of the khan of that place. They were, how¬ ever, given up to Chutter Singh, together with Lieutenant Borrie. Another Sikh war now became inevitable. The forces under Chutter Singh and Shere Singh united ; other chiefs flocked to their standards, and they were not long in mustering an army of 30,000 troops eager for plunder or any prospect of employment as preferable to a state of peace. The enemy now took up a position at Ramnugger, near Wuzee- rabad, having the Chenab flowing in their front, and strongly flanked by artillery. Reinforcements having reached the British army at Ferozepore, the commander-in-chief, Lord Gough, moved forward to Saharun on the 21st of November, and prepared at once for action. At two o’clock on the following morning the troops moved forwards in the most per¬ fect silence and with as much order as though on parade. Arrived at Ramnugger, the troops were placed in position, whilst our horse-artil¬ lery pushed on in advance towards the enemy’s lines, which were then distinctly visible, and commenced a sharp fire upon them. This seemed to make but little impression ; and the heavy guns of the Sikhs be¬ ginning to return the cannonade, it became apparent that these two branches of the armies were most unequally matched. The enemy, determined to act vigorously and on the offensive, pushed across the river a strong body of their best cavalry under the fire of their heavy batteries. These were immediately charged by the 5th Light Cavalry and the 14th Dragoons, and driven back to the en¬ trenchments, though not without heavy loss being sustained by these two regiments, especially in officers. Amongst others who fell from the heavy cannonade the troops were exposed to were General Cure- ton, Colonel Havelock, and Captain Fitzgerald. At length, after sustaining a furious fire from the British guns, and giving way to the infantry charges in several places, Shere Singh EATTLE OF CHILLI AN WALLAH. 23 5 thought it prudent to abandon his camp and works, and rapidly with¬ drew towards the Jhelum in tolerably good order. Preparations were now made by Lord Gough to follow up this vic¬ tory by advancing in the direction of Lahore, and driving the enemy before him. Whilst this was being carried into execution, events of a stirring nature were enacting before Mooltan, which was once more standing a siege from the British under General Wliish ; and fresh troops having arrived from the south, the siege was carried on with the utmost vigour, as Moolraj soon found to his cost. The can¬ nonade kept uji by the Bombay artillery was incessant and destruc¬ tive. Wall after wall crumbled before the fury of the battering-train. The suburbs were taken, the powder-magazine in the fort blown up, breaches in the fortifications effected, and at last, in spite of desperate sorties and counter-works, the town was stormed, and the British colours planted on its walls on the 2d of January. The citadel still held out, and the courageous Moolraj appeared bent on no surrender so long as a wall was left standing. By the 21st the huge works of the fortress were undermined and several practicable breaches opened in them, so that orders were given for the troops to be in readiness for storming the citadel at daybreak. The chieftain, how¬ ever, saved them any further trouble by appearing at the gate of his fort as the troops were forming for the attack; and proceeding straight to the general’s tent, he there handed up his sword. The fort having been garrisoned, the army moved off to join the camp of the governor-general; and, to prevent any accident, Moolraj was conducted with them. This junction was effected too late for the Mooltan troops to share in the dangers of the battle of Chillianwallah, to which we must now return. The preparations for marching on Lahore having been completed, the commander-in-chief proceeded, in the early part of January, to¬ wards the Chenab, where, as expected, he found the Sikhs strongly entrenched. On the 10th Lord Gough moved his troops forward, with the view, in the first instance, of at once attacking the enemy. This resolve, however, appears from some cause to have been abandoned; and the evening was allowed to draw on without any further demon¬ stration being made on the side of the British. The Sikhs had, how¬ ever, evidently made every preparation, and were bent upon an engage¬ ment. Throwing some flying artillery towards our centre, they brought out a few of our heavy guns, which at once silenced the others, but were in their turn responded to by a tremendous cannonade of heavy 23G THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. guns from a quarter much nearer than had been anticipated. Under cover of some low hut dense jungle, the Sikhs had planted their ar¬ tillery in a commanding and safe position ; and the advantage, of the ground was fully proved by the terrible havoc their guns committed in the ranks of the British army. To charge in the face of a murderous storm of grape and shell was the only alternative known to British troops; and, as had been the result at Ferozshah and other places, the bayonet and the spur wrested from the enemy their ruinous and fatal guns, and earned a dear-bought victory. This furious engagement lasted until after nightfall; and on the morrow, when the troops were mustered and their loss ascertained, it was found that the killed amounted to 26 officers and 731 men ; whilst in wounded the numbers were 66 officers and 1446 men. Great as was the loss on the English side, the carnage amongst the Sikhs must have been far more terrible. Nevertheless, they did not yet think of submission, but, being joined by a strong body of Afghan horse, prepared with undaunted determination to renew the struggle for supremacy. Reinforced during the early part of February by the Mooltan troops, Lord Gough made every disposition for striking another and, if pos¬ sible, a more decisive blow at the Sikh power in the Punjab. It was evident that nothing short of utter and complete overthrow, a perfect annihilation of their military power, could by any possibility restore tranquillity to that country or give security to the neighbouring states for the future ; and on this impression the commander-in-chief at once prepared to act. The Sikh army had again strongly entrenched themselves in a most favourable position, within a few miles of the town of Goojerat. Hither Lord Gough marched his recruited forces, and on the 21st of February commenced a furious and most effective cannonade on the enemy’s lines. Shere Sing was this time at the head of 60,000 men and 59 guns of heavy calibre ; but nothing could withstand the deadly fire of the British artillery-men. For three hours this arm of the force did its work; and by the end of that time it was quite apparent that the Sikh troops were not only thinned, but making a retrograde move¬ ment. The whole force of the British infantry and cavalry were then let loose upon the enemy, and, relieving the heavy guns from further service, the bayonet, lance, and sword accomplished the remainder of the bloody task. ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAB. 237 A more complete and effectual overthrow had never, been given to the enemy; 3 that they felt it to be so was manifested by the surrender shortly afterwards of Chutter Singh, Shere Singh, and the other Sikh leaders who had escaped our bullets. The Afghans fled across the Indus; the Sikh forces were disbanded; and the Punjab was declared annexed to the British territories in India. Moolraj was placed upon his trial for the murder of Mr. Vans Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson, found guilty, and had his sentence of death commuted to imprisonment for life. 3 Punjab Blue Book : Despatch of Lord Gough. 238 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. CHAPTER IX. THE SECOND BURMESE WAR AND THE ANNEXATION OF PEGU. a.d. 1850-1853. he year 1850 was ushered in by a peace as profound as any hitherto ± witnessed during the British rule in India, and with every pro¬ mise of its proving complete and lasting. During the decade of wars and insurrections which had just terminated, nearly all the most deter¬ mined opponents of the British power in the East had been compelled to sue for peace, or had beheld their power irretrievably lost, and their countries permanently annexed to the territories of Great Britain. Looking, therefore, at the state of India in the last year of the first half of the nineteenth century, it appeared difficult to imagine that any political event could occur to disturb the tranquillity of our vast em¬ pire in the East. But this security had not been obtained without con¬ siderable cost. Glory and conquest have their price, as well as other and more vulgar things. The Afghan retribution, the “ Lion’s skin,” the Punjab trophies, the gates of Somnooth, — these, and a few other items on the scroll of fame, had cost the government, in round figures, twenty millions sterling. By their means, the public debt of India had been swollen from 32,000,000^. to 4(5,000,000^., the difference oi the twenty millions having come out of the current revenues of the state. 1 Little occurred during this and the following year to disturb the deep calm which fell like a shade over the realms owning our sway in India. In the shape of aggression, indeed, there was literally nothing to record, save the harassing predatory inroads of the Affredees and some others of the hill-tribes on our north-western frontier, in the vicinity of Peshawur. These marauders had for ages been a source of annoy¬ ance to the Sikhs, and appeared equally disposed to find occupation 1 Calcutta Review for 1851. INDIAN RAILWAYS AND TELEGRAPHS. 239 for our troops. One raid followed another in quick succession ; and although Sir Colin Campbell and his detachment inflicted severe chas¬ tisement upon them, it seemed to be in vain; until at length, worn out and beaten at all points, these marauding freebooters agreed, on cer¬ tain terms, to cease from further depredations upon the border villages or wayside travellers. The year 1831 will long be memorable in Indian annals, as having witnessed the commencement of railways and electric telegraphs in two of the three presidencies. At Calcutta and Bombay the first sections of the East Indian and Great Indian Peninsular railways were put in train ; whilst an electric telegraph was begun between the former city and Diamond harbour, and is now in active operation,—the first of a series of wires which will eventually connect the City of Palaces with the various seats of government throughout that presidency. Not the least notable occurrence of this year was the passing an act which effected for all India what Lord William Bentinck had done for Bengal alone, by abolishing all pains and penalties attaching, under the old Hindoo and Mahomedan laws, to any seceders from those faiths to Christianity, and who had hitherto, by such secession, forfeited all rights to family or other property. Towards the latter part of the year the political horizon was dim¬ med by a small cloud in the direction of Burmah, arising out of sundry acts of cruelty and oppression to British subjects. These acts it was deemed by the authorities impossible to overlook ; and an expedition was accordingly despatched in November from Calcutta, under Com¬ modore Lambert, to demand reparation for the past, and a guarantee for the future. Early in January (1852), it appeared as though the sovereign of Ava was disposed to come to a friendly understanding with the gover¬ nor-general ; but before long it was too evident that this appearance of amity was but a pretext in order to gain time. A new viceroy arrived at Rangoon, and commenced active preparations, by no means of a pacific nature. It was in vain that Commodore Lambert endeavoured to ob¬ tain an interview with this functionary; at first his letters were treated coolly, but eventually with contempt; and it became evident that, in order to bring the Burmese to terms, forcible means would have to be resorted to. Matters being in this state, the commodore directed all British residents in Rangoon who valued their lives to seek refuge on board the fleet. This order was at once obeyed, though a number of Euro¬ peans and natives were detained on shore and thrown into prison. On 240 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. the morrow the fleet moved down the river, the steamers towing out some of the smaller ships. An insolent message from the viceroy, threatening to fire on our ships if they passed his forts, was disregarded; but as one of the steamers proceeded past the town with a Burmese man-of-war in tow as a prize, the garrison commenced firing upon her, which was at once so warmly returned by the guns of her Majesty’s ship Fox, as to cause the immediate abandonment of the Burmese forts. Upon this open rupture, Commodore Lambert, being anxious for more positive instructions from the governor-general, left for Calcutta in a steamer, first declaring the ports of Burmah in a state of blockade. Although not quite satisfied, it is said, with one act—the seizure of the Burmese ship-of-war—the governor-general ratified all that had been done at Rangoon, and at once resolved upon pm-suing the most ener¬ getic and prompt measures for the adjustment of these differences. Orders were despatched to Bombay and Madras for the immediate pre¬ paration for use of all the steamers available, with contingencies of such troops as could be spared ; whilst active measures were at once taken at Calcutta for despatching, by steamers and transports, a powerful body of European and native troops, as well as a strong accompani¬ ment of artillery. The result was, that, by the 24th of February, six steamers left Bombay for Madras, where they embarked the troops destined for the Burmese campaign, under the command of General Godwin, viz. two European and four native regiments, with four corps of artillerymen, chiefly Europeans. These left Madras on the 29th of March ; whilst at Calcutta the armament had been equally hastened. The last of the force despatched there left the Hoogly on the 25th March; the total having been similar to the Madras force—two European and four na¬ tive regiments, with their accompaniments of artillery, in four steamers and four transports. These amounted in the aggregate to about eight thousand men. The 1st of April being the latest day fixed by the governor-general for the ultimatum of the Burmese sovereign, a steamer was despatched to Rangoon on that morning to ascertain if any reply had been re¬ ceived from Ava. In place of a letter, the British envoy received a shower of shot from the stockades lining the river, and was thus compelled to return. Admiral Austin, in H.M. steamer Rattler, having now joined from Singapore, and the Bengal squadron aiTiving at the same moment, it was resolved to attack Martaban, the first Burmese town, without waiting for the arrival of the Madras force: this was accomplished MOVEMENT UPON BASSEIN. 241 with little difficulty on the 5th. The Madras troops reached on the 7th, and within three days from that date the united force proceeded up the river, and commenced operations by a bombardment of the strong stockades, which were found well mounted with guns, and de¬ fended by 25,000 Burmese troops. During that and the four follow¬ ing days the troops were occupied in reducing the numerous out¬ works and fortified pagodas which studded the environs and heights. This was not accomplished without the loss of 17 killed and 132 wounded, besides the loss of two officers by coup de soled. The force of the British in Burmah at that time consisted of two ships of war, 16 steamers, and 14 transports, with 2700 European and 3000 native troops, and about 1800 marines and sailors, making a total of 8000 men. One of the first fruits of the capture of Kangoon was the quieting of the alarm of the natives, who perhaps, naturally for them, expected that' our troops would retaliate the cruelties of the Burmese autho¬ rities on all British subjects who had fallen into their hands. Once assured of our friendly disposition, the inhabitants flocked back to the city in thousands, whilst the people of the neighbouring province of Pegu, at no time well disposed to their Burman conquerors, declared they were ready to place themselves under our protection. This be¬ coming known to the native authorities, led to the exercise of great cruelties towards the unfortunate inhabitants, who were given up to the robbery and violence of the Burmese soldiers. It had been the opinion of the British commander in the first in¬ stance, that our troops would be compelled to remain inactive during the whole of the rainy season, extending from May to October inclu¬ sive ; but circumstances overruled this. It became evident early in May that the Burmese were mustering very strongly at Bassein, a town of some importance about sixty miles up one of the branches of the Irrawaddy, and bordering on the British territory of Arracan, which there was no doubt they intended to invade. General Godwin resolved, under these circumstances, to drive the enemy from that quarter, and place a garrison in the town. On the morning of the 17th, a detachment, consisting of 400’Eu¬ ropean, and 300 native infantry, with 100 sappers and miners, and some artillery-men, aided by a party of marines, were sent off in four steamers. These descended the main river to the sea by the evening, and next morning began to round the smaller branch of the Irrawaddy, on which Bassein is situated. A number of large stockades were passed, which, however, offered no resistance, and the fleet arrived off B 242 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. tlie town without interruption by the afternoon. Here it was evident the enemy mustered pretty strongly, entrenched behind some mud forts defended by stockades, and within a large pagoda. Their numbers were estimated at 7000 men. No opposition being still offered, the troops were at once landed; but on a detachment under Captain Salter moving towards one of the stockades, they were greeted with a sharp volley of musketiy, which did some mischief. The men were at once led against the defences, which were stoutly defended by artillery, the Burmese gunners being- bayoneted at their posts; first, the pagoda, and lastly, the mud fort, was carried with a loss to the enemy of about 800 men, and on our side of a few officers and men wounded. The town, being deserted by the Burmese troops, was taken possession of, and a garrison of 500 men left in it. On the 26th the Burmese made a sudden and desperate attempt to retake Martaban with a force of about 1200 men, but were so warmly received by our troops, that they were glad to retire, having suffered considerable loss, which on our side amounted to but one killed and thirteen wounded. Although the weather was by no means favourable, the general dispatched a small force on the 3d of June, in a steamer, to capture Pegu, the former capital of the kingdom of that name, and now in possession of the Burmese. The expedition consisted of 100 Eu¬ ropeans, and an equal number of sepoys, with 30 sappers and miners. These arrived off the town early on the following day, landed, and at the first charge drove the enemy before them; who, flying in great numbers from their pagoda and stockades, left the town in the hands of the British, who were hailed by the citizens as their deliverers; but having accomplished this much, the expedition returned, leaving Pegu unoccupied. During the remainder of June the troops remained in¬ active, but, despite the unfavourable weather, in a good state of health. General Godwin availed himself of this cessation of hostilities to dis¬ patch a steamer to Calcutta, with a request for an additional force of Europeans and natives, with a detachment of light cavalry, a field- battery, and some horse-artillery. These were at once prepared for sea, and dispatched from Madras and Calcutta with all celerity. Mean¬ while the governor-general visited the seat of war, in order to examine the true posture of affairs, and consult with the commander of the forces as to future operations. On the 9th of July a force was dispatched against Prome, which, after meeting with some slight resistance from river-defences, came DOUBLE CAPTURE OF PROME. 2-13 upon the rear of the Burmese general’s army. After exchanging a few volleys, the enemy fled in all directions, leaving twenty-eight guns, the general’s state-barge, and a quantity of standards and camp-equipage behind them. Prome was at once entered by the British without fur¬ ther resistance, but, owing to the insufficiency of the force, not retained in our possession. Consequently, as soon as our troops returned to Rangoon, the Burmese again took possession of the place, and com¬ menced putting it in a state of defence. What General Godwin’s mo¬ tive may have been for such an empty display of conquest, it is difficult to tell, but the proceeding gave rise, as well it might, to considerable surprise and dissatisfaction amongst the troops. August was opened in general inactivity, although the weather was by no means so unfavourable as usual at this season, and there was nothing to prevent our troops from at once proceeding by water to Ava, the capital of the empire, had the lethargy of the commander of the forces permitted such a movement. The expected reinforcements having reached head-quarters, the force available amounted in the month of September to nearly 20,000 men, in the highest state of efficiency, and quite large enough to have at once swept all before them to the very gates of the emperor’s pa¬ lace. But this did not appear to be the view taken of the matter by General Godwin, who now made preparation for once more attacking Prome. In the middle of this month two regiments, a field-battery, with a detachment of sappers and miners, left Rangoon, followed within a few days by the general and a party of artillerymen. They ascended the river without opposition until the 9th of October, when, as they approached tire stockaded defences of the city, they were fired upon from many sides. The enemy’s gunnery was not of first-rate quality, and in less than two hours was entirely silenced, the ground being completely cleared of the opposing force by the shells thrown from the steamers. The troops were lauded towards the even¬ ing, and advancing at once upon a pagoda and the few remaining de¬ fences, carried every thing before them at the point of the bayonet. Night fell before the town could be reached, and it was therefore not until the next morning that Prome was occupied for the second time by our troops. A large body of Burmese troops, amounting to upwards of 6000 men, were known to be posted within a few miles of the town, strongly entrenched behind stockades, and out of reach of our steam¬ ers, the artillery practice from which appeal’s to have impressed them with a proper sense of our superiority in that arm of war. To have 244 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. dislodged them with the force at his command would have been a matter of comparative ease; but so thought not General Godwin; who, fearful probably of terminating the war too quickly, determined to await the arrival of further troops before attempting any forward move¬ ment. He did not wait long, however; but within a day or two left for Rangoon in search of the troops considered to be requisite for fur¬ ther operations. This reinforcement was despatched towards the latter part of the month. By this time the Irrawaddy, which had been pre¬ viously deep enough throughout for our largest steamers, sank so sud¬ denly, and, as it appears, so unexpectedly, that several of the flotilla were left aground in the middle of the stream, with every prospect of having to remain there until the next rains should float them. With a view to assist the intended advance upon Ava, the Calcutta authorities dispatched 250 elephants overland to Prome, by way of the Arracan province, and the Aeng Pass, leading from those territories into the Burman dominions. It being reported that the enemy were stockading the pass, a force was sent forward from Arracan to clear the way, and keep open the road to the south-east. Notwithstanding that a second force was despatched to Prome, nothing further was accomplished in that quarter, save the occupancy of a few villages in the immediate vicinity, for the protection of the in¬ habitants against the Burmese troops. The general’s attention was now devoted to making another of his famous second-hand conquests. He resolved that, inasmuch as the town of Pegu had been, like Prome, cap¬ tured only to be abandoned, it should, like the latter city, be once more stormed. Acting upon this resolve, a force of 1100 rank and file, with 30 artillerymen, 60 sappers, and two 24-pounders, started for Pegu in four steamers, under the command of General Godwin him¬ self, on the 18th of November. On the evening of the 20th they arrived off the town, which it was now evident had been strengthened since its last capture. Numerous stockades were to be seen filled with troops, who made a show of stout resistance. During the night our troops effected a landing without molestation; and at an early hour next morning made an advance on the principal stockade, one party charging it in front, whilst a second effected a diversion on the flank. Its defenders contented themselves with one smart volley, after which it never appears to have occurred to them to reload; but flying from the rear of their defences, they mounted a troop of elephants and ponies, that were evidently ready for the purpose, and left us in undisturbed possession of the place. This time the general decided upon placing a garrison in the town, ANNEXATION OF PEGU. 245 with a party of sappers and the two 24-pounders; and having arranged the completion of this almost bloodless expedition, he retraced his steps with the steamers and the greater part of the troops to Rangoon, which place he reached on the 23d. In three days the general was once more on the move upwards to Prome with another reinforcement of native troops, a field-battery, and some irregular horse; though with what object in view does not appear. The Burmese, despite their many overwhelming defeats, were not disposed to leave us in quiet possession of our conquests. On the 8th of December the commissariat boats off Pegu were fired into; whilst at the same minute a body of 8000 troops atacked the town and its out¬ works, which were gallantly defended by the little garrison. Intelli¬ gence of these events being received at Rangoon, a reinforcement of 200 men were sent off towards Pegu; but meeting there with a power¬ ful enemy at an advantageous position on the river, they were com¬ pelled to retire and fall back upon Rangoon. On this a force of 1400 men, the greater part consisting of cavalry, was started by land and water, which pushed on through every opposition, driving before them a large body of Burmese horse. In the neighbourhood of Pegu, the enemy, to the number of 8000, were encountered; and, as usual, com¬ pletely overthrown at the first onset, leaving many of their force on the field. In this expedition the Sikh irregular horse behaved in the most admirable manner, shewing that a change of masters had in no way lessened their courage. The various operations detailed in the preceding pages, led to that which might have been anticipated—the annexation of the conquered portion of the Burmese empire. By a proclamation bearing date De¬ cember 28th, 1852, the governor-general declared the province of Pegu annexed to the British territories; and called upon all the inha¬ bitants to submit themselves to the authority and protection of the government. He moreover intimated that no further conquests were in¬ tended; but that, in the event of the king of Ava refusing to hold friendly intercourse with the British government, or seeking to disturb their quiet possession of Pegu, further hostilities would necessarily ensue, which could have no other result than the total subversion of the Bur- man empire, and the exile of the king and his family. The effect of this proclamation was to bring about a revolution at the capital, headed by the emperor’s brother, who appears to have been backed by a large peace-party holding friendly opinions in regard to the English. The sovereign was at once deposed and made prisoner, and the brother placed on the throne in his stead. In consequence of this altered state 246 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. of things, an embassy was despatched from Rangoon, backed by a steamer and a strong armed party. Meanwhile our troops had not been idle. The stockaded defences of the Aeng pass, by means of which the Burmese had hoped to cut off communication between Arracan and Pegu, were carried by a small de¬ tachment of troops, without the loss of a single man; although the pass was of a most formidable nature, and considered impregnable. The enemy still continued hovering about our stations in force, watching for a favourable opportunity of annoying us, and plundering the vil¬ lages; during the whole of January various detachments were employed in scouring the country, and chastising these bands of marauders. At the date of our last advices, extending to the middle of May 1853, the whole of the Burmese troops appear to have retired upon Ava, in consequence of the recent revolution in state affairs; an embassy had been dispatched by the new emperor to meet and confer with our re¬ presentative, which at first promised to terminate in a friendly manner; but the Burmese soon intimated that no portion of their territories would be allowed to remain in our hands without a further struggle, which now appears inevitable. From our knowledge of the antecedents of this people, and of the policy of their rulers, it is scarcely possible to calculate upon any last¬ ing peace between the two powers. The final result will, no doubt, be the subversion of the Burman dynasty, and the annexation of that empire to our already enormous possessions in the East. Before closing the present chapter, and with it the historical section of this volume, it may be well to notice the few events of the past year within the remaining portion of the three Presidencies. Throughout India, with the exception of the north-western frontier, the most pro¬ found peace has reigned. The only disturbance which broke this com¬ plete tranquillity was the periodical incursion of some of the hill-tribes, especially of the Momunds. Their forays were mainly directed against the inhabitants of the villages in their vicinity, where they frequently committed great destruction of life and property. These marauders occupied the forces under Sir Colin Campbell from early in January, at various periods, until quite the end of the year, often falling upon our troops when not expected, and inflicting considerable loss. These freebooters mustered very strong in light horse, and by the rapidity of their movements and their intimate know¬ ledge of every mile of the country, bade defiance to such of our troops as were brought against them. OPENING OF BOMBAY RAILROAD. 247 In Scinde, the occurrence of the year was the deposition of Ali Morad from his princedom. The plots and falsehoods of this designing intriguer having been completely brought home to him, and it being made clear how nefariously he had deprived both his brothers and the British government of large tracts of territory, no time was lost in stripping him of his ill-gotten honours and estates, and reducing him to the rank of a simple chief. An attempt was made during 1852 to establish an annual fair at Kurrachee, for the supply of the great commercial marts above the Indus with European goods, and the disposal of their produce in re¬ turn ; but, as far as the first endeavour has gone, no success appears to have attended it, however praiseworthy its object. The supplies of merchandise and produce were considerable, but without leading to any extended dealings. In February 1853 the first fifteen miles of Indian railroad were opened with some ceremony, between Bombay and Tamrah, and this small line has continued iu active operation since that time. ■ ■ 1 ) PART II. POLITICAL •>. CHAPTER I. THE LOCAL GOVERNMENTS OF INDIA FROM THE HINDOO PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME, WITH A SKETCH OF THE COVENANTED AND UNCOVE¬ NANTED SERVICES. B efore attempting to describe the present constitution and functions of the local governments of British India, with their effects upon the industry of the people over whom their rule is established, it is necessary that the reader should peruse a sketch of the form of govern¬ ment prevailing in the early times of Hindoo supremacy, with a few notices of the modifications the system underwent during the Afghan and Mahomedan rule in India. This is the more essential, because by so doing I shall render this picture of British India more com¬ plete, and at the same time provide the means of rightly estimating the value and effects of the changes introduced in the government and taxation of the country by the legislature of Great Britain. We can but judge of men and things by contrast, and it is only by looking back to what has been done dui'ing times long since past in this vast but half-known country, that a right appreciation can be formed of the shortcomings of the present, and the hopefulness of the future of our Indian empire. In the time of which the first records are handed down to us through the code of Menu, it appears that the government of Hin- dostan was founded on the relative positions of the four classes of society existing at that period. It was vested in an absolute monarch, whose authority arose out of the necessity, and partook of the character of the extremely simple state in which the people of India lived in that remote age. He was apparently controlled by no human power, but yet was so limited in his dominance by the moral influence of the code, and the necessities of the 252 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. people over whom he was placed, that they were to a very great extent defended from any acts of tyranny on his part. For any breach of his high trust he was threatened with punishment in one part of the code, and is spoken of as subject to fine in another; but no means were pro¬ vided for enforcing any of the penalties to which he might be liable; and neither the councils who were to assist him, nor the military chiefs who were to execute his behests, possessed any constitutional power which did not emanate from his will. The superintendence of a divine intelligence was felt and acknowledged, and the superstitious effect of the Brahminical priesthood pervaded the realm to the regulation of the subjects and of their king. He appointed seven ministers, or councillors, who were generally of the military class, and who had above them all one distinguished Brah¬ min, in whom he was to repose his full confidence. 1 Another officer was also appointed, who was called an “ ambassador,’' though his func¬ tions were rather those of a minister of foreign affairs than representa¬ tive at foreign courts. All these officers were to be of noble birth; and the ambassador especially was selected for his great abilities, penetra¬ tion, and sagacity, and he was required to be honest, dexterous in busi¬ ness, to make himself acquainted with other countries, and the circum¬ stances of the times. The king’s duties were those of every executive monarch, the de¬ fence of his own country, and the chastisement of its foreign foes. It was his duty to attend to the advice of his Brahmins, from whom he was to derive his notions of justice, policy, and theology, and who thus acquired almost the entire control of the state. He was also expected to possess a knowledge of agriculture, commerce, and some general acquaintance with the mechanical arts, in which the people at large' were generally engaged. Not only were the duties of the monarch prescribed, but advice was given to him in the code, which coming from such a source had all the authority of law. The capital was to be fixed in a fertile part of the country, but in a place difficult of access, and incapable of supporting the armies of an invader. These two injunctions may seem to imply conditions which it was frequently impossible to fulfil; but it is re¬ markable how exactly they have to a great extent been carried out; for, owing to the peculiar nature of the country, and the judgment with which the several sites have been chosen, few places are stronger in their natural defences than most of the great cities of India. The Elphinstone’s India, vol. i. p. 38. DUTIES OF THE SOVEREIGN. 253 monarch was to keep his garrison always well-provisioned, and in the centre of the fortress his own palace was to be placed, “ well-finished and brilliant, surrounded by water and trees,” in order that it might be equally accessible on all sides, and also of course more easy of de¬ fence. His queen was to be chosen for her birth and beauty, and he was to appoint a domestic priest. The habits which the code directed the monarch to observe were all calculated to endue him with bodily health, and to enable him to exercise his faculties when in their clearest and most efficient state. He was to rise in the last watch of the night, and after sacrifices to hold a court in the public hall, dismissing his subjects with kind looks and words. The precautions which contrast with this pleasing picture of fealty to the sovereign, and of parental care on his part for his dependents, were necessitated by the peculiarities of the Asiatic character. His food was only served by trustworthy persons, and was always accompanied, when placed before him, with antidotes to poison. He was usually armed when he received his emissaries, and even his female attendants were commonly searched, lest they should bear upon them concealed weapons ; and whether at home or abroad he had constantly to be on his guard against the plots and attempts of his enemies. The army was regulated by a commander-in-chief, but the actual infliction of punishment was committed to the officers of justice. The treasury was regulated by the monarch himself, and under his super¬ vision the declaration of war or the arrangements for peace were com¬ mitted to the ambassador, who was in all these affairs the king’s supreme representative. Great power was thus necessarily intrusted to this important and often essential officer. Foreign policy and war, as might naturally be expected, were the subjects of many of the rules of government in the code of Menu; and these rules are particularly interesting as affording numerous proofs in their construction of the division of India at a very early period into a number of unequal but independent states, disclosing besides the signs of a people who were already civilised and of gentle character. It would be foreign to my object to trace whence this civilisation arose ; but it may not be impertinent to remark, that it must have arisen from a people far advanced in the codification of their laws. In Menu it was provided that the king should always care for the safety of his sub¬ jects by a vigilance that was unceasing, and a sufficient state of pre¬ paration to meet all emergencies; and this he was to do so far as in him lay without guile. The arts enjoined to be employed against 254 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. enemies were four : firstly—making presents, skewing friendship, and allaying hostility; secondly—sowing divisions amongst his opponents, which was not quite consistent with the previous rule, and the observ¬ ance of which was the great cause of all the after-misfortunes of India; thirdly—negotiations, in which the inhabitants of that clime were always adepts; and lastly—the force of arms, in which to a certain extent they were equal to their enemies. With a sagacity worthy of all praise they were recommended to prefer the last two courses. The king was prompted to regard liis nearest neighbours and their allies as hostile; the powers beyond those as possibly amicable ; and all by whose enmity they could not be immediately reached as neutral, and only to he propitiated or subdued as circumstances might require. A natural result of a policy like this was an injunction that in ordinary cases a resort was to be made to the protection of a more powerful, if not a neighbouring prince, notwithstanding that this protection in¬ volved the necessity of unqualified submission to the power that had rendered the necessary assistance. Great importance was attached to the use of spies, both in negotia¬ tions and in warfare, and minute instructions were given concerning the sort of persons who were to be engaged in that employment; nor has the principle died out with the lapse of ages. They were to be artful active youths, degraded anchorites, distressed husbandmen, de¬ cayed merchants, and fictitious penitents. The rules of war were simple, and having been drawn from the usages and maxims of the Brahminical priesthood, were little suited to the carrying on of conflicts in a widely extended country, and where large numbers of men were employed. The plans of their campaigns resembled rather that adopted in the contests between the Grecian republics and the early tribes of Italy, before Borne had attained to the state and empire which she afterwards wielded with so much effect upon the destinies of the world. In order that the march of a hostile force might be as detrimental as possible to the inhabitants of the invaded district, each sovereign was directed to advance when the vernal or autumnal crop was upon the ground; for it must not be forgotten that there are always two crops in the year in the most fertile districts of India; and to shew how much “ fenced” cities were relied upon, it is stated in the code that one hundred bowmen in a fort were equal to the ten thousand enemies who might besiege it. The army was composed of both cavalry and infantry, the great weapon of both arms of the force being the bow, aided by the sword and shield for close quarters. Elephants were MILITARY DISCIPLINE. 255 much employed then, as they have been ever since in every stage of warfare; and the chariots, such as were used in Arabia and Egypt, formed no unimportant part of the forces. That the science of war was not altogether in its infancy was shewn in the fact, that precise directions were given for the order of march and the arrangement of the troops for battle; but above all, the king was enjoined to recruit his forces from the upper parts of Hindostan, where the best men are still invariably found for warlike purposes. Prize-property belonged of right to him that took it; but if of great extent, and not consequently captured separately, it was divided among the troops who either actually made or assisted in the assault. The laws to be observed in war were humane in the extreme, and the settlement of a conquered country was conducted on equally liberal principles. Immediate safety was secured to all by proclamation; the religion and the laws of the country were to be especially respected; and as soon as it could be ascertained that the conquered people were to be trusted, a prince of the old royal house was to be placed on the throne, and to hold his kingdom only as a fief of, and doing allegiance to, the conqueror. It is strange that, with all this minutiae of expression with respect to the orderly government of a conquered state, not a word was said with respect to the pay of the military by whom it was achieved. In all probability the members of an Indian army were secured by a donation out of the revenues of the state, or by an assignment of lands for their use and support. This assertion would appear to be founded on the fact that the civil officers are all, almost without exception, pro¬ vided for by the assignment of lands. These assignments were made in the first place for specific sums, generally equal to the necessity of the case, and amply sufficient for the services which were to be performed; but it was natural to sim¬ plify the arrangements by transferring the onus of the collection from the simple officer charged with that duty to the chief in the state where the military body was employed. According to the plan adopted by the Mahrattas, the number and description of troops to be maintained by each chief was prescribed; the pay of each division carefully calculated, allowances to the several officers specified, and a certain sum allotted for the personal expenses and remuneration of the chief himself; the terms of service and the mode of mustering, and all the other arrangements, being carefully laid down in the directions. Some portion of the territory was then selected, of which the share 256 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. set aside for tlie government should be sufficient, after all the other demands had been satisfied; and the whole territory yielding that amount, and all above it that he could obtain, was then turned over to the military chief, to make the best he could of it, for himself, his family, or his successors . 2 As time progressed, the art of war among the Hindoos became much more complicated; and when the Mahomedan invasions from Ghuzni began, they had become acquainted with systematic plans, car¬ ried on through several campaigns, instead of the mere forays by which they Avere previously distinguished. The introduction of regular bat¬ talions entirely changed the face of war; and the people of India began to shew a skill in the choice of ground, an activity in the employment of light troops, and a judgment in securing their own supplies and cutting oft those of the enemy, which has seldom been surpassed by any other people. The longer duration of the campaigns rendered their military life more marked than it had been ; and some of the Mahratta 'chiefs lived so entirely in the camp, that they had, apparently, no other capital. From this circumstance, the number of individuals assembled ivere out of all proportion to the fighting men ; and Avhen they moved, they formed a disorderly crowd spread over the country, from ten to twelve miles in length, and from two to three in breadth, besides the parties scattered from the line of march in search of forage or plunder. The main body was very unequally composed. In some places it constituted a compact force, but was in others thin and dispersed, consisting of elephants and camels, horse and foot, carts, palankeens, and bullock-carriages, loaded oxen, porters, women, children, droves of cattle, goats, sheep, and asses, all mingled together in the utmost conceivable disorder, and all enveloped in a thick cloud of dust, which, from its height, was easily discernible from a distance of several miles. When there were regular infantry, they marched in a compact body, the guns forming long lines, and occasioning frequent obstructions from the badness of the roads or the breaking down of the carriages. Many of the troops, however, straggled among the baggage. The usual signs of assemblage were two tall standards, accompanied by kettle-drums representing a folloAving body, which ought to comprise from five hun¬ dred to five thousand men, but which seldom consisted of more than from five to fifty; the other horsemen riding singly or in troops, each with his spear poised upon his shoulder, as suited his pleasure, and the 2 Elphinstone’s India, vol. i. INDIAN ARTILLERY. 257 whole array generally so loose that any one might have ridden at full trot from the rear to the front without causing any particular discom¬ posure of the general mass. Yet, with all this disorder, they were not unprepared on the line of march; and it woidd be difficult, even in our wars, to find an instance of the baggage of a native army cut offj unless when fairly run down by a succession of hard marches. When the troops reached their ground, a better arrangement occurred than might have been expected. Conspicuous flags were planted, mark¬ ing the places allotted to the several chiefs, and every man knew there¬ fore the part of the encampment to which he belonged. The tents were mostly white, but often striped with red, blue, and green, consisting sometimes wholly of these colours. The bazaars were ranged in long and regular streets, comprising shops of all descriptions, as in a city, while the guns and disciplined infantry also occupied regular lines, the other forces being distributed without any visible arrangement. The common tents were low, and of black woollen cloth, sometimes being merely a blanket thrown over the heads of three spears stuck in the ground. Those of the chiefs, some of them especially, were ex¬ tremely rich, formed of canvass screens, divided into courts, reception and sleeping rooms, which were quilted and adorned with most splendid damask or other hangings. The armies were generally fed by large bodies of Banjaras, a tribe whose business it was to carry grain, bring it from distant countries, and sell it to the wholesale dealers, while smaller dealers went to the neighbouring villages and bought from the inhabitants; and though the government never interfered, the native camps were almost always well supplied, though the villagers around were generally rendered destitute by their visit. The most important feature of an Indian battle in the present day consists in their cannonade, for in the management of large guns they are very skilful, and our troops have frequently suffered very severely in consequence. But their most characteristic mode of fighting, besides skirmishing, which is a favourite kind of warfare with them, consists in a grand charge of cavalry, which soon brings the battle to a crisis. Nothing can be more magnificent than such a scene. The sea of horsemen, clad in all the panoply of war, advancing slowly at first, brandishing their spears and other weapons in the light of an Indian sun, shaking their banners, and then thundering along the ground ap¬ parently in an impenetrable phalanx against the opposing force. Their mode is generally to charge in front, and then, by a sudden diversion of a part of their force, attack the flanks at the same time; and the s 25S THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. manceuvre lias frequently called forth the admiration of European antagonists, and is certainly performed with surprising skill by a com¬ paratively undisciplined body of men. These charges, however, though grand in aspect, almost always prove ineffectual against regularly trained soldiers. Frequently there is a body of irregular cavalry attached to an Indian army, who are picked men, well mounted and appointed, of high courage and spirit, and who receive extra pay. The best infantry are men from the banks of the Jumna and .the Ganges, besides Arabs and Scindians, especially the former, who are superior to most of the other inhabitants of Asia in discipline, fidelity, and courage. The internal administration of the country was conducted by a series of civil dependents, consisting of lords of single townships or villages, very much answering to our superintendents of hundreds under the Saxon wittengemote, lords of ten towns, lords of a hundred, and lords of a thousand towns. These were all appointed by the king, and each of these lords had to make a regular periodical report of all the offences committed, and of all the disturbances created, to his imme¬ diate superiors . 3 Each lord of one town was entitled to the provisions and other im¬ positions which pertained to the crown; the lord of ten towns was entitled to take for his emolument the produce of two ploughs of land; the lord of a hundred towns enjoyed the whole of the land attached to a village; and the lord of a thousand, that which was attached as public property to a large town or city; for the Indian officials had what was equivalent to our city demesnes. All officers of this rank were subject to the supervision of state superintendents, who held their authority directly from the sovereign or the state. One of these had to make his residence where complaints might be made or whence orders might be issued; the object being to check abuses, to which, as was very naively said in the code, officials were very prone. With regard to its military government, every state under the an¬ cient regime was partitioned into divisions, in each of which there was a commanding officer, approved for his skill or fidelity, and most probably for both ; but the limits did not at all times, as might naturally be sup¬ posed, correspond correctly with the bounds of the civil jurisdiction. Under the Mahomedan rulers of India the form of government underwent a considerable modification. Whilst in the village commu¬ nities and rural districts much of the ancient Hindoo municipal admi- 3 Elphinstone’s India, vol. i. book ii. ch. xi. MAHOMEDAN RULE. 259 nistration was still maintained, in other and more important districts, as well as in all the large towns and cities, the government assumed a more monarchical form, and became far more centralised . 4 The country under this new regime was divided into provinces, the affairs of which were administered by governors holding their appoint¬ ments direct from the emperor ; and these again were, in some instances, as in the Deccan and Bengal, under the superior control of governors- general or viceroys. The governors had under them agents or kar- dahs, for the smaller divisions of the province. The supervision of the police and the collection of the revenue appears to have been under one management, except in the cities, where the police was maintained in a more distinct and independent form. To the Mahomedans is to be traced the origin of the class known as zemindars, though in those days they were not precisely such as are to be 'found at present. They were not then landowners, though the term does signify a “ holder of land,” but were merely placed over a district or pergunnah, in conjunction with the kardah, with the same functions as those of the headmen of villages, whilst the village accountant was again duplicated in the districts by officers termed canoongoes, without detriment, however, to those ancient Hindoo officials who still continued to exercise their proper functions within their own limits. The real value of any particular form of local government can be best estimated by its effects upon the social condition of the people under it; and judging of the Mahomedan administration by this stand¬ ard, we are bound to admit that it was not ill suited to the wants of the country. Whatever of despotism there may have been, whatever in¬ dividual cases of suffering, there is no doubt that the lives and pro¬ perty of the people at large were well cared for. Watchhouses were placed along the main lines of road, and properly guarded by patroles; whilst in the rural districts the inhabitants of each village’ Avere held accountable for any crime or offence against the laws committed within their limits. Harsh as this may appear in modern days, it nevertheless Avorked exceedingly Avell under the early rulers of Hindostan. With the preceding sketch of the Mahomedan form of government before him, the reader Avill be prepared for an accoimt of the local government of India as it at present exists. The supreme government of India is vested in a governor-general, who is aided by a council, composed of the commander-in-chief, three civil servants of not less than ten years’ standing, and one unofficial member, usually a barrister. The governor-general is also governor of 4 Modem India, by George Campbell, p. 75. 260 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. the presidency of Bengal, with a deputy-governor to act in his absence, and a lieutenant-governor for the north-west provinces, whose station is at Agra. There is no Bengal council; but at each of the other presi¬ dencies the governor is assisted by the commander-in-chief and two ordi¬ nary civil councillors, as in the case of the supreme council at Bengal. The government of India is centralised to a vicious degree. The subordinate governments of Bombay and Madras can make no law, nor expend any sum beyond 1000/., without reference to the supreme government at Calcutta, which must also be furnished with copies of all their proceedings. The patronage of each presidency is exercised by the head of that government, which has also the direction of the military operations of the presidency. The administration of the Bengal government in itself, and irre¬ spective of the supreme functions of the governor-general, is by far the heaviest; extending over a much larger tract of country, including not only the vast densely-peopled provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and the Assam and Arracan countries, but likewise the Tenasserim, and recently the Peguan province. The governor of Ben¬ gal does not interfere with the administration of the north-western government any further than with that of the other presidencies ; and looking to the wide difference which exists between the mechanism of these respective governments, that of Bengal being on the modern Anglo-Mahomedan plan, whilst that of Agra is almost purely on the old Hindoo system, there can be little doubt of the wisdom which has to this extent separated the workings of these two portions of this great presidency. The Bombay government, though small, is not an unimportant one, having many petty states in connexion with it, as well as some politi¬ cal relations along the African and Arabian coasts, together with the charge of the Indian navy. The Presidency of Madras is of considerable extent, comprising the whole of the east and south of the peninsula; yet the duties of its government may be said to be limited, as they are by no means nume¬ rous or complex. The European community here is far less than in either of the other presidencies. The administration of the Punjab and of the Sikh states bordering on the Sutlej is vested, not in the government of the north-west pro¬ vinces, but in that of the supreme government at Calcutta, and distinct from the administration of Bengal Proper. Each of the three presidencies, as well as the sub-presidency of Agra, is divided into districts for purposes of revenue and judicial MACHINERY OF MODERN GOVERNMENT. 261 administration. Under the government of Bengal there are fifty such districts, comprising an area of about 225,000 square miles, and a po¬ pulation of 41,000,000 ; the amount of land-tax derived from this ter¬ ritory being in round numbers 1,500,000£. The Punjab and other provinces under the supreme government alone contain thirty districts, an area of 100,000 square miles, and a population of 10,000,000, with a land-tax yielding to the amount of 1,800,000* The north-west provinces, or government of Agra, with thirty-five districts, embrace an extent of 85,000 square miles, a population of 23,800,000, producing in land-tax 4,100,000^. Madras is divided into twenty-one districts, contains an area of 144,000 square miles, with a population of 16,000,000, and yields for its land-revenue 3,400,000* Bombay, with its seventeen districts, comprises 120,000 square miles, 10,000,000 inhabitants, and yields in its land-tax 2,290,000* 5 The machinery by means of which the governments of the various presidencies are carried on does not differ in any sensible degree, with the exception of the north-western provinces and the Punjab, where the subordinate functions are almost all performed by the old village municipalities as existing since the time of the Hindoo sovereigns, and which are found to work remarkably well both as regards revenue and judicial matters. Immediately under the authority of government, the revenue of each presidency is managed by a board similar in a great degree to our own Board of Customs. This, however, is not the case in Bombay. There are also military boards for the supervision of public works and buildings, and councils of education. These are the controlling powers. The real executive of the country consists of a great number of civil and military servants administering the affairs of each presidency by means of the district divisions already alluded to. At the head of each of these districts is a collector of revenue, who is also a magistrate; he is assisted by a deputy and an assistant-deputy, both of the privileged covenanted service, and by two or three uncovenanted assistants, either European or native : these latter are supposed to be entrusted with all work of too much minutiae or of too little importance to occupy the time of the covenanted servants, but who in reality perform by far the greater portion of the revenue work. Indeed, it is stated that ninety per cent of the real work of the country is performed by the uncove¬ nanted servants of the Company. 5 Modem Iudia, by George Campbell, pp. 230-1. 262 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Attached to each collectorate and cleputy-collectorate are numerous native establishments, poorly paid, and with no hope of rising by in¬ tegrity and energy. The working establishment of the collector is kept perfectly distinct from his magisterial department, and is often distantly situated. In Bengal Proper these offices are seldom combined in one person ; whilst in what are termed the non-regulation provinces, such, for instance, as the Punjab, one official will be judge, magistrate, and collector. A civil judge is in fact a superintendent of the administration of jus¬ tice, the original cases being tried by his many native assistant-judges, the moonsiffs; whilst as criminal or sessions judge he tries, every month, all such cases as have been committed by the magistrate, or sits in appeal on the summary judicial decisions of that functionary. 6 The above constitute the machinery by means of which the go¬ vernment of British India is carried on. And here it may be worth while to state the emoluments drawn by the covenanted civil servants of the Company, i. e. of those who come out through the narrow por¬ tals of the India House and Haileybury College. In the Bengal and Madras branches of this service Ave find 43 offices Avith emoluments ranging betAveen 10,0007 and 48007 a year; 156 ranging from 39007 to 19007 a year; 157 betAveen 1800 and 12007 a year; and 128 Avhere the salaries vary from 10007 to 6007 a year. Such being the rate of remuneration given to the elect of Leadenhall Street, it will be instructive to compare it Avith the emoluments of those who con¬ fessedly carry on, in the name of the European covenanted servants, by far the larger portion of the actual Avork of the country, the un¬ covenanted servants. These officials, numbering about 3000, are re¬ munerated in the folloAving proportion : 20 at from 9607 to 7207 per annum; 137 from 7207 to 4807 ; 325 between 4807 and 3607 ; 1173 betAveen 2407 and 1207 ; and 1147 betAveen 1207 and 247 The totality of the Indian appointments rest in the hands of the Directors of the East India Company ; 7 and seeing that they amount in number to upwards of eight hundred, all of Avhich are certain of entitling their incumbents to from 10007 to 20007 a-year, with the probability of attaining the higher emoluments of from 20007 to 10,0007 per annum, the avidity Avith Avhich a seat in the direction is sought, in spite of the humiliation and toil Avhich it for a long period en¬ tails on the candidates, may be readily understood. Nominated betAveen the ages of seventeen and twenty-one, the candidate is expected to pass a classical examination previous to admission at the Company’s College 6 Modern India, p. 250. 7 Appendix A. THE COVENANTED SERVICE. 263 at Haileybury : this is so slight that very few indeed require training for the occasion. At Haileybury the embryo civilian is located for two years, during which time he is supposed to be qualifying for the discharge of his future Indian duties by the study of Sanscrit, a lan¬ guage as likely to assist him in his after career as would be the dialect of the Ojibbeway Indians. To this very practical course is added a knowledge of the Persian alphabet. But the Sanscrit is the one thing needful, the alpha and omega of the Haileybury professors. At the public examination which takes place before the students re¬ ceive their diplomas enabling them to be drafted off to the scene of their future Sanscrit exploits, there is a great show of orientalism, a strange jargon of unknown tongues utterly bewildering to the listeners; there is a total absence of any acquaintance with the ordinary affairs of the world, or the business of every-day life; and, amidst all the glit¬ ter and sound of oriental alphabets, nineteen out of twenty students are declared to have highly distinguished themselves, while the re¬ maining one is stated to have passed with great credit. The fitting sequel to this imposing exhibition is a carefully studied, carefully delivered oration by the deputy chairman to the highly dis¬ tinguished candidates for eastern celebrity. He dwells upon their happy prospects; upon the vast and magnificent career to which they are des tined; upon the magnitude of the British power, the glory of the British name ; upon the high charge which will be placed in their hands, and bids them go forth to aid in ruling over a hundred millions of fellow creatures; he declares his conviction of the great utility of the Sanscrit language in developing the resources of that promising country; of the service the Persian alphabet will render them in ameliorating the condition of the Indian ryots; of the enormous advantage which an acquaintance with Paley will prove to them in the collection of the land- revenues ; of the aid which the Greek authors will give them on the benches of the civil and criminal courts of India. Thus qualified and thus exhorted, the half-fledged civilian finds his way out to one of the presidencies, well stocked with Sanscrit, natural philosophy, and conceit. 8 Arrived at Calcutta or Bombay, as the case may be, the “ writer,” for so he is termed until placed in some department, is supposed to be occupied for a year or two in perfecting himself in those studies in which he has already so “ highly distinguished” himself. Armed with 8 “ All those who are at all idle, who are not inclined to serve two masters, stick to the Oriental languages, and despise the European sciences, becauso the one secures their appointment and their pay, the other only tends to make them efficient, which is quite another matter .” — Modern India, p. 265. 2G4 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OP INDIA. the qualifications and credentials of Haileybury, the “ writer” naturally feels somewhat hurt at the idea of another course of study within the College of Fort William, and accordingly passes the two or three years considered necessary for his sojourn there in spending in gaiety about tin-ice the amount of pay allotted him,—400Z. a-year, or equal to the salary of two native judges of long service. As another examination is required, a few months spelling and reading over Persian or Urdu hooks by the aid of native pundits generally enables the young civilian to pass; when he is at once drafted oft’ as magistrate, or assistant col¬ lector, or both, to some remote district, the language of which will be perfectly unintelligible to him. 9 Once away from the Presidency College, all goes on swimmingly with the young civilian : he will be attached to the collectorate, or made assistant magistrate, and in either case rapidly falls into the or¬ dinary routine of signing his name to reports, making out abstracts of documents, spelling over the native returns, or doing the preliminary drudgery of the magistrate’s office. This latter functionary will be sure of promotion in less than three years, upon which the assistant is moved up as a matter of course to his seat, where, with a smattering of the dialect of the district, a slight acquaintance with the people, and a still slighter knowledge of their manners and habits, he contrives to get through the work which is allotted to him with not more blun¬ dering than did his late superior when first discharging the same du¬ ties. Two or three years in that office, and if he be not placed in some better-paid magistracy, he will be sure to be made a deputy-collector, for which, of course, his magisterial training will have peculiarly fitted him. His next step will necessarily be to the collectorate j and by the time he has become tolerably efficient in that department, he is once more moved up, and by way of a little change created a judge in civil 9 The late principal of the Calcutta College was a colonel in the Company’s service, who endeavoured, but vainly, to enforce greater attention on the part of the students. On one occasion he detected one of these distinguished youths in the act of copying the Persian exercise of a fellow-student, to save himself the trouble of rendering it. On being remonstrated with, the embryo collector fired with indignation, and told the Colonel that he had acted in a most ungentlemanly manner in looking over his shoulder. The Colonel reported this language; but it was passed over by the “ proper authorities.” Determined, if possible, to compel some amount of study, the principal, previous to an examination, gave each young gentleman an exercise to be rendered into Persian or Urdu, and had them locked up in separate rooms until the page was completed. The weather was sultry, and they prayed the indulgence of syces, or native grooms, to pull the punkahs to cool them; the request was granted, and it was so contrived that each student was waited on by his pundit, or teacher, in the garb of a groom. This accomplished, they changed places ; the young civilian pulled the punkah, whilst the sham syce finished off a first-rate page of Persian. CAREER OF A CIVILIAN. 265 and criminal matters, unless indeed he has evinced a more than ordi¬ nary ability and energy, when he will be considered far too good for the bench, and must remain in the collectorate, the rigid collection of the taxes being considered of much more importance than the proper administration of justice. The duties of a collector, however multifarious they may appear, and however large his district, are not in reality of an alarmingly bur¬ densome nature. He is, in fact, hut a general supervisor, expected to be moving about a good deal, and which, during many months in the year, is indeed his most agreeable occupation. Many of the collec- toratcs are as extensive as any two of our English counties; and over a great part of this wide range he has a little army of functionaries, who need an occasional visit from him, if only to assure himself that they are within their proper divisions. The morning levee of a civilian, previous to mounting his horse for field work, is often a numerous and motley assemblage. Natives of almost every rank press round the great man’s path, each anxious to prefer some prayer, or exchange a friendly greeting with the “ Burra Sahib.” Not unfrequently a good deal of business of a slight nature will be transacted at this moment between the collector and his many native petitioners and clients; and the Hindoo, ever alive to his own interest, reckons, and not untruly, that “ master” is more likely to be in an ami¬ able mood when just risen from rest, than at the end of a long and weari¬ some ride, or after the discharge of a string of vexatious petty duties. From the office of collector, upon 2800/. a } r ear, the civilian may look upwards to some of the better things to be met with at the Boards of Revenue, or in the Secretariat Department, worth 4000/. to 5000/. per annum, which in due time, should he not be promoted to the bench, he will, by the regular course of seniority, be certain to attain. After a service of ten years, the East Indian civilian can claim a fur¬ lough of three years to Europe, on 500/. a year; but if he avails himself of this, his post is filled up, and on his return he must take his chance and wait his time for another appointment. He may, however, obtain leave to the Cape, Australia, and some other places, on one-third of his pay, and without resigning his office. At the end of twenty-two years’ service he may retire on 1000/. a year, having in the meanwhile subscribed at the rate of four per cent to the annuity fund, and a further certain per centage towards the widow and orphan fund. The uncovenanted service consists of the employes of government, nominated on the spot, for the purpose of filling certain subordinate posts, not worth the notice of the regular service, or requiring quali- 266 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. fications to which they cannot pretend. These consist indiscriminately of Europeans, Indo-British, and natives, and number amongst them 1805; but there appears to he no means of ascertaining the relative proportion of each class. These perform by far the greater part of the work of the country, and may not inaptly be termed the “boots” of the sendee, embracing a wide range of appointments, from the judicial office of principal suddur-ameen on 800Z. a year, down to a patrol of the customs department on 50 1. No especial length of service is re¬ quired of them; but when a man becomes quite worn out, not before, he receives one-half or one-third of his salary as pension, according to the period during which he may have served. The lower grades of officials are composed entirely of natives, generally the poorest and most unprincipled, who look to the peculation and bribery of such places as sure means of fortune. When it is re¬ membered that the pay of some of these sub-officials does not amount to more than a few shillings a month, and that every means of adding to their emolument is considered as a legitimate consequence of their position, we can scarcely wonder that extortion and oppression are the universal rules amongst them. Men can be pointed out at the present day in Calcutta who have risen from the most menial posts in police- offices, places of ten shillings a month, to high station and wealth as banians or native money-lenders; and who have but too frequently a dozen or two of their former European masters in their books as their debtors. Once in the power of these men, and a magistrate or civil judge can no longer pretend to independent action. The relative posi¬ tion of the needy magistrate and the wealthy banian is notorious among the common people; and a native having a suit before the former has but to rank himself by bribes as a client of the latter, to insure the complete success of his case. Such is a picture of the constitution of the present civil service of India, and its offshoot, the “ uncovenanted.” From the lips of all but civilians is gathered one unanimous verdict upon the civil service of India—that its exclusiveness should be swept away, and that it be made the public service of British India; that in place of the appoint¬ ments to these eight hundred valuable posts being left in the hands of twenty-four elderly gentlemen, to be dispensed to relations and per¬ sonal friends, they should be made available to the entire community of the parent country and of India, by being left open to public com¬ petition as prizes for the most talented youth of the day. The efficiency of the judicial branch of the service will be ex¬ amined hereafter. That the revenue-branch is not far in advance of EFFICIENCY OF THE SERVICE. 2G7 it, there is just ground to believe, except that all those civilians who possess any degree of ability are careful 1}’ retained for revenue pur¬ poses ; and therefore there are in this department some creditable exceptions to the all-but-universal barrenness. The most able advo¬ cate of the service 10 cannot defend the general low tone of ability and acquirements amongst his confreres ; and even their own masters, the Bengal authorities, in recently published documents, declare that their servants of the collectorate are grossly inefficient; for they are told that “ it is unreasonable to expect a collector to be competent to re¬ view a settlement, if he does not know what a settlement is, or how it is to be made !” And further, “ it cannot be right that the officer who has to review all the settlements made in his district, to administer every ward’s estate, and to manage every estate that comes under his own immediate superintendence, should have no personal acquaintance with any part of his district out of sight of his own house; should never have any direct or intimate relations with ryot or talookdar, or any practical knowledge of the rates, tenures, and common agricultural customs of his district .” n It is clear that, notwithstanding the Sanscrit of Haileybury and the Persian of Fort William, the exotics of the Company’s service are but ill adapted for the tasks allotted them. They are not more vigo¬ rous or healthy than the productions of any other forcing-house. Whatever may be the difference of opinion as to the mode of remedy¬ ing this state of things, there can be no question as to the existence of the evil. Neither can it be denied, that whatever may be the future mode of distributing the patronage of the service in England, a fair share should be left for the native talent of India. That the necessary talent is to be found sufficiently abundant, there is most ample testi- 10 Mr. George Campbell, B.C.S., in his Modem India. 11 “ Tho bulk of both services are below the average of educated men at home ; and it is not difficult to understand why they should be. * * * * They settle down in some civil or military station, as the case may be, where temptations to idleness are always greater than inducements to exertion ; their acquaintance is exceedingly limited ; and they are throughout life absolutely without the stimulants that rouse ability in great communities ; if they live, they rise, and in this conviction they remain in a state of mediocrity and contentment. It is worse with the soldier than with the civilian, because ho comes out at an earlier age, and, as a ride, with an inferior edu¬ cation. It is not an uncommon thing to find officers in this country who cannot write a common letter with ordinary propriety, who cannot spell as well as a boy of twelve might be expected to do ; who have the most confused idea of the use of capital letters, and of punctuation none at all. We have lately smiled when perusing some questions in history, ancient and modem, the classics, &c. &c. prepared for our embryo heroes, and wished that they had been replaced by moderate tests in reading, writing, and arithmetic.”— Indian Charter, 1851. 268 TIIE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. mony; talent, too, combined with the most perfect integrity. India must not be judged by the vile offscourings of native society gathered about the courts of justice, as sheristadars, amlahs, &c., the merest jackals of the law. The large number of native gentlemen who ably and honestly fill judicial and magisterial subordinate situations — sub¬ ordinate in emolument, though the very reverse in duties—testify to the abundance of native talent. In the Bengal presidency the number of offices with more than 30/. a month, held by natives, does not exceed one hundred and five, and this amongst a population of forty millions. At the same time, the British foreigners in the same presidency monopolise amongst them three hundred and twenty-seven offices, the salaries of which vary from 600/. to 10,000/. a year ! There was, it is true, a great parade of doing justice to the natives in the charter of 1833, wherein it was especially enacted, that no dis¬ ability from holding office in any subject of the crown, by reason of birth, religion, descent, or colour should any longer continue. No doubt the friends of India believed at the time that a most important concession was made in that very liberal clause. But the Court of Di¬ rectors, in becoming parties to the enactment, did so in much the same spirit as that in which Pecksniff, when parting from his pupil, bade him “ be jovial and kill the fatted calf.” The Pecksniffian clause, like the permission of the sham architect, has proved a “ polite compli¬ ment” rather than a ‘- substantial hospitality the practice of exclud¬ ing natives from all important and really remunerative offices remain¬ ing as universal in 1853 as it was in 1833. It is monstrous to say that the natives of India are unfitted to carry on the work of the state. They do carry it on, and have done so for many years in the name of their English superiors, who get all the credit and nearly all the pay, leaving them the poor satisfaction of be¬ holding their light exalted in another’s candlestick. It has been truly observed by a most competent authority in Indian matters, 12 that it is absurd to suppose the native should be less able to do well when working on his own responsibility and for his own credit, than when he works on the responsibility and for the credit of his European superior. Our Maliomedan predecessors may have been less enlightened in their theories of government than ourselves ; but they were at any rate more just, and shewed more wisdom in their practice than we can boast of. They found it, as they believed it to be, best to employ the 12 Lord Metcalf. BRITISH CONNECTION WITH NATIVE STATES. 2G9 native talent of the country in the administration of affairs. There was no exclusive foreign service, no privileged exotic class, no hot-house civilians in those barbarous days. They were content to use the indi¬ genous talent of the country, blended with a few Mahomedan governors of provinces ; and hence it was, that although they could afford to pay all liberally, there were no enormous civil lists; consequently we find that although the emperors of Delhi possessed not nearly the territory in the hands of the East India Company, and collected less revenue by a third than is raised at the present time, and were moreover always engaged in costly wars, they nevertheless found ample means for carry¬ ing out gigantic works of public utility, lived in a state of the most gor¬ geous orientalism, and yet contrived, notwithstanding all this, to accu¬ mulate many millions sterling in their treasuries. Well may it be said that our government of India is a “ costly sham,”— a gilded mockery. It is time it was made a stern reality, a substantial good to a hundred millions of our fellow-subjects, dark-skinned though they be. The relations subsisting between the East Indian government and the many native states comprised within the limits of the British terri¬ tories require some notice in this chapter, not only from their connec¬ tion with our rule in the East, but as testifying to the state of govern¬ mental morality in these distant possessions. Within the red-line which marks the extent of the Company’s do¬ minions are many native states, varying as much in extent and con¬ dition as in their form of government. Amongst them may be found regions under the rule of Hindoos, Mahomedans, Mahrattas, and Raj¬ poots. Together they comprise an area of about 700,000 square miles, with a population of 52,000,000, and yielding revenues amounting in the aggregate to nearly 1.3,000,0007 sterling. With the single excep¬ tion of the small northern state of Nepaul, the whole of these are directly subject to our political power, and dependent upon us for their military protection. They maintain amongst them a large num¬ ber of irregular troops, understood to be at our disposal on any emer¬ gency, and on no account to be employed beyond their own territories, unless with our express sanction. Besides these they maintain about 30,000 well-disciplined troops, commanded by British officers, also at our disposal, but ordinarily left for their own requirements. The British government have guaranteed them full protection against all external enemies; for which a consideration has been sti¬ pulated for, either in the shape of territory annexed, as in the cases of the Nizam, the king of Oude, &c., or by annual tributes, which latter amount to upwards of half a million sterling. This may appear a small 270 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. sum for their protection ; but the territories relinquished by them in addition were of far greater value, and the support of the native con¬ tingents must also form an important item during the year. Valuable, however, as were the countries ceded under these arrangements, thej r appear to have resulted in absolute loss instead of gain ; and whereas under their own native governments they yielded considerable sums to the local treasuries, now that they are ruled by the Honourable Com¬ pany they are absolutely barren and unproductive as far as any reve¬ nue is concerned; a poor return, the reader may imagine, for the great honour conferred upon them of British Company’s collectors, judges, and magistrates, and above all British Company’s law! I cannot, I must confess, agree with those advocates of universal Indian annexation, who persist in attributing all our failures in these cases to stopping short of the complete subjugation of every indepen¬ dent state. Their advice is precisely that of the great quack vegetarian, when told by a patient that his pills were inefficacious, although his instructions had been most rigidly observed. The vendor of pills de¬ clared that the sick man could not have taken enough of them; to which the other replied, that he had swallowed the largest dose pre¬ scribed in any case, viz. a whole boxful. “ But,” asked the impudent quack, “ did you swallow the box also 1” The patient was staggered, and declared that such a proceeding had not occurred to him. “ Ah !” rejoined the bold vegetarian, “ I thought not. Co home and try the box.” Even thus our Indian quacks would have the state try the native “ box,” regardless of the consequences. The loss of revenue, however, is not the only disadvantage we labour under in regard to our intimate connection with the native states. There is the loss of reputation to be taken into account; a loss which although not as yet apparent in this country, has long been matter of notoriety in India, and cannot any longer be hidden even here. 13 It will reflect everlasting disgrace upon the British name that the most solemn engagements, the most formal treaties with many native princes, some of whom had long proved themselves our staunch and unfailing allies, should have been utterly disregarded and cast aside to suit the po¬ litical or pecuniary purpose of the day; that reputation should have been weighed in the balance against rupees, and made to kick the beam; that the good faith of a Christian country should have been thought as nothing when placed against a few hundred miles of Indian territory ! 13 While these pages are going through the press, a very interesting and truthful pamphlet has made its appearance, which the reader will do well to peruse : Indian Wrongs without a Remedy (Saunders and Stanford, Charing Cross). THE OUDE CONTINGENT. 271 By those who are anxious to defend the existing state of things, a great parade has been made of the sums paid annually as pensions to the ex¬ rajahs and nabobs ; but all mention is carefully avoided of the obligations of the East India Company to make not only those payments, but others which have been shamefully put aside. Not a word is said of the im¬ mense tracts of country made over to the government, for which those pensions were a consideration ; nor is any thing said of the large extent of private landed property belonging to those ex-rulers, which, contrary to all plighted engagements, have been confiscated by the Honourable Company, and for which act of spoliation there is no re¬ dress ! Even worse than this, some of the stipulated pensions, after being paid regularly to the ex-princes and their families for a score of years, have been cut down to the merest pittance; so that these de¬ scendants of the former rulers of India find themselves in danger of coming to beggary and starvation. The case of the kingdom of Oude is a peculiar one, but not less re¬ volting to all right-minded men. In that country a native force is kept up nominally as a contingent for our use when required, which it is never likely to be, and which is commanded by British officers. The government of Oude, unlike that of other native states of the present day, is in the hands of a weak and dissolute prince, who confides all power to the hands of his minister, a man of an avaricious and cruel dis¬ position. The people of Oude are so ground down by the arbitrary tax¬ ation of this vizier's minions, that it rarely happens that some province is not in open revolt against the farmers of the revenue. It is not at all an uncommon thing for these creatures of iniquity to declare to the minister that the people of a certain province refuse to pay their share of taxation, when they have already received and squandered it. A force is accordingly sent into the unfortunate district to compel pay¬ ment, and the people, naturally enough averse to pay a second time, oppose force by force. In this manner we see British officers heading the Oude contingent, and leading on the troops to seize cattle, tools, household property, etc. in satisfaction of claims long since settled. Many of our countrymen are quite aware of the real state of things, and are naturally disgusted at having to act the part of sheriffs' officers to an Indian despot. But protests arc in vain ; and the Indian govern¬ ment, when it might well disclaim all participation in such transac¬ tions, rigidly acts up to the letter of its Oude treaty, although dis¬ regarding more honourable engagements. 272 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. CHAPTER II. THE FISCAL SYSTEMS OF INDIA, ANCIENT AND MODERN, AND THEIR EFFECTS ON THE INDUSTRY OF THE PEOPLE. H aving sliewn the nature of the ancient political institutions of India as compared with those existing at the present time, it will he not less necessary to the right estimation of the modern fiscal system of the three presidencies, that an account of it be prefaced by an outline of the mode in which the Hindoo and Mahomedan rulers of India raised their revenues. Commencing with the earliest records bequeathed to us, — the code of Menu, — it will be seen that the public revenue of the state was in those remote ages derived from a comparatively small number of sources. By far the largest portion arose from a share of the agricultural produce of the country ; next to this came certain taxes on commerce, a trifling impost levied on persons engaged in business, — small traders and shopkeepers; and lastly, twelve days’ service from every mechanic during each year. On grain, from one-twelfth to one-sixth was levied, according to the soil, the labour, and the expense involved in its cultivation; but this also might be raised in times of emergency to one-fourth, and must have been, in all ordinary seasons, the main dependence of the state. On the clear annual increase of trees, honey, perfumes, and the other natural productions of the country, not excepting manufactures, one- sixth was levied. But the king had another means of obtaining revenue. He was entitled to one-fifth on the profits of all sales. Estates for which there were no ostensible heirs were dealt with as escheats to the crown; and so was all property which remained for three years unclaimed after a proclamation of its vacancy. The sovereign was also entitled to half of the precious minerals contained in the earth within the bounds of his dominion. It has been supposed that, in addition to the rights thus exercised HINDOO MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. 273 by the king, he possessed an absolute right in the soil of the country, since in one of the articles of Menu it is directed that where an occu¬ pier neglects to sow his land, he shall be directly responsible for the consequences to the king. It is, however, pretty clearly stated else¬ where in the code, “ that land was the property of him who cut away the wood;” that is, of him by whom it was cleared and tilled. Yet it is strange that, although so many occasions must have called for it, little, indeed no mention is made of the property of individuals in land. It is true that there is something said of the boundaries of different properties; and in one place an argument is illustrated by supposing seed belonging to one man being sown in land which was the property of another. Gifts of land are spoken of elsewhere, as if it were in the power of individuals to confer them; and the division of inheritances, and the rules about mortgages, in describing the wealth of individuals, and for disposing of the property of banished men, are clearly laid down. As time advanced, the form of Hindoo municipal government was modified, but never altered in principle. Throughout all the convulsions of India, the townships still re¬ mained entire. In those days the district thus named was a com¬ pact piece of land; for the size of which, as in English parishes, there was no prescribed rule. The lands were divided into portions, the boundaries of which were as carefully marked as those of the township; and the names, qualities, extent, and proprietors were all minutely en¬ tered in the records of the community. Each township conducted its own internal affairs, had its regular coterie of municipal officers, levied the revenues due to the state from its members, was collectively respon¬ sible for the full amount, managed its own police; and though entirely subject, as a portion of the state, to the general government, was, in almost eveiy respect, an organised commonwealth, complete within itself. This independence, with its concomitant privileges, though often violated by the government, was never denied. A township, in its simplest form, was under the direction of an officer called the headman, considered to be the representative of the king, and formerly l-emovable at pleasure; but the office finally be¬ came hereditary, and the headman in reality became the representa¬ tive of the people; for although he had an annual allowance from the government, the greater part of his income was derived from fees paid by the villagers. He was held personally responsible for their state engagements, and was often thrown into prison in cases of resistance and failure of revenue from the township. He was the principal autho- T 274 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. rity in all disputes; decided every point of public interest; consulted freely with the villagers, whenever the general welfare required it; let such lands as had no fixed occupants; and, in short, was the head and chief of the municipal government. The headman had associated with him two other officers, called respectively the watchman and the accountant. The latter kept the village records, containing a full description of the nature of the lands of the village, with the names of the former and present owners, the rent, and other terms of occupancy. He also kept the accounts of the villagers both with the government and between themselves. The watchman was the guardian of the boundaries, both public and private, watched the crops; was the public guide and messenger, and, next to the headman, the chief officer of police; was bound to find out the possessor of any stolen property within the township, or to trace him till he had passed the boundary, when the responsibility was transferred to the next neighbour. The money-changer may also be considered as an assistant to the headman, as he was the assayer of all the money, and also the silver¬ smith of the village. This was the usual mode of village government, where there was no intervention between the actual occupier of the soil and the prince; but in some parts of India in the present day, especially in the north, and the extreme south, there is in each village a community which con¬ stitutes the township by itself, and which has the other inhabitants for its tenants. The persons constituting this community are generally re¬ garded as the absolute proprietors of the soil, and are acknowledged to possess a heritable and transferable interest in the land wherever they exist. Such villages are sometimes governed by one head; but more generally each branch of the family composing the community, or each family, if there be more than one, has its own head, who manages its internal affairs, and unites with the heads of the other divisions to con¬ duct the general business of the village. Where there were village landholders, they formed the first class of inhabitants; but there were four other classes of inferior degree. They were termed respectively permanent tenants, temporary tenants, la¬ bourers, and shopkeepers, who took up their abode in a village for the advantage of a market. The rights of the landholders pertained to them collectively ,—and though they had more or less a partition amongst them, there was never any thing like an entire separation of the property. Their rights varied in different parts of the country; and where their tenure was LAND TENURE AND TENANTS. 275 most perfect, they held their lands subject to a fixed produce-payment to the government. In all villages there were two descriptions of tenants who rented the lands of the village landholders, where there were such proprietors; and of the government, where there were none. These tenants were commonly called ryots, and were divided into two classes—the tempo¬ rary and the permanent. The permanent ryots were those who cul¬ tivated the lands where they resided, retained them during their lives, and transmitted them to their children at their death. They have often been confounded with the village landholders; hut the distinction is sufficiently marked where any proprietary fee exists, for in that no tenant ever participates. The temporary tenant cultivated the land of a village to which he did not otherwise belong, holding by an annual lease, written or understood, the best description of land being occu¬ pied by the resident tenant; an inferior kind, for which there was little competition, fell to him; and for that reason, and on account of his other disadvantages, he held his land at a lower rate than the per¬ manent tenant. There was, however, another description of tenant who ought to he mentioned, though he held a very different position to the others. This grade consisted of men whose caste or condition in life prevented their engaging in manual labour; or their women from taking part in any employment that required them to appear before men. In considera¬ tion of these disadvantages, these tenants were allowed to hold land at a favourable rate, so as to enable them to avail themselves of their skill and capital by means of hired labourers. In Canara, Malabar, and Travancore, the land is held in absolute property by single individuals, subject to a fixed payment to the state. The zemindars, or great lords of the soil, derive their property from direct grants by the king, who also frequently alienates lands for reli¬ gious objects, or as rewards for military services. In later periods during the rule of the Tartar conquerors of Hin- dostan, innovations of various kinds crept in, pressing more or less upon the industry of the people. These innovations, however, in no way affected the forms of assessment, or the machinery for the collec¬ tion of the taxes ; these were, doubtless, found to do their work too well to be interfered with. It was in the augmentation rather than the mode of levying the local taxation that the cultivators felt the hardship of the new order of things. This increase was made not so much by openly raising the king’s proportion of the crop, as by means of various taxes and cesses, some 276 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. falling directly on the land, and others directly or indirectly affecting the cultivator. Taxes on ploughs, cattle, &c. constituted the first kind; and those on music at certain ceremonies, or marriages with widows, &c., and new taxes on consumption, constituted the other. Practically there was no regular limit to these demands hut the ability of those on whom they fell to satisfy them, and consequently the villagers used every possible endeavour to conceal their incomes. For this purpose they resorted to all kinds of devices, understating the amount of their crops, and abstracting a part without the know¬ ledge of the collector. Very often they concealed the stated quantity of the land under cultivation, and falsified their records, so as to render detection all but impossible. By these means, not less than by the connivance of such revenue-officers as were open to bribes, the actual revenues of the crown were at best an uncertainty, and a continual source of heart-burnings between the governing and the governed. This unsatisfactory state of things was understood, and to a great extent remedied, by some of the Tartar rulers of India. Altbar Khan, the great reformer of taxation, probed deeply into the then wide- spreading disease which threatened to eat into the vital prosperity of the country. From the published memoirs of his talented prime mi¬ nister, Abul Fazl, we gather, that for a period of more than twenty years the exertions of this sovereign were directed to a complete exa¬ mination into, and revision of, the taxation of land. The result of this laborious and minute investigation was the com¬ pilation of a series of tables shewing the collection per beegah (a mea¬ sure of land) on twenty articles of the spring, and thirty of the autumn crops, in the years 1560 to 1578 inclusive, in the vice-royalties of Agra, Oude, Allahabad, Delhi, Malwa, Moultan, and Lahore. From these an assessment was formed, not on the land but on the crops pro¬ duced by it, shewing rates, which, taken in reference to the surface of the land under culture, gave averages of from Is. Id. for linseed to 14s. 2\d. for sugar-cane. The settlement of these taxes on the above tables was for a period of ten years, when a re-assessment would take place. But, independ¬ ently of these reforms in the fiscal administration of the country, Akbar appears to have kept up the integrity of native institutions of police, courts of justice, &c.; and, whilst he gave security to life and property, was not less attentive to the moral and social wants of his subjects, providing them liberally with the means of education, with good roads, bridges, and artificial means of irrigation, at all times of the utmost importance to the well-being of an Indian agricultural country. TARTAR AND BRITISH SYSTEMS. 277 If, then, as has been argued, though not proved, the Tartar rulers of India wrung as much from the inhabitants as has been taken by their English successors, the advocates of the former may at least maintain, what cannot be advanced by the latter, that they gave full value for what they took; that they administered a full measure of jus¬ tice to high and low; that the agriculturist had most ample means of irrigation; that the trader could convey his goods many hundreds of miles along roads at all times safe and in good repair; and that, what¬ ever fault may be found with this system, the bulk of the people lived in those times in comparative affluence and security. That all this must have been so, we need seek for no further proofs than are to be found among the remains of the magnificent public works of those days,—the noble aqueducts, the vast tanks, the interminable roads planted on either side with shady trees, the many wells and rest-houses for travellers, the splendid palatial dwellings of the rich still abounding throughout the country, the mouldering ruins of once-busy cities, the desolate market¬ places, and the jungle-grown towns and villages. The moss-grown marble terraces, the stagnant water-courses, the owl-inhabited man¬ sions and temples, the solitary pillar and arch, the tiger-swamps that engulf whole cities of the dead,—all these bear silent testimony to the once-happy working of that system which we of the civilised West—of Christian England, have rooted out from the land, to replace with a miserable mockery, a governmental fraud of such enormous magnitude, of such wicked viciousness, that future generations, without ample testimony to the contrary, may well discredit the possibility of its existence, even in the very worst days of the worst types of bureau¬ cratic imbecility and red-tapeism. The subversion of the ancient order of things was not the work of a short period; it was not the earlier administrations which undertook this crusade against existing institutions. As in religious matters, the British rulers of India have swept away heathenism and its morality, and replaced it by infidelity and no morality,—as in the administration of justice, they have rooted out the old simple codes and effective establishments, and substituted for them a legal patchwork administered by functionaries of whom nearly all who are not incompetent are corrupt; so in the more important part of their fiscal system, they have overturned the labours of many ages, scorning the lessons of dear-bought experience, and, except in the countries on the north-west, have supplanted the righteous taxation of Hindoo rulers by the most impracticable and the most ruinous systems which it ever fell to the lot of politico-economical quacks to hazard. 278 THE THREE PRESIDENCIES OF INDIA. Before discussing the present amount of and mode of levying the land-tax of India, I will place before the reader a general statement of the revenues of the three Presidencies, from which he will at once perceive that the tax above alluded to forms by far the largest item of the whole income of the government. The following table presents a comprehensive view of the entire taxation of British India as it exists at the present time, the amount being stated in pounds sterling for convenience sake, taken at 2s. the rupee. Source of revenue. Gross revenue. Nett revenue. Cost of collecting per cent. Per centage on total revenue. Land revenue. Excise and moturpha . . . £ 15,178,676 1,088,254 £ | 13,551,752 10* 58* Opium.. 4,562,586 3,358,684 26* 14* Salt. 3,189,214 2,703,752 15 HI Customs. 946,561 816,074 13£ 3J Stamps, fees, and fines . . 593,982 590,169 4 2* Tobacco -.. 115,000 88,448 23 i Post-office, mint, and other sources . >1,979,041 1,979,041 2 s i £ 27,753,314 23,067,920 It is thus seen how large an item is formed by three of the leading taxes of India, viz. on land, opium, and salt, whence, indeed, are de¬ rived about eighty-five per cent of the entire revenues. 1 2 3 Deducting the sum received from native states in payment of military protection afforded them, we have a round sum of twenty-two millions sterling as forming the revenues of India at the present moment. By reference to the tables in the Appendix, 4 it will he seen in what proportion this is derived from the several divisions of the country, and in what marked contrast the charge of each presidency stands as against their income. So much has been said and written about the taxation of British 1 Of this sum, 566,6942 are receipts from native states towards the support of British troops for their protection. 2 Cost of collection charged against general revenues, and said to he equal to the gross amount collected; actual nett revenue from these would therefore be nil. 2 Campbell’s Modern India, p. 427. * Appendix B. BRITISH AND INDIAN TAXATION. 279 India, that it will be well, before proceeding any further, to examine the hearing which the above amount must have upon the actual re¬ sources of the people. The taxation of a country may be vicious in two very different shapes,—either by its excessive amount, or, being moderate, by the mode in which it is levied. The bulk of the people of India, unfortunately, suffer from both these evils. Taking the gross revenue of the country, and deducting from that sum the amount of the opium-tax as really paid by foreigners, and the sums received from native princes for military protection, we have a total amount of 22,000,000^. levied upon the inhabitants of the three Presidencies. The population of British India at the present time is, in round numbers, one hundred millions. 5 These figures will therefore give an average of nearly 4s. 5d. a-liead; not a large sum in itself, but when compared with the earnings of the great mass of people, a heavy and oppressive load. In Great Britain the taxation gives, as nearly as possible, 33s. per head of the population, about seven times that of our Indian fellow- subjects. But the paying powers of the two nations widely differ. Fifteen shillings a week is a fair average, in the present day, for the earnings of the English labouring classes; accordingly, they appear to be taxed to the extent of thirteen days’ labour in the year. To estimate the actual earnings of the great mass of Hindoos, wages in the cities and towns must not be taken as a criterion; for whilst in England the townspeople are the greater tax-payers, in India 70 per cent of the taxation falls upon the mass of the people not dwelling in towns. Some reliable official documents on this subject, 6 fortunately, leave no doubt upon the matter. These statistical returns shew, that in a rural district (that of Cawnpore) fairly representing the average of the agricultural part of the country, the greater portion of the cultivators realise but 51. per annum; from this, one-fourth, at the lowest calculation, must be taken for government land-tax, and one- fourth as rent to the proprietor, leaving 21. 10s. to defray cost of seed, tools,